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HEIJPY i5T EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND KG
From an Illuminated M S. in the Bnush Mu^e-im

Stattate

OF

FROM THE CONQUEST TO THE OPENING
OF THE NINETEENTH
CENTURY.

BY

EDWARD BARRINGTON DE FONBLANQUE.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOLUME I.

^mtbon :
PRINTED BY RICHARD CLAY & SONS, BREAD STREET HILL,
FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION ONLY.
1887.

Jj d 33 p

PREFACE.

* HE late Lord Henry Percy,1 whose
friendship it had been my privilege to
enjoy, once expressed to me his regret
that there existed no connected records
of his ancestry, treated from an his
torical point of view ; and, in the course of subsequent
references to this subject, asked me whether I should
be inclined to undertake the composition of such a
work, in the event of the head of his house proving
willing to place the family archives at my disposal.
I was yet engaged in formulating a plan of the
proposed task when Lord Henry died suddenly.
1 Lieutenant-General Lord Henry Hugh Manvers Percy, $¦-(£.,
K.C.B., Colonel of the 89th Regiment of Foot, the youngest son of
the fifth Duke of Northumberland, born in 18 17. He entered the
Grenadier Guards in 1836, and served in that corps, with a few short
intervals of Staff employment, until he attained the rank of Major-
General in 1865. In 1854 he accompanied the First Battalion to the
Crimea, and was wounded in leading his company up the Alma
heights, and again at the Battle of Inkerman, where his conspicuous
gallantry won him the newly-instituted order of Valour. (See Kinglake's
Invasion of the Crimea, vol. v. p. 262, and Sir Frederick Hamilton's
History of the Grenadier Guards, vol. iii. pp. 190 and 226.) In the
following year he was entrusted with the duty of raising and organising
an Anglo-Italian Legion in Sardinia, and was subsequently nominated
English Commissioner (with the rank of Pasha) to the Turkish army,

PREFACE.
Knowing how much he had had the project at heart,
I thought it right to submit the correspondence which
had passed between us in this matter to the Duke of
Northumberland, who at once determined to give
effect to his brother's wishes, and entrusted me with
the preparation of the work upon the lines suggested
by me.
The materials at Alnwick Castle and Syon House
— although these collections of MSS. are extensive,
important and interesting — proved to fall very far
short of Lord Henry's estimate, in as far as relates
to their bearing upon family history. Indeed, con
sidering the very conspicuous part which the Percies
had played in public affairs for so long a period, the
paucity of documents in their possession connected
with the share they had taken in civil and military
transactions from the Conquest downward is difficult
to account for, although it may, in earlier times, have
been in some measure due to the several attainders
and confiscations to which the Percies had been
subject. Subsequently the neglect in the preservation
of family documents may be ascribed to the alienation
sent for the relief of Kars under Omar Pasha. When, in 1861, an expe
dition was fitted out in consequence of the insult offered to our Flag by
the American Captain Wilkes's seizure of the Southern Commissioners
on board an English mail steamer, Colonel Percy embarked for Canada
in command of the First Battalion of the Grenadiers, and shortly after
his return was promoted to the command of a Brigade at Aldershot,
but resigned that appointment on being elected to Parliament for
North Northumberland. Thenceforth, unfortunately, the precarious
state of his health precluded him from reverting to that military
employment to which he had devoted all the energies of his past life
and his remaining years were occupied in foreign travel and in the
cultivation of his many refined and artistic tastes. He died of heart
disease at his house in Eaton Square on 3rd December, 1877.
vi

PREFACE.
of Petworth, and the Percy Fee in Yorkshire
and Cumberland. Among the MSS. in the British
Museum and the Record Office, however, as well
as in old printed chronicles and histories, most of
them long since buried under the dust of ages, I have
been enabled to glean much interesting information
tending to throw light upon the subject of my
labours ; and, in common with all others engaged in
historical research, I have been deeply indebted to
those invaluable Calendars of State Papers published
under the authority of the Master of the Rolls.
E. Barrington de Fonblanque.
Athenaeum Club,
London, 1887.

vn

CONTENTS
OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
THE NORMAN PERCIES.
Origin of the ancestors of the Percies — Among the invaders under Rollo — Norman
nomenclature — William de Percy accompanies the Conqueror to England —
His marriage with Emma de Port, a Saxon lady — Obtains great influence
in the Northern Counties — Noble conduct of the Norman clergy — Foundation
of religious houses — William de Percy founds Whitby Abbey — Serlo de Percy
elected Abbot of Whitby — Dispute with his brother regarding the rights of
the abbey — Extent of the lands of William de Percy — Amount of land re
quired to constitute a knight's fee — William de Percy held thirty-two knights'
fees — Alan de Percy and his seven sons — William de Percy, fourth baron
— Supports the usurpation of King Stephen — Obtains the lordship of Petworth
— Ralph de Percy — Popular legend regarding — The heiresses Maud and Agnes
— Lady Maud's bequests to Richard de Percy — Jocelyn de Louvain weds
Lady Agnes de Percy — Her death — Norman line of the Percies ends with
her . ...   Pages 1—33

CHAPTER II.
THE PERCIES OF LOUVAIN.
Henry de Percy — Obtains by marriage the Manor of Lekinfield — Curious condition
attached to the tenure of this manor — Is succeeded by his son, William de Percy
¦ — His uncle, Richard de Percy, usurps his rights for a time, and becomes a
favourite of King Richard I. — Character of King John — Harries the North of
England — The baronial league against him — A scene in Parliament — William,
the seventh Lord Percy — His seven sons and their various fortunes — The second
Henry de Percy. — His various public offices — The Earl of Warren and Surrey —
Death of the ninth Baron de Percy  Pages 35 — 49
IX

CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
Henry de Percy, first Lord of Alnwick — Obtains a licence to fortify his castles of
Spofforth, Lekinfield, and Petworth — His military exploits — Border warfare —
Is rewarded for his share in the victory of Dunbar — Specimen of thirteenth
century military despatches — Is appointed a Commissioner for negotiating a
peace with Scotland — Scottish hostages — Equity of feudal service— Is the
subject of a curious heraldic poem — Subscribes the famous letter of remon
strance to Pope Boniface — The Barons and the Church of Rome — Wallace and
Percy — Obtains large grants of land in Scotland — Origin of Alnwick Castle
— The French favourite, Piers de Galvestone — The Baronial Confederacy against
him — He is seized and executed — Lord Percy is taken prisoner at the battle
of Bannockbourne — His ransom and death — Henry, the second Lord of Alnwick
— Joins the Baronial League against the new favourite — The Spensers — His
share in bringing Mortimer to death — Is granted for life the castle, manor,
and lands of Warkworth — Takes part in the battle of Halidon Hill, and
in the wars with France — The battle of the Sluys — The victory of Crecy —
Commands the English army at the battle of Neville's Cross — Derivation of the
name of Percy — Last employment and death of the second Lord of Alnwick —
His family — Additions made to Alnwick Castle during his lifetime — Physical
traits of Henry de Percy, the third Lord of Alnwick — His marriage and
military exploits — His second marriage and death — Benefactions of the Percies
to York Cathedral _   Pages 50 — 96

CHAPTER IV.
HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
State of England during the life of the fourth Lord Percy of Alnwick— The French
wars— At the battle of Poitiers — His marriage — Warden of the Scottish Marches
— Joins the expedition to Castile — At the battle of Navaretta— Sir Thomas
Percy and the fate of Chandos— Is made Seneschal of Poitou— Takes the castle
of Montcontour by assault— Is taken prisoner and shortly after ransomed— Lord
Percy in Scotland— In France— Returns to the Borders— Attends the " Good"
Parliament— Lancaster and the Commons — John Wyclif— Is tried for defying
the Pope— Tumult in the City against Lancaster and Percy— Lord Percy is
reconciled to the citizens— Is created Earl of Northumberland by investiture
of the sword— His various offices in the State— Sir Thomas Percy appointed
Admiral of the fleet north of the Thames— His exploits at sea— A naval
engagement-Henry Hotspur-Hardyng's account of the training of a young
noble of the fourteenth century— Berwick Castle assaulted and taken by
Hotspur- Northumberland invaded by the Scots in retaliation-The doings
of the Duke of Lancaster-Northumberland appointed Admiral of the North-
Thefeud between Lancaster and Northumberland-Border raids-Northumber
land mames Maud, heiress of Lord Lucy-Possessions he obtained with her-
X

CONTENTS.
Plot against Hotspur — Expedition of the Duke of Lancaster to Castile — Sir
Thomas Percy commands the fleet — Results of the expedition — The Scots
invade England — Encounter between Hotspur and Douglas — The battle of
Otterboume — Hotspur and Sir Ralph Percy are taken prisoners — Hotspur
ransomed — The ballad of Chevy Chace — Character of Richard II. — The
Duke of Gloucester's league — The "wonder-working" Parliament — Hotspur
made a Knight of the Garter — He proceeds on a complimentary mission to the
King of Cyprus — Is made Governor of Berwick — Sir Ralph Percy — Sir Thomas
Percy — Sent on an embassy to France — Festivities at the French Court — A
fourteenth-century despatch — Richard I.'s expedition to Ireland, and marriage
with Isabel of France — A humiliating peace — King Richard's last Parliament
— The banishment of Bolingbroke — Richard's enmity to the Percies — They are
proclaimed traitors — Bolingbroke lands at Ravenspur — Richard deserted by
his adherents takes refuge in Conway Castle — Henry of Lancaster's usurpation
— Richard's deposition — The French "Metrical Chronicle" — King Richard at
Conway Castle — Northumberland negotiates with the King, and escorts him
to Flint Castle — Lancaster dismisses the armies — Attitude of the Percies — Henry
becomes King — Reaction of public feeling in favour of Richard — Hotspur's
offices and honours — Border troubles — Northumberland proceeds on a mission
to the Continent — Employments of the Earl of Worcester — Escorts Queen
Isabel on her return to France — Conducts Joan of Navarre to England to become
Henry's Queen — The war in Wales — Hotspur's letters — Edmund Mortimer and
the Earl of March — The King's jealousy of the Percies — Invasion of the Scots —
Battle of Nesbitt Moor— Battle of Homildon — The right of ransom — The
King, contrary to usage, claims the prisoners — Remonstrance of the Percies —
Final interview between the King and Northumberland and Hotspur— The
rebellion of the Percies — The tripartite indenture — Merlin's prophecies —
Hotspur's march southward — The King's arrival at Shrewsbury — Hotspur
disappointed in reaching Shrewsbury before the King falls back on Little
Berwick — The challenge of the Percies — Negotiations — Worcester's interview
with the King — Fruitless — Evil omens — The battle of Shrewsbury — Death of
Hotspur — Effects of the victory on the fortunes of the King — The rebellion
suppressed — Northumberland submits and is pardoned — Fresh conspiracies —
The northern castles seized by the King — Attainder and outlawry of Northumber
land and Lord Bardolph — Northumberland is slain in the fight at Bramham
Moor — Feudalism illustrated in the lives of successive generations of the
Percies    Pages 97 — 240

CHAPTER V.
HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Is taken to the Scottish Court by his mother — Studies at the University of St.
Andrew's— His life while a prisoner in Scotland — Appeals to Henry V. for a
reversal of the attainder — Restored to his titles and lands — Marries the Lady
Alianore Neville — His family and domestic life — State of the Borders —
Character and position of Henry V. — His French wars — His death — The
xi

CONTENTS.
Earl of Northumberland acts as one of the executors to the deceased
monarch— And frequently presides in Courts of Chivalry on questions of
disputed precedency — The wager of battle — Liberation of the Scottish king —
Northumberland escorts the Scottish monarch to the Borders — The battle of
Piperden — Northumberland goes on a mission to Portugal — Acquires the Lord
ship of Doncaster — Founds scholarships at Oxford — Is defeated by the Scots in
an encounter on the Borders — Is one of the judges on the trial of the Duke of
Suffolk — Dispute between Northumberland and his brother-in-law the Earl
of Salisbury — Letter to Lord Sayntemonde — Is slain fighting for the house of
Lancaster at the battle of St. Alban's — Enumeration of additional lands
acquired during hisrlifetime  .... Pages 241 — 26S

CHAPTER VI.
HENRY PERCY, THIRD EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Natural sympathy of the third Earl with Henry VI. — His public life — The avenger
of St. Alban's — The conference with the Yorkists — The "Joyful Agreement" —
End of the short-lived truce — Attainder of the Duke of York — The battles of
Blore, Northampton, and Wakefield — Evil spirit engendered by the civil
wars — The second battle of St. Alban's — The battle of Towton Fields — North
umberland and his younger brother Richard are slain — Sir Ralph Percy the
only surviving brother — Efforts of Queen Margaret to retrieve her defeat —
Death of Sir Ralph Percy at the battle of Hedgely Moor — Reflections on his
conduct, and tradition connected with his death . . . Pages 269 — 286

CHAPTER VII.
HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Takes refuge in Scotland — Is partially restored to his honours by Edward IV. —
Appointed Warden of the Eastern Marches— Remains neutral during Edward's
enforced absence— The battle of Tewkesbury— Northumberland binds himself
to render service to the Duke of Gloucester — Accompanies the King to Calais
— Receives various offices and honours — Death of Edward IV.  The Duke
of Gloucester becomes Regent, and then King— Northumberland's petition to
Richard for complete restoration of all his lands— The Earl of Richmond—
The battle of Bosworth— Henry VII. confirms Northumberland in all his offices
and honours— Lambert Simnel— Further offices and hon >urs conferred on North
umberland—King Henry's obnoxious tax— Northumberland's affair with John
a'Chambre— And his death— A costly funeral— His family— Marriage of his
daughter Alianore to the Duke of Buckingham  pages 287—309
xii

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VIII.
HENRY ALGERNON, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
SURNAMED "THE MAGNIFICENT."
His praises are sung by the Poet Laureate — Attends the King to France —
Appearance of Perkin Warbeck — Aids in defeating the forces of the impostor
— Remains in constant attendance on the King — Marries the daughter and
co-heiress of Sir Robert Spenser — Conducts the Princess Margaret to the
Border on the occasion of her marriage with the Scottish king — Somerset
Herald's account of the Royal Progress — Northumberland is created a Knight of
the Bath — The exactions of the Star Chamber — The case of Sir Reginald Bray
— Northumberland is subjected to heavy fines — Livery and wardship — His
magnificence and patronage of letters — The Northumberland "Household
Book '' — Extent of the Earl's domestic establishment — Mode of life, and
ceremonial observances — Comparison of Italian and English culture and
refinement — Accession of Henry VIII. — A French campaign — A luxurious
equipment — A time of revelry and jousting — The siege of Terouenne — The
battle of Flodden Field — The rise and character of Cardinal Wolsey — His
haughty treatment of the nobles — Northumberland is committed to the Fleet
Prison — Is released by the favour of Wolsey — Matrimonial projects — Lord
Dacre, Warden of the East, West, and Middle Marches — His exploits against
the Scotch — The Queen Dowager of Scotland takes refuge at the English
Court — Northumberland's letter to Shrewsbury — Is appointed one of the ten
Earls to wait upon Francis I. on the Field of the Cloth of Gold — Appointed
Lord Warden of the Marches — Resigns the office to the regret of his followers —
Exploits of Sir William Percy — Border Raids — Expedition into Scotland
— Death of Northumberland — Funeral arrangements — Interference of Wolsey
in family affairs. . . .  Pages 310 — 360

CHAPTER IX.
HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND, SURNAMED
"THE UNTHRIFTY."
Received his early training in the household of Cardinal Wolsey — The Page and
the Maid of Honour — Anne Boleyn — The rude interruption of Lord Percy's
courtship — His interview with the Cardinal — The lover's plea not enter
tained — Statement of the position in which he stood with Anne Boleyn
— Broken ties — His interview with his father on the subject — He departs
for the Borders — Effects of Wolsey's policy on the spirit of the old nobility
— Skelton's appeal to the nobles to resist the pretensions of the Cardinal
— Censorious interference of the Cardinal in the Earl's affairs — Alleged
wastefulness — Subornation of his servants by the Cardinal — "Bedfellow"
Arundel — Domestic troubles — Is appointed Warden-General of the Northern
xiii

CONTENTS.
Marches — The Earl of Angus — Border outrages — Capture of some of the
criminals — Sir William Lisle — Wolsey's letter to Northumberland — North
umberland's reply — His zeal in the public service — Attributes his success to
the Cardinal's advice — Account of the distracted state of Scotland — Letter
from James V. to Northumberland — His preparations for defending England
against the inroads of the Scots— Family feuds— The Duke of Richmond-
Northumberland arbitrates in the disputes of the northern nobles — The plague
visits England — The old Duchess of Norfolk's remedy — Financial embarrass
ments — A strong sense of justice a marked feature in the character of the
Earl — Troublesome neighbours — The fall of Wolsey — Bitterness of his enemies
— Northumberland accompanies Sir Walter Walshe to arrest the Cardinal —
Wolsey's reception of him — The arrest — Death of Wolsey — The Earl's em
barrassments continue to increase — His letters regarding the state of the
Borders — Henry's designs upon the Scottish Crown — Scottish raids and out
rages on the Borders — English lawlessness — A peace concluded with Scotland
— A Court intrigue — Suspicion excited in the King's mind as to the nature
of Northumberland's early connection with Anne Boleyn — State of the
postal service — Sir Thomas More — Northumberland's defence against Secretary
Cromwell's charges — The fall of Queen Anne — Her trial — The alleged
pre-contract — Northumberland's letter to Cromwell on this subject — The
execution of Anne — The insurrection known as "The Pilgrimage of Grace"
— Suppression of the monasteries — Popular feeling — Robert Aske, leader of
the malcontents — Sir Thomas Percy's share in the rising, and Sir Ingelram
Percy's — Account of the examination of Sir Thomas Percy — The story of the
rebellion — Object of the insurgents — The Earl lies sick at Wressil Castle —
Is threatened by the rebels — His unwavering loyalty — Malice of his enemies
— Unjust suspicions — Progress of the rebellion — The Duke of Norfolk's
negotiations — Sir Francis Bigod's rising — Norfolk violates his promises to the
rebels — Suppression of the rebellion — Retribution — King Henry's alleged
clemency — Northumberland vests his lands in the Crown — His letters to the
King and Cromwell — His illness and pecuniary embarrassments — A lonely
deathbed — The widowed Countess — Sir Ingelram Percy .... Pages 361 — 479

XIV

APPENDICES. VOL. I.
NO. PAGE
I. Charter of Whitby Abbey  .481
II. Richard de Percy's Litigation  482
II a. Henry Percy and William Wallace  577
III. Alnwick Castle  487
IV. Safe-Conduct to Henry de Percy  488
V. Warkworth Castle  488
VI. Scottish Lands Granted to Henry de Percy .... 489
VII. Exchange of Lands .... . . . . 490
VIII. Expenses of Scottish Wars  . . 490
IX. Lands in Possession of the Third Baron Percy of
Alnwick  .  492
X. Will of Thomas de Percy, Bishop of Norwich . . 501
XI. Lands Settled in Dower upon the Lady Mary
Plantagenet . . . 504
XII. Fortification of Berwick, a.d. 1364— 1367 504
XIII. The Earldom of Northumberland . 505
XIV. Garrisons of Berwick and Roxburgh . 506
XV. Wardenship of Roxburgh Castle . 507
XVI. Sir Thomas de Percy's Indenture to serve France 507
XVII. The Earl of Northumberland's Retinue 508
XVII a. Prudhoe Castle  . . .510
XVII b. Capture of Ralph Percy at Otterbourne . . 515
XV

CONTENTS.
NO. PAGE
XVIII. The Lordship of Arundel  515
XIX. The Office of High Constable of England ... 516
XX. Grant of the Isle of Man ..... •  517
XXI. Emoluments of the Earl of Worcester  518
XXII. Negotiations with Scotland  519
XXIII. The Rebellion in Wales  520
XXIV. The Hotspur Correspondence  521
XXV. Appeal for the Soldiers' Pay  526
XXVI. Prince Henry in the Welsh Wars  527
XXVII. King Henry's First Mention of the Rebellion . 528
XXVIII. The Percy Challenge to Henry IV  529
XXVIIIa. Delivery of Hotspur's Body to his Widow .... 531
XXIX. Surrender to the King's Commissioners of Aln
wick, Warkworth, and other Castles  532
XXX. Credentials of Lord Say  534
XXXI. Surrender of Jedwortii Castle  535
XXXI a. A Writ for Quartering the Body of the First
Earl of Northumberland  535
XXXII. Henry Percy's Petition to the Parliament . . 536
XXXIII. Relating to Percy Lands held in Fee Tail ... 537
XXXIV. Prudhoe Castle  537
XXXV. Castles and Mansion Houses belonging to the
Percies from the Conquest down to the Middle
of the Fifteenth Century  539
XXXV a. Unsettled Condition of the Border in 1435 ... 540
XXXVI. Foundation of Fellowships at Oxford  541
XXXVII. Lands in Possession of Henry Percy, Second Earl
of Northumberland, at the date of his death 542
XXXVIIa. Warrant of Henry Percy, Son of the Second
Earl of Northumberland  543
XXXVIIl. The Poynings Lands acquired by the Third Earl
of Northumberland  544
xvi

CONTENTS.
N0- PAGE
XXXIX. The Award made at Westminster on the Three-
and-Twentieth of March, Anno Regni Regis, 36 545
XL. Abstract of the Will of the Third Earl of
Northumberland  547
XLI. Henry Percy's Oath of Allegiance  548
XLII. Restoration of the Fourth Earl of Northumber
land  548
XLIII. Indenture Between the Earl of Northumberland
and Richard Duke of Gloucester  549
XLIV. Funeral of the Fourth Earl of Northumberland 550
XLV. Army under the Fifth Earl of Northumberland,
October 1523  552
XLVI. Reward to the Forces under Lord Ogle and Sir
William Percy, 1522  552
XLVI a. "The Falcon"  553
XLVI I. The Lord Warden's Paid Deputies and Gentle
men  554
XLVI 1 1. Demand for Instructions  556
XLIX. Grants made by the Sixth Earl of Northumber
land in 1531, for Pious Purposes  558
L. Licence to Alienate Lands in Kent  559
LI. Petition of the Abbot and Convent of Salley to
Sir Thomas Percy  559
LII. Part I., Sir Thomas Percy's Acts of Rebellion . . 561
LII. Part II., Sir Ingram Percy's doings in the time
of the said Insurrection, 1536 .... . . 564
LIU. False Charges against the Earl of Northumber
land  568
LIV. The Second Rising  568
LV. Trial of Sir Thomas Percy  569
LVI. Private Debts of the Sixth Earl of Northumber
land   573
vol. 1. xvii b

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
VOL. I.
PAGE
Portrait of Henry, First Earl of Northumberland, K.G.
From an illuminated MS. in the British Museum . . Frontispiece
Whitby Abbey  17
Spofforth Castle  .  51
Malcolm's Cross, Alnwick Castle  64
Alnwick Castle   . 71
Arms on the Gateway of the Keep, Alnwick Castle .... 90
Seal of Henry, Son and Heir of Henry, Twelfth Baron
Percy, 1363  96
Cockermouth Castle  139
Wressil Castle  140
Memorial Brass to the Widow of Hotspur and Her Husband,
Lord Camoys, in Trotton Church  204
Facsimile of Autograph Subscription of Henry, First Earl
of Northumberland, K.G  210
Warkworth Hermitage  . . 246
Warkworth Castle  . . . . 260
Facsimile of Autograph of Henry, Second Earl of North
umberland ... .  268
Percy's Cross  ... 286
xviii^i

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE
Facsimile of Autograph of Henry, Fourth Earl of North
umberland, K.G   309
The Percy Shrine, Beverley Minster  322
Facsimile of Autograph of Henry, Fifth Earl of North
umberland, K.G  360
Prudhoe Castle  .... 385
Facsimile of Letter from Henry, Sixth Earl of Northum
berland, K.G., to Thomas Cromwell . .  471
Inscription on Wall of Beauchamp Tower in Tower of
London, recording the Captivity of Sir Ingelram
Percy .... ..... 479

Percy Seals . .   48°
No. 1. William de Percy, Lord of Craven, ob. 1245.
2. Henry de Percy, afterwards First Earl of Northumberland.
3. Henry de Percy, 1363. The same, used in the lifetime
of his Father.
4. Henry de Percy, sen., Eleventh Baron, ob. 1352.
5. Henry de Percy, First Earl of Northumberland, 1400.
6. Henry de Percy, Second Earl of Northumberland, 1435.
7. Henry de Percy, Third Earl of Northumberland. Seal used
as Warden of the Marches in the lifetime of his
Father, 1427.
8. Henry de Percy, Twelfth Century.
9. Henry de Percy, Tenth Baron, 1301.
10. Henry de Percy, Tenth Baron, 1301.
**.* Nos. 9 and 10 are Counter-Seals.
11. Henry de Percy, Thirteenth Baron, aftenvards First Earl
of Northumberland, 1372.
XVl'ub

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
No. 12. Robert de Percy, Lord of Dunsley, " Secretum," 1317.
13. Henry de Percy, Twelfth Baron, 1355.
14. Henry de Percy, First Earl of Northumberland, 1386.
15. Beatrix, wife of Robert de Percy, Lord of Dunsley, 1317.
16. Henry de Percy, Thirteenth Baron, afterwards First Earl
of Northumberland, 1376.
17. Thomas de Percy, Earl of Worcester, 1393.
15*. Agnes de Percy.
16*. Henry de Percy (Hotspur), 1392-97.
17*. Henry de Percy, Ninth Earl of Northumberland,
1593-1605.
18. Counter-Seal.
19. Henry Algernon Percy, Sixth Earl of Northumberland,
1528.
20. Algernon Percy, Tenth Earl of Northumberland.
21. Algernon Percy, Tenth Earl of Northumberland, 1636.
*jf* Nos. 20 and 21 appear to be Counter-Seals.
Thomas, Bishop of Norwich, 1355-1369.
Henry de Percy, Second Earl of Northumberland, 1446.
Genealogical Table— Pedigree of Percy. In Pocket at end of Volume.

XVlllf

ERRATA IN VOL. I.
Page 6, line \%,for "conquerer" read "conqueror.''
,, 8, last line but one, for " or " read " for."
,, 10, footnote 4, et passim, for " Holinshead" read" Holinshed."
,, 12, footnote, for "glossarum " read " glossarium. "
„ 20, footnote, page 36, line 11, page 51, line 5, and page 90, footnote 2, for
' ' Fountain " read ' ' Fountains. "
„ 22, footnote, and page 30, line 9, for " caracute " read " carucate."
,, 23, line 15, for "praelia" read "prsedia."
,, 33, marginal date, for " 1 3 14" read " 1134."
,, 45, line 9, for "seventh " read "eighth."
,, 85, ,, 18, for " Tiviotdale " read " Teviotdale. "
,, 89, footnote l, for "cum omni modo," &c, read " cum omnimoda subjectionis
et devotionis reverentia. "
,, 90, line 8, for " 1365" read " I353-"
,, 103, footnote 3, for " bel palme " i\ad " plaine."
,, 109, line l, for " Golfe " read " Goffe."
,, 113, lines 16 and 17, for "the knyghtes, assenting" read "the knyghtes
assenting,"
,, 124, line 9, for " Gomenego " read " Gomegines."
,, 126 and 127 passim, for " Calverley " read " Calveley."
,, 128, four lines from foot, dele "great."
,, 136, footnote 1, and page 137, footnote 2, for "Stowe" read "Stow."
,, 181, last line and footnote 3, for " Maudelin " read " Mandelin."
,, 208, first line of footnote, for "superi nimicos " read "super inimicos."
,, 224,/w "this Hotspur Mars," read "this Hotspur, Mars."
,, 232, footnote 2, for " Somers " read " Somerset. "
,, 235, ,, 4, for " Redpath '' read " Ridpath. ''
,, 250, footnote, for " Wainright " read " Wainwright."
,, 260, line 3 from bottom, for " Salisbury " read " Shrewsbury."
„ 269, heading after Earl of Northumberland, omit Lv.@.
,, 283, line 9, for " four " read "three " brothers.
,, 284, 5 lines from foot, for " Montagu" read " Montacute."
,, 286, footnote, for " Hume " read " See Earl of Orford's Works (Edition 1748),
Historic Doubts, vol. ii. p. 113."
„ 298, footnote 1, quotation, for "theray " read " the 'ray" (array).
>, 323> 5 lines from foot, for " Ingleram " read " Ingelram."
>i 333' footnote 1, for " Gustiniani " read " Giustiniani. "
11 397, line 14, for "wish" read "¦wist."
,1 398, ., 3, for" nephew " read " grand-nephew."
,, 398, footnote 1, for " Lanell " read " Lassells."
,, 420, line 24, for " Marke " read " Mark."
,, 434, „ 20, for " the Duke " read " he. "
,, 438, ,, 19, for " report " read "story. "
,, 448, footnote 1, lines 4 and 5, for '• Riton" read " Ryton."
, , 487, transfer footnote 1 to page 489, with reference to lines 6 and 7 from top
in text.
,, 498, line i<), for "Devewyk " read " Denewyk.''
,, 504, first heading, for "Platagenet" read " Plantagenet."

INTRODUCTORY.

distinguished writer has said that
" History, treat it as we may, ulti
mately resolves itself into biography." *
The converse of the proposition holds
equally good, for the narratives of in
dividual lives are but the tributary
streams that feed the great ocean of national records ; —
the units that make up that aggregate of human effort
and human action which we call history.
It has been my object in these volumes to illustrate
the progressive stages of the social and political systems
of England, by the lives of successive generations of a
family which, through more than six centuries, played a
conspicuous part in national story ; to make the Percies
the central figures in a continuous series of historical
pictures, showing them as they moved, spoke and did ;
and how, by act, word and example, they contributed to
shape or to influence the destinies of their country.
The abundance of the legendary element in the sur
roundings of my story, has frequently tempted me to
overstep that narrow boundary line which separates
history from romance ; and to claim for the biographer
1 Introduction to Sir Francis Palgrave's History of Normandy and of
England. xix

INTRODUCTORY.
and the historian the privileges of the poet and the
novelist.1 In curbing this tendency, and in strictly sub
ordinating pictorial effect to historical truth, it may be
that the general interest of the work has been impaired ;
but are not, after all, a man's actual words and deeds of
greater worth than the most brilliant achievements of a
hero of fiction ?
The popular estimate of Hotspur is mainly derived
from Shakespeare's picture of the impetuous and hot
headed soldier ; but is not the real Harry Percy as he
walked the earth a more interesting object to contem
plate than the poet's brilliant creation, as we see him
prepare to dive into the depths of ocean, " to pluck up
drowned honour by the locks," or to soar into space,
" to pluck bright honour from the pale-faced moon " ?
The name of Percy has come to be so closely asso
ciated with the county from which the territorial title is
derived, that we are apt to look upon the family as of
Northumbrian origin. The Percies, however, had no
connection with that province until two centuries after
their settlement in England ; and even after they became
the chief guardians of the frontier, by the acquisition of
the old border castle and the lordship of Alnwick, by
far the greater part of their possessions, and their
principal residences, were in the cradle of their race —
Yorkshire. The title, too, which now appears to be
inseparably associated with the name of Percy, had by
no means been their exclusive property. Between the
Conquest and the creation of the earldom in the person
1 Historical novels have been denounced as " mortal enemies to
history."^ An enemy yet more insidious is the writer who, purporting to
record historical events, draws upon his imagination for their colouring ;
or, when at fault for want of authentic evidence, supplements his narra
tive by the substitution of legend for fact, or even by a resort to the
arts of fiction.
xx

INTRODUCTORY.
of Henry Percy, fourth Lord of Alnwick, there had
been no less than twelve * Earls of Northumberland of
different families ; and since that period the title, while
in abeyance in consequence of attainder or the failure
of heirs, has been borne by a Nevill, a Dudley, and
a Fitzroy.3 The ancient Percies were from the necessities of their
position as well as the character of the age, more dis
tinguished for moral and physical vigour and energy
than for political genius. Men of action, rather than of
thought or words, they were all brave soldiers, most of
them skilful commanders ; but throughout the twenty
generations from the Conquest down to the reign of the
second Charles, it is doubtful whether a reputation for
high statesmanship can be claimed for more than two
members of the house.3 There are, however, few families
that can present so great a number of picturesque types
of the old English nobility in illustration of the history
of their times, or who so long and uninterruptedly en
joyed the attachment and the confidence of the English
people and so greatly influenced their destinies.
William Als Gernons, the Norman who made himself
a home in the wilds of bleak Yorkshire, married " for
conscience' sake " the Saxon maiden whose lands he had
conquered, defied the authority of Crown and Church
when they conflicted with his interests or his whims, and
1 Of these twelve Earls of Northumberland seven were of Saxon, two
of Scottish, and three of Norman blood. See Nicolas's Historic Peerage
of England.
2 The two latter were Dukes as well as Earls of Northumberland.
3 Thomas Percy, Earl of Worcester, who fell at Shrewsbury, and the
Earl Algernon, Lord High Admiral under Charles I. It should, how
ever, be borne in mind that under the martial Plantagenets, and
subsequently during the Wars of the Roses, there was little room for
the cultivation of statesmanship; while the jealousy of the Tudor
Sovereigns virtually excluded the ancient nobility from civil employ
ment, and caused them to be superseded in the Council Chamber by
priests and lawyers. xxi

INTRODUCTORY.
in his old age made his peace by donning " scollop shell
and sandal shoon," dying a brave crusader within sight
of the Holy City : his turbulent and warlike sons and
grandsons, the earliest champions of feudal rights against
the royal power : Richard de Percy, foremost among
the sturdy Barons who extorted the charter of English
liberties from King John, and defied the pretensions of
the Pope of Rome : the martial and chivalrous Lords of
Alnwick, " sober in peace and cruel in battail : " the
first Earl of Northumberland towering above his brilliant
contemporaries, haughty, daring, and generous ; rising to
the highest pinnacle of subject greatness, and dying,
sword in hand, an outlaw and a rebel : his splendid
soldier sons, Hotspur and Ralph, and his politic and
accomplished brother, Worcester, general, admiral,
diplomatist, courtier, and statesman : the second Earl
and his four sons, all of whom fell on the battle-field
in defence of the House of Lancaster : Henry the
Magnificent, and, in sad contrast with him, his suffering
son, the Unthrifty : " Simple Tom," dying so calmly
on the scaffold in defence of his faith, and " Cruel
Henry," sacrificed in the cause of the Scottish Queen :
the Wizard Earl, finding a solace for his long captivity
in scientific studies, and his high-minded son, the Lord
Admiral of England ; — where shall we find such another
line of representative men ?
The Percies had, as a rule, formed high and wealthy
alliances, choosing their wives from among the daughters
of royal houses or of the most noble of the ruling
families of England, and in most instances acquiring
large possessions and additional dignities by these mar
riages.1 Thrice in the course of eight centuries there

" Not more famous in arms than distinguished for its alliances, the
House of Percy stands pre-eminent for the number and rank of the

XXII

INTRODUCTORY.
was a break in the male line of descent. Of the first
Percy heiress, the Lady Agnes, we know little more
than that when she conferred her hand upon the brother
of the Queen of England, she stipulated to retain for
herself and her heirs the name of her baronial ancestors,
instead of assuming her husband's princely title ; and
that, pious, gracious, and charitable, she presided in regal
state over her magnificent household — "our court" as
she calls it. After the lapse of five centuries a daughter
once more inherited the honours of the ancient house,
and the wildest flights of romantic fiction could hardly be
more startling than the incidents in the' early girlhood
of the Percy heiress, who, in her sixteenth year, married
"the proud Duke" of Somerset, having then already
been twice widowed without having become a wife.
Less adventurous and brilliant, but ever pleasant to
contemplate, is the long life of the third heiress, the
gentle Elizabeth Seymour, who married the handsome
Yorkshire baronet for love, and was rewarded by the
unfailing devotion of a husband who won, and placed
upon her brow, the ducal coronet which their descendants
have continued to wear with simple dignity and stainless
honour. Although in the course of eight hundred years there
had thus been only three failures of male issue in the direct
line, it is remarkable how frequently the younger branches
of the house died either childless or without sons.
The founder of the English Percies had five grand
sons, of whom only one left male issue. In the next
families which are represented by the Duke of Northumberland, whose
banner consequently exhibits an assemblage of nearly nine hundred
armorial ensigns. Among these are those of King Henry VII., of
several younger branches of the blood royal, of the sovereign houses of
France, Castile, Leon, and Scotland, and of the ducal houses of Nor
mandy and Brittany, forming a galaxy of heraldic honours altogether
unparalleled." — Historic Peerage, by Sir Harris Nicolas.
xxiii

INTRODUCTORY.
generation there were three sons, of whom two died
childless, and one left an only son. He again left four
sons, all of whom died childless. The Lady Agnes of
Louvain had four sons, of whom the eldest left two
sons, neither of whom had issue. In the two following
generations three out of six, and two out of three, sons
died without heirs male ; and of the five brothers of the
third Lord Percy of Alnwick not one left male issue.
The first Earl of Northumberland was one of two
brothers, and by his two sons, both of whom he survived,
only one was left, while of his nine sons only two left
male issue. The fourth Earl was an only son ; the only
son of the seventh Earl died in infancy, and of his
brother's (the eighth Earl's) eight sons, seven are believed
to have died childless. Of the four sons of the ninth
Earl two died in infancy and the third unmarried ; while
the tenth Earl had only one surviving daughter by his
first wife, and by his second wife an only son, who died
without male issue.
The more remote branches of the House of Percy,
which had spread in considerable numbers in various
parts of the three kingdoms, became, in many instances,
extinct after a few generations ; while most of those
who survived gradually lost all trace of connection
with the ruling family.
In other cases a connection was assumed for which
there was no warrant. The prosperity of the original
Percies after their settlement in England would appear
to have tempted other Norman gentlemen from the same
district to try their fortune across the Channel ; and some
of these, although bearing no relationship whatever to the
English house, had, on emigrating, adopted the name of
their common canton. Thus we are told of one " Gilbert
de Percy, who, in the reign of Henry the Second, held
in Dorsetshire thirty-one knights' fees, whose posterity
xxiv

INTRODUCTORY.
possessed considerable property in the southern counties
for many ages, and is hardly yet [1812] extinct in
Hampshire, Wiltshire, and Devonshire ; but who were
a distinct family from that of the Lords Percy of
Yorkshire and Northumberland." *
The system of feudal tenure naturally tended to the
localisation of families, the collateral members of which
grouped themselves around the head of the house from
motives of attachment, duty, or self-interest. With the
weakening of that system, however, these domestic ties
became relaxed, and when the great noble ceased to
be all-powerful within his domain ; when, under altered
social and political conditions, he could no longer afford
protection or employment to the numerous kinsmen who
had sought shelter under his castle walls and served him
as their natural chief, these men would wander forth to
other regions, and, shifting for themselves, with change
of locality, pursuits, and habits, soon lost touch with the
head of their house.2
A northern antiquary, writing towards the end of the
eighteenth century, says : —
" Great and numerous as the Percy family had been
about Whitbey in the reigns immediately after the Con
quest, no trace of them now remains among us ; and after

* Sir Egerton Brydges's Continuation of Collins 's Peerage, vol. ii.
p. 222.
Even in Yorkshire we come across some Percies whose connection
with the noble house it is difficult to trace. Thus, in the parish church
of Hessle, in the East Riding, this inscription is found over the grave
of a Dame Ann Percy, "wyff to Syr Henry Percy, who to hym bare
XVI. Children ; which Ann departed this lyfe the XIX. day of
December, 1571." There is no known member of the family to whom
this description can be made to apply.
2 The alteration of the name, which with change of scene became
transformed into Pierce, Pearce, Pearson, and other corruptions of the
original Percy, must have contributed materially to destroy the
means of identification, and to obliterate the traces of a common
ancestry. VOL. I. XXV C

INTRODUCTORY.
the most diligent inquiry I cannot find a single person
of the name now living at Whitbey, or anywhere in the
Whitbey Strand." *
It is remarkable that whereas in the turbulent period
from the Conquest down to the fourteenth century, the
chiefs or immediate members of the warlike house of
Percy all died in their beds, within the next two
centuries no less than six Earls of Northumberland and
six of their sons or brothers met with violent deaths.2
These were : —

i. Henry Percy, 1st Earl of Northumberland, A.D.
who fell at Bramham Moor, 1407.
his brother |

2. Thomas
3. Hotspur
4. Henry
5. Henry
6. Richard
7. Thomas
8. Ralph
9. Henry
10. Thomas
11. Thomas
12. Henry

his son,
2nd Earl,
3^ „
)
yhis brothers,
) 4th Earl, murdered at Cockledge,
brother of 6th Earl,
beheaded at Tyburn, 1537.
7th Earl, „ York, 1572.
8th „ killed in the Tower, 1585

Shrewsbury, 1405.
St. Alban's, 1455.
Towton Fields, 1461.
Northampton, 1460.
Hedgeley Moor, 1464. 1489.

The shortlivedness of the heads of the English House
of Percy is deserving of notice, their average duration
of life in the twenty-two generations, from the Conquest
down to 1670, having been less than fifty years, and this
average applies as much to the eleven barons who

1 History of Whitbey Abbey, by Lionel Charlton, p. 224.
2 In his Life of Prince Rupert, Eliot Warburton states that "although
there were as few battles as conspiracies in which a Percy had not taken
part, yet they had shed more blood on the scaffold than on the field of
battle." The foregoing table will show this statement to be erroneous.
xxvi

INTRODUCTORY.
brought down the line to the end of the fourteenth
century, not one of whom died a violent death, as
to the later generations, of whom so many fell in
battle.1 Their wives and daughters, however, enjoyed ex
ceptional longevity, no less than eight of them having
attained or exceeded the age of threescore and ten.

1 The average age of the eleven contemporary English sovereigns
was fifty-six, although two of them came prematurely to a violent end.

xxvn

Zhe Ibouse of pexcy*

VOL. I.

€&e Herman percies*.

First Baron.
William de Percy, surnamed Als Gemons, born
circ* 1030, died 1096.
Second Baron.
Alan, surnamed the Great, born circ. 1069,
died 1 1 20. Third Baron.
William, born 1088, died 1133.
Fourth Baron.
William,2 born 11 12, died 1168.
Representatives of Fifth Baron.
Maud, Countess of Warwick, born 113 2, died
1203, and
Agnes, Countess of Louvain, born 1134, died
1205.

Contemporary
English Sovereigns.
William I. ace. 1066
William II. „ 1087
William I.
William II.
Henry I. „ 1102
Henry I.
Henry I.
Stephen „ 1135
Henry II. „ 1154
Henry I.
Stephen. Henry II.
Richard I. „ 1189
John „ 1 199

1 The reader should be warned that the dates of births in this table are by no means
reliable, being in some cases indeed merely inferential guesses. The dates of the deaths
rest, as a rule, upon documentary evidence more or less authentic.
2 Dugdale and Banks introduce five generations from the Conquest to the failure of
male issue in 1 186 ; whereas, according to Collins and later genealogists who appear to
have accepted his conclusions, the failure took place in the third generation. Under this
arrangement, however, there would be a lapse of ninety-nine years between the birth
of the second Baron and the death of his son, and of one hundred and twenty years
between the birth of the third Baron and the death of his youngest daughter. There is
hardly room for two intermediate generations, and in the case of Richard, the supposed
fifth Baron, Dugdale has probably, as Collins suggests, confounded collaterals with
descendants ; but William the third Baron supplies an apparently necessary link in the
chain, and I have had no hesitation in accepting him as the son of Alan, and the
grandfather, instead of the father, of the co-heiresses.

CHAPTER I.

Wbt Hormatt ?$mit&.

HIS ancient and right noble family do
derive their descent from Mainfred
de Percy, which Mainfred came out
of Denmark into Normandy before the
adventure of the famous Rollo thither."1
So writes one of the most learned and industrious of
English antiquaries ; and biography is too deeply in
debted to genealogical research to be justified in arbi
trarily rejecting its revelations for want of documentary
evidence to confirm them. Tradition plays an important
part in all family history, and although there exist no
authentic records to establish the identity of any of the
Danish invaders of Neustria before the time of Rollo,
and the Sea King himself is a somewhat mythical hero
until his personality emerges under the light of the tenth
century,2 it is quite possible that the names of some of
1 Dugdale's Baronage.
2 Nearly a full century had elapsed before any portion of Rollo's
personal history was committed to writing, and in these records
truth and fable are necessarily so closely intermingled that the exploits
3 B 2

A.D.
I030-1205

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. these Scandinavian pirates may have been preserved by
1030-1205 their descendants.
In his biographical sketch of the Percy family,1 the
accomplished Bishop of Dromore has unhesitatingly
adopted Mainfred2 as the founder of the French
house, alleging that " the old Norman nobility were
very exact in preserving their genealogies, and in
this followed the example of their Teutonic and Celtic
ancestors, who had their bards and scalds to record the
exploits and descents of their chieftains." This state
ment, however, is in direct contradiction to all we know
of the Danish invaders of Gaul, whose ambition it became,
from the first, to merge their nationality in that of their
adopted country, and to obliterate, rather than to preserve,
all traces of their Scandinavian origin.3
Still, the Norman Percies must have had an ancestor,
and the legend of Mainfred the Dane may be accepted
as well as another, though Mainfred de Percy is obviously
inadmissible. We are not told how Mainfred signalised himself, or
what ultimately became of him ; but a monkish genealogist
of the fifteenth century speaks of his son as : —
" Rollo's associate that was called Jeffrey Percie
A right valiant knight, gracious and fortunate,
Whose father named Manfred was fallen into fate." *
popularly attributed to Rollo are believed to have been the work of
several distinct Danish chieftains engaged in these piratical expeditions.
See Freeman's Norman Conquest, vol. i. p. 187.
1 Contributed to the fifth edition of Collins's Peerage. In subsequent
editions of that work the family history is considerably abridged.
2 A question has indeed been raised as to whether the Danes did
not use Mainfred (Man-fried) as a woman's, and not as a man's name.
3 Sir Francis Palgrave says of the Norman nobles that " not one of
their order ever thought of deducing his lineage from the Hersers
or Jarls or Vikings who occupy so conspicuous a place in Norwegian
history, not even through the medium of any traditional fable. The
very name of Rollo's father — ' Senex quidem in partibus Dacice '—was
unknown to Rollo's grandchildren, and if not known, worse than un
known, neglected." — History of Etigla?id and Normaiidy, vol. i. p. 7°4-
4 The Metrical Chronicle of the Percye Family, by William Peeris,

THE INVADERS UNDER ROLLO.
He is said to have been baptised, together with Rollo and a.d.
a large number of his followers, by the Bishop of Rheims I03^205
in 912, and to have been the ancestor of four generations
of Norman nobles who acquired fame and fortune in the
military service of their princes.1
There is perhaps no parallel in history to the rapid
transition from barbarism to a state of comparatively
high civilisation which marked the progress of the
Danish adventurers who, in the beginning of the tenth
century, made themselves masters of the northern coast
of Gaul. While retaining unimpaired their warlike
character, they lost no time in adopting the faith, the
language, and, to a large extent, the more refined habits
of their southern neighbours.2 The Pagan chief became
transformed into a Christian prince ; his kinsmen and
companions developed into territorial lords, and assumed
the style and titles of the French nobility. The horde
of reckless sea-rovers who had manned the pirate fleets
clerk and priest. He was chaplain to the fifth Earl of Northumberland,
and tells his readers that :
'•' From the Conquest downe lineally my matter shall procede,
And if it be not eligaunt yet a trew historie ye shall rede ; "
a promise that is not fulfilled, for the work is full of inaccuracies.
1 I have been unable to verify the brilliant pedigree which genealogists
have given to the Norman Percies before the Conquest, and therefore
prefer to pass them over without special notice, agreeing as I do with
a writer who, though by no means disposed to be partial (and who more
than once is unjust) to the family, says : " Both ancient and illustrious
is the descent, and it needs not to be exaggerated by the false glitter
derived from the fictions of the poet, the legends of the monk, or the
fanciful blazonry of the herald." — Tate's History of the Borough, Castle,
and Barony of Alnwick, vol. i. p. no.
2 " M.any of the Northmen were wearied of their piracy, the Romane
tongue fascinated them, the comforts of France attracted them, religion
subdued them. Their disposition was pliable, adaptable, cheerful, and
though fierce, not inherently bloodthirsty." — Palgrave, vol. i. p. 503.
Wace dwells admiringly upon the stern execution done by Rollo upon
all offenders against the law : —
" Larrons e robeors feseit toz demembrer ;
Crever ex, u ardre en pudre, u piez et puings coper ;
Solonc lor felonie feseit chescun pesner." — Roman de Rou, v. 1970.
5

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. settled down as industrious craftsmen and peaceful
1030-1205 agriculturist . anr\ trie fertile soil which their lawless
valour had won developed into a prosperous and a
powerful state.
When a century and a half after Rollo's accession to
his dukedom his reigning descendant prepared to invade
England, the Canton of Perci in Lower Normandy was
held by three powerful nobles, of whom one, William,
fifth in descent from Rollo's companion, and described as
Comte de Caux and de Poictiers, owned the Chateau de
Perci near Villedieu in the Department of La Manche,
the site of which is to this day pointed out to travellers
as the birthplace of the founders of the English
Percies.1 According to our rhyming genealogist it was this noble
man who accompanied Duke William in his invasion of
England,2 but no such titles occur in the lists of les
grands who landed with the Conquerer, and it is far more
probable that it was a cadet of this house who settled
in England. There is indeed nothing on record to
establish the identity of the founder of the English
Percies. That he belonged to a family of rank and
importance, is clearly indicated by the position accorded
to him immediately after the Conquest, and the large
1 " There were three very important castles in the canton of Percy,
each appertaining to the head of a very powerful family, and pre-eminent
amongst these  the Roche Tessons  two of whom were
at the battle of Hastings, but we hear nothing of them in England
afterwards." — Palgrave, vol. ii. p. 159. This is a mistake. A Tison, or
Tisson, received large grants of land in the north of England, and
the name is found in juxtaposition with that of William de Perci in
Domesday Book.
2 We are told that this Count de Caux was —
" With William the Conqueror in favour specially ;
He found none more steadfaste among his Councill ;
For his merits and manhood he loved him cordially,
And into the Boreal partes he with him did resort ;
A noble lady caused him to marry named Emma de Port."
Peeris's Metrical Chronicle.
6

THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND.
grants of land he then received; All else is mere a.d.
conjecture or assumption.1 It must be borne in mind I03°^205
that although the contribution of men, money, and ships
towards the invasion was universal on the part of the
Norman nobles, of whom a considerable number em
barked with William, and shared the dangers of the
enterprise, comparatively few remained in the conquered
country. They had, as a rule, done homage in advance
for the lands they were to receive in return for their
contributions or services,2 but there was little to tempt
them permanently to abandon their fair possessions, and
to exchange the fertile fields and stately mansions of
Normandy3 for a new home under the inclement sky of
a wild and uncultivated region, and the companionship of
an alien, and in their eyes, a barbarous people.4 Most
of them accordingly, after having done their duty as
brave soldiers in the field, obtained the King's consent to
1 One writer is driven to argue that William de Percy would never
have displayed the violent temper and impatience of opposition for
which he was noted " had he not been the head of the Percy family,
not only here in England, but in Normandy, and feared not the con
trol of any relations whatever." — History of Whitby Abbey, by Lionel
Charlton, 1772.
2 These grants enabled them to make liberal provision for the younger
or more remote members of their families, to whom the sacrifice of
home comforts and associations was compensated for by the prospect
of acquiring wealth and influence abroad, and who were doubtless
willing to become, what the beati possidentes rarely do, the pioneers of
civilisation in a foreign land, and the founders of a new social and
political system.
3 William of Malmesbury contrasts the coarse prodigality of the
Anglo-Saxon nobles, who in squalid houses wasted their substance in
gluttonous living, with the frugal refinement of the same class in
Normandy, who occupied "noble and splendid mansions." — Gesta
Regum Anglorum, Hardy, p. 448.
+ The Norman invaders looked upon the inhabitants of Britain much
as the Gauls had looked upon Rollo's companions a hundred and fifty
years before, though with less respect. William of Poictou, one of the
Conqueror's companions, in describing the battle of Hastings, says :
" The cries of the Normans on the one side, and of the Barbarians on
the other, were drowned by the clashing of arms and the groans of the
dying."

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. return to their homes,1 leaving the younger and more
1030-1205 adventurous members of their families with such of their
retainers as they chose to spare to manage the lands they
had acquired.
It must not however be supposed that the military
commanders at the Conquest mainly comprised the
members of the noble houses of Normandy. The great
bulk of the officers of William's army of invasion con
sisted of men of neither gentle nor Norman blood,2
but of mercenaries drawn from all parts of Europe by
the prospect of pay and plunder. These professional
adventurers and hireling free-lances could not have
been excluded from their fair share in the partition
of those lands which their swords had won ; and it is to
this class of colonists rather than to the Norman nobility
that the great majority of Englishmen who boast descent
from the army of the Conqueror must be content to look
or their ancestors.
i At the period of the Conquest, and indeed down to
1 The remonstrances of their wives, who were strenuously opposed
to any scheme of emigration, were probably not without effect, more
especially as these ladies threatened that if their lords did not speedily
return to their own country, " they would be driven to seek out other
consorts for themselves." — Freeman, vol. ii. p. 231.
Brady states that the Norman nobles "sorrowfully and unwillingly
deserted the King " after the Conquest had been achieved, and that
even among the inferior soldiery many, " wearied with the desolations of
the country, importuned him for their refreshment that they might return
to their fixed residences, which he willingly granted, and dismissed
them with a plentiful reward for their services." — Hist, of England,
vol. i. p. 194.
2 " The Anglo-Saxons seem to have had a very strong aristocratic
feeling, and great regard for purity and dignity of blood. The Nor
mans, or rather the host of adventurers whom we must comprehend
under the name of Normans, had comparatively little ; and not very
many of the real old and powerful aristocracy, whether of Normandy
or of Brittany, settled in England  No one circumstance more
vexed the spirit of the English than to see their fair maidens and
widows compelled to accept these despicable adventurers as their
husbands. Of this we have an example in Lucia, the daughter of
Algar, for Talboys seems to have been a person of the lowest
degree." — Palgrave, vol. iii. p. 480.

NORMAN NOMENCLATURE.
much later times, surnames1 were rare, both among a.d.
Normans and Saxons; and by a perfectly natural I03<^2O5
process men called themselves after their birthplaces or
family properties, their professions, trades, or handicrafts,
and not unfrequently by names indicative of some
personal peculiarity.
Thus our Norman William would distinguish himself
from innumerable other colonists of the same baptismal
name by adding the name of his paternal estate, upon
the same principle as Jean, the Norman smith who shod
his horses, would call himself Jean le Ferrier.2
The distinguishing appellative thus adopted would
descend from father to son, and survive long after all
trace of its original meaning- had been lost.3
One of England's greatest historical families thus
derives its name from a castle on the coast of Normandy
of which no trace now remains, and with which the
immediate founder of that race was but indirectly asso
ciated. Not only, however, may we safely assume that
the first of the English Percies was but a cadet of the
1 We find the words Sur-noms and Sire-noms used distinctively;
the former being applied to names assumed on purely personal grounds,
and the latter when derived from territorial possessions, in which cases, as
a rule, the name descended from father to son.
2 The practice of shoeing horses, though at least as old as the
Roman Empire (according to Suetonius, Nero's wife, Poppeia, shod her
mules with silver shoes), had been first introduced into England by the
Conqueror, a high officer of whose court is said to have been charged
with the direction and superintendence of this craft after the invasion.
The noble house of Ferrers, who bear a horse-shoe on their coat-of-arms,
are reputed to be descended from this person.
3 " When a Norman who bore the name of his birthplace or possession
in Normandy, Robert of Bruce or William of Percy, found himself the
possessor of far greater estates in England than in Normandy, when his
main interests were no longer Norman but English, his Norman surname
ceased to be really descriptive. It became a mere arbitrary hereditary
surname; it no longer suggested the original Norman holding; it remained
in use, even if the Norman holding passed away from the family. When a
Bruce or a Percy had lost his original connection with the place Bruce or
Percy, when the man no longer suggested a thought of the place, Bruce
or Percy became strictly surnames in the modern sense." — Freeman.
9

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. Norman house,1 but there is some reason to doubt
1 030-1 205 whether William de Percy actually accompanied the
Conqueror or took part in the battle of Hastings.
There is so much diversity in the several lists
which have been put forth as copies of the original roll
of Battle Abbey (lost or destroyed at a very early
period) that they must all be viewed with more or less
suspicion as to their authenticity. In some of these
the name of Percy appears,2 in others we meet with
names so similar that they may have been intended for
it ; 3 in others, again, it is altogether absent.4 There
is certainly no mention of it in any contemporary docu
ment ; and later historians, writing after the Percies had
become a family of note and military reputation, would
be apt to assume the active participation of its founder
1 It has been stated that William de Percy was a feudatory of the
great Norman house of Pagnell, lords of one of the three Seigneuries
which composed the canton of Perci, and that it was to him that the
Conqueror had granted the lands which afterwards became vested in
the Percies. See Plumpton Papers edited by Thomas Stapleton. For
the first statement, however, there is no authority, and as regards the lands
it is entirely contrary to established facts.
2 In the Brompton Chronicle (a.d. i 149) we find the name in a list
headed : " Cognomines eorum qui cum Guillelmo Conquestore Angliam
ingressi sunt," bracketed with Cruce (? Curcy) and Lacy. It also
occurs in a paper entiled : " Surnoms des lynages de graundes de ceux
que vendrount avec William le Conquerour en Engleterre " (Cotton MSS.
Julius, B. 12, fol. 36), but the handwriting assigns this document to the
sixteenth century. Again it is met with in the lists entitled : Magnates
superstites and Catalogus nobilium in Duchesne's works, as also in the
Dives Roll, which purports to be a list of Duke William's officers, "non
plus au point d'arrive'e mais au point de depart de l'arme'e Normande,"
in other words, the Conqueror's Embarkation-Return, which, if
authentic, would be conclusive evidence. This document was recently
published by the Archaeological Society of France, and the names
contained in it were, in 1862, engraved upon the eastern wall in the
Church of Dives, at which port the invading army embarked for England.
The names, 461 in number, occupy a space of twenty-four square
metres. Holinshead's List contains 646 names, and that headed
"Surnoms de Graundes" only 165.
3 As in Leland's List, where we find the Sires de Pacy and Percehay.
4 The name does not occur in Holinshead's List nor in several of
those published in Duchesne's Histories Normannorum Scriptores
Antiqui. lO

WILLIAM DE PERCY.
in the Conquest of England and include the name, with a.d.
that of others under similar conditions, without any io3°2[096
stronger evidence or corroboration than probability.
A contemporary chronicler does, however, state
very distinctly that " Hugo d'Avranches (King William's
nephew, and afterwards Earl of Chester) and William
de Percy came into England in 1067," i.e. the year after
the Conquest? It is not to be believed that this writer
could possibly have been mistaken in the date of such a
national event as the invasion of England, nor does the
addition of the words "with William the Conqueror"
alter the case ; for the King had passed into Normandy
in the spring of that year and had returned to England
in the autumn. If it be asked how one who had taken no
part in the Conquest came to share the fruits of victory,
to be rewarded with large grants of territory, and to be
placed at once in a position of exceptional power and in
fluence in the North of England, the answer that sug
gests itself is that William de Percy, like many other
Norman gentlemen whose immigration into his dominions
had been encouraged by King Edward the Confessor,
had previously been a settler in England. On the first
threatening of hostilities Harold had expelled these
colonists as dangerous subjects,2 but when the country
1 "Memorandum quod anno Domini millesimo sexagesimo septimo
Hugo comes Cestrensis et Willielmus de Percy venerunt in Angliam
cum domino Willielmo Conquestore." — Ex Registro Cartarum
Abbatice de Whittebye. — Monast. Angl. vol. i. p. 409.
2 " Normanz ki el paiz maneient
Ki fames et enfanz aveint,
Ke Ewart i aveit mendz,
E granz chastels e fieus dunez
Fist Heraut de paiz chacier." — Roman de Rou, v. 11076.
Which may be rendered :
Normans who lived in that country
With their wives and children,
Whom Edward had invited over,
To whom he showed favour and granted castles and lands,
Harold sent out of the country. 1 I

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. fell into the hands of the Normans they would naturally
1 030-1 205 enough return to claim their possessions.
There are indeed several circumstances that tend to
confirm this supposition. Percy's earnest intercession
on behalf of Earl Gospatrick, when he led the Northum
berland revolt in 1069, was quite in character with the
disposition of one who had formerly associated on terms
of friendship with the conquered race, but would have
been foreign to the nature of William's arrogant soldiery.
There are other indications of his sympathy with the
oppressed population, and King William would not
have been insensible to the advantage of encouraging
a Norman gentleman possessed of local knowledge, ex
perience, and influence, to settle in the most disturbed
and disaffected district of his new dominions.
Again, colonists are apt to adopt the outward habits of
those among whom they live, and it is evident, from the
fact of his countrymen having given him the sobriquet of
A Is Gernons* that Percy had followed the Anglo-Saxon
fashion of letting his whiskers grow, a practice entirely
at variance with the habits of the Normans.2
William de Percy married a Saxon lady of rank, but
there are no records to establish her parentage. She

1 By a far-fetched derivation Gernons is described as a Norman cor
ruption of the Latin grant, signifying any kind of beard grown on
the face. (See Du Cange, Glossarum, t. iii. p. 554.) Als or ohlte-
gernons would thus be synonymous with aux moustaches, or a la Barbe,
which latter was the sobriquet borne by one of the Conqueror's com
panions named in the Roman de Rou. The ancient by-name was, four
centuries later, introduced into the Percy family under the softened form
of Algernon, and has since become a generally popular baptismal name
in England,
2 Carte asserts that the Anglo-Saxons considered the Normans
effeminate because of their smooth faces (as represented in the Bayeux
tapestry) ; and Speed states that after a time the conquered race, fol
lowing the example of their masters, " did shave their beardes, round
their haire, and in garment, behaviour and diet altogether unfashioned
themselves to imitate them." — Hist, of England, p. 422.
12

EMMA DE PORT.
is generally described as Emma de Port,1 the Norman a.d.
surname having probably been given to her by the in- I03<«096
vaders in right of her ownership of Semer near Scar
borough, then an important seaport. A graceful legend
reports her to have been a daughter of Gospatrick,
Earl of Northumberland,2 who conferred her hand
upon the Norman knight in recompense for his having
saved her father's life when, on the suppression
of the rebellion, he had fallen into the hands of the
Conqueror's army. According to Dugdale, however,
the Saxon Earl had only one daughter, Julia, who
became the wife of Ranulph de Marley, and we
must fall back upon this more prosaic version of
Percy's marriage in an ancient MS. : " Emma of
the Porte .... was Lady of Semer besides Skar-
burgh afore the Conquest, and of other lands, William
Conqueror gave to Syr William Percye for his good
service ; and he weddid hyr that was very heir to them
in discharging of his conscience." 3
We may thus infer that Percy having received a
grant of the lands of which the Saxon maiden had
been either the owner or the heiress, he compensated
her for the loss of her possessions by making her
his wife.
Although in the first instance the oppressive in
fluence of Norman rule had been less felt by the
population of the North than in other parts of Eng
land, Gospatrick's rebellion in 1069 led to an almost
1 The same name was borne by one of William's knights at the
invasion : " Hue, le sire de Montfort,
Cil d'Espine and cil de Port." — Roman de Rou
2 Charlton's History of Whitby Abbey, p. 50.
3 Ex Registro Monasterii de Whitbye, Harl. MSS. No. 692 (26), fol.
235, from which extracts are published in the Antiquarian Repertory,
vol. iv. p. 4.

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. universal confiscation of lands in Northumbria1 and
030-1205 MercJa, where William's soldiery became nearly exclu
sively the lords of the soil. By far the largest share
in this distribution fell to Hugh Lupus, the Conqueror's
nephew and chief commander of the forces employed in
suppressing the revolt. He showed little inclination,
however, to settle in a district which he had been
mainly instrumental in reducing to a desert,2 and which
was by nature barren and arid, and " in a manner
separated by wild moors from all the rest of England." 3
He accordingly disposed of his lands in the North to
his friend and companion in arms, William de Percy
(who had already obtained considerable grants from the
King), first as would appear at a quit rent, but, not long
after, absolutely on the same terms as he had held
them from the Crown.4
Undeterred by the ruin and desolation around him,
and by the sullen attitude of the conquered and down
trodden population,5 William de Percy made himself a
1 The ancient kingdom of Northumbria, be it remembered, which
had extended from the Humber to the Forth (Edinburgh being then a
Border Fortress), was, at the time of the Conquest, reduced to the
territories lying between the Tyne and the Tweed.
2 Such was the destruction caused by the Conqueror's ruthless re
taliation, that there remained according to the ancient historian " Inter
Eboracum et Dunelmum nusquam villa inhabitata, bestiarum tantum
et latronum latibula, magno itinerantibus fuere timori." — Simeonis
Dunelmensis Historia, Twisden's Edition, vol. i. p. 199.
This is fully confirmed by William of Malmesbury, who says : " Si
quis modo videt peregrinus, ingemuit ; si quis superest vetus incola, non
agnoscit," p. 258. Palgrave says that at the close of William's reign
" the whole tract between York and Durham continued a desolate
desert bounded by a wide circuit of ruins."
3 Charlton's History of Whitby Abbey.
* The grant comprised the Town and Port of Whitby with the sur
rounding lands. "Conquestor dedit praedicto Hugoni villam de Whittebye
cum omnibus suis membris ; et idem Hugo dedit prsdicto Willielmo
de Percy omnia prasdicta terras et tenementa, sibi et ha;redibus suis,
ita Hbere et quiete sicut pradictus Hugo ea habuit ex dono Regis." — Ex
Registro Cartarum Abbalice de Whitbye, Monast. Angl. p. 409.
s Thierry's description of the condition to which the Anglo-Saxons
14

FOUNDATION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
home in the wilderness, found occupation for the starving a.d.
people, built and fortified the castles of Spofforth and I03^_I096
Topcliffe, which long remained the principal seats of his
descendants,1 and laid the foundation of that influence
and reputation in the northern counties which became
the pride and the birthright of many future generations
of his name and lineage.
Our forefathers required none of those specious pre
texts under cover of which modern political morality is
prone to justify the wrongs which, in the exercise of
superior power, of ambition, or acquisitiveness it inflicts
upon others. Duke William's contemplated attack upon
an unoffending neighbour, far from arousing the indigna
tion of other states, had received the formal sanction
of the head of the Church ; the bloodshed and rapine
which marked the Conqueror's progress called forth no
reproof or remonstrance from Rome, and the crown of
which he had robbed his kinsman was placed upon the

were reduced by the conquerors, although considered to be exaggerated,
is so graphic that no excuse will be needed for this quotation : " II faut
s'imaginer deux nations, les Anglais d'origine et les Anglais par inva
sion, divise's sur le meme pays, ou plutot se figurer deux pays dans
une condition bien diffe"rente : la terre des Normands riche et franche
de taillages, celle des Saxons pauvre, serve et grevee de cens; la
premiere garnie de vastes hotels, de chateaux mures et creheles;
la seconde parseme"e de cabanes de chaume ou de masures degra
des ; celle-la peuptee d'heureux et d'oisifs, de gens de guerre et
de cour, de nobles et de chevaliers ; celled peuplee d'hommes de peine
et de travail, de fermiers et d'artisans. Sur l'une, le luxe et l'insolence,
sur l'autre, la misere et l'envie, non pas l'envie du pauvre a la vue des
richesses d'autrui, mais l'envie du depouille's en presence de ses
spoliateurs. Enfin, pour achever le tableau, ces deux terres sont, en
quelque sorte, entrelacees l'une dans l'autre, elles se touchent par tous
les points, et cependant elles sont plus distinctes qui si la mer roulait
entres elles. La terre des riches parle la langue romane des provinces
gauloises d'outre Loire, tandis que l'ancienne langue du pays reste
aux foyers des pauvres etdes serfs." — Histoiredela ConquHe d ' Angleterre
par les Normands, vol. ii. 30, 3 1.
1 See Surtees's Durham, vol. iv. p. 274. Also Camden.
15

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. usurper's brow by the hands of special envoys deputed
030-1205 £Qr j^s service by the Holy Father.
The prelates of Normandy were, however, less in
dulgent to the crime of their ruler. Whatever their
motive may have been, it should be recorded in their
honour, that with one accord they had raised their voices
against the injustice and cruelty of the invasion, and by
honest and unsparing censure had borne " that testimony
against the unchristianity of war so rarely afforded" ' in
an age when force was the standard measure of legality,
and success seldom failed to sanction wrong.
To exact restitution was beyond their power, perhaps
beyond their wishes ; but by the imposition of a general
penance upon all persons, without distinction of rank, who
had taken part in the conquest of England, the Norman
clergy aroused the conscience of the evil doers in the
hour of their triumph, and by the assertion of their
authority, if they did not relieve the victims, advanced
the cause of the faith.
Contrition in those days generally took the practical
form of donations to the Church, and the sincerity of
repentance was now measured by the extent of the
surrender of their share of the spoil by the conquerors,
for the purpose of founding religious houses.
Subsequently it became a fashion among the Normans
settled in England to build monasteries and convents
within their territories, since these establishments added
to their importance and local influence ; but, at the time
of which we are treating, there is little doubt but that the
large contributions offered were due, if not to devotion
or remorse, at any rate to a superstitious hope of thus
atoning for past offences and averting the censure of
the Church.
William de Percy became conspicuous for the liberality
1 Palgrave, vol. iii. 485.
16

7'A.jt' Eru/nemd by tiBniotesMayd >¦

WHITBY ABBEY.

WHITBY ABBEY.
of his endowments.1 When Reinfred, an old companion a.d.
in arms,2 who had now taken the cowl and joined a I03^°9
Benedictine fraternity at Evesham in Worcestershire,
visited him and prayed permission to build a monastery
on his land, Percy, "greatly pleased with his new and
unexpected guest, made him all the assistance that
lay in his power .... received him honorably, and
engaged to support so laudable an undertaking.3
There yet remained at that time near the town of
Whitby a few broken columns and moss-grown blocks
of masonry, to mark the site of the once stately Abbey
of St. Hilda founded in 675, but which had been
destroyed by the Danes under Bruern4 two hundred
years later. This was the spot now chosen for the
erection of a new monastery, of which Reinfred the
soldier-priest became prior about 1076.5
A monk named Stephen, who joined the brother
hood, has left a quaint and interesting history of the
new foundation and of its early struggles.6 He paints
his patron in very unfavourable colours, and represents
1 " William de Percy was naturally of a religious disposition, perhaps
not altogether without a tincture of superstition. He revered the clergy
as Christ's vicegerents upon earth, and considered the monks as a neces
sary order of men to help us on our way heavenwards, who, on account
of their fervent piety and devotion, were sure to entail the Divine blessing
on such of the laity as lived near them." — Charlton's Whitby Abbey.
2 According to the Metrical Chronicle, Reinfred was a cousin of
William de Percy. 3 Charlton's Whitby Abbey.
4 It was during this irruption that the Danish pirates, to avenge
the cruel death of Lodebrac, the father of Henger (who had been
thrown into a pit filled with venomous serpents), attacked another
neighbouring convent, when all the younger nuns, by the advice of
their abbess, cut off their lips and noses to save themselves from
being dishonoured by the invaders. Bruern thereupon declared them
to be too ugly to live, and shutting them up in their cells, set fire to the
building. — Ibid.
5 " William de Percy, well-pleased with Reinfred and his fraternity,
soon after their first settling at Whitby put them in possession of
two carucates, or 240 acres, of land adjoining to their monastery."
—Ibid. 6 The Chronicle of Whitby Abbey. Bodleian Library.
VOL. I. 17 C

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. himself as having been hardly used ; but as, subsequently
1 030-1 205 tQ kis removal from Whitby, we find him involved
in angry disputes with his archbishop, and engaged in
protracted litigation with his neighbours, we may con
clude that he was not himself altogether free from blame,
and accept his testimony with some qualification.
Stephen complains that when William de Percy,
quidam ex Baronibus Regis, found that " the monks
had converted the lands he had granted them, and
which were then only inhabited by wild beasts and
birds of prey, from a desert into fertile fields and
smiling gardens, he repented him of the good he had
done us, and strove as much as possible to mischief
us both by himself and followers in order to make
us fly from it ; and late one night, having collected
together a company of thieves and pirates, he came
before us and forced us to abandon our dwelling ; took
everything away we had, and such as fell into his
hands he transported into unknown countries. . . ."
To seek redress for these outrages Stephen states
that he crossed into Normandy, where the king then
was, and having lodged his complaint, succeeded in
obtaining a royal command to be reinstated in all his
rights ; but that " after that time the rage and malice of
William de Percy was much more vehement against
us, and he never allowed us to pass one day quietly
till he had driven us away from Whitby. . . .
" What needs more ? Necessity so requiring it,
and being overpowered with continual oppression, and
harassed with the inevitable violence of the so-often-
mentioned William de Percy, who had so publicly
and unjustly taken away Whitby from us, we retired to
Lestingham." " We " being evidently Stephen and a party attached
to him, for it does not appear that Reinfred or his

SERLO DE PERCY.
original fraternity ever left Whitby ; but it is probable a.d.
that the Norman knight possessed that headstrong I03°2f°96
character and impatience of opposition popularly
ascribed to certain of his descendants. Charlton says
apologetically : —
"It is true that William de Percy seems to have
been of a haughty and choleric disposition ; but I am of
opinion that he never could have behaved so injuriously
to any ecclesiastic without having had great provocation."
Be this as it may, the religious zeal of the founder
of Whitby Abbey seems to have been of a somewhat
capricious nature. On Reinfred's death William de
Percy's brother Serlo, who had also by this time
exchanged the sword for the gown, who is said to have
been a man of considerable learning, and who had
held office in the royal household, and been the friend
and companion in arms (probably, considering the dif
ference of their ages, the tutor or governor) of Prince
William,1 the heir to the crown, succeeded to the Priory
of Whitby by the unanimous vote of the brotherhood.
On his election his brother confirmed the original grant,
but a dispute subsequently arose between them, and
notwithstanding the full rights that he had formally
conferred by his charter, he now granted a large portion
of the lands attached to the monastery to his faithful
esquire, Ralf, afterwards (by right of his possession of
one of those properties) Ralf de Eversley, a name that
was honourably borne by his knightly descendants
through many generations.
Serlo lost no time in appealing to the king (Rufus
had by this time succeeded to the throne) who com-
munded William de Percy to desist from his claim, but
1 " Familiaris ejus et socius amantissimus, quum ipsi juvenes milites
essent in domo et in curia Willelmi patris ejus." — Harl. MSS.
No. 293, fol. 35.
19 C 2

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. the old baron appears to have disregarded the royal
1030-1205 authority ; for we are told that Serlo " being desirous
to be at a distance from his brother William, and to live
on the demesnes of the king, lest his brother should
offer him some injury or use him reproachfully, removed
to Hacknesse," * and that even there he was not free
from persecution.
William Peeris in his Metrical Chronicle takes part
against his own order in this quarrel, and states that
Serlo had forged a title to the charter of Whitby " to
entitle the king as founder," for which sin God had pun
ished and ruefully vexed him by " a contagious canker."
Towards the end of his life however William de
Percy determined to make his peace with the Church,
and having become reconciled with his brother he issued
a new charter confirming all the original grants except
Eversley. This was subsequently supplemented by a royal
charter, to which Percy's name is appended as a witness,
and by which the prior and brotherhood are granted " all
liberties and privileges over whatever land they may have
acquired or may acquire as also over all their homagers
wheresoever dwelling, as absolutely and freely as the
royal power hath granted or can grant them to any
church whatsoever." *
^Having thus freed his conscience, William de Percy,
in further atonement for past offences, joined Duke
Robert of Normandy in the first Crusade. He reached
the Holy Land and died in sight of Jerusalem in the
autumn of 1096.3 He was buried at Antioch, but his
1 Charlton.
2 Appendix I. See also Dugdale, Monast. Anglican, vol. i. 412, where
all the charters relating to the foundation of Whitby Abbey are recited.
3 " Nobilissimus Wilhelmus de Perci, Jerosolamiam petens, apud
locum qui vocatur mons Gaudii qui est in Provincia Jerosolymitima,
migravit ad Dominum, ibique a suis honorifice sepultus est." —
Memorials of Fountain Abbey, Surtees Society.
20

LANDS OF WILLIAM DE PERCY.
heart was brought to England and laid in the abbey a.d.
he had there founded. 1030-1096
Serlo survived till 1102, and before his death suc
ceeded in getting his nephew, William de Percy,1
nominated his successor as abbot, not in considera
tion, as we are told, of any exceptional learning or
piety, but for the more worldly reason that the monks
would find him " the properest person for getting their
possessions confirmed, and giving them an addition to
their present power." 2
*
* *
Within twenty years after the Conquest, the great
work of William's reign, the land survey of his new
kingdom, which has served to throw so strong and
clear a light upon the social history of that period,
had been completed.
From these records we learn that in 1085 William
de Percy was the holder in capite3 of no less than
eighty-six lordships in the North Riding of Yorkshire,
exclusive of Whitby,4 of thirty-two lordships in Lincoln
shire, and of other lands in Essex and in Hampshire.5
The actual extent of these possessions it is impos
sible to estimate with any approach to accuracy, since
1 According to Charlton, this nephew of William and Serlo de Percy
came over from Normandy in 1096, accompanied by his sister, who
married, first, Hugh de Borthorp, near Semar. and secondly, Reginald
Bucel, of Ouston Bucel.
2 Stephen's Chronicle of Whitby.
3 He was at this time still sub-tenant for certain lands held under
the Earl of Chester, which he subsequently obtained in capite. — See
Domesday Book, i. 305.
* The Deanery of Craven is stated at the time of the Conquest to
have comprised 600 square miles, five-sixths of which was waste land.
The Percy fee in Craven was equal to 17,400 statute acres, and
stretched twenty-five miles from north to south. — See Whitaker's
History of Craven.
s The recital of William de Percy's lands in Domesday Book occupies
ten and a half closely- printed columns. — See vol. i. fols. 322 and 354.
21

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. Domesday only gives the measurement of the arable
1030-1205 ]an^i wriereas moor, woodland, and forest then formed
the principal portion of the territory in the north of
England. Equally difficult it is to arrive at the value
of these lands ; the fisheries must, however, have been
important sources of revenue, and the forests formed
the feeding-ground of innumerable herds of hogs.2 The
money value of game, which was strictly preserved,
must also have been considerable.
The quantity of land required to constitute a knight's
fee, and again the number of knights' fees that went
to compose a barony, appear then to have been quite
undetermined by any established rule or principle.
Indeed the grant of land held by knight's service, though
it placed the holder in the position of a gentleman, did
not in itself confer knighthood ; nor did the possession
of a barony confer the privileges or degree of baron,
since " nobody could confer titles of honour besides the
king, or persons having power and authority from him." 3
It is thus difficult to compute the dignity and influence
which the possession of landed property then represented.
Authorities differ widely as to the number of knights'
fees created by the Conqueror. According to Madox
these exceeded thirty thousand ; Vitalis puts them as
high as fifty thousand, while modern writers contend
that the revenue derived from scutage in the reign of
the second William has been ascertained with sufficient
approximation to accuracy to prove that the actual

1 The standard measure, the caracute (which was supposed to repre
sent as much arable land as could be worked by one plough and its
team of oxen), not only varied in different counties, ranging from eighty
to 150 acres, but seems to have fluctuated with the quality of the soil.
2 The value of timber was rudely assessed, not by the measurement
of the trees, but by an estimate of the number of swine that could lie
under their shade.
3 Madox, Baronia Anglica.

KNIGHTS' FEES.
numbers of knights' fees could not have exceeded two a.d.
or three thousand. 1030-1096
The latter estimate is probably far more below than
the former ones are above the truth, for as a very
considerable number of William's immediate kinsmen
and chieftains individually held a hundred, a hundred
and fifty, and in some cases even three hundred knights'
fees, they alone would have absorbed the full extent of
the number allowed by the modern computation.1
William de Percy is stated to have held thirty-two
knights' fees,2 and there is no doubt whatever that he
was very shortly after William's accession to the English
throne summoned to his councils as a baron of the
realm. His name is among the first in a " Catalogus
nobilium qui immediate praelia a rege conquestore
tenuerunt," 3 and again among the " Magnates superstites
anno xx Regni Willelmi Conquestoris et quibus in comit-
ibus terras tenuerunt ; " 4 and though Collins's statement
that he had held the office of Magnus Constabularius — •
a post almost invariably filled by roblemen of the highest
rank — rests upon questionable authority,5 the fact of his

1 " Suppose King William the First granted to Alan, Earl of Bretagne,
an honour in England of 140 knights' fees, plus minus : to Hugh Bigot,
Earl of Norfolk, an honour composed of 125 knights' fees; to the
Bishop of Worcester an honour made up of sixty knights' fees ; to
Monsieur de Percy a barony of thirty knights' fees ; to Monsieur Malet,
Chevalier, two knights' fees, &c  in brief, to so many persons,
so many knights' fees as might amount to 32,000 or some other such
number." — Madox, Baronia Anglica.
2 A knight's fee under the Conqueror comprised the obligation of
furnishing the king with one armed soldier for forty days in each year,
besides contributions in aid of royal marriages and large payments
under the head of what is now called succession duty. Under Henry
the Second it was allowed to be commuted into a money payment of
twenty shillings.
3 Duchesne. 4 Ibid.
s The statement appears in an anonymous paper in the Harleian MSS.
(No. 293, fol. 35), but it is doubtful whether such an office as Lord
High Constable of England existed under the early Norman kings.
vol. 1. 23

THE NORMAN PERCIES.

a.d. having stood high in the royal confidence as a baron
1030-1205 Qr the reajm ;s established by irrefutable evidence.
# *
History records but little to throw light upon the
lives of the next three generations of the Percies. We
are not even informed for what achievements Alan,
the second baron, was by his contemporaries honoured
with the surname of " the great." ' He probably gained
military distinction in the wars waged by Henry I. in
Normandy and France, and the high consideration in
which he was held is sufficiently attested by his marriage
with a lady nearly allied to the royal house of England,
Emma de Gant, a grandniece of the Conqueror.2
By this alliance he came into possession of consi
derable additional lands, including the lordship of
Hunmanby in Yorkshire.
Alan de Percy left seven sons,3 of whom a younger
one, Walter of Rugemont, became a baron in his own
right,4 while William, the eldest, succeeded him as third
Baron of Percy. All that we know of him is that he
founded the Abbey of Handel, gave to the monks of
Whitbye the church of Semar, and two ox-gangs of
land in Up-Lytham, and married Alice, the daughter of
Everard de Ros or Rous.5
This is the William de Percy whom the modern
1 His donations to Whitby Abbey and other religious houses are in
the various charters described as the grants "Magni Alani." — Monast.
Angl. 2 A daughter of Gilbert de Gant, and granddaughter of Baldwin,
Earl of Flanders, Queen Matilda's brother.
3 So say the modern genealogists on the strength of names which
appear in various family documents of this period, but the character of
the relationship of these Percies to the head of the house is by no
means clearly established. Dugdale enumerates only five sons, whereas
other tables quote as many as eight.
* " Walter de Percy, Baronus " is one of the seventeen subscribers to
a charter under King Stephen. See Seidell's Titles of Honor, vol. iii.
p. 718.
5 Dugdale's Baronage. ^4

ALAN DE PERCY AND HIS SONS.
genealogists ignore, but who, according to the more a.d.
ancient writers, including the Monk of Whitbye,1 the Io69_2_II33
author of a memoir of the founders of that abbey, was
the son and heir of Alan the Great, and the father of
a Richard de Percy, mis-called fourth baron. This
Richard, if he ever existed, would appear to have been
a younger brother, and not a son, of the third baron,
who was succeeded by his only son William, the fourth
in direct descent from the Conquest.2
The usurpation of the crown by Stephen had pro
duced a disturbed political atmosphere perfectly con
genial to the lawless and aggressive mood of the Norman
barons, who, conscious of their strength during this crisis,
took full advantage of the occasion to consolidate their
powers and to extort new privileges from the hopes or
fears of the king. In the northern counties, in particular,
the lords of the soil now arrogated to themselves the
status of independent princes ; imposed taxes, and levied
forces upon their individual responsibility ; fortified their
castles without asking the royal licence, and made raids
upon each other, or combined to carry war into the neigh
bouring kingdom. The native population had by this time
ceased to maintain even a passive resistance towards their
Norman masters, and had, from the necessity of their
position, become a hardy and disciplined race of soldiers,
ever ready to draw sword at the command of those who,
by the sword, had despoiled and subjugated them.
In the dynastic struggle which ensued William de
Percy took the side of the usurper ; and when King
David of Scotland led an army across the border on behalf
of the rights of his kinswoman, the Empress Maud, he
1 Harleian MSS. No. 692 (26), fol. 235.
2 Camden refers to this baron as the "great grandson" of the
William de Percy who came over with the Conqueror. — See Britannia,
vol. i. p. 241. 25

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. was one of the chief commanders of Stephen's army,1
i 030-1 205 an(_j materially contributed to the defeat and rout of the
Scots at Northallerton in 1137. Prominent among the
chieftains opposed to him in this action was his kinsman
Alan,.2 than whom no soldier was better loved and
trusted by the Scottish king ; for his military skill and
judgment were reputed to be equal to the valour for
which he was renowned, and had not his advice been
overruled by the rash temper of less experienced warriors,
the Battle of the Standard would not probably have been
included in the roll of English victories.3
The fourth Baron de Percy had acquired additional
lands in different parts of England, and more especially
in Sussex, where he was mesne lord of manors exceeding
ten thousand acres, belonging to the lordship of Petti-
ward, afterwards called Petworth, " with suit and service
to Roger, Earl of Montgomery," and which, we are
informed, formed part of the twenty-three knights' fees
which he held from that earl.4
1 " When King David of Scotland invaded the parts of England,
Archbishop Thurston, whom Stephen had appointed lieutenant-governor
of the north, called together the nobility and gentry of the counties, and
those adjoining to the city of York ; whose names I find thus recorded by
Richard, Prior of Hexham : William de Albemarle, Walter de Gant,
Robert de Brus, Robert de Mowbray, Walter Espec, Ilbert de Lacy,
William de Percy, Richard de Curcy, William Fossard, and Robert
de Stouteville, all ancient barons of this country." — Drake's Eboracum.
2 Not his brother, as is commonly said. He was a natural son of
Alan, the second Baron de Percy.
3 Alan, we are told, had urged the king not to abandon the favourable
ground he occupied, but to await the enemy's attack within his intrench-
ments, and David was disposed to be guided by this prudent counsel,
when a Scottish noble, Malise, Earl of Strathearn, angrily demanded
by what right " that Frenchman" presumed to teach them their duty.
Alan replied by a defiance and a challenge to single combat, and it
required the king's personal intervention to adjust or defer the quarrel.
The term " Frenchman " which the ruling race in England arrogantly
assumed as expressive of their superiority, was, it would appear, used in
a reproachful sense by the unsubdued Scots.
4 See Dallaway's Western Division of the County of Sussex. 181 5.
Vol. i. pp. 205 and 207. 26

THE LORDSHIP OF PETWORTH.
There is here, however, some confusion. The Roger a.d.
de Montgomeri, who had been granted the Honour of IIl2f2l6S
Arundel by the Conqueror, died early in the reign of
William the Second; and his son Robert, the third
and last Earl of Arundel of that name, died in 1102,
when the Honour of Arundel reverted to King Henry
the First, who settled it in dower upon his Queen
Adeliza. Our William de Percy, who was born 11 12,
must therefore have held his lands in Sussex directly
from the Crown.
Like his ancestors, he was a liberal benefactor to
religious houses ; he granted the church of Topcliffe
towards the construction of York Minster ; founded the
Abbey of Salley, or Sauley, in Craven,1 and gave twenty
marks a year, out of the rents of the manor and forests
of Gisburne, Yorkshire, besides lands (redeemable by the
monks of Salley, who held them, for ^25 a year) to
Sandon Hospital, in Surrey.
The condition attached to this grant was that six
chaplains should be maintained, and that a lamp, and a
candle of two pounds in weight, should be kept burning
before the altar of the Virgin in the hospital chapel
during the celebration of mass.2
William de Percy was twice married ; first to Alice de
Tunbridge, daughter of Richard, third Earl of Clare,3

1 Salley or Sawley Abbey became one of the chief burial places of
the Percies, but no traces of their tombs now remain. The building
had no pretension to magnificence ; indeed, according to Whitaker
(History of Craven) : " In this respect the ambition of the Percies
did not lead them to rival their neighbours." Long after it had
passed out of possession of the family the Manor of Salley reverted
to one of their descendants, King James the First having granted
it to his favourite, James Hay, afterwards Earl of Carlisle, at whose
death in 1636 it passed to his son by his wife Lucy, daughter of the
ninth Earl of Northumberland.
2 See Brayley's History of Surrey.
3 Grandson of Gilbert Strongbow, who died in 1 1 49.
27

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. and commonly called Lord of Tunbridge (after his castle
1030-1205 Q£- ^^ name in j^ent), who bore him several sons and
two daughters.
Of these sons nothing remains on record beyond their
signatures as witnesses to various grants to religious
houses, unless Ralph de Percy may be counted among
them.1 This Ralph, described as Lord of Smeaton,2 is the
hero of a popular legend, according to which he was
subjected to a severe and prolonged penance for an act
of sacrilege.
It appears that while hunting in the forest of Whitby
with two of his companions, he had wounded a wild
boar, which sought refuge in St. Hilda's Chapel, where
the presiding priest mercifully afforded sanctuary to the
suffering beast by closing the doors against the pursuing
hounds. The three barons, enraged at this interference
with their sport, slew the holy man, a crime for which
they would have suffered death had he not, with his last
breath, interceded on their behalf and granted them
absolution for their sin, on condition that they would
each, once a year upon a specified day, with their own
hands, collect and carry on their backs, for delivery to the
Abbot of Whitby, a bundle of stakes and wattles. This
act of penance is said to have been regularly performed
for a long period, not only by the culprits themselves, but
by the successors in the tenure of their lands.
Sir Walter Scott thus refers to the legend : —
" Then Whitby's nuns exulting told
How to their house three barons bold
Must menial service do ;
1 No son of this name is mentioned by the old genealogists, but the
records of this period are very imperfect, and Ralph may have been one
of the numerous grandsons of the second baron, all of whom inherited
lands in Yorkshire.
2 The Lordship of Smeaton was part of the Craven Fee.

MAUD DE PERCY.
While horns blow out a note of shame, a.d.
And monks cry ' Fye, upon your name ; 1132-1203
In wrath for loss of sylvan game —
Saint Hilda's priest ye slew.'
This on Ascension Day each year
While labouring on our harbour pier
Must Herbert, Bruce, and Percy hear ! " *

By his second wife, Sybilla de Vallines, William de
Percy had no children, and as none of his several sons
survived him, he was, on his death in 11 68, succeeded in
his great possessions by his two daughters, Maud and
Agnes, as co-heiresses.
In the early part of this year he had "made return of
knights enfeoffed of his honour, both of ancient feoffment
of the time of Henry I. and of new feoffment since his
death, in order that those who have not yet done liege
homage, and whose names are not yet written in the Rolls
of the King, might come in and do it before that Sunday " -
(the first Sunday in Lent).
Maud de Percy married William de Newburgh, third
Earl of Warwick, who fell in the Crusades, leaving no
issue, in 11 84/ when his widow paid the Crown seven

1 Marmion. See note to Canto ii.
2 Plumpton Papers. William de Percy had in this year been assessed
at thirty marks in aid of the marriage of the king's daughter (Mag. Rot.
14 Hen. II. and Rot Everwyk 6a 575), but the principle upon which
scutage was levied was still so ill defined, and varied so much in
different localities, that it affords no criterion of the actual number,
and still less of the value, of knights' fees.
3 According to Banks (Extinct Baronage), this Earl of Warwick
married, secondly, Margaret, the daughter of John d'Ayville, celebrated in
the "Song of the Barons" (written in 1263 and published by the
Camden Society) as : —
" Sire Jon D'Ayvile
Qui onques ni aima" treyson ne gile."
But if this lady was ever his wife, she must have been the first, and
29

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. hundred marks for assignment of her dower and for
i 030-1 205 jicence to re-marry according to her inclination, although,
if the date of her birth be correctly recorded, she must
then have approached her fiftieth year.
The monks of Salley having represented to her that
the climate of Craven was so damp that their corn would
not ripen,1 she compensated them by the grant of the
Church of Our Lady, at Tadcaster, and the Chapel of
Haselwood, with a caracute of land in her birthplace,
Catton, and a yearly pension in consideration of the per
formance of perpetual masses for the souls of her husband
and various members of her family.
The charter conferring these gifts is dated in 1 186, two
years after her husband's death, and its wording indicates
the quasi royal state in which the Percy heiress then
lived ; the grants being made, as she expresses it, " by
the advice of the Lord Vavaseur, of other of our faithful
lieges, and of our whole court." 2
Dying in 1203, the Countess Maud bequeathed her
entire possessions, being the moiety of her father's estate,
to her nephew, Richard de Percy, the youngest son of
her sister Agnes. Under the terms of the will, her share
should, on her decease, have reverted to the surviving
heiress ; but by a private agreement between the two
sisters, Richard was permitted to inherit his aunt's estate,
an arrangement which, as will be seen, subsequently

not the second, for there is conclusive evidence that the Lady Maud
Percy survived her husband for many years.
1 Whitaker suspects that the monks were here guilty of misrepresen
tation, since " in this extensive tract not a single spot can be pointed
out equally warm and fertile as that which William de Percy parcelled
out as the situation of a religious house." — History of Craven.
2 " Consilio Domini Willielmi Vavasoris, et aliorum virorum et fidelium
meorum, et totius Curia? mea?." — Monast. Angl. vol. v. p. 510.
30

JOCELYN DE LOUVAIN.
led to further encroachments upon the rights of the a.d.
lawful heir. 1 134-1205
Some years after her marriage with William de Albini,1
Adeliza, once known as the Fair Maid of Brabant, and
second wife of Henry the First, sent into France for her
half-brother, Jocelyn de Louvain,2 " to share her prosperity
and happiness," 3 and also, as would appear, to improve his
fortune by an advantageous alliance.
Agnes de Perci was the lady whom Adeliza selected
for a sister-in-law, but her father was too proud of his
race to allow all traces of it to be lost even by absorption
in the princely house of Brabant, and he accordingly
attached an important condition to the marriage of his
heiress. We read in an ancient MS. that : — " This Jocelyn
. . . wedded this dame Agnes Percy upon condition that
heshold be called Jocelyn Percy, or els that he shold bare
the armes of the Lord Percy, and he toke the counsell
of his syster and he chose rather to be called Jocelyn
Percy than to forsake his owne armes (which be feld
ore, a lion rampant, azure),4 for so shold he have no
right title to his father's inheritance, and so of right the
1 She had married that accomplished and chivalrous gentleman after
a royal widowhood of five years, in 1140, when he became jure uxoris,
Earl of Arundel. He was the son of William de Albini, one of the
Conqueror's chief commanders, by the daughter of Robert de Bigod,
Earl of Norfolk.
2 The youngest son of Godfrey, Duke of Brabant, a lineal descendant
of Charlemagne, by his second wife, Clementia of Burgundy. He was
thus the half-brother of Queen Adeliza, though in various documents
he styles himself, and is by others described, as "frater Regince."
3 See Miss Strickland's Queens of England.
4 The arms borne by the Norman Percies had down to this time
been " azure five fusils in fess or," and these are found engraven on
the seals of the charter of Sallay Abbey and of other documents.
The descendants of the younger branches of the family anterior to
the line of Louvain continued to bear those arms ; while the elder
branch adopted those of their ancestor Jocelyn.
31

THE NORMAN PERCIES.
a.d. Lord Percy shold be Duke of Brabant, tho they be not
1030-1205 soindede."1 The date of the marriage is not on record, but may be
approximately fixed by the charter under which Adeliza's
munificent wedding gift, the Honour of Petworth, was
conferred upon her brother. This document was con
firmed by Duke Henry of Normandy, while acting as
regent in England in 11 50-51, and Queen Adeliza,
herself a witness to the marriage, died towards the end
of the latter year, when the heiress was barely sixteen
years of age.
In addition to Petworth, Jocelyn de Percy held, in his
own right, lands representing five and a half knights'
fees in Yorkshire.2 All that we can learn of him is that
he lived in great splendour and made large donations
to the religious houses endowed by the Percies, as well
as to the Abbeys of Lewes and Reading. He died
before 1189.3
The Lady Agnes survived her husband for nearly a
quarter of a century, dying at a very advanced age in
1205. She was buried upon her saint-day, a fact attested

1 Ex registro Monasterii de Whitbye. — Harl. MSS. No. 692 (26),
fol. 235. Peeris says: —
"Therfore in c5-clusyon he chose to holde his owne armys styll
And to take the name of Percy at the saide Lady Agnes wil."
Longstaffe, in his Percy Badges, doubts whether Jocelyn de Louvain
himself ever took the name of Percy, but he gives no authority for this
opinion. 2 These are quoted in the Red Book of the Exchequer as " Feod
Jocelini de Lovaine."
3 As may be inferred from the terms of a charter towards the end of
the reign of Henry the Second, by which the Lady Agnes confers upon
the monks of Sallay certain lands : " Pro salute animse mea? et charis-
simi domini nostri Regis Henrici, et Regina? Alienorae, et Jocelini de
Lovain, quondam sponsi mei  et omnium antecessorum et
hasredum meorum." — Monast. Angl.

AGNES DE LOUVAIN.
upon her tombstone in Whitby Abbey by this quaint a.d.
inscription :— 13 ltl2°5
" Agnes, Agnetis festo tumulatur, et istis
Idem sexus, idem nomen, et una dies." *
With her ended the elder branch of the Norman
Percies, and a new line commenced, which, for nearly
five centuries, played an important and conspicuous part
in the history of England.
1 Dugdale. Wynn's Pedigree Roll from Harl. MSS. Peeris renders
the inscription : —
" In the fest of Saint Agnes, Agnes Percy
Lyeth here engravide, and they bothe aggre
In kynde, name, and lyfe."
adding : " this is a great commendation, and a token that this lady was
of virtuous life and conversation."

VOL. I. 33 D

Cfie Mton& 1$tvc& ot itotttmm.

Sixth Baron.
Henry de Percy, born circ. 1160, died 1196.
Seventh Baron.
Richard (brother), born circ. 11 70, died 1244.
Eighth Baron.
William (nephew), born circ. 1193, died 1245.
Ninth Baron.
Henry, born circ. 1230, died 1272.

Contemporary
English Sovereigns.
Henry II. ace. 1154
Richard I. „ 1189
Henry II.
Richard I.
John" „ 1199
Henry III. ,, 1216
Richard.
John. Henry III.

Henry III.

CHAPTER II.

C&e percuss of Houbain.

'N the death of Jocelyn de Louvain, his
widow, as representative of the fifth
Baron de Percy, continued in possession
of the northern estates, but the Lordship
of Petworth * devolved upon their eldest
son, Henry,2 who had married Isabel,
daughter of Adam de Brus, Lord of Skelton.3 This
lady brought him the Manor of Lekinfield, near Beverley,

a.d.
1160-1196

1 His claim to this Barony was contested by Brian Fitz Ralph, Lord
of Middleham, Yorkshire, who had paid 100 marks for licence to pro
secute his suit, promising 200 more if he succeeded in it. — See Mag.
Rot, Richard I., R. 16, Sussexa. The Fitz Ralphs seem to have held
some of these lands in the reign of the first Henry, for in the charter of
the Monastery of Lewes (Monast. Angl. vol. v. p. 3) we find it stated that
the Church of Bukeden, Sussex, the grant of which to that institution was
therein confirmed by Jocelyn de Louvain, had orignally been " a gift of
William Fitz Ralph."
2 The first of this baptismal name which through fourteen subsequent
generations was borne by the head of the family. He was so called
after his aunt's husband, King Henry the First. Ralf, the youngest son
of the Lady Agnes Percy, returned to France, settled in the south, there
married a lady of rank, Mademoiselle de Jennes, and became the
founder of a family of Percy, of which the last representative — an officer
of the order of St. Louis — was an emigre in England during the revolu
tion, and was hospitably received as a kinsman by the second Duke of
Northumberland. 3 Whose great-grandfather appears in Domesday Book as the holder of
vol. 1. "K D 2

THE PERCIES OF LOUVAIN.
a.d. Yorkshire, which long continued one of the principal
n 0-1272 seatg 0r- the Percies.
A curious condition was attached to this manorial
tenure. Henry de Percy and his heirs were required to
repair to Skelton Castle every Christmas morning, to
lead the lady of the house from her chamber to mass in
the chapel and back, and to depart after dining with her.
This formality is said to have been regularly complied
with until the prohibition to celebrate mass, at the
Reformation, caused it to fall into abeyance.
Henry de Percy quit-claimed to Fountains Abbey, "all
Litton and Littondale, excepting the venison there, for
the custody whereof the monks were to present unto
him two foresters, and to pay them at their own proper
costs." * Such reservations of the rights of the chase on
the part of church patrons are frequently met with in the
charters of religious houses, and occasionally gave rise
to litigation, the monks being by no means disposed to
forego their " command of the deer." 2
Dying a few weeks before his mother, Henry de
Percy was succeeded by his only surviving son, William,
who became the legal heir to the entire property of the
house ; but he being then only in his fifteenth year, his uncle
Richard assumed the administration of his lands, and
with this the baronial rights appertaining to the head
of the family, — a position so congenial to his tastes that
he could not be induced to relinquish it when his ward
attained his majority.
By right of this usurped power 3 Richard de Percy had
ninety-four lordships in Yorkshire, of which Skelton Castle was the
capital. Its lords enjoyed the privilege of holding a weekly fair on
Sundays, under the castle walls. See Brayley's Yorkshire.
1 Dugdale's Baronage, p. 271.
2 See postea, page 50.
s The officially appointed guardian of the minor was William de
Briwere (Cal. Rot. Chart. 1 King John); who seems, however, to have
36

RICHARD DE PERCY.
on his mother's death livery of all the lands in Yorkshire a.d.
of which she had died seised, as well as of those which had II7(^244
been illegally bequeathed to him by his aunt the Countess
of Warwick ; of the greater part of these he succeeded in
retaining possession during the whole of his life.
He was a man of much ambition, daring, and strength
of will T ; a fair type of those iron barons who acknow
ledged no law but that of the sword, and who, in their
efforts to guard and extend their own powers and
privileges against the encroachment of royal authority,
laid the foundation of that constitution which secured
the popular liberties of England. k
*
* *
" Am I not a good craftsman that have made a new
earl out of an old bishop ? " laughingly asked King
Richard, when, according to old Norman fashion, he had
girded the sword on Hugh de Pudsey, Bishop of Durham,
in creating him Earl of Northumberland. The dignity
was conferred for life in consideration of a money pay
ment,2 but when, a few years later, the king's necessities
for the means of prosecuting the War of the Crusades
became more urgent, he revoked the grant, and entered
into negotiations with the King of Scotland for the
sale of the county of Northumberland.3 These were
however broken off in consequence of the vehement
wanted either the will or the power to resist Richard de Percy's high
handed proceedings.
1 In an old MS. genealogy of the Percies preserved in St. Mary's
Church, York, we read : " Quidem Ricardus, quia vir animosus erat,
intravit in purpartiam matris suae . . . sine aliquo jure hereditario, et
petebat totam haeriditatem sororis matris suse praedictae, et sic tenuit ad
vitam suam." — Monast. Angl. vol. v. p. 516.
2 Mat. Paris, p. 207. The bishop had paid 1,000 marks for the
earldom and the revenues of the county, together with the office of lord
justiciary. 3 Fifteen thousand marks was the price offered by the Scottish king
for the whole county of Northumberland, including the stronghold of
Newcastle. 37

THE PERCIES OF LOUVAIN.
a.d. opposition on the part of the northern barons to the sur-
°_2.2'2 render of the border province to their hereditary enemy.
Richard de Percy took a prominent part in resisting the
proposed concession, without, however, incurring the royal
displeasure ; for the king continued to call him to his
counsels, and among other marks of his favour conferred
upon him the grant of a wealthy Jew, whom he subse
quently " made over" to Queen Alianore.1
Notwithstanding many faults, and the oppressive
taxation which his warlike policy compelled him to im
pose, the King of the Lion Heart had by his generous
nature, and the martial genius by means of which he
greatly raised the prestige of England, won the
attachment of his people. His brother John had no such
merits to redeem his false and feeble nature. His
exactions were even more burdensome than those of
Richard ; but the military enterprises for which they
formed the pretext either collapsed in their inception or
terminated in disorder and disgrace. There was not
one feature in his private character to compensate for his
deficiencies as a ruler. He was untruthful, treacherous,
pusillanimous and vindictive. Popular rumour attri
buted to his hand the murder of his young nephew,
Prince Arthur, and his habitual cruelty fully justified the
suspicion. His licentiousness 2 was equal to his vindic-
1 See Madox's Antiquities of the Exchequer, vol. i. pp. 223, 230, 241.
They had previously been a despised and persecuted race, but the
systematic extortion practised upon the Jews in England originated in
Richard's reign, and was improved upon by King John. Jewish traders
could only ply their craft by purchasing the protection of the Crown, and
even thus the greater part of their earnings found their way into the
royal coffers in the shape of fines, ransoms, tallages, and compositions
for obtaining justice. Private individuals were permitted to " farm "
wealthy Jews for their own profit, such royal licenses being considered
equivalent to a grant of land or money.
2 Numerous instances are on record of his dishonouring attempts
upon the wives and daughters of his nobles, who were not of a temper to
allow their king such liberties.

KING JOHN.
tiveness, and it may truly be said of him, as it was in a.d.
later days of Caesar Borgia, that he had never been IZ7^!244
known to spare man in his hate, or woman in his lust.
Monarchy was so essential a feature of the principle of
feudalism — being indeed at once the foundation and the
apex of the entire structure — that it must have required
a rare combination of repellent qualities on the part of
the sovereign so completely to alienate the support of
his most powerful subjects, that even the provocation of
a foreign enemy would not induce them to draw the sword
at his command. Thus the warlike barons of England
looked on in sullen inactivity while their continental
possessions were overrun, and the fair provinces of
Normandy re-annexed to the French Crown.
Rarely however has the loss of territory been so
fraught with beneficial effects upon the destinies of a
nation. Hitherto the ruling race in England had owned
a divided allegiance : English lords continuing to be
Norman seigneurs, Norman nobles owning large tracts
of English lands only for the sake of the revenue to be
derived from them, and which they expended in their
own country. They had now to elect whether they
would become Englishmen or Frenchmen ; there was no
middle course : and the lords of the soil henceforth became,
in fact as well as in name, the Barons of England.1
A long series of domestic alliances had already served
to allay the resentment and jealousy of the native popu
lation towards their conquerors ; and the renunciation of
alien sympathies and interests, with the acknowledgment
of a common nationality, now cemented the union between
1 Lord Macaulay dates the history of England proper from the reign of
King John : " In the time of Richard the First the ordinary imprecation of
a Norman gentleman was ' May I become an Englishman ! ' his ordinary
form of indignant denial was 'Do you take me for an Englishman?'
The descendants of such a gentleman a hundred years later were proud
of the English name." — History of England, vol. i. p. 16.
39

THE PERCIES OF LOUVAIN.
a.d. Norman and Saxon, and did much to obliterate the
0-1272 harsher lines of demarcation which had hitherto existed
between the dominant and the subject race.
Enraged at the attitude of his rebellious subjects,
King John carried an army into the north of England,
desolating entire districts with fire and sword ; but the
barons and their dependants either joined the Scottish
forces on the border, or defied him from the security of
their strongholds ; and he could but wreak his vengeance
upon the bare walls of abandoned castles, or the unarmed
populations of towns and villages.
His remorseless cruelty during this expedition * only
served to embitter the general hatred which his vices had
inspired ; and when, despairing of other support, he made
a humiliating peace with Rome, avowing himself and his
heirs the vassals of the pope, all classes joined in an
indignant protest and a stern demand for the redress of
their grievances.
The curtain next rises upon the grand scene at Runni-
mede, and among the barons who there confronted the
pale king none spoke in a more uncompromising tone
than Richard de Percy,2 who had a personal as well as a
national wrong to resent.
1 It was while so engaged that, having been bogged in crossing
Alnwick Moor (then called the Forest of Aidon), the king issued a
mandate which was incorporated in their charter, requiring the freemen
of Alnwick to walk across the moor in a body once a year, a ceremony
which they continued to perform with waving flags and bands of music,
down to a comparatively recent period.
2 Matthew Paris (Lib. iii. p. 254) speaks of him as one of the barons
" qui principes fuerunt in exactione libertatum." Another ancient
historian thus enumerates the chief authors of the great charter :
Robert Fitzwalter. Robert de Ros.
Gilbert, Earl of Clare. Peter de Bruis.
Saher, Earl of Winchester. Nicholas Stuteville.
Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk. William de Mowbray.
Geffrey Fitzpiers, Earl of Essex. Oliver de Vaux.
Eustace de Vescy.
Richard de Percy. — Carte, vol. i. p. 829.
40

THE BARONIAL LEAGUE.
His wife's brother, William de Braose, having refused a.d.
to surrender his children as hostages for his own good [I7°-I244
conduct to the Crown, had been banished the country,
and in his absence the king had seized upon his wife
and eldest son and caused them to be starved to death
in a dungeon at Windsor.1
The sturdy Percy had espoused his kinsman's cause,
and loudly denounced King John's atrocious cruelty ; and
when now, having been elected one of the twenty-five
guardians of the charter,2 he, with his hand upon the hilt
of his sword, swore to enforce the concessions extorted
from the reluctant sovereign, all felt confident that their
rights and liberties were safe in such keeping, even in
spite of the papal excommunication by which he was
individually proclaimed.3
Less creditable to Richard de Percy was his participa
tion in offering the Crown of England to a foreign prince,
and in surrendering to Alexander of Scotland the county
and fortresses of Northumberland as the price of his
armed support of Louis of France. Even among those
who most resented King John's repudiation of his solemn
promises, there showed itself a strong reluctance to bear
arms against him by the side of a French army, and to
the very last attempts were made on the part of the
1 Paris, HistoHa Maior, p. 230. Holinshead says that, as the " mess
engers . . . canae unto the Lord William de Breuse requiring to have his
sonnes for the said purpose, his wyfe (like a quick and hastie dame) taking
the words out of her husband's mouth, made this round answer, ' that she
would not deliver her sonnes unto King John, who alreadie had slaine
his own nephoe Arthur, whom he ought rather honorablie to have loved
and preserved,'" — Chronicles of England, vol. ii. p. 298. The Braoses or
Broases were a wealthy and influential baronial family who had held
lands in Devonshire and Sussex from the Conquest. This William de
Braose had become a powerful chieftain in Ireland, and one of the king's
most formidable opponents. He died in Paris shortly after the murder
of his wife and child.
2 The conservators' or guardians of the charter comprised seven earls,
fifteen barons, the Jjbrd Mayor of London and the Constable of Chester.
3 Fcedera, vol.. i. p. 211. 41

THE PERCIES OF LOUVAIN.
a.d. insurgent barons to induce the king to agree to such
0-1272 terms as might obviate the necessity of resorting to
foreign aid.
Thus in 12 16 we find Richard de Percy and others
making overtures for peace and compromise, an official
record of which has been preserved.
" The King to Robert de Ros, William de Moebray,
Eustace de Vesey, Peter de Brus, J. Fitz Robert, Richard
de Percy, Richard de Umframvill, Roger de Merlay, Roger
Bertram, Ranulph Fitz Robert, Bartholomew Fitz 
your messengers, the bearers of these presents, came to
us at Dover next after the feast of the Invention of
Holy Cross, having been sent (transmissi) to us on your
behalf; but  they proposed certain things to
us  you desire to be reconciled to us.
We send back to you your same messengers, and with
them Robert de Kerneford, our knight [to declare
to you] our will and mind 
Witness the King himself at Folkestone, the 7th day
of May." l
It appears to have been on the failure of this negotia
tion that the northern barons used their combined
influence to bring Yorkshire to acknowledge the preten
sions of the French prince,2 but the opportune death of
John terminated the unhappy conflict. The nation was
not disposed to visit the father's sins upon the son.3 One
by one the barons abandoned the French alliance, and,
1 Patent Rolls, 17 John p. 180 (the blanks are due to the decay of
the Roll).
2 " Robert de Ros, Peter de Bruis and Richard Percie, subdued York
and all Yorkshire, bringing the same under the obeisance of Louis." —
Holinshead, vol. ii. p. 333.
3 In his appeal to the disaffected barons the Earl of Pembroke said :
" Although we have persecuted the father of this young prince for his
evill demeanour, and worthilie, yet this young childe, whom heare you
see before you, as he is in years tender, so he is pure and innocent from
his father's doings." — Ibid. p. 341.
42

A SCENE IN PARLIAMENT.
after a final attempt to assert his authority by force of
arms, Louis made his way back to his own country.
Richard de Percy was among the first to return to his
allegiance when his forfeited lands were restored to him,1
and in the following year he obtained letters of safe-
conduct from the Earl of Pembroke,2 governor of the
kingdom, and did homage to the young king.
In 1 2 19 he was employed in an expedition against the
Welsh rebels, and some time later was one of the negotia
tors of the treaty under which Llewellin, Prince of Wales,
agreed to give such satisfaction as the Archbishop of
Canterbury should direct.
Their restored loyalty did not, however, absolve the
English barons from their obligations to cause the terms
of the charter to be observed, and we must come to
modern times to find a parallel to the vigilance and
jealousy with which Parliament watched the public
expenditure, and protected the national interests, against
the encroachments of the Crown.
Throughout the long reign of Henry the Third every
subsidy demanded became the subject of earnest delibe
ration and discussion ; and when the king, reproved for
the extravagance of his demands,3 pleaded the cost of his
foreign wars, he was bluntly reminded that as these had
been undertaken without the assent of Parliament, the
nation could not be expected to defray their expense.
On the assembling of Parliament in 1237, Henry asked
for " a thirtieth on all movables," and the demand having
1 Rot. Lit. Claus. 1 Henry III. 12 May, 1217. Ibid. 2 Henry III.
19 July, 1218. Feed. vol. i. p. 223.
2 William Marshall, who was raised to the earldom on his marriage with
the only daughter of Richard, the second Earl of Pembroke.
3 Their patriotic regard for the public interests would have been none
the less praiseworthy had it expressed itself in more courteous terms.
When Henry in 1248 applied to Parliament for a large subsidy, the reply
of the House was " they admired that the king did not blush at making
such demands." — M. Paris, Historia Maior, p. 744.
43

THE PERCIES OF LOUVAIN.
a.d. been duly recorded, the barons prepared, according to
n 0-1272 custorri) << to withdraw to a private place r for consultation,
when :
" Gilbert de Bassett, one of the King's personal friends,
not so careful of his words as he might have been, said
aloud to the King,
" ' My lord the King, send some of your friends to go
along with the barons to their consultation.'
" Whereon Richard de Percy, not without reason
angered at this speech (non sine causa stomachatus), arose
and answered him :
" ' What is it, friend Gilbert, that you say ? Do you
take us for foreigners and not the King's friends ? ' and
Gilbert stood reproved for his rude and rash words." 2
*
* *
It was not until the year 1234 that the long-pending
litigation between Richard de Percy and his nephew
terminated. The king then summoned them to appear
in curia Regis ubicunq fuerit, and presided in person to
finally adjudicate upon the case, as a peacemaker, it would
appear, rather than as a judge.3
The decision was that Richard should during his life
retain possession of the moiety which his aunt had
illegally bequeathed to him, but that on his decease the
1 The three estates of the realm at this time met in one house, and
whenever it became necessary to consult and deliberate, the earls, the
spiritual lords, the barons and the commons, would retire in separate
groups. 2 M. Paris, Hist. Maior, p. 435.
3 " Dominus enim Rex vult quod loquela ilia terminetur, et pax inde
fiat in presentia sua."— -Madox, Antiquities of the Exchequer, p. 796.
The weakness of the law to reach the powerful is illustrated by these
proceedings, which afford at the same time so characteristic a picture of
the legal procedure of that period that the record is quoted in full
(Appendix II.). " Norman government," says Hallam, " better re
sembled a scramble of wild beasts where the strongest takes the best
share, than a system founded upon principles of common utility." —
Middle Ages, vol. iii. p. 219. 44

WILLIAM DE PERCY.
entire Yorkshire property left by his grandfather, the a.d.
fourth baron, should revert to his nephew William, to the 1I7<^245
exclusion of Richard's son.1
Some years after the death of his first wife, the
sister of William de Broase, Richard de Percy married
Agnes de Nevill, who was still living as the wife of
John D'Eyncourt towards the end of the thirteenth
century. Although William, the seventh Lord de Percy, so far
joined the barons in their resistance against the tyranny
of King John as to subscribe the declaration to support
the conservators of the charter vi et armis, he appears
to have taken little part in public affairs either civil or
military. Indeed there is nothing recorded of him
beyond that he had paid certain fines for exemption
from military service abroad,2 and made the accustomed
grants to religious houses. It was probably due to his
lethargic nature that his ambitious and energetic guardian
had been enabled to appropriate the greater part of his
estates, and succeeded in deposing him from his lawful
position as head of the family.3 When on his uncle's
death in 1 244 he had livery of his lands,4 he was declared
liable for service of thirty knights' fees of the ancient
1 This son, Henry, was, however, provided with considerable lands in
Yorkshire, where his descendants continued for several generations. In
1249, we find the record of a royal license in his favour, to hold a fair
and market at Settell or Settle. — Close Roll, 33 Henry III. m. 11.
2 In 1242 he paid one hundred marks for exemption from joining the
king in an expedition to Gascony, (Claus. 28 Hen. III. m.20). Among
his benefactions to the Church we find a grant of the manor of Gisburne
(with reservation of forest rights) and an annuity of twenty marks for
masses for his wife " Ellen " to the monks of Salley, as also of his lands
in Foston, for the maintenance of six additional priests at Sandon
Hospital in Surrey. — Monast. Angl. vol. vi. p. 676.
3 As late as in 1224, when he was in his thirty-second year, William
de Percy had been rated for only fifteen knights' fees in Yorkshire,
his uncle Richard holding the remaining fifteen fees forming the
barony. 4 Rot. Fin. 28 Hen. III. m. 2. 45

THE PERCIES OF LOUVAIN.
a.d. feoffment in Yorkshire, and two in Lincolnshire,1 besides
0-1272 his Sussex holdings. He did not however live long to
enjoy his restored possessions. Within one year of
Richard de Percy's death he had followed him to the
grave. He had in 1233 procured the guardianship of the five
daughters of William de Briwere,2 one of whom he
married. She is said to have died without male issue,
when William de Percy took for a second wife Elena,
daughter of Ingelram de Baliol,3 who brought him seven
sons and one daughter.
This daughter Elena was living in 1282 as Abbess
of Werewell,4 in Hertfordshire. Of the six younger
sons, one, Ingelram, inherited his mother's Lordship of
1 Rot. Pip. 30 Hen. III., Madox, Bar. Angl. p. 93.
2 Rot. Fin. 17 Hen. III. m. 3. William de Briwere had been Sheriff
of Devon, in which county he owned extensive lands, under King John,
to whom he adhered throughout his reign, and whose cause he so
warmly espoused that in 1222 he urged Henry III. to disregard the
terms of the charter, since they had been extorted from his father by
violence. One of his daughters married Reginald de Broase, brother of
the victim of John's cruelty, and their son by this marriage, having been
suspected of familiarity with the wife of Llewellyn, Prince of Wales,
was invited to a feast by the jealous husband, who then hanged him in
the banqueting hall, in presence of the lady and the assembled guests.
3 Dugdale makes no mention of William de Percy's second marriage,
and cites Joan de Briwere as the mother of the ninth baron and his six
brothers. Yet he refers to his bequest to the monks of Salley for prayers
for the soul of his wife " Elena." Collins does mention it, but states that
"William de Percy in 17 Henry III. (1233)  gave 500 marks to
the king for the wardship of the five daughters of William de Briwere
.... and afterwards married one of them." There is some confusion
here, for Henry, the ninth baron, who is described as the issue of the second
marriage, had livery of his lands on attaining his majority in 1249, and
must therefore have been born in 1228, or at least five years before the
date thus assigned to the first marriage. Either, then, Henry de Percy
was born of the first marriage, or Joan de Briwere was William's second
wife; the latter- indeed, is not improbable, since Joan's youngest
daughter, Agnes, married Eustace de Baliol after 1254, when, had- she
been the issue of the first marriage, she must have been at least thirty-one
years of age. In those days women of rank who did not marry early in
life almost invariably retired into religious houses.
4 "Elena de Percy received the benediction on Lent Sunday, 1282."
— Abbesses of Werewell Nunnery, Herts., Monast. Angl. vol. ii. p. 634.
46

THE SECOND HENRY DE PERCY.
Dalton,1 thenceforth called Dalton Percy in Durham, and a.d.
married the daughter and co-heiress of William Earl of II7'^224
Albemarle (she afterwards became the wife of Edmund
Crouchback, Earl of Lancaster) ; but this branch of the
family soon became extinct.
Walter was the founder of the Percies of Kildale,2
from whom, descended the Percies of Ormsby and of
Sneton. Jeffrey, styled Lord of Semar, served with
King Henry III. in the French wars, and William was
Canon of St. Peter's, York.
The eldest son, Henry, the ninth baron from the Con
quest, had livery of his lands, with license to marry as
he pleased, in 1249, upon payment of ^"900, then an
exceptionally large fine 3 for those under the degree of
an earl. He played a conspicuous part in the events of
the third Henry's reign and served under his immediate
command in several campaigns in Wales and Scotland.
The king had inherited the weakness and incapacity,
although he was free from the more glaring vices, of his
father ; and the favour shown by him to his numerous
French followers, upon whom he lavished the moneys
1 He died " transmarinis " in 1262, leaving one son, William, then
aged twenty-six. — Inquis. post. mort. 46 Hen. III.
2 On this family becoming extinct, the Lordship reverted to the elder
branch, in whose possession it remained (barring attainders) until 1660,
when the 10th Earl of Northumberland sold the lands of" Kildale to
John Turner of Kirkleatham, Serjeant-at-Law.
3 Rot. Fin. 33 Hen. III., m. 2. — So large that he was specially
permitted to pay it by annual instalments. It is difficult to arrive at
a just estimate of the comparative value of money at this period, for the
price of wheat, which was generally taken as a criterion, underwent
extraordinary fluctuations during the reign of Henry the Third. We
may, however, form some idea of what the pound sterling then repre
sented by the purchase price and rentals of lands and buildings. Matthew
Paris states that William de Trumpington, abbot of St. Albans, bought a
house in London " as extensive as a great palace, with chapel, stables,
and gardens, for one hundred marks (66/. 13^-. $d.), and Gregorie de
Rokeby, Lord Mayor of London, a.d. 1275-1282, rented the priory of
Lewes, Sussex, as tenant at will for xx. shillings in the year, without being
bounden to reparation or other charges." 47

THE PERCIES OF LOUVAIN.
a.d. wrung from the overburdened people, and whom he
n 0-1272 encouraged in their arrogant assumption of superiority
over the English, once more caused the barons to com
bine in organised opposition against the throne.
Henry de Percy took part with the insurgent nobles,
and in 1263 we find his name in the lists of the barons
whose lands were confiscated for rebellion.1 Before long,
however, the supercilious bearing and despotic temper
of Simon de Montfort,2 whose pre-eminent military
capacity had allowed of his being acknowledged as the
leader of the confederacy against foreign ascendency, in
spite of his French birth, became intolerable to the
English barons ; many of whom abandoned his cause and
transferred their swords to the king on his engaging to
make certain concessions, and to give a public guarantee
for his observance of the terms of the Great Charter.3
Henry de Percy was among those who thus joined
King Henry ; he was with the royal army in the assault
and capture of Nottingham, and was shortly after taken
prisoner at the disastrous battle of Lewes.4
In the following year he was one of the Royal Com
missioners for negotiating the treaty that resulted in the
compromise under which the questions at issue between
King Henry and the disaffected barons were referred to
the King of France, whose decisions both parties agreed
to accept as binding.s This is probably the first instance
1 The list includes " Robert de Brus, John Comyn, John de Baliol,
Henry Percy, et aliis magnatibus." — Fcedera, vol. i. p. 772.
2 Son of the great soldier who had opposed King John ; he had been
created Earl of Leicester, and had married a sister of King Henry III.,
widow of the old Earl of Pembroke.
3 Walsingham, Ypodigma Neustria, p. 153.
« " Capti sunt prseterea (after mention of the king and princes) Hum-
fridus de Boun, (Bohun) comes Herefordiae  Willielmus Bardolfe,
Robertus de Tateshalle, Rogerus de Somerset, Henricus de Percie, et
Philipus Basset." — M. Paris, Hist. Maior, p. 996.
s " Promittentis . . . .quod quidquid Dominus Rex Francise super-
48

THE EARL OF WARREN AND SURREY.
on record of two factions agreeing, on the eve of armed a.d. 1272
conflict, to submit a great national dispute to the
arbitration of a foreign power.1
Henry de Percy had married Alianore the elder of the
two daughters2 of John Plantagenet, Earl of Warren
and Surrey, by his wife Alice,3 half sister to King
Henry III. This was the turbulent earl who, on an
adverse judgment being pronounced against him in a
civil action at law in 1262, attacked and severely
wounded (Holinshead says "nearly killed") Alan de la
Zouche, Lord Justiciary of England, in his seat at
Westminster Hall. The dignity of our courts of
justice was, however, already upheld, and the earl ex
piated the outrage by the most humble public submission,
and the payment of a fine of 10,000 marks. The lesson
does not appear to have made much impression upon
him however, for when, in the following reign, the
Barons of England were required to produce the titles
to their landed possessions, with a view to the establish
ment of a system of registration, the earl appeared in
the royal presence and exhibiting an ancient sword said :
" By this trusty old servant did my ancestors win their
lands, and by the same will I maintain them." He died
at a very advanced age in 1304.
The ninth Baron de Percy died in his forty-fifth year,
leaving an infant son.
omnibus praedictis vel eorum aliquibus, de alto et basso, ordinaverit vel
statuerit, nos observabimus bona fide." — Fosdera, vol. i. p. 776.
1 Papal mediation excepted, which rested, however, on quite different
grounds. 2 The second daughter married John Baliol, King of Scotland.
3 The daughter of Isabel of Angouleme, who became the queen of
King John of England, and after his death married Hugh le Bran,
Count of Lusignan.

VOL. I. 49

CHAPTER III.

Efje HotHS percg of amtotcft.

Henry, First Lord Percy of Alnwick, born
1272, died 1314.
Henry, Second Lord Percy of Alnwick, born
1299, died February 27, 1352.
Henry, Third Lord Percy of Alnwick, born
1320, died 1368.

Contemporary
English Sovereigns.
Edward I. ace. 1272
Edward II. „ 1307

Edward II.
Edward III. „ 1327

a.d.
1275-1368

-22£-

"SS"

" H E love of the chase was, next to that
of war, the predominant passion of the
Norman Lords of England and their
descendants. William of Malmesbury
says, in animadverting upon the cruel
stringency of the game laws under the
early Norman rule, that the Conqueror loved the tall
deer as if he were their father ; and the taste survived
in all its intensity among the higher, to the detriment of
the less privileged classes, throughout the middle ages.
The ninth Baron Percy had long and obstinately
disputed the claim of the religious orders to the rights
of the chase on lands which his ancestors had ceded
to the Church ; but on his death, and during the long
50

LICENSE TO FORTIFY.
minority of his heir,1 they appear to have re-asserted a.d.
and extended their claim ; and it was one of the first I27^3M
acts of Henry de Percy on attaining his majority to
come to a formal understanding on this point with the
monks of Fountains Abbey. The result was that he
confirmed all the grants of his ancestors in this place,
on the Abbot and Convent agreeing to " release to him
in return all kinds of wild beasts and birds of prey,"
of which his own foresters should have the care. They
also "quit-claimed to him all those meadows and
pastures in Bukeden and elsewhere within the bounds
of Longstrother, with the wild beasts of that chase,"
and agreed to pay six hundred marks in compensation
for their past infractions of the forest laws.2
In the same year Henry de Percy received license to
fortify his castles of Spofforth, Lekinfield and Petworth,3
and was confirmed in possession of the lands left by his
grandfather Ingelram de Baliol to be held of the King
in capites Ingelram d'Umfreville, the heir-at-law, having
forfeited the inheritance by rebellion.
The young baron had received his military training
under his grandfather, the Earl of Warren, governor of
the north ; and, as soon as he had attained his majority,
was intrusted with an important command against
the Scots, who, taking advantage of the outbreak of
war between England and France, had repudiated the
terms upon which John Baliol had consented to receive
1 The elder son, John, had died in early infancy, when Henry was
placed under the guardianship of Queen Eleanor (of Castile), the Arch
bishop of Canterbury and John of Doncaster being at the same time
appointed custodians of Petworth and the northern possessions of the
Percies.— Inquis. post. mort. and Abbrev. Rot. Orig. 10 Edward I.
2 MSS. Skipton Castle. The baronial forest rights were in their
turn greatly restricted by the royal prerogative ; and the grant of
" freewarren," which gave an absolute right over all game, became a
much coveted mark of the Royal favour.
3 Pat., 2 Edward II., p. 2, m. 19.
4 Abbreviatio Rotulorum Originalium, 1 o Edward I.
51 E 2

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. the Crown from King Edward,1 and had invaded the
1275-i368 English territory, committing great outrages.
Scarcely however had Henry de Percy led an army
across the Border than he received a command to
embark at Portsmouth on an expedition, under the king's
nephew, John de Bretagne, Earl of Richmond, against
the French, who had overrun our possessions in Gascony.
From this time forth to the end of his life he was
continuously engaged in war. He took a prominent part
in the campaigns in Scotland, Wales, and France, and
became distinguished among his contemporaries for
military skill and daring, for the exercise of a strict,
though judicious discipline, and for what was then a
more rare virtue, justice and humanity in his intercourse
with the unarmed population of invaded territory.
The Border warfare which now raged, and which
with only occasional intervals of truce lasted for nearly
the next three centuries, was most disastrous to the
northern Provinces of England. Northumberland was
reduced to a desert,2 and the ancient Chronicles are full
of laments over the desolation and misery of the land,
and the ruin of its lords and people.
In a curious old poem, the composition of a Prior of
Alnwick Abbey, we read —
" Lugeat Northumbria nimis desolata !
Facta est ud vidua filiis orbata,
Vescy, Morley, Somerville, Bertram sunt in fata,
O quibus, et quantis, et qualibet est viduata ! " 3
1 It will be remembered that King Edward had been chosen as
arbitrator between the two rival claimants for the Scottish throne, Bruce
and Baliol, and that on the latter being elected he had sworn fealty to
the crown of England.
2 Froissart, towards the end of the fourteenth century, described
Northumberland as " a savage and wylde countrey full of desarts and
mountaignes, and a ryghte pore countrey of everything, saving of beestis,
thorough the whiche there runneth a ryver full of flynt and great stones,
called the water of Tyne."
3 MSS. British Museum. The poem is included in Thomas Wright's
Political Songs of England, published by the Camden Society.
52

BORDER WARFARE.
A bitter retaliation followed upon each successful a.d. 1296
raid. Wholesale plunder, wanton destruction, indiscrimi
nate burning and slaying, became the object of each
army ; and in the absence of resistance, fire and sword
were turned against peaceful villages and defenceless
women and children. The principal and by far the most
numerous records of these Border wars which have come
down to us are to be found in the works of English
writers, and the accounts of atrocities attributed to the
Scots must be received with some caution. They had,
at any rate, the excuse of being engaged in a struggle
for national existence, whereas England was, throughout
the greater part of this conflict waging an aggressive
and unjust war with a view to conquest. There was
probably no greater leaning to humanity or mercy on
one side than on the other.
Thus we read that when in 1296 King Edward had
carried Berwick by assault —
"The nobilis all that war within the town,
And alss thereout, were haillelie slane down.
Five thousand men that mekle were of maine,
Within the town that samyn day war slane.
Women and barnis also young and old,
War slane that day out of number untold." T
It was while lying before this fortress that the English
king conferred knighthood upon Henry de Percy and
his other chief commanders. The ceremony led to a
serious disaster, for the English fleet off the coast,
1 Metrical Chronicle of Scotland. Hector Boece says that the streams
of Scottish blood shed on this occasion would have "driven a mill for
two days," a statement quoted by Grafton, but qualified by the warning
that it was the tale of a Scot, and by a marginal note in which Boece
is described as " a great Iyer."
The two concluding lines are almost identical with those which occur
in Benoit's description of the French soldiery in his Metrical History of
the Dukes of Normandy :
" Ni espairgnent a rienz vivanz
Ni vielles genz — ne as enfantz."
53

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. observing an unusual display of banners, concluded that
I275^3 an asSault was about to take place, and wishing to co
operate in it, entered the harbour of Berwick, where
they were attacked by the Scots and lost four out of
twenty ships before they could extricate themselves.1
For his share in the victory of Dunbar,2 Sir Henry de
Percy was appointed Governor of Galloway and Ayr, and
custodian of the principal Border castles ; 3 and a humiliat
ing peace having been imposed upon the vanquished, the
king passed into Flanders with the main body of his
' army4 to prosecute his war against the French, in the
full confidence that Scotland had at length been perma
nently subdued. " Li Ray Sir Eduuard, Escoce fet garder ;
Li Quens, Ion de Garenne, i est chef justiser
Et Henry de Percy ad Gal way a guyer."s
While the monkish chroniclers, to whose industry the
1 The incident is described in the Chronicon de Gisseborne de rebus
gestis Edvardi I., II. et III, after recording that the king had con
ferred knighthood upon " Henricum, scilicet de Percy, cum aliis multis."
¦ — See also Seldon's Titles of Honour, III, 814.
2 " The king, it is said, sent Sir Hugh Spenser with Sir Henry Percy
and other noblemen with a part of his hoste to lay siege unto the Castle
of Patrick of Dunbarre, where, when they had lyen a certain time, an
army of the Scottes came thither to remove the siege, with whom the
Englishmen had a feirce and cruel battayle; but in the end, by the
help of God, the Englishmen had the victorie and slew the Scottes
above the number of twenty thousand." — Grafton, p. 295.
3 Rot. Scot. Sept. 1296.
¦t Henry de Percy's name occurs in all the lists of " magnates en a
compaignie le Roi," which have been preserved. These lists also
enumerate the knights and gentlemen in attendance upon the English
nobles, and we find Mons Phill de Lyndesey named as in " la com
paignie M. Henri Perci."
See Sir Francis Palgrave's Documents and Records, Scotland, p. 267.
s Langtoft's Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 258; the barbarous' French in which
this metrical history is written, is thus rendered by the accomplished
editor, Thomas Wright :
" The King Sire Edward places Scotland under guard ,
The Earl John of Warrene is there Chief Justice,
And Henry de Percy has Galloway to rule."
54

OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE.
history of England in the middle ages is so deeply in- a.d. 1296
debted, had corrupted the Norman French into such
jargon * as is here quoted, the unlettered barons continued
to speak the language of their forefathers with compara
tive purity, and also to employ it by preference in official
correspondence and documents of a public character.
The following letters may be quoted as specimens of
military despatches at the close of the thirteenth
century :
King Edward the First to Sir Henry de Percy.
" Purceo qu nous beoms estre al aide de Dieu a Car-
loil (Carlisle) la veille de la Pentecost prochain avenir,
pur aler auant en la besoigne d' Escoce sur les enemy's
de la coroune & du Roiaume d'Engleterre, et pur leur
desobeisanse et leur malice refreindre qu'autre chose
ne entendant que abesser la dite coroune et l'estat du dit
Roiaume d'Engleterre a leur poer, et aussint pur mettre
nos feaux e leaux ceux as queux nous auons terres dones
et donerons en les parties d'Escoce en seisine et en etat
de leur terres,
" Et outre ceo que Dieu vous enseignera nous vous
prions especiaument en la feu et en la ligeance que vous
ester tenuz a nous, et a la corone d'Engleterre, fermement
enjoignons qu au dit terme de la veille de Pentecost, soiez
a nous a Carloil, as chevas et armes le plus assourement
que vous purres, pur aler avant a la dite besoign selonc
1 Which still survives in our technical law terms. The distinction
between the true French and the spurious dialect then spoken and
written in England was, however, perfectly understood. Thus Chaucer
says of his Prioress :
" And frensch she speak full'faire and fetisly,
After the scole of Stratford atte Bowe,
But frensch of Parys was to hyr unknowe."
— Prologue to Canterbury Tales, i. 124.
55

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. ceo qil serra ordone par nous, et par les bones gentz que
I2'_3 serront ovec nous a cete heure.
" E ceo sicom vous auez le honeur et le profits de vous
et du dit nostre roiaume, et le vestre propre en nul
manere le Lassez."
Sir Henry Percy to King Edward I.
" Sachez, Sire, que je ai receu vos lettres les queles
vous me enveiastes par Richard de Thirstone, mon
vadlet, e bien ai entendu, Sire, ce que vous me avez
mande de vos bosoignes e faz a saver a votre Seigneurye
que je suy ale en la companie mon seignor le Counte a
Berewike ou ly e mey e autre serrons le Samedie apres
le Seinte Margerete a fournir vos mandemenz en la
meilleure manere qom porra au profit e la honour de
vous ; e si cest en mond com je en saueray nule cer-
teynetee je la fray saver a vostre Seignorie ove tote la
haste que je porray. Escrites a Annewik le Vendredi
apres la Seinte Magarete." T
Lord Percy and Lord de Clifford had at this period
been appointed King Edward's commissioners or " che-
ventains '' for negotiating peace with Scotland and re
ceiving the submission of the Border chiefs.2 Robert
Bruce the younger, and other of the powerful nobles in
arms against England, accordingly appeared before them
in June 1296, and acknowledged their various offences
against their lawful sovereign, for which they offer to
1 Royal Letter, 3342, P.R.O.
2 In the several spurious documents bearing the date of about this
period, by which in later times it was attempted to establish the ac
knowledgment on the part of the Kings of Scotland of the supremacy of
the English Crown, we find the name of Henry de Percy as one of the
subscribing agents. For an interesting account of these curious papers
and their probable origin, see Introduction to Palgrave's Documents
and Records : Scotland. 56

SCOTTISH HOSTAGES.
"fayre les amendes haut e bas a sa volente, des ditz a.d. 1296
homecides arsons et roberies ; sauve a nous les pointz con-
tenuz en un escrit le quel nous avoms de mon sire Henri
de Percy, et monsire Robert de Cliffbrth, cheventeins del
ost au noble Rey de Engleterre es parties de Escoce." *
The Percy seal attached to this curious document
bears the Brabant lion upon a field ornamented with
scrolls, surrounded with the words (indicative of the office
in which he was employed) " Secretum secretorum."

One of the conditions imposed upon the Scots by the
English king was the delivery of female hostages, among
whom the commissioners were ordered to receive Margery
the daughter of Robert Bruce, and Christine, his sister,
the wife of Christopher Lord Seton. These ladies were
in the first instance ordered to be sent to the Tower of
London, "pour estre mise ilueques enkage, et que ele ne
parle a nul homme ne nul homme a li, fors ceux que le
conestable de la Tour assignera pour la garden" Subse
quently, however, Lord Percy was authorised to receive
these hostages into his own charge, "pour la mettre en
Engleterre en sauve garde." 2
The truce was however, as usual, of short duration.
The valour and patriotic zeal of William Wallace had
rekindled the waning hopes of the Scots. At his bidding
the country once more rose in arms. The Earl of War
ren suffered a severe defeat, and the English garrisons
in occupation of a number of scattered positions were
slaughtered, or driven across the border.
1 Documents and Records of the History of Scotland, by Sir Francis
Palgrave, p. 198.
2 Ibid. p. 359. Another of these hostages, the countess of Buchan,
was less fortunate ; she was ordered to be kept in a cage in Berwick
Castle ; but the story of the cage having been hung outside the walls of
the fortress is probably a fable.
57

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. In compliance with a writ of military summons z ad-
I27S^3 dressed to them, the Lords Percy and Clifford raised a
large force in the north for an invasion of Scotland, and
the character of this levy affords an illustration of the
give-and-take principle of feudal service ; showing that
the power of the lord over his vassal was not quite as
arbitrary as is generally supposed, and that the latter
could and did stand upon his legal rights.
Under the Border Law,2 every tenant in Northum
berland and Cumberland was required to have " such a
nagge as is able at anye time to beare a man twentie
myles wythin Scotland and backe again without a rest ; "
and the Law of the Marches imposed other services of
an aggressive as well as of a defensive nature, irrespective
of the feudal obligations involved in tenure by knights'
fees. A far heavier burden thus rested upon the popu
lation of the Border provinces than elsewhere, in consider
ation of which the tenantry appear to have been accorded
some exceptional rights and privileges.3
Possibly the example of the bold attitude which the
northern barons had more than once assumed towards
the sovereign, when, in their opinion, their just rights
and privileges had been threatened or invaded by royal
authority, was not altogether lost upon their followers.
1 Equis et armis. Dors. Claus. m. 5, 26 Edward I. It is stated that
no less than 198 military tenants of the Crown assembled at Carlisle in
answer to this summons.
2 The Border Laws were supplementary to the Laws of the Marches,
and are stated to be framed, firstly, on the principles of the jus gentium
or international obligations ; secondly, with a view to " restraining the
evil manners and untowardness of the subjects of both the realms ; "
and thirdly, to give effect to the unwritten law founded upon the local
customs and acknowledged rights on both sides of the border. See
Nicolson's Leges Marchiarum, p. 119.
3 The privileges and exemptions anciently enjoyed by the tenants and
inhabitants of the northern counties of Northumberland, Cumberland,
Westmoreland, and Durham are recited in an Act passed by Parliament
in 1580. A comprehensive abstract of this Bill will be found in the
Alnwick MSS. vol. iii.
58

EQUITY OF FEUDAL SERVICE.
The Cumberland men, who had, at the call of Percy a.d. 1297
and Clifford cheerfully provided a large contingent to
carry the war into the heart of Scotland, now entered a
formal protest against this being taken as a precedent
for service due, or anything beyond a voluntary act on
their part dictated by motives of personal regard for
their military chiefs ; who in their turn thus acknowledge
the justice and propriety of the pretensions asserted by
their tenantry :
" Whereas you have freely consented to make an
expedition along with us against the enemies of our Lord
the King into Scotland, we, having regard to your good
will, grant to you, and by these our Letters Patent bind
ourselves to let you have the Letters Patent of our Lord
the King, sealed with his seal, between the day on which
these present letters are made and the feast of St.
Michael next following, that this expedition, which you
of your free will make unto us, shall not be turned as
a service to you, nor to your heirs, nor shall our said Lord
the King, nor his heirs, be able to demand any service as
of right from you, or from your heirs, by right of this
expedition." * #
# #
In 1300 we find Percy with the Earl of Warren at
the siege of Karleverok, which became the subject of a
curious heraldic poem wherein the armorial bearings of
the English barons are set forth with great minuteness,
the banner of Henry de Percy being thus described :
" E ot en son assemblement
Henri de Perci, son nevou,2
De ky sembloit ke eust fait vou
1 Privy Seal Papers, Record Office, 25 Sept. 1297.
2 A mistake. Henry de Percy was not this earl of Warren's nephew,
but his grandson. 59

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK. ^
a.d. De aler les Escoces derompant.
1 275-1368 . Jaune o un bleu lyon rampant
— Fu sa baner bien vuable." x
In the following year he was engaged in a very differ
ent conflict. Eleventh on the list of the one hundred
and four barons who subscribed the famous letter of
remonstrance to Pope Boniface VII.2 stands the name
of " Henry de Percy, Dominus de Topcliffe." 3
" Our Sovereign Lord the King," said our sturdy
barons, " shall in no wise answere in judgement before
you . . . nor suffer his rights to be brought in question ;
neither shall he send any procurators unto your presence
for this purpose ; for such proceedings would be to the
manifest disinherison of the title and right of the Crown
of this realm and the dignity of the kingdom, and to
the prejudice of the liberties, customs, and laws of our
forefathers ; to the observance and defence whereof we
are bound and obliged by our oaths, and which we will,
God willing, defend and maintain with all our power.
1 Cotton MSS. Calig. A. XVIII. f. 24 b. The lines may be ren
dered : — " In his retinue there was
His nephew Sir Henry de Percy,
Who seemed to have made a vow
To ride roughshod over the Scots.
Conspicuous was his banner with
A lion azure on a golden field."
2 Whose pretensions, derived from King John's humiliating submission
to Rome, amounted to little less than that claim to complete supremacy
over the kingdom of England which, in 1245, Pope Innocent the
Fourth had expressed to the Bishop of Lincoln in these arrogant
words :
" Nonne rex Anglorum noster est vassalus, et, ut plus dicam,
mancipium ? "
3 Sir Henry Ellis attaches much interest to this document apart from
its historical purport, because of its affording the earliest and most
authentic evidence now extant of the armorial bearings of the baronage
of England. The custom of quartering arms is of later date, and
Henry de Percy's seal, attached to this document, exhibits only the
arms of Brabant. For an account of the ancient armorial bearings of
the house, see Longstaffe's Badges of the Percies, and Hartshorne's Feudal
and Military Antiquities of Northumberland, pp. 301-307.
60

THE BARONS AND THE POPE OF ROME.
Neither do we, nor will we, permit, as we neither can a.d. 1301
nor ought, our aforesaid Lord the King to do or attempt
to do, even if he wished it, any of the things aforesaid,
being things unaccustomed and unlawful and at no time
before ever heard of." *
Does not the spirit which nearly a century before
animated their ancestors at Runnymede breathe through
every line of this brave assertion of national indepen
dence on the part of these worthy champions of English
liberties ? #
# #
In the meanwhile the war in Scotland was raging with
varying fortunes, and in the brave Wallace, Henry de
Percy had found a foe worthy of his steel. The ancient
Scottish chronicler, who has thrown a halo of romance
over the career of his hero, has not failed to do justice to
his English adversary,2 whom he describes as "true, and
ay of great avail, sober in peace and cruel in battail,"
and to whose strict discipline he thus bears testimony :
'\ The Percies' men in war were used weel,
Right fiercely fought, and sonzied not a deel." 3
Aylmer de Valence,4 then in chief command of the
English armies, had, it appears, assembled the barons to
consult upon the plan of campaign.
1 Fosdera, torn. ii. 873.
2 " The life and adventures and heroic actions of Sir William Wallace,
written in Latin by Mr. John Blair his chaplain, and turned into Scots
metre by one called Blind Harry, in the days of King James the
Fourth. See Addition to Appendix II. A.p. 577,
3 A contemporary monkish writer also testifies to the good conduct of
Percy's retainers, and describes him as " vir magnanimus quia noluit
injuriam pati ab aliquo sine grave vindicata," and who "ita strenue
gubernabat servos suos, quod in toto regno Anglise timebantur." —
Chronica Monasterii de Alnewyke, Harl. MSS. 692, fol. 195-203.
4 Son of William de Valence, first Earl of Pembroke of that name
(created 1247), who was slain at Bayonne in 1296. Aylmer was a brave
and skilful soldier, but cruel and treacherous. He fell while fighting
under Queen Isabel against the Spensers in 1323.
61

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. " The Lord Piercie to Glasgow did repare,
I275-I368 And with wise lords he held a council there.

Sir Aymer Vallance a false traytor and strong,
In Bothwell dwelt, and there was then among.
He said, my Lord, my counsel will I give,
But ye do it, from skaith ye may not live,
Ye must take peace, without more tarrying."
It was then proposed by him to invite the Scottish
leaders to an interview, and by admitting them one by
one into " the barns of Ayr," that were so constructed as
to allow of only one man entering at a time, to make
away with them.
" Four great Barns that tyme stood into Ayre,
Wrought for the King, when his lodging was there,
Bigged about that no man enter might,
But one at once, nor have of other sight
There they ordained these Lordes should be slaine.
" To Piercie of this matter charge they laid ;
With sad advice to them again he said :
These men to me have kepit trewth so lang.
Deceitfully I may not see them hang.
I am their foe, and warn them will I nought ;
So I be quit, I reck not what be wrought.
From hence I will, and unto Glasgow draw,
With our Bishop to hear of his new law."
Percy's sudden withdrawal warned Wallace that
treachery was contemplated :
" Right well he wist, frae Piercey fled that land,
Great peril was to the Scots appearand ; "
and instead of negotiating he attacked Anthony Beck,
Bishop of Durham, who, joined by Henry de Percy,
occupied Glasgow, and defeated him with heavy loss.
In his account of this engagement Blind Harry has so
far drawn upon his imagination as to describe the death
of Percy, by the hands of the Scottish chieftain :
" Then Wallace self into that fellon throng
With his good sword, that heavy was and long,
At Piercie's face with a good will he bare ;
Both bone and brain the forged steel through share.
Four hundred men, when Lord Piercie was dead,
Out of the gate the Bishop Beck then lead."
62

WALLACE AND PERCY.
In 1306, Wallace having been taken and executed in a.d. 1307
the interval, we find this dead Percy doing excellent
service under the Prince of Wales,1 and in the following
year, among other exploits, making two important
prisoners at Lochryan in Galloway :
" Henry Percy toke the brethren two
Of Kyng Robert, Alexander and Thomas hight.
To the justes them sent that hanged were tho,
His other brother at London hanged ryght ; 2
King Robert then besieged the Percy wyght ;
But Umfreville him anon rescued
And the syege from him anon removed." 3
When King Edward lay dying at Burgh-on-the-Sands,
near Carlisle, Henry de Percy, Aylmer de Valence, and
Robert de Clifford stood beside him and solemnly en
gaged themselves to secure his son's succession, and to
crown Prince Edward "in as convenient time after the
king's death as they might, and to keep the land to his
use until he was crowned." 4 *
It had been the policy of Edward the First to give his
commanders a personal interest in their victories, by
conferring upon them part of whatever territories they
conquered. It was an expensive mode of rewarding
service,5 since the lands so granted could only be held by
the tenure of the sword, and as a rule reverted to their
former owners on the withdrawal of English garrisons.
1 Speed, p. 645. See also Walsingham.
2 Nigel Bruce had been previously taken by Aylmer de Valence, and
was hanged by the King's orders at Berwick. Percy's two royal prisoners
were hanged at Carlisle. The wholesale executions of the brave
Scottish soldiers who, in fighting for the defence of their country, fell
into the hands of the English, are an indelible blot upon the reign of
Edward the First.
3 Hardyng's Chronicle. Henry Percy, closely pressed by King Robert,
had taken refuge in Turnberry Castle, and was only saved by an army
being sent by King Edward to raise the siege. + Grafton, i. p. 307.
5 Sir Francis Palgrave remarks that " the king was thus enabled to pay
them by expectation, and each individual would exert himself more to
conquer the foe whose lands were to be his own."
63

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d The grants made in this wise to Sir Henry Percy were
1275lJ3 of very considerable extent, including a great part of
Galloway and the earldom of Carrick ; but he derived
profit from these possessions only so long as his army
remained in occupation.
He now, however, obtained the royal license to pur
chase an English lordship of great importance, the owner
ship of which, added to his other large landed possessions
in the north, placed him at once in the foremost ranks of
the great barons of the realm.1
The date of the first building of Alnwick Castle is not
recorded. There existed a village of the name before
the Conquest, and Gilbert de Tyson, or Tesson, Duke
William's standard-bearer at Hastings, was the first holder
of the barony of Alnwick. Before the close of the eleventh
century it had passed into the hands of the Vescys, and
the site became memorable from the action fought here
in 1092, in which King Malcolm of Scotland lost his life.2
The ancient historians state that the king fell at the siege
and under the walls of "Alnwick Castle," whence we may
conclude that some kind of stronghold then existed on
the banks of the Alne. In 1135 it is spoken of as
"most strongly fortified," and in the course of the
ensuing century it gradually increased in importance
and extent, until in 12 10 it covered its present area,
and ranked only second, among northern fortresses, to
Durham, Newcastle, Carlisle, and Norham castles.3
The barony remained in possession of the family until
1297, when William de Vescy, shortly before his death,
having no lawful heir, " did, by the king's license,
1 The connection of the Percies with the county from which their
earldom derived its name dates from this period, down to which they
had been exclusively a Yorkshire family.
2 The cross commemorating the event still stands on the spot where
he fell, and the spring to which he was carried to die is still to be seen.
3 For the extent and value of Alnwick Castle and its appurtenances,
see Appendix III.
64

"i;— --~ .. ._ ... j

. . - -f: ? '

Vinc.nl BrQr,U;;D.1T^^ct..Utl

MAI.C01.MS CROSS
ALNWICK CASTLE

ALNWICK CASTLE.
infeoff that great prelate, Anthony Beke, Bishop of a.d. 1309
Durham and Patriarch of Jerusalem,1 in the Castle of
Alnwick and divers other lands ; with trust and special
confidence, that he should retain them for the behoof of
William de Vesci, his bastard son, at that time young,
until he came of full age." 2
The old baron's " trust and special confidence " were
misplaced ; for the bishop, after having held this property
to his own use for twelve years, claimed and obtained
the right to dispose of it for his personal benefit ; and,
accordingly, in 1309,3 sold the Barony and Castle to
Sir Henry de Percy.
There does not appear at that time to have been any
question as to the validity of the title, for the transfer
was confirmed by Act of Parliament in the following
year, and there is no record of the intended heir having
protested against the transaction.
It was not until after his death, and that of Henry de
Percy himself, that Sir William Aton asserted his claim
to the barony as next of kin to the old William de
Vescy. Whether from recognition of his legal right, or
from moral scruples, the second Lord Percy of Alnwick
did not dispute the claim, but proposed a compromise,
and finally obtained a formal release, in consideration of
a payment of seven hundred marks.
The castle would appear to have been in a very
dilapidated condition when the bishop transferred it to
Henry de Percy ; who, indeed, may be said to have
reconstructed it, since its principal features of that
date which now remain, are the work of his hand.
1 Bishop Bek, or Beck, who played an important part in the history of
his time, died in 13 11, when the king made Henry de Percy guardian
of the bishopric of Durham, pending the election of a new bishop,
with an allowance of 300 marks a year. Rot. Fin. 4 Edvv. II. m. 10.
2 Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i. p. 95.
3 Fcedera, torn. ii. p. 183. See also Rot. Pat. 3 Edward II. m. 30,
under which the sale was sanctioned.
VOL. I. 65 V

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. He it was who built from their foundation " the barbi-
i275_2i368 cari) and gate-house of approach, the western garret, the
Abbot's Tower, the Falconer's Tower, the Armourer's
Tower, the Postern Tower or Sally-port, the Constable's
Tower, the Ravine Tower, the tower and gateway be
twixt the outer and middle baly, great portion of the
east side of the keep, the well, and in all probability a
tower standing on the foundation of the present Record
Tower ; as well as all the intermediate ones westwards
up to the barbican. There are marks of his work more
or less numerous throughout the whole building in this
direction. Obliterated in some places by modern re
paration, then again apparent for a few feet, mingled
with earlier and disfigured by later masonry, it is yet
perpetually apparent, and unmistakably shows how much
of the building is due to his exertions." J
#
# #
An accomplished French knight, Piers de Galvestone,
had been selected by Edward the First as a companion
for his young son, the future King of England ; but his
profligate example and evil influence, together with an
insolent bearing towards the English nobles, had given
such universal offence that he had been banished the
realm. It had been one of the last injunctions of the
dying king at Carlisle to his son, that he would under no
circumstances recall the obnoxious favourite ; but the
young Prince had no sooner ascended the throne than
Galvestone reappeared at the English court, and was
overwhelmed with favours and dignities. He was
married to the king's niece, made custodian of the
realm, created Earl of Cornwall,2 and invested with
1 Feudal and Military Antiquities of Northumberland, by the Rev.
Charles H. Hartshorne, M.A., vol. ii. p. 170.
2 This creation, which comprised the grant of the entire revenues of
the county of Cornwall, was so offensive to the barons that they refused
to address Galvestone by the title conferred upon him.
66

PIERS DE GALVESTONE.
large possessions and lucrative offices. So far from a.d. 13 12
seeking to conciliate his numerous enemies, he re-
assumed his ascendency over the king with ostenta
tious arrogance ; lavished the public treasure upon his
foreign followers, and treated the most powerful English
barons with studied contempt and disdain.
His unrivalled skill in all martial exercises, together
with extraordinary physical strength, made him a formid
able competitor in joust and tournament ; and when some
renowned English knight fell under the unerring thrust
of his lance, he would take delight in aggravating the
wounded vanity of his opponents by offensive taunts,
and the stings of a trenchant and bitter wit.
In the second parliament of the new reign z a bill was
introduced, nominally for the better regulation of the king's
household ; actually to rid the country of the favourite.
Lord Percy was elected one of the twelve " ordainers "
for giving effect to this measure ; and the king, powerless
to resist, could only so far soften the effect of Galvestone's
banishment as to convert it into honourable exile by
nominating him Governor of Ireland, whence he shortly
after returned with a large French following in open
defiance of his judges.
A second formal sentence of banishment was not more
effectual, and the barons now formed themselves into
an armed confederacy under the Earl of Lancaster,2
and sword in hand insisted upon compliance with their
demands. Edward stood by his favourite and unfurled
his banners at York, having first placed Galvestone in
security at Scarborough Castle, where Pembroke and
Percy at once followed him, and, in spite of the king's
1 This parliament was composed of twenty bishops, sixty-two abbots,
fourteen earls, and seventy-four barons.
2 Thomas Plantagenet, second Earl of Lancaster, grandson of Henry
the Third. He was defeated and taken prisoner by the royal forces at
Boroughbridge in 1322, and executed at Pontefract Castle.
67 F 2

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. command, addressed to them personally, to withdraw,1
I27S_~I3 compelled him to surrender, on condition that, if no
accommodation could be effected with the king within
two months, he should be reinstated, in command of the
castle. Notwithstanding this guarantee he was seized by
the Earl of Warwick ' and executed in the presence of
the Earls of Lancaster, Hereford, and Surrey.
There is nothing on record to establish how far Lord
Percy was implicated in this act, or responsible for the
breach of faith involved in it. Pembroke's treacherous
character justifies the suspicion that in satisfying Edward
of his own innocence in the matter, he had thrown the
blame upon his companion in arms ; for while he himself
retained the royal favour, orders were despatched for the
arrest of Lord Percy,3 whose lands were shortly after
confiscated. The baronial league was, however, too powerful to
allow of the king offering prolonged resistance. The
proclamations were withdrawn ; letters of safe conduct
were issued to the leaders of the rebellion,4 and Henry
de Percy was not only included in the general pardon,3
but in the following year received the governorship of
Scarborough and Bamborough castles, and the warden-
ship of the forests on this side Trent, which had become
vacant by Galvestone's death. About the same time he
was granted free warren of all his lands in Yorkshire.
Among the documents of this period we find a license
1 Fcedera, torn. iii. p. 328, 17th May, 13 12.
2 Guy Beauchamp, second Earl of Warwick.
3 The warrant addressed to John de Mowbray for Percy's arrest set
forth that he had " engaged himself under penalty of life and limb,
land and tenements, to keep safe from damage Piers de Galvestone,
Earl of Cornwall, for a certain time according to certain terms and
conditions, to the said king and others, without the Castle of Scar
borough, and that now the said Piers de Galvestone had been killed
before the time stipulated." — Fcedera, iii. 334.
* See Appendix IV. 5 Fcedera, iii. 443.
68

THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBOURNE.
to Lord Percy to have mass performed during the sitting a.d. 13 14
of Parliament in chapel or oratory in the house of the
Friars Preachers of York, and a summons to attend a
council of war convened by Archbishop Greenfield
" pour trater pourvoyer et ordiner coment nostre dit
pays du north pure estre meux sauve et defendu en-
countre les enemys d'Escoce." '
The result of this conference was the raising of the
largest and best-equipped army that an English sovereign
had yet led into the field. It was computed to number
not less than one hundred thousand men, nearly one-half
of whom were mounted ; and of these over three thousand
are described as having been, man and horse, clad in com
plete armour. The king in person took the command ; and
crossing the border, surrounded by the flower of English
chivalry, advanced unopposed upon Stirling Castle, before
which Robert Bruce lay with only thirty thousand men.
The bright sun of a cloudless summer's morning rose
upon the first shock of these unequally matched forces ;
it set upon the scattered and broken remnant of the
invading army, and the dead bodies of forty thousand 23 June.
Englishmen.2 In early youth Lord Percy had shared in the triumphs
and victories which had made the first Edward the
virtual King of Scotland. He now beheld the last
trace of English ascendency obliterated in a humiliating
defeat, many of his friends and companions 3 and the
greater part of his retainers slain ; while he himself, in
covering the headlong flight of the King of England, fell
1 Reg. Archiep. Greenfield, Lambeth Palace, ii. pp. 79 and 32.
2 It is so common a practice to ascribe unexpected defeat to treachery,
that the charges brought against a number of English barons of having
on this occasion failed in their duty are open to suspicion ; but there
must have been culpable negligence or incapacity, to account for the
complete overthrow of the invading army by so small a Scottish force.
3 Forty-two English barons fell in this fight.
69

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. a prisoner into the hands of the enemy.1 Ransomed
I275^368 not long after, he returned to England only to die in the
flower of his manhood.2
The first Lord Percy of Alnwick had married Eleanor,
the daughter of John Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, a lineal
descendant of Queen Adelicia,3 with whom he had ob
tained a considerable accession of lands in Sussex.4 Of
their two sons, the only issue of this marriage, William,
the younger, died childless in 1355, and all that we find re
corded of him is the fact of his having been made a Knight
of the Bath on the accession of Edward the Third.5
*
* *
A monkish writer describes the second Baron of Aln
wick as having from early youth been honourably distin
guished for pre-eminence in all martial exercises,6 and
1 " King Robert Bruys toke Robert Umfreville,
Earl of Angus, Henry then Lord Percy.
The Erie of Marche, also the Lord Neville,
Acton and Scropen, and also the Lord Lucy :
i At Stryvelan Bridge, fighting mightily
In the vanward of the foresaid battail,
Taken prisoners, and ransomed for auayle."
Hardyng's Chronicle.
There is no mention in other histories of Lord Percy having been
among the prisoners taken at Bannockbourne ; but Hardyng, from his
intimate association with the family, is not likely to have been misin
formed on the point.
2 He is generally stated to have died in 13 15, but the Calendar of
Inquisitions Post Mortem, leaves no doubt that the death took place in
November, 13 14.
3 On the death of William d' Albini, third Earl of Arundel (Adelicia's
grandson), the earldom had passed to the son of his only daughter,
Isabel, wife of John Fitzalan, Lord of Clun (he died in 1268), the im
mediate ancestor of thirteen successive Earls of Arundel of that name,
of whom the last died childless in 1571.
4 According to the Return of the King's escheator, Lord Percy held of
the Earl of Arundel the manor of Petworth and advowson of church and
tenements of Heystate, by twenty-one knights' fees ; while the Archbishop
of Canterbury, William Zouche, and William Paynell, held of Percy in
capite, lands in the same county to the value of Jffii, by eight and a half
knights' fees. — Inquis. Post. Mort. 6 Nov. 13 14.
s See Anstis's Roll of Knights of the Bath.
6 " In torneamentis et hastiludiis semper exstitit ita potens ut cum
summa honore." — Chronica Monasterii de Alnewyke.
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THE SECOND BARON OF ALNWICK.
s having become "beyond all his ancestors the most a.d. 1322
imous and powerful." —
He was only in his sixteenth year when his father
lied, but before attaining his majority he had so far
established his military reputation in many a conflict
with the Scots * as to have led the king not only to
forego in his favour the right of guardianship over
Alnwick Castle,2 (which had become the object of con
stant attack by the hostile Borderers, and the custody
of which had, during Percy's minority, been conferred
upon John de Felton,3) but also to entrust to his
defence, while only in his twentieth year, the fortresses
of Scarborough and Pickering.
The importance which Alnwick Castle had by this time
attained as a military stronghold is indicated by a return
furnished by Felton in 13 14, according to which a garrison
of 3,037 men, besides forty hobelars,4 was during a part
of that year maintained within its walls at a cost of
1,137/. 2S- 9^-
1 Nor was it only foreign enemies against whom the northern barons
had to contend. Many gentlemen in those parts who in the course of civil
dissensions had fallen under attainder or outlawry, had formed armed
bands at the head of which they ravaged the country and exacted
contributions from the peaceful inhabitants. It was by one of these, a
former Lord of Middleton, that the pope's legates, on their way to negotiate
peace with Scotland in 13 16, were seized and held for ransom. Henry
Percy was employed in suppressing this brigandage, and the Exchequer
Rolls contain an entry of a payment by the king's gift of ^66 13.?. 4^.
to Thomas de Fishbourne, one of his retainers, for capturing the principal
offender, Richard de Middleton.
2 It must be borne in mind that the Crown at this time, and down to a
much later period, carried on a very profitable traffic in the estates of
minors, the revenues of which were either farmed out, or appropriated
to the royal use. We meet with a mandate in 13 16 in favour of " the Prior
of Fame, for five quarters of corn annually, out of the Castle of Alnwick
in the hands of the king by the death of Henry de Percy." — Rot. Claus.
10 Edw. II. m. 25.
3 With an annual allowance of 100 marks. — Abbrev. Rot. Orig.
vol. i. p. 215.
+ Lightly-armed men mounted on small ponies, called Hobbies, hence
the French " Hobeler." 71

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. In 1322 Henry de Percy was made a Knight of the Bath,
I27S^3 the only creation in that year, on which occasion he re
ceived from the royal wardrobe, " besides scarlet robes and
murrey-coloured cloth, a tunic and cloak for his vigils." *
In the same year he took part in an expedition into
Scotland under the king,2 and penetrated to the walls of
Edinburgh :
" Th' Erie Edmund, then of Arundel,
Warden of the marches then constitute,
Th' erle Robert of Angus, Umfreville,
Of his lands having no refute,
Th' erle David of Atholl destitute
Of his erledom, the Lord Percy full hardy,
The Lord Neville, the Lord Beaumont manly,
With all the power of the north contree,
Destroyed then Scotlande and brent
Upon the march unto Lyntell Lee." 3
Unwarned by experience, King Edward had once more
fallen under the evil influence of a personal favourite,
who, though devoid of the attractions and accomplish
ments of Piers de Galvestone, acquired an equal ascend
ency at court, and to an equal degree abused his position
and aroused popular resentment.4
Hardyng includes the name of Henry de Percy in the
baronial league which, under the Earl of Lancaster, had
taken up arms against the new favourite :
" Erie Thomas that then was called full trewe,
Th' erle Umfrey of Hereford that was bold,
Th' erle of March'e full manly as men knewe,
Th' Mowbray also, Percy and Clifford drewe,
All armed came, and the two Spensers exiled
Out fro' Englande never to be reconsyled." s
1 History of the Order of the Bath, by Sir Harris Nicholas.
2 " King Edward departed with all his oste towards Scottland, and
passed through the landes of the Lord Percy and of the Lord Nevill,
who were two great lords in Northumberland, and marched on the
Scottis." — Froissart. 3 Hardyng's Chronicle.
* Hugh Spenser, or Despenser, a man of obscure origin, hud, Jure
uxoris, become Earl of Gloucester, on his marriage with the daughter and
co-heiress of Gilbert de Clare, while his father had been created Earl of
Winchester in 1322. They were both executed in 1325.
5 Hardyng's Chronicle. 72

THE SPENSERS.
It is, nevertheless, doubtful whether Henry de Percy a.d. 1327
had joined the league at that time, or until after the
return of the exiled Spensers in 1322 ; for when in the
previous year the insurgents besieged Tickhill Castle,
we find his name among those of the royal barons who
in accordance with summonses addressed to them levied
troops to relieve the beleaguered garrison.1
When, however, in defiance of their sentence, the
Spensers once more appeared at court, and Queen Isabel,
relying upon the universal hatred that their presence
inspired, landed at Harwich with her young son, Lord
Percy with a powerful following at once placed himself
at her disposal.
The service was generously requited as soon as, on his
father's abdication, Prince Edward ascended the throne.
Lord Percy was then nominated a member of the
council of regency during the king's minority,2 granted
the custody of Skipton Castle 3 in Craven, and was made
Warden of the Marches, with an annual allowance of
one thousand marks for furnishing and maintaining a
garrison of one hundred men-at-arms, and the same
number of hobelars.4
Shortly after he was employed in negotiating a peace
with Scotland, and conjointly with two other barons
appointed governor of the maritime castles in the north.
#
* #
We are told that when Rollo, on being confirmed in
possession of the provinces he had conquered, was
required publicly to acknowledge the suzerainty of the
King of France, and in token of vassalage to kiss his
1 Parliamentary Writs, vol. ii. p. 180.
2 The council was composed of five bishops, two earls, and five barons.
3 Ten years later Henry de Percy petitioned the king that this grant
of Skipton might be revoked in favour of his brother-in-law, Robert
de Clifford. 4 Fcedera, torn. iv. p. 254.
73

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. foot, the rude northman seized the extended limb only
1 275-i3 to lay its royal owner prostrate upon his back. In
the same spirit, though in a manner less uncouth, the
young King Edward, when he appeared at Amiens
before Philip the Sixth to do homage for the Duchy of
Guienne, refused to bend the knee before a French
prince ; and we may imagine how cordially Henry de
Percy,1 and the other English barons in the royal
retinue, must have approved this display of independence
on the part of their sovereign.
It was not long before the English nation discovered
that Queen Isabel and her ally Mortimer had only
displaced the Spensers in order themselves to usurp the
power which these had so offensively exercised. King
Edward found himself held in the strictest tutelage by
his infatuated mother and her unworthy favourite, than
whom Galvestone himself was not more arroo/ant or
extortionate ; and who, confident in his influence, made
no attempt to conciliate the young sovereign. Having
attained his eighteenth year, however, Edward deter
mined to emancipate himself from this hateful control,
and Henry de Percy was among those who stood by him
in the assertion of his rights, and who brought about the
fall of, and passed sentence of death upon, the offender.
#
* *
In 1329 the king had granted to Lord Percy for his life,
in consideration of a garrison to be there maintained for
his service, the castle, manor, and lands of Warkworth,2
1 According to Froissart, the king was escorted into France by a thou
sand horse, and his retinue comprised the " Lord Raynold Cobham,
Wager, the Marshal of England, the Lords Percy, Mannyng (Manny),
and Mowbray, and more than forty other knyghtes."
2 Appendix V. From the first document there quoted it will be seen
that twenty years before this grant the Barony of Alnwick was held in
capite by service of one knight's fee, by the Bishop of Durham, who
received the royal license to transfer his tenure to the first Lord Percy
of Alnwick.
74

WARKWORTH CASTLE.
which on the death of John de Clavering, three years A-D; r329
later, were absolutely conferred upon him and his heirs.1
This barony had been granted to Roger Fitz Richard to
be held by one knight's fee, by King Henry the Second
in 1 1 58 ; it remained in this family, passing from father
to son, until, on the death of John Fitz Robert, the
sixth in descent, who had taken the name of Clavering
after one of his manors in Essex, it reverted to the
crown in default of an heir male.
The castle had undergone a siege by William the
Lion, King of Scotland, in 1173,2 and in later times it
frequently fell into the hands of the invaders. It could
not, to judge of the site and construction, have been
capable of prolonged defence ; but must always have
been grand and imposing from its architectural pro
portions, and the natural beauty of its surroundings.3
In Stockdale's Survey of the Northumberland Estates,
1586, we read that : " The Castle of Warkworth is a very
fine and beautiful castle, situate in the inner warde on the
south syde of the Ryver of Cockette, ii myles west from
the sea, envyroned in part with the said Ryver of Cockette
and in other parts with a dry moat. The said castle was
in former tymes parcell of the landes and possessions of
1 Cat. Rot. Claus. 8 Edw. III. m. 19. "Iste etiam Henricus perqui-
sivit de dono regis baroniam de Warkworth pro suo bono et crebro
servicio." — Chronica Monaster ii de Alnewyke.
2 The siege is described in the curious Chronicle of Jordan de
Fantosme, who says : —
" Le chastel iert fieble, le mur et le terrier,
E Rogier, le fils Richart, un valiant chevalier,
L'avoit eu en garde ; mes il ne l'pot garder."
3 " They pass'd the tower of Widdrington,
Mother of many a valiant son ;
At Coquet Isle their beads they tell
To the good saint who owned the cell ;
Then did the Alne attention claim,
And Warkworth, proud of Percy's name."
— Marmion, Canto ii.
75

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. John, Lord Clavering, together with the mannors of
I275^3 Newborne and Corbrigg and the Barony of Rothbury,
holden of the king by entayl, viz. : to him and his heirs
males. The reversion to the king and his heirs, after the
death of the said John Clavering should have come to
King Edward the Third, who gave the same to Henry,
then Lord Percy, and to his heirs, and in fee for, and in
consideration of, his noble service done at Durham,1 and
in recompense of 500 markes annuity to him for his
retinue of the said king." 2
The Castle forms a salient feature throughout the
series of grim pictures of Border War during several
centuries ; and, apart from such associations, legend and
fiction have contributed to invest it with exceptional
popular interest. Here again tradition proves more
tenacious than history ; for among the throng of sight
seers from near and far, who love to wander among the
picturesque ruins of Warkworth . in the present day, for
one who cares to recall the story of those grey walls or
their ancient inmates, of siege and battle, of desperate
assault and heroic defence, ten will probably be found to
take a living interest in the fate of Bertram, the knightly
recluse, whose imaginary sorrows form the subject of
one of the most charming poetical romances in our
language.3 It was probably in aid of Lord Percy's obligation to
maintain an additional military force for the garrison of
Warkworth that the young Ralph Neville of Raby now-
entered into an indenture to serve his future father-in-law,4
1 A mistake ; the grant was made nearly twenty years before the Battle
of Durham, or, as it is popularly called, Neville's Cross.
2 Quoted by the Rev. Charles Hartshorne in his Feudal and Military
Antiquities of Northumberland, p. 228, to which interesting volume the
reader is referred for an exhaustive history of the Barony of Warkworth.
3 Bishop Percy's Hermit of Warkworth. ..
4 He succeeded his father as second Baron Neville of Raby in 1331,
76

HALIDON HILL.
for term of life with twenty men at arms whereof five a.d. 1333
to be knights,1 against all men except the king, "receiv
ing 1 00/. per annum, as also robes for himself and knights,
and in time of war diet for himself, and gentlemen,
and six grooms ; and hay and oats, shoes and nails, for
fifty-nine horsemen, and horses and wages for fifty-three
inferior servants." 2
When in this year Lord Percy concluded a peace
with Scotland, a clause was, at his instance, inserted
in the treaty to the effect that all Englishmen who had
received lands in Scotland, and all Scotchmen who had
received lands in England, should be restored to as free
possession of these grants as if no war had intervened
to deprive them thereof. The stipulation was strictly
carried out on the part of the English,3 but whether
from inability or unwillingness to enforce it, the Scots
failed to comply with this condition. The result was that
when Edward Baliol determined to assert his right to
the crown of Scotland, a considerable number of powerful
English barons, who had thus been deprived of their
Scottish lands, at once placed their forces at his disposal ;
and although the King of England continued to main
tain an outward attitude of neutrality towards his brother-

and three years later married Lord Percy's daughter Maud. From this
marriage descended that Lord Langdale whose daughter, three hundred
and fifty years later (1680), married Sir Hugh Smithson, the grandfather
of the first Duke of Northumberland.
1 This force would be equivalent to about one hundred men — a man-
at-arms representing two horse and two foot soldiers, and a knight from
six to eight men, mostly mounted.
2 Alnwick MSS. By another indenture about the same date, a
northern tenant agreed to serve Lord Percy for fifteen years, in peace
and war, with one companion ; to have yeoman's apparel, hay, oats,
shoes and nails for six horses, wages for six grooms and recompense for
loss of horses in war. — Tate's Barony of Alnwick.
3 Lord Percy had at once made restitution of the Douglas lands in
Northumberland, which had been granted to him, but his extensive
possessions in Galloway and Angus were not surrendered in return.
77

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. in-law,1 and forbade the invading army to march through
I27S^3 his territories, thus obliging them to proceed by sea, he
was known secretly to approve of the enterprise, and
believed even to have lent it material support.
The northern barons, however, made no attempt to
conceal the character of their project. Official lists of
array were promulgated, as in the case of declared war ;
and in these we find the name of Lord Percy, who was
required to bring into the field 146 men at arms and 260
archers.
" Henry Percy with Edward Bailiol went
Galoway to claime as for his heritage ;
By shippe they went, all whole by one assent
At Ravenspurne, and landed with great corage.
They were accompted two thousande fighting menne
And five hundred, besides the mariners ;
At their landing their shippes they brent right then
And bored some and sanke at good leysurs.
They thought themselves of good and strong powers,
They took none hede of shippes home again
But landeway ride for all the Scottes dain."2
Having thus, in unconscious imitation, probably, of an
ancient example, burnt their ships, the small band of inva
ders boldly flung themselves into the heart of the country,
in trustful reliance upon the sympathy and support of the
population. The desperate enterprise succeeded ; and the
J9 July> crushing defeat of the Scots at Halidon Hill, in which
T O -7 ¦} Lord Percy played a prominent part,3 was followed by the
complete submission of the enemy, the surrender of Ber
wick,4 and other border fortresses, and the coronation of
1 King David had in 1329 married Joan, the sister of Edward III.,
then in her eighth year. 2 Hardyng's Chronicle.
3 He is included in the list given by Barnes of "the most famous
barons and leaders that were with King Edward in this battle." —
History of Edward III, p. 80. This was the first occasion upon
which a Percy and Douglas met in the field.
4 The king made a formal entry into the town and " immediately placed
the Lord Henry Percy as governor of his castle of Berwick, with his
lieutenant Sir Thomas Grey ; and the Lord Patrick Earl of Dunbar
was joined in commission with them as wardens." — Ibid.
78

WARS WITH FRANCE.
Edward Baliol. The English barons were restored to a.d. 1334
their Scottish possessions, and Lord Percy was granted
large additional territories,1 by right of which he was
summoned to Holyrood, where he appeared in Baliol's
first parliament, to do homage as a peer of Scotland.
When, on King Edward passing into Guienne, the
Black Prince was appointed Regent, Percy became a
member of his council and was subsequently employed
in negotiating with Flanders. During a peace of what
was then considered of long duration,2 feelings of irritation
and resentment had been growing up between England
and France, the former indignant at the aid which
King Philip had habitually lent to their enemies the
Scots ; and the latter incensed and outraged at Edward
having not only haughtily repudiated the French king's
claim to suzerainty over Guienne, but having himself
asserted his right to the titular sovereignty of all France.3 ¦
Mutual distrust and recriminations finally culminated in
a declaration of war ; a war which lasted, with only two
short intervals of precarious truce, for nearly 125 years,
and to which we may trace that antipathy between the
two nations which gradually came to be cultivated on
both sides as a patriotic sentiment ; which survived with
more or less intensity for five centuries, and some
smouldering sparks of which are hardly yet extinguished.
1 " King Baliol gave to the Lord Henry Percy of Alnwick Castle in
Northumberland, a grant of the inheritance of the pele of Loughmaben, as
also of Annandale and Moffatdale, with all the knights' fees and advow-
sons of churches within those valleys, in as full and ample manner as the
Lord Thomas Ranulph, sometime Earl of Murray, ever had them." —
Barnes, p. 82. Appendix VI.
See also Cal. Rot. Claus. 8, Edward III. m. 19. — These Scottish lands
were valued at 1,000 marks per annum, and Lord Percy subsequently
transferred them to the King of England in exchange for the Castle, con-
stablery, forest, and towns and villages of Jedworth, together with a charge
of 500 marks per annum upon the customs of Berwick. Appendix VII.
2 Peace with France had last been concluded in 1299.
3 King Edward had also given offence by publicly proclaiming the
sovereignty of England on the ocean. 79

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. No English sovereign had ever led so numerous or
[275-r3 so well-equipped an army into the field as that with
which Edward now prepared to conquer a new kingdom ;
while France put forth its entire strength to resist and
expel the invaders. The two hosts met at Viranfosse
on the 22nd October. Edward counted in his retinue
twenty-eight banners and eighty pennons, 6,000 men at
arms, knights, and esquires, and 12,000 select archers,1
his total force being computed at 90,000 fighting men.
He had placed himself at the head of the centre division,
" and had in his immediate attendance his cousin, the
Earl of Derby, the Bishops of Lincoln and Durham,
Lords Cobham, Percy, Rosse, Mowbray, and divers
other that I cannot name." 2
The French army numbered 1 10,000 men, a great
proportion of which was cavalry ; and among the com
manders there were four kings, six dukes, and
twenty-six counts.
"It, was a great beauty to beholde the baners and
standards wavyng in the wynde, and horses barbed, and
knights and squyres richly armed,  and it myght
well be marveyledde howe so goodly a sight of men of
warr, so nere together shoulde depart without batayle." 3
So it was destined to be, however. The accustomed
contrast between " battle's magnificently stern array " at
early dawn, and the shades of evening as they fall upon
the blood-stained field where lie
" Rider and horse, friend, foe, in one red burial blent,"
was not presented on this occasion. After confronting
his adversary for two days and engaging in only a few
insignificant skirmishes, King Philip, in spite of his
superiority in numbers, determined not to risk his crown
1 Froissart, vol. i. 56. 2 Ibid. 3 77,/y.
80

GREAT EXPEDITION TO FRANCE.
upon the issue of a single conflict ; and when the sun arose a.d. 1340
on the third morning the English looked in vain for an
enemy. The campaign of 1339 thus proved barren of results ;
but it had been honourable to the English arms, and
encouraging to the ambitious designs of the king, who had
little difficulty in prevailing upon Parliament to furnish
supplies for prosecuting the war in the following year.
The French now determined practically to test the
value of Edward's pretensions to the sovereignty of the
seas, and, while he was preparing to embark his army at
Harwich, fitted out a large fleet to intercept him.
The English army set sail, escorted by all available
war ships, including the squadron of the north under
Sir Robert Morley ; and off the Flemish port of Blanken-
beghe, about ten miles to the westward of the mouth of
the Sluys, found themselves in face of a French fleet of
190 sail, many of a large class,1 and manned by 35,000
trained soldiers and mariners under the command of
three famous admirals, Kirier, Bahuchel, and Barbenoir,
the Genoese.
Now ensued the most important naval action recorded
in English history since, in 897, King Alfred defeated
the Danes off the Hampshire coast.2
The superiority was with the French,3 not only in
1 " Prsestantiores naves et grandiores quales non prius viderant." —
Knyghton. Barnes, with his habitual exaggeration, puts the French
fleet at 400 sail, "whereof 200 were great vessels, well stuffed with
Frenchmen and all manner of habiliment of war, besides Spaniards,
Genoese, Normans, and Picards, all manned with above 40,000 men."
— Hist, of Edw. Ill, p. 181.
2 Sir H. Nicolas is disposed to give almost equal rank to the action
off Dover in 1217, when a formidable French fleet was repulsed and
defeated with great loss by the English under Hubert de Burgh. — Hist.
of the Royal Navy, vol. i. p. 178.
3 "The Englisshmen endured moche payne, for their enemies
were foure agaynste one, and all good men on the sea." — Froissart,
vol. i p. 73.
VOL. I. 8l G

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. numbers but in equipment, technical knowledge and
I275^[3 position ; for whereas their fleet was mainly composed
of heavily-armed war ships, with galleys and other vessels
constructed for fighting, that of the English consisted in
great part of ordinary trading ships hastily converted into
transports, encumbered with horses and war material,
and crowded with ladies,1 for whose comfort and security
special provision had to be made.
King Edward, who assumed the command of the
operations and bore the admiral's flag, "placed all his
biggest ships foremost, being well furnished with
archers and other souldiers ; and always between two sail
of archers he ordered one with men of arms .... And
then he gave order to hoise up the sails, designing to
come with a quarter wind, to get the advantage of the
sun and wind at his back. And now both the fleets met
fiercely together, the French joining the battle with many
trumpets and other instruments of martial musick, and
the English altogether giving a mighty shout, that sounded
horribly upon the waters, the shoare being not far off;
and at the same instant they sent a flight of deadly
arrows from their long bows, which the French answered
as liberally with their cross-bow shot : but the English
arrows did most execution by far. Then the men at
arms approached and fought with swords, spears and
axes, hand to hand ; for on both sides they had certain
great hooks fastened to chains, called grapling irons, to
cast from one ship to another, which catching fast on
the tackling, or the upper deck, they were both held
close together .... Certainly Sir Hugh Quiriel, Sir Peter
Bahuchel and Sir Nicolas Barbenoire, the Genoan, were
most valiant and able captains ; for they maintained the
1 "There were in the English fleet a great number of countesses,
ladies, knights' wives, and other gentlewomen on their way to attend
upon the English queen then at Ghent." — Froissart.
82

THE BATTLE OF THE SLUYS.
fight, from before ten of the clock in the morning till a.d^i34o
seven in the evening, for nine whole hours." *
" There the King of England," says another chronicler,
" was a noble knight of his owne hande. He was in
the flower of his youth ; in lykewise so was the Erie
of Derby, Pembroke, Hereford, Huntyngdon, North
ampton and Gloucester, Sir Raynold Cobham, Sir Richard
Stafforde, the Lord Percy, Sir Walter of Manny, Sir
Henry of Flanders, Sir John Beauchamp .... who
bare themselves so valyantly with some socours they
had of Bruges, and of the country there about, that
they obtayned the vyctorie." 2
The defeat of the French was complete, and resulted June 24-
in the destruction or capture of the greater part of their
fleet and the loss of twenty-five thousand men. The
ordinary usages of war were not at that time, nor indeed
to a much later period, applied to engagements at sea.
No prisoners were made, except of men of rank for the
purpose of ransom ; all others who fell alive into the
hands of the conquerors were thrown overboard. On
this occasion even one of the French admirals was treated
as a pirate and hanged at the yard-arm of the King of
England's ship.3
The loss on the part of the English is put at four
thousand men : a comparatively small number considering
how fierce a hand-to-hand combat had prevailed for nine
or ten hours ; 4 but the result was, as in so many other
1 Barnes, p. 182. 2 Froissart.
3 Admiral Bahuchel, in retaliation, as was said, for atrocities he had
previously committed in his attacks upon the coast of England ; but ac
cording to other accounts he had, like his comrade Kirier, fallen in the
course of the action, and only his dead body was exposed to this
indignity. * " This batayle was right fierce and terryble, for the batayles on the sea
are more dangerous and fiercer than the batayles by lande ; for on the
sea there is no reculing nor fieying, there is no remedy but to fight, and
to abide fortune, and every man to show his prowes." — Froissart, i. p. 72.
vol. 1. 83 G 2

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. instances, in a great measure due to the skill of the
i 275-1368 English archers, to escape from whose shafts, we are
told numbers of the enemy leapt into the sea.1
Fire-arms of some kind appear to have been used in
this action, for Barnes dwells upon the superiority of
arrows over guns, remarking quaintly that, "bullets not
being seen only hurt where they hit." Considering the
character of explosive weapons at that time it is quite
credible that the long-bow would prove more destructive
in the hands of English soldiers than fire-arms.
King Edward's letter conveying the tidings of the
victory is the first naval despatch on record, and may
serve as a model of such documents ; being clear,
concise and, although announcing an event of great
national importance, since it established the supremacy
of the English upon the ocean, entirely devoid of boast-
fulness or vainglory.2
It is certainly not the least honourable of the many
-distinctions won by the second Lord Percy of Alnwick
that he bore a part in this memorable action. He con
tinued to serve in successive campaigns in France, and
was with the Earl of Derby, when in 1344 he raised
the siege of Auberoche,3 and by a brilliant operation
1 It is related that King Philip's ministers and courtiers did not dare
to inform him of this defeat, which was finally broken to him by his
jester, who being asked why he so vehemently denounced the English as
cowards, replied because " the faint-hearted rogues had not the courage
to leap into the sea, so gallantly as our own Normans and gentlemen of
France did." — Barnes, p. 185.
2 See Barnes, p. 184; also Nicolas, vol. ii. p. 61.
3 " Greate batayle in France, in which the King of England showed
himselfe a noble and valyant prince, as in like manner did the Earl of
Derby and the Lord Percy and others, who showed themselves so
valyant that they obtained the victory." — Grafton's Chronicle.
The English garrison had been put to great straits by the formidable
projectiles of the besiegers, who, having, on one occasion, intercepted
a messenger sent to urge the Earl of Derby to come to their relief,
attached the unfortunate man to one of their most powerful engines
and shot him back into the town.
84

THE VICTORY OF CRECY.
signally defeated the investing army under the Comte a.d. 1346
de Lisle.
On the eve of his embarkation for France in 1346,
King Edward, in view of the formidable military pre
parations in Scotland, appointed Lord Percy to the chief
command of the armies of the north.^ He was thus
deprived of participation in the brilliant continental cam
paign of that year ; but the service which he succeeded
in rendering in his native country was of hardly less
national importance than the crowning battle fought on
the plains of Picardy, for no events of the fourteenth
century more essentially contributed to paralyse the
enemies of England than the victories of Crecy and
Neville's Cross. *
* *
The Scots had made the most of the opportunities
which the wars between France and England afforded
them for retrieving their fallen fortunes. Early in 1340
Sir William Douglas recovered the whole of Tiviotdale
and the Castle of Hermitage; other provinces and
strongholds were freed from their English garrisons,
and by the end of the year Stirling, Roxburgh, Edin
burgh and Berwick alone remained, to attest the vaunted
suzerainty of the King of England. One by one these
too fell into the hands of the Scots, who, not content with
having regained their own, repeatedly crossed the border
to carry death and devastation into the northern counties.
While Edward's army, still flushed with the victory of August 26.
Crecy, lay under the walls of Calais, King David in
vaded Northumberland with a force of 50,000 men, and
penetrated to the walls of Durham.2
1 Fcedera, vol. v. 524.
2 " The king looked towards little Durham
And there he well behelde,
That the Earl Percy well armed
With his battal axe entred the feld."
" Durham Feld." — Ancient English Ballads.
85

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. Seven years of continuous continental warfare had
i275^368 severely taxed the military resources of England; and
although the king had despatched "a choice band of
expert souldiers," from Calais as a reinforcement, the army
raised by Lord Percy to meet his formidable enemy did
not exceed 16,000 men, of whom we are told that "a
great part were clergymen, priests, chaplains, fryers and
the like ; but . . . yet good tall trenchermen, such as
were not afraid of a crack'd crown, though they had no
hair to hide the wound. For piety and a love of their
country laid the foundation of their valour." *
So insufficient indeed did Lord Percy consider his
forces to contend with the Scottish army that he thought
it his duty to make an attempt at negotiation before
coming to blows, and accordingly " despatched a herald
unto the King David requiring him to cease from further
invading the counties and to return into Scotland till
some reasonable order for a finall peace might be agreed
upon betwixt him and the king his maister, otherwise he
should be sure to have battle to the utterance [a l"outrance~\
within three daies after." 2
The king, confident in the strength of superior
numbers, returned a defiant answer, and the two forces
prepared for battle.
The baronial houses of the north Were well represented
in Lord Percy's little army, among the leaders of which
we find the names of Umfreville, Musgrave, Scroope
of Masham, Neville of Raby, Mowbray, Lucy, Grey,
Leyburn de Ros, Bertram, Deyncourt, Ogle, Bellairs,
and Rokeby. The Archbishops of Canterbury and
York, and the Bishops of Durham and Carlisle took
their place at the heads of the several divisions ; and
1 Barnes, p. 378. With so large a clerical element in the ranks, it is
not surprising to find a bishop associated in the command of each of
the four divisions. 2 Holinshead, vol. ii. 384.
86

THE VICTORY OF NEVILLE'S CROSS.
Froissart relates how at early dawn Queen Philippa a.d. 1346
appeared upon the field to encourage the troops, and
" went from batayle to batayle desyring them to do their
devoyre to defende the honour of her lorde the Kynge
of England, and in the name of God every man to be
of good heart and corage."
The fight was a lengthened and a desperate one ; and
the crushing defeat inflicted upon the Scots, who not only October 17.
saw their army annihilated or scattered, but their king
wounded and a prisoner, was by universal assent ascribed
to Lord Percy's skilful handling of his troops.1 Many a
still surviving northern ballad commemorates the part he
bore in this action (in honour of which he was ever
after called Percy of Durham),2 and his prowess at the
Battle of Neville's Cross became the popular theme of
chroniclers and poets, one of whom thus quaintly
eulogises his hero :
" Inclitus Henricus Perci, partis borealis amicus
Fit Scotis amicus constans, obstans inimicus.
Mos girfalconis fuit illi, cor Gedeonis,
Virtus Sampsonis, Pietas Loth, Ars Solomonis,
Totus divinus, urbanus, ut ille Gawynus.
" Fit sibi dulcori, nescia fama mori.
Se probet armavit, et agmina fortia stravit.
Sa^pe reintravit, acies fortis penetravit ;
Scoti fugerunt, latuerunt, morte ruerunt ;
Percy persequitur, perimit, rapit, arte potitur.
Percy Machabasus fuit, et Brus David Etheus.
Percy non pigritat, se claro nomine ditat,
Illustris miles, Titus, Hector, Brutus, Achilles.
Hunc Deus instilles, Scotos fecit fore viles,
Fortis Percy leo, quasi gigas, par Machabaeo,
Junctus amore Deo, necat hostes cum jubiteo.
1 Walsingham allows to three others a share in the victory : " Qui vero
dictam, volente Deo, fecere victoriam, fuerunt domini Willelmus de
Zouche, Gilbertus de Umfrevyle, Henricus Percy, et Radulphus
Nevyle." 2 Dominus de Percy in senectute sua, scilicet apud Dunolmiam,
in quo bello ipse fuit unus de principalibus ducibus, quando Rex
Scotia? captus erat." — John of Bridlington. For various details
relating to Lord Percy's forces in the campaign, see Appendix VIII.
87

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. Mittit ad infernum Scotos multos suus ictus,
I275-I368 Semper in sternum suus ensis sit benedictus.
— Et benedicantur generosi Perci parentes ;
Sed maledicantur Scoti, mala Perci volentes.
Utens lorica fidei, probitatis arnica,
Pugnans magnifica vicit nobis inimica,
Magnates tales debemus semper amare." x
The name of Percy or Piercy, as it was commonly
spelt, appears to have been strongly provocative of a play
upon the word, as in the above " Percy persequitur."
" Percy penetrativus," and " Percy penetrans," occur more
than once in the works of monkish writers, and in his
Metrical History John of Bridlington explains the text,
" Suspicor et clerus, penetrans cognomine verus,
Viscera Scotorum penetrabunt belligerorum,"
to point to the commanders of the English army at Dur
ham : " suspicor et clerus," meaning the Archbishop of
York and his attendant clergy, and " penetrans cognomine
verus," signifying a man true to his name, Percy meaning
one who pierces or penetrates. 2
The preposterous legend which found acceptance
among respectable ancient historians — that the Percies
derived their name from one of their ancestors who had
pierced the eye of King Malcolm of Scotland at Alnwick
in 1092 — owes its origin to this tendency to play upon
the word, which even Shakespeare could not resist, when
he m:de Falstaff indulge in the unworthy joke : "If
Piercy be alive, I'll pierce him." *
* #
While King David lay a prisoner in the Tower of
London the Scots threw themselves upon the mercy of
the conquerors for the terms of peace, and during a few
1 Wright's Political Poems.
2 " Suspicor et clerus, i.e. Willelmus de la Zouche et clerus qui cum
eo erat, et penetrans cognomine verus, i.e. verus homo habens cognomen
Percy, scilicet penetrans, et ipsi penetrabunt viscera Scotorum belligero
rum, cum lanceis et sagittis quos in illo bello Occident." — Ibid. vol. i.
P 158.
88

LAST EMPLOYMENT.
years the border counties enjoyed an immunity from a.d.
invasion to which they had long been strangers. The I347~I352
ruin which the Scots had worked was, however, too
complete to admit of immediate repair, and in 1347
Lord Percy appealed for assistance to Pope Clement VI.,1
representing the hopelessly impoverished condition of
the country, and the inability of the decayed religious
houses to afford the accustomed relief, in consequence
of the sacrilegious depredations, "per manus spoliatricis
gentis Scotorum," over a period of forty years.
Indeed, when we now contemplate those continuous
raids and counter raids, undertaken with no other object
than robbery and wanton destruction, which lasted for
the next two centuries, we can but marvel how the
population on either side escaped starvation.
In 1349 Edward Baliol once more invaded Scotland
with a force of 40,000 men, towards which Lords Percy
and Nevill, under a'n indenture with Lionel, Earl of
Ulster, then guardian of the realm, agreed each to
provide one hundred men-at-arms and one hundred
archers.2 The forces met at Perth, when the Scots sued
for peace, and obtained terms upon payment of ,£9,000.
Towards the end of this year we find Lord Percy in
the king's retinue at Calais.3 His last public employ
ment, the commission for which was dated only about
a fortnight before his death, was the arrangement of a 27 Jan.,
code of laws for the government of Scotland, based upon I3S2'
that which had been established by King Alexander the
Third.4
1 The letter was couched in the most submissive tone : " Humilis et
devotus filius suus, cum omni modo subjectionis et devotionis, reverentia
humilia pedum oscula beatorum." — State Papers.
2 Fcedera, vol. v. p. 545. The pay of the knights was fixed at 2s., of
the squires is., and the archers at 4^. a day.
3 Rot. Franc. 21 Edward III. m. 20.
? Fcedera, vol. v. p. 372.
89

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. The second Lord of Alnwick died suddenly at Wark-
1275^368 worth Castle on the 17th February, 1352.1 In his will2
he had expressed the desire to be buried in Sawley
Abbey, but this clause was probably subsequently re
voked, for he was the first of the Percies who found
sepulchre in Alnwick Abbey.
In 13 19 Lord Percy had married Idonea, the sister
of Robert, second Lord Clifford3 (he died in 1365), by
whom he left six sons and four daughters. The second
son, Richard, Lord of Semar, was summoned to parlia
ment as a baron throughout King Edward's reign.
Thomas had been consecrated Bishop of Norwich 4 at
the early age of twenty-two, and the other sons were
well provided with lands in the north, but are all believed
to have died without male issue.5
Of the daughters, Margaret, the eldest, married Robert
de Umfreville, son and heir of Gilbert, the second Earl

1 For the lands of which he died seised, see Appendix IX.
2 Testa. Ebor. p. 57. September, 1349. Among other bequests he
left fifty marks for wax candles to be burnt around his body, twenty
shillings for 200 priests for masses (a very small allowance from so
wealthy a testator) ; 100 marks for the poor, and 100 shillings for obla
tions at his funeral, together with ^20 to the poor while on the way to
the place of burial. There is also a legacy of ^200 for distribution
among any who might consider themselves to have been "unjustly de
prived of property " by the testator, and ten marks for masses to the
Abbot of Fountain.
The Priory of Alnwick seems to have been disappointed in its ex
pectation of a large legacy. "Hie Henricus circa finem suum, magnum
affectum habuit dicta? abbatiae (Alnwick) sed heu I quasi modica infirmitate
detentus in Castra de Warkworth obiit insperate et in dicta abbatia
honorifice est sepultus." — Chronica Monasterii de Alnewyke. Lord
Percy had been a staunch ally of Edward Baliol, who, by his death, accord
ing to Thomas of Bridlington, " multum perdidit auxilium."
3 It was this Lord Clifford's great-great-grandson, John, the seventh
baron, who married Hotspur's daughter.
* He died in 1369. For his will, dated 25th May, 1368, see
Appendix X.
s In 1358 Roger, the third son, was, with Robert Umfreville, licensed
to proceed to the Holy Land : " cum hominibus, equis et harnessis
suis." — Rot. Pat. 31 Edward III.
90

Tysen.

De Vesci.

Clifford.

Arundel.

Bohun.

Lancaster.

Warren.

Percy.

Umfreville.

Keville.

Fitzwalter.

Percy.
ARMS ON THE GATEWAY OF THE KEEP, ALNWICK CASTLE.

THE THIRD BARON OF ALNWICK.
of Angus,1 who died during his father's lifetime ; and, a.d. 1334
secondly, William, the second Lord Ferrers of Groby.
Isabel became the wife of William de Aton, Matilda
of Lord Neville of Raby, and Eleanor of John, seventh
Lord Fitzwalter.
During the life of its second Lord, Alnwick Castle
had been greatly strengthened and improved.2 He it
was who built the two octagonal towers forming the
entrance into the inner baly, which he ornamented with
escutcheons illustrative of the alliances of his family,
and which include the armorial bearings of the Tysons,
De Vescis, Cliffords and Arundels ; of Lancaster,
Warren, Umfreville, Neville, and Fitzwalter.
*
* *
The old English historians and chroniclers rarely
indulged in personal descriptions, and in the various
records of the times we meet with nothing to enable
us to form an idea of the physical traits of the Percies.
The third lord of Alnwick appears, however, to have
been remarkable, probably by contrast with the tall
northerners, for his low stature, for he is spoken of as
" hie parvus miles," and again as " vir parvae staturee." 3
The writer who uses the latter expression adds, by way
of compensation, " sed fortis fidelis et gratus," and
further tells us that this lord was " of so contented a
mind that he coveted not the lands of other men, but
remained satisfied with those he had inherited." When
1 English earldoms were at that time so strictly representative ot
English counties, that this Umfreville's right to sit in Parliament was
disputed on the ground that Angus was not within the kingdom
(Dugdale) ; but the king's writ of summons by the title was allowed to
validate the claim. The Earl of Angus married the sisterof Anthony, Lord
Lucy, who in her widowhood, nearly thirty years later, became the second
wife of the first Earl of Northumberland, and who thus married her
former husband's grand-nephew.
2 See Hartshorne, p. 172.
3 Chronica Monasterii de Alnewyke. 91

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d we consider the vast extent of this inheritance the merit
I27S^36 0f ^{3 contentedness becomes less apparent.
When only in his fourteenth year, Henry de Percy
was married, or, more probably, " contracted in mar
riage," to the Lady Mary Plantagenet, daughter of
Henry, Earl of Lancaster ; T when the king, by letters
patent, authorised the bridegroom's father to settle
certain lands in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire upon his
young kinswoman.2
As in the present day we frequently see the young
children of our sport-loving country gentlemen carrying a
gun over moor or stubble-field, or on horseback following
the hounds across -country, so the sons of the warlike
barons of the north were, while yet hardly out of their
nurseries, trained to the use of arms and in martial habits
and exercises. In early boyhood the young Percy had
ridden by his father's side in many a skirmish with the
Scots, and had subsequently served in his retinue in
successive campaigns in France. He had attained his
twenty-fifth year when he had the good fortune to
share in the victory of Crecy,3 whence he accompanied
the king to the siege of Calais. While so engaged
tidings arrived of King David's formidable preparations
of invasion ; and the young soldier hastened back to his
native moors in time to join his father's forces under the
walls of Durham, and to play his part in the no less
memorable victory of Neville's Cross, where, as we are
told by a contemporary writer, " this small but thought
ful soldier, putting forward his own body to meet the
enemy, encouraged all others to do the same." 4
1 Son of Edmund, the second son of King Henry III., by his wife1
Blanche d'Artois, niece of Louis IX. of France. The marriage was
celebrated at Tutbury castle in Staffordshire, in 1334.
2 See Appendix XI. 3 Rot. Franc. 20 Edward III. i. m. 9.
4 Dominus Henricus de Percy, ut alter Judas Machabams films
Matathias, bonus prceliator, hie parvus miles etprovidus, ad occurrendum
92

CONTINUOUS WARFARE.
Immediately after his father's death he was commis- a.d.
sioned to arrange the terms upon which King David of I;354-[3°4
Scotland should be permitted to return to his dominions.
These negotiations were not concluded until 1354, when
Lord Percy signed the treaty under which the Royal
captive was set at liberty, in consideration of important
cessions of territory and the payment of a fine of 90,000
marks.1 The peace involved in the restoration was, however,
of short duration. In 1355 the Scots surprised Berwick
and slew the greater part of its garrison, including the
commanders, Thomas Percy,2 Alexander Ogle, and
Edward Grey. The third lord of Alnwick was in the
following year engaged in the recapture of this strong
hold,3 and was henceforth continuously employed in the
king's service as warden of the marches, conservator of
the peace, as ambassador in Brittany and in France, and
in the conduct of various negotiations with the Scots,4
as well as those under which Edward Baliol finally surren
dered his pretensions to the crown. In 1359 we find him

hostibus in prima belli acie proponens corpus proprium, cunctos sic
consurgere in campo confortabat." — Chronicon de Lanercost, p. 350.
Bannatyne Club publications, vol. 65. It is evident from the descrip
tion of his person that the author here refers to the third lord of
Alnwick (who was not, however, " Dominus " at the time), and not, as
some writers have concluded, to his father, the Commander of the army.
In calling my attention to this passage, Lady Louisa Percy wrote, in
affectionate remembrance of her brother : " Do not these words apply to
another Percy, who fought 500 years later in the valley of Inkerman? "
1 Foedera, vol. v. pp. 761, 787, 801.
2 Holinshed, v. 386, where this Thomas Percy is described as a
brother of Lord Percy ; but his brother of that name was the bishop
who survived for many years after, but there is no record of any other
near relative of that baptismal name.
3 The Exchequer Rolls of this period abound with entries relating
to Lord Percy's efforts to strengthen the fortifications of Berwick. See
Appendix XII.
4 Among others, the surrender of the Castle of Hermitage by the
widow of William Douglas in exchange for her two sons, who had been
detained as hostages in England since the battle of Neville's Cross.
93

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. in the army of King Edward at the siege of Rheims,
I27S-*3 ancj m the following year under the walls of Paris.1
He had lost his wife, Mary Plantagenet, in 1362, and
two years later married Joan, the daughter and heiress
of John de Orby, a Lincolnshire baron of ancient race
and large possessions. By the first marriage there had
been two sons, whose eventful lives will form the subject
of the next chapter ; by the second, only one daughter,
who married John, Lord de Ros of Hamelake.
The third Lord Percy of Alnwick died in his forty-
ninth year, seised of the manors of Lekinfield, Clathorp,
Settle, Eggleswyk, Topcliffe, Wharram-Percy, Walton,
Spofforth, Nafferton, Semar, Tadcaster, and Pocklington
in Yorkshire ; of the castles and manors of Alnwick and
Warkworth, with their twenty dependent towns and vil
lages, and the manors of Chatton and Harbotel, in North
umberland ; of the manors of Petworth, Sutton, Duncton,
and Haystede, with the advowson of the Church of Pet
worth, in Sussex ; as also of several manors in Lincolnshire,
Norfolk and Suffolk, and numerous houses and tenements
in York, Newcastle, and London. These large territorial
possessions were held from the crown in capite for service
of one hundred and twenty-eight knights' fees.2
If a less conspicuous figure in the historical picture of
his time than some of his ancestors, the character of the
third lord of Alnwick leaves an agreeable and grateful
impression as that of a brave, loyal, and modest gentle
man, animated by a strong sense of duty and of justice,
and who, to quote the words applied to another English
worthy,3 was " ever of honest behaviour and good repu
tation ; favouring the virtuous, pleasuring many, and
hurting none." * *
1 Holinshed, ii. p. 672.
2 Inquis. Post. Mort. 42 Edw. III. For the munificent dower of his
widow, see Rot. Claus. 42 Edw. III. 3 Sir John Norris.
94

YORK CATHEDRAL.
The Percies had by this time become numerous in a.d.
their county, and their names are of frequent occurrence I2?5^368
in the public records connected with the restoration,
growth, and progress of the city of York, from the time
of its destruction by fire during the Northumbrian
revolt of 1069. *
The old cathedral, which dated from the beginning of
the eighth century, had then suffered severely, and what
remained of it was levelled to the ground by a wide-
spreading conflagration in 11 37. It was not until nearly
fifty years later that steps were taken to rebuild it, and
during the two centuries that elapsed before the com
pletion of the work successive generations of Percies
were among the most munificent contributors to York
Minster. Conspicuous among them was Robert, son of
Walter de Percy, Lord of Rugemont,2 who had placed his
forest of Bolton at the entire disposal of the archbishop
for the supply of whatever timber might be required for
the structure as long as he lived ; while at the same
time Robert de Vavasour had furnished the stone from
his quarries at Tadcaster.
"In memory of these two extraordinary benefactions,"
says Drake, "the Church thought fit to erect two
statues, one represented with a rough unhewn stone in
his hand, the other with a similitude of a piece of
wrought timber."3
The example thus set them by their ancestors was
1 It was never restored to its former greatness, for though the state
ment in Polychronicon that " the buildings of York under the Saxon
kings might have vied in beauty and magnificence with those of Rome "
is an exaggeration, it was undoubtedly not only the most important
commercial port, but by far the most extensive, largely populated, and
the handsomest city in England.
2 See ante, p. 24.
3 Eboracum, p. 484. These statues remained on their original sites
until the beginning of the present century, when having become much
defaced and mutilated they were replaced by modern copies.
95

THE LORDS PERCY OF ALNWICK.
a.d. piously followed by successive generations of Percies, —
75_J3 • whose names, male and female, are of regular occurrence
down to this period in the documents recording the
patrons and benefactors of the Cathedral, and whose
arms, carved in stone, or emblazoned on glass, are to
be met with throughout the building.1
1 In the great window of the northern aisle we find, side by side, the
full length figures in coats armorial of Percy and Clifford. See Drake's
Eboracum, p. 527. Other memorials will be mentioned in their proper
place during the progress of these annals.

Seal of Henry Percy,
Son and Heir of Henry, Twelfth Baron.
1363.

96

CHAPTER IV.

Mt$t Carl of Bortfmmfcerlanti, &.<8.

Born at Alnwick Castle, 1342.
Succeeded as Fourth Lord Percy of Alnwick, 1368.
Created Earl of Northumberland, 1377-
Fell at Bramham Moor, 17th February, 1408.

Contemporary
English Sovereigns.
Edward III.
Richard II. ace. 1377
Henry IV. „ 1399

HE life of the fourth Lord of Alnwick
was cast in eventful and tumultuous
times. In his nursery he may have
heard the shouts of triumph resounding
through the courts and halls of the old
northern castle on the glad tidings of
the victories at Crecy and Nevill's Cross ; and from those
days down to his fall at Bramham Moor sixty-one years
later, England had been, with but few short and broken
intervals, continually at war. In France, in Spain, and
in Flanders ; in Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, English
soldiers had steadily maintained the honour of their
country; and wherever the clash of arms was heard
a Percy was certain to be in the thick of the fight.
vol. r. 97 h

A.D.
1342-1408

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Thus cradled in war, and trained, amid incessant local
1342-14° ¦ feucjS) to hold Dv force that which his ancestors had
won, the future Earl of Northumberland began as he
ended life, with his hand on the hilt of his sword.
He had, it is true, been much employed in civil
duties under three successive sovereigns ; he had
served at Court and in Parliament, and been engaged
in negotiating international treaties, royal marriages,
and political alliances. But his diplomacy was essentially
an armed one : the argument he best loved was a brave
retinue of mounted lances ; and the glitter of the coat of
mail was ever visible beneath the silk and gold of the
courtier's robes.

The ambition of the third Edward, practicaily to
justify his assumption of " the vain title of King of
France," * was gratified by his subjects at the sacrifice
of much blood and treasure. Unjust, unprofitable, and
impolitic as were those wasteful wars of conquest, they
yet served to kindle into a flame the military spirit of
the nation, and to make the people at large direct and
willing participators in the royal schemes of aggression
and acquisition. Hitherto the masses had counted for
little or nothing in public affairs. The crown and its
feudatory lords had, according to their requirements,
exacted the services of vassals, or the money of citizens,
for the prosecution of wars as to the objects or the results
of which the contributors were not consulted or allowed
to be concerned.2

1 Hume.
2 " Sometimes they acted with, sometimes without, the previous
consent of Parliament. Occasionally they issued letters to their
military tenants soliciting their services as a favour ; on other occasions
they summoned them under penalties." — Lingard.
98

THE FRENCH WARS.
The strain now put upon the resources of England a.d.
demanded such exceptional sacrifices, however, as could r342j^356
only be insured by the enlistment of universal sympathy
and co-operation; and so brilliant had been our
successes on the Continent, to such a height had our
military reputation been raised by a long series of
victories, that there was little difficulty in infecting all
classes with the ambition of the sovereign, and with
the warlike spirit of the feudal aristocracy. This
new-born sense of individual interest and participa
tion in a common national cause engendered a wide
spread consciousness of personal power and, with it,
increased self-reliance and self-respect. The yeoman
who had freely ventured life and limb in the service of
his lord, thought the better of himself and of his order
for having materially contributed to the conquests and
triumphs which had raised England in the scale of
nations ; and the peaceful citizen, who had as freely
yielded up the hard-earned fruits of his industry, felt
that his sacrifices entitled him to share in those triumphs,
and therefore to aspire to a higher degree of political
influence and social consideration than he had hitherto
claimed. Nor was the national progress at this time limited to
military achievements and foreign conquests. A period
of war is necessarily unfavourable to the development
of civil institutions or the healthy growth of public
opinion. Yet it was during Edward's long reign, under
which the country was barely at peace for any two
successive years, that the English Commons laid the
foundation of their power, and that the English
Church first raised its voice against the corruptions of
Rome. The Lord of Alnwick would indeed have been in
advance of his century had he been capable of appre-
99 H 2

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. ciating at its full value the import of these two move-
— ments ; it does none the less redound to his honour
that he, then perhaps the most powerful subject of the
English crown, was among the few of his order who
espoused the cause of popular liberty and of reformed
religion, while these were yet feeble and unbefriended ;
and that the protecting arm of the great northern Baron
should have been extended over Peter de la Mere
in Parliament, as over John Wyclif in St. Paul's
Cathedral.

The young Percy could not have " fleshed his maiden
sword " under more brilliant auspices than on that mem
orable autumn morning, when King John of France led
the flower of his chivalry against the Black Prince and
his small band of Englishmen,1 hastily intrenched on
I9I,?6 '' the slopes of Maupertuis, only to recoil again and again
before their indomitable front, and finally to yield his
sword to the invader. It was a splendid lesson in the
art of war; but a lesson yet more noble was taught the
young soldier by the spectacle of the victorious prince,
still hot with the fight and flushed with triumph, stand
ing bareheaded before his royal captive, and attending
him at table with all the deference he would have shown
to his own sovereign and father.

We have seen how by high alliances, by good service,
and yet more by a reputation for unsullied honour and

1 Froissart estimates the French force engaged in the Battle of Poitiers
at 40,000 against less than 10,000 Englishmen. Another contemporary
writer arrives at about the same result when he puts the " coats of
arms " under the French king at 8,000, and those under the Black
Prince at 1,000. IOO

THE BATTLE OF POITIERS.
devotion to duty, the Percies had attained a fore- a.d.
most place among the feudal lords of England, and JH6
an almost royal supremacy in the northern counties.
The times were exceptionally favourable to the young
heir of the house for consolidating and strengthening this
position by military achievements, and by the cultivation
of those martial virtues and graces which under the
name of chivalry had begun to infuse a more gentle and
generous influence into the hostile intercourse of the
order of knighthood, even though it failed to mitigate the
barbarity of general warfare. He proved an apt pupil ;
wherever he served he displayed the dauntless courage
of his race, together with considerable military skill. He
was possessed of that " noble port " x and commanding
presence then considered a necessary attribute of rank
and power. More than one contemporary writer refers
to his courteous and winning manners, and if we may
trust to the authenticity of his portraits, he must have
been a strikingly handsome man.2
John of Gaunt (so miscalled after his birthplace,3
Ghent or Gant), the third son of King Edward, was but
two years older than Henry Percy ; and a boyish
intimacy, based upon similarity of tastes, had sprung

1 Hardyng in his Chronicle says of Lord Percy and his son Hotspur
that they were : " Knightly men in wars both occupied ;
Beyond the seas great worshippe had they wonne
In many a realm, full greetly magnified
For martial acte's by them multiplied,
The whiche were long here to reporte,
But in their time they were of noble porte."
2 See the beautifully illuminated Metrical History of King Richard's
Deposition in the British Museum, where he is repeatedly represented.
3 According to the custom then prevalent in our royal family. Thus
his son was known as Henry of Bolingbroke, and Edward's grandson
and successor as Richard of Bordeaux. IOI

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. up between the two cousins,1 which in after life ripened
1342-1408 into a strong though fitful and capricious friendship,
and ultimately brought about portentous national results.
The young Percy served under his father 2 when in 1359
Edward III. carried an army of 100,000 men into the
heart of France. Continental expeditions upon this scale
necessitated far greater preparations than had sufficed for
the wars with Scotland and Ireland, and contemporary
writers record the great attention then paid to the minutest
details of military economy and administration. The
troops were transported in 1,100 vessels, each of which
carried small boats constructed of leather, " cunninglye
made and devysed, able to receeve three men apeace
and to passe them over water and rivers. They had at
the least 6,000 cartes, and for every carte four horses
which they had out of England." 3 Each division of
the army carried with them tents, pavilions, mills, ovens,
and forges, according to a fixed scale proportioned to
the numbers embarked, with a complement of masons,
carpenters, and other mechanics and artificers.
1 John of Gaunt and Henry Percy were descended, the one through
the male, the other through the female, line, from a common ancestor,
Henry III. They were further allied by the marriage of Prince John of
Lancaster with the Lady Blanche Plantagenet, a first cousin of Henry
Percy, as shown in this table : —
King Henry III.
I 

I 1
Edward I =Eleanor of Castile. Edm. Plantagenet=Blanche d'Artois.
 J ,  1
Edward II.=Isabel of France. Henry, 3rd Earl of Lancaster=Maud Chaworth.
,  I
I i
Edward III. =Philippa of Henry, 1st Duke=Dau. of Ld. Mary Plantagenet=3rd Lord Percy
' Hainault. of Lancaster. 1 Beaumont I of Alnwick.

rJ

J

Edward the Black=Dau. of Earl John, 2nd Duke=BIanche Henry, 4th Lord=Dau. of Lord
Pnnce. I of Kent. of Lancaster. I Planta- Percy of Alnwick. I Nevill of Raby.
j genet. I
Richard II., born 1366. Henry IV., born 1366. Hotspur, bom 1366.
2 See History of Edward III., by Joshua Barnes, 1688.
3 Froissart.
102

PRINCE EDWARD'S SPANISH CAMPAIGN.
On the conclusion of this campaign Henry Percy re- a.d.
turned to the north of England to assume the warden- *359^367
ship of the marches towards Scotland and, although only
in his eighteenth year, to marry a wife.1 This lady Octr.,1359.
was Margaret, the daughter of Lord Nevill of Raby,
whose brother was subsequently created Earl of West
moreland. He now found ample occupation for his active mind
and restless sword in the duties of local administration,
in restraining his unruly people, repelling the aggression
of his turbulent neighbours across the border, or in lead
ing retaliatory raids into their territory. In 1363-64,2 he
was with John of Gaunt fighting in France, and three
years later, together with his brother Thomas, joined the
expedition against Castile.
King Peter the Cruel had been deposed and expelled
the country by his half brother Henry ; and, as the
French had joined the usurper, the Black Prince was
easily prevailed upon to take part in the quarrel, and to
carry an army into Spain for the purpose of restoring to
his throne the most worthless of sovereigns. He ac
cordingly started from Bordeaux with 17,000 men who,
after much privation and suffering from the severity of
the weather during a winter march lasting nearly three
months, found themselves near the village of Navaretta,3
1 The lands settled upon him by his father on the occasion of this
marriage are recited in the Calend. Rotulorum Chartarum, 31 Edw. III.
2 A truce had been established with France under the provisions of
the treaty of Bretigny in 1360, but the dukedoms of Navarre and Brittany
were excluded from its operation, and wars had continued to be waged
in those provinces. 3 " La place ou home combati
Estoit sur un bel palme joly
Ou il n'eust arbre ne buysson,
D'une grant long environ
Silonc un beal rivere." — ¦
Life of the Black Prince, by Chandos Herald, v. 4010.
103

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. confronted by a greatly superior army of French and
1342-140 Spanisn troops occupying a strong position and com
manded by the brave and chivalrous Du Guesclin.
3 April, The Black Prince, accustomed to victory against
J367- overwhelming odds, did not hesitate to lead forward his
wearied and enfeebled troops, and by his first onslaught
broke the ranks of the enemy. The battle lasted
several hours and resulted in a complete and decisive
victory for the English. The allies were routed with
enormous loss,1 and Du Guesclin, after performing
prodigies of valour, was wounded and taken prisoner.
Don Pedro had entered into a formal engagement to
pay and provision the English troops employed on this
service ; 2 but no sooner had these accomplished their
purpose and restored him to his throne, than he
repudiated his obligations. In the meanwhile the un-
healthiness of the climate had produced great mortality
in the English army ; and after some unavailing efforts
to induce the Spanish king to perform his promises, our
prince carried back the remnant of his victorious but
starving and discontented army, bearing within himself
the seeds of that fatal fever 3 which embittered his
remaining days, and brought the hope and pride of
England to an untimely grave.
1 According to Hume the allied army numbered 100,000 and their
loss in the battle is estimated at 20,000, whereas the English lost only
fifty men. Walsingham puts the loss of the allies at 7,000 exclusive of the
wounded and the large number of fugitives who were drowned in the
river which for miles ran red with blood ; " In tantum ut unda appareret
rubra vel sanguinea per spatium milliarii, pra5 numerositate vulnera-
torum." — Hist. Angl. i. p. 305.
2 The text of this Convention is given in Fcedera (vol. vi. 512), where
there is also an entry (p. 557) of a reward to a retainer of the Black
Prince for having brought to England the horse ridden in the battle of
Navaretta by Don Henrico. 3 " Et la c'est bien certaine
Si commenca la maladie
Que puis dura toute sa vie." ¦ — Chandos Herald.
104

THE BATTLE OF NAVARETTA.
The refusal of the King of Spain to defray the cost of A-D-
the expedition compelled the Black Prince on his return I3 —
to his principality to raise the funds required for the pay
ment of the troops by imposing upon the inhabitants of
the French provinces under his rule a new and oppressive
tax called the fouage or hearth tax, which gave rise to
universal discontent, and finally led to an appeal to the
King of France. Louis, rejoiced at the opportunity of
striking a blow at English influence, denied the right of
the prince to levy taxes on French soil, and summoned
him to appear in Paris to answer for his conduct. " Je
viendrai, mais le bassinet sur la tete et soixante mille
hommes dans ma compagnie," was his defiant reply.
From this hour, however, dates the decline of English
power in France. The long-forgotten battle of Nava-
retta * was the last and not the least brilliant of the many
victories achieved by our Black Prince.
The attitude assumed by King Louis was met by the
formal re-assumption on the part of Edward the Third
of the title of King of France, and early in 1369 war
was once more declared between the two countries.
Lord Percy, as he is henceforth to be called,2 and his
brother Sir Thomas, joined the expeditionary force. 3 now
sent against France, and were with the Duke of Lancaster
on his defiant military promenade across the country from
the Channel to the Mediterranean. The march occupied
four months, during which the French carefully abstained
from giving battle ; but by hanging upon the flanks and rear
of the invading force, cutting off stragglers and convoys,
1 Sometimes called Najara, after the river running through the village.
2 He did homage in the twenty-sixth year of his age, when he had
livery of his lands. — Exchequer Rolls, 42nd Edw. III.
3 The following entry occurs in the Issue Rolls of the Lord High
Treasurer in 44th Edw. III. "To Lord de Percy for wages for himself,
sixty men-at-arms, and forty servants going with him in the king's
service to France, ^960." I°5

A.D.
I342-1408

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
laying waste the country wherever the enemy advanced,
and preparing ambuscades, they inflicted a greater loss
upon the English than half a dozen general engagements
might have occasioned.1

:s

Sir Thomas Percy had by this time gained a high
reputation. He seems to have possessed all his elder
brother's warlike spirit and military accomplishments
with a more politic temper and greater intellectual
culture.2 He had long been the friend and trusted
adviser of the brave Chandos ; and Froissart, who
knew him personally, and rarely mentions him without
praise, has left a graphic picture of the last meeting
between the rising young soldier and King Edward's
veteran general, who, having so nobly contributed to
England's most brilliant victories on French soil, was
now destined to lose his life in a nameless skirmish.
The scene is laid in the neighbourhood of Poitou, and
the date is towards the end of 1370.
" Then Sir John Chandos went into a house, and
caused to be made a good fyre ; and there was still with
1 John of Gaunt, — now by the death of his father-in-law (who fell a
victim to the plague in 1362) — Duke of Lancaster, had planned this
campaign, the effect of which was flattering to the national pride as an
exhibition of English strength and power, but produced no noticeable
result beyond arousing the hatred of the French people at seeing beautiful
and fertile districts laid waste, and an unarmed population outraged and
ruined. The cost of the expedition was enormous, and our losses in the
material of war were great. According to Stow, " The Duke of Lancaster
brought scantlie forty horses back with him ; it was commonlie talked
he had lost 30,000 horses in that unluckie voyage." — Annals.
2 The Pope had conferred upon him the degree of a Bachelor of
Arts, then a much coveted distinction (Leland's Collectanea, II. 352) ;
and in a small folio MS. in possession of Emmanuel College, entitled
"The Foundation of Cambridge University" (1617), we read that
"Aubrey de Vere, Earl of Oxford, Thomas Percie, Earl of Worcester,
and Humfrey Plantagenet, surnamed the Good Duke of Gloucester,
were, circa 1396, the principal benefactors to the Logicke Schooles,
sometimes called the Divinitie Schooles and Librarie, on the east side
of King's College." 106

SIR THOMAS PERCY.
him Sir Thomas Percy, Seneschal of Rochelle, and his a.d.
company, who said to Sir John Chandos : Sir, is it your I1L°
intent to tarry here all this day ? Yea, truly Sir, quoth he,
why demand you ? Sir, the cause I ask you is, since you
will not stir this day, that you will give me leave, and I
will ride some way with my company, to see if I can
find any adventure. Go your way in the name of God,
quoth Sir John ; and so departed Sir Thomas Percy, with
thirty speares in his company, and took the long way that
led to Poitou, and Sir John Chandos abode still behind."
Percy was not long in meeting the adventure
of which he went in search, for before he had ridden
far he came in sight of a considerable body of French
troops bent probably upon a similar errand.
" Behold, he said, yonder Frenchmen be a grete
number against us, therefore let us take the advantage
of the bridge .... and so they ranged themselves in
good order to defend the bridge."
In the meantime Sir John Chandos, having scented
the presence of an enemy, had set forth by an opposite
road to that taken by Percy, which brought him upon
the rear of the French detachment, who now turned to
meet him. From the nature of the ground, however, the
two English captains who thus held the Frenchmen in
front and rear, were ignorant of one another's presence
for " Sir Thomas Percy who was on the other side of
the bridge knew nothinge, for the bridge was high in
the middle, so that none could see other."
Chandos, greatly outnumbered in the hand-to-hand
conflict which ensued, fell mortally wounded, while Percy
remaining on the other side of the river, in ignorance of
the fight raging within a few hundred yards of him, and
finally believing that the enemy had retired, " departed
with his company and took the way to Poitou, as they
knew nothing of that business." 107

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. The Governorship of Poitou now vacant by the death
1342-14° 0f j-^g brave old Chandos was conferred upon Thomas
Percy, with emoluments fixed by letters patent under
the hand of the Prince of Wales dated at Taunay,
Charente, 5 November 1370.1
" For the good services rendered by his dear cousin
Thomas de Percy, Seneschal of Poitou, and in satisfaction
of 100 marks due to him (yearly) for life, the prince
gives to him for life, in case the Sieur de Reys should
become the prince's enemy, and rebel, the lands, rents, etc.
of the said Sieur, in the prince's principality of Aquitaine,
which may be worth 1,000 livres yearly; doing homage
and other duties to the prince. In case this do not hap
pen, the prince assigns to his said cousin the said sum
of 100 marks out of the revenue of the lands confiscated
by rebellion in the prince's country of Poitou, wherever
his said cousin can find them, which lands are to be put
in his hands till the 100 marks be paid, provided they
have not heretofore been given to others of the prince's
lieges." Thomas Percy would appear to have been selected or
to have volunteered for the execution of any service
requiring exceptional daring. Thus the castle of Mont-
contour having, as the English complained, "traueyled
them more than any other garrison being marvellous
strong and fayre," and being held by a picked body of 3000
French troops, he advanced upon it with 500 lances and
2000 foot, and after a short investment carried it by
assault " with so good order that by clene force they
pearced the walls and entered in and conquered the
Frenchmen." 2 Shortly after he successfully assaulted St.
/ Severe, which the French had surprised and taken some
time before, on which occasion his cousin, Sir William

1 Exchequer Queen's Remembrancer, Miscell. Army ||-
2 Froissart. IOS

MILITARY ACHIEVEMENTS.
Percy,1 together with Sir Richard Golfe and Sir a.d.
Richard Home, "all captaynes too good to be lost,"2 I37^37S
were killed.
He was less fortunate in the attempt to relieve Soubise,
where he was wounded and taken prisoner in a sortie led
by the Welsh soldier-priest Owen. For his ransom the
Prince of Wales surrendered to the French the castle of
Levroux,3 whereupon by letters patent dated at Poitiers,
2nd October, 1374, John, Due de Berry and d'Auvergne
and Count of Poitou, pardoned and released " Messire
Thomas de Pressy (sic), Knight, subject of the King of
England and prisoner of the King of France (having
been delivered to the said Prince John in whose faith
he is) of his said imprisonment and faith which he owes
to the prince." 4 *
* *
While his brother was thus doing good service on
the Continent, Lord Percy had been as actively en
gaged in his own country. A drunken brawl during
the Fair annually held at Roxburgh,5 and which was
always largely attended by the people from over the
border, had in 1370 led to an indiscriminate attack upon
the Scotch there assembled, in the course of which
many, and among these some immediate servants or
tenants of Patrick Dunbar, Earl of March, were slain.
Failing to receive the redress which he demanded at
Lord Percy's hands, the earl invaded England with a
1 A son of William de Percy of Kirk Levingstone, with whom that
branch would appear to have become extinct.
2 Froissart.
3 Froissart. According to Walsingham it was Castellum de Liziniaco,
which Dugdale renders Limosin, but which appears to be Lisieux in
Normandy. ? Exchequer Queen's Remembrancer, Miscell. Army |~| i. Appendix.
5 Lord Percy had been made Governor of Berwick and Roxburgh on
coming of age, but subsequently resigned the Wardenship of the latter
Castle to his brother. I.09

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. large force, ravaged the country around Carlisle, and
1342-14° returned carrying with him some hundreds of English
prisoners, and great booty in horses and cattle. A
series of retaliatory raids ensued on both sides ; and
finally Lord Percy raised a numerous and well-equipped
army, of which a large proportion were mounted men,
and entering Scotland —
" With sevin thousand of nobill men and wycht,
He came till Duns and thair he baid all nycht." *
A fatal night for him, for here it was that his fine army
was completely routed by the simple device of a few
Scottish shepherds who, taking advantage of the
darkness, succeeded by means of the rude instruments
used by them to frighten the deer and wild cattle off
their pastures, in making so deafening and unearthly a
noise as produced a stampede among the horses, and a
panic among the troops in the English camp. The
former breaking loose from their fastenings, scampered
wildly over the country, while soldiers, who would have
met any number of visible enemies with undaunted
front, fled headlong before the imaginary danger of
supernatural agency.
" Sone be the flouries in the dew did fleit,
And leit the Persie pas hame on his feit,
For all his bost, with mekle lak and schame,
And far les honour na he come fram hame." 2
Early in the following year Lord Percy once more
crossed the Channel, having in his personal retinue
twelve knights, forty-seven squires, and one hundred
and sixty mounted archers and men at arms.3 His son
1 The Bulk of Croniclis of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 396 ; a metrical version
of the history of Hector Boece, containing full and very quaintly ex
pressed descriptions of wars and border raids extending over eight
centuries. There is also a detailed account of this expedition in
Holinshead's Chronicles of Scotland, and in Buchanan's Rerum Scoticorum
Historia, lib. ix. p. 41. 2 Metrical Chronicles.
3 Exchequer Rolls, Army, 45 Edw. III.
IIO

BORDER WARS.
Henry, then in his ninth year, accompanied him in the a.d.
capacity of a page. By this time the greater part of the I37^37
English provinces on French territory were in open
revolt. The Black Prince, prostrated by disease, and
his spirit broken by repeated reverses, had returned to
England, leaving the Duke of Lancaster to act as
governor of Gascony and captain-general of Aquitaine.
John of Gaunt however lacked both the good fortune
and the military capacity of his elder brother, and was
besides personally much disliked by the French.
The populations whom a series of brilliant successes
and the display of invincible power had reconciled to
alien rule, were disposed to resume their natural alle
giance as soon as victory ceased to smile upon our
legions. The English army had met with a severe
defeat in Brittany at the hands of Du Guesclin, and
the fleet in which Sir Thomas Percy was serving under
the Earl of Pembroke was all but annihilated off 23 June,
Rochelle, by the Spanish Admiral Cabeja de la Baca.
It was looked upon as an evil omen, when the King of
England, having embarked for Calais in order to take
the personal command of his forces, was tossed about for
weeks by adverse winds, and finally compelled to aban
don the attempt to reach the French coast. After some
desultory fighting a truce between the two countries was
once more patched up.
Lord Percy only returned from France to meet
the enemy on his own soil, a Scottish force having
attacked Roxburgh and burnt the town after a whole
sale massacre of the inhabitants. He retaliated by
an invasion in which he utterly devastated the lands
of Sir John Gordon, who, in his turn, again crossed the
border to burn and slay with relentless ferocity.
There is a sad monotony in the descriptions of these
misera,ble feuds, and but little difference between Scotch
1 n

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. and English in the barbarous method of warfare pursued.
1342-1408 on the one side we are told—
" They spairit nother man nor wyfe,
Young or old of mankind that buir lyfe ;
Like wilde wolfis in furiositie,
Bayth brint and slewe with grete crudelitie ; "
while on the other — ¦
"So boldin were the bernis that war bald
That same they spairit nother young nor aid ;
Man or wyfe, ether in felde or firthe,
Was nane that tyme that gat mercie or girth ; " *
The Chieftains who might have been expected to use
their influence to restrain the excesses of their followers
appear to have been either unwilling or unable to
prevent the repeated acts of individual outrage and
violence which generally led to these disastrous raids.
Lord Percy, it is true, addressed frequent remon
strances to the Scottish nobles, while in his turn the
Earl of March complains- —
"To make redress alls far as they had failed,
Recht oft the Percie so he has assailed —
Askend redress of all was done beforne,
And he againe no answer got but scorne
With great derision, each day more and more ; " 2
but on neither side can we trace any serious effort to
repress outrage, and even the Kings of England and
Scotland when they appealed to one another for redress,
proved disposed rather to justify than to rebuke the
lawlessness of their subjects on the borders.

In the meantime the reverses sustained by our arms
on the Continent, and the loss of territory which had been
acquired at the cost of much blood and treasure, had pro
duced great irritation among the people of England. The
heavy taxation necessitated by the wastefulness of the
1 Metrical Chronicles. 2 Ibid.
I 12

THE "GOOD" PARLIAMENT.
king and his favourites embittered the prevailing dis- a.d.
content, and when in 1376 "the good Parliament " was 'II6
required to vote a further subsidy, " the knyghttes of the
shyre (ynspyred so it is thought by the Holy Ghoste) after
dyligent delyberacion in the matter, refused to answer
to such petitions without the counsell of the Nobles." J
Four bishops were accordingly named to assist the
Commons, and these in their turn claimed the co
operation of four barons " which should entyrely love the
kyngdome and his maiestyes dygnytye ; with whose
favour they might be backed and defended if any
sought to wrong them, and by them be more in-
coraged stoutlye to prosecute any matter that should
be brought to passe for the safetye of the kyngdome,
and his maiestyes bodye and soule, yea, although he
should take the same in evyl parte. The knyghtes,
assenting four lordes without whose consent they neyther
cold nor wold make any ainser in so weigh tye a matter"
were elected ; these were Henry de Percy, Richard de
Stafford, Guy de Bryan, and Henry de Beauchamps,
and to this council of twelve four earls were ulti
mately added.2
The firm attitude assumed by the Commons was in
tended as a demonstration against the Duke of Lancaster,
whose influence at Court was now paramount. There is
nothing to explain the motives which induced Lord Percy
to join the popular league against his old friend and ally.
One of Lancaster's partisans3 contends that he did so in the
1 This and the further quotations on the same subject are from
a curious manuscript Chronicle preserved in the British Museum, and
published in Archceologia, vol. xxii. It is the work of a contemporary
writer, and bears internal evidence of authority and truthfulness.
2 The Peeps (Les Grandz) at this time already sat apart from the
Commons ; their meetings being held in Westminster Hall, while the
Commons assembled at the Chapter House.
3 Godwin, in his Life of Chaucer, which contains a "Memoir of
Lancaster " highly coloured in his favour.
VOL. I. 113 I

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Duke's interest, but this is belied by the active part he
I34!Z^4° took in support of the agitation against the Court.1
Lancaster angrily resented the pretensions of the
Commons to control the action of the King. "What
do these base and unnoble knyghtes attempt ? " he
asked of Percy. " Do they thynke they be kynges or
princes of the lande ? " It was only when his cousin
convinced him that his resistance would be futile, if not
perilous to himself, that the Duke was induced to forego
further opposition, and ultimately even to consent to
the removal from Court of Lord Latimer and other of
the king's obnoxious counsellors. Indeed it appears to
have been entirely due to Percy's influence that Lan
caster " contraye to all expectacion showed himselfe
so favorable and so mylde that he drew them all into
admiration." 2
June 8, When a few months later the death of the Black
1376. Prince and the declining health of the king placed
Lancaster's star once more in the ascendant, he lost
no time in revenging himself upon the " base and
unnoble knyghtes " who had presumed to thwart his
policy, and, but for Lord Percy's intercession,3 Peter de
la Mere, the first Speaker of the Commons,4 would have
paid with his life for the boldness of his language.
1 Holinshead says that at first Lord Percy showed " a burning desyre
to apprehend the traytours of the reahne ; " adding, " Wold to God he
had continued the same unto the ende I " The meaning of this qualify
ing phrase seems to refer to the Wyclif incident in the following year.
2 Holinshead.
3 " Nisi Dominus de Percy ducem suis inimicis impedisset." —
Walsingham. * Peter de la Mere had acted as the spokesman of the council of
twelve in the Good Parliament, and did not actually become Speaker
of the Commons until the opening of the following Parliament (October
I3ta) 1377), when, for the first time, they elected a member to preside
over their deliberations and "pour avoir la parole de par la com
munity. " — See Rolls of Parliament, 1st Rich. II. In succeeding
parliaments the Commons were formally required at the commence-
114

LANCASTER AND THE COMMONS.
Richard was now heir to the throne, and between this a.d.
boy and his uncle, who had already put forward his *il
claims as the next heir, there stood Roger Mortimer,
Earl of March, then Lord Marshal of England, whose
military services and personal character had made him
eminently popular in the country. Virtually wielding
the royal power at this time, Lancaster determined
to have the crown settled upon his heirs male (to
the exclusion of the heirs of Lionel, his elder brother)
in case of Richard's decease without issue ; and
with this object in view thought it expedient to rid
himself of the presence of a formidable rival. He
accordingly obtained the king's order for the Earl of
March to proceed to Calais on pretext of that strong
hold requiring to be placed in better defence. " But
the erle, as he was a man of good wit, considered
that it was a dangerous tyme — he chose therefore rather
to lose the rod than his life wherefore he restored the
rod of the marshalshippe ; " which was at once conferred
upon Lord Percy, who " by this meanes was joyned to
the duke, but incurred as much hatred of the whole
commonalty as he had gotten favor and love of the
duke." *

In this year Lord Percy granted the hospital of St.
Leonard's to the abbot and convent of Alnwick,2 and
the abbot in return gave a magnificent banquet in
honour of his patron, when 120 nobles, 86 superior
gentry, and 1,020 of the people were entertained with

ment of each session to elect a Speaker to act as their direct medium
of communication with the other House.
1 StoVs Annals. According to Canon Stubbs, Henry Percy had
been previously induced, " probably by the promise of the marshal's
staff, to join the duke's party." — Const. Hist.
2 Rot. Chart. 50 Edw. III.
H5 I 2

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. lavish hospitality.1 Shortly after Lord Percy was
1342-14° nominated to the chief command of the English forces
in France, and embarked for Calais with a personal
retinue of 400 men-at-arms and mounted archers. He
soon returned to England, however, to take part in
another and, to him, novel description of warfare.
As early as in 1365 Pope Urban V. had demanded
payment of the tribute which a century and a half
before King John had conceded to be his due, but
which, since the early years of the reign of Edward III.
had been permitted to lapse. It was an unfavourable
moment for pressing such claims, for never was the
English nation less disposed to acknowledge papal
pretensions than now.2 John Wyclif had followed up his
denunciations of the practices of the priesthood in his
Last Days of the Church (published as early as in 1356)3
by a protest against certain fundamental doctrines of the
faith ; and Chaucer in his humorous exposure of the tricks
of the Sompnours and Pardoners who, like pedlars,
travelled about the country with packs of indulgences,
dispensations and benisons,4 only gave expression and
point to the prevalent feeling throughout large classes
of the laity. A poet enjoying the favour of the
sovereign,5 the personal friendship of the great, and
1 Chron. Monast. de Alnwyke.
2 The influence of Rome had not indeed, down to this period, been so
powerful as it became in after times. The Conqueror had refused
fealty to Gregory VII., and his immediate successors could not be
induced to acknowledge the pope's temporal sovereignty. King John's
slavish submission to Rome had offended the popular sentiment and
been repudiated by the barons.
3 This work was dedicated to John of Gaunt, who to the last remained
the poet's patron.
+ " His wallet laye before him in his lappe
Brimful of pardons come from Rome all hote."
— Canterbury Tales.
5 Edward III. had employed Chaucer on several important diplomatic
missions, including an embassy to Genoa in 1370. Richard confirmed
Il6

JOHN WYCLIF.
a wide- spread popularity among the masses was not a.d.
likely to fall an easy victim to ecclesiastic persecution; '376-1377
but the indifference with which the Church might pass
over the irreverent pleasantries of Chaucer could hardly
be extended to the earnest and laboured heresies pro
pounded by a member of the priesthood. The pope
now issued a bull empowering the Archbishop of
Canterbury and the Bishop of London to act as his
delegates for the trial of "Johannes Wiclif, Haereticus,"
who was summoned to appear before his judges in
St. Paul's, early in the following year.1
It requires no vivid imagination to conjure up a
picture of the scene in and around the old cathedral.
The judges supported by the papal Nuncio, the
English Bishops, and a number of " Dukes, Earls, and
Barons, that were there to hear the trial," are seated
behind the high altar in our Lady's Chapel. All
available space in the building is thronged with spec
tators, while without, a dense and motley crowd of
citizens so blocks the way that the armed authority of
the Earl Marshal is employed to enable the accused to
gain access to the building/
Now all eyes are turned upon the bold priest who has
dared to cast defiance at the Pope of Rome ; a small,
the pensions and emoluments allowed him during his grandfather's reign,
and granted him a pipe of wine annually from the royal cellars. This is
probably the origin of the still existing grant of a butt of sherry to the
poet laureate. In Chaucer's case, however, this contribution was
subsequently commuted into a money payment of ^13 6s. &d., as appears
from an entry in Fosdera.
1 In his Life of Wyclif (17 19), Mr. Lewis places these events in the
reign of Richard ; the trial actually began on 19th February.
2 " There being a vast concourse of people about the Church, Dr.
Wiclif could not get through the crowd to the place where the Court
sat, upon which the Earl Marshal going first made use of his authority
to disperse the people and make way for him ; but notwithstanding,
such was the greatness of the throng, that it was not without great
difficulty that the two Lords and Dr. Wiclif could pass through it."
— Life of Wyclif, by John Lewis, M.A. 1719.
117

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. fragile man, with a careworn, pale face, and quick, deep-
T342-i4 set eyes. He carries in his hand a black-bound volume
— his only weapon of defence against his formidable
judges. As he advances up the aisle and stands facing
the tribunal, he bears himself with the humility becom
ing a Christian priest, and the calm resolution of a
Christian martyr. Yet the idea of martyrdom is dis
pelled by the aspect of his supporters, for by his side
appear the commanding forms of Lancaster and Percy,
in brilliant and martial attire, " Bishop Ccurtenay *
not being well pleased to see Dr. Wiclif so honourably
attended." 2
The reading of the indictment occupies some time,
during which the accused stands facing his judges ;
whereupon " the Earl Marshal, out of tenderness for
Dr. Wiclif, and having but little regard to a Court
which owed all its authority to a foreign power, bid
him sit down, telling him he had many things to answer
to and therefore had need of a soft seat to rest him
upon during so tedious an attendance." 3
But now the Bishop's patience is exhausted, and he
says : " Lord Percy, if I could have known that you
would have played the master here, I should have
prevented your coming."
Lancaster : " Ay, but he shall play the master here
for all of you."
Bishop: "It is unreasonable that a clergyman cited
before his ordinary (the Lord Pope) should sit down
during his answer. He shall stand."
Lancaster : " My Lord Percy is in the right, and for
you, my Lord Bishop, you have grown so proud and
1 Although Sudbury, Archbishop of Canterbury was by right of his
rank the presiding judge, the Bishop of London took the leading
part throughout these proceedings.
* Lewis. 3 Ibid.
nS

SCENE IN ST. PAUL'S CATHEDRAL.
arrogant, I will take care to humble your pride, and that a.d.
of all the prelates in England. Thou dependest upon 'H7
the credit of thy relations, but, far from being able to
help thee, they shall have enough to do to support them
selves." Bishop : " I place no confidence in my relations, or in
any man else, but in God alone, who will give me the
boldness to speak the truth."
Lancaster (softly to Lord Percy) .• " Rather than take
this at the Bishop's hands, I will drag him by the hair of
his head out of the Church." *
It must be allowed that the dip-nified bearing-
attributed to the bishop forms a grateful contrast to the
bluster of his princely opponent, but as the contemporary
accounts of these proceedings that have come down to
us are by the hands of Wyclif's opponents,2 we may
justly suspect them to be strongly tinged with the
odium theologicum. In all probability the intem
perate language ascribed to Lancaster is as much
exaggerated as the Christian-like humility of the bishop,3
who was certainly not noted for the moderation of his
temper, and who, in his subsequent proceedings, dis
played little forbearance or scrupulousness.
The London citizens, then by no means animated by
religious bigotry or personal reverence towards Church
men, and accustomed to allow great license to their
princes and nobles, were not likely to have been moved
to fury by Lancaster's language to the Bishop, or by his
avowed championship of the religious reformer. But
there were other means by which their sympathies might
1 Lewis.
2 Most of these and many of the succeeding writers derived their facts
from Walsingham, who could hardly fail to take a strong part against the
heretic and his supporters.
3 Fuller in his Church History speaks of " the Duke and the Byshopes
revyling one another." 119

HENRY PERCY,- FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. be enlisted. " The liberties of the City in danger "
1342-^408 was a cry tney wou\rl never disregard ; and this cry
(though it is impossible to trace any just grounds for the
suspicions it implied) the bishop, or his more zealous
agents, now raised with an effect greatly exceeding his
intentions. Lancaster was accused of a design of usurp
ing the civic authority of London, and of placing the city
under the rule of the Earl Marshal. The rumour was no
sooner spread than the populace rose in uncontrollable
anger. Smarting under a sense of wounded dignity the
bishop had hoped to humble the arrogance of his ad
versaries, but he had not contemplated their murder.
When, alarmed at the violence of the passions he had
aroused and at the consequences which the excesses of
the citizens would entail he endeavoured to allay the
storm, his voice had lost its power.
With the capriciousness which generally marks the
temper of excitable masses when suddenly urged to
violent action, the turbulent Londoners now directed their
fury at least as much against Percy, who had hitherto
been one of their idols, as against Lancaster, whom they
had never loved. They attacked and ransacked his
house in Aldersgate Street,1 tore down his arms, and
1 According to the old topographists Percy House stood on the west
side of Aldersgate Street, on the site of the present Bull and Mouth
Inn; but Maitland, in his exhaustive History of London, makes mention
of two city mansions belonging to the family ; one being " near the west
end of Aldersgate Street in Bull and Mouth Street," and another " lower
down on the west side of the Martin's Inn in the Parish of St. Anne
almost by Aldersgate," which is described as " one great house, com
monly called Northumberland House. It belonged to Henry Percy."
On the attainder of the first earl, Henry IV. granted this mansion to his
queen, and it was then called the Queen's Wardrobe. The other
house probably belonged to Sir Thomas Percy, for after his death at
Shrewsbury, the king granted "the Earl of Worcester's house in Bishops-
gate Street" to the Scottish Earl of March. — Fxdera, viii. 243.
Hotspur owned a house in Wood Street, near the Goldsmith's Hall,
where we are told he entertained King Richard and the Duke of
Lancaster at supper. 120

TUMULT IN THE CITY OF LONDON.
slew an unfortunate priest whom in their blind rage they a.d.
mistook for the obnoxious lord in disguise. Finding I377
out their error, and learning that the duke and the Lord
Marshal had gone to dine at the house of John of Ypres,1
at Ypres Inn, in St. Thomas Apostle, they proceeded
thither. The intended victims, in complete ignorance of
the storm raging without, had not yet sat down to table,
but, according to a custom since revived, were whetting
their appetites for the coming banquet by an ante-prandial
course of oysters,2 when one of Percy's retainers rushed
in to warn them of the approaching mob. Hurriedly
escaping by a back-door, they reached the river side and
took boat for Lambeth.
The last days of the old king, who lay, much suffering,
at his palace at Sheen, were disturbed by the recriminatory
charges arising out of these events, but the influence
of Lancaster now prevailed over all other considerations.
The Bishop of London thought himself fortunate to
escape with an offensive reprimand and a threat of
deprivation. The city was heavily mulcted to compen
sate for the damage done to the residences of the duke
and Lord Percy ; the Lord Mayor, Staple, was displaced
in favour of a nominee of Lancaster's,3 and the municipal
authorities were removed from office, and compelled to
form a penitential procession to St. Paul's, there to place
a huge wax candle emblazoned with the Lancaster arms

1 A wealthy London merchant and a confidential friend of Edward
III., who appointed him one of his executors. See Nicholl's Royal
Wills. He claimed to be a direct descendant of the William of Ypres
who came over from the Low Countries to the aid of King Stephen
against the Empress Maud in 1138, was created Earl of Kent, and was
subsequently attainted and banished.
2 " Erant, quum entravit ?niles, circumstantes ostreas." — Walsingham.
3 Sir Nicholas Brember, afterwards one of King Richard's evil coun
sellors, and who was sentenced to death by " the wonder-working
parliament " of 1388. 121

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a. d. before the image of the Virgin, and to keep it burning
I34Li at the cost of the city for an indefinite period.1
These severe measures were accompanied by a
threat of placing the city under military control in
the event of any further disturbances ; but, although
Lancaster continued to be viewed with distrust, Percy
soon regained his popularity among the Londoners, and
on the death of the king in the following June, the
ceremonies attending Richard's accession afforded an
opportunity for complete reconciliation with both.
Holinshead relates how, during the royal progress to
the Tower on the day preceding the coronation of the
boy king, " the said Duke and the Lord Percy riding
on great horses before King Richard, as by virtue of
their office, to make way before, used themselves
courtiouslye, modestlye, and pleasantlye ; that wherefore
they two, who were greatly suspected of the common
people by reason of their great puissance in the realme
and huge route of retayners, they ordered the matter
so that neyther this daye, nor the morrow after, being
the daye of the king's coronation, they offended any
manner of person ; but rather by gentle and sweet
demeanour they reclaymed the hartes of manie of
whom before they were greatly held in suspycine and
thought evill of." 2
Immediately after the coronation Lord Percy was
created Earl of Northumberland by investiture of the
sword (per cincturam gladii). The patent under which

1 The deposed mayor and aldermen submitted to this sentence,
but the citizens refused to take part in the procession.
2 Holinshead is mainly indebted to Walsingham (Hist. Angl. i. 331)
for these and other details relating to Richard's coronation, on which
occasion, he informs us, the water conduits throughout the route were
running with wine for three hours, while " from a Tower in the upper
ende of Cheape four virgins of stature and age like the kynge stood
up and blew leves of gold into his face."

THE EARLDOM OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
the dignity was conferred is a curiously-worded docu- a.d.
ment, commencing with a dissertation on the privilege 'il7
and policy of royalty in surrounding itself with powerful
nobles, whose presence adds lustre to the crown even as
the stars add brightness to the heavens.1 The only
pecuniary grant attached to the earldom by this instru
ment is a charge of ^"20 per annum on the revenues of
the county of Northumberland ; 2 but all lands already
possessed by the earl were to be considered part and
parcel of the new dignity.3
Henry Percy at the same time became one of the
Council of Regency appointed to conduct the Government
during the king's minority, and thereupon resigned, in
favour of the Earl of Arundel, the office of lord marshal,
on the plea of the manifold and arduous duties now devolv
ing upon him.4 Nor was this a vain pretext, for few names
appear more frequently in the records of the period in
connection with the public service. For many successive
years he acted assiduously as one of the " tryers of
petytions," upon whom devolved a great part of the work
in parliament,5 and it would be a wearisome task to
1 See Appendix XIII.
2 Under King Stephen each English earldom was endowed with the
third penny of the revenues of the county which it represented. At this
rate the public income of the county of Northumberland would at this
date have amounted to ^4,800 per annum.
3 Three other earls were created at the same time, viz. : Thomas of
Woodstock, Lord Guiscard d'Angoulesme, and Lord Mowbraie, under
the titles of Buckingham, Huntingdon, and Nottingham. The House
of Peers under Richard's first parliament consisted (exclusive of the
royal princes) of one duke, thirteen earls, forty-seven barons, and twelve
judges and privy councillors. Northumberland's first summons to this
parliament was not addressed to him under his new title, but as " Henry
de Percy, Mariscallo Anglias."
4 "Asserens se non posse propriis commode rebus prseesse et tantae
gravitatis officio." — Walsingham. One of his duties in this year was
the leading of an army of 10,000 men into Scotland, when the lands
of the Earl of March were devastated in retaliation for the attack upon
Roxburgh in the previous year.
5 Powerful as were the great feudal lords of England, it is noteworthy

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. recount the number of times that he was employed in
1342-14° negotiating treaties of precarious peace and hollow truces
with Scotland. In his judicial capacity, and in the
administration of the local laws, civil, criminal, and
commercial, which fell to him by right of his chief
wardenship of the marches, and governorship of fortified
towns in the north, he attained a high reputation for
impartiality and moderation. He was one of the " special
judges," by whom Lord Gomenego and Sir William de
Weston elected to be tried upon the charge of having,
contrary to their duty, surrendered to the enemy certain
castles in France; and in 1383 he was appointed chief
commissioner for negotiating the ransom still due by
David Bruce. Independently of his duties as general
and admiral, he figures throughout the greater part of
Richard's reign as ambassador, legislator, statesman,
courtier, and confidential adviser.
The state of the Borders alone furnished full occupa
tion to the northern chieftains, upon whom the re
sponsibility for the defence of their frontiers was imposed,'
whose action was, however, not unfrequently very
mischievously impeded by court intrigues or political
combinations among the king's relations or favourites.
A striking instance of such interference in the case
of the Earl of Northumberland will be hereafter
referred to. *
* *
Sir Thomas Percy had been as actively, and almost
how ready parliament was to entertain and minutely to investigate all
complaints preferred against them by such of their dependents as con
sidered themselves aggrieved or oppressed. The Rolls of Parliament
abound in records of these petitions, but in the course of twenty years
only one complaint occurs against the Earl of Northumberland. This
is dated in 1388, the petitioner being one William Heron, a Northumber
land man, who alleged an infraction of the terms of a lease that
he held.
1 Appendix XIV. 124

SIR THOMAS PERCY AS ADMIRAL.
as variously, employed as his elder brother. During a.d.
the first five years of Richard's reign we find him named T377_2f379
on no less than seven occasions to act as commissioner
or conservator of the peace in Scotland, and thrice as
ambassador in France,1 while he at the same time held
the Governorship of Roxburgh 2 and of Brest.3
It was at sea, however, that he principally distinguished
himself at this period.
In 1377, while convoying a merchant fleet in the
Channel, he fell in with fifty Spanish and Flemish ships.
As England was then at peace with Spain he required
the Flemings to withdraw and separate from their allies,
and on their refusal to do so, attacked and utterly
defeated both.
In the following year he was appointed Admiral of the
Fleet north of the Thames, in which capacity he was
authorised " to arrest all mariners from London Bridge
to Southampton for the king's service, and to punish
by imprisonment or castigation all who refused."4 In
1379 he was advanced to the post of Admiral of the
North,5 in which capacity he attempted to carry an English
army to the relief of the Duke of Brittany, but, being
prevented from landing by the large fleet of galleys col
lected by the French on the coast, his forces " turned
ageyn to Calais, and riden by lande thorw France, where
they brent and killed without any resistance."6 Some
1 Most of these appointments will be found recorded in Fcedera.
2 Appendix XV.
3 The Issue Rolls contain an entry directing the collector of Hull " to
pay Thomas de Percy his wages as Governor of Brest."
4 Rot. Franc. 2 Rich. II. m. 11.
5 John de Radington, Prior of the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem,
was at the same time made Admiral of the West, and between them
they were required to bring " 300 men-at-arms, knights, and esquires,
each of whom shall have a valet to attend him, and 300 men of arms,
of whom 100 shall be crossbows, and 400 archers." — From Sir William
Le Neve's MS. Penes, T. Astle, Arm. fol. 1 5.
6 Capgrave's Chronicle. 125

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. months later, however, he effected the junction with the
13 _ Duke of Brittany,' and having, conjointly with Sir Henry
Calverley, been made " Chief Admiral of the Seas,2 they
took many shippes, and caused grete plente of all manner
merchandise in this land." 3
The noble story of our naval warfare records no
exploits more gallant than some, of those by which
Thomas Percy and Hugh Calverley struggled to
maintain English supremacy on the ocean. A fleet
fitted out in aid of our ally the Duke of Brittany in
1379 was for some time delayed in the Southampton
waters by contrary winds. One of the squadrons was
commanded by the licentious and luxurious Sir John
Arundel,4 whose crews, unchecked by discipline, and as
little accustomed, it would appear, to moral restraint
as their chief, committed many atrocities on the English
coast, and before putting to sea carried on board their
ships the inmates of a neighbouring convent. A terrific
gale which ensued, and in which Arundel with twenty-
five ships and above one thousand sailors was lost,5 was
1 See Appendix XVI.
2 By an indenture dated 22nd Feby. 3 Rich. II., under which Sir
Thomas de Percy and Hugh de Calvely (Calverley) bind themselves to
serve the king as joint admirals of a navy of xx shippes, xx barges, and
xx ... . with seven hundred and xx men-at-arms, and 725 archers,
and 140 crossbow-men. — Le Neve's MS. Penes, fol. 13^.
3 Capgrave's Chronicle.
* Properly Fitzalan, a younger son of the Earl of Arundel, but who, in
accordance with a custom common enough in those days, assumed the
titular instead of the family name.
s If ever the sins of men called for the retaliatory interposition of a
superior Power, they had done so in this instance, for when the storm
broke out the sailors, in order to lighten their decks, remorselessly
flung overboard the unfortunate nuns whom they had abducted. Arundel
had on board his ship " two-and-fifty new sutes of apparel of cloth of
golden tissue, all of which, together with his horses and geldings,
amounting in all to the value of ten thousand marks, was lost at sea."
— Holinshead. See also Strutt's Regal Antiquities, where Arundel's
wardrobe, and the fact of Richard having possessed a coat valued at 30,000
marks, are quoted as striking instances of the growing luxury of the time.
126

A NAVAL ENGAGEMENT.
attributed by contemporary writers to this act of a.d.
sacrilege. Unfortunately for this argument, however, 117_9
the rest of the English fleet, as well as the French,
Spanish and Portuguese fleets, who had done nothing
to merit punishment, suffered in an equal degree.
Only seven out of eighty of Calverley's ships succeeded
in reaching land ; and Sir Thomas Percy's fleet was
so completely dispersed that he was left solitary and
disabled, drifting helplessly in his vessel, when he
was suddenly attacked by a large and heavily armed
Spaniard. The monkish writer, to whose annals history is deeply
indebted for a knowledge of the events of this period,
has presented us with a graphic picture of the fight
which now ensued. " The Spanish ships," says Stow,
" were to ours like as castles to cottages," and Percy's
rudderless vessel, which now required all the efforts of a
crew worn out with hunger, sleeplessness, and hard
work to keep her afloat, must have appeared an easy
prey to the enemy who now swooped down upon her,
But nothing was farther from the thoughts of the
English admiral than to decline the unequal conflict.
Exhorting his men to expend their last remaining
strength upon the enemy, and, if they failed, to die an
honourable death,1 he attached himself by chains and
grappling-irons to his formidable assailant, and gave the
order to board.
After a desperate hand-to-hand combat of three hours' 17 Nov.
duration, Percy took the ship, carried her into port, and
there pledged her for ^"ioo, which he distributed among
the crew in compensation for the loss of their equipment
during the storm.2
1 " Si victoria negaretur, vitam honeste finire." — Walsingham, Hist.
Angl. i. p. 426.
2 Grafton. 127

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Gradually the small remnant of his fleet collected at
1342-140 • J3restj whence " having repaired the damage done by
storms, he set out again with only one great ship, two
barks, and some other smaller vessels, and meeting fifty
ships laden with French goods he set upon them alto
gether, inasmuch as they, being terrified with his valour
supposing he had more ships behind, made but small
resistance, so that he took twenty of them, and returned
home with that success as exceeded all expectation." *
In the same year he inflicted a crushing defeat on the
French fleet off St. Malo, when, we are told, their
commander, Bertrand du Guesclin, who like Thomas
Percy was indiscriminately employed as admiral and
general, vied with our ally the Duke of Brittany in his
laudation of the valour of English sailors.

Lancaster had continued to intrigue for the establish
ment of his son's title to the English crown, and although
his alleged " right by blood " 2 was almost universally re
jected, he persisted in his claim against that of Roger,
Earl of March,3 who, as the grandson of Richard's great
uncle the Duke of Clarence, had been acknowledged as
heir apparent. The Earl of Northumberland did not
support Lancaster's pretensions, and there were already

1 Grafton.
2 The grounds of Lancaster's claims are thus recited by a contem
porary writer ; " The Duke of Lancaster axed and desired that his sone
shold by the parliament have be declared and demyd as next heir to the
Crowne ; but the Earl of March withsaide it, and saide he was son of
Sir Lionel the second son of King Edward ; and the Duke said the King
Harry III. had ij sones, Edmund and Edward, the which Edmunde
hadde a croked bak, and was a myssbape and an unlyk."— From the
English Chronicle of the Reigns of Richard II. and Henry IV., published
by the Camden Society in 1855.
3 The founder of this family was Roger de Mortimer (the notorious
paramour of Queen Isabella), who was attainted and executed in 133 1.
128

HOTSPUR.

symptoms of a smouldering mistrust on the one side and a.d.
of resentment on the other, which a few years later l^
blazed forth into open enmity and mutual defiance.

It is now time to introduce upon the scene another
Percy who was destined to win world-wide renown as a
soldier, and to play an important part in history. Henry,
the eldest of the three sons * of the first Earl of North
umberland, by his first wife, and better known under the
nom de guerre of Hotspur, was born at Alnwick Castle
on 20th May, 1366.2
His grandson Roger was restored as third Earl of March in 1361, and
married a daughter of the Earl of Salisbury, leaving one son :
Edmund, 4th Earl = Philippa, daughter and heiress of
(died 1382) J Lionel, Duke of Clarence.
I I = 1
"Roger, 5th Earl = Dau. of Edmund = Dau. of Owen Elizabeth = Henry

of March. Pro
claimed heir
apparent to the
Throne. Fell in
Ireland in 1399.

Earl of Glendower.
Holland.

Percy
(Hotspur).

Edmund, 6th Earl of March, Henry, 2nd Earl of Northumberland,
d. without issue in 1424. ^-1393,^-1455.
1 The reputations of the two younger sons, Thomas and Ralph, were
thrown into the shade by the fame of their elder brother, but they had
both done admirably good service wherever an enemy of England was
to be encountered. Both fell victims to war, Thomas succumbing to
fever during Lancaster's last campaign in Castile, and Ralph falling in
battle in the Holy Land. It was Thomas Percy of whom Froissart relates
that while engaged under Henry of Lancaster in fighting " the pagans
and idolaters " in Prutzenland (i.e. the Baltic Provinces), and hearing of
a probable engagement between the kings of England and France in the
neighbourhood of Artois, he was so eager to take part in the fray that,
leaving his retinue and baggage to follow as they might, he performed the
journey which under ordinary circumstances would have occupied forty
days in fourteen : " Such goodwill and gallantry," says the chronicler,
"deserve much praise."
2 Different dates have been assigned to Hotspur's birth, some writers
placing it as early as 1360 ; but the year is fixed on his own authority in
the evidence given by him in the Scrope and Grosvenor trial in 1386,
when he stated that he was twenty years of age and had borne arms
since the attack of Berwick in 1378. His father in giving his evidence
in the same case in the following year, cited his age as forty-five. The
VOL. I. 129 K

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Hardyng, who in his fifteenth year had entered
^342-14° Hotspur's service as a page, and had remained by his
side until he fell on the field of Shrewsbury, gives us this
spirited account of the training of a young noble of the
fourteenth century: — ¦
"And as Lordes sonnes bene sette at four yere age,
To scole at lernt the doctrine of lettrure,
And aft' at six to have them in language,
And sit at mete semely in alle nurture ;
At ten to twelve, to revel in their cure
To dance and sing, and speake of gentlenesse ;
At fourteen yere they shall to felde I sure,
At hunt the dere, and catch an hardynesse.
At sixteen yere, to werry and to wage,
To juste and ryde, and castells to assayle
To scarmyse als', and make sykure scurage
And set his watch for peryl nocturnayle."
*
* *
" And every day his armure to assaye
In feate of armes with some- of his meyne,
His might to preve, and what that he doe may
If that he were in such a jupertee
Of werre befalle ; that by necessite'
He myght algates with wapyns him defende ;
Thus would he lerne in his priorite
His wappyns alle in armes to dispende." *
But the young Percy had anticipated the periods here
fixed for the progressive stages in military education.
precise origin of Harry Percy's famous sobriquet cannot be traced.
According to the Metrical Chronicle :
" For his sharpe quicknesse and speedinesse at need
Henry Hotspur he was called in very dede."
The French writers commonly called him " Chaudepron," "ainsi
nomme," says Froissart, " a cause de son humeur violente et etnportee."
Walsingham speaks of him as "Juvenis in quo totius probitatis et
militia? specimen elucebat ; . . . et revera perante, dum fuisset custos
villse Berewici, gentem omnino inquietam, id est, Scotos, quiescere com-
pulit, et sua alacri inquietudine multotiens fatigavit. Ob quam causam,
illorum lingua ipsum Henricum ' Hatspore ' vocaverunt, quod ' calidum
calcar' sonat " (Hist. Angl. ii. 144). Holinshead, in his Chronicles of
Scotland, says he received the name "from his so often pricking, as one
that seldom time rested when there was any service to be done about."
Buchanan says: " Cognomento Plexippus, uti erat ingenio ferox."
1 Hardyng's Chronicle, from the Lansdowne MSS. No. 200, fol. 12.
130

BERWICK CASTLE ASSAULTED.
He had heard the clash of arms in his cradle, and had a.d.
witnessed the pomp and circumstance, if not the fierce- *37
ness, of war, when in his ninth year he served in his
father's retinue in France. He had barely attained his
twelfth birthday when he was knighted (at Richard's
coronation), and shortly after had learnt not only
" castelles to assayle," but to capture them.
In the autumn of 1378 a band of Scottish mar
auders,1 under John Hogg and Alexander Ramsay,
had, on a dark night, surprised and gained possession of
Berwick — that everlasting bone of contention between the
two countries — and massacred a great part of the garrison,
with their chief Sir Robert Boynton, the Deputy-
Governor of the castle. The Earl of Northumberland
at once proceeded to recapture the stronghold under his
charge, and after a siege of nine days the Scots having
refused to surrender, permitted his son to lead the
assault,2 and to claim the honour of the victory which
ensued. In revenge for the death of Hogg and his
followers, all of whom were put to the sword as
common felons, for having in breach of the covenants of
the truce and without the authority of their sovereign,
committed murder, arson, and robbery,3 a body of Scots
again invaded Northumberland, committing such excep
tional acts of barbarity that the Earl of Northumberland
determined to carry the war into the heart of the enemy's
1 According to the Northern Registers the party consisted of " xliiij.
Scotch latrones."
2 " Qui primo tunc suum vexillum displicuit." — Walsingham. The
Earl of Douglas had advanced to raise the siege, but, being met by a
superior force, retired. It was in pursuing him that Sir Henry Musgrave
fell into an ambush and was taken prisoner with 150 of his followers.
3 " Quo facto precepit interficere praedictum Johannum cum
omnibus sociis suis, et capita eorum fecit ponere super Castellum."
— Northern Registers. The Warden of the Scottish Marches disavowed
their action, and assured the Earl of Northumberland that so far from
the capture of Berwick having been authorised, he would, if necessary,
himself " help to recover it to the King of England's use." — Holinshead.
131 K 2

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. country, and to demand reparation in Edinburgh at the
342-140 ha^g 0f tne king in person. To this end he had called
a levy en masse, and, having collected a powerful army
was on his march for the Border, when he received a
peremptory order from the king to abstain from hos
tilities.1 The Northerners smarting under the atrocities
recently committed within their territories, urged their
chief to disregard a command which they, justly enough
as it proved, attributed to some unworthy personal
motive on the part of the king's advisers. The Earl,
however, refused to be guilty of an act of direct
disobedience. He halted his army, sending at the
same time a somewhat angry remonstrance to the king,
requiring to be informed for what cause he had been
ordered to sheath the sword at a moment so favourable
for successful invasion. Richard returned a conciliatory
answer, desiring that the enterprise should be suspended
until after the next " March Day," 2 when it was usual for
Scotch and English commissioners to meet in every year
on neutral ground for the adjustment of their differences.
Shortly after it was notified that an army was being raised
which Lancaster would lead into the north to co-operate
in an invasion of Scotland on a large scale, in the event
of full redress not having been afforded in the interim,
and by these means to secure a peace upon such terms
as would finally put an end to these destructive raids.

1 " The Scots had invaded Cumberland and Westmoreland, killing all
they met and miserably laying waste to the whole county .... they
came to Penrith on a market day, and killing many of the people, put
the rest to flight and spoiled the town .... the Earl of Northumber
land would have pursued them, but the king would not suffer him
though he had lost 1,000 marks by the fury and rapine of the invaders."
— Historical MS. Account of the City of Carlisle, by the Rev. Hugh
Todd, Prebendary of Carlisle.
2 " Qui blande, mox accepto responso, et Diem Marchiae, quem annis
singulis Angli simul tenent et Scoti, expectare jussus, recessit, nihil
acturus usque ad diem praefinitum." — Walsingham, Hist. Angl. i. 438.
132

THE DUKE OF LANCASTER.
The Northerners, however, soon had reason to regret a.d.
the assistance furnished by Lancaster ; who, instead of Ii79
carrying the war into the enemy's countcy, entered
into negotiations, and in the meantime allowed his
soldiery to waste and ravage the provinces they had
come to protect, and to make such extortionate demands
for their subsistence that complaints were formally sent
to the king with a request for the speedy removal of ¦
allies, whose presence was represented as more de
structive than Scottish irruptions/
After some months passed in inactivity Lancaster,
always more successful in negotiation than in warfare,
proceeded in person to the Scottish court, where he
concluded a peace upon terms so unjustly and palpably
favourable to the enemy, that the northern lords refused
to be bound by the treaty.
The Duke's attitude throughout these proceedings
was calculated to create mistrust. He had been sus
pected of an attempt to win favour with the Scots
when he prevented Northumberland's invasion. The
abject conditions to which he now agreed confirmed these
suspicions ; while other circumstances made it evident that
the main object of his expedition had been the conclusion
of a secret and intimate alliance with the Scottish king.
Richard appears to have shared in these misgivings, for
the order which he now issued, that no armed bodies of
men should be admitted into the northern fortresses
without his special authority, could only have been
suggested by doubts of his uncle's good faith.
1 Walsingham gives a pitiable account of the hardships inflicted upon
the population of the northern counties by Lancaster's army : " In
tantum, ut provinciales juramento firmarent, magis aequanimiter adven-
tum Scoticani exercitus pertulisse, quibus legaliter sive licite poterant
restitisse, quam Anglorum adventantium ea vice, de quibus, reverentia
cognitionis et patriae, necnon metu legum, non poterant vindicari."
— Hist. Angl i. p. 446. 133

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. When, accordingly, on his return from Scotland in
1342-140 1382, Lancaster presented himself with his retinue
before the gates of Berwick, he was refused admission
by Sir Matthew Redmayne, the Deputy Governor, under
the Earl of Northumberland.
" How cometh this to passe, Sir Redmayne ? " demanded
the Duke in much anger. " Is there in Northumberland
a greater sovereign than I am ? " in reply to which the
Deputy pleaded the command of his immediate chief
the Earl, " a pryncipall and soveraigne of all the heades
of Northumberland." Furious at the rebuff, the Duke
laid his complaint before the king, and, at a royal
banquet given on Assumption Day, at Berkhamsted,
openly reproached the Earl with ingratitude and dis
loyalty,1 saying : " Henry Percy, I beleeved not that
ye hadde bene so greete in Englande as to close the
gates of citie, towne, or castell, agaynst the Duke of
Lancaster ? The Erie understood whereof the Duke
meent, and he tempered his speech and sayde : Sir, I
deny not that the Knyghte dyde, for I cannot ; for by the
commandment of the King's grace here presente, he
straigtly enjoyned and commanded me that, on myne
honor and my life, I shulde not suffer any manner of
person, lorde or other, to enter into cytie, town, or castell,
in Northumberland, without he were herytor of the
place." The Duke answered : " I saye ye have
acquytted yourselfe right yuill, and the blame and
slander ye have brought me in to purge in the presence
of the Kynge, here present, I cast down my gage ;
rayse it an ye dare ! "
It was not in the nature of a Percy to decline such a
challenge, and "the Earl, after the manner of his race,'
1 " Deposuit querimoniam contra Comitem, quod non solum inobe-
diens, sed infidelis et ingratus, extitisset ei, prout prasmittitur, turbationis
generalis tempestate." — Walsingham, Hist. Angl. ii. 44.
2 "Comes impatiens (mori gentis sua?)." — Walsingham. It is not
134

THE ADMIRAL OF THE NORTH.
not able to forbeare, broke out into hard words, when a.d.
the Duke kept silence in humble manner at the first Ili3
bidding when the King commanded him to keep his
peace ; ' so that, by reason of the Earl's disobedience in
that behalf, he was arrested," but subsequently, at the
intercession of the Earls of Warwick and Suffolk, released
and pardoned.
The King, assuming the responsibility for the
command he had given, and expressing his regret at not
having made a. special exception in favour of the
members of his family, the quarrel was patched up ; but
Lancaster's was not a forgiving nature, and before long
he found an opportunity of wreaking his revenge.
In 1383 Northumberland was appointed Admiral of
the North,2 in which capacity we find him in consultation
with the Lord Mayor of London on the means to be
adopted for the naval defences of the kingdom. The
juxtaposition of two such offices for such a purpose is
calculated to provoke a smile ; but it must be remembered
that the King's navy was then principally maintained by
a direct tax upon commerce, supplemented by special
contributions from the wealthier merchants, many of
whom, even down to a much later period, on their own
responsibility and at their own cost, built, equipped and
maintained armed vessels for exploration and the pro
tection of merchandise on the seas ; and vied with
each other in an honorable ambition to establish the
maritime supremacy of England.
clear whether the gens is meant to refer to the race of Percy, or to
the Northerners generally, who were often described as of irascible
temper. 1 The contrast between the politic temper of the Duke, and the
impetuosity of his adversary is well exemplified by Walsingham in this
passage. 2 See Nicolas's History of the English Navy. The jurisdiction of the
Admiral of the North extended to all the coast and ports from the
mouth of the Thames to Scotland. 135

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
A-D- The remonstrance, which the merchants had in this
1342-1408 1 T". T • 1 , , .
— year presented to Parliament against the depredations
committed on English commerce by French and Spanish
cruisers, and for which they desired to hold the admirals
of the fleet responsible, was one of the questions under
discussion between the admiral and the civic dignitary.
The earl argued with some show of reason that while he
and his colleague, the Earl of Devon, were bound to use
their best efforts to protect merchant shipping, they could
not be expected to guarantee complete immunity from
loss or capture.1 He engaged, however, to secure the
appropriation of sums contributed by the city towards
naval expenditure (which appear occasionally to have
found their way into wrong pockets) to their legiti
mate object. About the same time he submitted to
Parliament the draft of a more stringent code of laws
for securing the personal services with the Fleet of such
of the able-bodied inhabitants of seaside towns as could
not, or would not, contribute to national defence by
money payments. 2
The feud between Lancaster and Northumberland
was not healed, and on the assembly of Parliament in
this year, the two nobles met one another with large
armed retinues in undisguised defiance.
" The Duke laie with his people in the suburbs. . . .
1 " The Earl of Northumberland promised for himself and the Earl of
Devonshire, Admiral of the West, safely to keep the seas so far as the
charge granted by the Commons therefor would serve, viz. of vid. of
every pound of merchandise, and 2s. of every tun of wine." — Stowe's
Annals, p. 291. Sixpence a pound on merchandise is a preposterous
rate of insurance ; it probably should be per ton.
2 The men of Scarborough appear to have been notorious for their
breach of these regulations, and there are frequent records of fines im
posed upon the town in consequence of the refusal to furnish the requisite
complement of mariners. One William Percy appears to have been the
leader in this opposition to the law, and was as such specially excepted
from the operation of a general pardon granted to the townsmen in 1383.
—Rot. Pari. 6 Richd. II. 136

DANGEROUS ASSEMBLAGES.
the Erie being lodged within the cytie, having greate a.d.
friendshipp shown towards him by the citizens, who 1££3
promised to assist him at all times when necessity
requyred, so that his parte seemed to be overstrong for
the Duke, if they should have come to any tryel of their
forces at that tyme. . . Every daye when they went
to Parlement House at Westminster, both parties went
thither in armor, with an exceeding number of armed
men, to the great terror of those that were wise and
fearing some mischief to fall forth." x It finally required
a special and peremptory command from the king 2 to
induce them to dispense with these escorts during
their attendance on Parliament.
In this year Sir Thomas Percy and Hotspur accom
panied the Bishop of Norwich in his military expedition
against Flanders, when " the preests and religious men
fought most eagerlie, some of them slaying sixteen of
the enemyes," without achieving any result, however.
On the conclusion of this fruitless campaign, Thomas
Percy proceeded on a mission to Paris for the purpose of
once more negotiating a truce with France.

Lancaster's intrigues with the Scottish king, so far
from bringing about peace, had aggravated the feeling of
mutual irritation. On neither side of the Border were
the lords able to disband their forces, and the Earl of
Northumberland alone kept on foot a retinue consisting
of four bannerets, sixty-seven knights, and over one
1 Holinshead. The Rolls of Parliament record " La grant force de
gentz d'armes et d'archiers abroiez au pied de guerre venuz au parlia
ment de l'un et l'autre partie."
2 " Great debate rose between the Duke of Lancaster and the Earl
of Northumberland, and . . . the King with his councel and nobles
were much busied to appease the same, the King therefore adjourned
the said Parliament till Saturday after." — Stowe's Annals, p. 195.
137

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. thousand esquires, and archers, besides foot soldiers.1
1342-140 jn jj^g course of one of the ensuing raids the Scotch
succeeded in once more gaining possession of Berwick,
with the connivance, it was generally believed, of the
officer who, in Sir Matthew Redmayne's absence, had
been entrusted with the custody of the fortress.
Lancaster seized the opportunity to strike a blow
at his absent rival, who was now impeached on
the charge of having twice during this reign allowed
an important post in his custody to fall into the
hands of the enemy. The proceedings were curt
and arbitrary ; without being called upon for his de
fence, the earl was summarily sentenced to attainder
and death.2 The course he adopted in his vindication
was no less prompt and decisive. The defences of
Berwick had been greatly strengthened since its last cap
ture, and he now so closely invested the place that it was
said that " a bird could not have escaped." On hearing,
however, that a strong Scottish army was approaching to
raise the siege he offered terms to the garrison, who con
sented to march out in consideration of a money payment
of two thousand marks.3 The king's authority being
thus restored, Parliament revoked the sentence passed
upon the Earl, and, much to Lancaster's displeasure,*
1 See Appendix XVII.
2 " The Duke of Lancaster, who had no good wylle to the said erle,
was well affraid that he had no good matter to charge his adversary
withal, so that through his meanes the Earl of Northumberland was
sore accused, and had much ado to escape the danger of being reputed
a traytor." — Froissart.
3 " Scoti Berivicum capiunt per proditionem
Et damnatur ab hoc inditus, ille comes
Northumbrse ; sed ei villam sub conditione
Restituunt, marcis mille bis datis."
—Memorial Verses of the Reigns of Edward III. and Richard II, edited
by Thomas Wright.
¦* " Cujus executionis vindicta per regem postea cito relaxata fuit, quam-
vis id Duci, ut dictum, displecerit." — Walsingham. The letters patent
133

'A,,/,:< Inxiraved by V. h'roo/cy.Da'

yrareU t>y

¦j.y 4" - '< 'o

COCKERMOUTH CASTLE.

THE LUCY HEIRESS.
King Richard fully exonerated him from all blame in a.d.
the matter. I3^6
Later in the year the King took the personal
command of an expedition into Scotland, with a force of
15,000 men. Northumberland commanded the rere-
ward, bringing into the field with him 400 men-of-arms
and 300 archers ' ; Hotspur brought 100, and his brother
Thomas sixty of each ; but the result of the campaign
was as usual quite inadequate to the extent of these
preparations.

In 1386 the Earl of Northumberland took for a
second wife * Maud, sister and heiress of Anthony, Lord
Lucy, and widow of his cousin Gilbert de Umfreville,
Earl of Angus.3 By her, who died in 1392, he obtained
the honour of Cockermouth, with nine manors, besides
other large possessions in Northumberland, Cumberland,
and Lincolnshire,4 and 8,000 acres of meadow and forest
land in Allandale,5 all of which, in the event of her
having no issue, she settled upon his heirs male on
condition that they should bear the arms of Lucy
dated 17th February, 1385, recite the earl's alleged offence " quem
in hoc parte reputamus innocentem," and conclude with a full
restoration of all his honours, dignities, and possessions. — Fozdera,
vii. 463.
1 A retinue only exceeded in numbers by that of the king himself.
2 His first wife, the daughter of Lord Nevill of Raby, had died
in 1372.
3 Lord Lucy, or Lucie, had deceased in 1369, leaving an only daughter
Elizabeth who, dying in the following year, was succeeded in her posses
sions by her aunt Maud Lucy, then the wife of Gilbert de Umfreville,
Earl of Angus.
There had previously been a connection between the Percies and the
Umfrevilles, Margaret, daughter of the second Lord Percy of Alnwick,
having married the son of the preceding Earl of Angus. See ante p. 90.
* Prudhoe Castle, an ancient possession of the Umfrevilles, is very
generally stated to have come to the Percies by this marriage, but
such was not the case. See Appendix XVIIA.
5 Calend. Rot. Chartarum, 9th Richard II.
139

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. quartered with their own ; "which promise," says Holins-
I34^2f 4 head, " the Percies have bona fide performed, presenting
so near a relation between the two coates that in a maner
mutuo se ponunt et auferunt, so that if either both are
seen together." T
Fuller accords this lady an honourable place among
his worthies, " partly because of her harmless device
to perpetuate her family, partly because of her great
affection for her husband, she but a second and no
wife of his youth, bringing him no children, and having
no doubt heirs of her owne name and blood, though she
were barren, would be bountiful to endue that family
with possessions which she could not endow with
posteritie. Say not the Percy's profit was the Lucy's
loss ; for what saith the Scripture ? Is it not lawful for
me to do what I will with mine own ? 2
Among other possessions which this alliance brought
into the Percy family was the manor of Wressill, in
Yorkshire, which, either by gift or sale, was subsequently
acquired by Sir Thomas Percy, who made it his principal
residence, and expended large sums upon its improve
ment. Indeed, he would appear to have almost entirely

1 " This said Maud Lucie as I understand
Married herself condicional to aforesaid seventh Henry, Earl of
Northumberland
As to saie that the Lord Percie should beare continuallye
The Blue Lion and the Lucies' silver in his armes quarterlye."
From a contemporary poem in Grose's Antiquarian Repertory. The
settlement of the Lucy lands and arms upon the sons of the first Earl
of Northumberland by his previous marriage was validated by letters
patent. Rot. Fin. 8, Richard II., Appendix XVIF-
2 In the course of some structural alterations in Beverley Cathedral in
1 67 1 the tomb of this lady was opened, when her body is reported to
have been found in a state of perfect preservation " in a fine coffin of
stone, embalmed, and covered with cloth of gold, and on her feet slippers
embroidered in silver and gold, and therein a wax lamp and candles and
a plated candelstick." — Drake's History of York. See also on this subject
Whittock's County of York and Gough's Scpulch. Monum.
140

A PLOT AGAINST HOTSPUR.
rebuilt the castle with stone said to have been imported a.d.
from France. T386
Writing in 1538, Leland1 says of it:
" The house is one of the most proper beyond Trente
and semith as newly made, yet was it made by a
yonger brother of the Percy's, Erie of Worcester, that
was yn hygh favor with Richard the secunde, and
bought the manor of Wressill, mounting at that time to
little above 30 li by the yere, and for lak of heirs of
hym and by favour of the kyng, it came to the Erles of
Northumberland." *
Early in 1386 Hotspur, who was then at Yarmouth
with his brother Ralph, at the head of a force of 300
men-at-arms and 600 lances, there collected to resist a
threatened French invasion, impatient at the enemy's
delay, took the offensive, and crossing the Channel " made
such ridings into the quarters about Callis that they
never wish a worse neighbour." 2 His services had by
this time won him the love and admiration of his
countrymen ; he had become the people's idol,
" And by his light
Did all the chivalry of England move
To do brave acts . . . the glass
Wherein the noble youth did dress themselves." 3
Even his personal defects became the fashion, and we
are told that a certain thickness or hesitation of speech
with which he was afflicted was, with the sincere flattery
of imitation, assumed by his admirers. All were proud
of the skilful and dauntless young soldier who had

1 Itinerary. The author does not seem to have been aware that
Wressill had been brought into the family by the Earl's marriage with
the Lady Maud Lucy.
2 Speed. 3 Second Part of Henry IV., Act ii. Sc. 3.
141

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. succeeded " in making his name as much feered by the
I34^4° French on the seas as by the Scots on the Border," * and
in whom the brilliant courage, knightly courtesy, and
endearing manners of the Black Prince lived again,2 to
gladden and inspire with hope the heart of England.
The envy which ever dogs the steps of fame was not,
however, now absent in high quarters, and Richard
was greatly under the influence of a few evil counsellors,
who maintained their ascendency by pandering to his
passions, and working upon his foibles. The Earl
of Northumberland had persistently opposed and
thwarted these men, who now sought an opportunity
of at once revenging themselves upon an enemy
too powerful for overt attack, and of damaging a
popular idol. They accordingly induced the king to
order Hotspur to take the command, against a powerful
French fleet in the Channel, of a naval expedition so
insufficient and so ill-equipped that its defeat appeared
inevitable. The unworthy plot was carefully laid.
Whether their victim fell in the unequal struggle, or
survived a crushing defeat, or if, recognising the hope
lessness of the conflict, he declined the service, their
object of tarnishing his military reputation would be alike
attained. The latter contingency was the least to be appre
hended. Hotspur had never paused to calculate chances
when the command to strike was given, and now, " either
ignorant or not much waieing of that which they
craftilye had arranged agaynste him, he boldlie and
valiantlie executed the business enjoyned him, and
having remained abroad the whole time of his appointed
service, returned safelie home." 3

1 Harleian MSS. 3634, vol. 193,
2 Of Hotspur's extreme impetuosity of temper, as represented by
Shakespeare, there is no record in contemporary works.
3 Holinshead ; who charges the king's advisers with this base design
142

THE EXPEDITION TO CASTILE.
Under the convention entered into on Lancaster's a.d.
marriage with the daughter of Peter the Cruel, he xli6
should, on the death of King Henry of Castile, have
succeeded to that throne in right of his wife. Henry's
son, however, had disregarded this act of settlement and
assumed the crown in succession to his father. Lancaster
had long meditated an expedition for the recovery of
his personal rights, and now availed himself of his in
fluence over Richard to obtain a large subsidy towards
the costs of a v/ar in which England had no concern,
and from the results of which she could derive no
advantage. The time too, was ill-chosen for denuding
the country of ships and soldiers, for the northern coasts
and seaports of France were swarming with armies and
fleets, collected with the avowed object of an invasion
of the kingdom.
But Lancaster allowed no consideration to stand
between him and his ambitious projects. He raised
an army of 20,000 picked men, of whom over 1,000
were knights and squires,1 and who were embarked in a
fleet of 200 ships under the command of Sir Thomas
Percy. The expedition sailed from England in the 8th July.
early summer " when the seas were calm, the aire sweet,
and the winds pleasant and agreeable." 2
against Hotspur, " because he had got a name amongst the common
people to be a very hardie and valyant gentleman as well among Eng
lishmen and Scotchmen." Tyrrell writes in the same strain, and attri
butes the jealousy of the court to the young soldier's "great reputation
and the fear of the increese of it ; yet he undertook the employment,
and, having behaved gallantly against the French, he returned home in
safety, very much to the disappointment of his enemies." Both these
writers derive their information from Walsingham. See Hist. Angl.
ii. p. 157.
1 " One thousand speres of knyghtes and squiers, and of good men-
at-arms, and two thousand archers, and one thousand of other tawle 1
yeomen." — Froissart.
2 Holinshead. Froissart says, " It was a greate beautye to see the
galleys glyde on the sea approaching the lande full of men-ofrarmes and
archers sekinge for some adventures."
143

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. There was a holiday air in all the accompaniments of
I342-i4° ^jg campaign, and a great deal more negotiation than
fighting. On the arrival of his fleet at the mouth of
the Tagus, Lancaster proceeded to arrange a marriage
between his eldest daughter and the King of Portugal,
who thereupon agreed to furnish a contingent to join in
the war against Castile ; but months were passed in jousts,
banquets, and costly festivities before an attempt was
made to invade Spanish territory, and in answer to
Lancaster's challenge, King John said, mockingly : " The
Englishmen were wont to say that we could better dance
than make war, but now it is tyme that they rest and
synge and we keep the feldes."
After a few desultory engagements, without any decisive
result, a treaty was concluded under which Lancaster
surrendered his personal claims to the throne of Spain in
consideration of a very large money payment * and a
marriage between the Prince of Asturias and his youngest
daughter Katherine, who thus became the future Queen
of Castile.2
Sir Thomas Percy had during this expedition been
alternately employed at sea, in the field, and in a variety
of courtly and diplomatic duties. He had a hand-to-hand
1 " The condycion was that the Kynge of Spayne should in recom-
pencacion of his costys paye so many wedgis of golde as shulde charge
or lade viii charattis, and over that yearlie, during the lyves of the saide
Duke and his wyfe, he shulde at his proper cost and charge delyver
to the Duke's assyneys ten thousande marks of golde." — Fabian's
Chronicle. 2 The lady was in her thirteenth, and her spouse in his seventh, year.
Lancaster in his previous appearance as a matchmaker at Lisbon is
amusingly described by Froissart : " Syr," he said to the king, " I have
in the towne of Santiago (St. James) two daughters. I will give you one
of them whom it pleseth you to choose. Syr, send thyther your coun-
sayle and I will hand her to you. " The king appears to have understood
that he was offered two wives, for he is made to reply : " Syr, I thanke
you ; ye offer me more than I desyre. As for my cosyn Katheryne
I wyll leave her styll with you, but as to Phylip your daughter, her I
demande, and wyll wedde her, and make her Queen of Portyugele."
144

RESULTS OF THE CAMPAIGN.
combat at the gates of Noya with the Chevalier Barrois a.d.
des Barres, a famous French knight ; he took part in the J£l6
various raids in Galicia, and led the successful attack on
Ribadivia with 300 spears and 500 archers. After the mar
riage by proxy of the Lady Philippa he was entrusted to
convey the young queen to the court of Portugal. We
next find him with the Duke and Duchess of Lancaster
and their daughter Katherine, " sporting them under the
shadows of the fair olive trees," whence he was summoned
to receive the submission of Betancos, and having
garrisoned that strpnghold, he proceeded to escort the
duchess to Oporto on a visit to her newly-married
daughter. Finally, he was the principal negotiator of
the treaty with the King of Castile, and a subscribing
witness to the Lady Katherine's marriage.
So far as the Duke of Lancaster was concerned the
Spanish expedition had not been barren of results ; he
returned to England a much richer man after having
placed the crowns of Portugal and Castile on the heads
of his two daughters. England, however, had nothing to
show in return for her sacrifices ; not even one military
triumph to compensate for an enormous expenditure, while
of the magnificent army which had sailed a year before
barely one-third had survived the fatal fevers prevalent
in those parts, or the privations incident to this fruitless
campaign.1 In this year another treaty of peace with Scotland was
concluded between the Earls of Northumberland and
1 The climate of Spain had proved as fatal to Lancaster's army as it
had to that of the Black Prince twenty years before. Among those who
fell victims to the prevailing epidemic, " three great Barons of England
and rich men dyed in their beds, which was greate damage and a greate
loss to the country : Sir Richard Burley, Lord Poynings, and the Lord
Percy " (whom Froissart describes as cousin-german to the Earl of
Northumberland, but who was his second son). Lord Poynings had on
the eve of his embarkation made his will, under which he had appointed
"William Percy" executor. — Testamenta Vetusta.
VOL. I. 145 L

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Douglas. The indenture' is couched in magniloquent,
1342-14° • jf somewhat unintelligible, language, and proved no
more binding than the innumerable other treaties, the
ratification of which seems to have been resorted to
periodically as a prelude to the outbreak of fresh
hostilities. It was certainly such in this instance, for,
Tulv 1-88 a^ter several *ess important raids, the Scots invaded
England with an army of 40,000 men in two columns, of
which one under the Earl of Fife entered Cumberland
and advanced upon Carlisle, "sparing neither fier nor
sword all the way as he passed," 2 while Douglas,3 led
the other across the Tyne, and after having ravaged the
country as far as Durham proceeded to invest Newcastle,
the defence of which the Earl of Northumberland
(while himself employed at Alnwick 4 in raising a force
to intercept the enemy) had entrusted to his two sons
Henry and Ralph.
It was no uncommon practice in the wars of those times
for the leaders of armies to challenge one another to
single combat, or, as a preliminary, to break a few spears
1 The preamble runs as follows : " Yis indenture made at the water
of Eske, beside Salom, the xv day of March the 3her of our lorde,
mccclxxxiv. betwix noble lordes and meghty seignuris, Henry Percy,
Earl of Northumbre of the ta parte, and Archibald of Douglas Lord of
Gal way on the toyer parte." — Fcedera, vii. 468.
2 Holinshead's Scotland. " It was during this expedition that the Scots,
finding that 200 old men, women, and children had taken refuge in a
disused building, set fire to it and roasted them alive."
3 William Earl of Douglas, grandson of Archibald Lord Douglas,
who fell at Halidon. Speed calls him "a noble young knight, a parallel
in the honor of arms of Hotspur."
* Holinshead attributes the earl's absence from Newcastle to his being
" by reason of extreme age not able to sturre abroad (anie thing to pur
pose) himself." He was actually at this time in his forty-seventh year
and certainly showed no signs of decrepitude at the battle which ensued
a few days later. According to the better informed French chronicler,
the earl said to his sons, "Ye shall go to Newcastle and all the country
shall assemble there, and I shall tarry at Alnwick, which is a passage that
they must passe by. If we may inclose them we shall spede well."
¦ — Froissart.
146

HOTSPUR AND DOUGLAS.
in test of their personal prowess. In the course of the a.d. 13S
siege of Newcastle, " Henrie Percie, desirous to make
some proof of his singular manhood wherein he greetlie
trusted, required to fight with the Erie of Douglass, man
to man, which request the erle granting, they came
mounted on too greete coursers with sharpe grounde
speeres at the utterance." '
The result of the combat is quaintly described in these
lines : —
" Thir forcie freikis that tyme face for face,
They ran togedder with ane awful race.
The Douglas wes rycht sle, and could ryde weill,
The Piersies spier, that heidit was with steill,
Umshewit has withoutin ony skaith ;
With his awin spyer that greite and long was baythie
He hytt the Piersie so upoun the syde,
Suppois he was rycht weill leirit to ryde,
For ony fence that tyme that he could mak
He laid him braidlings than upoun his bak." 2
Hotspur had met his match for once, and would have
been taken prisoner (for a knight in armour unhorsed and
prostrate was at the mercy of his adversary) but that " the
Englishmen that stode without the gate made for the
rescue, recovered him on foot, and brought him forthwith
back into the town." 3
Douglas thereupon made a final assault upon the
stronghold, and " filling the dytches with haie faggots
came with ladders to the walls, but the Englishmen so well
defended themselves that the Scottes were beaten back,
not without great loss and struggles to their people." 4
Before retiring, Douglas had taunted Hotspur with
the loss of his lance and pennon, saying : " Syr, I
shall bear this token of your prowess into Scotland, and
1 Holinshed. Other writers allege that there was no such challenge
or preconcerted combat, and that the encounter took place in a sortie
led by Hotspur when the two leaders accidentally met face to face.
2 Metrical Chronicles of Scotland.
3 Froissart. * Ibid.
vol. 1. 147 L 2

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. shall sett it on high in my castle of Dalkeith, that it may
1342-14° De seen far 0g; gyr) qUOth Sir Henry, ye may be sure
ye shall not passe the boundes of the countrye tyll ye be
mett withal in such wyse that ye shall make none avaunt
thereof. Well, Syr, quod the Erie of Dowglasse, come
thys nyghte to my lodgyngs and seek for your penon ; I
shall sett it before my lodgynge and see if ye will come
and take it awaye." *
It is possible that but for this insulting challenge the
Scots might have recrossed the border unmolested, and
the life of the brave Douglas and of some thousands of
others have been spared. Such a defiance, however, was
more than a Percy could brook ; and although Hotspur's
impetuosity was so far restrained as to induce him to
yield to the counsel of cooler heads and to defer pursuit
of the enemy until he could effect a junction with his
father's forces, he determined to regain the trophy of the
Scottish chief before it should pass from English soil.2
Retiring by slow marches, and committing by the way
as much depredation and plunder as the ruined state of
the district admitted of, Douglas encamped his army
near the castle of Otterboume about fifteen miles to the
north of Newcastle, where he was overtaken by the Earl
of Northumberland.3 The sun had already set when
15th August the English forces assaulted Douglas in his camp. " Then
1 Froissart.
2 In a memorandum by the Bishop of Dromore, among the MSS.
at Syon House, it is stated that " the family of Douglas of Cavers,
hereditary sheriffs of Teviotdale have long had in their possession an
old standard, which they believe to be the very penon won from
Hotspur by the Earl of Douglas, to whom their ancestor was standard-
bearer in the expedition. On Sept. 7, 1774, I was at Cavers and was
shown the old standard."
As this flag, however, is described as having borne not the Percy but
the Douglas badges and motto, it could not have been the property of
Hotspur. 3 The great diversity in the various contemporary accounts of the
battle of Otterboume extends even to the date, which ranges according
to different authorities from 31st July to 15th August.
148

THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.
they cryed Percy ! the other party cryed Doughs ! . . . . a.d.
their two banners met and their menne ; there was a ^li8
sore fight ; the Englishmen were so stronge and fought
so valyantlye that they reculed the Scots backe." J
All the records of the battle up to this point concur in
assigning the advantage to the English ; but the night
closing in, Douglas was enabled to rally his forces and
when, on the moon rising, the fight was resumed, he in
his turn took the offensive. The Northumbrians were
thrown into some disorder by an attack upon their rear
made by the Bishop of Durham who, coming late into
the field with reinforcements, had mistaken his allies for
the enemy. The struggle proceeded for several hours
with varying fortunes, but with unflagging spirit. " Of
all thebataylles and encountrynges," says Froissart, "that
I have made mencion of heretofore in all this my story
greet or small, this bataylle that I treet of now was one
of the sorest and best foughten without cowardes or
faynte hartes ; for there was nother knyghts nor squyer
but that did his devoyre and foughte hande to hande
.... The Erie of Northumberland and his sonnes
Sir Henry and Sir Rafe Percie, who were chefe sovereign
capytaynes, acquitted themselves nobly."
Twice or thrice did the young rival leaders meet face
to face in mortal combat,2 but there is no direct
evidence to confirm the popular tradition of Douglas
having fallen by the hand of Hotspur.3
1 Froissart.
2 " Erat ibidem cernere pulchrum spectaculum, duos tam prceclaros
juvenes manus conserere et pro gloria decertare" — Walsingham, Hist.
Angl. ii. 176. 3 " At Otterboume as chronyclers doo tell
Henry Percy with small hoste on theym fell,
And slew Douglas, and many put to flyght
And gate the feld upon his enemys ryght."
- — Hardyng's Chronicle.
Hardyng did not enter the service of Hotspur till two years after the
149

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Contemporary writers differ so widely in their estimate
1 342-14°° 0f the numbers engaged, that it is hopeless to attempt
to arrive at any conclusion on the subject. The carnage,
however, appears to have been exceptionally great, and
the victory was (not an unusual occurrence in these
wars) claimed by both sides/
Hotspur, according to most authorities, continued to
join the fight after he had been abandoned by his troops,
and " Into the feld almaist left than allane,
That samyn tyme with Scottismen was tane,
The lief all fled and durst na langer byde." 2
But Fordun insists that the English had held their ground
manfully until the two Percies were taken prisoners,
when, as usual in the absence of leaders, they wavered
and broke.
Ralph Percy had " entered in so farre among his
enemyes that he was closed in and hurte, and so sore
handeled that his brethe was so shorte that he was
taken prysoner by a knyghte of the Earl of Moray
called Sir John Maxwell. It was dark and he could
not make out who he was when Sir Rafe was so over
come and bledde fast ; so at the last he said, I am Rafe
Percy. Sir Rafe, reschew or no reschew ? I am
Maxwell ! Well, quoth Sir Rafe, I am contente —
battle, but during the twelve years that he remained by his side, first as
page and later as esquire, he must have had opportunities of learning
whether or not his lord claimed to have personally overthrown his
opponent, which he evidently believed to be the case. Against this
we must put the report that when Douglas fell mortally wounded it was
his last prayer, that his death should be concealed lest the tidings
should dishearten his troops. Such a precaution would hardly have
been taken if Hotspur had been able to proclaim the fact of the
Scottish leader having fallen by his hand.
1 Mackenzie, in his History of Newcastle, says that " the English were
rather unfortunately than dishonorably defeated," and that the Earl
of Northumberland was wounded in the battle; but he gives no
authority for the latter statement, which does not appear elsewhere.
2 Metrical Chronicles. 150

SIR RALPH PERCY.
but pray take some hede to me for I am sore hurte ; my a.d. 1388
hosen and my grettes are full of blode." z
He was humanely treated by his captor and finally
handed over to the Earl of Moray, who was greatly
pleased, and said : " Makyrell, thou hast well won thy
spurs." 2
Hotspur was shortly afterwards ransomed3 upon a
payment of 3,000/., towards which the English parliament
voted i,ooo/.4
The battle of Otterboume was, from a national point
of view, of no more importance than many long since
forgotten border conflicts, and owes its fame far more to
the ballads which have celebrated it than to any historic
value attaching to the event itself. Nearly five centuries
have elapsed since, wandering from village to village, now
in the poor man's cottage, now in the halls of princes and
nobles, these songs were sung by " some blinde crowder
with no rougher voice than rude style ; " yet this wild
1 According to the Metrical Chronicles,
" Sir Radulf Percie in that samyn stound (hour)
In his boddie buir mony bludie wound,"
and his captor permitted him to be conveyed on parole to Newcastle,
" to seike him leichis that were fine and gude."
The humane treatment of wounded prisoners appears to have been
a redeeming feature in the barbarous warfare of the borders.
2 Froissart. According to other historians it was Sir Henry Preston
who took Ralph Percy and handed him over to King Robert, who
granted him the Barony of Fermartyne and the lands of Fyvie as the
price of the prisoner. See Appendix XVIIb.
3 The honour of Hotspur's capture was claimed by several Scottish
warriors, but John, Lord Montgomery, or, according to others, Sir Hew
Montgomerie, whose son had been killed in the course of the battle,
would appear to have been entitled to it. The latter is said to have
built the castle of Polnoon with the proceeds of the ransom.
4 " To Henry de Percy, son and heir of the Erie of Northumberland,
for money paid to him by assignment made this day in part payment of
1,000/., which the Lord the King, with the advice of his counsel, com
manded to be paid to the said Henry of his gift in aid of his ransome
having been lately taken in the Scotts war: 500/." — Issue Rolls, 12th
Richard II. (15th July, 1389).
vol. 1. 151

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. music is to this day as fresh and inspiring as when it
I34lli4° made our glorious Sidney " feel his heart stirred more
than with a trumpet." T
What can be finer than the involuntary outbreak of
admiration at his adversary's prowess on the part of
each combatant in the pauses of his savage onslaught ?
" At last the Duglas and the Perse met,
Lyk to captayns of myght and mayne,
The swapte togethar tyll the both swat,
With swordes that wear of fyn myllan (fine Milan),
Thes worthe freckys for to fyght,
Ther-to the wear full fayne,
Tyll the bloode owt off thear basnetes sprente
As ever dyd heal or rayne.
Holde the, Perse ! said the Doglas,
And i' feth I shall the brynge
Wer thowe shalte have a yerl's wagis
Of Jamy our Scottish kynge.
' Thou shalt have thy ransom fre,
I hight the hear this thinge ;
For the manfully st man yet art thowe
That ever I conqueryd in filde fyghtyng.'
' Nay then,' sayd the Lord Perse,
' I tolde it the befome,
That I wolde never yeldyde be
To no man of a woman borne.'
With that ther cam an arrowe hastely,
Forthe off a mightie wane ;
Hit hath strekene the yerle Duglas
In at the Brest Bane.
Thoroue lyvar and longs bathe
The sharp arrowe ys gane,
That never after in all his lyffe dayes
He spayke mo wordes but ane — -
That was, ' Fyghte ye, my myrry men, whyllys ye may,
For my lyff dayes ben gan ! '
The Perse leanyde on his brande,
And sawe the Duglas de,
He tooke the dede man be the hande
And sayd, ' Wo ys me for thee !
To have savyde thy lyffe I wolde have pertyd with
My landes for years thre,
For a better man of hart, nare of hande,
Was not in all the north countre.'"2
1 Sir Philip Sidney's Defence of Poetry.
3 The ancient Ballad of Chevy Chace. — Reliques of Ancient English
Poetry, vol. i. p. 10. 152

THE BALLAD OF CHEVY CHACE.
There is no record of any such incident as forms the a.d. 1388
story of " Chevy Chace ;" yet it is not at all impossible that
the battle of Otterboume, the leading incidents of which
have been introduced into this ballad, owed its origin
to, and was the final result of, some such conflict in the
Cheviot Hills. According to the international law of
the Marches, neither Scotch nor English could without
special invitation or license hunt in one another's
grounds. It would have been quite consistent with
the character and temper of Hotspur, that in revenge
for some offence committed by a rival and hereditary
enemy, or even out of a mere spirit of defiance,
he should vow
" That he wolde hunte in the mountayns
4 Off Chyviat within dayes thre,
In the maugre of doughte Dogles,
And all that ever with him be."
The first part of the ballad concludes with Douglas
entering upon the scene, finding Percy's men " brytling "
the " hundrith fat hartes," which they had slain, and
challenging the English chief to single combat. Such
an incident would be quite within the limits of reality,
and the curtain would now appropriately fall upon the
first act of the drama.1
The date assigned to the earliest extant version of
the ballad (which was doubtless in its original form the
1 This is the view taken by the Bishop of Dromore, to whose
research and critical taste and judgment we are indebted for
those fascinating volumes from which so much of our knowledge of
English minstrelsy from the middle ages downwards is derived.
Dr. Percy says, " Douglas would not fail to resent the insult and
endeavour to repel the intruders by force. This would naturally
produce a conflict between the two parties, something of which it is
probable did really happen, though not attended with the tragical
circumstances recorded in the ballad, for those are evidently borrowed
from the battle of Otterboume, a very different event, but which after
times would easily confound with it." — Introduction to the ballad Chevy
Chace. 153

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. composition of a contemporary, though perhaps never
1342-14° reduced to writing) is the reign of Henry VI. We may
conclude that in the interval the song underwent those
mutilations, corruptions, and additions to which legendary
lore is ever liable, and that in the endeavour to supply
missing links, and to give continuity to the narrative,
much extraneous matter was introduced. A careful
reading between the lines would seem to suggest that
the original ballad contained an intermediate part repre
senting the invasion of Northumberland, with the siege of
Newcastle and the joust between Hotspur1 and Douglas.
The concluding part as it now stands would then
appropriately commemorate the last act of the drama at
Otterboume.2 Upon some such theory alone is it possible
to reconcile the burden of the original ballad with
historical fact, which, however apt it was to become
distorted by poetic license or exaggerated by popular
fancy, always formed the groundwork of our national
minstrelsy. Indeed, the practice of transferring the incidents of
one period to another, for purposes of pictorial effect,
may well be excused in an anonymous ballad-singer, since
it was adopted by so high an authority as Walter Scott,
who has not hesitated to introduce into his dramatic
poem of Halidon Hill the principal events which oc
curred, seventy years later, at the battle of Homildon.
He justifies this on the ground of there having been
many features of resemblance in the two actions— a
Scottish army under a Douglas being on both occasions
1 It is noteworthy that in the ballad as we have it Henry Percy is not
once called by that sobriquet.
2 Dr. Percy assigns priority of date to the ballad of Otterboume
over " Chevy Chace." In spite of some anachronisms, the result,
doubtless, of more recent interpolations, the former is much the more
accurate in matters of fact. On the other hand, it is less impartial, and
its strong leaning to the English cause points to its author as a partisan
of the Percies.
154

THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER'S LEAGUE.
defeated by the superior strategy of the English, and a a.d.
Gordon being left on the field of battle. He might T38^388
have added another coincidence, for at Halidon, as at
Homildon, the victorious army was commanded by a
Percy. *
* *
King Richard's character was disfigured by certain
features peculiarly offensive to the national sentiment of
his age. He does not appear to have been wanting in
personal courage, but whatever warlike spirit he in
herited from his father and grandfather was obscured
and deadened by irresolution and indolence. A long
tutelage had been little conducive to strengthening his
moral constitution ; and when, by an occasional spasmodic
effort of the will, he asserted himself and shook off his
unwelcome counsellors, it was but to fall under the
influence of intriguing courtiers, who were ever ready to
purchase the royal favour at the expense of the best
interests of their country. The English court had
attained to a degree of effeminate luxury and waste
fulness unknown under former reigns ; x and the gratifi
cation of the king's extravagant tastes no less than
the insatiable cupidity of his favourites necessitated
ever increasing impositions upon a people already
irritated by a foreign policy mainly directed to the
maintenance of peace upon humiliating terms, and by
means of repeated surrender of territory.
The Duke of Gloucester, the most energetic and
warlike of the king's uncles, made himself the exponent
of popular opinion, for the assertion of which he placed
himself at the head of a league of powerful nobles, who
from respectful remonstrance gradually rose to an
attitude of open defiance and hostility. The court party
1 See for an interesting illustration of these facts Strutt's Regal and
Ecclesiastical Antiquities. 155

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. was led by the king's favourite, Robert de Vere, Duke of
1342^4° Ireland,1 and was indirectly supported by Lancaster.
The Earl of Northumberland held himself aloof from
both extremes,2 only departing from his neutral position
to restrain by his counsel the violence of the malcontents
or to exhort the king to the redress of grievances. Most
conspicuous among the league of nobles, by the in
temperance of his language, was the Earl of Arundel,
whom Northumberland was now commanded to arrest
and to bring before the king's presence as a prisoner.3
The Earl proceeded to Reigate accordingly, but, either
finding his rebellious kinsman too strong for him, or,
as is not improbable, from sympathy with the cause, he
returned without having accomplished his mission, and
interceded with Richard for compromise and reconciliation.
At a council held at Clarendon, on 13th September, he
expressed the hope that " bon amour et amitie puissent
estre establie entre le Roy et les Seigneurs de son conseil
d'un part, et les ditz Due de Gloucester, le Comte de
Arundel et le Comte de Warwick d' autre part." 4
Finding the king irresolute he proceeded to win him
over by this appeal :
" Sir, there is no doubt but these lordes who now be
in the field alwaies have been your sure and faythful
subjects, and yet are not intendying to attempt anything
agaynst your state wealth and honor ; nevertheless
they feel themselves sore molested and disquieted by
the warlike devices of certain persons about your
Maiestye, that seeke to oppress them ; and verilye
1 Gloucester had a personal grievance against Robert de Vere, who
had married his niece and subsequently, without any fault on her part,
but in order to form another alliance, repudiated and divorced her.
2 " The Earl of Northumberland and others refused to fight for the
Duke of Ireland." — Knighton, ii. 698.
3 Ypodigma Neus trice, p. 353.
* Nicolas's Proceedings of the Privy Council.
156

THE "WONDERWORKING" PARLIAMENT.
without fayle, all your realme is sore grieved therewith, a.d.
both great and small, as well lordes as commons, and J386^388
I see not the contrarye, but they mind to adventure their
lives with the lordes that are there in armes speciallie in
this case which they reckon to be yours and your realmes.
And Sir, now ye be in the cheefe place of your realme
and in the place of your coronation, order yourself there
fore wiselye, and like a king! Send to them to come
before your presence in some public place, where they
can declare unto you the entent and purpose of their
coming accompanied by so greete a nombre of people
unto these partes, and I beleeve it verilye they will show
such reasons that you will hold them excused." *
The earl's arguments were earnestly supported by
the Archbishop of Canterbury and others, and the king
finally yielded to their counsels. A meeting between
him and the armed league of nobles took place at
Westminster ; the court party was once more dis
comfited ; the obnoxious favourites fled, or were
banished or imprisoned, and in the ensuing parliament February,
the Earl of Northumberland joined in insisting upon T388.
the redress of the grievances complained of, and the
infliction of condign punishment upon the authors of
these evils.
As a member of the new council, he took a
prominent part in reducing the royal power within what
would now be called constitutional limits, in restraining
him from " burthening the realm with a greater charge
than was requisite," and from incurring expenditure
which the council could not "justify to parliament."2
In like manner, when Richard had caused letters to be

1 Holinshed.
2 These expressions occur in the course of a discussion on a proposal
to increase the emoluments of the Earl Marshal, which is quoted in
extenso in Nicolas's Proceedings of the Privy Council.
157

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. written recognising the accession of the Pope elected on
1342-1408 ^ death of Urban VI., the earl induced him to cancel
these and to " nulle determiner de obeir le nouvel dit,
mais qu'il attende pour avoir l'avis de tous les grandz de
son royaume et de son peuple." '

Towards the end of this year Richard conferred upon
Hotspur the custody of Carlisle and the wardenship of
the West Marches, and shortly after made him a Knight
of the Garter, in recognition of his services at the battle
of Otterboume. This honour had been previously
conferred on the earl and his brother, and it may be
doubted whether there can be found another instance,
royalty excepted, of three members of the same family so
nearly related being at the same time in the enjoyment
of this distinction, in an age, too, when the order was only
conferred for eminent public service.
It is noteworthy that in the more ancient lists of
Knights of the Garter created by their founder,
Edward III., and by Richard II., the names of the three
Percies do not occur, owing, it is evident, to the practice
which then existed of expunging the records of knights
who, like the Percies, had been removed from the order
for attainder or forfeiture.2 That they were all three

1 Issue Rolls, 20th Nov. 1389.
1 At a later period the names remained intact, but had the words
Vah, Proditor I appended to them. Ashmole, who wrote his History of
the Garter in the reign of Charles II., makes no mention of these
Percies. Beltz, in his more accurately compiled Memorials, after alluding
to the negligence with which the earlier records of the order were kept,
their destruction and dispersion during the civil wars, and the practice of
supplying omissions from memory, mentions a number of distinguished
men, of whose membership there can be no doubt, who are excluded
from Ashmole's lists. He adds, with reference to the omission of the
names of the first Earl of Northumberland, his brother and son : " But
for the recent discovery of the wardrobe accounts we should not now
have been authorised to render this act of justice to their memory."
158

KNIGHTS OF THE GARTER.
Knights Companion of the Garter is established by the a.d.
entries in the wardrobe accounts, of mantles and robes of * 3*^*393
the order presented to them,1 as well as by the "several
descriptions of feasts of the order in which their names
are repeatedly introduced. The date of the Earl of
Northumberland's creation in 1365 — 6, as given in
Beltz's Memorials, is, however, open to question. It
is most improbable that this honour should have been
conferred upon him in the twenty-fourth year of his age,
and during the lifetime, and to the exclusion, of his
distinguished father.
It may be concluded either that the Henry Percy then
created was the third Lord of Alnwick, at whose decease
the son may have been permitted to succeed to the
vacant stall, or that his creation was of a later date,
possibly not until after his elevation to the earldom.2
During the remainder of Richard's reign the Percies
were actively engaged in a multiplicity and variety of
public employments.
From 1386 to 1389, when sentence was finally
pronounced, the Earl of Northumberland was the
presiding judge in the celebrated controversy3 between
Sir Richard Scrope and Sir Robert Grosvenor. In 1390
he was appointed Governor of Calais, presided over the
1 The Earl of Northumberland's name appears in these accounts in
no less than ten, and that of Sir Thomas Percy in three, different years
during Richard's reign, as the recipient of robes of the order. — See
Anstis's History of the Garter, 1724.
2 According to Beltz, the Earl and Sir Thomas Percy were respec
tively the 44th and 60th of the sixty-three knights created by Edward III.,
and Hotspur the 15th of the thirty created by Richard II. ; the dates
assigned to the three creations being 1365, 1376, and 1388.
3 It is characteristic of the times that a question involving nothing of
greater national importance than the right of a private gentleman to
bear a certain emblem upon his coat-of-arms should have absorbed the
public attention of all England, excited keen interest in continental
states, and given rise to a judicial inquiry extending over a period of
three years. Sir Harris Nicolas has published an exhaustive history of
the case.
159

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. jousts there held, to which the Earl of Huntingdon had
I34llf4° invited the flower of French chivalry, and thence pro
ceeded on a special mission to Paris. From this service
he was recalled to the North of England to aid in the
expulsion of the Scots who, taking advantage of the Lord
Warden's absence, had overrun and devastated the East
Marches. In 1394 the earl had endeavoured, by means of a direct
negotiation with King Robert of Scotland, to establish a
permanent peace with that country on the basis of a
marriage between the reigning families of the two
kingdoms ; and in the following year he was the principal
member of the more successful matrimonial mission, which
resulted in King Richard's marriage with Isabel of
France. Hotspur had in 1390 commanded a second expedition
despatched for the purpose of raising the siege of Brest.1
In 1393 he presided at Carlisle in his capacity of
governor over a combat, by royal license, between
Richard de Redmayne, a Cambrian, and William de
Halliburton, a Scot.2 In the same year he proceeded on
a complimentary mission to King James of Cyprus, who
in this high-flown language returns his thanks to Richard
for having sent him so gracious an ambassador :
Nicossi.Ej/w/y 15th, 1393.
Jacobus Dei Gratia Jerusalem et Cypri Rex.
Serenissime et illustrissime princeps frater carissime,
salutem et fraternse dilectionis continuum incrementum !
. . . . Et super hoc qua^ nobilis consanguineus vester,
dominus Henricus Percy, retulit vobis nos sibi fecisse

1 He had in the previous year been formally "retained in the king's
service for life" with an annual allowance of £100. — Grafton.
2 Fcedera, vii. 745.
160

HOTSPUR IN CYPRUS.
curialitatem et honorem (et de hoc nobis regratiamini) a.d 1393
frater carissime; ipse dixit sua curialitate et nobilitate
quid sibi placuit, sed nos tenemus quod ipse nobis
fecit maximum honorem nos visitasse, et sibi multuni
regratiamur.1 * 1
* *
The Duke of Lancaster's appointment by Richard as
Prince of Aquitaine and Gascony had been resented by
the inhabitants of those provinces, who denied the king's
right to demand of them a transfer of their allegiance
from himself to another ruler ; and such was his unpopu
larity that when now Hotspur was appointed Governor
of Bordeaux, he was refused admittance into the town
until he succeeded in satisfying the authorities that he
came as the representative of Richard, and not of the
Duke whose nomination as their Prince they repudiated
and cancelled. In the year following Henry Percy was
made Governor of Berwick, and in 1396 served in his
uncle's retinue in the brilliant escort despatched to Paris,
to conduct the child-queen Isabel to Calais where Richard
awaited his bride.
His last recorded service in this reign was the con
clusion of a treaty of amity and alliance with George
Dunbar, Earl of March.2
Sir Ralph Percy, whom we last saw weltering in his
blood on the field of Otterboume, gained much distinction
by his successful defence of the West Marches when
invaded by the Scotch during the Earl's absence in
1390.3 Two years later he was sent on an embassy to
1 This curious specimen of royal correspondence is included in the
collection of Extracts from Historical Papers and Letters from the
Northern Registers (p. 425).
2 In connection with which he petitioned the King of England for
safe conduct and grazing over many miles of meadows near Caldbrands-
peth of two flocks of 1600 sheep belonging to the Scottish Countess of
March and her sister. Harleian Charters, Rot. Scot. II.
3 " Laudabatur, diligebatur, et ore omnium prcedicabatur" whereas in
VOL. I. l6l M

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Scotland, in payment of the wages and expenses of
1342-14° ' which mission he was granted the moderate sum of
£2b is. 3d.1 We hear nothing more of him but that in
1399 he proceeded to Palestine, where he fell in an action
with the Saracens.

Sir Thomas Percy had in 1390 been appointed Vice
Chamberlain and justiciary in Wales, but resigned the
former office in the following year because, according to
Froissart, of his determination not to become involved in
the then prevalent Court intrigues : " that gentyl knight
Sir Thomas Percy had been long soveraygn squyer of
the kynges house, for all the state of the kynge passed
through his handes. He then, consyderynge the greete
hatereddes that encreased betweene the kynge and his
Uncle of Gloscester, and among other grete Lordes of
England, among whom he was beloved, like a sage
knyghte he imagined that the conclusions coulde not be
goode, so that he gave up his office as honorably as he
coulde, and took leave of the kynge, and the kynge gave
him leave sore agaynst his wyll."
Two years later, however, he resumed his position at
court in a higher office, that of Lord Steward, in which
capacity he introduced Froissart to the king in 1395.
consequence of the Earl not having been at his post when the irruption
was made " Magnum murmur excrevit contra comitem " on the part of
the plundered inhabitants. — Walsingham.
1 Issue Rolls, 15th Richard II. In the same records of the following
year we find this curious entry : — " To Stephen Percy, Clerk, sent from
London to Queensborough Castle, there to ask for the King's great
Crown and bring it from thence to Westminster to be delivered to the
Lord the King for celebrating the solemnisation of the translation of
Edward, the King and Confessor, in the Church . of the blessed Peter
Westminster on Oct. 13th last past. His wages and expenses of certain
archers riding in his retinue and conduct of the same Crown and hire
of horses, £2 4s. n^d." It is impossible to discover who this Percy
is, but the family had by this time a great number of collateral branches
all over England, 162

AN EMBASSY TO PARIS.
This accomplished French knight had been at Edward's a.d. 1395
court in his youth, and his quaint description of his
second visit to England, after an interval of nearly a
quarter of a century, recalls Washington Irving's picture
of the bewildered Hollander when, after twenty years'
sleep, he returned to his native village :
" I found no man of my knowledge, it was so long syth
I had been in England, and the houses were all newly
changed, and young children were become men, and the
women knew me note nor I theym. Then I thought to
go to the house of Sir Thomas Percy, great seneschal
of Englande, who was then with the kynge, so I ac-
quaynted me with hym, and I found him ryght hoporable
and gracyous, and he offered to present me and my letters
to the kynge, whereof I was ryght joy full."
We are indebted to the pen of this knight for an
authentic record of Sir Thomas Percy's proceedings
when shortly after he was despatched, together with two
colleagues, on a mission to the King of France.
His account of what passed in the French capital
500 years ago is so evidently the result of personal
observation, that no other words could possibly convey
an equally graphic and life-like description of the scene.
" These knyghtes of Englande, Syr Thomas Percy,
and other, alyghted in Paris in the streete called the
Crosse at the sign of the Castle . . . and the nexte day
about nyne of the clocke they lefte on their horses ryght
honorably, and rode to the Castle of the Lowre (Louvre)
to the kynge, where he, with his brother and his uncles
were redye to receyve the Englische embassadours. . . .
there they receyved theym honourably and broughte
theym into the chambre where the kynge tarryed for
theym ; then they did of (off) their bonettes and kneeled
down. Sir Thomas Percy had the letters of credence
that the Kynge of Englande had sent to the French
163 M 2

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. kynge. He delyvered them to the kynge, who tooke
1342-14° them, and caused the knyghtes to stand up. Then they
stept somewhat bak. The kynge opened the letters and
red them, and sawe well that they had credence. Then
he called to hym his brother, and his uncles, and showed
them the letters. Then his uncles said, ' Syr, call forthe
the knyghtes, and hear what they will saye.' Then
they approached, and were commanded to declare their
credence. Then Sir Thomas Percy spake and sayd :
' Dere syr, the entencion of our soveraign lorde, the
Kynge of Englande, is that he wolde gladly that such
of his specyall counsayle as his uncles, Dukes of Lan
caster, Yorke, and Gloucester, and other prelates of
Englande, such as his specyall trust is in, myght come
into your presence and to your counsayle, as shortlye as
myghte be, to treat for a manor of peace whereof he
wolde be ryght joyfull ; and for that entente wolde
noyther spare his owne payne and labour, nor yet none of
his men, noyther to come himselfe, or to send suffycient
persons over the sea to the city of Amyence, or to any
other place assygned.' Then the kynge answered and
sayde : ' Syr Thomas Percy, you and all your company-
are ryght heartilye welcome, and of your comyng and
wordes we are ryght joyfull. Ye shall tarry here in Paris
a season, and we wyll speeke with our counsayle, and make
you such convenable answer ere you departe, that it shall
suffyce you.' With this answer the Englisshmen were
well content. Then it was neer dyner tyme, and the
Englisshmen were desyred to tary and dyne : and so the
Lord of Coucy brought them into a chambre, and the
Lord de la Riviere ; there they dyned at their leyser ; and
after dyner they returned into the kynge's chambre, and
there they had wyne and spyces, and then took their
leave of the kynge, and went to their lodgynge 
These Englisshmen taryed at Paris vi days, and every
164

FESTIVITIES AT THE FRENCH COURT.
daye dyned with one of the Dukes of France ; and in a.d. 1395
the meene season it was determyned that the French
Kynge, his uncles, and the Privye Counsayle, shulde be
at Amyance by the myddle of March next after, then to
abyde the comynge of the Kynge of Englande, his
uncles, and his counsayle, if they wulde com thyder ; and
the Englisshe knyghttes sayd they made no dout but at
the lest the Kynge of Englande's uncles shulde be at the
day assygned at Amyance. This was the conclusion of
this treatie.
" The daye before that, they shulde departe out of
Paris, the kynge came to the palays where his uncles
were, and then he made a dyner to the Englisshe
knyghtes, and caused Syr Thomas Percy to sit at his
borde, and called him cosyn, by reason of the Northum
berland blode : J at which dyner there was gyven to Sir
Thomas Percy and the Englisshe knyghtes and squires
grete gifts and fair jewels ; 2 but in gyving of them they
over stypte Syr Robert Briquet,3 and Syr Peter Villers,
chefe steward unto the French Kynge, delyvered the
gyftes, and he sayd to Syr Robert Briquet, ' Syr, when you
have done such servyse to the kynge, my master, as shall
1 It must be remembered that, independently of their common
Carlovingian descent, Sir Thomas Percy was nearly related to the
reigning house of France through his mother, Mary Plantagenet,
a direct descendant of King Louis VIII. by his Queen, Blanche of
Castile. 2 These did not probably represent any considerable money value, for
Richard's gift, of which on this occasion Sir Thomas Percy was the
bearer to the French King, is described " as a golde ring set with one
diamond," for payment of which the sum of £26 13s. 4d. is authorised.
Issue Rolls, 15th Richard II.
3 " He was a Frenchman bom, but alwayes he held himself Navarese
and Englyshe, and as then he was one of the Kynge of Englande's Privy
Chamber. The French Kynge dissimuled with him sagely, for when he
spake with them always the Kynge would turne to Syr Thomas Percy or
Sir Toys Clifforde." — Froissart. The employment upon such a mission
of a Frenchman by birth who had fought against his native country is
pot easily accounted for.
165

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. please hym, he is rych enough and puissant enough to
1 342-14° reward you.' With whiche wordes Syr Robert Briquet
was sore abashed, and perceyved well thereby that
the kynge loved him not, but he was fayne to
suffre it."
Not so Sir Thomas Percy, who would not without
remonstrance permit a colleague, who, like himself,
represented the King of England, to be affronted in the
performance of his duty.
" After dyner mynstrels began to play ; that pastyme
once past, Syr Thomas Percy came to the kynge and
said, ' Syr, I and my compayne have grete marvayl of
one thing : that you have made us so goode cheere, and
have gyven us so greate gifts, that Syr Robert Briquet
hath nothynge, who is a knighte of our master's privie
chamber. Syr, we desire to know the cause why ? '
Thereunto answered the French Kynge and sayde,
' Syr, the knyghte that ye speak of, syth ye wyll know
the matter, he hath no nede to be in a batayle agaynst
me, for if he were taken prysoner his ransome shulde
sune be payde,' and therewith the kynge entered into
other communicacions. Then wyne and spyces were
brought, and so took leave and returned to their lodynge
and made a reconyng and payde for everything. The
next day they departyd and spedde so on their journey
that they arryved in Englande and showed the kynge
and his uncles how they had spedde, and greatly praysed
the French Kynge and the cheere that he had made
them, and showed off the gyftes and jewels that he had
gyven them."
The meeting at Amiens took place accordingly, the
King of England being represented by the Dukes of
York and Lancaster, who, accompanied by the Earl of
Huntingdon and Sir Thomas Percy, " parted from Calys
mo than xiic horse ; it was a goodlye syghte to see them
166

A FOURTEENTH CENTURY DESPATCH.
ryde in good order," T and as they approached the walls a.d. 1395
of Amiens "the Duke of Burbon, the Lords Coucy and
the Erie of Saynte Poule came to theym and so rode
togyder with amorous wordes."
The negotiations which ultimately resulted in a treaty
of peace for four years were protracted, and on the
departure of the princes continued to be conducted by
Sir Thomas Percy and a French Commissioner. One
of Percy's letters of this period to the Privy Council
has been preserved,' and may be quoted as a specimen
of diplomatic correspondence in the fourteenth century :
"Tres reverents pers en Dieu et mes tres honores
Seigneurs. Je me recomans a vous, et vous plese a
savoyr que jay montre a mons. de Giayne les adysions
de les artykles de Bretaynge, a lesquel il ce agre bien,
mes il vodroyt voluntres savoyr a plus tost que il purroyt
sy le Duk 3 se vodroyt acorder a les dit artiquels ou non,
a cause que sy les Fransoys ne vorroyent comprendre le
dit Duk com notre alye quel chose nous dusoms fere en
selle cas. Car sy le Duk 4 susdit ne vorroyt acorder a
nos artikels et trete, et que pour amour de luy nous ne
fesoyoms notre profit ovek les Fransoys, ce serroyt
grandement notre damage par coy la volunte de
Monseigneur serroyt de savoyr la volunte de dit Duk a
plus tost que ce purra bonement estre fet.
" Je ne say plus dire a sest foy mes que je prie a luy
tout puysant que vous doynt mes tres honores seigneurs
bone vie et longe. Escrit a Doure le Dymange de
1 Capgrave's Chronicle.
2 Cott. MSS., Julius, B. vi. Fol. 66.
3 This refers to our ally John, Duke of Brittany, who had married first
a daughter of Edward III. and secondly a daughter of the Earl of Kent,
half-sister to Richard II.
4 It is characteristic of the orthography of this, 'as of much later
periods, that the same words are frequently spelt in a variety of ways in
one and the same document. This applies even to proper names of
persons and places.
vol. 1. 167

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Demy Caresme. Quant est de notre pasage le portour
1342-1408 Je sestes vous en dirra tout. " Le votre, " T[homas] Percy."
Addressed : — A tres reuerent pe[re en] Dieu et mes tres
honn[re Srs] le Chanseler et Tresorer.
*
# *
Richard's queen, Anne of Bohemia, died in this year,
and it is said to have been for the purpose of distracting
his sorrow at her loss that he fitted out an expedition
on a large scale for subduing the troubles in Ireland.
The Earl of Northumberland, with his son and brother*
and a brilliant retinue, accompanied him ; but in the
following year the king sought a more gentle solace for his
grief. The first overtures for the alliance with Isabel of
France, which Sir Thomas Percy had been authorised to
make, had not been favourably received, the extreme
youth of the Princess 2 and the fact of her hand having
been promised to the Duke of Brittany, being made the
grounds of refusal. A second embassy under the Earl
of Northumberland in 1396 was however more success
ful, and in the autumn of that year the two kings met in
person " and pieched their tents fast by Calays," 3 four
hundred English and the same number of French knights
mounting guard with drawn swords, in the space inter
vening between the two royal pavilions. On this occa
sion Northumberland was one of the four English Earls
appointed to wait upon the French king.
This marriage was made the foundation of a treaty of
peace for twenty-five years, from the expiration of the
1 Sir Thomas Percy was in chief command of the fleet, and had
hoisted his flag on board the Trinity. — Rot. Pat., 17 Richard II.
2 She was then in her sixth year, and Richard was only two years
younger than his future father-in-law. 3 Capgrave's Chronicle.
168

A HUMILIATING PEACE.
existing truce ; one of the conditions of which was the a.d. 1.397
surrender of Brest and Cherbourg. The king's council
seems to have been kept in ignorance of the terms of
this treaty, which on becoming known aroused a storm
of indignation throughout England.
During the greater part of the preceding reign the
people had cheerfully contributed their blood and their
treasure for the prosecution of those aggressive wars
which gratified the prevalent thirst for military glory
and extended dominion.
They now witnessed with dismay the gradual decay of
that commanding influence abroad which Edward's
conquests had established at so heavy a cost, and were
little disposed to continue such sacrifices, as they saw
their dearly-bought possessions in France slipping from
their grasp one by one. The wound to national vanity
was not even assuaged by pecuniary relief, for the public
expenditure was greater than ever, and they who had
cheerfully borne the heavy burden of successful war now
groaned under the unlightened weight of an inglorious
and humiliating peace.1
Gloucester as usual became the mouthpiece of popular
discontent, which was aggravated by a rumour of negotia
tions for the sale of Calais to the French king being in
progress. Richard, once more roused to an effort at self-assertion,
determined to emancipate himself from the control of
his council, but, knowing the weakness of his cause and
1 Shakespeare makes the Earl of Northumberland thus express the
national feeling on Richard's wasteful expenditure of the revenue of
England : — " Wars have not wasted it, for warred he hath not,
But basely yielded upon compromise
That which his noble ancestors achieved with blows ;
More hath he spent in peace than they in wars."
- — Richard II, Act ii. Scene 1.
169

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. the temper of his adversaries, he took the precaution of
1342-14° ¦ observing all the outward forms of law and precedent.
It required then but a slight degree of manipulation to
enable the sheriffs of counties to create a legislature accord
ing to royal command ; and the parliament which now
assembled at Nottingham was as subservient and ductile
as the most despotic sovereign could desire. The various
statutes which had been enacted to limit the royal pre
rogative were reviewed, and condemned as illegal. All
the acts passed in 1388 were revoked and their authors
and abettors were seized, tried, and sentenced for high
treason. The Earl of Arundel was beheaded on Tower
Hill,1 and Gloucester having been placed in the custody
of John Mowbray, Earl of Nottingham, at Calais, was
secretly put to death. The league of nobles was
completely broken up, the power of the king was
declared to be virtually absolute, and parliament was
dissolved after having elected a committee of twelve
lords (of whom Northumberland was one) and six
commoners, whom they endowed with authority to finish
all business which they had not had time to transact.
In these proceedings Sir Thomas Percy, who had
hitherto taken little part in domestic politics, sided with
the king, to whom this adherence was of exceptional
importance, since in addition to his personal influence
it secured his vote as the chosen representative in
parliament of the whole body of the clergy. On their
first assembling in this year " the Commons requested
that the clergy might appoint a procurator to represent
1 No fresh crime had been charged against him. He suffered for an
alleged offence for which in the Parliament of 1388 he had received the
royal pardon. On his attainder a great part of his lands was bestowed
upon John Holland, Duke of Exeter, who n-ow petitioned that the
homages and services heretofore rendered to the Earl of Arundel by the
Earl of Northumberland, as holder in capite of Petworth, should be
rendered to him. — Issue Rolls, 21 Richard II. See Appendix XVIII.
170

KING RICHARD'S LAST PARLIAMENT.
them, and they accordingly elect M. Thomas de Percy a.d. 1397
knight to whom they commit full power, so that what
ever shall be done by him in the premises should be
received at all future times." T
All the statutes in this parliament are thus recorded
as having been enacted by "the lords temporal and
Sir Thomas de Percy," * who in the following September
was created Earl of Worcester.3
The Earl of Northumberland, although he supported
the king's authority, togk a far less conspicuous part in
this parliament than his brother. He did not vote for the
death of Arundel, but on the contrary interceded to
obtain a remission of the sentence.4 The execution of
this nobleman for an offence for which ten years before
he had received a full pardon had excited much
sympathy for the victim, and Richard himself, who was
not by nature cruel, was now haunted by remorse for
this ill-judged act of severity. His sleep was broken by
visions of the dead earl which appeared at his bedside
night after night, with threatening gestures,5 and of
whose death, according to popular belief, Providence had
marked its reprobation by reuniting the severed head to
the body. To allay his superstitious fears the king
now required Northumberland to proceed to the church
1 Rolls of Parliament, 2 1 Richard II.
2 The concluding clause of the act of impeachment of Thomas
Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, runs thus : — " Wherefore the king,
and all the lords temporal, and Monsieur Thomas Percy, having
sufficient power from the prelates and clergie, . . . judged and declared
him a traytour." — Brady's History of England.
3 The patent is dated 29 September, 1398. The Duke of Lancaster's
son was at the same time created Earl of Derby, and the Earl of
Nottingham, in recognition of his recent secret services at Calais, Duke
of Norfolk.
* Grafton's Chronicle.
s " Post cujus mortem, Rex diversis imaginibus in somnis est turbatus ;
videbatur nempe umbra comitis, mox ut dormire ccepisset, ante oculos
suos volitare, minarique sibi, et eum indicibiliter deterrere." —
Walsingham, ii. p. 225. 171

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. of the Augustine Friars in Moorgate Street, where his
1342-14° • victim was interred, and to satisfy himself by personal
inspection whether the alleged miracle was founded in
fact.1 This was the last duty performed by the Earl of
Northumberland in the service of King Richard.
The circumstances attending the death of Gloucester
did not transpire until after the accession of Henry IV.,
and even then it did not clearly come to light who had
been the actual instigators of the crime.2 That Mowbray
should, upon his own responsibility have caused his
prisoner to be murdered is not credible, and the authority
for the commission of such a deed could only have
emanated from the king or from Lancaster. The latter
was personally so unpopular that suspicion would natur
ally attach to him, and the notable quarrel between the
Dukes of Hereford and Norfolk was not improbably
connected with a desire on the part of the former to
vindicate his father against the charge of Gloucester's
murder. The decision to refer the issue to trial of
battle, the king's subsequent prohibition of the combat,
and the banishment of the disputants are matters of
history, a picturesque version of which has been
popularised by Shakespeare.3 It was not without
difficulty that Lancaster succeeded in so far mitigating
the sentence passed upon his son as to obtain letters
patent authorising him to constitute attorneys to receive
any estates that might fall to him. A recollection of
these facts is necessary for the comprehension of the

1 " Qui corpus ejus effbdi faceret, et aspiceret si caput corpori esset
junctum, prout fama communis erat." — Walsingham, Hist. Angl. ii. 226.
2 Most contemporary writers are of opinion that Nottingham had
received direct orders from the king to put Gloucester to death.
"Rex jussit Comiti Marescallo uteum occulte occideret." — Ibid.
3 The passages referring to these events in his Richard II. form a
truthful, though somewhat idealised, epitome of the various accounts of
contemporary historians. 172

HENRY BOLINGBROKE BANISHED.
subsequent attitude assumed by the Percies. Henry a.d. 1399
Bolingbroke, as he was commonly called, was, next to
Hotspur, perhaps, the most popular among England's
young nobles,1 and his banishment created a national
outcry. On the eve of his embarkation, " there came to
him the Earl of Northumberland and Sir Henry Percy2
his son, with a greete nombre of other knyghtes and
squyers of Englande, such as loved him, and were soore
displeased that he must avoyde the relme," 3 while the
populace pursued him with tears and lamentations :
" ' Gentle Earl, why shall we leave you ? Ye never dyd
nor thought yvell,' thus men and women piteously spoke." 4
Richard's emancipation from parliamentary control
was as detrimental to the Commonwealth as it ultimately
proved fatal to himself. To gratify his wastefulness
and the rapacity of his favourites he illegally imposed
the most oppressive taxes, and on the death of the Duke 4 February.
of Lancaster, he revoked the letters patent he had granted
1 He had been much engaged in Continental warfare, and had fought
not only the French and the Spaniards, but the Mohammedan in Barbary
and the Pagan tribes of the Baltic in Lithuania. He was one of the
band of young knights among whom Ralph Percy had embarked for
the Holy Land, but had stopped short at Rhodes. He had joined
Gloucester's league against Richard, but made his peace in time to
escape the consequences, and subsequently showed himself zealous in
the king's service.
2 Shakespeare represents Henry Bolingbroke after his landing at
Ravenspur as meeting Hotspur for the first time : —
" North. Have you forgot the Duke of Hereford, boy?
Percy. No, my goode lorde, for that is not forgot
Which ne'er I did remember ; to my knowledge,
I never in my life did look on him.
North. Then learn to know him now ; this is the duke ! "
— Richard II. Act ii. Scene 3.
The poet's supposition, that Hotspur should have been unacquainted with
his companion in arms and kinsman, was probably due to a misappre
hension on his part as to the ages of the two men, which will be found
referred to hereafter.
3 Froissart. 4 Ibid.
173

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. to his banished son, on the pretext that they had been
1342-14° issue(i " without due advice or mature deliberation ; " he
confiscated his lands, and extended the sentence already
passed to perpetual banishment, on a vague charge of
his having held intelligence with the king's enemies
abroad. This act of injustice and bad faith offended and
alienated many of the powerful nobles, and among
others the Earl of Northumberland and his son, who,
after a vain remonstrance in favour of the rights of
their absent kinsman, left the court and retired into the
north. Summoned shortly after to appear before the king, who
had been advised to " collect them by pryson or other-
wyse," for having accused him of governing foolishly and
of being under the influence of evil counsellors, they
pleaded that the state of the border did not admit of
their absenting themselves at that time. According to
Froissart they took this course under the advice of
Thomas Percy who, cognisant of the king's intentions,
warned them not to trust themselves into his power, and
" stopped their coming not without good cause, for they
were showed that if they came they were in ieopardie of
their lyves." Sentence of banishment and confiscation
was then passed upon them.
"This was published throughout all the cyties and
good townes of Englande and specyallye in London,
whereof the Londoners had grete marvayle, and they
culde not know for what cause it was ; for the Erie and
his son were reputed for noble and vallyant men as any
within the reelme, and they sayde, peradventure the
Erie and his sonne have spoken some wordes upon the
kynge and his counsayle, for the yvil govemying of the
realme, and culde not be hearde though they sayde the
truthe, and for their thus saying now they be punished ;
174

THE PERCIES PROCLAIMED TRAITORS.
but we thinke hereafter they wyll be punished who judge a.d. 1399
them."1 ' ' —
The King of Scotland offered the Earl and his son
honourable reception at his court, until the sentence of
banishment should be revoked, but they appear to have
remained within their own territories.
It is probable that Richard was glad of a rational
pretext for escaping the complications in which he found
himself involved.
Roger Earl of March, the heir apparent to the throne,
had in the beginning of this year fallen in a skirmish
with the Irish, and the king now took personal command
of an expedition fitted out to revenge the death of his
brave kinsman. Worcester was appointed Admiral of
the Fleet, and embarked at Milford Haven early in May
with a retinue of " thirty-five knights, squires and men at
arms, and 100 mounted archers, and to each archer one
carpenter and one mason.2 In the meanwhile Henry
Bolingbroke had no sooner heard of his father's death,
and of the act which deprived him of his hereditary
rights, than gathering together a few friends and a small
military force he embarked for England touching at
different points on the coast, to proclaim his wrongs and
win adherents, till he finally landed at Ravenspur. Here 4 July.
"there mette with hym the Erie of Northumberland
with a grete power to helpe and succoure the said Duke,
that cam for none other entent as he saide than to chalange
the Duchie of Lancaster his enheritance." 3
With the progress of events however Lancaster's
attitude became more menacing ; and when Richard,

1 Froissart.
2 Indenture between King Richard II. and the Earl of Worcester,
9th April, 1399. Le Neve's MS. Penes, fol. 3.
3 The Englisshe Chronicle of the Reigns of Richard II. and Henry IV.,
published by the Camden Society. 175

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. hurrying back from Ireland, landed at Milford Haven
I342-i4°8 an(j foun(j how universal the defection from his cause
had become, he scarcely made an attempt to stem the
tide of his unpopularity. One by one his few remaining
adherents fell from him ; his appeal to the counties for
military aid * remained unanswered, and so hopeless did he
at length consider his chances of successfully asserting
his authority, that he commanded his lord steward to
dismiss the royal household, relieved him from further
attendance 2 and with only a few followers took refuge in
Conway Castle.
Modern research has failed to throw much new light
upon this chapter of English history, or to enable us to
trace the motives of the principal actors in the scenes
attending Henry of Lancaster's usurpation. Of his own
ultimate duplicity there can be no question ; but it is by no
means established that when he landed in England he had
any intentions beyond those which he openly professed.
Such evidence as exists rather points to Richard's
irresolution, and the general defection from his cause, as
suggesting to Henry's ambitious mind the idea of
snatching the sceptre from his kinsman's feeble grasp.
He must have known, however, that the premature
declaration of such a project would have defeated its
accomplishment by depriving him of the support of those
1 The Earl of Northumberland was included among "the faithful
lieges " whom the king now called upon to aid him in the maintenance
of his authority against the threatened danger. — Fcedera, viii., p. 85.
2 The Earl of Worcester has been charged with having deserted the
king in the hour of adversity ; even his friend Froissart speaks doubt
fully on the point : " Syr Thomas Percy broke his white staffe either
being so commanded by the kynge, or else upon displeasure (as some
write) that the kynge had proclaimed his brother the Earl of Northumber
land traytor." Walsingham, however, who as a rule is far from partial
to the Percies, states distinctly that Richard had commanded the lord
steward to dismiss his household, " Dimisit igitur familiam, monens per
Senescallum, Dominum Thomam Percy, ut se reservarent ad tempora
meliora." 176

LANCASTER 'S USURPATION.
English nobles, who were ready to stand by him for the a.d. 1399
restoration of his legitimate rights but by no means
disposed to acknowledge his claims to the throne. The
Percies were above all others interested in maintaining
the existing dynasty in favour of the heir apparent.
They were ready to take part in measures of coercion to
re-establish their influence in the royal council, but they
could not have contemplated Richard's deposition in
favour of one whose father's pretensions to the crown
they had ever repudiated and opposed. Henry accord
ingly continued to dissemble, and submitted to take
the solemn oath which limited his armed resistance
to the attainment of his professed objects. He thus
succeeded in averting suspicion, and in making the
Percies and others the unconscious instruments of his
unscrupulous designs.1 When, finally, he threw off the
mask ; when, in bold disregard of all his pledges he
proclaimed himself King of England, they were not
strong enough successfully to dispute his pretensions,
and the protests of the duped nobles were drowned in
the shouts of popular acclamation amidst which Henry
of Lancaster ascended the throne. The Earl of
Northumberland, his son and his brother, remonstrated,
and then submitted to the inevitable. It would doubt
less have been more dignified had they now, instead of
condoning^ the act by taking service under the usurper,
recorded their protest and retired from a court the legiti
macy of which they were not disposed to acknowledge.
Circumstances however were little encouraging to such a
course, for throughout the greater part of England Henry's
accession to the throne was hailed with enthusiasm.2
1 " Northumberland, the ladder upon which
The mounting Bolingbroke ascends the throne."
— Richard II, Act v., Scene 1.
2 The attachment to Richard survived longer in the northern
VOL. I. 177 N

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Richard's abdication once an accomplished fact, the
1342-140 attempt to put forward the claims of his infant heir
would have plunged the country into civil war, and sub
jected the Percies to a suspicion of seeking their own
personal aggrandisement by the exercise of the Royal
power during the long minority of their kinsman.' They
accordingly accepted the position, while Henry in return
overwhelmed them with honours and gifts ; but the seeds
of mistrust and suspicion were already sown. The
Percies could not forget that they had been duped, and
that their good name had been tarnished in the process.
As little could Henry forget the heavy debt he had
incurred towards those powerful subjects ; and a sense
of humiliating injury on the one part, and of oppressive
obligation on the other, afforded little promise ot
prolonged harmony.

It is remarkable that we should be mainly indebted
to foreign sources for the personal details connected with
King Richard's deposition. Walsingham it is true has a
good deal to say on the subject, but the " ut vulgariter
dicitur" with which he is ever apt to qualify his
doubtful statements, becomes of more than ordinary
frequency in these passages, and most of the old
historians have drawn upon him for their facts.
In three French works we have however the evidence
of actors in, or eye-witnesses of, the scenes described.
The first of these is a MS., the authorship of which is
tttributed to a French knight in the service of the Earl

counties than elsewhere ; it was there said that Henry had been made
king by "the villains of London," among whom his popularity was
unbounded. 1 Edmund Mortimer, the only son of the 5th Earl of March, was in
his sixth year at the time of Lancaster's usurpation.
178

THE FRENCH " METRICAL CHRONICLE."
of Huntingdon,' the second is a metrical chronicle by a a.d. 1399
gentleman of France who accompanied King Richard on
his last expedition to Ireland and remained with him
until his removal to the Tower ; 2 the third is our old
friend Froissart. The metrical chronicle is written
with a strong bias in favour of Richard, and the author
admits having occasionally supplemented the necessities
of his verse by drawing upon his imagination.3 Those
events which he personally witnessed are accordingly
represented in a light ever favourable to Richard ; those
scenes, on the other hand, at which he could not have
been present, such as Lancaster's instructions to North
umberland on the subject of the mission of the latter to
Conway Castle, must be taken with ample allowance
for poetic license, if not as altogether imaginary. As
a record, however, of Richard's personal demeanour from
his landing at Milford Haven to his departure from
Flint Castle, there is nothing extant more reliable or
more graphically illustrative of the king's character.
The work is altogether a very remarkable one, and the

1 MS. Ambassades, No. 2 2, Beluze Collection, in the King's Library
at Paris.
2 Histoire du Roy d'Angleterre Richard, traitant particulierement la
rebellion de ses subiectz et prinse de sa personne. Compose par un
gentilhomme franfois de marque, qui fut a la suite du dit Roy, avecq per
mission du Roy de France, 1399. Strutt, in his Antiquities, renders this
" French gentleman of mark " as " Francois de la Marque, a French
gentleman." A beautifully illuminated copy on vellum of this curious
MS. is preserved (Harl. MSS., No. 13 19,) in the British Museum.
The figures in the illustrations are valuable as portraits. An excel
lent translation of the chronicle, with reproductions of the drawings and
copious notes by the Rev. John Webb, was published in Archceologia,
vol. xx.
3 When about to describe the events attending Richard's captivity he
determines to drop into prose with a view to greater accuracy —
" Car il semble,
Aucune foiz qu'on adiouste, on assemble
Trop de langaige
A la matiere de quoy on fait l'ouvrage."
179 N 2

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. opening lines deserve quotation as a specimen of its
1342-1408 i-. 4 T
0  ^ literary style :
"Au departir de la froide saison,
Que printemps a fait reparacon
De verdur, et quau champ et maint buisson
Voit on flourir ;
Et les oyseaux doulcement resioir ;
Le roussignol peut on chanter oir,
Qui maint amant fait souvent devenir
Joyeux et gay ;
Cinq jours devant le premier jour de May,
Que chacun doit laisser dueil et esmay,
Un chevalier, que de bon cceur amay
Moult doucement,
Me dit : Amy, je vous pri charement
Qu'en Albion vueillez joyeusement
Avecques moy venir, prochainement
Y vueil aller.
Je respondi : Monseigneur, commander
Povez sur moy ; je suis pres d'encliner
Ma volonte' a votre bon penser ;
N'en doutez ja."
The author proceeds to relate how he joined Richard
on the eve of his embarkation for Ireland, and their
landing at Waterford on 1st June. He sketches some
excellent outlines of Irish warfare, and describes the
king's abrupt return to England on receiving the tidings
of Lancaster's arrival, the dismissal of his household,
and his flight to Conway Castle. Here the Earl of
Northumberland is brought upon the scene, who, we
are told, assured Henry of Lancaster, in reply to his
injunctions not to return without the king, that he would
bring him " by reason or by craft;"' that he had set forth
from Chester with 400 lances and 1000 archers, and that
having by the way seized and garrisoned the castles of
Flint and Rhuddlan, and left a strong body concealed
in a pass a few miles from Conway under command
of Sir Thomas Erpingham,2 he sent a messenger to
1 " Par sens ou par cautelle je lamenray."
3 Who sixteen years later opened the battle of Agincourt.
180

KING RICHARD AT CONWAY CASTLE.
Richard praying for an interview as Lancaster's envoy, a.d. 1399
The request was granted upon condition that he came
unattended.1 In the illustration of this scene North
umberland is represented kneeling before the king *
dressed in a long robe of blue dotted with golden stars.
The face is somewhat long, with handsome features and
a pointed beard.
Being required to deliver his message, the Earl says
in effect, that Henry of Lancaster desired nothing more
than the lands and dignities which by hereditary right
belonged to him ; that he acknowledged Richard as his
rightful king, but accused him of having misgoverned
the country and done much injustice to his people. If
he would restore Lancaster to his possessions, be " a
good judge and true" in the future, and consent to
deliver the Dukes of Exeter and Surrey, the Earl of
Salisbury, the Bishop of Carlisle and Maudelin 3 the
1 According to most of the old historians it was at the king's own
request that Northumberland was sent to negotiate terms between him
self and Lancaster. Upon, this point, however, the evidence of the
French knight — an eye-witness of the interview — is conclusive.
2 In his Richard II. Shakespeare has generally adhered so closely to
historical authority that it is difficult to account for his having attributed
a disrespectful demeanour to Northumberland in his interview with the
king, who is made to say : —
" We are amazed ; and thus long have we stood
To watch the fearful bending of thy knee,
Because we thought ourselves thy lawful king ;
And if we be, how dare thy joints forget
To pay their awful duty to our presence ? "
3 The king's favourite chaplain, and one of the most dangerous and
unscrupulous of his creatures ; he was reported to be a natural son of
the Black Prince, and bore so remarkable a resemblance to Richard,
" Qu'il n'est homme qui le vist,
Qu'il ne certifiest et dist
Que ce fu le roy ancien."
Some writers state that the body subsequently exposed in London as
being King Richard's was that of Maudelin ; this report was probably
spread to confirm the belief in Richard's survival, which was long
professed by Henry's enemies. 181

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. priest, to be tried by parliament for their complicity in
r342-^4°8 Gloucester's murder, then he would " humbly on his
knees sue for mercy." Richard had never shown any
reluctance to sacrifice his friends to his own comfort or
safety, and now offered no opposition to the proposed
surrender of his few faithful adherents. Before accept
ing these terms, however, he, at the instance of the
Bishop of Carlisle, required Northumberland to take a
solemn oath ' that Lancaster would conscientiously fulfil
his engagements. This the Earl unhesitatingly did ; * and
there is no reason to doubt that, however resolved he
may have been to obtain possession of the king's person,
he then believed in the sincerity of Lancaster's pro
fessions, and did not for a moment contemplate the
treachery which ensued. The chronicler, however,
charges him with deliberate perjury.3 At the same time
he convicts Richard of the grossest duplicity, by attri
buting to him these words addressed to the Bishop and
Salisbury : " I swear to you that whatever assurance I
may give him (it is not quite clear whether the king
here refers to Lancaster or Northumberland), he shall
1 The illustration represents the Earl kneeling before an altar in the
act of taking the oath.
2 Shakespeare in a few lines epitomises Northumberland's address to
the king, which concludes with an expression of his full confidence in
Lancaster's sincerity : —
" This swears he, as he is a prince, is just ;
And, as I am a gentleman, I credit him."
3 The translator also, in his commentary, denounces " the deep and
daring dissimulation of Northumberland," which he can only palliate on
the ground that in that age " the grossest perjury was lightly thought of
and unblushingly committed in England ; " adding that " the abuses of
absolution by the Church perniciously weakened the effect of such bonds
of conscience." He subsequently, however, does the Earl the justice
to admit that, "like many others who have attempted to effect violent
political changes, he had been deceived, hurried beyond his original
designs, and by force of circumstances compelled to yield to Henry's
acts, and finally to fall before his superior power." Hume, in his
History of England, takes the same view.
182

NORTHUMBERLAND NEGOTIATES WITH THE KING.
for this be surely put to a bitter death for the outrage a.d. 1399
and injury he hath done unto us; and doubt it not, no
parliament shall be held at Westminster upon this
business." This is fully confirmed by the MS. Ambas-
sades, where it is stated that after the king's acceptance
of the proposals of Henry of Lancaster, he remarked
to his friends :
"It seems to me that a good peace may be made
between us two if it be as the Earl says. But in truth,
whatever agreement or peace he may make with me, if
I can get him to any advantage I will cause him to be
foully put to death, just as he hath earned."' On the
acceptance of the terms the Earl urged the king to set
out on his journey to Flint Castle, where it was arranged
that Lancaster should meet him ; to which Richard
replied, " We can set out when you will, but I think it
ryght that you should go on before to Rhuddlan that
dinner may be prepared there." " Just as you please,"
replied the Earl, and departed.2 " The Earl rode on till
he saw his men under the mountain, and then was he
well pleased when he saw that they were careful with
good order to guard the pass. So he related to them the
whole matter, how he had succeeded and that the king
would presently come to them."
As it was obviously impossible for a gentleman in
Richard's retinue at Conway to know what was passing
in Northumberland's encampment some miles in advance,
this may be taken as one of our knight's poetic flights,
but there is much obscurity in the whole of this stage of
the proceedings. The king, who set forth with twenty-
one attendants, is described as suddenly, on reaching a
1 "fe le feray mourir mauvaisement, ainsi comme il a gaognie."
2 In the Ambassades MS. we are told that the Earl had himself
proposed his riding in advance in order to prepare for the interception
of the king.

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. rocky eminence,' coming in sight of a body of armed
I342-i4 men in the valley below. " When he beheld them he was
greatly astonished, saying ' I am betrayed, what can
these be? Lord of Heaven, help me!' Then were
they known by their banners. ' I think,' said he, ' it is
the Earl who hath drawn us forth upon his oath.' "
It is not intelligible why Northumberland, having
found the king % perfectly willing to accompany him to
Flint Castle, should have alarmed him on the way by an
unnecessary display of military force. If he had reasons,
however, for preparing an ambush, he would surely have
kept his troops out of sight, instead of permitting them
to appear with his banners flying, at such a distance as
would have enabled Richard on seeing the danger, to
retrace his steps to Conway. The king proceeded,
however, we are told, on his way, and when he came
within bowshot of the party, the Earl 2 advanced to meet
him, and "kneeling quite to the ground," said, " Be not
displeased that I should come to seek you for your better
security, for the country as you know is disturbed by
war." Richard reproached him with breach of faith, said he
could dispense with such an escort and spoke of return
ing to Conway ; but Northumberland justified himself
1 The spot is supposed to have been on the Welsh cliffs a few miles
to the eastward of Orme's Head,
" Under whose craggy government there was
A niggard narrow way for men to pass ;
And here, in hidden cliffs, concealed lay
A troop of armed men to intercept
The unsuspecting king, that had no way
To free his foot that into danger stept.
The dreadful ocean on the one side lay,
The hard encroaching mountain th'other kept."
Daniel's Civil Wars.
2 The illustration represents Northumberland at the head of a body
of troops, dressed in coat of mail and carrying a battle-axe.
184

ESCORTS HIM TO FLINT CASTLE.
and promised to conduct the king straightway to Duke a.d. 1399
Henry.' The king now vented his grief and anger in
an outburst, in which pious sentiments and personal
lamentations are curiously blended with curses upon his
enemies :
" Mais sil plait que ie muire,
A ! Jesu Christ ! mame vueille conduire
En paradis ! car echapper ne fuire
Je ne puis 
Or est trop tard ; las ! pourquoy creumes nous
Northumbrelant, qui en la main des loups
Nous a livrez? Je me doute que tous
Ne soions mors.
Car eels gens cy nont en eux nul remors.
Dieu leur confonde les ames et les corps 1 "
Occasionally, however, Richard rises from these
depths of despondency to the hopes of a brighter future
when, re-established in his full regal authority and power,
he will be enabled to revenge himself upon his foes even
to flaying them alive.2 The only self reproach he utters
1 " Lors dit le Comte, Monseigneur,
Deshonneurs ne mettez sus ;
Mais je vous jure je vous menray
Au Due Henry le plus droit que pourray."
The writer of the Ambassades MS. gives a different version : — " The
Earl of Northumberland then came up with xi others, saying ' Now I
am come to meet you.' The king asked who the people were whom he
saw below in the valley. ' I have seen none,' said Northumberland.
' Look before you, then,' said the Earl of Salisbury ; ' there they are.'
' They are your men,' said the Bishop ; ' I know your banner.' —
' Northumberland,' said the king, ' if I thought you capable of betraying
me it is not yet perhaps too late for me to return to Conway.' ' You
shall not return thither,' said Northumberland, throwing off the mask
and seizing the bridle of the king's horse. ' I shall conduct you to the
Duke of Lancaster, for I do not break all my promises.' "
The chronicler, who was an eye-witness of the scene, would certainly
have recorded the violent action attributed to the Earl had it taken
place, but, on the contrary, he represents him as studiously respectful.
The concluding sentence may be read according to the emphasis either
as a distinct admission on Northumberland's part of his duplicity, or as
an insulting reflection upon Richard's habitual want of truthfulness.
2 " lis seront a la mort mis
De telz je feray escorcher tous vifs."
185

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. is for having been so weak as to have spared Lancaster's
1342-14° hfe on several occasions, when it had been justly forfeit
ed for his offences ; as when he drew his sword upon him
in the queen's chamber, leagued against him with
Gloucester, and conspired to murder him. But he had
spared him even against the advice of the old Duke
himself, who thought his son deserved to die ; ' and now
he had learnt " how true it is that we have no greater
enemy than the man we save from the gallows."2
No sooner did Lancaster receive the welcome tidings
of Richard's arrival at Flint Castle than he broke up his
camp at Chester and advanced with a body of 80,000
men, among whom were the Earl of Worcester and
Hotspur with their contingents.3 The French knight
describes the sense of hopeless grief under which the
poor king from the terrace of the castle beheld this
splendid army defiling along the sea-shore. Lancaster's
demeanour towards the king on their first meeting was
marked by profound respect. "As soon as he perceived
him at a distance he bowed very low, and as they ap
proached he bowed a second time with his cap in his hand ;
and then the king took off his bonnet and spoke first in
this manner : ' Fair Cousin of Lancaster, you be right
welcome.' Both men were acting a part, and each knew
it, but it was not for long. On Richard's arrival at
Chester, he was placed under a military guard, and now
it was that Lancaster took the precaution of disarming
1 This is quite incredible. It was for the sake of this son, whom he
had always loved, and grief at whose banishment is said to have hastened
his end,- that John of Gaunt had persistently intrigued against the
Mortimers for the heirship of the English crown. He personally could
hardly have expected to supplant or to outlive Richard.
2 MS. Ambassades.
3 According to the Chronicle, Hotspur was in chief command of
Lancaster's army: "De tout l'ost du Due estoit principal Capitaine
Messire Henri de Persi, qu'ilz tiennent pour le meilleur chivalier
d'Engleterre." 1S6

LANCASTER DISMISSES THE ARMIES.
such of the nobles as he could not rely upon to support a.d. 1399
him in his contemplated usurpation. Calling his adherents
together, he represented the inexpediency and difficulty
of carrying so large an army to London, alleging that
thirty or forty thousand men would amply suffice for the
king's escort and for holding him to the performance of
his promises. He thanked them for the support which
had now secured the only object he had in view, the
recovery of his inheritance, and was anxious to relieve
them of the heavy burden which the maintenance of such
large forces entailed upon them. In compliance with
this suggestion, sixty thousand men were dismissed to
their homes ; and among them the armed retainers of the
Earl of Northumberland, Worcester, and Hotspur.1
Events now marched rapidly, but still Lancaster held
his hand ; and when the unfortunate king made his
enforced entry into the city, the Londoners received
him with their accustomed sullen respect and greeted
Lancaster as nothing more than their " good Duke."
Some of the old historians have attributed to North
umberland a prominent part in having, by threats and
violence, extorted Richard's abdication in favour of
Bolingbroke, after his committal to the Tower ; and
Shakespeare has, in one of his finest scenes, confirmed
popular tradition on this point.
There is not an atom of evidence to support the
charge, and there is much to prove its inherent
improbability.
1 "Ainsi fist le due retraire la plus grant partie de ses gens." — Metrical
Chronicle. This is confirmed by Hardyng, who says : —
" The Erie of Northumberland then had sent
His power home by council of Duke Henry ;
So did his sonne Henry, that truly ment,
Supposyng well the Duke wold not vary
From his othe, ne in no wyse contrary ;
And he and his kepte all they r power,
Tyll he was crouned kyng as did appere."
187

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
ad. Most of the circumstances connected with Richard's
1342-14° i deposition and with the allegation of his having "purely,
voluntarily, simply, and absolutely " resigned his crown,
are involved in mystery ; but the few facts that can be
gleaned from among the mass of fable and romance
in which these events are enshrouded, would indicate
the part played by Northumberland to have been the
very reverse of that attributed to him.
The English editor of De la Marque's Metrical
Chronicle asserts that the Percies had " continued
the struggle " against Lancaster's pretensions " to
the very evening of the day on which Henry
challenged the crown," ' and that they persistently
urged the claims of their young kinsman the Earl of
March. That the earl may have entered into negotiations in
order to induce the king to abdicate in favour of his law
ful heir is quite possible ; but it is obvious that no threats
or violence would have been needed to effect an object
which would have enabled Richard to defeat the plans of
his hated rival Bolingbroke.
There is weightier -proof, however, in the fact of the
Percies having made it one of the chief points in their
indictment against King Henry before the Battle of
Shrewsbury, that he had compelled Richard to sign his
deposition under fear of death,2 an accusation which
they could hardly have made had they been accomplices
in the act.
Perhaps the most convincing testimony, however, is
that of Hardyng, who, although he had been in the
service of the Percies,3 and may therefore be considered
1 Archceologia, vol. xx.
2 " Tu ipsum dominum tuum et regem nostrum imprisonasti infra
turrim London, quousque resignaverat, metu mortis, regna Anglia? et
Francias." 3 " Truly I, the maker of this boke, wase brought up fro twelve yere
1 88

THE ATTITUDE OF THE PERCIES.
a partisan, wrote his Chronicle many years after the a.d. 1399
proscription and death of his patrons, and when he could
have had no motive for misrepresenting facts in their
favour.' Hardyng asserts that he had " herde the Erie of
Northumberland saie divers tymes, that he herde Duke
John of Lancastre amonge the Lordes in counsels and in
parlementes, and in the Common House among the
Knyghtes chosyn for the Commons, aske by bille for to
beene admytte heir apparaunte to Kynge Richarde,
consyderyng howe the Kynge wase like to have no issue
of his bodie. To the which the Lordes spirituell and
temporell and the Commons in the Common House, be
hoole aduyse, seide that the Erie of March, Roger
Mortymere, wase his next heire to the Crown, of full dis-
cent of blode, and they wold have noone other ... for
whiche, when the Duke of Lancastre wase so putt bie, he
and his counsell feyned and forgied the saide Chronicle,
that Edmonde should be the elder brother, to mak his son
Henry a title to the Crown, and wold have hade the seide
Erie of Northumberland and Sir Thomas Percy his
brother of counsaile thereof ; for that they were discent
of the said Edmonde by a sister, but they refused it ;
whiche Chronicle, so forged, the Duke dide put in divers
abbaies and in freres, as I herde the saide Erie ofte tymes
saie and recorde to divers persouns, for to be kepte for
the enheritaunce of his sonne to the Crown, which title he

of age in Sir Henry Percy house to the battail of Shrewsbury, where I
wase with hym armed of xxvth yere of age, as I had beene before at
Homyldon, Cokelaw, and at dyvers rodes and feeldes wyth hym, and
knewe his entent and had it wretyn." — Prose additions to Hardyng's
Chronicle. Harl. MS.
' He has been accused of having forged certain documents
relating to the Scottish succession — which if true would undoubtedly
invalidate his testimony in other matters — but the charge rests upon
very hostile and otherwise questionable evidence.
189

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. put furste forth after he hade Kynge Richarde in the
1342-1401 Tourej out that title the Erie Percy put aside."
He goes on to say that Duke Henry, as soon as
Richard was in custody in the Tower, produced the
forged documents which his father had deposited in
various places, whereupon " all the chronycles of
Westmynster and of the other notable monasteries
were hade in the Councell at Westmynstre, and ex-
amyned amonge the Lordes, and proued well by all their
cronycles, that the Kynge Edwarde wase the older
brother, and the saide Edmonde the younger brother,
and not croukebacked nother maymed, but the semeliest
person of Englande, except his brother Edwarde.
Wherefore that Chronycle which Kynge Henry so put
forth was adnulled and reproued."
There are no authentic records to enable us to glean
any knowledge of what actually took place in Parlia
ment on the day of Henry's election, but contempo
rary writers here and there afford us a few glimpses
of the outward state of things. Among others, Hardyng
asserts that Parliament was induced to set aside
the claims of Edward Mortimer in consideration of
his extreme youth ; that in view of Henry's large
military force " there durst none hym deny," and that
to the last moment the Percies maintained a passive
opposition.' 1 " Th Erles two then of Northumberlande,
Of Worcester, and Syr Henry Percy,
And therle also of Westmerlande
Councelled hym then fro' his othe not to varye ,
And though at eue he did to theim applie,
On the morrowe by a pryuie counsayl,
He wuld be crowned kyng withouton fayle."
This is also confirmed by the MS. Ambassades, where the antago
nistic attitude of the Percies is indicated by the fact that, in spite of
Henry's representation that " he was his brother and had always been
his friend," they refused to recognise the old Duke of Lancaster's son
190

KING HENRY IS CROWNED.
It seems then that, having resisted Henry's preten- a.d. 1399
sions as long as possible, when they found themselves in
a hopeless minority and disarmed, they ceased to struggle,
and joined in the vote which established the new dynasty.
Their demeanour, however, gave rise to suspicion, for
it is mentioned by several of the old chroniclers that
Northumberland and Worcester "did not take their
places in the assembled Parliament, but passed to and
fro," and the author of the French Metrical History
expresses himself puzzled to account for the conduct of
the Earl of Northumberland at the ceremonial. The
fact of his having officiated as one of the sword-bearers
on that occasion,1 leaves, however, no room for doubt as
to his willingness to afford public recognition of the
usurpation. Thus, as Hume expresses it, " Henry became King
of England, nobody could tell how or wherefore." The
great nobles ranged themselves around his throne, and
his recent opponents, vying with his most enthusiastic
adherents in professions of loyalty, ostentatiously took
their part in the pageantry of the new court.
Finally only one man, Merks, Bishop of Carlisle,2
by Catherine Swinton (who in 1397 had been created Marquess of Dorset
and Somerset), or to take their seats by his side.
1 " Portoit lespee de Justice le Prince de Galles son ainsne filz, et
lespee de leglise Messire Henry de Persy, Conte de Northombrelant,
et connestable dAngleterre." — Chronique de la Grande Bretaigne, par
Jehan de Waurin, vol. ii. p. 5.
2 Shakespeare has celebrated the courage of the bishop who dared to
denounce the usurper to his face :
" My Lord of Hereford here, whom you call king,
Is a foul traitor to proud Hereford's king ; "
and puts in his mouth an eloquent and prophetic warning of the disas
trous civil wars that would result from this outrage. He also makes
the Earl of Northumberland resent these words and arrest the speaker
for high treason ; but this is a mistake. It was the Earl of Westmore
land who, in his capacity of Earl Marshal, " attacked " the bishop. —
Hall, p. 6. 191

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. raised his voice against the vote which consigned the
342-140 . deposed sovereign to life-long imprisonment.'
The sentence, which, among that of others, bears the
signature of the three Percies, runs thus :
" Qu'il serroit mys en saufe et secre garde, et en tiel
lieu ou nul concours des gentz y est ; et qu'il soit gardez
par seures et sufficientz persones ; et que nul qu' ad este
familier du dit nadgairs Roy soit ascunement autour sa
persone ; et que ceo soit fait en le pluis secre manere que
faire se purra." 2
From the time that Richard was consigned to Pomfret
Castle public interest in him seems to have died out ;
and when, shortly after, his death was made known, even
the prevalent rumours of his having been foully murdered,
or made away with by the lingering agony of starvation,
excited but little sympathy. The turn of the tide
however, was not long in setting in. While Henry,
beset by avowed and secret foes, groaned under the
weight of his usurped crown, the vices which had made
Richard's rule obnoxious faded from the public memory,
and his better qualities, exaggerated by distance, were
contrasted with the treachery and duplicity of his per
jured successor. The nation was seized with remorse at
having sacrificed its allegiance to a sovereign whom
their glorious King Edward and their beloved Black
Prince had bequeathed to them as a sacred heritage ; and
the popular sentiment displayed itself in sullen resentment
1 On the 23rd October " the Earl of Northumberland asked Parliament
to advise the king as to the disposal of the deposed monarch ; " " coment
leur semble que serroit ordeignez de Richard, nadgairs Roy, pur luy
mettre en saufe garde ; sauvant sa vie, quele le Roy voet que luy soit
sauvez en toutes maneres." — Rot. Pari. 1st Henry IV., iii. 426.
2 Rot. Pari. 1 st Henry IV. The young Earl of March, who, accord
ing to Hume, " consulted his safety by keeping silence with regard
to his title," was now consigned to honourable captivity at Windsor,
and after one or two feeble attempts to assert his rights, sank con
tentedly into the position of a pensioner on the bounty of the usurper.
192

GRANT OF THE ISLE OF MAN.
towards Henry, and a vague hope, gradually hardening a.d. 1399
into a firm conviction, that the deposed monarch had
escaped from prison and was still living.1
It was for a future generation, however, to reap the
bitter fruit of the crime their forefathers had condoned,
and to pay for the gratification of one man's illicit am
bition with the lives of untold thousands of England's
best and noblest sons.

The first charter to which King Henry IV. attached
his signature was that under which on the eve of his
coronation he conferred upon the Earl of Northumberland
the office of High Constable of England.2 Shortly after
he granted him the Isle of Man and its dependencies ;
and the wording of the instrument conveying this fief
clearly indicates the royal intention of placing the ad
hesion of the Percies on record in ineffaceable letters.
By the acceptance of this princely gift, under the con
ditions attached to it the earl undoubtedly incurred,
on behalf of himself and his heirs, the obligation of
loyally supporting the new dynasty.
Nor was the royal bounty limited to the head of the
house. The Earl of Worcester was associated with Prince
John, the king's second son, in the office of Lord High

1 So strong a hold did this belief gain on the popular mind that
special laws were enacted to punish the propagators of such rumours
with imprisonment and death. In May, 1402, the Earl of Northumber
land was commanded under a royal warrant to arrest all persons so
offending. Yet the belief only became the more prevalent for the
attempts to suppress it. How the unfortunate monarch came to his
end at Pomfret Castle will never be known, and all the ingenious theories
on the subject are based upon mere surmise or conjecture ; but of his
death at that time there can be no reasonable doubt. It is evident
that Henry thought it less perilous to remain under the suspicion of com
plicity in Richard's murder than to admit the possibility of his survival.
2 For transcripts of these Charters see Appendix XIX. and XX.
VOL. I. 193 O

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Steward ; he was made Governor of the Prince of Wales,
1342-1408 Admiral of the Fleet, Treasurer of England, Keeper of
the Privy Seal, Lieutenant of South Wales and Cardigan,
and Governor of Aquitaine. The various grants that
had been made to him during the two preceding reigns
were confirmed, and to these were added charges upon
various customs and port dues, and on the revenues of
towns and corporations/
Hotspur became Warden of the East Marches,
Governor of Berwick and Roxburgh, Justiciary of
Chester, North Wales and Flintshire, and Constable of
Chester, Flint, Conway, Carnarvon, and Bamborough
Castles. He was granted the county of Anglesey2 and
Beaumaris for life ; besides lands of the annual value of
.£500 in Essex and Cumberland.
Such exceptional favours called for zealous service in
the cause of the donor, and during the ensuing three
years the Percies were ever foremost when the king's
enemies had to be met or his rule to be supported.
The Earl of Northumberland took a leading part in
Parliament and in the Council Chamber, and even
condescended to the performance of ceremonial court

* Among these grants were .£100 a year from the Sheriffs of London,
^iooa year from the Exchequer of Wales, ^500 a year from the Manor of
Eye in Suffolk, ^100 a year from the revenues of Knaresborough, ^40
a year from fines and issues of London and county of Worcester, and
;£i8i io.y. from the King's Exchequer. — Patent Rolls, 1st Henry IV.,
p. 1, m. 21. When to these grants are added his military emoluments
and the salaries of his several governorships, they amount to what in
those days represented a very large annual income. The validity of the
letters patent having been subsequently called in question, a formal
re-confirmation, in which all the grants are related, was made in 4th
Henry IV. — See Appendix XXI.
2 On the Prince of Wales attaining the fifteenth year of his age, the
Council proposed that Anglesey should be then offered to him, Henry
Percy being compensated by lands belonging to the Earl of March,
but he refused to be enriched at the cost of his kinsman. — Acts of the
Privy Council.
194

BORDER TROUBLES.
duties, as when he conveyed the king's invitation to the a.d.
members of the two Houses of Parliament : i 400-1 4° *
" Et pria as toutz les Seigneurs Espirituel et tem-
porell et as toutz les comunes sus dit, detre le dimange
ensuant a mangier avec le roi notre Seigneur." '
In the north he was fully employed in alternately
negotiating and fighting with the Scotch. In the first
year of Henry's reign, on his refusal to deliver up George
Dunbar, Earl of March, who had taken refuge at Alnwick
Castle, they had declared war, and the king at once carried
a large army across the Border, the principal contingent
of which was furnished by the Percies. The outbreak
of Owen Glendower's rebellion in Wales led to the pre
mature withdrawal of this force, and to the conclusion
of an unfavourable peace, the terms of which, however,
appear to have been little regarded on either side.
The Earl of Douglas had repeatedly remonstrated
against the aggressions of the English Borderers, and
early in 1401 complained to Henry that his hereditary
foe, the Earl of Northumberland, had broken the truce
agreed upon, requesting at the same time that Com
missioners should be appointed " devant lesquelx a 1'aide
de Dieu je ferai clerement estre cognu que le dit Comte
de Northumbre n'ay pas fait comme sa lettre de certi-
ficacion conteint et importe ; et que les dites treves de
cest an et le redres de tous attemptatez au devant faitez
sont plainement empesches [et fail]lies en son default." '
The king, after inquiry, completely exonerated
Northumberland from these charges, and replied that he
had satisfied himself, that the earl " rien ne fesoit sinon
de comun avys et assent des dites persones a lui assoziez
come noz commissaires, pour conformentz a l'instruc
tion pour nous a eux donees ; " at the same time he
1 Cotton's Abridged Acts.
2 Cott. MSS., Vespasian F. vii. fol. 120.
vol. 1. 195 O 2

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. accuses Douglas of having suppressed certain facts
1342-14° « donj- n0us esmerveillons," and of having himself been
the principal agent in breaking the truce. He consented
however to appoint Commissioners ; and it affords a
striking proof of the condition to which these continuous
Border raids had reduced the country, that the Duke of
Rothsay proposed that the meeting should be held at
Melrose Abbey instead of in the West Marches, because
the English Marches, like those of Scotland, had been so
utterly devastated "qil n'est nul vivre pour gentz et
chivalx d'assembler en manere accustumez." '
In the same year2 the earl proceeded to the Continent
on a mission having for its object the negotiation of a
marriage between Henry's eldest daughter and the son
and heir of the Emperor of Germany. This alliance,
although for some time delayed for want of the stipulated
dower of the princess, was ultimately concluded.3
1 State Papers. See also (Appendix XXII) a letter from Earl of
Northumberland to the Council, dated 24th of March, 1401, in which
it is stated that the Duke of Rothsay urged the immediate ratification
of the treaty of peace before the arrival of the French Commissioners,
who, like Douglas and other of the more warlike Scottish nobles,
considered its terms humiliating. This is not to be wondered at,
since Northumberland requests to be furnished with transcripts of " the
evidences and records proving that the crown of Scotland belongs to
England," upon which pretension the treaty was based. The assassina
tion of the Duke a few days later broke off the negotiations, and hostili
ties were renewed with greater violence than ever.
2 About this time the earl had been granted the custody of Jedworth
Castle, with a fee of 100 marks in peace and 200 marks in war, in
exchange for the Castle of Lochmaben and other places in Scotland,
which had been conferred upon his grandfather in 8th Edward III. —
Harleian Charters, 2 Henry IV.
3 The impoverished state of the Exchequer in the earlier part of
Henry's reign is very remarkable. " In Thesauro nihil" was the
stereotyped reply to the most ordinary demand for funds to meet the
requirements of the public service ; and so impoverished had the king
become that on the 1st March, 1402, we find him soliciting the loan of
^40 in aid of the expenses attendant upon his daughter's approaching
marriage: "Vous prions chierement que, pour les susdites causes, Cn
ceste notre necessitee, apprester nous veuillez la somme de quarante
livres." — Fcedera, vol. viii., p. 245.
196

THE EARL OF WORCESTER.
In the meanwhile the Earl of Worcester had been a.d.
employed in important duties abroad. 1400-1 401
Richard's deposition and death had caused much
consternation in the French provinces under English
rule where the late king had enjoyed great popu
larity. The French Court endeavoured to turn this
feeling to profitable account, and the Due de Bourbon
proceeded in person to Bordeaux in the hope of winnino-
over the people and inducing them to shake off the yoke
of their foreign rulers and to return to their natural
allegiance. The Londoners, who, in the tenacity with which they
clung to our conquered territories in France, represented
popular feeling throughout the country, no sooner received
these tidings than they petitioned the king to take steps
for securing the integrity of these possessions by the
despatch of military reinforcements, and by the employ
ment of a diplomatic mission composed of " valyant and
wyse men that is beloved amongst them, some such as
hath governed, and this is the Lord Thomas Percy ; " '
whom Henry accordingly selected for the duty.
The Bourdelois seem to have been disposed to take
a practical view of the question of nationality. "If the
Frenchmen govern over us they will give us the same
usage, for they know how the realme of France is vexed
with tayles and towage, and shameful exactions all to get
money, and if the French govern over us they will bring
us to the same usage. It is better to be Englishe for
they keep frank free. If the Londoners have deposed
King Richard what is that to us ? We have and shall
always have a kynge, and we understand that the Bishop
1 Froissart. " Les Anglois furent frappe's de crainte et pour empecher
la revoke des Bourdelois envoyerent en Guienne Thomas de Persi et l'eve-
que de Londres et les chargerent de les retenyr dans leur obeyssance."
— Dissertation sur les Monnoyes par l'Abbe" Venutis. Bordeaux, 1754.
197

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
A-D- of London and Sir Thomas Percy shortly will be here ;
1342-140 ^^ ^.^ jnform us of tjie truth." I
Worcester embarked for Bordeaux in the early spring
with a retinue of 200 men-at-arms and 400 archers ; 2 and
"at his arrival so wisely entreated the noblemen, so
gravelie persuaded the magistrates of the cities and
townes, and so gentlie and familiarlie used and treated
the commons, that he not only appeased their furie and
malice but brought them to own and conform obeyance,
receiving their oaths of obedience in loial fealty . . . and
returned again to Englande with great thankes." 3
Shortly after Worcester was despatched to Paris for
the purpose of negotiating a peace with France, one of
the proposed conditions of which was a marriage between
the widowed Queen Isabel and the Prince of Wales.4
The French Court, however, peremptorily rejected their
advances, and the king demanded that his daughter should
be forthwith restored to him together with the dower and
jewels she had carried into England.
It was not until the following summer that Queen
Isabel actually returned to her native land ; 5 and the Earl
1 Froissart.
2 " The chiefest captaines that accompanied the earl in this iournie
were his nephew Hew Hastings, Sir Thomas Colville, Sir William Lisle,
John de Graille, base son to the Captal de Buch, Sir William Drayton,
Sir John d'Ambreticourt, and the Bishop of London." — Holinshed.
3 Holinshed, vol. iii., p. 15. Froissart.
* The fact of this marriage having been proposed effectually disposes
of the legend of Richard having survived and made his escape from
prison, since the King of England would not have urged an alliance
between the Prince of j Wales and Isabel had he not been satisfied that
she was a widow. According to Monstrelet, the negotiation for this
marriage was renewed four years later, when Henry offered to abdicate
in favour of his son if the arrangement were effected. Isabel, however,
showed no desire to become for a second time a queen of England.
She married her cousin, the young Due d'Orleans, in 1408, and died
young. s By a royal ordinance of 22nd June " three Balingers and two armed
Barges were required to be in readiness at Dover on 1st July, 1402, for
conveyance of the queen." — Fcedera, vol. viii., 204.
198

QUEEN ISABEL RETURNS TO FRANCE.
of Worcester, who only three years before had acted as a.d. 1402
chamberlain at her marriage, was now entrusted with the
charge of restoring the child-widow to her father. At
tended by a retinue of 500 persons, " including some of
the noblest ladies of England," ' she embarked at Dover
for Boulogne, whence she was conducted to Amiens, July.
where her uncle, the Due d'Orleans, met and received
her from Worcester's hands.2
The author of the Metrical History appears to have
been an eye-witness of this ceremony, and testifies to the
grace and delicacy with which Worcester acquitted him
self in this his last duty to the poor queen, whose life's
troubles had thus begun in early childhood.3
The story is best told in his own quaint words : —
" Quand ilz furent ensemble mi?
En la chapelle, un chevallier
Qui d'angloiz est tenu moult cnier,
Cest Sire Thommas de Persi,
Prinst a parler, disa.nt ainsi :
Le roy Henri, roy d'Engleterre,
Mon Souverain Seigneur en terre,
Desirant 1'accomplissement
De sa promesse ligement,
' " The queen embarked under the conduct of the Earl of Worcester,
associated with divers other noble and honorable personages both men
and women, having with her all the jewels ornaments and plate which
she had brought to England, with a great surplusage besides gyven to
her by the king." — Holinshead. The restoration of the jewels was
not so complete as is represented. Henry is said to have retained the
greater part, and as late as in July, 1403, the French ambassadors in
England were instructed to make reclamation for these. — Fozdera, viii.
315. Miss Strickland says: "The royal virgin was approaching
her fifteenth year when thus plundered, and wearing the dress and
weeds of widowhood she embarked at Dover for Calais, escorted by
the same Sir Thomas Percy who had attended her as chamberlain during
her espousals." — Queens of England. She was not in her fifteenth but
barely in her twelfth year at this time.
2 " Granting a regular receipt for her delivery worded somewhat like a
receipt for a bale of merchandise." — Hall.
3 " My queen to France ; from whence, set forth in pomp,
She came adorned hither like sweet May,
Sent back like Hallowmas or shortest day." — Richard II.
199

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Et de voulente tres affine,
1 342-1408 A cy ma Dame, la Royne
— D'Engleterre fait amener,
Pour la rendre et restituer
A son pere le roy de France,
Bien deliee, quitte et franche,
De tous liiens de mariage,
Et de tout autre servage,
Dette ou obligacion.
Et que, sur la damnacion
De son ame ainsi le prenoit
Et oultre plus, q'elle estoit
Aussi saine et aussi entiere,
Qu'au jour que dedans sa litiere,
Fu amenee au roy Richart ;
Et s'il estoit nul, quelque part,
Fut roy, due, comte, chrestiien,
Ou dautre estat grant ou moien,
Qui voulsist a se contredire,
11 trouveroit, sans plus rien dire,
Ne sans querir plus long conseil,
Un homme d'estat tout pareil,
En Engleterre soustenant
Ceste querelle, et par devant
Tout bon juge exposeroit
Son corps, que tout ainsi estoit.
* * *
Lors Sire Thommas de Persi,
La jeune royne saisi
Par les bras en plourant moult fort,
Et la livra par bon accort
Au Messages, qui furent la,
Et aussi on leur delivra
Certains lettres de quittance,
Qu'avoient promis ceux de France."
Shortly after having thus restored the widow of the
deposed king to her family, Worcester was employed in
the more grateful duty of conducting Joan of Navarre
from Brittany as the new queen of England.
*
* *
The only authentic writings under Hotspur's hand
which have hitherto come to light are comprised in his
French correspondence with the Council, while he was
engaged in fighting Owen Glendower's warlike and
barbarous hordes in Wales. 200

THE WAR IN WALES.
Shakespeare ascribes to his hero a profound contempt a.d.
for the whole tribe of " Metre ballad-mongers " and their I4°2^4°3
" mincing poetry ; " and certainly nothing could be less
mincing, or more prosaic and matter of fact, than the
style of these letters. Although he offers excuses for
his royde et feble mandre, his compositions are strongly
marked by that directness of purpose which characterised
his speech and actions ; and if they are sometimes
"royde" in expression, they are never "feble." As
indicating the first causes and symptoms of the estrange
ment between the king and the Percies, these despatches '
possess much historical value, apart from the personal
interest attaching to them.
The failure of the Government to provide funds for the
conduct of the Welsh war forms the principal subject of
this correspondence. King Henry's finances during the
earlier period of his reign were, as already stated, at a
very low ebb, and the difficulty of meeting the cost of
military establishments, although habitually exaggerated
by the Council, did doubtless exist.
The emoluments of the wardens of the Northern
Marches, be it remembered, were only the subsidies
payable by the State for maintaining garrisons on the
border, and for supplementing the feudal armies which
the great nobles maintained at their own cost. When,
as in the present instance, the war ceased to be localised
the expenses of raising and subsisting troops became
greatly increased ; and Hotspur's letters show that it
was not until he and his father had completely exhausted
their private resources in the king's service, that they
1 They are preserved among the Cotton MSS. in the British Museum,
and will be found printed in Nicolas's Proceedings of the Privy Council. The
Earl of Northumberland's letters of the same period are also in this collec
tion, and are quoted by Sharon Turner as excellent examples of the
literary style of Englishmen of the highest rank in the fourteenth
century.
201

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. made urgent appeals for payment of the stipulated
1342-1408 allowances, the withholding of which made it impossible
for them to meet their engagements towards the army in
Wales and in the north marches. It does not appear
that at this time either of them doubted the good faith
of the king, but that they attributed the failure of funds
to some inimical influence in the Council.1
When, early in 1401, William Tudor,2 who had seized
upon Conway castle, was besieged by Hotspur and
forced to surrender, Henry granted the latter ,£200 " as
a reward for the cost and expense incurred by him in
having continued the siege for four weeks at his own
cost, and without the assistance of the people of the
locality." 3 The grant however existed on paper only.
On the 2nd May following, writing from Carnarvon,
Hotspur begs the Council to " remember how I have
repeatedly applied for payment of the king's troops at
Berwick and in the East Marches of England, who are
in such distress as they can no longer bear or endure for
want of money, and I therefore implore you to order that
they may be paid as was agreed upon between the trea
surer and myself at our last meeting, if better means
cannot be adopted, as otherwise I shall have to go to
you in person to claim payment to the neglect of other
duties." 4
A fortnight later he represents the great labours and
expenses he has incurred in the king's service, " which in
good faith I am unable to bear beyond the end of this
month or a few days more," praying the Council to pro
vide the necessary funds and thus to avert much mischief,
and promising in return to place " all his power by sea
1 See Hotspur's letter. Appendix XXIVa.
2 See his petition to the king. — Ibid. XXIII.
3 Issue Rolls, 3 Henry IV.
? Appendix XXIVb. 202

HOTSPUR'S LETTERS.
and land, his persons and his goods," at the disposal of a.d.
the State.' I4°!^4°3
Early in June2 he again writes that if "good and
speedy remedy do not come .... and if I depart from
this country before some order is taken, which becomes
a matter of necessity to me for I cannot bear the costs I
am at," the complete success of the rebels is to be appre
hended. Finally he represents that having, after repeated
applications, failed to receive the promised subsidies for
maintaining troops or the stipulated allowances to which
he and the Earl were entitled as wardens of the marches
and governors of strongholds, and having from time to
time been put off with evasive answers, he had written to
the king warning him that if, which Heaven forefend, evil
should happen to any town, castle, or march, under his
rule for want of subsistence of the troops, not he, but
they who will not make payment in accordance with the
royal commands, must bear the blame. He states that
he was quite at a loss to understand how the Council could
plead their inability to meet the charges of the marches
under his father and himself, which amount only to
£S000> while they had no difficulty in providing ,£37,000
for military defences elsewhere ; and concludes, with the
apology for his style already referred to, in expressing
a hope that the Council will not be displeased at the
urgency of his demands, which have been made not on
his own account, but in consideration of his soldiers, who
are in extreme want for which it is entirely out of his
power to provide a remedy.3
Matters had not improved when in the following year
the young Earl of March joined his uncle, Sir Edmund
Mortimer, in an expedition against Owen Glendower, by
whom they were both taken prisoners. Henry, at first
1 Appendix XXIVc. 2 Ibid. XXIVd. 3 Ibid. XXIVe.
203

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d- expressed his concern at the capture of "notre tres cher
— and tres ame cousyn,"' and stated that he intended pro
ceeding to Wales in person to avenge it and "pour
resister a la malice des nos rebelles " ; — but he soon after
changed his tone, charged Edmund Mortimer (whose
zeal in his service had hitherto been unquestioned) with
having voluntarily and treacherously surrendered himself
to the Welsh chieftain, and refused in harsh and in
sulting terms the prayer of the Percies for the ransom
of their common kinsman.2
The attitude now assumed by the king is perfectly
intelligible. The Earl of March, the legitimate possessor
of the crown of England, was a weak self-indulgent
and unambitious boy, from whom personally the usurper
knew that he had nothing to fear. Hotspur, however,
had married the young earl's aunt, Elizabeth,3 sister of
Edmund Mortimer,4 an alliance which might produce for
midable results, since their offspring would stand within
measurable distance of the throne ; and the military
reputation, the popularity, and the overgrown power of

1 King Henry IV. to the Council June 25, 1402. — Proceedings of the
Privy Couticil. 2 " Shall our coffers then
Be emptied to redeem a traitor home ?
Shall we buy treason, and indent with fears,
When they have lost and forfeited themselves ?
No, on the barren mountains let him starve ! "
1st Part of Henry IV. Act. 1, Scene 3.
Historical evidence bears out the character of the language here
imputed to the king.
3 This lady, born at Usk in 137 1, subsequently married Lord
Camoys, a distinguished soldier who fell in the French wars under
Henry V. She was still living in 1427, when she had livery of the
manor of Newborn, which the first Earl of Northumberland had settled
upon her on her marriage with his son.
4 The circumstance of both uncle and nephew bearing the name of
Edmund caused the two to be confounded by most of the old writers,
who speak of Hotspur's wife as the sister of the Earl of March.
Shakespeare fell into the same error. 204

vfravedbyVBroolcsDayfiSon- BRASS TO THE WIDOW OF HOTSPUR
and Her Husband Lord Camoy
in Trotton Church.

oys.

BATTLE AT NESBITT MOOR.
his family were already a source of danger to the House A-D-
of Lancaster. They had done him good service, it is I4°^4°3
true, but they were too apt to remind him of his in
debtedness ; and as they had now a personal interest in
making themselves the supporters and representatives of
King Richard's lawful heir, their power must be crushed.
Such were the sentiments which the old writers
attribute to the king at this juncture, and which history
has generally accepted.1
Hotspur being more immediately concerned in the
liberation of his brother-in-law and nephew than the
other members of his family, was probably unguarded in
the expression of- his views upon the king's conduct.
" Behold, ! " he is reported to have said on leaving the
royal presence, "the hey re of the realme is robbed of his
right, and the robber, with his owne, will not redeem him." 2
His personal resentment, however, gave way before
his soldierlike spirit and sense of public duty, and on
the first appearance of a foreign enemy, Hotspur forget
ful of his grievances, hastened to the scene of danger.
The Scots, taking advantage of the rebellion in
Wales, had become more arrogant in their disregard
of the existing treaty of peace. In the spring of
1402, they had advanced in great force, under Hep
burn, as far as the borders of Durham, whence, after
ravaging and devastating whole districts, they were
slowly returning with their booty ; when the Earl of
Northumberland, accompanied by his son and brother and 7th May.
a number of northern lords, overtook them at Nesbitt
Moor, and, in a fiercely-contested battle, completely
1 " He rather desyred and wished all his lineage in heaven, for then
his title had been out of all doubt." — Holinshed. " The king began
to muse on this request and not without cause, for indeed it touched
him as nere as his shirt, for that he was nere of the blood of King
Richard and had good cause to make clayme of the throne." — Hall.
2 Hall. 205

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. defeated them, making their commander a prisoner and
i342-|4° slaying, it is reported, no less than 10,000 of their
number.1 To avenge this loss, a second expedition of 12,000
men, was, in the autumn, led across the border by
an hereditary foe of the Percies, Archibald, Earl of
Douglas, whom Henry Hotspur hurried forward to
meet. The Scots occupied a commanding position on
14th Sept. the heights of Homildon,7 near Wooler ; and Hotspur
had, with his accustomed impetuosity, given the order to
charge them up hill, when the more wary Earl of March
(Dunbar), who had entered into a formal alliance with
the English, advised that the attack should be opened
by a continuous discharge of arrows.3 The archers were
accordingly called to the front, and poured a shower
with unerring aim into the closely serried ranks of the
enemy, who, taken by surprise, but unwilling to aban
don their vantage ground by seeking shelter, fell by
hundreds.4

1 The king on 30th June formally communicated to the Council the
defeat of the Scots by " notre tr'es chier elfoial Cousin le Conte de North
umberland," and urges reinforcements being at once sent to the North.
— Proceedings of the Privy Council.
2 Called also Holmidon and Humbledon. In a memo, by Dr.
Thomas Percy among the Syon House MSS. it is stated that when
he visited the scene a street in this village continued to bear the name
of Percy's Row.
3 " Sed comes Marchia? retinebat Percy per frenum, dicens eum non
debere movere, sed debere mittere sagittarios, et Scotos, quasi signum ad
sagittas, posse de facili penetrare, et sic eos victos captivare, sicut rei
exitus patefecit." — Fordun, Scotichronicon, Lib. XV. cap. 14, p. 1149.
? By the bold anachronism previously referred to (p. 154), Sir Walter
Scott has introduced this incident into his dramatic poem on the
Battle of Halidon Hill, where the following dialogue is ascribed to
King Edward III. and Henry Percy :
" Percy. The thick volley
Darkens the air and hides the sun from us.
" Edward. It falls on those shall see the sun no more ;
The winged, the resistless plague is with them.
How their vast host is reeling to and fro,
206

THE BATTLE OF HOMILDON.
Sir David Swinton, a Scottish knight, impatient under a.d. 1402
the slaughter inflicted upon the helpless soldiery, ex
claimed, " What fascinates you to-day that you stand
like deer or fawns in a park to be shot, instead of
meeting your foes hand to hand ? Let them that will
follow me!"1
They then charged down hill; but the tactics that
had proved so successful were continued. The archers,
still in the van of the English army, fell back as the
enemy advanced, halting from time to time to pour
their deadly volleys into them. The Scots were thrown
into confusion ; in the attempt to rally them most of their
leaders, including Douglas himself and the Earl of
Fife, King Robert's nephew, were slain or taken
prisoners ; and of the thousands that had crossed the
border a few days before only a few hundreds are said
to have succeeded in regaining their native soil. The
tidings of this decisive victory, which was attained with
insignificant loss to the English/ were received with
universal rejoicing. The king conferred an annuity of
40/ a year upon the messenger who brought him the
welcome intelligence ; 3 and when Parliament in the
Like the chafed whale with fifty lances in him.
They do not see, they cannot shun the wound ;
The storm is viewless as death's sable wing,
Unerring as his scythe.
" Percy. Horses and riders going down together !
'Tis almost pity to see nobles fall
And by a peasant's arrow ! "
1 Fordun, Lib. XV. cap. 14, p. 1149.
2 " In hac pugna nullus dominus, nullus miles aut scutifer, hostibus
ictum intulit, sed solummodo Deus Omnipotens arcitenentibus
Anglorum victoriam miraculose contulit, proceribus et armatis effectis
belli spectatoribus otiosis." — Walsingham, ii. 252.
3 The grant was confirmed by an Act of Parliament, dated 25th
September, 1402, in favour of Nicholas Sherbury, described as an
Esquire of the Earl of Northumberland, " qui nobis primo reportavit
certitudinem boni ac placentis et gratiosi viagii nuper apud Homildon
juxta Wollere in Northumbria, per prsdictum consanguineum nostrum,
207

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. following year petitioned him to reward the Earl of North-
I34!l^4° umberland "et luy honorer et tenir en chere, et luy mercier
de ses grandes labours et diligences,"1 he granted him the
whole of the Scottish estates of the Earl of Douglas,2
the only drawback to the enjoyment of which consisted
in the necessity of their being conquered by their new
owner before he could claim their revenues.
Accompanying this mark of the royal favour in
acknowledgment of a national service, came the king's
peremptory mandate prohibiting the earl or Hotspur
from parting with the prisoners they had taken, whom
they were required to hold at the king's disposal " certis
et urgentibus de causis nos ad praesens moventibus."3
The ransom of prisoners had hitherto been considered
as one of the principal prizes of war, and it is difficult
to understand why King Henry should have made a
brilliant victory the occasion for disputing this right,4
unless from a determination to offend the Percies.
These however were by no means disposed to submit to
his claim. The earl represented that by immemorial
border custom " they who had undergone the danger of
battle should have all the advantage of pay and
prisoners," and that the kings of England had always
allowed this right " to the lords of the north, to
encourage them in defending their dominions, and to

et alios legios nostros in comitiva sua, facti superi nimicos nostros Scotia-
ad devictionem eorumdem." — Records in the Tower. The grant was
renewed by an Act passed in ist Henry V.
1 Cotton's Abridged Acts of Parliament, 3rd Henry IV.
2 Fcedera, viii. 289.
3 Royal proclamation, September 22, 1402. — Fcedera, viii. 278.
4 Edward III. had, it is true, established a precedent when he required
the captors to deliver up King John of France and King David after the
battles of Poitiers and Nevill's Cross. These prisoners of war were,
however, as crowned heads, in an exceptional position, and both Cope-
land and Morberguewere fully indemnified for the surrender by payment
of a munificent ransom. 208

THE KING CLAIMS THE PRISONERS.
keep up the damages caused by the continual depre- a.d. 1402
dations of these faithless people " — the Scots.
The following manly and dignified letter, written at a
time when the Percies were using their whole power and
making great personal sacrifices in order that England
might reap the fullest benefit from their recent victories
over the Scots at Nesbitt Moor and Homildon,
places the Earl of Northumberland's position in its
true light, and affords the most powerful testimony to the
unworthy treatment which the Percies had met with at
the hands of their sovereign. It is not the exhaustion of
his own resources in the national cause of which the
writer complains ; but the fact of his honour, and that
of his son, being involved in the fulfilment of their
engagements towards the troops ; and of the disgrace
which will be cast upon their order if promises
solemnly made by them in the king's name were
broken, and poor men who had abandoned house and
home to fight his battles, were left to starve.1
" Mon tresredoute Sr. soverain, je me recommans a
vostre magestee roiale, a la qele plese entendre, qe jay
receu voz treshonurables lettres purportantz vostre estat
et sauntee, a grand pleisir et comfort de moy. Et, mon
tresredoute Sr., quant a ce qe vous mavez escrit, qe vous
pensez qe je serray assetz fort a le chastell' de Ormeston
le jour limitez, sanz charge de vous, nientmeins, puis qe
vous avez consideracion, come piert en mesmes voz
lettres, qe sanz coustages de moy et de mon filz il ne
purra estre fait, vous avez ordenez une certeine somme
de monoie pur estre envoiez a nous deux en haste, de la
quele je ne say nul jour de paiement, ne quantitee de la
somme ; et mon honur y est sibien come lestat de vostre
roialme, et le dit jour si court, qe si le paiement ne soit
1 See also his letter to the Council, Appendix XXV.
VOL. I. 209 P

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. briefment ordenez, il est bien semblable qe le bone renome
I34_Z_t4° du chivalerie de vostre roialme ne serra gardez en cett,
endroit, et outreement deshonur et desesance a moy et
mon dit filz, qi sumes voz loialx lieges ; le quel nous
quidons qe ne serroit vostre pleisir, ne auxi nous ne lavons
deservy. Et, mon tresredoute Sr. soverain, si nous deux
feussiens paiez de les sommes de lx Ml livres puis vostre
coronation, come jay entenduz qe vous estez enformez
par ceux qi ne veullent vous enformer la veritee, adonqes
nous purriens mieulz sustenir un tiel charge, mes a cest
jour sont nous duez clerement, come il purra bien estre
monstrez, xx. Ml livres et plus. Par quoy, mon tresre
doute Sr. soverain, vous supplie et requere, qe vous plese
ensi charger vostre Conseil et Tresorer, qe nous poons
estre paiez et preferrez, selonc la grante et ordenance
faites en vostre darrein Parlement, et forme de noz
endentures, de une notable somme, et si par temps, qe
pur defaute de ce qe nous est due ne soions defait et en
meschief en ceste nostre necessitee et labour pur defense
de vostre roialme. Mon tresredoute Sr. soverain, je prie
luy toutpuissant Dieux qil vous eit touz jours en sa
seintisme garde. Escrit a Helawe le xxvj. jour de
Juyn (1403). Vostre Mathathias, qe vous
suplie de prendre son estat
et laboure a quere a cest
bosoigne. — H." *
1 Cotton MSS. Vesp. F. xnr. Fol 16. The endorsement by a con
temporary hand is, " Litera Comitis Northumbria. directa nostro regi
in qua subscripsit idem comes manu sua propria," in reference to the
concluding lines in the Earl's handwriting. The signature Mathathias,
which he used on several occasions, appears to have been a familiar
name by which the Earl was called by the king in the days of their
intimacy. Its origin is not known ; Lingard states that it bore refer
ence to " some prophecy or romance," but he gives no authority for this
opinion A duplicate of the foregoing letter (Vesp. F. vn. f. 25) is
signed, " Vostre humble liege le Conte de Northumbr', Conestable
Dengleterre." 2IO

Fac- simile of Autograph Subscription and Signature of
Henry, ist Earl of Northumberland. See p. 210.

REMONSTRANCE OF THE PERCIES.
Henry may have had some difficulty in overcoming a.d. 1402
the parsimony in military expenditure of his ministers ;
but when it suited his purpose to assert his authority the
necessary funds were forthcoming. Of this we have an
instance in the case of his son, who having joined the
army in Wales, had represented that unless provided
with money to pay the troops he would be obliged to
return to England " ou estre honteux pour toujours." '
The king, who had turned a deaf ear to similar com
plaints from Hotspur, commanded the Council to make
an immediate remittance of funds " aufin que notre dit filz
puisse le mieulx continuer a resister a la malice de noz
rebelz galois . . . quelle chose il ne pourra faire sil n'ait
de quoy." '
The demand now made by the king upon his powerful
subjects to surrender to him their right of ransoming
their prisoners, which ransoms would have enabled them
partially to satisfy the claims of their soldiery, could
have left no doubt upon their minds as to his dispo
sition towards them. The accounts of what personally
passed between them upon this matter greatly differ, and
there are no authentic records to afford a clue to the
truth. The ancient historians, however, concur in
attributing a defiant attitude to the Percies.
The earnestness with which the Earl of Worcester now
championed the cause of his family is said to have led to
his dismissal from court ; but whether he was commanded
1 Prince Henry to the King, June 1402. Cotton MSS., Cleopatra F.
in. f. 123.
2 The . King to the Council, Appendix XXVI. Sir Harris Nicolas
assigns the date of 1403 to this letter, and argues from a passage in
which Henry refers to " noz treschiers et foialx cousins le Comte de
Northumberland et Henri Perci son fils," that within a few days of
the battle of Shrewsbury the king had no suspicion of the disaffection
of the Percies. The letter, however, bears conclusive internal evidence
of having been written with reference to Prince Henry's representations
in the previous year.
VOL. I. 2 11 P 2

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. to withdraw, or of his own accord retired to his strong-
1342-1408 hoM in the North; is left in doubt_I
The final interview between the king and Northum
berland and his son is thus described :
" The Earl, having urgently demanded payment for
the custody of the marches, said : ' My son and I have
spent our all in your service.' The king replied, ' I
have no money, and money you shall not have.' 2 The
earl said, ' When you entered the kingdom you promised
to rule according to our counsel ; you have now year by
year received large sums from the country, and yet you
have nothing, and pay nothing, which irritates your
commons. God grant you better counsel ! '
" Then came in like manner his son Henry Percy,
who was married to the sister of the captive Edmund
Mortimer in Wales, and he prayed the king that he would
allow the said Edmund to be ransomed at his cost. The
king replied that the public money should not be expended
in strengthening his enemies against himself. Henry
answered : ' How is this ? You would have us expose
ourselves when you or your crown is in danger, and yet
1 Shakespeare follows tradition, if not history, in making the king
address Worcester in these terms : —
" Your presence is too bold and peremptory,
And majesty might never yet endure
The moody frontier of a servant brow.
You have good leave to leave us ; when we need
Your use and counsel, we shall send for you."
Lingard states that the friendship between the king and the Percies
had been for some time on the wane. " They were incessantly calling for
large sums of money due to them for the custody of the marches and the
expense of the Scottish wars ; he, whether he were unable or unwilling,
paid tbem but seldom and then only by small and tardy instalments." —
History of England.
How "small and tardy" these instalments were is established byreference
to the Issue Rolls in which all such payments were recorded, and which
fully bear out Northumberland's statements in contradiction to the king's
assertion that he had met their claims.
2 Aurum non habeo — aurum non habebis.
212

THE TRIPARTITE INDENTURE.
you will not help us?' 'Thou art a traitor!' said the a.d 1403
king angrily, 'and wouldst have us help our enemies
and those of the State.' ' Traitor am I none,' Henry
replied, ' but a true man, and as a true man I speak.'
The king drew his dagger on him.1 ' Not here,' said
Henry, ' but in the field,' and so departed." 2
The rebellion of the Percies was no sudden outbreak,
but was approached deliberately by distinct stages at
intervals of time. Their refusal to surrender the prisoners
was perhaps conveyed in no such positive terms as to
amount to open disobedience. The alliance with Douglas,3
who with his forces took up his quarters at Alnwick,
followed shortly after by a treaty of peace with Henry's
declared enemy, Glendower,4 were, however, unmistak
able indications of disaffection ; while the subscription by
the Earl of Northumberland, his brother, and his son,
of the Tripartite Indenture,5 which they do not appear
to have kept secret, constituted an overt act of treason.
Shakespeare has represented Hotspur as ridiculing
1 " Rex traxit contra eumpugionem." Iehan de Wavrin in his Chroniques
d'Engleterre (Dupont, Vol. I. p. 178), so far improves upon this version
as to assert that the King boxed Hotspur's ears: "a laquele parolle
le roy se couroucha, et donna audit de Persy ung grant soufflet." Had
such an affront been offered it is probable that the quarrel would have
been decided on the spot and that the Battle of Shrewsbury would never
have been fought.
2 Eulogium Historiarum, Vol. III. 396.
3 " It was accorded betwixt him and the said Henry Hotspur, that
aiding him and his accomplices against King Henry, if it chanced the
said King Henry to be vanquished and put from the crowne, according
to their intent and purpose, then should the said Earl Douglas be released
from his ransom and have the town of Berwick rendered unto him in
reward of his aid and assistance." — Holinshed's Chronicles ; Scotland.
4 While Hotspur had made an ally of his noble Scottish prisoner of
war, his brother-in-law, Edmund Mortimer, had married the daughter of
Glendower and accepted service in the Welsh army.
5 Under the terms of this document the kingdom was to be divided
into three parts : one of which, the English territories to the north of the
Trent, was to become an independent sovereignty under the Earl of
Northumberland ; Wales was to fall to the share of Glendower ; and the
residue of England to the rule of the Earl of March. No project more
rife with the elements of future discord could well have been devised,
and it may be doubted whether its realisation would not have proved as
vol. 1. 213

'j

HENRY' PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Glendower's pretensions to supernatural power, and
42-14° ¦ denouncing his mystic and prophetic utterances as "a
deal of skimble-skamble stuff." There is no reason
to believe, however, that he was actually so far
above the superstitions of his age as to claim exemp
tion from a belief in soothsayers and omens ; ' and
the Percies were probably as willing as the Welsh
magician himself to put faith in Merlin's prophecies,
more especially when these might be interpreted in
favour of their own sympathies and aspirations. Certain
it is that the ^z.„wz'-religious sanction which attached to
the acceptance of such predictions would be admirably
calculated to secure the adhesion and to stimulate the
zeal of their followers.
"And now after these shall come out of the North a
Dragon and a Wolf, the which shall be the help of the
Lyon, and bring the realme great reste with peace and
glory, with the most joy and triumph that the like was
never seen this many yeres before  These three
shall rise agaynst the Moldewarpe, which is accursed of
God  Also they shall thrust him forth from the
realme, and the Moldewarpe shall flee and take a ship to
save himself, for he shall have no more power over this
realme ; and after that he shall be glad to give the third
part (? three parts) of his realme to have the fourth in
peace, and he shall not get it, for the will of God is that
no man shall have mercy but he that is merciful." 2
Oracular and ambiguous utterances of this character
readily admit of practical application to current events,
and in the public mind " the Moldewarpe accursed
disastrous to the nation as the series of civil wars which, from Henry's
victory at Shrewsbury to King Richard's defeat at Bosworth, devastated
and depopulated the country, through four succeeding generations.
1 Witness his reflections on missing his favourite sword before the
battle of Shrewsbury.
2 This prophecy is referred to as a cause of the rebellion, and is
quoted, more or less at length, by most of the ancient historians, includ
ing Hall, Holinshed and Speed. 214

MERLIN'S PROPHECIES.
of God " came to be easily identified with the un- a.d. 1403
popular prince who had usurped the throne ; while
the families bearing the Badges of Dragon, Wolf,
and Lion, would not be reluctant to recognise them
selves under those emblems as the agents predestined
by Providence to dethrone a perjured and usurping
sovereign. Henry's conduct at this juncture is difficult of explana
tion. Throughout their hostile preparations the Percies
had openly courted the sympathy and co-operation of the
great families of England,1 a fact of which the king and
his Council could hardly have remained in ignorance ; and
although the state of the Border may have necessitated
military preparations,2 the scale upon which forces were
now levied in the north could hardly have failed to
arouse suspicion.
Yet still the king displayed no distrust, and when in
the month of May he led an army to the North, his avowed
purpose was nothing more than to strengthen his garrisons
against the Scots.
1 Hardyng, in his Chronicle, asserts that after the attainder of the
Percies, and when he was constable of Warkworth Castle under the
Umfrevilles, he had seen letters under their seals from nearly all the most
powerful lords of England, promising their support to the Earl of
Northumberland. 2 According to Fordun, Hotspur had raised powerful armies on
pretext of taking advantage of the demoralisation produced in Scotland,
by their losses at Nisbett Moor and Homildon, to over-run their country
— " to demolish all the fortresses in those parts, and so to go on in a
kind of regular plan to burn and destroy all before him, without inter
ruption, quite to the Scottish Sea;" that in accordance with this plan, he
laid siege to the Castle of Cocklawes in Teviotdale, but that having
reduced this stronghold, instead of capturing it, he made terms with the
garrison, allowing them several weeks for the su: render, in order
to gain time for further increasing his forces, such forces being
really intended, not for the conquest of Scotland, " but that he might
overthrow his own sovereign, Henry, King of England, as was soon
after put out of doubt." — Scotichronicon, lib. xv. 1152. There are probably
some grounds for this accusation, although so deep laid a design was
more likely to have originated with the Earl of Northumberland, or his
brother Worcester, than with the impulsive Hotspur.
215

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Even after Hotspur was on his march southward,
1342-140 . hating nere and tnere tQ draw recrujts to njs banners,
and during his progress making public proclamation of his
aims and intentions,1 Henry continued to affect ignorance
of any design against his authority, for it cannot be be
lieved that he could have really entertained any doubt
as to the actual situation after he once knew that the
Percies had advanced with an army from Newcastle.
He may have thought that by concealing his sus
picions he would find it more easy to win over, or at
any rate to disarm the opposition of, such of the nobles
as had not already openly thrown in their lot with
his enemies ; and that an assured confidence on his part
in the loyalty of his northern subjects would tend
to weaken the influence of the insurgent leaders. It is
not, however, impossible that he dissembled, pending
Hotspur's advance, in the hope of surprising and crushing
him before he could be reinforced by the advancing
levies under the earl and the Welsh chieftain.
On the morning of the 17th Of July the two armies
were within fifty miles of each other, Hotspur lying at
Chester and the king at Burton-on-Trent ; and it was
doubtless a recognition of the immediate danger of the
threatened junction with the Welshmen that induced
the king to throw off the mask. He accordingly issued
a proclamation, and required the lieutenants of counties
to raise a levy en masse throughout the kingdom for
the suppression of the rebellion,2 though even now in
addressing the Council he makes light of the matter : —
1 In these proclamations Hotspur spoke of himself as having been
one of the main instruments for placing the king upon the throne
("unus de illis qui maxime agebat ad expulsionem Ricardi et introduc-
tionem Henrici "), but that having now discovered that Henry acted
more illegally than the sovereign who had been deposed, he was resolved
to purge the country of its oppressor. — Eulogium Historiarum.
2 Fcedera, viii. 313. 2l6

THE MARCH UPON SHREWSBURY.
" Toutes voies nous faceons assavoir que Henry Percy a.d. 1403
qi sest levez contre nous et notre regalie come est dit et
sicome jatarde certifiez vous avons, nous napelle fors
Henry de Lancastre, et fait aussi diverses proclamacions
parmy le Countee de Cestre, que le roy Richard est encore
en vie, a l'entente de xciter notre poeple de lever avec luy
en afforcan de son faulx propos si ainsi soit, mais
nepurqant vous signifions pour votre consolacion que le
Dieu mercy, nous sumes assex fort encountre tous les
malveullantz de nous et de notre roiaulme." r
It was evidently Hotspur's intention, as the king
advanced in a north-westerly direction, to follow a
parallel line in the opposite course, on the left flank of
Henry'slineof march,withaviewto effecting a junction with
Glendower in rear of the royal forces, and thus barring
their retreat ; while his father, approaching with a second
army, should engage them in their front. Shrewsbury
was his immediate objective point, as its possession
would give him the command of the Severn and thus
facilitate the passage of the Welshmen. This plan
Henry now determined to anticipate, and with his accus
tomed energy and promptitude he suddenly fell back
upon the threatened city. Hotspur no sooner heard of
the king's retrograde march than he hastened forward to
intercept him.
It was a close race, but the king had had the start,
and reached the walls of Shrewsbury a few hours before
his adversary. To these hours he probably owed his
crown. The citizens threw open their gates, and re
ceived their . king with the welcome which would
doubtless have greeted Hotspur had he been the first
to claim admittance. Having taken the precaution to
demolish such parts of the suburbs as might have
afforded shelter to the enemy he occupied the town.
' Appendix XXVII.
217

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Hotspur, on finding the king in possession, and de-
42-140 , Spaj[ring. 0f successful attack under existing conditions,
and with an army exhausted by forced marches, fell back
upon Little Berwick ; and later in the evening, for
strategical purposes, withdrew yet further to some fields
to the north of the village where, his right flank resting
on the Severn and the rear protected by rising ground,
he encamped for the night.

King Henry. How bloodily the sun begins to peer
Above yon dusky hill ! The day looks pale
At his distemperature.
Prince Henry. The southern wind
Doth play the trumpet to his purposes,
And by his hollow whistling in the leaves
Foretells a tempest and a blustering day.1
While Henry is thus represented as watching the sun
as he rose upon the day destined to decide the fate of
the House of Lancaster, Hotspur called to his presence
two of his most trusted esquires, and to their hands
committed the formidable indictment against the King
of England, which they were commanded to deliver to
him in person, under the walls of Shrewsbury.2
This document, the authorship of which was ascribed
to Richard Scroope, Archbishop of York, but which bore
only the signatures of the three Percies, was couched in
simple, vigorous, and very outspoken language, and
charges the king with a series of crimes for each of
which he is declared to have forfeited his right to the
throne. He is accused of being false and forsworn, in
having broken the oath solemnly made to the Percies
that he would seek nothing beyond his rightful in-
1 First Part of Henry IV. Act 5.
2 " And all their quarrel they (the Percies) sent unto the King Henry
in the field writtyn under the seales of theirs and their armes, by Thomas
Kneyton and Roger Salome, Squyers of Sir Henry Percy." — Hardyng's
Chronicle. 2l8

THE PERCY CHALLENGE.
heritance as Duke of Lancaster ; of having caused a.d. 1403
King Richard to be starved to death ; levied taxes
without the consent of Parliament, and not only
usurped the throne to the exclusion of the lawful heir,
but refused to liberate him, when in the kinp-'s service
he was taken prisoner, accusing those who, at their
own cost, did ransom him of treason and rebellion,
for which reasons : " We (the three Percies) defy thee,
thy aiders and helpers as common traytors and destroyers
of the realme, and the invaders, oppressors, and con-
founders of the very true and right heirs of the crown
of England, which things we entend with our handes to
prove this daye, Almighty God helping us." * Never
did sovereign receive from subject a more defiant
challenge ; but Henry's politic temper would not allow
resentment to hurry him into an act of rashness or
imprudence. To the surprise of the messengers, and
the dismay it is said of his own followers,2 he dismissed
them with gentle and courteous words, bidding them
inform their masters that he would forthwith despatch
an answer by the mouths of trusty envoys.
The Bishop of Salisbury and the Lord Privy Seal
accordingly appeared in the rebel camp, and invited
Hotspur and Worcester to attend upon the king,3 whose
earnest hope it was to remove the grievances of which
they complained, and to avert bloodshed. The motives
which induced Henry to display this rare modera
tion, under conditions which might well have provoked
anger and retribution, have been variously interpreted ;
and the notorious duplicity of Henry's nature justly

1 For the full text of this remarkable document, see Appendix
XXVIII. 2 Walsingham says that the king, in his anxiety to come to terms with
the rebels, humbled himself to a degree unbecoming his royal dignity.
3 Ypodigma Neustrice, p. 399. 219

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. subjected him to the suspicion of setting negotiation on
1342-140 foot ^h a vjew oniy to gammg t;me) and allowing the
large reinforcements on their way from the south to
reach him before he engaged in hostilities. Such delay
would however have been beneficial, in at least an equal
degree, to his adversaries ; for the Earl of Northum
berland was approaching with a strong force from
Yorkshire,1 and the scouts of Glendower's army were
already in sight on the opposite banks of the river.
It is more likely, however, that the king was
perfectly sincere in wishing to avoid the impending
conflict. His courage could never be called in question,
but he might well hesitate to risk his crown on the issue
of a single battle while a possibility existed of securing
his ends by compromise and concession. If he could,
by fair words and promises, induce Worcester and
Hotspur to accept terms and disband their forces, not
only would the rebellion collapse, but the influence of its
leaders would be weakened, and his own triumph would
be all the more complete for the magnanimity by which
it had been achieved. As for any engagements he
might enter into as the condition of peace, their
fulfilment would not weigh heavily upon his conscience,
and might be directed by time and opportunity.
Meanwhile Hotspur, at the head of his army drawn
up in battle array, impatiently awaited the return of his
esquires, little doubting but that his challenge would
be answered by the king's immediate advance. The
arrival of pacific envoys disconcerted him, and, according
to Walsingham, he felt much moved by his sovereign's
gracious message. Whether, however, it was from an
apprehension of being deluded by Henry's persuasive
1 His advance had, unfortunately for his cause, been checked by a
severe and almost fatal illness with which he was seized while within two
days' march of Shrewsbury. 220

WORCESTER'S INTERVIEW WITH THE KING.
powers, or, on the contrary, from a mistrust of his own a.d. 1403
temper in the presence of one by whom he thought
himself and his house so seriously affronted and ag
grieved, he declined to attend upon the king in person ;
and Worcester, accompanied by one or two knights,
undertook the mission. The defeated, like the absent,
are generally put in the wrong ; and contemporary writers
are almost unanimous in attributing the failure of the
negotiations to Worcester's having wilfully misrepresented
the purport of the king's propositions.'
Not only is there an entire absence of evidence to
justify this harsh opinion, but, setting aside the fact of
such duplicity being quite inconsistent with the truthful
and loyal nature universally attributed to him,2 Worces
ter could have had no personal reason for refusing to en
tertain terms of peace had he believed in their sincerity.
1 " Contraria referens responsis regiis exacerbavit mentem juvenis,
(Hotspur) et ad bellum impulit, etiam non volentem." — Ypodigma
Neustrice, p. 401.
"That Achitophel, the Earl Thomas, pretending to be a mediator
between them, played but false to both, and was, alas ! the cause of all
the ruin." — Capgrave's Chronicle.
Most of the later historians have echoed these statements, and
Shakespeare adopted the popular view of Worcester's duplicity, making
him argue : —
" My nephew's trespass may be well forgot,
It hath the excuse of youth, and heat of blood,
And an adopted name of privilege :
A harebrained Hotspur, governed by a spleen.
All his offences live upon my head,
And on his father's ; we did train him on ;
And, his corruption being ta'en from us,
We, as the spring of all, shall pay for all.
Therefore, good cousin, let not Harry know,
In any case, the offer of the king."
— First Part of Henry IV. Act 5.
2 The writers who do not hesitate to brand Worcester with this act of
perfidy, in other respects hold him up as a model of truthfulness.
Among other proofs of his proverbial good faith, Froissart declares that
the continental sovereigns and statesmen were ever as ready to accept
Sir Thomas Percy's plain word in ratification of treaties and conventions
as the most formal documents. 221

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OP NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Of the two men indeed, Hotspur was always the more
1342-140 difficuit to prevail upon to sheath the sword. It is
probable, however, that the wary old soldier-statesman
mistrusted the king ; and that, convinced that he would
never forgive the Percies for the part they had played,
or fulfil his promises when once the danger of armed
resistance had been removed, he had, on those grounds,
counselled rejection of the proffered terms.
To Henry's tender of pardon, Hotspur accordingly
replied, " In gratia tua non confido." " I pray the Lord
that thou mayest be responsible for the blood to be spilt
this day, and not I," ' was the king's dignified rejoinder,
as he gave the order for the advance of his army.2
Hotspur now bid his page gird him with the sword he
had worn at Homildon, and on being informed that the
weapon had been left overnight at the village where they
had halted (" ilia parva villa retro se vulgariter Berwicus
noncupata"), he changed colour, exclaiming, " Now I see
that my ploughshare is drawing to its last furrow, for a
soothsayer once told me in my own country that I should
perish at Berwick. Alas ! he deceived me by that name,
which I believed to mean Berwick in the north." 3 It is
a noteworthy coincidence that Hotspur's first and last
feat of arms should thus have been associated with the
name of Berwick.
Had the soothsayer's prediction, coupled with the
ill-omen attached to the fact that, on the eve of the
battle, the comet which had appeared in that year was
seen immediately above his head,4 cast a shadow over
1 Eulogium, p. 397.
2 '' Precor dominum, dixit rex, quod tu habeas respondere pro
sanguine hie hodie effundendo, et non ego ! Procede signifer ! (quod
est dictu en avant baner !) " — Walsingham, Hist. Angl. ii. 396.
3 Ibid.
* " Super caput Henrici Percy apparuit Stella comata, malum significans
e ventum. " — Ibid. 222

EVIL OMENS.
Hotspur's sanguine spirits ? His address to his army a.d. 1403
was certainly marked by a tone of despondency unusual
to the light-hearted and victorious soldier.
" This day," he said, " will be a glorious one to all of us
if we conquer, or will set us free for ever if we are
defeated ; for it is better to fall on the battle-field in the
cause of the common weal, than after the battle to die
by the sentence of our enemies." J
Several hours had been lost in fruitless negotiation, and
the sun was high in the heavens before the two armies
confronted one another in battle array. In point of
numbers the royalists had considerably the advantage,
their total being estimated at not less than twenty
thousand men, whereas Hotspur's did not exceed
fourteen thousand.2 These were picked soldiers however,
including the sturdy Northerners whom he had led to
victory on many a field, and the famous archers of
Cheshire, of whom King Richard had formed his body
guard. Henry's forces were in great part composed
of raw, untrained recruits, hastily levied in the vicinity
of London.
The king's army had advanced from Shrewsbury in two
columns ; the left under the nominal command of the young
Prince of Wales,3 resting upon Berwick, and the right
1 "Pulchrior est in bello cadere pro republica, quam postbellum mori,
hostis nostri sententia." — Walsingham, ii. 256.
2 According to Hardyng, Hotspur's force did not exceed nine thousand
men, but in this his enumeration he evidently omitted the foot
soldiers : — " With Percy was the Earl of Worcester
With nine thousand gentles, all that were
Of knyghts and squyers and chosen yeomanry,
And archers fine, withouten raskaldry."
A description which recalls Cromwell's rank and file, composed of
" no discharged serving-men and tapsters, but honest and God-fearing
citizens." 3 The influence of popular fiction on historical belief is markedly
illustrated by the general acceptance, on the authority of Shakespeare,
223

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. overlapping Hotspur's left flank. The king himself
1342-140 commanded the centre.1 The most elaborate word-
painting of modern " military correspondents " would fail
to produce so vivid a picture of the opening scene as
is conveyed in this simple and concise language of an old
historian : —
" Then sodaynly the trumpets blew. The kynge's
parte cried, 'Saint George, upon them !' The adversaries
cried, ' Esperance, Percy ! ' and so furiously the armies
joyned." 2
As the swordsman engaged in mortal combat aims
at the heart of his adversary, so Hotspur now deter
mined to strike at the heart of the army in the person of
the king. With a band of devoted followers, he made
a furious onslaught on the centre, where the royal
standard waved in token of his presence. Nothing
could resist the impetuosity of the charge ; man and
of the idea of Hotspur and the Prince of Wales being of the same age.
King Henry, contrasting Harry Percy's glorious career with the frivolous
life led by his own son, represents that the heir of Northumberland,
" Being no more in debt to years than thoti,
Leads ancient lords and reverent bishops, on
To bloody battle and to bruising arms 
Thrice hath this Hotspur Mars in swathing clothes,
This infant warrior, in his enterprises
Discomfited great Douglas  "
and with the petulance of age grumbles at being compelled, by the
young prince's want of duty, " to crush my old limbs in ungentle steel,"
against this youthful rebel.
In point of fact, the king who complains of his old limbs was then in
the very prime and vigour of life and precisely the same age as the
"Mars in swaddling clothes ;" (they were both born in 1366, and were
therefore in their thirty-eighth year at the battle of Shrewsbury) ; while
Prince Henry, who is introduced not only as the rival in arms of the
most renowned soldier of his time, but as measuring swords with him on
the battle-field and overcoming him in single combat, had then barely
completed his seventeenth year, having been born towards the end
of 1386.
1 There is an admirable account of these military operations in
Blakeway's History of Shrewsbury. 2 Hall.
224

THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY.
horse go down before its shock as a feeble barrier of a.d. 1403
woods yields under the rush of the mountain torrent.1
There is a fierce struggle around the standard ; its
bearer falls cleft from skull to shoulder; the Earl of
Stafford, hurrying to the rescue, is slain ; and then a war
rior, above whose closed vizor the royal crest glitters,
engages in a hand-to-hand combat with Hotspur, under
whose sword he falls. The cry is raised : " The king is
dead ! Victory ! The king is dead ! " Seized with a
panic, a large body of the royal forces waver and fly
from the field ; " but in the van of battle another King
Henry appears, rallying the troops with voice and
gesture. The battle-axe of the grim Douglas lays him
low ; but his features again are not those of Henry of
Lancaster, and still the king is seen wherever the fight is
thickest. For five hours the battle rages with varying
fortunes — the combatants reeling to and fro in a deadly
embrace ; earls and esquires, knights and foot-soldiers
fighting hand to hand, breast to breast, life for life.
Suddenly another shout is heard : " Hotspur is dead !
Long live the king ! Hotspur is dead ! " Louder and
louder rises the cry till it swells into a chorus of triumph
that carries dismay into the rebel ranks. Hotspur is
dead ! His followers look around in vain for the waving
plume and the uplifted sword they know so well. Never
, again shall they hear the ringing tones that have so
often led them to victory ; low lies their hero, trampled

1 Walsingham describes the effect of Hotspur's charge as resembling
the fall of leaves under an autumnal gale :
" Igitur arcitenentes Henrici proelium inchoarunt, nee erat ad terram
jaculis locus, sed in corpore ferrum omne ruit, caduntque de parte regis
ad instar foliorum decidentium Brumali tempore post pruinam . . .
Cadunt proinde utrinque plurimi velut cum poma ruunt in autumno cum
moventur ab Africo." — Hist. Angl. ii. 257.
2 "Multaque simul millia de loco belli fugiunt, putantes Regem
sagittis occisum." — Ibid.
VOL. I. 225 Q

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. under the feet of friends and foes, an arrow through his
i342-_4° brain.1 " Young Harry Percy's spur was cold."
" St. George, upon them ! " There is no voice now
to echo " Esperance, Percy ! " and, " as if the whole army
had but one heart, the courage of all others fell into their
feet, which was now all they trusted to." 2
" The sorrie Battle of Shrewsburie " 3 was a duel be
tween King Henry and Hotspur, and now that the Percy
had fallen the conflict was at an end. What followed
was but the slaughter of a vanquished and flying host,
and the relentless punishment of defeated rebellion.4
When the brave old Worcester beheld his nephew
lying dead, tears rose to his eyes, and he exclaimed that
now he cared not for anything that evil fortune might
have in store for him.5 He had not long to wait ; by
Henry's command he was decapitated on the field of
battle.6 By the same authority the body of Hotspur,
which had found a soldier's sepulture at the hands of a
kinsman, Thomas Nevill, was exhumed and exhibited,
" bound upright betweane two millstones, that all men
might see that he was dead." 7 His head was then struck
off, and placed over the walls of Shrewsbury, while his
1 All contemporary writers agree in assigning the death of Hotspur to
an unknown hand. " Henricus Percy cui fortuna semper hactenus
blandita fuerat .... quasi solus stans et conclusus trucidatur ....
dubium cujus manu." — Eulogium. "And Harri Percy after the pro-
perte of his name percid or presed in so far that he was ded, and no
man knew of whom." — Capgrave's Chronicle. He is generally reported
to have received his death wound in the act of raising his vizor to
wipe his brow. 2 Speed. 3 So called in the Chronicle of London.
* The still existing Church of Battlefield is said to have been built
over the pit in which over four thousand of the Percy host were buried.
— Blakeway. s Chron. Monast. Albani.
6 His head was placed over the gates of Shrewsbury. — Fcedera, viii.
320. According to Grafton he was carried into Shrewsbury and there
hanged, drawn, and quartered, but no contemporary writer makes any
such statement.
? Chronicle of London. " Sir Henry Percy's hed was smyte off and
set up at York lest his men wolde have said that he hadde be alive."
— English Chronicle of Richard II. and Henry IV. Camden Society.
226

THE DEATH OF HOTSPUR.
quarters were distributed among different northern cities a.d. 1403
to be in like manner exposed.1
No event in Henry's reign had more tended to the
stability of his throne than the victory of Shrewsbury.
Its effect upon his enemies had been in proportion dis
couraging, and all the more so from their full confidence
in the success of the Percies. Nor was this confidence
without justification, since, but for the delay in North
umberland's advance and the unaccountable defection of
his Welsh allies, the rebel forces could hardly have failed
to crush the king. No explanation has been afforded of
Glendower's inactivity at the critical hour. He had
actually carried his contingent to the river-side while the
fight was raging, and when his presence on the field
would in all probability have turned the scale. Instead
of crossing the ford, however, he is said to have watched
the battle from the safe shelter of a tree on the eastern
bank, which long bore the name of Glendower's Oak.2
" Henricus mortuus decollatur ne sui dicerent eum vivere, et caput ejus
super portum Eborum ponitur." — Walsingham. The Archbishop of York
denounced the " cruentia bestia " of the king in exhuming and mutilating
the dead body of England's bravest soldier (" Henricus Percy non solum
semel occidit sed, quantum in ipse est, bis et ter interfecit "), but the object
undoubtedly was to prevent or dispel a belief in the survival of one whose
very name was a menace to the stability of the throne. In the Issue Rolls
by Henry IV., there occurs an entry of 5/. 10s. as payment of " various
messengers " employed in proclaiming Hotspur's death throughout the
kingdom, and even his wife seems to have been thought a danger to
the State, since a warrant under the king's hand was addressed to Robert
Waterton, to arrest the Lady Elizabeth Percy. — Fosdera, viii. 334.
1 The king subsequently authorised the collection of Hotspur's
mutilated and scattered remains and their delivery to his widow, as
well as the burial of the Earl of Worcester's decapitated body by the
Abbot of Shrewsbury. (See Appendix, XXVIII a.) A tomb in St.
Mary's Church in that city being opened in the course of some repairs
in 1816, was found to contain a headless skeleton, and this grave, which
had long been popularly known as Hotspur's tomb, was not improbably
that of his uncle, Worcester. There is no record of Hotspur's place
of burial. 2 " Even from that day misfortune dire,
As if for violated faith,
Pursued him with relentless step,
Vindictive still for Hotspur's death." — Scott.
227 Q 2

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Edmund Mortimer, too, and his young nephew, whose
1342-1408 cause was the main pretext of the rebellion, are reported
to have withdrawn from the field even before the balance
had turned in the king's favour.
Hotspur's favourite page, Hardyng, who had been by
his master's side throughout the fight, and on his fall suc
ceeded in making his escape, accuses the Earl of North
umberland of having sacrificed his son, "and fayled
him foule withouten wit or rede."1 But this charge is
unjust ; for the earl, so prostrated by his illness as to be
unable to mount his horse,2 was being carried forward in
a litter at the head of his army, when he was met by a
large body of the king's troops 3 under the Earl of West
moreland. On receiving the tidings of Hotspur's
defeat and death, he fell back ; and finally, on being
refused admittance into Newcastle, disbanded his forces
and sought refuge in his stronghold of Warkworth.
Summoned thence to answer for his conduct, he
attended upon the king at York and made his sub
mission. There are different versions of this interview,
some writers asserting that he threw himself uncon
ditionally upon Henry's mercy,4 others that he denied
complicity in the rebellion, representing that he had
remained neutral, and was on his way to intercede be
tween the two parties ; 5 others, again, that he bore him-

1 Hardyng's Chronicle.
2 The Metrical Chronicles attribute the earl's condition at this time to
the decrepitude of old age instead of illness :
" So agit was, micht nother gang no ryde."
He was actually only in his sixty-first year at this time.
3 " And soon after the Erie of Northumberland came with myty band
to help Henry his son havynge no knowyng of his deth. Then met him
the Erie of Westmorland and made him turn ageyn." — Capgrave's
Chronicle. * " Non tamen susceptus est familiaritate solita, sed potius more sup-
plicis, gratiam requirentis." — Walsingham, ii. 259.
5 "The earl came to the king on the overthrow of the rebellion and
228

THE REBELLION SUPPRESSED.
himself haughtily and justified the action taken by himself a.d. 1403
and his family. The materials for forming a judgment
on the subject do not exist. It stands recorded, however,
under the earl's own hand,1 that he did not repudiate his
share in the movement but, on the contrary, admitted
having acted unlawfully, for which offence he claimed the
king's grace.
It is evident, however, that while he made a formal
show of submission, and Henry an equally formal show
of clemency,2 neither trusted the other; the one, knowing
that he had sinned past the royal forgiveness ; the other,
confident that the deaths of Hotspur and Worcester
would not rest unavenged by the head of their house.
Henry accordingly determined to seize the opportunity of
weakening his still too powerful subject, who was only
permitted to return to Warkworth on the understanding
that he should be prepared to surrender the custody of
his castles in the north to Commissioners to be nominated
by the crown.3
A few weeks later the Earl of Westmoreland de
spatched Lord Say 4 to the king, then in Wales, urging
him to return to the north without delay " pour l'establisse-
ment du paiis et la sauvacion de la pees, et pour pluseurs
autres bonnes et necessaires causes celles parties." 5
In this letter it is represented that the adherents of the
Percies, wearing on their sleeves the badge of the family
excusing himself as one neyther partie nor knowynge of the doynge or
enterprise." — Hall.
1 See his petition to the king, postea, p. 231.
2 " The king dissembled the matter and gave him fayre wordes, fearing
his power while yet in possession of his strongholds in the north."
—Hall. 3 Appendix XXIX.
4 William Heron, Lord Say, a sturdy northern baron, who in his will
dated in 1404, left to the Earl of Northumberland a legacy of 20/.
" I having been a soldier under the said earl and received more than I
deserved." — Testamenta Vetusta.
5 See credentials of Lord Say. Appendix XXX.
229

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. (leurs cressans au bras), were spreading reports of the
1342-1408 king's death and stirring up rebellion among the
populace, and that immediate steps should be taken for
obtaining possession of Berwick, Alnwick, Warkworth,
and other of the earl's strongholds, to which end engines,
guns, artillery, and other necessary implements of war
should be provided.1
Although the king now took the precaution of requiring
the sheriffs of the northern provinces to call upon the
inhabitants to take an oath that they would not obey the
Earl of Northumberland when his orders were at variance
with those of the Government,2 the actual custodians of
the Percy strongholds showed no disposition to transfer
their allegiance without remonstrance or resistance. Sir
William Clifford refused to surrender Berwick to the
king's officers except under condition of Hotspur's son,
whose guardian he had become, being restored to all
rights and privileges belonging to him as the heir of
Northumberland, and of his remaining under his ward
ship during his minority. He further stipulated for
a free pardon for himself and his garrison, and full pay
ment of their wages, " as I have layd my trouth of my
body to souldiers of the toune and of the castle of
Berwick, for to paye them fayre wages from the deth of
my lord Sir Henry Percy." 3

1 " Canons, artillerie et autres choses necessaires pour assautes des
chateaux." This is among the first instances of the word artillery being
employed in its modern sense, although towards the end of the fourteenth
century cannon were in general use in siege operations, and Englishmen
had become so familiarised with the employment of fire arms that
Chaucer makes use of this illustration : —
" Swift as a pellet out of goune
When fire is in the powder roune.''
— House of Fame, Book iii. (written in 1387).
2 Fcedera, viii. 401.
3 Proceedings of the Privy Council.

NORTHUMBERLAND SUBMITS.
The earl himself thus remonstrated against the a.d.
threatened seizure of his possessions : I4°3~I4°4
" To my most dredful and soverain liege lord, I youre
humble lige beseche youre hyness to have in remem
brance my coming to youre worshippe presence in York
of my free will, be youre goodly lettres when I put me
in youre grace, as I that naght have kept your laws and
statys, as Hgeance askithe, and specielly of gederyng
of power and gevyng of liverees. At that time I put
me in youre grace and yet do, ye saying, and hit like to
your hynesse, that all graceless I shoulde not go. Where
fore I beseche you that youre high grace be sene on me
at this tyme and of other thynges which for example nee
of I have told you playnly, and of all I put me holly in
your grace."
The king it seems accepted this letter as an admis
sion of guilt, and submitted it to the law officers as
the ground of an indictment. The earl, however, denied
their right to judge him and claimed to be tried by his
peers, who, concurring in his view, * desired him to
appear before parliament in his defence. After a pro
tracted inquiry, they found that he had committed neither
treason nor felony, but had been guilty of a trespass ; for
which he was justly liable to such fine as the king in
his pleasure should determine.2
Upon this finding his estates were restored to him,
whereupon he thanked the king and the Lords for their
" droitural jugement" and the Commons " de lour bon
1 "The Earl of Northumberland came into parliament before the
King and Lordes and there by his petition to the King acknowledged to
have acted against his allegiance, whereof he craved pardon. The King
delivered this petition to the Judges to be by them considered but the
Lordes made protestation against it and that the ordering thereof lay
with themselves." — Cobbett's Parliamentary History.
2 " Pas treson ne fdlonie, mes trespas tout soulement, pur quel trespas
le dit cont deust fayre fyn et ranceon a la volonte" du roy." — Proceedings
of the Privy Council. 231

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. coeur et diligence" and having first exonerated the Duke
1342-140 Q£ York, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and others under
suspicion, of all complicity in the rebellion, he took the
oath of allegiance * to Henry and his heirs.
The Lords formally returned their acknowledgments
to the king for his grace and pardon towards their
brother peer ; and Northumberland, having in conformity
with the royal command become reconciled to the
Earls of Westmoreland and March,2 once more retired
to his northern home partially rehabilitated in fortune,3
but broken in health and inconsolable under the loss
of the son and brother he so dearly loved. It had
been well if his active life had ended here, and he
had passed his remaining days in the peaceful enjoy
ment of the position to which he had now been
1 See Historic Peerage by Sir Harris Nicolas. Taking the oath of
allegiance seems to have degenerated into a mere formality at this
period, which was gone through by every knight of the shire or peer on
each meeting of parliament.
2 George Dunbar, who on being exiled from Scotland had sought
refuge at Henry's court and fought on his side at Shrewsbury, in return
for which he received a large grant of lands, including the Earl
of Worcester's house in Bishopsgate Street, under letters patent dated
8 October 1403. Everything belonging to Worcester, even to his armour
and clothing, was confiscated on behalf of the crown. Among his
property we find mention of three silver cups and other pieces of plate
seized at his residence in Calais by the Earl of Somers. — Issue Rolls 5th,
Henry IV.
3 " Comes Northumbria; restitutus est sua. dignitati pristine, bonisque
mobilibus et immobilibus, integraliter, et haeredes sui. — Walsingham. The
restitution was very imperfect, and the king's jealousy of the earl's influ
ence is shown by his depriving him of his strongholds in Berwick and
Jedburgh which, under a formal convention dated 9 July 1404, he was
required to surrender to the royal commissioners in consideration of
other lands of equivalent value. (See Appendix xxxi.) He was further
deprived of the high constableship and of the wardenship of the west
marches, which were conferred upon his rival the Earl of Westmoreland.
The grant of the Isle of Man was not renewed. " For rising against
the king a.d. 1403, though the Earl of Northumberland was restored to
his former dignity, lands, and goods, the Isle of Man excepted, he was
presently deprived thereof by the authority of Parliament." — The Sup
posed True Cfironicle of the Isle of Man, Townley's fournal. See also
Fcedera, viii. 398. 232

FRESH CONSPIRACIES.
restored. Conspiracy was once more abroad, however, a.d. 1404
and it was doubtless an easy matter for designing men to
work upon the mind of the old earl as by his desolate
hearth he brooded over the past. Rumours of King
Richard's survival, and of his raising forces in Scotland
with a view to the recovery of his crown, were eagerly re
ceived, credited, and circulated by the disaffected. North
umberland had no reason to believe in a pretender who
had declined to submit to the ordeal of a personal inter
view for the purpose of identification,1 but he was none
the less ready to allow this pretext to lead him into par
ticipation in fresh plots against Henry, and even to enter
into an alliance with the foreign enemies of the state. He
informed the French ambassadors in Scotland : " Que a
l'aide de Dieu de la votre et de plusours mes allies, j'ai
intention et ferme purpos de sustenir la droite querelle
de mon Souvereigne Seigneur le Roy Richard, sil est
vif, et si mort est, de venger sa mort, et aussi de sustenir
la droite querelle." 2
Notwithstanding the jealousy and suspicion displayed
towards him by the king, it is impossible to find an
excuse for these proceedings on the part of one who had
so recently received the royal pardon and who continued
to profess loyalty and attachment to the person of the
sovereign. The old earl appears, however, to have been
completely in the hands of the Archbishop of York and
Thomas Moubraie, the Earl Marshal, the principal in
stigators of this new rebellion, which, in spite of King
Henry's late triumph, threatened to assume very
1 " When the elder Percie did often and importunatelie require to
talk with him, he could never be persuaded by any man's words to
come or enter speech to or with the said Earl of Northumberland, fear
ing (belike) least his deceipt would be understood by him which knewe
his owne and true kynge very well." — Holinshead's Chronicle of
Scotland. See also Buchanan, Rerum Scoticorum Histories. Lib. x.,
xvii. 2 Rolls of Parliament.
233

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. dangerous proportions. Lord Westmoreland was on the
1342-14° Sp0t to guard the royal interests, and endeavoured to
counteract treason by treachery. By these means he
succeeded in getting most of the leaders into his hands,
but "Matathyas" knew better than to trust himself in
the royal power, and thus declined Henry's invitation on
the plea of illness and old age :
" Mon tresredoute Sr. Soverain, je me recommans
humblement a vostre magestee roiale. A la quele plese
entendre qe jay receu voz honurables lettres Samady,
tierce jour de Janver present, par les quelles jay entenduz
vostre bone estat et prosperitee dont je mercie Dieux de
entier cuer ; et auxi coment vous desirez ma personele
venue at Westm' pur y conseiller ovesque autres de
vostre conseille qi y serront en les octaves de Seint
Hiller prochein ; a la quele matire mon soverain Sr je
vous supplie qe vous plese considerer ma tarde venue en
Northumbr', et auxi ma graunde age et fieblesse ; et la
longe et malveys voie en cest temps de yverne, et sur ce
avoir la venue de moy a vous a ceste foiz pur excusee
come celuy qi serra toutdys prest de faire service a vostre
hautesse a mon petit poiare. Et pleust a Dieu qe je
feusse en auxi bone poaire de corps et biens come jay
voluntee de faire service a vous et a vostre roialme. Si
prie a Dieu, mon tresredoute Sr Soverain, qil vous ottroit
honuree vie joye et sauntee a treslong duree. Escrit a
Werkeworthe le xij jour de Janver susdit.
" Vostre humble, " Matathyas." '
With the execution of the archbishop, Mowbray and
others who had confided in Westmoreland's solemn
assurances that his only object in proposing a conference
1 Cotton MS., Vespas. F. xiii. fol. 16.
234

THE NORTHERN CASTLES SEIZED BY THE KING.
was to enable him to consider their grievances, the a.d. 1405
danger was at an end, and when the king in person once
more advanced against his enemies, Northumberland and
his intimate ally Lord Bardolf ' fled across the border and
sought refuge at the Scottish court.
Henry met with little serious opposition in the north.2
One by one, after more or less resistance, the earl's
strongholds fell into his hands. The captain of Warkworth
did not yield until after the seventh discharge of artillery 3
against the walls, and Henry Percy, of Athol, who had
been left in command of Alnwick Castle, refused the
king's summons to surrender until Berwick should have
fallen : —
"Wynne Berwick once, he should have his entent,"4
but these were isolated instances of a hopeless resistance ;
and the king, dating from " our Castle of Warkworth,"
informs his council that the rebellion was once more
crushed. " De par le Roy,
" Tresreverent et reverentz peres en Dieu, et noz
treschiers et foiaulx. Nous vous salvons souvent, savoir
vous faisantz, a vostre consolation, que nous sumes en
1 A brave soldier animated by a violent hatred of Henry IV., who
seems, however, to have possessed no qualification for successful
rebellion beyond his physical powers. — Walsingham describes him as,
" Vir armis strenuus et lineamentis corporis ac statura nulli secundus
in regno."
2 In January 1404, the constable of Bamborough wrote to inform the
king that Berwick, Alnwick,and Warkworth were " held by main force by
Master William de Clifford, Henry Percy, and Thomas Percy, who will
hold the said castles against you if they can," and that they had " procured
for themselves a great multitude of your men and given them the livery of
the crescent, and have sworn to keep them by force against you and all
others." — Hingeston's Historic Letters.
3 Speed says, on the authority of WalsiDgham, that this was the first
occasion upon which cannon were used in England, but this is an
error. * Redpath's Border Wars. Hardyng. 235

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. bonne sante de nostre personne, la merci nostre Createur,
1342-1408 qUi ce vous vuiHe ottroier. Et pour ce que nous savons
bien que vous orriez volontiers bonnes nouvelles de
nostre exploit pardeca, vous signifions que puis le chastel
de Prodhowe, que feut au Conte de Northumbr', estoit
a nous rendu, nous nous  le chastel de Werk-
worthe ; et a nostre venue illeoqes nous envoiasmes au
capitain de mesme  livree dicel, liquel capitain
soy tenant assez fort, si bien de gens comme de vitaille,
et de tout autre estuffe  refusa outrement de le
faire, disant quil vourroit garder le dit chastel al . . . du
dit Conte. Et ce a nous rapp[orte] pour finale response,
nous envoiasmes incontinent a ycel chastel noz canones,
qui y firent a nous tiel service, que dedeinz sept gettes, le
dit capitain et tous les autres de sa compaignie, criantz
merci, se soubmistrent a nostre grace en hault et en bas,
et firent a nous liveree du susdit chastel, a savoir, le
primer jour de cest mois de Juillet ; dedeinz quel nous
avons mis noz gens. Et si sont a nous renduz tous les
chastelx du dit Conte, except le chastel de Alnewike, de
qui nous confions que par la grace de Dieu, apres si bonne
et gracieuse exploit de tous les autres, nous averons
nostre entier desir, et ce en brief, si Dieu plest. Tresre-
verent et reverentz peres en Dieu, et noz treschiers et
foiaulx, autres ne nous escrivons apresent, mais vous
prions que prier pour nous vuilliez, et pour lestat et pro-
sperite de nostre royaume. Et nostre Sr. vous ait tous-
dis ensa sainte garde. Donne souz nostre signet a nostre
dit chastel de Werkworthe le second jour de Juillet."1
In June of the following year, Northumberland and
Bardolf were summoned to appear before Parliament to
answer to their impeachment for high treason within
fourteen days, after the expiration of which term they were
in default adjudged traitors and outlaws, with forfeiture of
1 Cotton MS., Vespas. F. vii. f. 24.
236

ATTAINDER AND OUTLAWRY.
titles and estates, and sentenced to be hanged, drawn, a.d.
or decapitated at the king's pleasure.1 Of the earl's 14°5l_I4°7
northern possessions the greater part was conferred upon
the king's brother, the Duke of Bedford,2 and the re
mainder upon his queen, who received also a grant of his
residence in Aldersgate Street, which thenceforth bore
the name of the Queen's Wardrobe.
Commissioners were at the same time appointed to
treat with the Court of Edinburgh for the surrender of
the two rebel lords in exchange for Scottish prisoners of
war; but a timely warning from Sir David Fleming of
Cumbernauld 3 enabled them to escape by sea and to find
refuge with Owen Glendower in Wales.
For two years the great northern chieftain roved a
houseless outlaw, now in the forests of Brittany, now in
the Welsh mountains, again on the Scottish border,4
whence he made occasional raids into English territory.
A price had been set upon his head, and it is said that
one of his former officers, Thomas Rokeby, Sheriff of
York, anxious to secure the credit of having destroyed
the king's most formidable enemy, had led his old
chief to believe that a powerful party only awaited his
appearance in England to rise against Henry. Trusting
to these assurances, the earl hastily collected a body
of troops, and, accompanied by his old friend in misfor
tune, Lord Bardolf, crossed the Border and advanced

1 Rolls of Parliament, 7 Henry IV.
2 He had previously received a great part of the possessions of
Worcester and Hotspur. — Patent Rolls, 5 Henry IV. The Isle of Man
was in 1405 conferred upon Sir John Stanley, on condition of his
providing two falcons on coronation days. The lordship remained in
this family until 1735 wnen it reverted to the crown in default of heirs
male. 3 He paid with his life for this act of friendship, having been assas
sinated a few days later by some Scotch lords interested in the con
templated surrender of the English outlaws.
4 See Buchanan, lib. x. xvii. 237

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. into Yorkshire, only to meet the death prepared for
1342-1408 himt
17th Feb. On reaching Bramham Moor, near Tadcaster, he found
himself surrounded by a greatly superior force under
Rokeby who, " with a standard of St. George's spread,
set fiercely upon the earl, who, under a standard of his
own, encountered his adversary with great manhood." 2
Northumberland and Bardolf fought with all their native
courage, stimulated by the energy of despair, for a felon's
death awaits those who shall fall alive into the hands of
the enemy. The unequal conflict is furious, but short ;
the battle-axe wielded by Bardolf's giant arm deals death
around with every sweep, until transfixed by a lance
through his throat he is overpowered, while his com
panion, bleeding from many a wound, falls dead.
" And thus," says the monkish writer, " was the pro
phecy fulfilled, ' Stirps Persitina periet confusa ruina ; ' 3
1 The story of Sir Thomas Rokeby's treachery, though it was adopted
by more recent historians, among others by Holinshed, rests mainly
upon the authority of Scottish writers and the English adherents of the
Percies. Buchanan gives these details : " Ibi cum de reditu in patriam
per occultos nuncios frequenter ageret, ad quendam vetustum amicum et,
ut putabat, fidum, Randophum Rokesbium scripsit : ' Sibi e scotis atque
anglis non defore copias, quibus fretus patrimonium se recuperaturum non
desperabat si opera ipsius adjuvaretur.' .... Is, cum falsa spe auxilii
Percium illuc attraxisset, conjuratione regi indicata, miserum amicum in
insidias illexit ; caput que occisi Londinium ad regem misit." — Lib. x.
xvii. He calls Rokeby Ralph instead of Thomas, but describes him
correctly as being the Sheriff of York. Fordun (Scotichronicon, p. 11 67)
speaks to the same effect, alleging that Rokeby had appointed the
time and place for their meeting, and having prepared an ambush fell
with overpowering numbers upon his unsuspecting victim. Whether or
not Rokeby was guilty of this conduct, it appears probable that some
such ruse had been employed, since Northumberland would hardly
have advanced as far as Tadcaster with only a small following, had he
not been led to expect local support. Rokeby was rewarded by a
grant of Spofforth Castle and some of the Earl of Suffolk's lands. —
Fcedera, viii. 529.
2 Holinshed.
3 Walsingham does not state where this prophecy originated, but the
statement that the family had now become extinct was accepted by later
historians on his authority, and may probably have led Miss Strickland
238

THE FIGHT AT BRAMHAM MOOR.
for this earl was the stock and main root of all that were a.d. 1408
left alive called by the name of Percy, by whose misfor
tunes the people were not a little grieved, remembering
his valour, renown, and honour, to whom they applied
the words of Lucan's lamentation :
" Sed nos nee sanguis nee tantum vulnera nostri
Affecere senis, quantum gestata per urbem
Ora ducis, qua. transfixo sublimia pilo
Vidimus—" z
for his head, full of silver hoary hairs, was set on a stake
and openly carried through London and set upon the
bridge of that city." 2 * *
*
In the individual lives of successive generations of
Percies, from the Conquest down to this period, we may
trace the growth and development of a system to which,
opposed as it is to every principle of modern political life,
and in spite of the vices inherent in a purely military
aristocracy, England in past ages owed much of her
greatness and prosperity ; a system which not only
fostered a manly, national spirit but, by acting as a
into the belief that Hotspur had died without issue, " as acknowledged
by all ancient heralds." See Lives of the Queens of England.
1 Pharsalia, lib. ix. 136.
2 See Appendix XXXI. a. Walsingham adds that the earl's head
remained on the city walls for a long time, till the king ordered
it to be taken down, when it was found to be " as fresh as ever, and
kept the same comeliness it had had when living." Another con
temporary writer sums up the final chapter of the Percies' rebellion
in these words : " And the Shrieve of Yorkshire raised peple, and
took thayme (the insurgent chiefs) and smoot of their heddis; and
the hedde of the Erie and a quarter of Lord Bardolf were set on
London Brigge." — Englishe Chronicle of the Reigns of Richard II. and
Henry IV. Camden Society. Having caused the usual indignities to
be inflicted upon the dead bodies of the leaders of the rebellion, Henry
took pains to win over the disaffected, and within two months after
the battle of Bramham Moor extended a full pardon to all the Percies'
adherents who should give in their submission, excepting only Richard
Darel, Richard Wilkynson, William Winlayton, John Caperon, Thomas
Brygham, John de Wath de Astynby, and John Roe or Roo. —
Letters Patent, 25 April 1048. — Fcedera, viii. 520.
239

HENRY PERCY, FIRST EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. barrier against the arbitrary power of the Crown, served
1342-140° to secure popular liberties.
In the wars of King Stephen the Norman Percies had
represented the early stages of feudalism ; under King
John, a Percy was among the foremost champions of its
progress and a prominent figure in its final triumph.
The Lords of Alnwick, ready as they ever were to fight
the foreign enemies of the king, were jealous guardians
of baronial rights against royal encroachment. In the
person of the first Earl of Northumberland feudalism
had attained the zenith of its power ; his fall marked the
earliest stage of its decline.
The devastating Wars of the Roses, and the persistent
policy of the Tudors to vest all authority in the Crown,
sapped and gradually destroyed the power of the great
nobles of England, and with it the system which they
represented ; but the first fatal blow inflicted upon
feudalism was dealt by the sword which struck down
the Earl of Northumberland on Bramham Moor.

240

CHAPTER V.

Hmrg $ercg,
d#econti @utl oi ^ortStimberlantr.

Born at Alnwick, 3rd February, 1394.
Restored, 16th March, 1416.
Fell at St. Alban's, 22nd May, 1455.

Contempora ry
English Sovereigns.
Richard II.
Henry IV.
Henry V. ace. 141 3
Henry VI. „ 1422

'ENRY PERCY was in his tenth year A.D.
when, on the overthrow of Hotspur I394-i455
at Shrewsbury, his widowed mother
carried him to the Scottish Court,1
where he was cordially received by
King Robert, and became the friend
and intimate companion of his eldest surviving son,2
afterwards James I. They were fellow students at the
then recently founded University of St. Andrew's, where
they had been placed under the immediate charge of
Bishop Wardlaw, who, apprehensive of the designs of the
1 His signature appears to a charter dated 18th January, 1404, under
which Robert Duke of Albany conferred certain lands in Clackmannan
upon his son-in-law, Duncan Campbell of Lochaw. The document is
preserved among the MSS. of the Duke of Argyll.
2 Prince David, the eldest son, had been put to death by the Duke of
Albany.

VOL. I.

241

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Regent Albany, induced the king to remove the heir to
394___455 the throne for greater security to the Court of France.
Henry Percy was permitted to accompany him ; but they
had not proceeded far on their voyage when the vessel in
which they were embarked ran ashore at Flamborough
Head,1 and the young prince was, in contravention of
treaty obligations, made a prisoner by Henry IV. and
detained in honourable captivity for eighteen years. The
English king would, no doubt, at the same time gladly
have secured so valuable a hostage for the good conduct
of the outlawed Earl of Northumberland as the young
Percy, who appears, however, to have succeeded in
making his escape and in returning to Edinburgh,
where he resumed his studies at St. Andrew's, an educa
tion greatly in advance of that then accorded to any
but candidates for the Church or the law. Nor was his
military training neglected, since he took part in some
of the civil feuds of his adopted country, and in an
expedition under the impostor Trumpington, who con
tinued to personate Richard II.
In his own county the son of Hotspur was not
forgotten ; and although there is no evidence to establish
that he ever actually recrossed the Border until recalled
by the grace of his sovereign, the adventures and hair
breadth escapes of the young Percy in the course of sup
posed clandestine visits to the home of his ancestors
became the theme of many a Northumbrian legend and
ballad,2 and served to keep alive the hope of the exile's
1 According to David Scott, in his History of Scotland (Westminster,
1728, p. 222) ; but Buchanan, in his account of this incident, is doubtful
whether the ship went ashore or whether the prince had landed at his
own request in order to " refresh himself from his sea vomit and
nauseation." 2 As late as in the present century (18 19) some of these idle tales
were woven into a five-act drama and put upon the stage, under the
title of "Percy's Masque," a composition more remarkable for its bold
242

A PRISONER IN SCOTLAND.
ultimate restoration to the honours and territories of his a.d.
forefathers. 141 5~l6
It would not have become him to sue for the favour of
the sovereign who had defeated and degraded his father
and overthrown his house; but on the accession of
Henry V. he lost no time in making an appeal for the
reversal of the attainder. This claim was supported by
the powerful influence of his kinswoman (afterwards his
mother-in-law) Joan, Countess of Westmoreland;1 and the
king, partly no doubt from policy, but also, it may be
believed, from a recollection of the services once rend
ered to his house by the Percies, showed his readiness
to perform this act of grace.2
The petition was accordingly referred to Parliament,
who reported that " le dit suppliant est deinz age, et de
tenu en Escose encontre son bon grg et voluntde" and
recommended compliance with the prayer.3
We have here the first intimation of Henry Percy having
been forcibly detained in Scotland, but there is no evidence
to explain the circumstances under which King Robert's
young guest had become converted into a prisoner of
disregard of historical fact than for literary merit. The young Percy is
represented as the leader of a conspiracy against the King of England,
while serving in disguise and under an assumed name in the household
of the Earl of Westmoreland, of whose daughter he is enamoured.
Betrayed by a rival lover, an army is brought against the rebel by Henry
IV. who is himself made prisoner, and released only on condition of a
free pardon to all the conspirators and the restoration of the Percy to the
earldom of Northumberland.
1 She was the daughter of John of Gaunt (consequently aunt of the
king) and second wife of Ralph Nevill, first Earl of Westmoreland,
himself the son of Maud Percy, a daughter of the second Lord Percy of
Alnwick. 2 "Such a restitution, besides being grateful to many of the English
nobility, could not fail to win the hearts of the Northumbrians,
and it was a point of no small importance to the king to attach
them to his interest when he was on the eve of a war with France,
such wars seldom failing to produce an attack from Scotland." —
Ridpath's Border Wars.
3 Rot. Pat. 3 Henry V. m. 21. 243 R 2

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. State.1 It may have been either in reprisal for the capture
394_J455 0f prince James or a device on the part of the
Regent to enable him to put pressure upon King
Henry for the restoration of his son Murdoch, Earl of
Fyffe, who had remained a prisoner in England ever
since his capture by Hotspur at Homildon. Certain it is
that the preliminary negotiations for the liberation of
Henry Percy were based upon his surrender in exchange
for the son of the Duke of Albany.2 The treaty appears
to have been signed in the early part of 14 15, but the
discovery of the conspiracy of the Earl of Cambridge,
who in his formal confession implicated not only the Earl
of March but Henry Percy,3 caused the negotiations to
1 Buchanan makes no mention of the fact, but speaks of the young
king "qui apud gubernatorem relictus fuerat." Hardyng, however,
alludes to the son of his patron as having been " layde in hostage by
his Graund Sires folly." Holinshead says, " By the lawes of armes he
was no captive, yet the unjust detayning of James, the sonne of the
Kynge of Scottes, stopped the mouths of the English that they could
not complayne of any injurie done in detayning him ; the doing
whereof so little offended this Percie, that while he lived he did with all
kind of courtesie give witness of the humanity showed unto him by the
Scottes." — Chronicle, vol. v. 411.
2 The English Commissioners were Richard Lord de Grey and John
Lord Nevill, who were instructed to deliver up the Earl of Fyffe after
the surrender by the Regent of " consanguineum nostrum Henricum
Percy, nepote7n comitis Northumbriae, quam jam diu habuit in sua potestate
detentus." — Fcedera, ix., 244, 323. Their orders were to convey the
prisoner from the Tower to Newcastle, thence to Warkworth, and finally
to Berwick, where the exchange was to be formally effected. In the event
of Henry Percy not being produced, they were ordered to take Murdoch
back to the Tower. Before being released the Scottish prisoner was
required to pay the ransom which Hotspur had imposed eighteen years
before, while Percy's restoration was made conditional upon his entering into
a recognisance with the king for the sum of ,£10,000. — Proceedings of the
Privy Council,vo\. ii. pp. 160 and 162. Yet so poor were both nobles at
this time that grants of ,£200, and 100 marks, were required to enable
them to make a suitable appearance at their respective Courts. — Issue
Rolls, 8 Feb., 141 6.
3 The Earl of Cambridge stated that it had been a part of his plan to
bring into England " that persone wych they namyd Kynge Richard, and
Henry Percy oute of Scotland, wyth a power of Scottys." — Fcedera,
ix. 300.
244

RESTORATION.
be interrupted. It is not credible however, that at a a.d.
time when his restoration was on the eve of accom- J4]^n
plishment, the young Percy should have engaged in
plots for the dethronement of the king, and he ulti
mately succeeded in clearing himself from all suspicion.
In the following spring he appeared in Parliament at
Westminster, and having done homage1 was formally
reinstated in the Earldom 2 and in possession of the family
estates3 on condition of proof of entail by record of
Chancery, and, shortly after, appointed Governor of
Berwick, and General Warden of the East Marches
towards Scotland.4
The great bulk of the Percy lands had on the first
earl's attainder been bestowed upon the Duke of Bedford,
who, on their now being restored to their original owners,
was granted an annual allowance of 3000 marks in com
pensation, until other lands of equivalent value should be
conferred upon him. The present restitution was how
ever far from complete, since the Crown had reserved to
itself all the lands which the first earl, Worcester, and
Hotspur, had held in fee simple, and which, according
to law, should not have been affected by the attainder.
A subsequent act of Parliament was obtained to
remedy this injustice.5 Even thus, however, Henry
1 " Fit overtement son homage d Roy notre tres soveraine Seigneur, en
manere come les ancestres de meme celuy Henry, fils Henry fits Henry,
et autres countes et piers du roialme ont fait a mesme notre Seigneur le
Roy, et a ses nobles progeniteurs, jadys roys d' Angleterre p' devant." — Rot.
Pari, 2 Henry V.
2 See note to Appendix XXXII.
3 " Pro restitutione ad nomen et ad omnia ha_reditamenta." — Patent
Rolls, 3 Henry V. " Eum non solum honorare statuens ejus re-
vocatione, sed ut sublimaret comitis Northumbrorum nomine et digni-
tate."— Walsingham. See Appendix XXXII.
4 "With same powers as Lord Grey formerly had." — Rot. Scot, 4
Henry V., 23rd Feb., 1417.
s See Appendix XXXIII. 245

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
A-D- Percy did not succeed to the full possessions of his
I394-1I4S5 family.1 According to popular report the young Percy had
been clandestinely married to the Lady Alianore Nevill2
at the Warkworth Hermitage some years before his
restoration, during one of his stolen visits to England.3
This romantic story, however, is discredited by the fact
that the lady had been previously contracted, if not
actually married, to Lord Spenser, who did not die until
the end of 141 5. 4
About the time of his own marriage, Henry Percy's
only sister, Elizabeth, became the wife of John, Lord
Clifford, and after his decease, four years later, of the
1 In the succeeding reign he procured an Act of Parliament enabling
him to obtain possession of all the lands which his grandfather, his father,
and the Earl of Worcester had held in fee tail, at the time of their
attainder, which formed a very considerable addition to his landed
estates ; but Prudhoe Castle was not restored to him until after a long
litigation, in 1441 (Appendix XXXIV.), and Wressil remained to a yet
later period in possession of the Crown.
2 One of the twenty-two children of the first Earl of Westmoreland,
a contemporary of the first Earl of Northumberland, but who survived
him for more than twenty years. The frequent alliances which took
place between the Percies and Nevills do not appear to have conduced
to harmony, the two houses having, as a rule, been opposed to one
another, in the field as well as in the Council, until towards the end
of the sixteenth century, when they were united in a common ruin.
3 The Bishop of Dromore adopted the tale in his charming poem,
the Hermit of Warkworth, on the authority, it would seem, of a gos
siping monk,' who attributes the exertions of the Countess of Westmore
land to bring about Henry Percy's restoration to the fact of his being at
the time the husband of her daughter. — -See Ex Registro Monasterii de
Whitbye, Harl. MSS., No. 692, 26, Fol. 235. The date of the marriage
is nowhere recorded ; but the numerous births succeeded each other
with unfailing regularity year by year, and, as the first child was not born
till 141 9, we may assume that the marriage took place in the preceding
year. 4 In the old genealogical tables the second Earl of Northumberland is
stated to have married the widoiv of Lord Spenser ; but as that noble
man died in his fifteenth year, the probability is that they were simply
" contracted " or if married, only nominally so. He was the son of
Thomas Spenser, or Despenser, Earl of Gloucester who had been
executed for treason in 1400. 246

o

c
ut ¦u.
<

LADY ALIANORE NEVILL.
second Earl of Westmoreland.1 Although Hotspur's a.d. 1418
two children thus married the one a daughter and
the other a grandson of Ralph Nevill, there was no
disparity of age in these alliances, since the Earl of
Westmoreland's grandchildren by his first were older
than his children by his second marriage.
It is to be regretted that the writers of this period
rarely, if ever, relaxed from the dignity of history to
indulge in those literary recreations which serve to
illustrate domestic life in its more familiar and intimate
relations. The actions of men afford but a one-sided
picture of the social system, and it would be an interest
ing and grateful task to gauge the extent of the influence
of women at a time when the spirit of chivalry had
begun to exercise a refining and softening influence upon
manners, and necessarily altered the character of the
relations that had previously existed between the sexes.2
French literature of this period did not disdain to occupy
itself with this subject ; but of the home life, the social
status, and the intellectual condition of the women of
England in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,3 we are
more ignorant than of the domestic economy and family
relations of Greece and Rome under Alexander and the
Caesars.4

1 The grandson of the first earl, whose son had pre-deceased
him. 2 Hardyng has given us minute details of the training of a young
noble, but although, as a page in the Percy household, he must have had
ample opportunities of observation, he makes no allusion to the educa
tion, pursuits, or habits of the ladies of the family.
3 A century later we begin to be admitted to personal acquaintance
with English gentlewomen, and may note with admiration, not unmingled
with surprise, how high a degree of culture they had then as a class
attained, and how powerful an influence they exercised.
4 In the charming scene between Hotspur and his wife, to which
Shakespeare introduces us, the hero's playful and affectionate manner
indicates but little respect, while the lady herself appears somewhat frivo
lous; but in another passage (Second Part of King Henry IV.) Hotspur's
247

A.D.
1394-1455

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Popular rumour had occupied itself with the youthful
loves of the Earl and Countess of Northumberland, but
of their married life little is recorded beyond the fact
of her having borne her lord twelve children and
survived him eight years.1 We hear of the king
being entertained at a banquet at Leckinfield, and
again we catch a glimpse of the earl proceeding
with his wife and children from that place to Beverley,
for the purpose of witnessing the Corpus Christi Plays
periodically acted in that town, and which, like the
Bavarian Passion Play of the present time, occupied
eight or ten successive days in representation ; 2 but so
far from being admitted into the domestic circle we are
not even able to ascertain at which of his numerous
northern seats 3 he principally resided.
The young earl ever retained a grateful recollection
of the kind treatment he had met with at the Scottish
court, and in the negotiations for securing a permanent
settlement of the disputes between the two kingdoms in
which he now became frequently engaged, he was doubt
less more in earnest than most of his ancestors had

widow is represented as an eloquent and high-minded woman, urging her
views upon the Earl of Northumberland with no sense of intellectual
inferiority. These pictures, however, cannot be considered as in any
way historical; even the name by which Hotspur calls his wife is
fictitious. 1 As a widow in 1459, and again in 1461, she made grants of the
advowson of the parish church of Leckinfield and of certain lands to
the convent of St. Mary, Alnwick. — Calend. Inquis. ad quod damnum,
37 and 39 Henry VI.
2 See Poulson's Beverlac. The town of Beverley being an ecclesias
tical fief, the burgesses sought the support and protection of the power
ful nobles, and more especially of the Percies, to whom they made
frequent " offerings and oblations " in return for their favour. Among
others, there is an entry, in 1456, of a gift of ^3 to Maister William
Percy (afterwards Bishop of Carlisle) in honour of the celebration of
his " prime misse."
3 See Appendix XXXV. 248

STATE OF THE BORDERS.
been.1 Unfortunately these efforts, perfectly sincere on a.d. 1419
the part of both Governments, were continually defeated
by the unruly spirit of the Borderers, whose excesses
it was impossible to restrain. In the midst of the
deliberations of the Commissioners a destructive raid,
frequently followed by a retaliatory massacre, would
arouse the anger of both nations and neutralise the
action of the peacemakers.
Thus in 141 9, Sir William Haliburton without provo
cation crossed the Tweed, and, having surprised Wark
Castle, massacred the entire garrison and hoisted his flag
in defiance on the battlements. The Earl of North
umberland at once advanced and laid siege to the place,
which was obstinately defended. Some of his troops,
however, effected an entrance by night through a sewer,
and, having overcome the enemy, slew every Scotchman
within the walls.2 * *
The fifth Henry had no sooner ascended the throne
than he gave evidence of the vigorous action which, no
less in obedience to his own warlike tastes than to his
father's dying injunctions, he purposed to pursue towards
France. In spite of the drain upon the resources of
England caused by our continuous wars in that country
for the greater part of a century, he knew that in renew
ing these he might not only reckon upon popular
support, but that they would serve firmly to establish
him in the national favour. An Englishman of that age
had come to consider dominion over France much in the
same light as he now views British supremacy in India ;
1 It would be wearisome to recapitulate his numerous employments
as Commissioner, Conservator of the peace, Arrayer of armies and fleets,
and other public offices in the north during this and the succeeding
reign. They are all duly recorded in Fcedera.
2 Holinshead, v. p. 411. 249

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. and by re-conquering French territories, lost or ceded
394-1455 during the two preceding reigns, and once more prac
tically asserting his right to style himself King of
France, Henry felt that he would do more to confirm his
precarious title to the English crown than his father
had effected for the validation of his claims by all his
politic devices and audacious frauds.
He was not unconscious of the moral weakness of his
cause, of the legal strength of that of his adversaries,
nor of the fact that a large and powerful section of the
nation looked upon his dynasty with a passive dislike and
suspicion that only required opportunity to be kindled
into active opposition. Never was there a more favour
able moment for the exercise of that common resource
of immoral statesmanship which consists in diverting
domestic difficulties by the prosecution of a popular
foreign war ; and the young king, with his habitual
sagacity and resolution, now threw himself upon national
sympathy for the realisation of his ambitious schemes.
Henry Percy, who to his dying day repaid the favour
of his sovereign with unfailing attachment, lost no time
in giving practical evidence of his zeal and loyalty. He
was still an exile in Scotland when the king embarked
on his first campaign against France in 14 15, and was
thus excluded from participating in the victory of
Agincourt.' No sooner was he restored, however, than
by an indenture dated 30th May, 1416, he bound himself

1 Banks, in his Extinct Baronage of England, states that the second
Earl of Northumberland had taken part in this battle ; and Wainright,
in his History of Yorkshire, speaks of him as " this noble and magnani
mous veteran who had gallantly distinguished himself at Agincourt ; "
but this is clearly an error. The only Percies who shared in that victory
were Sir Henry (of Athol) and his brother Sir Thomas, the former with
" six men-at-arms and eighteen horse," and the latter with " two men-at-
arms, William Fayrechylde and William Fowley." — See Nicolas's Battle
of Agincourt.
250

20

THE WARS IN FRANCE.
to serve the king abroad with forty men-at-arms (of a.d
whom four were knights) and eighty archers,1 and by I4IJZ
his example and influence induced other of the northern
nobles who had hitherto remained aloof to rally under
the banners of Harry of Monmouth. He does not,
however, appear ever to have held an important
command, or to have played a prominent part in these
wars. We miss the mention of individual prowess on
the part of the Percies, which is of such frequent oc
currence in the campaigns chronicled by Froissart, and
almost the only notices we find of the young earl are
that he embarked for France with a certain number of
followers at different dates, or that he figured in the
royal retinue among the numerous nobles by whom
Henry loved to be surrounded. We thus hear of him
as one of the ten earls who accompanied the English
king on his triumphant entry into Rouen, in 1419, and
again at the siege of Melun in the following year, when
the number of English earls and barons carrying banners
in the royal train amounted to twenty-three. When,
after an almost unbroken series of triumphs and
victories, Henry concluded peace on the basis of his
marriage with a daughter of France, and his succession April 9th,
to the throne of that country,2 Northumberland took I42°-
an active part in the pending negotiations, and finally

1 His own pay was fixed at four shillings, that of the knights at two
shillings, the men-at-arms at one shilling, and the archers at sixpence a day.
— Fcedera, ix., p. 356. It must be borne in mind that each man-at-arms,
being accompanied by his squire and lance-bearer, represented three
mounted men, and sometimes even more. Vaillant, in his History of
France, puts 3000 men-at-arms as equal to a force of 12,000 men.
2 In this treaty Henry is described as " By the grace of God King of
England, Regent of France, and Lord of Ireland," and under the sixth
clause of the Articles it is stipulated that, on the death of King Charles,
" the crown and realme of France, with all rights and appurtenances,"
shall devolve upon Henry and his heirs for evermore." — Fmdera
ix. 877. 251

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. officiated as Lord High Steward on the occasion of the
I394__i4^ queen's coronation.1
ittT^-* Henry's death in the flower of his manhood was
perhaps the greatest calamity that at that juncture could
have befallen England. Never was it more indispensable
to the prosperity of the country that the sceptre should
be wielded by a strong hand than now when the usurped
crown devolved upon an infant in the cradle.
The brilliant military successes achieved under the
late king, had given to his throne a stability which could
defy the intrigues of all rival claimants ; but it could
hardly be expected that under the divided rule of a
long regency dynastic dissensions should not revive, and
it required no prophetic inspiration to enable Henry,
already smitten by the fatal illness that hurried him to
an untimely grave, to foreshadow the fate that awaited
his unhappy son.2
The death of his benefactor had not weakened the
Earl of Northumberland's zeal in his cause. He became
at once one of the assistants to the Duke of Bedford in
the Protectorate, " the which Lords ben condescended to
take it upon them in the manner and form that sueth," 3
and a member of the king's Council. He was actively
employed in the duties of executorship under the will of
Henry V., and in the following year proceeded as Am
bassador to the General Council assembled at Paris.4

1 The ceremonial was followed by a lenten dinner on an enormous
scale, the curious details of which are given by Holinshead, iii. p. 125.
2 On receiving the tidings of the birth of an heir at Windsor, " were
it that he were warned by some prophecie, or had some foreknowledge,
or else judged himself his sonnes fortune, he said unto the Lord
Fitzhugh, his trusted chamberlain, these words : — ' I Henry, born at
Monmouth, shall small time reigne and much get, and Henry, born at
Windsor, shall long time reign, and all loose.'." — Holinshead.
3 Rot. Pari, 1 Henry VI.
? He was granted the sum of 66s. 8d. a day while employed on this
service (Fcedera, x. 271), and ^100 "for wages of the said Erie
252

ACCESSION OF HENRY THE SIXTH.
We find him frequently presiding as judge in courts a.d.
of chivalry and in questions of disputed precedency,1 I42^25
and on one occasion he appeared as the principal in a
dispute with a Cumbrian knight who had challenged his
right to a certain manor of which he held possession.
Instead of referring the question to a legal tribunal, it
was determined to decide it by a combat between two
champions to be chosen by the disputants.
The case is fully reported, and affords a curious
illustration of the manners of the age.2
"Sir Peter Cokain (? Cockaigne) Knight, presents
Brief of Right against Henry Percy, in the County of
Northumberland, for the Manor of Cappenhou in the
County of Cumberland ; Strange for the Tenant joins
Battle upon the ' meer Right ' by the Body of Coltson,
if God give him success, and Paston for the Demandant
rejoins Battle by the Body of his Free Tenant or
Freeholder J. P. if God give him success.
"And it was commanded to the Champion of the
Tenant or Holder of the said manor (scilicet the Earl
of Northumberland) that he should put into his Glove
five pence, into each fingerstall one penny, and that he
should hold it in his right hand naked to his Elbow, and
that he should throw down his glove into the Court, and
it was commanded to the Champion of the Demandant
to do in like manner.
" Brown and Clerk received the Gloves, and it was
commanded by the Court that they should come the next

in going and returning upon the embassy aforesaid." — Issue Rolls, i
Henry VI.
1 These were solemn tribunals held under the authority of Parlia
ment, as in a dispute between the Lord Marshal and the Earl of
Warwick, when Northumberland was elected umpire. — Rot. Pari., 3
Henry VI.
2 The document in its original Law-Court French, is preserved
among the MSS. at Syon House. 253

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. morning in their array. And then the Champions

1394-1455

came .... and Babington commands to the Champion
of the tenant that he should mount behind the Bar, and
that he should come into his place bareheaded and
ungirt without hose or shoes, and it was commanded
of him to be upon the east side of the place, and that
the Champion of the defendant should come in like
guise, and be on the left of the place. And then the
Champions being on their knees before the justices, and
the Chief Justice demanded of Strange and Paston, who
were with the parties, if they had anything to say why
the two champions should not be allowed by them, or
why the two champions should not join in (dirreigner)
this Battle, who said they had not. Cokain then said,
'See that they are without men,' and then Brown gave the
gloves and searched if there were in each glove five
pence, or not, and he found in each glove five pence,
that is to say, in each finger (fingstal) one penny. And
then he gave one glove to the Champion of the tenant
and one glove to the Champion of the defendant, but he
took no notice which of the gloves he gave to the one
or to the other for this is unimportant (car il nest pas
forse)." The Champions being asked whether they were
prepared to do battle, and both answering in the
affirmative the justice inquires of Paston and Strange
if they had mispleaded, or not sufficiently pleaded, or
wished to amend their pleas, or if the Court had mis
ruled, or whether from any other cause it was desired to
delay the Battle, and no objection being raised on either
side the Justice said :
" We award the champions to be here in the Place
in their array to do the battle on Saturday next ensu
ing ... . and he gave one glove to the one champion,
and said to him : ' This day is the day of St. Paul, and
254

WAGER OF BATTLE.
therefore we command that thou go to St. Paul's, and a.d. 1425
there before the North Door pray that God would give
the Victory to him that hath a right to the land.' In
the same manner he gives the other glove to the other
champion and commands him to go to Westminster
Abbey and there make his prayer as aforesaid at the
shrine of St. Edward .... And it was commanded to
the ruling Parties that they should give surety that their
champions should not approach or speak to each other.
.... Then the Court first called for the Demandant,
Sir P. C, and he appeared by his attorney and had his
champion ready at the Bar all arrayed in Red Lead
(en redde Ledd), and was commanded that one should
hold the Ruby shield and the Ruby Baton behind the
champion's back which was done accordingly, but
neither his head was shaven as the head of a Prover or
Challenger is, nor had his Baton a knob (un knowe) at
the end as the Baton of a Prover or challenger should
have ; but it was said by Martin when he saw this Baton
that in truth it should have had a knob at the end, to
which no answer was made.
" Then was the tenant, Sir Henry Percy, Earl of
Northumberland, solemnly demanded that he should
come with his champion to darraign this Battle in his
defence against the said Knight, Sir Peter Cokain, and
his champion for the Manor of Cappenhow in the County
of Cumberland, or otherwise the said Earl should lose
this land for himself and his heirs for ever, and all
this was demanded three times by command of the
Justices." The Earl failing to put in his appearance, the Court
awarded sentence in favour of Sir Peter Cokain, granting
him and his heirs the land in dispute, and that the Earl
should be " placed at the king's mercy " ; but being a
Peer of the Realm that the Court would not impose a
255

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. fine upon him, but leave him to be amerced according
1394^455 to his rank and estate by his brother peers, " et tout ceo
fust solemneint fait."
It may be presumed that the Earl, having, in the course
of these proceedings, satisfied himself of the justice of
his adversary's claim, withdrew his champion, and sub
mitted to be mulcted in the penalties awarded by this
strange tribunal. * *
The Earl of Northumberland took a very active part
in maintaining rule in the north, as Warden of the
Marches and Governor of Berwick,1 and in 1424 joined
the expedition to France under the Duke Regent, Bedford,
which resulted in the brilliant victory over the army of
the Comte de Narbonne at Verneuil.
In Parliament he distinguished himself by his zeal
in the king's service, and appears to have shown ^ con
siderable capacity for the conduct of public business,
raising, and even personally guaranteeing, national loans,2
and conducting several important negotiations with
foreign courts.
The liberation of James of Scotland had been more
than once under consideration during the late reign, but
Henry V. could not be induced to part with a prisoner
whose presence with his armies in France, was cal
culated to weaken the zeal of the Scottish levies fighting
against him in that country.3 On the death of the Duke

* He had held both these offices under successive patents since
142 1 when the pay for the wardenship was fixed at ,£5°°° a year in
^ Sf ^KitSSSttoi -de by the Bishop of Winches
ter the earl became personally responsible for the repayment, in con-
s^arion of the money havmg been lent to the king "« sa grande
Herewith " Rot. Pari, 18 Henry VI.
3 TW effect would have been produced to a far greater extent, but
that The Ear of Buchan had induced many of the Scottish lords m the
service of France, to refuse to acknowledge James as their sovereign
256

LIBERATION OF THE SCOTTISH KING.
of Albany, who as Regent had administered the govern- a.d. 1423
ment of Scotland since 1406, he was succeeded by his
son Murdoch (who had been exchanged for Henry
Percy in 141 6) but who proved utterly incapable of
maintaining order in his dominions. An opportunity-
was thus afforded for restoring James to the vacant
throne upon conditions very favourable to England.1
Unjust and arbitrary as had been his capture and his
detention for eighteen years,2 James had no reason to
complain of the treatment he had met with at the
English Court. His education had been conducted with
scrupulous care, and had resulted in his acquiring ac
complishments then unknown in his own country.3 He
had been trained in the conduct of State affairs, and had
acquired much experience in military matters during
successive campaigns in France, in which, false as was
his position, he bore himself bravely and honourably.
He was generous enough to remember these benefits
rather than the pains of captivity, and throughout his
reign he exerted himself to maintain friendly relations
with England, although he could not always curb the

while he was a prisoner of the King of England. So constant and valuable
an ally did France in those times find in Scotland that it was a common
saying, attributed originally to the first Earl of Westmoreland : —
" He that would France win
Must with Scotland first begin."
1 The principal terms of the treaty were the acknowledgment on the
part of King James of the suzerainty of the King of England, his mar
riage with an English lady (a daughter of the Duke of Somerset), and
the payment of 40,000 marks, an unworthy exaction, as the charge of
personal maintenance during his illegal detention. — Fosdera, x. 299.
2 Once only during that period James had been permitted .to visit
his kingdom, when the Earl of Northumberland was required to receive
hostages for his return. — Letters Pat, 6 Dec, 1416. Fcedera, ix. 417.
3 " He had such perfect instructors to teach him as well the understand
ing of tongues as the Sciences that he became quite expert and cunning
in every of them. ... He had good knowledge in musike, and could
plaie on sundrie instruments right perfectlie." — Holinshed, vol. v. 408,
VOL. I. 257 S

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. turbulent spirit of his people, and proved unable to break
I394-i455 0ff the alliance with France.
It became the grateful duty of Northumberland to escort
the royal companion of his boyhood, now about to take
his seat on the Scottish throne, from Durham to the
Border,1 and when, some years later, a conference on
Sept. 10 J
I423 English ground was arranged between James and the
Cardinal St. Eusebius, the earl selected Berwick as the
place of meeting, and there attended upon the king for
sixteen days with a retinue of one hundred horsemen.2
A less agreeable duty was the collection of the royal
ransom, which had remained in arrears for a long time,
and which the earl was personally interested in receiving,
since it was made the source of his military emoluments,
or, more accurately speaking, of the pay of the king's
garrisons in the north.3
With the best intentions King James was unable to
put a stop to the constant depredations of the Borderers,
or the more serious raids of his unruly nobles, and these
increased in number and violence towards the end of his
reign.4 In 1435 the Earl of Northumberland, to provide
against a threatened invasion, requested and obtained the
royal license to inclose and fortify the town of Alnwick,5
1 " Cum omni quo valetis honore." — Fcedera, x. 332.
2 The sum of £>$o was granted him for his "grete cost and expense "
on this duty. — Issue Rolls, 8 and 9 Henry VI.
3 By Letters Patent of 9th June, 1425, the earl was authorised to
retain for payment of the troops in Berwick the sum of ,£2,000, remitted
to him by the King of the Scots as an instalment of his ransom. —
Fcedera, x. 344.
* Aeneas Sylvius, Concilia Scotia, p. xcvi. — Appendix XXXV a.
s " De advisamento et assensu concilii nostri, coucessimus licentiam
Carmo Consanguineo nostra, Henrico Com. Northria?, dicta? villa; et castri
ac burgensibus ejusdem villa? quod ipsi dictam villam de Alnewyke,
legitime includere, et murare circa totam villain pra?dictam, ac muros
ejusdem villa? batellare, necnon alias res defensible quacunque circa et
suprae osdem muros facere et ordinare valeant, absque impeditione
quacunque." — Rot. Pat, 1 June, 12 Henry VI. See also Petyt MSS.
vol. xxxiv. p. 281, in the Library of the Inner Temple.
258

THE BATTLE OF PIPERDEN.
and two years later an alleged breach in the truce a.d.
induced him to lead an army of 5,000 men against the I43S^437
Border. Whether he acted under royal authority, or
simply in satisfaction of a private feud between himself
and William Douglas, Earl of Angus, is doubtful.1 Be this
as it may, a sanguinary action ensued near the village of
Piperden or Pepperden in the Cheviot Hills, resulting in
the complete defeat of Northumberland, and the loss of
half his army. Forty English knights, including Sir
Richard Percy,2 and 1,500 gentlemen were left upon the
field, and five hundred prisoners remained in the hands
of the victors, whose losses were trifling.3 The pro
bability is that the Scots had prepared an ambush, into
which the Earl, whose courage and impetuosity appear to
have been more conspicuous on this occasion than his
generalship, allowed his army to fall.4
Encouraged by success, the Scots advanced under
the king in person' and laid siege to Roxburgh with an
army of 30,000 men ; but being, after a siege of twenty
days during which Sir Ralfe Grey defended the castle,
attacked in force by the Earl of Northumberland, they
were driven back with great slaughter,5 and shortly after
1 " Incertum cujus autoritate, an privata, an regis." — Boece, p. 353.
2 Described by some writers as the son of the Earl of Northumber
land ; but this is evidently an error. The earl's son Richard was then
an infant in his cradle, and survived to take a prominent part in the
Wars of the Roses. This Sir Richard must have belonged to one of
the then numerous collateral branches of the Percy family.
3 Holinshed. Ridpath.
4 This is the battle of which some of the incidents seem to have formed
the groundwork of the ballad of Chevy Chase. See ante, p. 153.
5 " King James being then advertised that the Earl of Northumber
land was coming to fight with him, fled with no lesse losse than dis
honour, and enough of both." — Holinshed, iii. 189. Among the Scotch
this unfortunate expedition was long remembered under the name " the
dirtin raid." Hardyng says :
" Therle then of Northumberland throughout,
Raysed up the lande, and when he came it nere
The Kyng trumped up and went away full clere."
— Chronicle, p. 397.
259 S 2

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
a.d. the earl once more concluded a treaty of peace with his
394-1455 troublesome neighbours.1
These services were acknowledged by the grant of a
life annuity of ,£ioo,2 and towards the end of the year
Northumberland was despatched on a mission for the
purpose of delivering the Order of the Garter to the King
of Portugal, the grandson of John of Gaunt.
It was about this time that he acquired the lordship
of Doncaster by purchase from Sir John Salvayne, and
that he erected the keep at Warkworth Castle, the solid
remains of which now- form one of the most attractive
features of that magnificent ruin.
In the later campaigns in France, where the tide of our
successes had begun to turn,3 the Earl of Northumberland
appears to have taken no prominent part, and the state
ment accepted by" several of the genealogists, that he
had there " distinguished himself in many exploits, in
the reign of Henry V. and also in that of Henry VI,"4
is entirely devoid of foundation in fact. Indeed the rare
occurrence of the name of Percy in the chronicles of the
French wars of this period is a remarkable circumstance,
when we consider the love of fighting which characterised
the race, and of which the second earl, as well as all the
immediate members of his family, gave most conspicuous
evidence in the civil wars of his own country and on
the northern borders. 9.
1 Pat., 16 Henry VI., p. 2, m. 17.
2 Rot. Scot, 16 Henry VI, m. 6.
3 Rymer quotes the curious letter written by the Duke of Bedford
to the King (Cotton MSS., Titus, E.5), and dated from the camp before
Orleans on 20th October, 1428, in which he alludes to the death of Talbot,
Earl of Shrewsbury, and the defeat of his army, " caused in grete partie,
as I trowe, of lakke of sadde beleve, and of unlevefulle doubte that they
hadde of a disciple and lyme of the Feende, called the Pucelle, that used
false enchauntments and sorcerie." — Fcedera, x. 408. The date assigned
to this letter is evidently erroneous. Salisbury fell on 12th October, 1428,
and the Maid of Orleans did not appear upon the scene until the
following April. 4 Banks' Baronage of England, vol. ii. 421.
260

wH
to <
O XH
(UOWp! <!

FOUNDATION OF SCHOLARSHIPS.
It was probably in grateful recollection of his own a.d. 1448
training that the earl founded three Divinity Fellowships
in University College, Oxford, in favour of natives of
Durham, Carlisle, and York,1 which after the lapse of
nearly four and a half centuries still continue in force.
He also granted an acre of land pertaining to the Honour
of Petworth, to Eton College,2 and obtained the royal
license (6th July, 26 Henry VI.) to found a grammar school
at Alnwick, towards the endowment of which he granted
lands of the value of ^40 per annum.3
After a more than usually prolonged cessation of
hostilities, the Scots in 1448 again invaded England,
ravaging whole districts with fire and sword, and laying
the town of Alnwick in ashes. The Earl of North
umberland hereupon led a considerable army against
them, and, having crossed the Solway, encamped on the .
banks of the River Sark, in Annandale, where he was
attacked by the Earl of Ormond 4 with a superior force.
The fight was a furious one, and the victory at first
inclined to the English arms, but the Lord Maxwell
appearing on the field with reserves turned the scale.5
1 Rot. Pari, 21 Henry VI. The grant consisted of the advowson of
Arncliffe, which had been part cf the Percy fee since the Conquest, with
three acres of land, then worth ^46. — Whitaker's Craven. This seems
a small sum for the purpose ; but, as late as the reign of Henry VIII.,
ffi was accepted by University College for the endowment of a
Fellowship. 2 Rot. Pari, 23 Henry VI. See also Appendix XXXVI. This deed
bears the signature of the earl, his countess, and their two sons, Henry
and Thomas, as parties to the grant.
3 See Clarkson's Survey, 1567, A 1. No. 1, part xviii.
4 It is noteworthy how, generation after generation, the Percies and
Douglases were opposed to one another as leaders in the Border wars.
Indeed throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the latter house
represented in Scotland much the same power as was exercised by the
Percies in the north of England, and both races were equally distin
guished by their warlike spirit and personal contempt of danger.
5 " Having the rear Lord Maxwell won the field ; Ormond and the rest
of the leaders of the army being almost discomfitt." — The Book of
Carleverock, vol i. p. 137. 261

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Northumberland was defeated with great loss, and only
I394_-__455 escaped capture by the devotion of his son, who was taken
prisoner in rescuing him.1
In the following year however, when King James II.
in person led an army across the Border, the earl suc
ceeded in repelling the invasion, to the utter discomfiture
of the Scots, on which occasion he and his son Sir Ralfe
received the formal thanks of King Henry VI. for their
" diligence in protecting the Marches," and for " rebuking
and resisting the malice of our enemyes the Scottes that
studiene by all thir wayes the noysance of our saide
countrye and subjettes."
In this year the earl was one of the judges on the trial
of the Duke of Suffolk (de la Pole), for complicity in the
murder of the Duke of Gloucester, the surrender of
several French provinces committed to his charge, and
other crimes. * As a mark of the royal favour he re
ceived a grant of Wressill Castle,3 one of the confiscated
possessions of his great-uncle the Earl of Worcester,
which had not been included in the original restoration,
and was created Lord High Constable of England.4 About

1 " Numerous prisoners were taken including Sir John Pennington
and Lord Percy : the latter of whom was made prisoner whilst courage
ously rescuing his father the Earl of Northumberland from the victors."
—The Book of Carleverock, vol. i. p. 137. Holinshed, in enumerating
the prisoners, mentions " the Lord Persie, Sonne to the Erie of North
umberland, who holpe his father to horsebak, whereby he escapid by
flight." — Chronicles, v. 437.
2 Having submitted to the king's mercy, he was temporarily banished
the realm ; but the Commons, enraged at this lenient sentence, caused
him to be intercepted on his way to France and beheaded on the spot.
He was subsequently attainted.
3 According to some authorities, it was granted not to the Earl but to
his second son, Thomas, Baron Egremont. In 1469 it passed into the
possession of John Nevill, Lord Montacute (subsequently created Earl
of Northumberland), but was restored to the Percies (the fourth Earl)
by Henry VII., and remained in their possession until transferred by the
fifth Duke of Somerset to the Wyndham family in 1750. A full de
scription of the castle will be found in the Northumberland Household
Book, p. 451. 4 F<xdera, xi. 270.
262

A FACTION FIGHT.
the same time his second son Thomas was created Baron a.d. 1452
Egremont.1

Symptoms of the storm which a few years later burst
over the throne of the unfortunate young King of
England now began to make themselves felt. The
politic Duke of York, without overtly asserting his claims
to the crown, fomented the growing discontent of the
English people, then groaning under the weight of an
intolerable taxation and of mortification at the inglorious
loss of dearly-bought possessions in France. Already
the great nobles took sides, attaching themselves to the
parties opposing, or supporting the reigning sovereign ;
and a conflict which took place in 1454 between the
cadets of two great houses and their followers, was but the
precursor of the rebellion which ensued, and which led to
one of the most disastrous civil wars recorded in history.
In the year of grace 1452, "there arose for dyverse
causes a greet discorde betwixt the Earl of North
umberland and Richard Nevill, Earl of Salisbury, his
wyfe's brother,2 in so much that many were beeten and
slaine and hurt, and in the year 1453, at Steyneford
Bridge, besydes York,3 there was a battayl set betwixt
Thomas, Lord Egremont, and Richard his brother, the
sonnes of the said Erie of Northumberland on one partie
and two sonnes of the said Erie of Salisbury on the
other partie, but, through the Treason and withdrawing of
Peris of Lounde, the first Lord Egremont and his brother

1 Pat., 28 Henry VI. p. 10, m. 1. See Madox's Baronia Angiica,
p. 142.
2 The second son of Ralph Nevill, Earl of Westmoreland, created
Earl of Salisbury in 1428.
3 Stanford, or Stamford, Bridge (sometimes called the Bridge of
the Battle) had been the scene of the desperate conflict between
the Norwegians and Harold on 23rd September, 1066.
263

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Richard were taken and committed to prison in London."
I394-I455 According to another historian, " dyverse men were
maymed and slayne etweene theym " in this encounter,
but in the end Lord Egremont "was founden in much
defaulte," and sentenced by the justices at York to pay
to the Earl of Salisbury the large fine of 14,800 marks ;
" for lakke of payment thereof, or of putting suretie for
the same, the sayd Lorde Egremonde was commytted
to Newgate." ' He succeeded, however, in making his
escape with three other prisoners, " to the grete charge
of the sheriffs," who thus became responsible for the
fine imposed.2
The following letter, written by the Earl of North
umberland to his " Right worshipfull and right entirely
welbeloved Cousyn ye Lorde Sayntemonde," belongs to
this period.
" Right worshipfull, and with all myne hart right
entierly beloved Cousyn, I cofnande me unto you in ye
moste hartely wise yt I kan ; and liket yow to witt yt

1 The Englishe Chronicle. A petition was presented by Parliament
praying the king to summon before the Council " Thomas Percy,
knight, Lord Egremond, and Richard, knight, his brother, having
raisede and assembled and gadrede your people of the shires of York,
Cumberlande, Westmorelande, and Northumberlande in grete numbre,
togeider with manye other idel men of grete riotous rule and mis-
governance, so that the peaceful people be sore hurt, vexed and
troubled, and dare noon entre- make, ne action attempt upon ne
agaynst them at law for fere of deth and their lykely destruction." —
Rot. Pari, 23 Henry VI. /
Grafton places these events after the death of the second Earl of
Northumberland, implying that the enmity between the two houses had
been created by the result of the battle of St. Alban's. In Stow's
Survey, they are stated to have occurred as late as 1457, but the earlier
date appears to be the more accurate.
2 Fabian, p. 632. According to Stow, "Lord Egremond and Sir
Richard Percy, his brother, brake out of prison by night, and went to
the king ; the other prisoners took the leads off the gate, and defended
it a long while against the sheriffs and all their officers, insomuch that
they were forced to call more aid of the citizens, whereby at last they
subdued them and laid them in irons." — Survey, vol. i. p. 20.
264

LETTER TO SAYNTEMOND.
ye vii day of yis prst moneth of Avrill come a writt unto a.d. 1454
me charging me in right streate wise yat I shuld be at
yis P'lement ye x day of yis same moneth, the which
God knoweth lies nought in my power for shortnes of
time, gif I were in als goode helth als ence I was.
Wherfor, Cousin, I pray yow as hartely as I kan yat ye
would doo so moche for me as to enforme ye Kyng our
Sovrn Lord how yat I am to greatly vissett with sekeness
yat trewly I may nought travell without grete Juberte
of my life. Beseeching the Kyng of his hieghness for to
p'done me of my ' , as nowe unto tyme yat it list
his goode grace to comande me for to come unto hym
when I may better travel yan I may nowe. And right
worshipful cousyn, my Son, ye Lord Egremond, broght
me word tofore Christemess yat ye Kyng of his goode
grace excused me of my z to p'lement, and trewly
cousyn and I shuld be compelled nowe for to ryde in
yis Sesson of ye yere and in ye sekenes yat I am in, I
trust verrely yat I shuld fall so seke by ye way yat I
shuld neuer mowe cover il withowt ye grace of God,
and to put me in p'ell of my life, and by such labure I
shuld be broght in such febilnes yat I should neuer be
of power and myght in my psone for to do ye kyng
s'vice hereafter. And I trust so much in his goode grace
yat he wuld gladlier have my s'vice hereafter rather yan
thrugh suche ympotent labure I should be casten downe
in sekenes and to enfeble my p'sone so yat I myght
not do hym s'vice to his plesir and cofflandement here
after.2 Praying yow, cousyn, also ye wuld beseche ye
Kyng of his heighnes yat he wuld vouchesave of his
goode grace for to consider my grete age and ye grete
labure and bissynes yat I had in his s'vice yis last yere,
1 These words are obliterated in the MS.
2 How sincere these professions were was proved a few months later
at St. Alban's. 265

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
1394^455 and how that my good wil1 is> and at aI1 lymes sha11 be
_ redy for to do hym s'vice at my power what tyme as I
may labure and travell for .sekeness. For trewly it
is noght longe sith I tooke grete sekeness from travel
in ys same sesson of ye yere withe wekes togedir, so yat
I and all my servants wer in grete dispare of my life.
And therefore worshipful Cousyn, I pray yow as hartely
as I kan or may to acquite yow so in yis matter for
myne excuse as my singular trust is in yow, yat ye fully
so will doo. And yat ye woull geve full feith and
credence unto my well beloved Squier, Christopher
Spencer, berar herof in yat he shall say unto yow by
mouthe on my behalfe. And I besech oure Lord God
evrmore to have yow in his gracious keping. Writen at
Leykyngfeld ye ix day of Avrill. Your aisne Cosyne,
" H. Northumberland." *
The influence of the Yorkists had caused the Duke
of Somerset to be committed to the Tower, but at
March 1455 a Council held at Greenwich, the Earl of Northum
berland had strenuously supported the queen's efforts
to liberate and to restore him to power.2 The Duke of
York, whose commission as Lieutenant of the Kingdom
had been cancelled, determined upon a bold effort to
counteract his rival's influence, and placing himself with
the Earl of Warwick at the head of a consider-
22 May able army, overtook the king at St. Alban's. After
some show of negotiating, he suddenly attacked the
Lancastrians, who, greatly outnumbered, were, after a
short but fierce conflict, utterly defeated. Henry escaped
to London, where he fell into the hands of the Duke of
York ; but the greater part of the nobles who had fought
in his defence were slain, and among them the Earl
1 From the Evidences, Syon House.
2 Fcedera, vol. xi. p. 561.
266

THE BATTLE OF ST. ALBAN'S.
of Northumberland,1 who thus with his heart's blood a.d. 1455
crowned his long and faithful services to the House
of Lancaster.2
His fate, with that of other of their chieftains, was the
signal for the dispersion of the Royalist army,3 and the
Duke of York became at once, in all but name, the King
of England ; his only formidable enemy, now that the
leading nobles around the throne were killed, captured, or
exiled,4 being the feeble Henry's brave, ambitious, and
high-spirited queen.

Although the restitution of his ancestral lands under
Henry V. has been shown to have been far from

1 "Therle then of Northumberland was there,
Of sodeyn chaunce drawen forth with the kynge,
And slayne unknowne by any man ther were."
— Hardyng's Chronicle.
Warwick. " I wonder how the king escaped our hands.
York. " While we pursued the horsemen of the north,
He slily stole away, and left his men :
Whereat the great Lord of Northumberland,
Whose warlike ears could never brook retreat,
Cheered up the drooping army ; and himself
Charged our main battle's front, and, breaking in,
Was by the swords of common soldiers slain."
— Third Part of King Henry VI, Act i., Scene 1.
2 "This," says Hume, "was the first blood spilt in that fatal quarrel,
which was not finished in less than a course of thirty years, which was
signalised by twelve pitched battles, which opened a scene of extra
ordinary fierceness and cruelty, is computed to have cost the lives of
eighty princes of the blood, and almost entirely annihilated the ancient
nobility of England." — History of England.
3 " When the Earl of Northumberland and Lord Clifford were slain,
the men threw down their arms and fled." — Rot. Pari., 33 Henry VI.
4 " For there died under the sign of the Castle " (" underneath an ale
house paltry sign ") " Edward Duke of Somerset, Henry 2nd Earl of
Northumberland, Humphrey Earl of Stafford, John [Thomas] Lord
Clifford, with VII M. men or more." — Hall's Chronicle. The number of
the Lancastrian soldiers killed is here exaggerated. Some of the old
writers put their loss at only 800. According to Hume, the killed
amounted to 5000. 267

HENRY PERCY, SECOND EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. complete, and his wife had but a comparatively moderate
I394-i455 dower, the second Earl of Northumberland acquired
considerable additions of territory during his life-time,
dying seized of
41 townships and 20 manors in Northumberland ;
12 manors and other lands in Cumberland ;
1 5 manors in Yorkshire ;
3 manors in Essex ;
1 manor in Leicester, in Suffolk, and in Kent ;
besides the Sussex estates and extensive house property
in London, York, Newcastle, and Hull.1
He was buried in York Minster, where a painted
window (which was taken down for repairs in 1590 and
never replaced) represented him and his countess, with
their twelve children kneeling around them.2
1 For a list of these possessions see Appendix XXXVII.
2 See the Plate representing " Percy's Window " in Drake's History
of York, p. 306.

Facsimile of Signature of the -nd Earl of Northumberland.

268

CHAPTER VI.

TOtrti <0arl ot fiortfmm&frlattti, &.G.

Born at Leconfield, July 25, 1421.1
Succeeded to the Earldom, 1455.
Fell at Towton Fields, March 29, 1461.

Contemporary
English Sovereigns.

Henry VI.
Edward TV. ace. 1461.

p^w^^HE loyalty which had ever inspired the
f|lii|§S§|P| second Earl of Northumberland sur-
WlrJ ..-i^?»_li vived him in four of his sons, all of
whom, like himself, fell on the battle
field in defending the rights of their
sovereign.
Circumstances had created a natural sympathy
between the third earl and King Henry VI. Born and
married within the same year, and knighted on the same
day,2 they had been fellow students in their youth,
companions in arms as they advanced to manhood, and
attached friends at all times. While the struggle lasted
1 He was the fourth son ; his three elder brothers having pre-deceased
their father.
2 Prince Henry received knighthood on May 4, 1426, when in his
fifth year, at the hands of the Duke of Bedford, and immediately after
conferred the same honour on his play-fellow, Henry Percy. — Fcedera,
x. 356. 269

a.d.
1421-1461

HENRY PERCY, THIRD EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. the chief of the Percies and his three brothers were
1421-1461 forward in the field wherever the king's enemies showed
themselves ; and when these prevailed, and the unfor
tunate Henry was deposed and consigned to the Tower
for his remaining days, they continued to fight his
battles till, one by one, they fell, sword in hand, in the
attempt to restore him to the throne.
Like his father, the third earl took a more prominent
part in domestic affairs, warlike and pacific, than in the
French campaigns ; and was constantly employed in
alternately fighting and pacifying the Scots. We find
him as early as in 1440 acting as one of the Border
Commissioners and Conservators, and two years later
the royal assent was given to his father's resigna
tion in his favour of the wardenship of the East
marches l and the governorship of Berwick Castle.
By his marriage, in 1443, wlt^ Eleanor, the grand
daughter and sole heiress of Robert, Lord Poynings,2
Henry Percy acquired the baronies of Poynings, Fitz-
payne, and Bryan, together with large landed estates
in Sussex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Somerset and Kent,3 and
was summoned to Parliament as Dominus de Poynings.
In 1449 the king granted him a moiety of the con
fiscated lands of Sir Robert Ogle,4 and on his
1 The office was conferred upon him for a term of ten years, with an
allowance of ^5,000 a year in war and ^2,500 in peace. On his re
appointment in 1455, the emoluments were reduced to ,£2,566 13.. /\.d.
in peace or war. — Claus, 20 Henry VI. m. 30. See his Warrant addressed
to Christopher Spencer, Appendix XXXVIIa.
2 Sir Richard Poynings, the lady's father, had pre-deceased Lord
Poynings, having fallen during the siege of Orleans in 1429. He had
married the widow of the Earl of Arundel, who, by her will dated in
1455, left to "my dear daughter Lady Eleanor Percy a golden collar
for her neck with a jewel set with precious stones hanging thereat ; also
a basin of silver with the arms of the said Poynings and of Sir John
Berkeley my father thereon ; likewise a ewer of silver and C. £ sterling."
— Testamenta Vetusta. 3 See Appendix XXXVIIl.
* Pat. 27 Henry VI. p. 1, m. 20. The other moiety was bestowed
upon Sir Richard Manners, then serving under the second Earl of
270

THE AVENGERS OF ST. ALBAN'S.
father's death he was permitted " free livery a.d.
without inquisition taken for proof of age," of his z^i7
inheritance, in consideration of his services in his
custody of the town of Berwick and the wardenship of
the marches, and "in repelling the Scots upon their
siege of that town and castle, at his great expences." '
Shortly after he was granted the honourable and lucrative
post of Justiciary of the royal forests beyond Trent.2
We have seen Henry Percy fighting by the side of his
father, and rescuing him from the hands of the enemy at
the cost of his own liberty ; he was not less zealous in
assisting and supporting the earl in his peaceful duties.
Their names appear side by side in a number of judicial
and administrative documents, and more especially in
those repeated treaties with the Scots which appear only
to have had the effect of provoking fresh hostilities.3
Sir Henry Percy was engaged on the borders in renewing
one of these precarious truces, while the first battle of
St. Alban's was being fought in the south, when he at
once headed the band of young nobles leagued to avenge
the deaths of their fathers.4 The feeble king's whole
influence, however, was now exerted to avert further
bloodshed, and to this end he summoned a conference of
Yorkists to meet their adversaries for the discussion and
redress of mutual grievances. It was no easy task to
—  *  _
Northumberland in the capacity of " Maister Forester," a post sub
sequently held by Sir Ralph Percy.
1 Rot. Fin. 33 Henry VI. m. 6. Free livery involved the remission
of the heavy fines payable to the crown on succession to titles or lands,
and which formed an important source of the royal revenues.
2 Pat. 38 Henry VI. p. 2, m. 7. .
3 One of these treaties, dated 15 August, 1451, stipulated for a peace
to last from the rising of the sun on that day to the setting of the sun on
15 August, 1454. It actually remained in operation for three weeks,
when it was succeeded by another formal undertaking of the same kind.
4 " The relations of the lords slain at St. Alban's loudly demanded
vengeance, and their adversaries surrounded themselves with bands of
armed and trusty retainers." — Lingard. 271

1421-1461

HENRY PERCY, THIRD EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
ad. reconcile such antagonistic elements, but the two parties
were so evenly balanced that neither was prepared
to take the responsibility of rejecting an honourable
compromise. The meeting, which was presided over by the king
in person, was convened for the 15th March, but the
attitude of the nobles assembled held out little promise
of a pacific solution.
The Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Egremont,
and the Lord Clifford came to London with a large
force of armed retainers, loudly proclaiming the wrongs
they had suffered and their firm resolve to exact
full reparation. So threatening was their demeanour,
that, according to a contemporary chronicler, " the
cytie wolde not receyve theyem bycause they came
agaynst the pease. The Duke of York and the Erie of
Salisbury came out onely with ther householde men in
pesyble manner, thinking none harme, and were lodgyd
withyne the cyte ; but the abouesade came for to
destroy utterly the said Duke of Yorke, armed for to
withstande the malice of the young Lordes yf ned
had be." •
This writer appears to have been a partisan of the
Yorkists, for others attribute no such moderation to the
followers of the Duke of York, who were evidently as
much prepared for armed conflict as their adversaries :
— " The Earle of Salisburie came with 500 men on
horseback, and was lodged in the Herber ; Richard Duke
of York, with 400 men, lodged at Baynard Castle. The
Duke of Excester and Somerset with 800 men, and the
Earle of Northumbreland, the Lord Egremont, and the
1 From An Englische Chronicle, published by the Camden Society.
According to Grafton, however, the young lords, and their party
generally, preferred to take up their quarters in the suburbs of London,
because " as the Jews disdained the company of the Samaritans, soe
they abhorred the familiaritie of the Yorkshire linage."
272

THE "JOYFUL AGREEMENT."
Lord Clifford with 1,500 men. Richard, Earl of Warwick, a.d. I4Si
with 600 men, all in red jackets embroided with ragged
staves before and behind, was lodged in Warwick Lane.
In whose house there was oftentimes six oxen eaten at a
breakfast ; and every tavern was full of his meat. For he
that had any acquaintance in that house might have there
so much of sodden and rost meat as he could prick and
carry upon a long dagger." "
With thousands of armed men collected within and
around the city walls, all eagerly awaiting an excuse for
striking a blow in the cause of their lords, it became
necessary to adopt extraordinary precautions to maintain
peace between the two factions. A royal proclamation
forbid all hostile demonstrations under pain of death,
and the civic authorities organised a powerful force and
"kept greate watche as well by daie as by night, riding
about the citie by Houlbourne and Fleet Street with
four thousand men well armed and arrayed to see good
order and peace at all times kept." 2
The Archbishop of Canterbury and other prelates
became the intercessors between the two parties, and
finally succeeded in exacting a promise from the nobles
on both sides that they would " forget all old rancours
and be friends to each other and obedient to the king." 3
The meeting accordingly took place, and resulted in
an award, under which the Yorkists were required to
found a chauntry in perpetuity for the repose of the souls
of the three lords slain at St. Albans, and to pay a
pecuniary fine to each of their successors ; 4 while the
Earl of Salisbury was mulcted in a very large sum by
the remission of the still unpaid fine due to him and his
1 Stow's Survey of London, p. 72.
2 Holinshead, iii. p. 640. 3 Ibid.
4 The young Duke of Somerset received 5,000, and Lord Clifford
1,000, marks, but the Earl of Northumberland declined to accept
pecuniary compensation for his father's death.
VOL. I. 273 T

HENRY PERCY, THIRD EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. family by Lord Egremont, for the riot at Staynsford
1421-14 1 gj-jdgg sjx years before, on the latter giving security to
keep the peace for ten years.
So far the award had been unfavourable to the party
of aggression, but the powerful influence of the Yorkists
is indicated by an article in the Report which formally
justifies their action at St. Albans, while appearing only
to excuse that of the nobles who fell in support of the
royal authority. The Duke of Somerset, the Earl of
Northumberland, and the Lord Clifford are declared to
have been " true and faithful liegemen to the king, so to
be held and reputed on the day of their deaths, as well as
the said Duke of York, Earls of Warwick and Salisbury."1
The loyalty of the men who attacked, and of those
who defended, the King of England being thus alike
vindicated, the " ioifull agreement " was made public by a
solemn thanksgiving in St. Paul's Cathedral, King Henry
being present " in habitt royall, with his crown on his
head," the Duke of York leading the queen " with great
familiaritie in appearance," and the reconciled nobles
joining hands and walking side by side in the procession.2
It proved but a hollow and a short-lived truce. Within
little more than a year, the influence of the queen, whose
high spirit could not brook the undisguised pretensions
to the regal power of the Duke of York, summoned
"the young lordes," who, appearing in London with a
powerful following, once more proclaimed their grievances
and demanded the punishment of the murderers of their
fathers and the rebels against their king. Before the
Yorkists could muster their forces and organise an
effective opposition, the queen's party, utterly regardless
of the compromise which they had accepted in the
previous year, brought charges of high treason against
1 For the text of this curious document see Appendix XXXIX.
2 Holinshead, iii. 648. 274

ATTAINDER OF THE DUKE OF YORK.
the Duke of York and his principal allies, who were a.d. 1459
indicted for having waged war against the king and
"feloniously slayne dyvers Lordes of ye blode, that is
to saye the Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumber
land and the Lorde Clifford." T
An act of attainder was passed against them in a
parliament assembled at Coventry, and the authority of 28th Nov.
the feeble king was once more nominally established.
From the strongholds in which they had prudently
sought refuge the Yorkists in their turn denounced the
weak and harmless Henry as a fraudulent usurper,
who had robbed the true and lawful heir of his crown.
Their appeal was warmly responded to by the nation
which had ever held the birthright of their kings in re
verence ; and was but weakly met by the Lancastrians,
who had now abandoned all pretence to rest their
sovereign's claim to the throne upon legitimacy of
descent, and could only oppose an act of parlia
ment to the hereditary right under the divine sanction
of which the Duke of York pursued his ambitious
schemes.2 So strong indeed was the popular feeling
in his favour, that he might at this time probably have
attained .his ends without a resort to arms but for the
indomitable spirit of the queen, and the zealous support
which, under her inspiration, was lent to the House of
Lancaster by the Earls of Northumberland and West
moreland, and other of the warlike nobles of the north, in
whom the military strength of the kingdom was mainly
centred.3 The question was now committed to the
1 Rot. Pari. 27 Henry VI.
2 The Duke of York, it must be borne in mind, was the son of the
Earl of Cambridge by the sister of Edward Mortimer, last Earl of
March (who died without issue in 1425), and claimed the throne by
right of his descent from Lionel, Duke of Clarence.
3 "The whole north of England, the most warlike part of the
kingdom, was by means of these two noblemen warmly engaged in the
interests of Lancaster." — Hume's History of England.. The influence
vol. 1. 275 T 2

HENRY PERCY, THIRD EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. arbitrament of the sword. The defeat of the royalists
1421-14 1 un(^er Lord Audley by the Earl of Salisbury at Blore
Sept. 23, Heath, was shortly after counterbalanced by the defec-
I4^9' tion of the greater part of Warwick's army, which under
Sir Andrew Trollope passed over to the king, and for a
time so discouraged the Yorkists that they again retired
to their different strongholds. In the following year,
however, the rival forces once more met in the open
field. The royal army, nominally commanded by the
king in person, lay at Northampton, where it was attacked
by the Earl of March, the eldest son of the Duke of
York, and the Earl of Warwick who had landed from
Calais with a picked body of troops. After a fierce
July 10, conflict of several hours the royalists were defeated with
1400. great slaughter,1 and the poor king, who at this time was
hardly responsible for his actions, was left a prisoner in
the hands of his uncle.
Among the many nobles who fell in the battle on the
side of the Lancastrians was Lord Egremont who " full
stoute in feate of warre," 2 was slain while fighting near the
king's tent,3 having, it is said, been singled out for his
vengeance by the Earl of Warwick, who had a personal
grievance against him.4 The queen, who had been present
and power of these nobles is illustrated by the fact of their having been
able to raise large armies in their own county, although the great mass
of the northern people had always sympathised with the deposed dynasty,
and continued to lean to the side of York, even after the red and white
rose had been united in a wedding wreath.
1 Hall, who puts the Lancastrian loss at "few lesse than XM talle
Englishmen," says that the Earl of Northumberland entered the field
" determined to take Warwick alive or dead." 2 Hardyng.
3 According to an account of this battle in the New History of
Northamptonshire, vol. i. 430.
¦t See Stubbs's Constitutional History. He left a son, John Percy,
described in a deed of transfer dated in 1480 as filius et heres Thomas
Percy, milifis, Dominus, dum vixit, de Egremont. From the fact of
his never having assumed the title it may be concluded that Lord
Egremont had been attainted before his death, though there is no record
of any such attainder previous to 1461.
276

THE BATTLES OF NORTHAMPTON AND WAKEFIELD.
throughout with the young Prince Edward, now fled a.d. 1460
under the escort of the Earl of Northumberland to the
north, there to raise a fresh army.
Meanwhile the Duke of York availed himself of this
success to induce parliament to declare him regent of the
kingdom and heir to the throne ; and Henry is described
as cheerfully assenting to an act which, though it left him
nominally in possession of the crown during his life,
sacrificed the rights of his only son. The queen in
dignantly repudiated this arrangement, and when, at the
instance of the Duke of York, who feared her influence
and power, the king sent her a summons to join him in
London, she returned a haughty and defiant refusal.
The new regent, conscious that while so formidable an
enemy remained in arms against him there could be no
peace, conceived the rash design of advancing into the
north for the purpose of securing her person and that of
her son, and of finally crushing armed opposition.
Arriving at Wakefield, in Yorkshire, with less than
10,000 men, he found himself confronted by the queen
at the head of an army of 20,000, commanded by generals
devoted to her cause, including the Duke of Somerset,
the Earls of Northumberland, Wiltshire, and Devon
shire, and the Lord Clifford. Unable to cope with such
a force the Duke of York was prevailed upon to take
refuge in Sandal Castle, there, to await reinforcements, but
after a short time, chafing under inactivity and ashamed
to be " held at bay by a woman," he* left his intrench-
ments and advanced to give battle to the queen. The 31 Deer.
struggle was hopeless : " Inuironed on every side, like fish
in a net, he fought manfullie yet was he within half an
hour slain and dead and his whole army discomfited." '
1 Holinshead ; according to whom 2,800 Yorkists were killed,
"whereof manie were young gentlemen and heires of great parentage in
the South Partes." 277

HENRY PERCY, THIRD EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Civil wars are proverbial for arousing the fiercest

1421-1461

passions of human nature, and stifling those sentiments
of generosity and pity which in international conflicts
mitigate the horrors of the battlefield. Never was this
more strongly illustrated than in the Wars of the Roses,
where kinsmanship served rather to inflame than to
soften hatred. What must have been the violence of
faction, to convert the queen — a refined woman, an
attached, if an imperious, wife, and a fond mother —
into a cruel virago, gloating over the last agonies of her
conquered and wounded adversary, seeking to aggravate
the pains of his death by bitter insults, and finally venting
her rage upon his inanimate body ? More repulsive even
was the conduct of the Lord Clifford, when in cold
blood, he, with his own hand, stabbed his prisoner, the
young Earl of Rutland, a boy of twelve years, whose
only offence was being the son of his father.
By way of grateful contrast with such scenes we may
turn to Shakespeare's tribute to that exceptional spirit of
humanity which had at all times been a characteristic of
the warlike Percies, and which he now attributes to " the
rude Northumberland," who is represented as moved to
tears by the suffering of his fallen enemy under the
cruelty of Queen Margaret.1

1 " Northumberland. Beshrew me, but his passions move me so,
That hardly can I check my eyes from tears . . .
Had he been slaughterman to all my kin,
I should not for my life but weep with him,
To see how inly sorrow gripes his soul.
Queen Margaret. What, weeping-ripe, my Lord Northumberland ?
Think but upon the wrong he did us all,
And that will quickly dry thy melting tears."
—Third Part of King Henry VI.
And again, in Richard the Third (Act i. Scene 3), in allusion to the
murder of Rutland :
" Northumberland, then present, wept to see it.''
278

THE SECOND BATTLE OF ST. ALBANS.
The Earl of March was on his way to reinforce a.d. 1461
his father when he received the tidings of his
defeat and death. Shortly after he was met by the
Earl of Pembroke, whom the queen had sent to intercept
him, while she herself, with an army commanded by
Northumberland, advanced to attack the Earl of Warwick
who was actively recruiting his forces in and around
London. Pembroke was defeated with heavy loss at
Mortimer's Cross, but Northumberland utterly routed 2 February.
Warwick on the scene of his father's death six
years before, slaying over 3,000 men and taking 15 Feb.
numerous prisoners. Among them was the poor king,
who, shuffled to and fro with the varying fortunes of
war, was now transferred from the clement custody of
his uncle to the imperious companionship of his wife.
This victory, however, availed but little to the Lancas
trians, for the Earl of March, returning to the south by
forced marches, compelled the queen to fall back, while
he entered London in triumph, and was, by his army
and the populace, proclaimed King of England.
Queen Margaret had returned to the north, where
Northumberland succeeded in raising another army of
60,000 men. The young Duke of York, or as he was
now called, King Edward IV., was as determined as his
father had been before him to crush the only power that
continued to threaten the stability of his throne, and
advancing with a large force prepared to refer the fate of
his house to the issue of battle. *
* *
The feudal system, while calculated to foster a warlike
spirit, and to train the nation in martial exercises and the
use of arms, was in its nature adverse to the development
of defined principles of scientific warfare. The art of war
had not yet been reduced to a science, and each chief
tain who brought a contingent into the field had his own
279

HENRY PERCY, THIRD EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d ideas as to the most effectual method of employing his
1421-14 1 forceSi yj-g armies which a King of England could call
together were accordingly an aggregate of units greatly
differing in character and strength, and not neces
sarily bound to one another by any common tie of
duty or sympathy. The sovereign authority was thus
filtered through a number of distinct channels ; and al
though in some exceptional cases — as in that of the
Black Prince — the genius and influence of the supreme
commander enabled him to fuse the heterogeneous
mass for his own purposes to a common end, yet as a
rule the vassal recognised no authority but that of his
own immediate lord, whose lead he was ever ready to
follow, and whose fall or capture relieved him from the
obligations of service, and was commonly the signal for
flight or surrender on his part.
Of generalship, or great tactical combinations, we
see few traces in the English wars of the middle ages ;
but, if ignorant of military science, long practice in
war had taught the commanders of feudal armies some
valuable lessons. It is noticeable that they rarely failed
to show a just appreciation of the advantages of geo
graphical position and promptly profited by the blunders
or misfortunes of their adversaries. Both these qualities
were now displayed. Warwick had no sooner reached
Pontefract and learnt the disposition of the enemy, than
recognising the importance which the command of the
river Ayre would give him, he sent forward a detach
ment under Lord Fitzwalter to secure the bridge of
Ferriby. The Lancastrians, becoming conscious of their
neglect in not having possessed themselves of so com
manding a post, despatched an overwhelming force under
Lord Clifford, who succeeded in securing it after a
desperate struggle, in which Lord Fitzwalter and the
greater part of his followers were slain. None knew
280

THE BATTLE OF TOWTON FIELDS.
better than Edward and his adherents how much a.d. 1461
depended upon the issue of the coming struggle, and
when Warwick saw the discouragement produced in his
ranks by the appearance in the camp of the few fugitives
who had escaped the massacre of Ferriby, he revived
the morale of his army by one of those acts of theatrical
display which, before and since those times, have in
critical moments so often turned the scale of battle.
Ordering his horse to be brought to him in presence of
the assembled troops, he with his own hand stabbed the
animal, declared his intention of fighting on foot like any
common soldier, and, bidding those who were not pre
pared to follow him to the death to retire from the field,
he led the attack. The example was contagious. Clifford
was in his turn defeated and slain, and the bridge remained
in possession of the Yorkists. On the following day — 29 March.
Palm Sunday— the two armies confronted one another
at Towton Fields, where 100,000 of England's best
and bravest sons — princes, nobles, knights, yeomen and
peasants — once more prepared to join in a death struggle,
The morning was harsh and boisterous, and a heavy
snow-storm was raging, under cover of which the Yorkists
attacked the enemy, who, blinded by the drift blowing in
their faces, discharged their arrows wildly. Lord Falcon-
bridge, who led the van, improved this advantage by order
ing his archers to fall back after each discharge from their
bows, a manoeuvre not perceptible to the Lancastrians,
whose shots continued to fall short of their mark. So fatal
is this device said to have been to them, that while they
emptied their quivers without inflicting any damage, the
other side actually collected the harmless arrows, and
returned them winged with death into the ranks of their
owners.1 The Earl of Northumberland, seeing his men
1 " The Northern men, feling the shoot, but by reason of ye snow not
wel vewing ye distance betwene theym and their enemyes, like hardy
281

1421-1461

HENRY PERCY, THIRD EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
ad. falling before an unseen enemy, gave the order to charge,
sword in hand, and placing himself at their head led
the way upon the enemy's centre. The conflict now
became a mere trial of brute strength, inspired by de
sperate courage : there was no thought of quarter or
retreat, no idea beyond killing. This carnage continued
with varying fortune for ten hours ; ' in the end the
Yorkists prevailed, and defeat as usual became the signal
for headlong flight and ruthless massacre. Nearly
38,000 men are said to have fallen,2 three-fourths
of whom were Lancastrians ; and it was not with
out difficulty that Margaret, with the poor king whom
she carried in her train and the young prince, succeeded
in escaping from the field, and ultimately passing the
border into Scotland.
Even the brave queen's indomitable spirit must have
sunk under this crushing blow. One half of her fine army
slaughtered, the remainder fugitives or prisoners, and
most of her faithful and trusted commanders 3 left dead
upon the field ; among them the Earl of North
men shot their shiefe arrows as fast as they might, but al their shot was
lost and their labor vayn for they came not neer the Southerners by
xl taylors yardes." — Hall.
1 " This deadly battayle and bloudy conflicte continued x houres in
doubtful victorie, the one parte sometime flowing and sometime ebbynge."
—Ibid. 2 " In those two days were slayn thirty-seven thousand seven hundred
three score and sixteen persons — all Englischemen and of one nacion,
whereof the chief were the Erles of Northumberland and Westmor
land." — Holinshead. In a private letter from Edward IV. to his mother
the Lancastrian loss alone is put at 28,000 men. — Fenn's Paston Letters,
vol. i. p. 217.
3 " King Edw. What valiant foemen, like to autumn's corn,
Have we mow'd down in tops of all their pride !
Three Dukes of Somerset, threefold renown'd
For hardy and undoubted champions ;
Two Cliffords, as the father and the son,
And two Northumberlands ; two braver men
Ne'er spurr'd their coursers at the trumpet's sound."
— Third Part of King Henry VI.
282

SIR RALPH PERCY.
umberland, who had " led the vanguard in lusty youth a.d.
and fresh courage," x and his brave young brother 14<5^f464
Richard.2 In the following year Edward's legal right
to the crown was affirmed by parliament ; the statutes
validating the succession of the Lancastrian kings, and
all grants made during their reigns, were repealed ; and
a special act was passed attainting King Henry, his
queen and son, and, among other of their adherents, the
dead Earl of Northumberland and the four brothers
who had fought by his side.3
Of these Sir Ralph was now the only survivor ; 4 and
when the last of the Lancastrian armies was annihilated,
1 Hall. " The earl commanded the vanguard, but there being a snow
direct in the men's faces, whereby they could not discern how they shot,
he led them on to charge sword in hand, in which bloody onset it was
supposed he fell." — Wainwright's History of York. Sheahan and
Willan, in their History of Yorkshire, state that the earl had been carried
mortally wounded into York, where he died the same day. It is related
by the same authors that in the year 1786 a gold ring, weighing more
than an ounce, bearing the Percy crest and supposed to have belonged
to this Earl of Northumberland, was found on the site of the battle of
Towton. — For an abstract of his will see Appendix XL.
2 See Drake's History of York, p. in. Among others of the slain
in this battle were the Earls of Shrewsbury, Westmoreland, the Lords
Clifford, Beaumont, Nevill, Willoughby, Roos, Scales, Grey, Fitzhugh,
Molineux, and Bedingham. The Earl of Devonshire was taken
prisoner and executed by Edward's order, his head being stuck over the
gate of York Castle in place of that of the Duke of York, which
Margaret had placed there after the battle of Wakefield.
3 Rot. Pari. v. 480, 1 Edward IV. (November 9, 1461).
4 Of the second earl's nine sons three had died in infancy, four fell
in battle, the other two, George and William, had taken priests' orders.
Fuller gives the following quaint account of William Perey, who became
Bishop of Carlisle in 1452 and died ten years later: —
" As a base child in the point of his father is subject to a shameful,
so is the nativity of this prelate as to the place thereof, attended with
an honorable uncertainty ; whose noble father had so many houses in
the northern parts, that his son may be termed a native of North England,
but is placed in Topcliff as the principle and most ancient seat of this
family." — Fuller's Worthies of Yorkshire. Of the earl's three daughters
one died a nun, the second married in succession Sir Thomas
Hungerford, Sir Lawrence Rainsford, and Sir Hugh Vaughan, all
good Lancastrian knights, and the third became the wife of Edmond
Grey de Ruthyn, Earl of Kent. 283

HENRY PERCY, THIRD EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. the leaders slain or in exile, the king deposed, and the
1421-14 1 queen a SUppiiant fugitive in Scotland and France
hopeless of the success of his cause,1 he, together with
the Duke of Somerset, gave in his submission to
Edward, who granted him his pardon, and allowed
him to retain the custody of the important Castle of
Dunstanborough,2 which had hitherto successfully held
out for the Lancastrians ; but the governorship of
Alnwick was transferred to a Yorkist, Sir John Astley.
Queen Margaret, though defeated, was not, however.
yet subdued. By a promise of the surrender of Berwick
to the Scots, and of Calais to France, she succeeded in
obtaining armed support from those countries, and once
more made an irruption into her kingdom with a stirring
appeal to her former subjects to rally under her standard.
Among the first to place their swords at her disposal
were the Duke of Somerset and Sir Ralph Percy.3 The
latter surrendered to her the stronghold in his custody
which she "stuffed with Scotts."4 Whereupon, foiled in
an attempt to surprise Alnwick Castle, he advanced with a
small force under the Duke of Somerset, and the Lords
Hungerford and Roos, to encounter John Nevill, Lord
25 April, Montagu, at Hedgely Moor, near Chillingham Castle in
14 4' Northumberland. The Lancastrians were so greatly
outnumbered that after a mere show of resistance the
commanders fled from the field, leaving Ralph Percy, who
refused to turn his back upon the foe, exposed with a
1 " The Duke of Somerset, Sir Raufe Percye and dyvers others, lay
in despayre and oute of hope of all good chaunce that might heppen
to King Henry the Sixt, and came humbly and submitted themselves,
whom the King gently entertayned and lovinglye receyved." — Grafton,
vol. ii. 2.
2 Rot. Pari. 2 Edward IV. and V. 511.
3 " When the Duke of Somerset heard these newes he without delaye
refused Kyng Edward and rode in poste to his kinsman Kyng Henry
the Sixt, verifying the olde proverbe ' kin will creepe when it may not
goe '  with him fled also Sir Raulfe Percie and mony other of
the Kynge's friendes." — Grafton, vol. ii. 2. ? Ibid.
284

"THE BIRD IN MY BOSOM."
few faithful followers to the Yorkshire host.1 Fighting a.d. 1464
desperately while his arm could yet wield a sword, he fell
covered with wounds and " died like a man." 2
The act of attainder passed upon all the chief actors
in Margaret's last struggle recites that " Ralf Percy,
Knight, after his long abode in rebellion, was by our
sovereign lorde taken benygnlye unto his grace . . .
yet nevertheless unkyndlye rered werre agaynste the
kynge, and surrendered the castles of Bamburgh and
Dunstanburgh to the said Henry, the kynge's enemye."3
It is impossible to question the justice of the terms of
this sentence, or to defend Ralph Percy's betrayal of the
trust reposed in him by the sovereign, whose pardon
he had solicited and obtained. Yet some plea may be
offered in extenuation of his offence.
It is one of the curses of civil wars that the instability
of national institutions which they produce reacts upon
individual character, and so warps the moral sense as to
tempt, sometimes almost to compel, honourable men to
accept, under political pressure, an allegiance which in
their consciences they condemn and repudiate, and which
under altered conditions they feel bound to disavow.4
Never was this more commonly exemplified than in the
Wars of the Roses, when " on neither side do there seem

1 " When sodaynely the sayde Lordes withoute stroke stryking fled,
and onely Syr Rauf Percie abode and was there manfullie slayne with
dyvers others."- — Grafton. The skirmish, for it was little more, was
followed by the complete defeat of the Lancastrians at Hexham on
May 15 following, when the nobles who had deserted Ralph Percy were
¦ taken prisoners and executed.
2 Year Book, Tertn Paschal, 4 Edward, v. 19.
3 Rot. Pari. 4 Edward IV.
4 The Earl of Salisbury is made to excuse his breach of fealty to
King Henry by the argument that :
" It is great sin to swear unto a sin ;
But greater sin to keep a sinful oath."
— Second Part of King Henry VI
285

HENRY PERCY, THIRD EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. to have been any scruples. Yorkists and Lancastrians,
1421-1461 Edward and Margaret of Anjou, entered into any en
gagements, took any oaths, violated them and indulged
their revenge as often as they were defeated or
victorious." r
If the prevalence of this demoralisation among all
classes do not suffice to palliate his guilt, may not Ralph
Percy's death and parting words plead for him ?
Loyalty to the House of Lancaster, in defence of
which his father and three brothers had fallen in battle,
had been "bequeathed to him as a sacred inheritance, and
when the brave queen made her final appeal, he forgot
all considerations — fealty, fortune, liberty, and life— all
but his devotion to her cause and person. The desperate
game was played and lost ; he stood alone, manfully pre
pared to pay the penalty, and glorying that he had
remained true to the allegiance of his house, he cried
with his last breath :
" I have Saved the Bird in my Bosom."
A rudely-carved column, bearing the Percy badges,
marks the spot where the fallen. warrior breathed those
touching words. A spring of water close by, at which
he is said to have taken his last draught, still bears the
name of Percy s Well ; and for many successive genera
tions this was the spot around which the sturdy North
erners would assemble to hold their annual contests of
football and wrestling, and where old men sat and told
the assembled children the story of the last Percy who
fought and died for the Lancastrian Kings.
1 Hume.

286

PERCY'S CROSS.

CHAPTER VII.

dfourtl) <£arl of f^rtfmmfrerlant*, 3L#.

Born, 1446.
Restored, 6th October, 1473.
Died, 28th April, 1489.

Contemporary
English Sovereigns.
Henry VI.
Edward IV.
Edward V., ace. 1483
Richard III., „ 1483
Henry VII., „ 1485

H E shifting political course which through
out an entire century was pursued by the
great houses of England, and which
serves to mark the dynastic vicissitudes
of that troubled period, is strikingly
illustrated in the Percy family.
The first Earl of Northumberland had been a powerful
champion of the claims of his kinsman, Roger Mortimer,
under Richard II. ; had subsequently condoned his ex
clusion in favour of Henry Bolingbroke, in attempting to
dethrone whom a few years later he ruined his fortunes
and lost his life. The two succeeding Earls fought and
fell in the cause of the House of Lancaster ; while the
fourth became a zealous Yorkist under the sovereign
to whom he owed his restoration, next espoused the
cause of the usurper Richard, and finally transferred his
287

A.D.
1446-1489

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. allegiance to a competitor for the crown who possessed
1446-1489 neither tne hereditary rights of the one dynasty, nor the
parliamentary title of the other.
On, or shortly after, the death and attainder of the
third Earl, Henry, his only son, had taken refuge in
Scotland ; where he still remained when, in 1464, Edward
IV. rewarded the services and gratified the vanity of
John Nevill, Lord Montacute, by conferring upon him
the forfeited Earldom of Northumberland.1 The cir
cumstances under which the young Percy subsequently
fell into the hands of the English have not transpired.
He was probably taken prisoner in one of the minor
Lancastrian risings and committed to the Tower,2 where
we find him at the end of 1469 ; when the king, recognis
ing, no doubt, the value of his adhesion in view of the
defection of the Earl of Warwick, and other of his
former supporters, determined to restore him to his
patrimony. Edward already suspected, and not without
reason, the loyalty of John Nevill,3 but was unwilling to
give him offence by summarily depriving him of the
Northumberland title, and therefore arranged that the
northern people should draw up a petition for the
restoration of the heir of the Percies.4 Before this
1 " Kyng Edward returned to Yorke where, in despite of the Erie of
Northumberlande, which then lurked in the realme of Scotland, he
created Sir John Nevil Erie of Northumberland." — Hall's Chronicle.
John Nevill was a grandson of Ralph, first earl of Westmoreland
(whose daughter the second earl of Northumberland had married), and
a brother of Warwick, the Kingmaker.
2 He had been at one time confined in the Fleet, as appears from this
entry in the public accounts : " To Sir Henry Percy, Knight, to provide
for his table and four persons to attend upon him in the king's prison of
the Flete during two months and four days, for each week, £1 6s. Sd.
= £11 3_. Sd." — Issue Rolls, 5 Edward IV.
3 Although he had not yet actually joined his brother in open revolt,
he was at this time in secret correspondence with him and the Duke
of Clarence ; of which fact King Edward was probably not in ignorance.
4 "Kyng Edward fered then the Lord Montacute, the EarlWarwikes
brother, whom he had made Erie of Northumberland, and so privilie
288

147°-

RESTORATION TO THE EARLDOM,
had been presented, he ordered the young prisoner a.d. 1469
to be conveyed from the Tower to Westminster, where,
having in presence of the King, the Archbishop of Canter- 29 October.
bury, and other high officers of State, taken the oath of
allegiance, he was pardoned and released from durance.1
In the ensuing parliament Henry Percy's petition for 2 March,
restoration to the Earldom of Northumberland (Lord
Montacute having reluctantly surrendered that title in
consideration of advancement to a marquisate)2 was duly
passed for the King's approval ; but although henceforth.
addressed by that title in his various public employments,
his formal restoration was not effected until three years
later.3 In 1470 he acted as one of the judges on the
trial of the Duchess of Bedford, (former wife of Earl
Rivers) for witchcraft.4 Shortly after he was appointed
warden of the East Marches towards Scotland, but
had not long been at his post when, Warwick having
liberated and proclaimed Henry VI., King Edward fled
into Flanders. There is no evidence to show that the
cautious and politic Earl took any active part during the
short interregnum that ensued. Had Queen Margaret
then appeared upon the scene his fidelity to the House
of York might have been put to a severe test ; but he
causid men of the countery to desyre the ryghtful heyre, Percy, sunne to
Henry that was slayne at Yorke Felde ; and so Percy was restored, and
made Montacute a marquis." — Leland's Collectanea, vol. i. p. 500.
' For his curiously-worded oath of allegiance see Appendix. XLI.
2 " This tyme Marquis Montacute had a VIM men yn Kyng Edwarde's
name, and cumming near Kyng Edwarde told them how Edwarde had
servyd hym, first making hym Erie of Northumbreland, and after gyving
it to Percy, and after makyng hym Marquis Montacute gyving him a
Pye's nest to maintain it withal. Wherefore he signified that he wolde
take the Erie of Warwick, his brother's part." — Leland's Collectanea,
vol. i. p. 503. His patent of Marquis was dated March 25, 1470.
3 See Appendix XLI I.
4 Rot. Scot. 10 Edward IV. m. 3. One of the imputed acts of sorcery
was the having brought about a marriage between King Edward IV.
and the Lady Elizabeth Grey; which "pretended marriage " Richard III.
pronounced null and void on that ground.
VOL I. 289 U

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

a.d.

was a man of cold sympathies and of a calculating
44_I_4 9 nature; he had moreover no reason to love Warwick,
in whose hands Henry was notoriously a mere puppet.
He accordingly appears to have maintained a neutral
attitude, and to have awaited the turn of events in prudent
inactivity.
14 March, Even when Edward had returned to England, and
appearing on the north coast4 with only a few hundred
men, gained some adherents by professing to have re
ceived letters of invitation and safe conduct from the
Earl,2 he made no sign either to encourage or to deprecate
opposition to the King's advance.
Ten years before the Lancastrians had been able to
raise large armies in the north ; but this was due to the
personal influence of the Queen and of the Percies, rather
than to sympathy for the cause ; for ever since the death of
Richard II. these provinces had been the stronghold of
legitimacy, and it now required but a word to rekindle
the flame of civil war. By remaining neutral, Northum
berland to a certain extent disarmed both factions, while
Edward marched forward and entered the city of York
amid the acclamations of the people.
A contemporary writer has shrewdly indicated the
motives which at this juncture actuated the Earl, who, we
are told " loved Kynge Edward trewly and parfectly ; "
yet, as his people had "in theyr freshe remembraunce
1 The king landed at Ravenspur, where Henry of Lancaster had
disembarked seventy years before, and, like him, with professions,
subsequently confirmed by solemn oaths, that he came not to seek the
crown, but only to recover his family estates. That day month he once
more proclaimed himself King of England.
2 " In the xlix. yere of King Henry VI. came King Edward, and
wolde have landed in Essex ; and after he landid, sore wether-beten, in
Ravespurge, in Yorkshire ; and as Edward passed the countery he
shewed the Erie of Northumbrelande's letters and seale that sent for hym."
— Leland, Collect, vol. i. p. 503. There is no direct evidence that such
letters were sent to Edward, but the Earl does not appear to have
contradicted this assertion when it was put forward by the King's friends.
290

THE BATTLE OF TEWKESBURY.
how that the kynge at the first entrie-winning of his a.d. 147 i
ryght to the Royme and Crowne of Englande had and won
a great battaile in those same parties, where theyre maystar
the Erlles fathar, was slayn, ... it was thought that they
cowth nat have born very good wyll, and done theyr best
service to, the kynge, at this time, and in this qwarell." '
It is stated by the same authority that a great part of
the populace in the north " loved the Kynge's person well ;
but . . . the noble men and comons in those parties were
towards th' Erie of Northumberlande, and would not
stire with any lorde or nobleman other than with the sayde
erle, or at least by his commandment." Edward himself
appears to have reckoned more upon the toleration of
those who had once been his declared enemies, than upon
any great accession of active strength ; and considered
that Northumberland had done him "a notabel goode
service ; . . . for his sittynge still caused the Citie of York
to do as they dyd, and no werse, and every man in all
those northe partes to sit still also, and suffre the Kynge
to passe as he dyd, natwithstandynge many were ryght
evill disposed of theymselfe agaynes the Kynge, and in
especiall in his qwarell." 2
Had the Kingmaker's impatient temper permitted him
to await the arrival of Margaret, before giving battle
to his adversary, the probability is that their united
forces would have proved more than a match for
Edward ; but on the Queen's landing at Dartmouth she T, April.
was met by the tidings of Warwick's defeat and fall
at Barnet on the previous day, and of the complete
dispersion of his army. Never was the cause of the
Lancastrians so hopeless as now. The enthusiastic
reception she had met with in the west of England
1 " Historie of the arrivall of Edward IV. in Englande and the final
recoverie of his kyngdome from Henry VI." — Camden Society, vol. i.
pp. 6 and 7. 2 Ibid.
291 U 2

i47i-

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. and in Wales, however, and the offers of armed support
M4j24 9 which she received from the most influential nobles in
those parts, determined Margaret once more to try the
fortune of war, which once more turned against her.
4 May, The brave queen only survived the crushing defeat at
Tewkesbury to mourn her murdered husband and son
in a long and miserable captivity. Edward was now
in undisputed possession of the crown, and after the easy
suppression of several insignificant risings there was little
temptation for the most zealous Lancastrian to oppose
his authority. * *
Having been confirmed in the wardenship of the
marches, where for the better performance of his duties
he was required to take up his residence, the Earl of
Northumberland continued to exercise the various func
tions which had generally devolved upon the head of his
house ; * but it was not until two years later that his
restoration to the earldom was publicly recorded. In a
parliament held on 6th October, 1473, "the King sitting
in the Chair of State in the Painted Chamber, he (Henry
Percy) was present, and by the King's commandment
was restored in blood to the Earldom of Northumberland
and to all such hereditaments of Henry Percy, late Earl
of Northumberland, as came to the King's hands, and
the attainder against the said Earl, of ist Edward IV.
tit. 17, is made void."2
In 1474 he bound himself by an indenture3 to render
service to Richard, Duke of Gloster, " at all tymes lawful
1 " My Lord of Northumberland hath indented with the king for the
keeping out the Scottes and warring on them, and shall have large money.
I cannot tell the sum for certain." — Wm. Paston to Sir John Paston,
7th March, 1473. Fenn's Letters.
2 Collins.
3 For the text of this remarkable document, the original counterpart
of which is preserved in the Muniment Room at Syon House, see
Appendix XLIII. 292

KING EDWARD'S ACCESSION.
and convenient when he thereunto by the said due shall a.d. 1474
be lawfully requyred. The dutie of the alegauence of
the said erle to the kynge's highnes, the quene, his
service and promise to Prince Edward, their first be
goten son, and all the king's issue begoten and to be
begoten, first at all tymes receyved and hadd."
In the following year he accompanied the king to
Calais on his ostentatiously prepared expedition against
France, and was present at the ensuing pacific meeting
between the two sovereigns at Pecquigni ; when among
other conditions of a treaty of peace, the release from the
Tower of the unhappy Queen Margaret was stipulated. 29 August.
On his return to England he was elected a Companion
of the Garter, in place of the Earl of Wiltshire ; ' and two
years later figured among the knights who took part in
a royal banquet at Windsor on St. George's day ; when
the queen and her ladies attended the chapter, on horse
back, wearing "gownes of the Order of the Garter,"
the colours and fashions of which are duly recorded by a
court newsman of the day.2 *
* *
The first year of Edward's reign had been stained by
an act of wanton cruelty on his part. He had caused a
worthy citizen of London to be put to death for having
indulged in a harmless jest.3 He now condemned his
own brother the Duke of Clarence (whose more serious
offences he had repeatedly condoned) to the same fate,
for no greater crime than an expression of sympathy with
his friend, Thomas Burdet, of Arrow in Warwickshire,
who had been hanged for remarking upon the king's
1 Anstis's Register, vol. i. p. 191.
2 Stow's Annals, p. 429. See also Anstis's Register, vol. 1. p. 197.
3 It may be remembered that the offence for which this poor trades
man suffered was his having jocularly remarked to a neighbour that his
son would be the heir to the crown, in allusion to the sign of the crown
over his shop.
vol. 1. 293

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. want of skill in the chase. The Earl of Northumberland
M4_-i4 9 took. part jn jhe trial x and concurred in the sentence of
death passed upon the accused.2 In 1488, he assisted
the Duke of Gloucester in an attempt to recapture Ber
wick, and commanded the vanguard of the Duke's
army when, two years later, the same attempt was re
peated on a larger scale.3 Lord Bothwell, the Scottish
governor of the border fortress, however, successfully
held out against the besiegers ; who finally, leaving a
sufficient force under the walls, advanced into Scotland
as far as Edinburgh ; which at the solicitation of their
ally, the Duke of Albany, they spared from pillage and
destruction in consideration of a treaty being ratified
under which Berwick was once more, and permanently,
restored to England.4 In reward for his services in this
expedition the Earl was formally thanked by parliament,5
and empowered to confer knighthood upon five of his
own officers.6 Early in the following year, he was
granted the office of Lord High Chamberlain, vacated
by the attainder of John Vere, Earl of Oxford.7
When on the death of Edward in the flower of his
1 The trial took place before the House of Peers.
2 The execution took place on 18th February, 1478, but the story of
Clarence having, at his own request, been drowned in a butt of Malmsey
wine rests, like many other popular traditions of this period, upon very
questionable authority.
3 The Earl's force consisted of 6,700 men, and among those serving
under his banner were Lord Scrope of Bolton (his brother-in-law), Sir
John Middleton, Sir John Dichfield, and other knights of distinction.
* The commissioners for England who signed the treaty were the
Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Northumberland, and the Lord Stanley ;
and on the part of the Scotch, the Duke of Albany, the Bishop of
Dunkeld, and Colin, Earl of Argyll.
s " De eorum nobili gestu, actu et obsequiis factis et impensis prefato
Domino Regi in defensionem regni in guerra Scotia.." — Rot. Pari., 22nd
Edward IV.
6 These were Sir Marmaduke Constable, Sir Christopher Ward, Sir
Thomas Grey, Sir Ralph Widrington and Sir Thomas Tempest, all of
whom he created Knights Bannerets.
i Rot. Far!., 14 Edw. IV., vi. p. 144.
294

RICHARD, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.
manhood his brother Richard succeeded to the regency, a.d. 1483
the Earl, already attached to him by the ties of military
service, lent him an unbroken allegiance, and ultimately
condoned, if he did not actively support, his usurpation
of the throne.1 It should be borne in mind that up to
Edward's death the Duke of Gloucester had by his
courage, sagacity, and strength of character, won the
respect and confidence of the nation, and had given no
indication of that unscrupulous ambition which was soon
to plunge him into a course of crime and cruelty. The
hideous tales of Richard's atrocities which history has
adopted and romance exaggerated, 2 had not then
darkened his reputation. To Northumberland, Buck
ingham, and other of the great English nobles,
Shakespeare's hunch-backed villain was their late
sovereign's favourite brother and most trusted counsel
lor, their own skilful commander and gallant companion
in arms. His reputation for indomitable courage made
him popular with the masses ; and at a later time the
very audacity of his crimes may have served to inspire
awe where it failed to arouse resistance. And so
Richard of Gloucester, having swept all difficulties
from his path, was crowned in the presence of a noble
assemblage of his lieges, conspicuous among whom was
the Earl of Northumberland "bearing the pointless
sword which signified mercy ; " after which " the Lorde
Stanley, lord steward, Syr William Hopton, treasurer,
1 Among the earliest charters of Edward V. we find confirmation of
the wardenship of the Marches and high offices in the north in favour
of the Earl of Northumberland, who was also made Governor of
Berwick. See grants under Edward V. — Camden Society.
2 The attempt to vindicate unpopular historic characters is apt to be
denounced as " whitewashing," no degree of which could leave Richard's
reputation other than hateful. Still, there is no doubt that much
has been laid to his charge for which history affords no warrant.
Walpole's celebrated treatise in refutation of the aspersions which his
enemies cast upon Richard has been but very partially answered.
295

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. and Sir Thomas Percy, * comptroller, came in and served
144 JLl4 9 the kynge solemnly with one dishe of golde and another
of silver." 2
Shortly after Richard's accession, Northumberland
addressed to him a petition for the complete restoration
of all the lands that had belonged to his family at the
time of the attainder of his great-grandfather, the first
earl ; the wording of this document is curious :
" Please it youre highness, of youre moost habundaunt
grace, to have in youre tender consideracion, how that
youre humble subject and true liegeman Henry Percy, now
Erie of Northumberland, is, and all tymes hath ben, sith
the tyme of your moost noble reigne, of humble, true and
due obeissaunce to you, liege lorde, and to youre lawes, and
ever shall be during his life, with the grace of God." 3
After reciting the attainder by Henry IV. " late
in dede, but not of right? Kyng of England" he com
plained that subsequent acts had failed fully to revoke
the effect of that attainder, and the forfeiture attaching
to it ; and he prays that complete restitution be made to
him of all the first Earl had been possessed of, and that
subsequent grants of such lands to other persons be
declared null and void. The petition was fully complied
with in the following year 5 *
* *
The crimes attributed to King Richard which since his
accession had lost nothing by popular rumour, and, more
even than these perhaps, his suspicious and arbitrary
temper, had by this time alienated many of the powerful
1 The relationship of this Percy to the head of his house is not
known. 2 Hall.
3 Rot. Pari, ist Richard III.
4 In the course of the succeeding reign these words are frequently
used in official documents with reference to Henry VI.
s By Letters Patent dated 5th May, 2nd Richard III. See Syon
House MSS. D 1. No. 7. 296

THE EARL OF RICHMOND.
nobles from his cause and revived the hopes of the a.d. 1483
Lancastrians, who now once more put forward a can
didate for the crown.1 Remote and indirect as were his
hereditary claims, the King's opponents showed no re
luctance to acknowledge the pretensions of the Earl of
Richmond,2 who from the safe shelter of the French
court deliberately prepared his plans for a descent upon
England. Richard appears to have under-estimated the im
pending danger, and it was not until his rival had actually
landed in Wales that he proceeded to raise levies and to
summon the principal nobles in his support.
Of the trustworthiness of some of these he had never
been confident ; but suspicious as he was by nature, and
from the necessities of his position, he had hitherto had no
reason to doubt the loyalty of the Earl of Northumber
land, who since he had ascended the throne had stood
by him against all his enemies,3 had laboured strenuously
and successfully to win over the King of Scotland to
his cause,4 and whose friends and dependants continued
to be among his most attached subjects and faithful
supporters. How the estrangement between the two
1 Hume states that with exception of the Duke of Norfolk scarcely
any nobleman of distinction was sincerely attached to Richard's cause.
2 He was the grandson of Owen Tudor, who had married Catherine
of France, the widowed queen of Henry V. His father, Edmund
Tudor, had been created Earl of Richmond and had married the
daughter of John, Duke of Somerset, through whom he claimed descent
from the royal House of Lancaster. The Nevills, the Percies, and
other of the old English nobles, might have established a more legiti
mate and stronger claim to the crown by consanguinity.
3 He had indeed, and not unjustly, incurred some odium by his zeal
in the King's service. He had presided at the form of trial held at
Pomfret on the Earl Rivers and voted for his execution. He had
also concurred in the sentence of death passed on the Duke of
Buckingham, of whose forfeited estates he received a share.
4 The Earl had concluded a treaty of peace and amity with King
Richard for three years from September, 1484, one of the conditions
of which was a marriage between a Prince of Scotland and a daughter
of the Royal House of England. See Fcedera, xii. 236.
297

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. commenced does not appear ; and the Earl's attitude at
I44J_!4 9 the battle of Bosworth, where the chances of success
at first seemed to be very largely. in Richard's favour,
has been variously interpreted by different writers.
Some of these contend that the King, mistrustful of
the Earl's good faith, and fearing lest he should
pass over to the enemy, had posted him in the rear
of his army with orders not to advance ; others allege
that Northumberland had brought his contingent into
the field unwillingly, and only awaited the issue of the
conflict to choose his side.1 Whatever the truth may
have been, it is certain that although the Earl struck no
blow for Richard, he was treated as an enemy and a
prisoner of war,2 as soon as victory had been declared for
1 Lingard attributes the Earl's inactivity to the fact that his men
wavered and " were on the point of flying or going over to his com
petitors," but of this there is no proof; on the contrary, the natural
sympathies of the northern men were entirely with Richard. The
popular ballads of the time are much divided in opinion. One of
them charges the Earl with having turned his arms against Richard at
the most critical moment. In Bosworth Fielde he is represented as
having remained inactive : " there was Sir Henry Percy stern on steed : "
while in Lady Bessiye he is stated to have left the field during the
fight : "Rise up, Thomas, with the black gowne,
Shortly he break theray ;
With thirty thousand fighting men
The Lord Percy went his way."
— Ancient English Ballads — British Museum.
* 2 " Of captains and prisoners there was a greate nombre, for after the
death of Kynge Rychard was knowen and publyshed, every man in
maner unarmynge hymselfe, and castynge awaye his abiliments of
warre mekely submitted themselfes to the obeysaunce and rule of the
Erie of Richmonde : of the which the more part had gladlye so done in
the begynnynge if they might have conveniently escaped from Kynge
Richard's espialls, which havynge as cleere eyes as a lynx, and as open
ears as Midas ranged and searched in every quarter. Amongst these
was Henrie the iv. Earl of Northumberlande, which, whether it was by
the commandement of Kynge Richarde puttynge diffidence in hym, or
he did it for the love and favour which he bare unto the earle, stoode
still with a great companie and intermitted not in the battaille, which was
incontinently received into favour and made of the Council." — Grafton's
Chronicle. In Turpyn's Chronicle of Calais (Camden Society), the
Earl of Northumberland is included in the list of prisoners taken at
298

THE BATTLE OF BOSWORTH.
Richmond. By his own people he was evidently not a.d. 1485
suspected of having failed in loyalty to Richard, as is
proved by a letter addressed to him two days after the
battle by the council of the city of York, who applied for
his advice as to the necessity or expediency of their
recognising the new King, now that : " King Richard,
late lawfully reigning over us, was through grete treason
of the Duke of Norfolk,1 and many other that turned
agaynst him, piteously slaine and murdered, to the grete
heaviness of this citye . . . beseeching your good
lordship to be to us, and to this citye, as you have been
heretofore, ryght good and tendre lorde, and so to
advertyse us at this tyme as may be to the honour of
your lordship as well and proufitt of us and sauffegarde of
this said citye." 2
Two days later the humble submission of the citizens
of York was received by King Henry, who having
taken the great northern Earl into favour, now confirmed
him in all the offices he had held under Richard and
called him to his council. He was made Warden of
the East and Middle Marches (with a special clause
conferring authority and power equal to that held by the
Warden in the reign of Richard II. and his immediate
successors), Bailiff of Tyndall for life, and Commissioner
of the Royal Mines in the North of England for twenty
Bosworth ; and J. de Giglia, an agent of the Pope, employed in England
at this time, writes to his court shortly after the battle : — " Comes
Northumbrise qui captus et incarceratus fuerat, est liberatus sub
cautione." — Rerum Britannicorum Mediaevi Scriptores.
1 This name is evidently quoted in mistake for that of Lord Stanley,
who, during the battle of Bosworth, passed over to the enemy in the
midst of the fight ; the old Duke of Norfolk fell in defence of Richard.
2 Drake's Eboracum, where we are told that had the Earl at this time
" staied and raised forces," so strong was the feeling of the northerners
in favour of the House of York that he might have " struck Henry's
new acquired diadem in the Hazard ; " but that " wanting that noble
man's personal appearance amongst them, our citye had nothing to do
but, with the rest of the kingdom, to submit to the conqueror."
299

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. years ; Justiciary of the King's Forest beyond Trent,
i44__i4 9 Maister Forester of the Lordship of Knaresborough, and
Constable of Newcastle, Dunstanborough and Bamburgh ;
of which latter castle his eldest son, then in his eleventh
year, was appointed keeper.1
On the King's first visit to the North the Earl met him
at Barnsdale, in Yorkshire, with an ostentatious display
of loyalty, at the head of a retinue of thirty-three
knights and 300 horsemen.2 He took a prominent part
in suppressing the rising under Lord Lovell and the
Staffords, and it was attributed to his vigilance that
Henry narrowly escaped from falling into the hands of
his enemies, by whom during his progress he had found
himself surrounded.3

The exhaustion produced by thirty years of civil war,
and the birth of a royal heir in whom the rival claims of
the houses of York and Lancaster were united, might
have been expected to put a stop to domestic dissension ;
but hardly had Lord Lovell's rising been put down, than
the crown of England was once more challenged, and
this time from a very unexpected quarter.
1 Rot. Pari, 1 and 2 Henry VII. — Several other members of the
family were at this time rewarded by the king ; George Percy was granted
certain lands in Northumberland " for good and true service," and made
a commissioner for concluding peace, and a Lieutenant of the East and
Middle Marches; and John Percy (possibly the disinherited son of
Lord Egremont) was appointed an officer of the Great Wardrobe. —
Materials Illustrative of the Reign of Henry VII.
2 Cotton MSS., Julius, B. 12.
3 " King Henry would certainly have been taken by them whilst he
was devoutly solemnyzing of St. George's day in that city (York), had
not the Earl of Northumberland been more prudent in coming to the
rescue." — Drake's Eboracum. Some of the Percy family appear to have
taken part in this rising, for among those included in the act of
attainder, after the suppression of Lord Lovell's rebellion, we find the
name of Robert Percy of Knaresborough, who, at the Earl's intercession,
was pardoned in the following year.
300

LAMBERT SIMNEL.
The credulity which springs from a love of the marvel- a.d. 1487
lous or the improbable, combined with an incapacity to
appreciate the value of evidence and to distinguish
between assertion and fact, has always been sufficiently
prevalent to tempt ingenious and unscrupulous men to
try their fortune by fraudulent personation. Trumping-
ton had for many years traded profitably upon his
resemblance to the second Richard ; and now, under the
guidance of a designing priest, Lambert Simnel, a baker's
son, appeared upon the scene in the character of the Earl
of Warwick. By adroitness and audacity he succeeded
in carrying conviction into the minds of a large number
of people of all classes ; who so zealously rallied to his
banner that the movement, contemptible as its origin
was, assumed a formidable character and compelled the
King to put forth his whole strength to meet the
agitation. Even the production of the real Earl of Warwick
failed to shake public confidence in the impostor, and the
Earl of Northumberland ran counter to the feeling of the
great majority of his countrymen in the North when he
took a prominent part in the fiercely-contested action at
Stoke,1 which resulted in defeating one of the most im- *3 Aug.
pudent attempts to win a crown by fraudulent personation
recorded in history.
In acknowledgment of these services the King, shortly
after the battle, conferred upon the Earl the custody of
the lands of Sir Brien Stapleton, of Carleton, York, and
the wardenship of Berwick.
In the following year he was one of the commissioners
who concluded a treaty of peace with Portugal, and was
appointed Bailiff of Boroughbridge, " with the tolls of
1 A few days after the battle he contributed eight bucks and five
marks in money to a banquet given by the Mayor and Corporation of
York, as a peace-offering.
301

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
i44olDi'489 stalla2e and perquisites of the same for seven years." '
i8~Dec S°me months later a Iong"Pending litigation, on the
\488e.C'' su^ect of his claims as heir-general to Sir Guy de
Brien, was brought to a close by a compromise under
which " for greete divers and reasonable consideracions
moving all the said parties," the Earl of Ormond, Sir
Edward Poynings and Sir Thomas Seymour were
allowed to participate in the inheritance.
The following letter from the Earl to the brethren of
St. Peter, York, belongs to this date :
"Right hardly beloved frendes, I comend me unto
you. And whereas a seruant of myn hath shewed unto
me that ye haue a tame deer w*in you, if it like you
to geve him unto me to putt unto other that I have, I
geve you now a buk ; and ye in ye wyntre shell heve a
doo ; and bisid yis yat I may do for ye well, ye therein
will fynde me your good lord at all tymes, the whych
knows God who preserve you. Written on my manor of
Lekinfeld, ye xiii daie of July. " Your loving, H. Nd." 2
The people of England were by this time beginning
to show themselves very impatient of Henry's insatiable
greed for money and love of hoarding, to gratify which
he made continually increasing demands upon the
national resources. Under pretext of waging a war with
France, (which in itself was only intended as a means of
inducing that country to purchase peace by a large money
payment) the King had obtained from his subservient
parliament a vote of 75,000/., to be raised by a tenth on
the yearly produce of lands and on the value of personal
property. The tax created much discontent throughout
the country ; but the disaffected population of Durham and
1 Materials Illustrative of the Reign of Henry VII.
2 State Papers Dom. Henry VII.
302

AN OBNOXIOUS TAX.
Yorkshire angrily resented it, and appealed to the Earl a.d. 1489
of Northumberland to support them in their resistance
to what they denounced as an unjust and extortionate
demand. Sharing, as he probably did, their views, he
did not hesitate to represent to the King that " the people
greatly grudged and murmured, making open proclama
tion that they have been charged of late yeres with
innumerable incommodities and oppressions without any
defaut or desert, and that now there was a howze somme
(huge sum) requyred of theym which neyther they were
hable to satisfy, so grete a demaunde, nor yet woulde
once consent to paye one penny of the saide somme
requyred." *
Henry had already given indication of that policy
which he persistently pursued throughout his reign, and
which his immediate successors adopted and improved
upon, namely, the strengthening of the Royal at the
sacrifice of the Baronial power.2 The Earl's attitude, as
an intercessor between the rights of the people and
the throne, would in itself have offended him, even
had it not involved a question of money. He accord
ingly returned a curt and peremptory answer requiring
immediate compliance with his demand, and the exaction
of the tax to the uttermost farthing, " whether they
could pay it or not," more especially on the part of those
who " whyned most at it, lest it myght appear that the
1 Hall's Chronicle.
2 A striking illustration of his jealousy of the great nobles is mentioned
in Green's Short History of the English People, where we read that
when Henry VII. went on a visit to the Earl of Oxford, and found two
long lines of armed and liveried retainers drawn up in his honour,
according to custom on the occasion of royal receptions, he said to his
host, " Thank you for your good cheer, my lord, but I may not
endure to have my laws broken in my sight. My attorney must
speak with you." The cost of the royal visit was accordingly increased
by io,coo/., the amount of the fine imposed upon the Earl by the Star
Chamber for a breach of the Statute of Liveries.
303

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

A.D.

decrees, actes, and statutes made and confirmed by hym
i44__i4 9 ancj fyc. high courte of parliament, shoulde by hys rude and
rusticall people be infringed, despised and vilipended." •
The Earl was at the same time commanded to make
inquest concerning all insurrections in the city of York,
and to bring offenders to justice.2
The sullen temper of the Northerners who " bare
agaynst the Earle continual grudge by the deth of Kynge
Richard, whom they entirely loved and hyghlie
favoured " 3 required but little incitement to rouse it into
open violence. The Earl had summoned a body of the
malcontents, who had elected one John a' Chambre their
leader and mouthpiece, to meet him at a lodge in his
park at Topcliffe,4 when he delivered to them the King's
decision in a tone, it is said, so imperious as to lead to
the impression that he approved the measure. Chambre
now represented to his angry followers that King Richard
would never have allowed his people to be oppressed by
so extortionate and iniquitous a tax, and that, but for the
Earl of Northumberland having deserted him in the
hour of danger, that sovereign would now be ruling
over them instead of the upstart Henry.
The Earl had come to the meeting with but a small
following, unprepared for violence ; but when Chambre
assailed him with opprobrious words, he called him a
scurvy rogue, and bid the assembled people mistrust
such evil counsellors, and return to their homes like
peaceful and loyal subjects.
There is no authentic account of what ensued. Hall
states that the mob, incited by Chambre, and " lay-
inge to his doore that he was the chiefe author and
1 Hall.
2 Materials Illustrative of the Reign of Henry VII. 3 Hall.
4 Cocklodge, or Cockledge, where a century and a half later, Charles
the First was confined pending the negotiation with the Scotch for his
surrender to the Parliament army. 304

JOHN A' CHAMBRE.
principal causer of this tax and tribute, both hym and a.d. 1489
his householde servants furiously and shamefully mur-
thered and kylled."
According to another version he was not killed at
Cockledge, but dragged thence to Thirsk, a village at
several miles' distance, and there beheaded under a great
elm tree.1 *
* *
Skelton, the Poet Laureate, composed an elaborate
elegy2 in commemoration of his patron's death. He
evidently suspects collusion between the earl's retainers
and the " Commons," and charges the former with having
culpably failed in their duty to fight in defence of their
lord : 3
" The ground of his quarel was for his souerain lord,
The well concerning of all the hole lande,
Demandyng suche duties as nedes most acord
To the ryght of his prince, which shold not be with
stand :
For whose cause ye slew him with your owne hand :
But had his noble men done wel that day
Ye had not bene able to haue sayd hym nay.
" But ther was fals packing, or els I am begylde ;
How be it the mater was euydent and playne,
For if they had occupied their spere and their shilde,
This noble man doutles had not bene slayne.
1 Old Yorkshire, by William Smith.
2 This composition, which will be found in Percy's Reliques of Ancient
Poetry (vol. i. page 95), is among the best specimens of Skelton's style.
3 None of the historical records of this period corroborate the charge,
nor is there any reason to believe that the Earl was attended by a
number of " Barones, Knyghtes, and Squiers " on this occasion. Henry
the Seventh was, however, so unpopular in the north, that the
sympathies of the gentlemen of Northumberland and Yorkshire may
very probably have been with the insurgents, rather than with the
representative of the king, in the matter of the obnoxious tax.
VOL. I. 305 X

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. But men say they wer lynked with a double chaine,
I44_Z_449 And held with the comones vnder a cloke,
Which kindeled the wild fyr that made al this smoke.
" Barones, kynghtes, squiers, and all,
Together with seruauntes of his family,
Tttrned their backis and let their master fal,
Of whos [life] they counted not a flye ;
Take vp whose wold, for thez, they let hym ly.
Alas ! his gold, his fee, his annual rent
Upon such a sorte was ille bestowed and spent.
" He was enuironed aboute on euery syde
With his enemyes, that wer stark mad and wode ;
Yet while he stode he gaue them woundes wyde,
Alias for ruth ! What thoughe his mynde wer goode,
His corage manly, yet ther he shed his blode.
Al left alone, alas ! he fought in vayne,
For cruelly among them ther he was slayne.
" Alas for pite ! that Percy thus was spylt,
The famous Erie of Northumberland ;
Of knyghtly prowes the sword, pomel and hylt,
The myghty lyon doutted by se and lande !
O dolorus chaunce of fortune's froward hande !
What man, remembryng howe shamfully he was slaine,
From bitter weping himself can restrain ?

Paregall to dukes, with kynges he might compare,
Surmountynge in honor al erlis he did excede,
To all countreis aboute hym reporte me I dare,
Like to Eneas benigne in worde and dede,
Valiant as Hector in euery marcial nede,
Prouydent, discrete, circumspect, and wyse,
Tyll the chaunce ran agayne him of fortunes duble dyse."
306

A COSTLY FUNERAL.
King Henry showed his sympathy for the fate of the a.d. 1489
powerful subject who had been slain in his service
by despatching the Earl of Surrey to the North at the
head of a large army, with instructions to inflict the
severest retaliation upon all concerned in the rising.1
He also commanded that the earl's funeral should be
conducted on a scale of unprecedented magnificence ;
a very inexpensive mark of the royal appreciation, since
the cost was to be borne by the family.2
By his wife Maud, daughter and coheiress of William
Herbert, Earl of Pembroke,3 the fourth Earl of North
umberland had four sons and three daughters, the
youngest of whom died in infancy. Of William the
second son we shall hear more in the course of the next
chapter. Alan, the third son, took priest's orders and
became successively Vicar of Giggleswick in York
shire, Master of St. John's College, Cambridge, and

1 According to Bacon, he was but "little troubled" at the earl's
murder, but characteristically availed himself of the outrage to increase
the tax imposed upon the county of York.
2 For an account of this funeral see Appendix XLIV. The earl was
buried in Beverley Minster, where, says Bacon, "he hath a stately
monument, but much defaced." "This was removed in 1668 to make
way for a cenotaph over the grave of Sir George Selby." — Drake's
Eboracum. There was also a shrine erected in the earl's honour in the
Church of St. Nicholas at Newcastle, with the inscription : " Orate
pro anima, Henrici Percy IV Northumbrian comitis qui per rebellium
manus occubuit." — Chorographie, Harl. Miscell.
3 The following inscription is found on the west wall of a tower in
Hulne Park, Alnwick :— " In the year of Crist Ihu. mcccc^viii. This
Tow'r was bilded by Sir Henry Percy, the fourth Erie of Northumberland,
of gret hon and worth, that espoused Maud ye good lady full of
v'tew and bewt', daughter to Sir Wilm. Harbirt, right noble and hardy
Erie of Pembrock, whose soulis God save and with his Grace co'sarve ye
bilder of this tower." Lord Herbert of Raglan who had been created Earl
of Pembroke, was taken prisoner and beheaded by the Earl of Warwick
in 1469, while attempting to subdue an insurrection in the north. His
grand-daughter Elizabeth, in her own right Baroness Herbert, married
Sir Charles Somerset, who in ist Henry VIII. was, jure uxoris,
summoned to parliament as Baron Herbert, and who was the direct
ancestor of the present Dukes of Beaufort.
307 X 2

HENRY PERCY, FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Warden of Holy Trinity College at Arundel in
1446-1489 Sussex-I Of Jocelyn (or, as he is called, Gosslyne), the youngest
son,2 little is on record except that he served as cup-bearer
to King Henry VIII. during his expedition to France in
15 13, and that he married the daughter and co-heiress of
Walter Frost of Featherstone, Yorkshire. He was the
grandfather of the Thomas Percy notorious for his
complicity in the gunpowder plot.
Among the public records we find an indenture be
tween King Henry the Seventh and the executors of
the fourth Earl of Northumberland, dated 14 December,
1490, under the terms of which : " His Majesty grants
that Edward, Duke of Buckingham, shall by the grace
of God wed and take to wife, Alianore eldest daughter
of the said Erie of Northumberland by Xmas of next
year. In the event of the Duke of Buckingham dying
before this his marriage, then his next brother shall
marry the said Alianore, the Pope's sanction being if
necessary obtained ; but if the said Alianore should die
before the marriage with either, then the Duke or his
brother shall marry the next daughter, Anne, within
twelve months of the said Alianore's death. In con
sideration of which the said executors shall allow the
King the sum of 4,000/. out of the Erie's revenues."
The marriage took place within the period named ;
1 Under the will of the Countess of Richmond, dated in May, 15 18,
he became entitled to a legacy for the purchase of lands for St. John's
College. 2 The following clause relating to him occurs in the will of the fourth
Earl of Northumberland, dated 1485 : "Also I will it my feoffes make
astat of lande and tenements to the yearly value ccc mere to Gosslyne
my son for term of his leve within the county of Sussex, whereof the
manor and lordship of Poynings shall be parcell, to the entent that the
said Gosslyne shall be of loving and lowly dispocion toward the said
Henry his broderand give him next his allegance, and that I charge him
to do and to be, upon my blessing as he will answer before God." —
Leland's Collectanea. 308

THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
and although the Lady Alianore Percy's inclinations a.d. 1489
had not been consulted, and the Duke's character was
not such as promised unclouded domestic happiness, an
alliance with the handsome, fascinating and magnificent
Buckingham, could hardly have failed to prove gratifying
to her vanity.1
The second daughter, Anne,2 married William Fitzalan
Earl of Arundel.
1 Within the second year of their marriage we find the duke
complaining to his sister, the Lady Fitzwalter, of " the demeanour
of my lady our wife," towards one of her waiting- women, a certain
Margaret Gelding, whose name occurs with suspicious frequency
in his grace's household books as the recipient of very considerable
sums of money. — See Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII,
edited by J. S. Brewer ; preface, vol. iii. cxi. When however the duke fell
a victim to Wolsey's ambition and jealousy, his widow, Collins tells us, so
severely felt the shock of his death that she only survived him a few
years !
2 In 1494 the Lady Anne Percy was one of the fair distributors of
prizes to the victorious knights at a tournament held at Westminster on
the occasion of Prince Henry being created a Knight of the Bath.;
(see Hall's Chronicle). Four years later (in June 1498) Sir Robert
Lytton, the Keeper of the King's Wardrobe, is directed to deliver
to "our cousyn Lady Anne Percy a goun of murrey engroyned
with an edge of black velvet and lined with bokeram ; a goun of
black cloth with an edge of crimson velvet and lined with bokeram.
Item, a kirtel of black chamlet with as moche lyning as shall suffice
for the same. Item, a bonet of black velvet without a bordure. Item,
a doublet of black saten lyned with black velvet. Item, a piece of
tissues. Item, twelf ells lynen clothe for twoo body shals." She
died in 1534.

Facsimile of Signature of the 4TH Earl of Northumberland, K.G.
309

CHAPTER VIII.

A.D.
1478-1527

Untrg Algernon,1
Mtb <£arl of Bortfmmfeerlantf, &.<&.,
&unranuli "Qfyt Mugni&tmt."

Contemporary
English Sovereigns.
Edward IV.
Edward V.
Richard III.
Henry VII.
Henry VIII., ace. 1509.

Born, January 13, 1478.
Succeeded, April 28, 1489.
Died, May 19, 1527.
yonge Lyon ! but tender yet of age,
Grow and encrease ; remember thyne
estate ;
God thee assyst unto thyn heritage,
And geve thee grace to be more fortunate,
Again rebellyous arme to make debate :
And as the Lyon, which is of bestes Kynge,
Unto thy subjects be curteis and benynge.
*****
I pray God sende thee prosperous lyfe and long,
Stable thy mynde constant to be and faste ;
Ryght to mayntayne and to resyste all wronge,
All flattering faytors abhor, and from thee caste ;
Of foul detraction God keepe thee from the blast.
Let double deling in thee have no place,
And be not lyght of credence in no case ! "

1 So called after his Norman ancestor, the founder of the English
House of Percy. See ante, p. 1 2. 310

PERKIN WARBECK.
In these and many more such words of healthy ex- a d. 1495
hortation, if indifferent verse, did the Laureate, having
paid due tribute to the memory of the dead lord, turn
to do homage to his successor.
The "yonge Lyon," who was in his twelfth year on
his accession to the earldom, was, a few months later,
on the occasion of Prince Arthur being made Prince
of Wales, created a Knight of the Bath.1 He appears
to have passed much time during his boyhood at the
English Court, probably, though this is not on record, as
a royal page. He was in attendance upon the king at
the negotiations and conclusion of peace with France
in 1492, and played an important part in the ceremonial,
attending the investiture of Prince Henry as Knight of
the Bath two years later.2
The collapse and exposure of Simnel's imposture, and
the humiliating penalty inflicted upon him,3 had not
sufficed to deter another adventurer from becoming the
claimant for the crown, nor other credulous or designing
persons from espousing his cause. Among the darkest
crimes attributed to Richard III. had been the murder
in the Tower of his two nephews ; but according to
popular rumour the elder of these had succeeded in
escaping from his prison, and one Perkin Warbeck now
1 Nov. 29, 1489, and not, as stated by Collins, during his father's
lifetime. His esquires in this ceremony were James Hide and John
Parker, "whiche John emploied the money otherwise, that he had
receved from the Sectours (executors) for that cause, and not to his
wourship." — See History of the Orders of Knighthood, by Sir Harris
Nicolas. 2 " There were the three gret Astates in their robbes, that is to saye
the Earl of Suffolk, which bore a rustic sworde, the pommele upward ;
the Erie of Northumberland bore a rod of golde, and thErle of Darby
the cape for astate furred with armyne." — Letters of Richard III. and
Henry VII.
3 Henry had wisely withheld the honours of martyrdom from Lambert
Simnel, and instead of consigning him to the Tower or the scaffold,
the claimant for the crown was employed as a scullion in the royal
kitchen.
3H

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. appeared upon the scene in the character of the young
i47_-[527 prmce_ xhe fraud was cleverly executed, and attended
with great success. The King of France and the
Duchess of Burgundy were among the first to receive
the pretender with all the honour due to royalty in dis
tress ; the King of Scotland not only acknowledged him
as Duke of York, but gave him for wife a lady nearly
allied to himself, and of remarkable beauty. Some of
the English nobles became sincerely converted to a belief
in the justice of his claim ; while others, from political
motives or personal enmity to the king, affected to be
so, and men as highly placed at the English Court as
Sir William Stanley and Sir Robert Clifford, openly
gave in their adhesion to the impostor.
So strong were the sympathies of the people of the
north with the cause of the House of York, that
Warbeck might well have been justified in reckoning
upon the support of the young Earl of Northumberland,
who, however, repudiated the pretender, and assisted in
defeating his designs. Shortly after he had an oppor
tunity of displaying his zeal in the king's service on a
more congenial field of action. An insurrection had
broken out in the West of England, which, spreading
rapidly, assumed dangerous proportions. Lord Audley
had placed himself at the head of the movement, and
ultimately led a large but undisciplined army upon
London.
May 22 The rebels were encountered by the royal forces at
*497 Blackheath ; and in the desperate fight which ensued and
resulted in their complete overthrow, the young earl,
who commanded the " Northern Horse," earned his first
military laurels.
Henceforth he remained in constant attendance at
Court. When in 1500 the Archduke Peter met King
Henry at Calais, the Earl of Northumberland served

LORD AUDLEY'S INSURRECTION.
in the royal retinue, wearing, says the chronicler, " a a.d. 1497
large rich gowne of clothe of gold and the goodliest
plumashes of whit Austriche feders that ever I saw." *
He was again in the suite of the king at the marriage
between Prince Arthur and Catherine of Aragon in
1 50 1,2 and was a subscribing witness at the marriage of
the Princess Mary with the Emperor Maximilian. He
had been appointed General Warden of the Marches
towards Scotland as soon as he attained his majority, and
on assuming his hereditary position in the North showed
indications of that love of splendour and pageantry, which
later in life earned him the title of " The Magnificent." 3
There are no records to fix the precise date of his
marriage, which, however, cannot have taken place later
than the beginning of the century. His wife, Catherine,
was the daughter and co-heiress of Sir Robert Spenser,
by Eleanor, daughter of Edmund Beaufort, Duke of
Somerset, a lady nearly related to King Henry VII.
In 1503 the Earl was charged with the duty of con
ducting the Princess Margaret + to the Border, on the
1 Chronicles of Calais, p. 50, where the banquet given on this
occasion is described with much gusto : — " Ther were ordeyned vij
horselodes of chery's ; ther lakket noo creme, strawberys, nor sugar,
bake venison, spicekakes, nor wafers. Ther were couched gret plentie
of wyne and byer in houseyng therby for them that will drynke," and in
addition to " the gretest nombre of yonge kiddes that ever I saw," there
was "an Englishe fat ox powdred and lesed."
2 Harleian MSS. 6725.
3 The young earl's splendid hospitality is recorded in contemporary
chronicles, where among other such notices we find the details of a
great banquet given by him to the governor and burgesses of Beverley,
who in return presented him with "10 Capons, 4 Swans, 6 Heron-
sewes, 2 Bitterns, and 4 Shollards," besides bestowing various fees
upon the members of his household, including is. lod. to Thomas
Percy, clerk of the kitchen. See Poulson's B ever lac.
+ Eldest daughter of Henry VII., born in 1489, and married to the
Scottish king in 1503. After his death at Flodden she became the wife
of Archibald, Earl of Angus, whom she subsequently divorced to marry
Henry Stuart, Lord Methven. Mary, Queen of Scots, and her husband
Darnley were her grandchildren. 313

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. occasion of her marriage with King James of Scotland.
14 _527 The royal bride was accompanied as far as Colly-weston
in Northamptonshire,1 by her father, whence she was
escorted by the Earl of Surrey until, on approaching
York, she was met by the Earl of Northumberland. Her
own retinue was a numerous and a brilliant one, " but
above all other," says an old historian, " was the Erie
of Northumberland ; what for the ryches of hys cote,
being goldsmyths worke garnyshed with perle and stone,
and what for the costly apparel of his henxmen and
galaunt trappers of their horses, besydes four hundred
tall men well horsed and apparrelled in his colours, that
he was esteemed, both of the Scottes and the English
men, more lyke a prynce than a subject." 2
Somerset Herald, who took part in, and wrote a full
account of, the royal progress, 3 says —
" Att two Mylle fro the sayd Cite (York) cam toward
the sayd Quene my Lord the Earle of Northumberland,
well horst opon a fayr Corser, with a Foot Cloth to the
Grounde of Cramsyn Velvett, all borded of Orfavery ;
his Armes vary rich in many Places uppon his Saddle
and Harnays, his Sterrops gylt, hymselfe arayd of a
Gowne of the said Cramsyn. At the Opnyngs of the
Slyves and the Coller, a grett Bordeur of Stones. His
Boutts of Velvett blak, his Spours gylt, and in many
Places he maid Gambads, plaisant for to see. Allwayes
ny to him wer two Fotemen. Ther Jackets of that sam
as before to hys Devyses.
" Before hym hee had 3 Hensmen rychly drest, and
1 The seat of the king's mother, the Duchess of Richmond.
2 Hall.
3 " The Fyancells of Margaret, eldest Daughter of King Henry VII.
to James, King of Scotland, by John Younge, Somerset Herald, who
attended the said Princess on her journey." Published in the later
editions of Leland's Collectanea, from the original MS. in possession of
John Anstis, Garter King-at-Arms. 3*4

THE PRINCESS MARGARET'S " FYANCELLS."
mounted aponfayr Horsys, their short Jakets of Orfavery, a.d. 1503
and the Harnays of the sayd Horsysof the same. After
them rode the Maister of his Horse, arayd of his Liveray
of Velvyt, monted apon a gentyll Horse, and Campanes
of Silver and gylt, and held in his Haund an other fayr
Corser. Of all Thyngs hys Harnays apoyntted as before
is sayd. " Wyth hym in hys Company war many noble Knights ;
that is to weytt, Sir John Hastings, Sir John Penynton,
Sir Lancelot Thirlekeld, Sir Thomas Curwen, Sir John
Normanville, Syre Robert of Aske, all Knyghts arayd
of hys sayd Liveray of Velvet, with some Goldsmyth
Marke, and grett Chaynes, and war well mounted. Some
of ther Horse Harnes war full of Campanes, Sum of
Gold and Silver, and the others of Sylver.
" Also ther was hys Officer of Armes, named Northum
berland Harault, * arayed of his said Liveray of Velvet,
berring hys Cotte, sens the mettyng tyll to hys Departyng,
thorough all the Entry ng and Yssue of good Townes
and Citez.
"Also other Gentylmen in such wys arayd of hys said
Liveray. Some in Velvet, others in Damaske and
Chamlett, and others in Cloth, well monted, to the N ombre
of Thre hundreth Horsys 
"... The next day, that was Sonday, the said Quene
remained in the said Town of York, and at ten of the
Clok that day she was conveyed to the Church with the
Archbyshop, the Byshops of Durham, Morrey, and Norr-
wysche, the Prelates aforementioned and other honour-

1 In Anthony Wood's "Account of the officers of arms belonging
some time to the nobility of this realm" we read: — "The Earl of
Northumberland had Northumberland Herald, he had also a herald
called Percy Herald, that formerly under Richard II. had been Walks
(Wales) Herald." — A. Wood's MSS. Ashmole Museum, No. 8,495, 4
Fol. 20. 315

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. able Folks of the Churche . . and other nobles, Knyghtes
1478-1527 gquyres, and Gentylmen 
' . . . The Erie of Northumberland was arayd of a
varey ryche Gowne of Cloth of Gold. Hys Thre Gentyl
men of Honor wer drest with longe Jakets full of Orfavery,
very rychly wrought with hys Devyses, as wer likewys
hys Folks.
" After the Processyon doon, begonne the Hygh Masse
by the said Archbyschop, the wich was stalled, as the
Custome is to do  and they sange the Servyce
of the said Masse, in the Chappelle of my said Lord of
Northumberland, with much Solemnity 
"... The Masse doon, the Quene was by the said
Company precedente, in fayr Aray and Ordre, brought
ageyn to the Pallays. And within the grett Chammer,
was presented before hyr my Lady the Countesse of
Northumberlaund, well accompanyd of many Knyghts
and Gentylmen, Ladyes and Gentylwomen, the Quene
kyssyng hyr in the Welcomynge."
On the arrival of the royal party at Newcastle, " at
even the Erie of Northumberlande made to many
Lordes Knyghtes and others a goodly baunket, which
lasted to mydnyght, for cause of the games daunces
sportes and songs ; with force of Ypocras, sucres and
other rnetts of many delycouses maners. . . ."
Two miles from Alnwick, " the said Erie cam and met
hyr, well accompanied, and brought hyr thorough his
parcke where she killed a Buk with her Bow. The next
day she was all the holl daye in the said castell and by
the Lord well cheryste and hyr company."
It was probably on his return from this ceremonial
expedition that the earl was created a Knight of the
Garter.1
1 The lists of the order about this time are exceptionally defective,
and Anstis, who dates the creation in 1504, would appear to be nearer
316

THE STAR CHAMBER.
Among other means adopted for the more unre- a.d. 1507
strained exercise of arbitrary power, Henry had largely
extended the jurisdiction of the law courts, which under
subservient judges, and by the aid of their unscrupulous
instruments, enabled the king at once to gratify his
ambition and his avarice : to weaken the powerful, and
to mulct the wealthy.
The Star Chamber, so called from the character of
the painting on the ceiling, now became the lever for
systematic extortion, from which no one was too exalted
or too mean to escape. Who could resist the combined
action of a rapacious king, a corrupt tribunal, and inter
ested agents armed with irresponsible power, all equally
bent upon selling justice or injustice to the highest
bidder, and using the forms of law for the extortion of
bribes ? *

the mark than the usually accurate Nicolas (History of English Knight
hood), who states that the earl was invested as early as between 1494
and 1499. Had this been so his name would be found in the Wardrobe
Accounts of that period, where it, however, occurs for the first time in
1504. 1 " This court was the instrument by which the politic rapacity of the
sovereign, and the subtilty of his favourite ' promoters of suits,' accom
plished their nefarious purposes. If a man were descended from a stock
that had favoured the White Rose ; if he were suspected of entertaining
a feeling of pity for the misfortunes of the Earl of Warwick ; if his
behaviour indicated a lofty spirit ; or even if he were merely thought
to be moderately rich ; neither a dignified station in society, nor purity
of life, nor cautiousness of conduct, could afford him any protection.
Some statute which had long lain, ' like a rusty sword quite out of use,'
but was yet called ' the law,' was put in force against him by the
king's receivers of forfeitures." — "History of the Court of the Star
Chamber," by John Bruce, F.S.A., Archceologia, vol. xxviii. Hall says :
"At this unreasonable and extorte doynge, noble men grudged, meane
men kycked, poore men lamented, preachers openlie at Paules Crosse
and other places, exclaimed, rebuked, and detested, but yet they would
never amende." — Chronicle, 503. As if to claim the sanction of justice
for their iniquities, the framers of the Act by which the powers of the
court were enlarged, state in the preamble that the object in view was
to put an end to the prevalent corruption, " taking of bribes by juries,
unlawful maintenances, giving of liveries, signs, and tokens."
3^7

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Among all the shameful records of that reign, there
1478-1527 is perhaps none more scandalous than the list in which
the sums paid to the king for the exercise of judicial
favour, the perversion of justice, or the remission of
penalties imposed upon crime, real or suspected, are set
forth in their revolting nakedness. There is, it is true, a
want of explanatory detail which makes it difficult to
form an opinion as to the nature of the various trans
actions, but in some instances corroborative evidence has
been found in contemporary records to throwdight upon
the subject, or to supply the missing links.
Among the numerous entries in this list1 is the
following : —
"2nd February, 1507. Paid by the Erie of North
umberland for the king's gracious favour to him shewed
in the matter betwixt Sir John Hotham knight, and ye
same Erie, 100 lib."
On the face of it, this entry bears the appearance of a
bribe paid to secure a favourable verdict in a pending
action at law. An original document has, however, been
discovered which exonerates the earl from this suspicion,
and shows that the sum was paid not to corrupt, but to
obtain that justice upon a murderer which no less a
person than the Archbishop of York" had used his in
fluence to have withheld. The truth appears to be that
1 Published in A rchceologia, vol. xxv., from Lansdowne MSS., No. 160,
fol. 311. The names of most of the great nobles and wealthy citizens
figure in this list. The system of extortion was, however, by no means
confined to these, but applied generally to all classes except the
very poorest. Sir William Capel, an alderman of London, was so re
peatedly subjected to this financial rack, that he finally refused to
submit to further extortion, and was committed to the Tower, where
he remained till the accession of Henry VIII. The amount of the
bribes quoted ranges from £$0, and in some few cases even less, to
;£io,ooo. Sir John Fiennes — probably a very impecunious knight —
was permitted to purchase his pardon for a murder of which he had
been convicted for £2$.
2 Cardinal Bainbridge, Wolsey's predecessor in that see.
3^

SIR REGINALD BRAY.
the friends of the criminal having paid ^50 to purchase a.d. 1507
a free pardon, the earl paid ^100 to secure a fair trial.
The letter, written throughout in the earl's own hand,
is addressed to Sir Reginald Bray, the king's architect,
and a member of his council.
" Right entierly beloued ffrende. I comende me vnto
you. So it is that as I haue shewed you heretofore that I
had a suaunte of myh callid Thomas Trauers pituously
and shamefully Mourdered by Sir John Hothom and his
suaunts, of the whiche suaunts oone of them is callid
William Dixson, whiche is indicted as a principall of the
same mordour And also Appealle sewed against hym,
as a principall, and vpoh afi exigeat served ayeinst the
said Dixson, he was taken, and in the castell of Yorke, in
the Shireffs keping. and nowe by espialle Labour made,
there is comyh to the Shireffs Sir William Conyers a
Corpus cum causa retomable in the King's Benche
crastino Johannis, wherby the saide pryvye Labour it is
entendid to acquyte hym by some craft and suteltie
contrary to Justice and by estraungiers that knowe not
the matier to bee there Impannelled of a Jure to acquite
the saide William Dixsoh, Wherfore I hartely beseche
yov to helpe to the contrary thereof, and that the matier
may be determyned by suche as knoweth the matier and
be indifferent and not pcialle, and for the same entent
I beseche you to be soo frendely vnto me as to writ a
lettir to Sir William Conyers that he wolle deale in
differently, Notw1. standing any Labour made to hym by
my lorde Archebisshop or other, ffor as ferr as I pceyve
my Lo.de Archebisshop takethe a fast parte therein to
helpe and favour the saide offendours, Notw'.standing
that it pleasyd my Souain Lord the King is grace, att
myn Instaunce and desire to writt a lettir to my saide
lorde Archebisshop that he shulde not medle in that
matier and in especiatt to their comfort and defence, the
3J9

A.D.
1478-1527

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
contrary wherof he doithe, for Sir he not oonly Labours
therin, but also taken to his housholde suaunt the saide
William Dixson oone of the principalis, Nevertheles I
trust att lenght that the said Dixson and the other that
be giltye of the saide mordour. shall nott eskape the
daunger of the Kings Lawes according to their demeritts.
And our Lord have you in his blissed Keping. Written
att my Maner of Lekingfeld the xxjth daie of Juyh.
" Your hawen
" H. Northumberland.
"To my Right entierly beloved Frende Sir
Raynolde Bray Knyght." *
In the following year we find this entry : —
"25 Nov. 1508. For the pardon of the Earl of
Northumberland ^10,000."
No clue is given as to the offence the forgiveness of
which required so heavy a bribe ; and since a murder
might be expiated by the payment of £2$, the natural
inference would be that the earl had committed a crime
of a very heinous character.
It is not until in the first year of the succeeding reign
that light is thrown upon this transaction.
Shortly after his accession, Henry VIII., in a curiously
worded document, claims to be entitled to the " special
good service " of certain of his subjects, among whom he
names the Earl of Northumberland, in consideration of
the favour extended to them by his royal father, " in
discharging and pardoning of many and sundrie weightie
causes ; " and in the following year we find these
Entries : —
" 10 March 1510. Cancelling Recognizance of ^"5,000
1 From the Records in the Chapter House of Westminster Abbey,
Press 6, Shelf 1, Parcel 9. The date of the year is not given.
320

LIVERY AND WARDSHIP.
made by Henry Earl of Northumberland to Henry VII. a.d. 1508
in 20 Nov. 23 Henry VII."
"21 March 15 10. For the pardon and release of
.£10,000, recovered against the said Earl of Northum
berland in the Common Pleas, for abduction of Elizabeth,
daughter and heiress of Sir John Hastynges, Knight,
and for the loss of her custody and marriage." *
The " abduction of an heiress " has an ugly sound ; but
the earl's actual offence proves to have been nothing
worse than the giving in marriage of a lady over whom
he claimed a right of wardship which the king disputed.2
It is impossible to hazard an opinion as to the merits of
this particular case ; but, whether the earl was in his
right or not in disposing of the lady's hand, once brought
within the jurisdiction of the Star Chamber, a conviction
was a foregone conclusion, and submission to a fine the
only alternative of prolonged imprisonment. The sums
thus habitually extorted by the Empsons and Dudleys,3
under the king's authority, depended not upon the nature
of the crime but upon the means of the condemned ;
yet even to the Earl of Northumberland such a sum,
1 Pat. 1 Henry VIII. p. 2. m. 32. These documents are published
in the first volume of the Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, edited
under authority of the Master of the Rolls. The name of Hastings is
of frequent occurrence in the shrievalty and justice rolls of Yorkshire
and Northumberland, and in the lists of military array; but there is
no record to establish the identity of this particular knight.
2 It must be borne in mind that "livery and wardship" in those
days formed an important source of public and individual revenue.
The custody of minors was constantly solicited as a mark of royal
favour, or the reward of good service ; and the claims arising under
such grants became the subject of frequent litigation. It will appear
hereafter that Wolsey, wishing to mark his displeasure towards the Earl
of Northumberland, committed him to prison on a similar charge of
infringement of the royal right of livery.
3 In July, 1509, the Earl of Northumberland was one of the judges
who tried and sentenced Dudley (father of the ill-fated Duke of North
umberland) for treasonable practices connected with the Star Chamber.
He was executed, together with his accomplice Empson, on Tower
Hill. — See Sidney Papers, vol. ii. 1746.
VOL. I. 321 Y

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. representing about five years of his annual revenues, must
i47_-i52 7 nave j-,een an intolerable burden, and one which he could
not have discharged but by instalments. From the
reference to the recognizance of ,£5,000 which Henry
VIII. cancelled, it is evident that this was the balance
of the fine remaining due at that time, and that the other
moiety had actually found its way into the royal coffers.

The chief of the Percies had by this time gained a
high reputation, not only for a taste for magnificence but
for a love of letters and art very uncommon in the rude
England of the fifteenth century. He had been the
friend and patron of Lydgate and Skelton who, what
ever their merits, were the foremost poets of their day ;
the beautiful shrine erected in Beverley Minster J in
commemoration of his father had been designed and
executed under his immediate eye ; divines and pro
fessors, minstrels, makers of interludes and players,
were among the salaried members of his household ;
and the studies and libraries of his castles excited the
surprise and admiration of a learned writer and antiquary
half a century after his death.2
It may be taken as a proof of advancing civilization that,
side by side with the taste for luxury and ostentation
which marked the period of Henry the Eighth's acces
sion, there arose a greatly improved system of domes-
1 No trace of this monument now remains ; the only memorial of the
Percies still extant is an altar-tomb, much defaced, and of which the
canopy has disappeared. The original position had long since been
changed. 2 " One thing I liked excedingly yn one of the Towers ; that was a
study caullid Paradice, where was a closet in the middle of eight squares
latised aboute, and at the toppe of every square was a desk ledgid to set
bookes on bookes, on Cofers wythyn them ; and these seemid as
joinid hard to the toppe of the closet. And yet by pulling one or all
wolde cum downe, briste highte in rabettes, and serve for deskes to lay
Bokes on." — Leland, Itinerary, vol. i. fol. 59.
322

THE PERCY SHRINE BEVERLEY MINSTER.

"THE HOUSEHOLD BOOK."
tic economy. We now find the great nobles emulating a.d.
statesmen and financial officers in the establishment of I505~1520
elaborate codes of regulation for the better management
of their households, and the check and control of ex
penditure. The volume compiled from ancient records
in the Percy family by the Bishop of Dromore,1 affords
not only an insight into the most minute details of the
household of a great noble during the early part of the
sixteenth century, but supplies a mass of most interest
ing and valuable information on the habits and manners
of that age, as well as the current prices of articles of
consumption. The Earl of Northumberland's establishment was
formed on the model of the king's court, and the
regulations are framed in the language employed in
royal ordinances. The household is divided into various
ranks and classes, to each of which a strictly limited
scale of dignity, emolument, diet, and allowances is
assigned, with all the minuteness of a modern Parlia
mentary Estimate and Appropriation Bill. The kitchen,
the cellar, the bakery, the brewhouse, and the stable are
under stringent regulations, and the duties and hours
of attendance of each class of servants are defined with
military precision.
The earl's immediate family consists of "my lorde
and my lady, my Lord Percy and my Lady Margaret,
and Maister Thomas and Ingleram Percy," to each of
whom a specified number of attendants is assigned.
In the regulation of all matters of domestic economy,
my lord is assisted by a council composed of the high
officers of his household, the chamberlain, the controller,
1 The Northumberland Household Book was compiled by authority
of the first Duke of Northumberland in 1770, and printed for private
circulation among his friends and literary institutions. A complete
transcript of it was published in the fourth volume of the Antiquarian
Repertory.

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. the treasurer, and the secretary, clerks of the kitchen
147°2|S27 an<j 0f the signet, and a master of the horse. These
belong to " the Knight's Table," and are each allowed
from three to six servants to attend upon them.
The chapel is served by a dean (a Doctor or Bachelor
of Divinity) and ten priests, including an almoner (who
is also a " maker of Interludes ") " a master of gramman
a Gospeller and a Pistoller" (readers of the Gospels and
Epistles), and " a riding chaplain for my Lord." There
are also seventeen choristers, viz., "three Bases, four
Tenors, four Counter-tenors, and six child Tribles."
On certain festivals the household minstrels, consisting
of " a Tabarette, a Luyte, and a rabece," perform in the
chapel. The entire domestic establishment consists of one
hundred and sixty-six persons,1 and further provision is
made for fifty-seven strangers every day in the year.
The average annual cost of food and drink for each
individual servant is estimated at £$ us. 6d., which, if
we compare the then prices of the necessaries of life with
those of the present day, is equivalent to nearly ^30 of
our money.2 With meat costing less than a halfpenny,
and bread less than a farthing a pound, this sum must
have provided a very substantial daily supply of food,
and left a considerable margin for drink, of which the

1 These numbers do not include the superior officers, such as receivers,
constables, auditors, and others, of whom a large staff was maintained
for accountability and superintendence, the collection and distribution of
revenues, and the performance of the various services connected with
the management of landed estates.
2 The reader is referred to the Household Book for numerous and
interesting details of domestic economy, but a few of the prices of pro-
visons may be here quoted to give an idea of the comparative value of
money in those as compared with the present times : Wheat $s. Sd. and
Malt 4-. the quarter ; Beeves, 13^. ; Calves and Sheep, u. 8d.; Capons,
2d. ; Woodcocks, id. each; household bread, id. for six loaves; beer,
ihd. a gallon; wine (gascoyne or claret), £4 13.. \d. the tun; salted
salmon, 6d. the score, and other preserved fish in the same proportion.
324

DOMESTIC ESTABLISHMENT.
daily consumption amounted to nearly four gallons of a.d.
wine and forty of beer.1 1505^5"
The keep of fifty-seven horses for the use of officers
and servants in summer and winter, is computed at
eleven shillings for each horse, the annual cost of coals
and wood is £28, servants wages, including those of the
superior officers, amount to ,£153, while the cost of
washing for the house, the chapel, the ewery, the cellar,
the pantry, the kitchen, and the wardrobe, is only £2 8s.
for the year. No less than forty-seven different de
scriptions of wild fowl and poultry are enumerated, most
of which were to be served only at my lord's or the
knights' table, and some of these, such as swans,
peacocks, cranes, bustards, and pheasants, were reserved
for '' principal feasts." These lists do not, however,
cite many articles of diet which must have been in
general use, and we may infer that butter, eggs, and
vegetables were provided from the farms attached to
the castle, while the parks and rivers supplied venison 2
and fresh fish.
The sum of ^11 00 voted annually for defraying
household expenses, does not therefore represent the
full cost of maintaining the domestic establishment, nor
does it include the important supplementary vote for
" forren expences." Among these are gratuities and
1 Fragments of the Duke of Buckingham's Household Book of the
same period have been preserved. These corroborate the current
prices as quoted, but the duke's expenditure was on a larger scale,
as might be expected, since he was then the wealthiest peer in
England, his annual revenues from land being estimated at _^6,ooo,
whereas Northumberland's did not much exceed ^2,000. There is
a detailed account of an entertainment given by the duke on Twelfth
Night to 519 guests, comprising 134 gentry, 188 yeomen, and 197
servants (generosi, valecti, and garconi), at an average cost of 6d. a
head. The amount of food and drink consumed on this occasion is
preposterous — but it was probably understood that the remains of the
banquet on such occasions went to feed the poor.
2 Between five and six thousand head of red and fallow deer were
kept on the earl's northern estates. — See Household Book, p. 425.
325

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. new year's gifts,1 offerings to the Church, and elee-
i478-iS27 mosynary grants. With reference to the latter we
find that the earl, on successive Maundy Thursdays,
distributed among the poor as many russet cloth gowns,
linen shirts, cups of wine, and penny pieces, as he counted
years, and this ceremony completed, he gave to the
poorest man present, the gown of Violet cloth lined with
sheepskin, which he wore on those occasions.2 The
Household Book does not cite the cost of clothing,
and bearing in mind the pomp and ceremony observed,
it may be concluded that this formed no inconsiderable
item.3 As the earl's revenues from the lands did not
exceed ^2,300 a year,4 and his domestic expenditure
1 These include payments to the king's juggler and the queen's
bearward, who appear to have paid annual visits to the mansions of the
great nobles ; to the wandering players and minstrels, &c, and "to my
lord's servants of the chapel, when they perform the mystery plays on
Good Friday, Shrove Tuesday, and Easter Day."
2 Houselwld Book, p. 354.
3 The earl's wardrobe alone must have been very costly, for we find
among his accounts a payment of £%o for eleven and a half yards of
cloth of gold tissue for his own wear.
* The value of money at the beginning of the sixteenth century was
about one-eighth of its present value, which would make the earl's
rental equivalent to less than ,£20,000 a year. By the middle of the
century, however, there appears to have been a remarkable rise in
the cost of the necessaries of life and a corresponding fall in the value
of money. In the course of one of his sermons in 1549 — (quoted in
the Preface to the Household Book)— Bishop Latimer stated that his
yeoman father, upon a farm of £3 or £4 a year, employed six
labourers, and had grazing for one hundred sheep and thirty milch
cows. He sent his sons to school, and had a marriage portion of £5
to each of his daughters, " he kept hospitality for his poor neighbours,
and some almes he gave to the poore, and all this he dyd of the sayd
farm." Now, the bishop complains, the same farm is let for ^16 a
year, and the tenant is " unable to do anythynge for hys prynce, for
hymselfe, or for hys children, or give a cup of drinke to the poore."
The taxes upon landed property were very heavy and the assessment
appears to have been arbitrary. In a' list, signed by Wolsey, of
noblemen of and above the degree of baron, assessed for the subsidy
granted by parliament in 14 & 15 Henry VIII., in four annual payments,
the Earl of Northumberland's rental is estimated at ^"2,920, being
nearly one third above his actual revenues from land. See Letters and
Papers of Henry VIII. 326

MODE OF LIFE.
could not have been less than ,£"1,500, a very small a.d.
margin was left for other charges, and for the heavy 150^1520
cost of his attendances in Parliament,1 and upon the
king, not only at his court in London, but during
foreign expeditions and domestic "progresses." It is
not surprising, therefore, to find that on the frequent
occasions when foreign missions or ceremonial duties
were imposed upon him he was driven to resort to loans
for the payment of his equipment and other expenses.2
The mode of life indicated by the Household Book
affords a curious picture of mingled simplicity and
stateliness. If the earl himself assumed the dignity of a
sovereign, his subjects were treated more like humble
members of his family than dependants ; and if he exacted
deferential service, they enjoyed in return the full privi
lege of his powerful protection against wrong or injury.
Indeed he was less their master by right of wages paid
than their chieftain by right of birth and position ; their
relations being based upon reciprocal rights, and upon
recognised, if unwritten, laws.
The ceremonial maintained forms a strong contrast
with the absence of anything approaching to luxury or
even, as we should now consider it, to comfort, in the
arrangements of the mansion. Of the eighty rooms in
Leckonfield, four sufficed for all purposes of daily family
1 When in London he occupied a house in Aldgate — as we find from
a letter written in September, 1526, by John Hastings at Paris, "to my
lord's servant Burth, at my lord's place at Aldgate." — Ibid.
2 Some papers have been preserved in the Record Office, in which
the receipts and payments of the Earl of Northumberland for twelve
successive years, from 1515 to 1527, are set forth in minute detail.
From these we learn that his average income over that period was
something under .£3,400 a year, more than one third of which was
derived from other sources than land, and in great part from loans
contracted, in sums ranging from ,£20 to ;£8oo. Before joining the
king on his expedition to meet Francis the First on the Field of the
Cloth of Gold, he was obliged to borrow ,£846. These documents
will be found in the Calendar of State Papers, Dom. Henry VIII.
327

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
8-1 use, ceremonial or festivity, and the furniture of these
— l. 2 consisted of little more than plain deal tables upon
trestles, and wooden forms and benches.1 There were
forty-four bed-chambers in all, for the use of the family,
guests, superior officers and upper servants ; the others
slept in huts, or sheds erected against the walls, in the
court-yards of the castle.
The ceilings of some of the principal rooms were
inscribed with stanzas and distichs mostly by Lydgate,
in all no less than 622 lines, comprising a dialogue on
the comparison between sensual and intellectual pleasures,
a discussion on harmony, instructions to youth, moral
sentiments, Aristotle's counsel to Alexander of Macedon,
and jingling rhymes upon the family motto.2
In their habits of life the feudal nobles of the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries appear to have departed little
from the practice of their Norman ancestors as set forth
in an ancient triplet : —
" Lever a cinq, diner a neuf,
Souper a cinq, coucher a neuf,
Fait vivre dans nonante et neuf." 3
Mass was performed every morning at six o'clock,
breakfast was served at seven, dinner at ten, and
supper at four. At nine o'clock the castle gates were
closed, and from the small consumption of candles (only
91 dozen in the whole year) we may infer that this
was the signal for all hands to retire to rest. The
composition of the meals at each table is clearly pre
scribed. My lord and my lady's breakfast consists of
a loaf of bread, two manchetts, a quart of beer, a quart
of wine, and half a chine of mutton or beef, or, on fast
days and during Lent, two pieces of potted fish, six
1 For an inventory of furniture at Leckonfield and Wressill in 1574,
when, however, both places had fallen into bad repair, see HouseJwld
Book, p. 462. 2 See Household Book.
3 Recreations Historiques, British Museum.
328

CEREMONIAL OBSERVANCES.
" baconned " herrings, and a dish of sprats in lieu of the a.d.
meat. The breakfasts at the other tables were of the IS°^S20
same character but did not include wine. Even " my
Lady Margaret" is however provided with a bottle of
beer at her morning meal in the nursery. Dinners and
suppers are on a proportionate scale, which was evidently
calculated to leave a sufficient surplus for the meals of
the attendants on the lords, etc., who are described as
"reversioners." At all these meals the strictest ceremonial is observed.
My lord and my lady's board is attended by a chaplain,
a pantler, two cup-bearers, a carver, a server, a gentleman
waiter, a groom of the chambers and five yeomen ushers.
My Lord Percy has his own retinue ; the two younger
sons are waited upon by " three young gentlemen,"
besides a yeoman usher and a groom for each, and the
Lady Margaret by " three gentlewomen and chamberers,
two Rokkers and a child oi the Nurcy."
At great banquets the higher officers of the household
are required to act as cup-bearers, carvers and servers,
and on state occasions the services of stewards, bailiffs,
foresters, constables of the earl's different castles, and
even lieutenants of fortresses, " unless they be knights,"
are employed in those capacities.
The earl keeps thirty-three horses in his private stable,1
including six " gentyl horses," four palfreys for my lady,
and three " naggis for my Lorde's owne saddil." When
he rides out he is attended by the master of the horse,
two grooms of the stable and two henchmen, and when
on a journey carries thirty-six horsemen along with him.
It is worthy of remark that of the earl's several
residences in the north only one is furnished,2 so that
1 Independently of those maintained for the use of his household.
2 Wressill and Leckonfield were the earl's principal residences, but
he also passed a part of every year at Topcliffe. Alnwick and Wark-
329

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a d. when he shifted his quarters from one to another castle
147 _Z_527 he had to carry with him beds, tables, chairs, kitchen
utensils and those " hangings " which served to cover the
bare walls and in the absence of glass in the windows
(which was then still a rare luxury in English mansions),
to keep out the cold.
The historian Hume1 refers to the Northumberland
Household Book as " one of the most singular monu
ments which antiquity affords us," but while admitting
that " no baron's family was on a nobler or more splendid
footing," he ridicules " the pompous and even royal style
assumed by this Tartar Chief who does not give any
orders, if only for the right making of mustard, but it is
introduced with this preamble : 'It seemeth good unto
us and to our Council.' ' He also contrasts the rudeness
and barbarism of the mode of life among Englishmen of
the highest rank with " the magnificent and elegant
manner in which the Venetian and other Italian noble
men then lived," and with the progress made by them in
literature and art.
It is not to be denied that the Italians were then in
point of culture immeasurably in advance of the English.
A nation, or rather a nationality, which had produced
Petrarch, Dante, and Ariosto, Correggio and Michael
Angelo, might well look with disdain upon a people
among whom Lydgate and Skelton represented lite
rature, ancf professors of painting were maintained
among other household servants at groom's wages,2 and
worth Castles appear at this time, and, indeed, down to a much later
period, to have been military strongholds rather than family seats,
though they were occasionally used for ceremonial receptions and
state visits.
1 History of England, vol. ii. Appendix, note z, p. 579.
2 From the royal household accounts of this period we find that,
while Henry the Eighth's chief carver had an income of .£50 a year,
" the king's painter " received but two pence a day. Strange to say the
chief surgeon received little more than half the salary of the carver.
330

WANT OF REFINEMENT.
employed alternately in taking the portraits of the family a d.
and in colouring the walls of the house. 1505-1520
Equally far behind Italy was England in the refine
ments of domestic appointments. While trans-alpine
banqueting tables were adorned with the delicate fabrics
of Venetian glass, and sparkled with golden and silver
dishes and vases wrought by the hand of Cellini, our
nobles ate * their coarsely cooked food off wooden
trenchers and pewter vessels, and drank their wines from
cups of horn or, at best, from silver goblets 2 of rude
design and unwieldy dimensions.
The Medicis and Loredanos would doubtless have
found little enough to gratify their refined and artistic
tastes at the court of our Henry; would have been
offended by the coarse abundance and rude hospitality
of our great nobles, and perhaps yet more shocked by
the vulgar ostentation and barbaric gorgeousness of the
1 Even in their mode of eating (see the account given by Erasmus),
the English, who now in this respect set an admirable example to the
rest of the world, were then much behind the Italians, among whom
forks were in general use nearly a century before they were introduced
into this country. A writer, in the reign of James I., says: "The
Italians, and also most strangers that are commorant in Italy doe alwayes
at their meals use a little forke when they cut their meat  This
form of feeding, I understand, is generally used in all places of Italy,
their forkes being for the most part made of iron, steel, and some of
silver, but those are used only by gentlemen. The reason of this,
their curiosity, is, because the Italian cannot by any means indure to
have his dish touched with fingers, seeing that all men's fingers are
not alike clean." — Coryat's Crudities, p. 90.
2 From the omission of the mention of silver plate in the Household
Book, Hume infers that such was not then in use in the mansions of our
great nobles — but this is a mistake, for silver table vessels form no
unimportant item in the Earl of Northumberland's camp equipage in
France, and, at the time of his death, as will appear hereafter, he was in
possession of plate to the value of many hundred pounds, though, pro
bably, a great part of this was for use in the chapel. The fashion of,
silver work must have been rude, however, for the skilled Flemish
goldsmiths had not then begun to practise their art in England ; and
Cellini, though he had visited and been honourably received at the
French court, had not been tempted to convey himself or his artistic
handiwork across the Channel. 331

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. only English palace which had any pretensions to vie
147—^527 Wlt^ t^leir own *n magnificence; that "poor house at
Westminster" whence in affected humility Wolsey ad
dressed his servile letters to the king, and which he had
filled to overflowing with all rare and costly objects that
wealth, without taste or discrimination, could procure.1
The term " Tartar Chief," however, is singularly in
appropriate in its application to an English nobleman
who in a rude and illiterate age2 gave evidence of
exceptional intellectual culture, encouraged art,3 devoted
much time and money to the advancement of learning,
and, among other works for the promotion of education,
had founded two preceptorships of philosophy and
grammar in the monastery of Alnwick.4
Warton5 says that "the Earl of Northumberland
loved literature at a time when many of the nobility of
England could hardly read or write their names, and was
the general patron of such genius as the age produced ;
1 In his later years, Wolsey employed agents in Italy and Flanders
to purchase works of art, and we read of the ceilings of his palace being
" craftily entaylled with images embossed," and his coffers filled with
splendid gold and silver plate ; yet the inventory of York House, at the
time of his disgrace, is more remarkable as a proof of his lavish expendi
ture than as an indication of artistic taste.
2 " Of the three greatest noblemen of the time,'' says Mr. Brewer,
" the Duke of Suffolk, the Duke of Buckingham, and the Marquis of
Dorset, it would be difficult to say which was the most illiterate." —
State Papers, Henry VIII, vol. i., preface. If we compare the cor
respondence of the Earl of Northumberland with that of his brother
peers, eccentric as his orthography often is, his superior culture becomes
at once apparent. Here is a specimen of Suffolk's composition, taken
at random from one of his letters : " I schowed hes grace that I was
lyke to by ondon (be undone) if the mater schold coume to the knollag
off the kynge."
3 There may be seen in the British Museum (MSS. Reg. 18 D. n)
a splendid MS., engrossed on vellum, and superbly illuminated, con
taining a collection of English poetry, principally by Lydgate and
Skelton, prepared by the earl's orders. The metrical history of the
Percy family was also composed under his immediate superintendence,
by one of his chaplains. 4 Syon House MSS., C. III. 5 & 6.
£ History of English Poetry. 332

KING HENRY THE EIGHTH.
. . . with so much boldness did this liberal nobleman a.d. 1509
abandon the example of his brother peers whose principal
occupations were hawking and tilting, and who despised
learning as an ignoble and petty accomplishment fit only
for the purposes of laborious and indigent ecclesiastics."
Indeed the earl's love of letters seems more than
once to have offended the warlike northerners who
could not reconcile such tastes with the martial character
attaching to his name and position, and who probably
thought the encouragement of art and learning or the ad
vancement of education occupations beneath the dignity
of a Percy.
His actual services in the field, however, were suffi
ciently conspicuous to exempt him from the suspicion of
having degenerated from the traditional military virtues
of his race. *
* *
Few young monarchs have ever ascended the steps of
a throne under happier auspices than Henry VIII. The
reputation he enjoyed for liberality and munificence, for
high spirit and kind-heartedness, was all the more valued
by contrast with his father's secretive nature and par
simonious habits ; whilst his personal advantages, his
various accomplishments and his proficiency in field
sports and martial exercises x made him the idol of a
people ever ready to appreciate, and even to exaggerate,
the good qualities of their sovereigns.
The magnificence and splendour which Buckingham
and his brother in law Northumberland already affected
in their persons and retinues, now became the fashion at
1 Gustiniani, the Venetian ambassador in London, writes to his court :
" The king is much handsomer than any other sovereign in Christen
dom ; very accomplished, a good musician, composes well, is a most
capital horseman, a fine jouster, speaks good French, Latin, and Spanish,
is very religious ; hears three masses a day when he hunts, and five on
other days." — State Papers of Henry VIII. vol. i., preface xxvii.
333

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. court ; and the ill-gotten wealth amassed by Henry VII.
14 _527 at the cost of his popularity and reputation, was squan
dered by his son in extravagant pageantry and gorgeous
apparel. The inventive faculties of courtiers were taxed
to devise new means of lavishing money upon shows and
revelries ; ' and Wolsey, who never failed to study the
king's humours and foibles, encouraged him in tastes
which he himself shared, and in the gratification of which
he set so conspicuous an example that, in time, the
wealthier and most powerful of the nobles ceased their
attempts to vie, in extravagance of outlay and splendour
of ostentation, with the low-born priest.
So few events of national importance marked the
opening years of Henry's reign, that the chronicles of
the period are filled with elaborate descriptions of the
banquets and revels, the tournaments and pageants,
which occupied the days and nights of the pleasure-
loving court ; but before long the young king's adven
turous spirit wearied of frivolous dissipation and mock
combats, and his almoner readily gratified his ambitious
yearnings for a field of action in which his own genius
would find a wider and nobler scope than within the
narrow sphere of the English court.
It had been the policy of Henry VII. to strengthen
and consolidate the royal power at home ; his son now
aspired to make it respected and feared abroad.
In the beginning of 15 13 the Earl of Northumberland
received this summons :
1 These revelries seem frequently to have degenerated into mere
horseplay, in which the public were allowed to take part. During
Henry's marriage festivities, the court was required to appear in costly
garments, richly embroidered in, or studded with, golden letters ; suddenly
" the rude people rann to the pageant and rent and spoyled the guests,"
and the king, instead of resenting the intrusion, "in token of liberalitie,"
allowed them to seize upon the golden letters, and drag them off the
dresses. One man among the mob is said to have sold his share of
plunder on this occasion for ,£300. — State Papers, Dom. Henry VIII.
334

-A FRENCH CAMPAIGN.
"Whereas wee, according to our dutie to God and to a.d. 1513
his Chyrche, and at the instant requests and desyres of
the Poopes holiness and other Christian Princes, have for
the defence of the said Chyrche, being by our enemy the
King of France oppressed, and the extinction of detest
able seism, raised by certain powers cardinals and mayn-
tayned by the same, entered actual warre agaynst him :
" We signifie unto you that for our better assistance in
that behalfe we have appoynted you amongs others to
passe over with us in our journey and voyage with the
number of five hundred able men for the warres to be by
you provided, whereof a hundred to be demy lances, well
and sufficiently horsed and harneysed, and ccc archers,
and a hundred bills on fote." J
The earl's taste for magnificence and display which
had hitherto found vent in ceremonial or domestic
hospitality, was now to be extended to the stern require
ments of war; and a document 2 has been preserved which
describes in fullest detail his personal equipment", and the
retinue with which he embarked for Calais in the spring
of 1513.
The force which the earl carried to France was
composed of 380 of his immediate tenants from Leckon-
field, Nafferton, Semer, Hundemanby, Wressill, Catton,
Pocklington and Craven, besides 143 men brought to
serve under his banners by Sir John Hotham of Scarboro',
Sir Ralfe Salvyn of Newbiggin, William Thwaytes of
Londe of the Wolde, and Stephen Hamilton of Gigles-
wyke. He is described in the rolls of the army as grand
1 Additional MSS., British Museum, 5758, F. 165.
2 This curious document is a compilation by the different officers of
the earl's household, each of whom furnished his own " remembrances " of
the objects appertaining to his office requisite for the equipment of the
expedition. It was transcribed in 1620 from the original MS. in the
College of Arms (L 8, fol. 54) by one Roger Dodsworth, and by him
presented to the tenth Earl of Northumberland. It is cited in extenso
in the Antiquarian Repertory, vol. iv.
335

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
i 78-°' 2 Captain of his own Retinue,1 and had for his " Chefe
4 _iw Captaynes " knights and gentlemen bearing well-known
northern names, such as Sir John Normandville, Roger
Lascelles, John Heron,2 Cuthbert Musgrave, George
and Thomas Swynbourne,3 Thomas Eryngton4 and
William Middleton. The earl's retinue consisted of
forty-five attendants, including a treasurer of war, a
herald, a pursuivant, and a chamberlain, with yeomen
of the tent, wardrobe and kitchen. He embarked
for his own use, or that of his esquires, &c, twenty-
three riding horses, besides several more "to give
to the Lord of Burgundy or the Duke of Bretonne,"
and twenty sumpter horses for transport of his bag
gage. Seven of these were employed for the carriage of
his plate, harness, bedstuff, apparel, wine, and kitchen
utensils ; each chief captain was allowed one, and the
remaining number were used for drawing the chariots
and carts in which the provisions, tents, and " all manner
of stuff" of 500 men were conveyed.
1 Among the Exchequer Rolls in the Record Office, there is a receipted
order, dated May 21, 1513, upon the treasurer of the army for
^£439 9_. Sd., being "wages of the Earl of Northumberland, Grand
Captain of his own retinue, for one month."
2 The sixth earle, in May, 1529, appointed "John Hearn or Heron,
one of the gentlemen ushers of my chambers, to be bow-bearer in the
Lordship of Alnwick, at two pence a day. "
3 The Earl had appointed George Swynbourne constable of Alnwick,
and by an indenture dated 21st June, 1511, had granted him a lease for
twenty years of Snipe House and Hessely House, as also of Swinley
Close and Hare Crag, Northumberland, at ^46 8_. a year. Thomas
Swynbourne was the Earl's Receiver for Northumberland, and in 1501
was appointed " Maister Forester " of Alnwick Park, with an annual
fee of ^£10, in consideration of his "true and thankfulle service." —
See Sir Edward Swinburne's MSS., No. 8 and No. 2.
4 This is probably the same person, whom, fourteen years later, the
Earl of Northumberland rewarded by the following grant: "June 19,
1527, to his servant, Thomas Eryngton, constable of Langley, a farm-
holde in Tyndale called Howden of £4 a year rent, free of rent for
life for his diligence, and pains taken, for killing William Aberleton of
Hillington, an outlaw and a rebel," with a further allowance a few days
later of " five marks a year for life."
336

LUXURIOUS EQUIPMENT.
The list of the earl's clothing occupies several closely a.d. 1513
written pages, and comprises doublets and riding
coats of velvet and satin embroidered in gold and silver ;
no less than twenty pairs of hose, twenty-five pairs
of boots, shoes and slippers, and twenty-one pairs of
garters. He carried with him fourteen hats and bon
nets of different colours, a nightgown lined with fur, and
sixteen scarlet night bonnets, besides thirty-five yards
of " purple cloth of gold and tinsel unkut." His armour
consists of several suits of " milan cotes of mail sett
round with gilte nailes." His principal coursers have
black leather saddles covered with black velvet and
trimmed with silk, and his led horses red leather saddles.
There was also "harness for nine coursers, and a change
for every day, and another for meating of prynces which
be the kynge's friends, yet one richer than another."
Portable camp furniture was already invented, for we
find among his effects " a coffre with two lyddes to serve
for an altar," and four folding tables and chairs. Sixty
ostrich feathers were among his personal baggage, for
use of the captains and gentlemen of his retinue, as well
as clothing for his pursuivant and herald, eight yards of
green damask cloth for "a cote for Esperaunce," and
eleven yards of red cloth for gowns for his three
chaplains. The footmen were provided with "long
arrows like standards to bere in their handes when they
ryn with my lorde." The plate chest included " two silver
saltes and twelve silver spoons, a washing basin, four
candlesticks, and a standing cup for my lord's comfits
and condiments." There were also two tablecloths and
twelve napkins of linen.
The commanders of this army appear to have paid as
much attention to the clothing of their troops as to their
personal equipment.
" The lordes and gentilmen so well armed and so richly
vol. 1. 337 z

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. apparreled in clothes of gold, and of silver, and velvetts
147 j^527 0f sun(jry colours pounsed and embrodered, and all petie
capitaines in satin and damaske of white and green, and
yomen in cloth of the same colours." *
The expeditionary army consisted of three divisions,
in one of which, the middle-ward under the Lord
Chamberlain (Herbert, afterwards Earl of Worcester),
Northumberland held a chief command together with
the Earls of Wiltshire and Kent; each of whom
brought between five and six hundred men into the field.
The contingents of other barons and knights ranged
from fifty to two and three hundred men. The ordnance
and siege train with the middle-ward, was composed of
twelve brass pieces and 900 men,2 and on his arrival
at Calais 1,500 Germans, horse and foot, belonging to
the army of the Emperor Maximilian,3 were attached to
Lord Herbert's division.
The earl embarked for Calais 4 early in June and at
once advanced upon Terouenne, the capture of which
stronghold stood first upon the programme of the
campaign. The king with the main body of the army
reached Calais at the end of the month.
John Taylor, clerk of the parliament, who appears to
have been employed as military historiographer through
out the war, thus describes Henry's arrival :
" On the 30th June saw from the walls of Callis the

1 Hall's Chronicle. In some instances, efficiency appears to have
been sacrificed to either frippery or economy ; for we are told that the
five hundred Germans under Guyot de Guy, were dressed all in white,
" which was cutte so small that it could scarce holde togeither."
2 A very large number for working only twelve guns, but the siege
train appears to have included engineers and artificers of all kinds.
3 It will be remembered that in this campaign the Emperor of Germany
served as a volunteer (with the pay, however, of one hundred crowns a
day), under the English king.
4 " The noble Earl of Northumberland, with others full many, they
wende at their wyll, and wrought as they liked ; thus they glenten at
Callice." — Ancient English Ballads.

THE SIEGE OF TEROUENNE.
king coming with his fleete such as Neptune never saw a.d. 15 13
before, and saluted with such firing of guns from the
shippes and the towers, you could have thought the
world was coming to an end. . . . Northumberland
and Darcy have set out for Terrouenne." *
After a merry fortnight passed in continual revelry
and jousting, the king joined his forces under the walls
of the beleaguered fortress, the garrison of which held
out with great obstinacy, in confident expectation of the
siege being raised by the large army advancing to their
relief, and which was composed of the flower of French
chivalry under their most distinguished commanders.
Their reliance was misplaced, for when, after a few
unimportant skirmishes, the two armies met, the French
horse, seized with an unaccountable panic broke and
fled. Our earl who commanded the "Skowrers and August 12,-
Forriders," described as " Northumberland men on light
geldings," took a prominent part in the pursuit, which
ended in a complete rout, the dispersion of the relieving
army and the capture of a large number of prisoners,
including many officers of high rank.2
Deprived of all hope of succour Terouenne sur
rendered, and was razed to the ground, when the August 22.
English army advanced to Tournay,3 with the fall of
which towards the end of September Henry's first and
short, but victorious, campaign came virtually to an end.
1 Journal of John Taylor. Cotton MSS. Cleop. cv. 64.
2 It was the French themselves, and not, as might be supposed, their
victorious adversary, who, in allusion to the free use which the horse
men had made of their armed heels during their retreat, gave to this
action the name by which it became popularly known, the Battle of the
Spurs. 3 Among Henry's proclamations (general orders as we should now
call them) to the army, there was a ballad for the troops to sing under
the walls of Tournay, the refrain of which was : —
" Que ne vous rendrez
Pouvres Thournevys ! "
339 z 2

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. The English army was still lying before Tournay
J47_iS27 when jt was gladdened by tidings of the brilliant victory
achieved over the Scots at Flodden.
The marriage between the royal houses of England
and Scotland had not been productive of that harmony
between the two countries which had been anticipated.
Various grievances arose from time to time on both
sides of the Tweed, and the declaration of war with
France by Henry determined the Scottish king to seek
redress by renewing his alliance with that country. No
sooner was the English army of expedition landed at
Calais than James collected a powerful force and entered
Northumberland, slaying and burning after the ancient
manner of those invasions, and capturing Norham and
other of the border fortresses.
The Earl of Surrey, Lord High Admiral of England,
then at Pontefract Castle, at once summoned the nobles
and gentlemen of the north to join the royal standard,
and hastily marched upon Alnwick, whence he sent
Rouge Croix to the Scottish king to announce his
intention of repressing the invasion and offering battle
on the following Friday.
Much against the advice of his most experienced
generals James accepted the challenge,1 expressing
himself " right joyous " at the earl's coming ; but taking
the precaution of moving his army to a commanding
position in the Cheviot Hills. As this movement
disconcerted Surrey's plans he sent a second herald
to the king requesting him to descend from his vantage
ground into the plains of Mill field, where he should be
1 There are few documents extant which better serve to illustrate the
temper and habits of that age than Surrey's challenge to the Scottish
king. It is dated from Wollerhaugh, near Alnwick, on September 7,
1513, and bears the signatures of the Lord Admiral and his chief
commanders. It is quoted in full by contemporary and later historians,
and the original is preserved in the Cotton MSS. Calig. B. 1, 79.
340

September.

FLODDEN FIELD.
ready to meet and give him battle "between twelve and a.d. 1513
three o'clock in the afternoon upon sufficient warning
had in the morning between eight and nine o'clock ; "
but even King James's chivalrous compliance did not go
so far as to induce him to comply with this unreasonable
demand, and he returned for answer that he should await
the coming of the English according to their promise.
The lord admiral was thus placed in a serious dilemma ;
he had passed his word to fight, yet to make an uphill
charge upon an army three times as numerous as his
own * was to invite certain defeat. A ruse on the part of
Sir Edward Howard had the effect however of drawing
the Scotch from their intrenchments into the plain, and
after a desperate struggle of little more than an hour's 9*h
duration, the invaders were overthrown and completely
routed with the loss of their brave king and 10,000 men.
Sir William Percy, the Earl of Northumberland's
younger brother, who had been one of the signatories
of the challenge to James, and who conjointly with Sir
Marmaduke Constable commanded the left" wing of
Surrey's army, greatly distinguished himself in this
battle. "When the field was doone, and that the skouts
brought worde that there was no more appearance of the
Scots, but that they were all auoyded and gone, the earl
gave thanks to God, and called to him certain lords and
1 The Scottish force at Flodden was estimated at 100,000 men, but
this must have included a large proportion of those camp-followers who,
in the hope of plunder, followed in the track of the armies when
engaged in border raids. Surrey's army was computed at under 30,000
men. 2 Not the right wing as the poet sings : —
" The right wing, as I ween, was my Lord Lumley,
A captayne ' full keen ' with St. Cuthbert banner ;
My Lord Clifford with him came all in clere armour,
So did Sir William Percy that proved was of deeds."
The ancient ballad of Scottish Feld.
341

A.D.
1478-1527

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
gentlemen, and them made knights; as Sir Edward
Howard his sonne, the Lord Scroope, Sir William Persie,
Sir Edward Gorge and divers others." '
The honour thus conferred upon his principal com
manders by Surrey was not simple knighthood, which
these had long since enjoyed, but the more coveted
distinction of banneret knighthood — the reward on the
actual field of battle of those who had most contributed
to victory, and who thus attained the right, otherwise
restricted to royalty and the great nobles, of having
their personal banner borne before them on going into
action. #
* #
The triumphant success of Henry's first French cam
paign had been in a great measure due to the sagacity
and foresight of Wolsey, and had not unnaturally tended
to strengthen his growing ascendency in the council
chamber. Although his nominal office with the expe
ditionary force had only been that of grand almoner, he
had also been intrusted with the direction of the
administrative and financial duties of the war, and had
taken a large share in the purely military arrangements
of the campaign.2 The king could hardly fail to
appreciate the value of a servant who not only grati
fied his personal tastes but his public ambition, and
who, while conscientiously administering the national
resources, relieved him from all that was most irksome
and laborious in the burdens of government.
1 Holinshead. Ridpath says : " The English general caused solemn
thanks to be offered to Heaven for the victory, and created on the field
thirty-five knights."- — Border Wars.
2 Full justice has never been done to Wolsey's military genius. The
State Papers show not only his natural capacity for strategy and organi
sation, but his possession to an extraordinary degree of that faculty of
grasping at one and the same time the most intricate problems in the
art of war and the most trivial details of the interior economy of an
army, which has invariably been a characteristic of the highest order of
military genius. 342

CARDINAL WOLSEY.
Wolsey had never disdained to employ the arts of a.d. 1513
flattery and servility while yet these served to pave his
way to power ; but no sooner did he find himself firmly
established in the royal favour, than he began to show
that determination to humble the pride and to undermine
the influence of the great nobles which ended only with
his life, and from the effects of which the objects of his
jealousy never recovered. He had not yet assumed the
Ego et Rex metis attitude which subsequently became
habitual to him ; for the Staffords, the Howards, the
Percies, and other of the ancient nobles were still a
power in the state, and had not begun to admit those pre
tensions, or show themselves disposed without a struggle
to allow him to usurp that share in the government and
that place by the side of the throne, which they, for many
generations past, had claimed as their birthright.'
None amongst them showed himself more resolved
to resent the encroachments of this carnificis filius,
as he contemptuously designated the ambitious Church
man, than magnificent Northumberland's yet more mag
nificent brother-in-law, the Duke of Buckingham.
" There goes a tale that the duke once holding the
1 A modern historian, in describing the result of the policy inaugurated
by Henry VII. and pursued under his successor, says: "We enter
upon an epoch of constitutional retrogression  Parliamentary
life is almost suspended, or is turned into a farce by the overpowering in
fluence of the crown  Arbitrary taxation reappears in benevolences
and forced loans. Personal liberty is almost extinguished by a formid
able spy system, and by the constant practice of arbitrary imprisonment.
Justice is degraded by the prodigal use of bills of attainder  If
we seek a reason for so sudden and complete a revolution, we find it in
the disappearance of feudalism — in other words, in that organisation of
society in which our constitutional liberty had till now found its security.
Freedom had been won by the sword of the baronage  but
with the Battle of Towton feudalism vanished away  The old
English Kingship, limited by the forces of feudalism or by the progress
of constitutional freedom, faded suddenly away, and in its place we see,
all-absorbing and unrestrained, the despotism of the New Monarchy." —
Short History of the English People, by John Richard Green, p. 283.

VOL.

343

A.D.
1478-1527

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
basin to the king,1 the cardinal when the king had done
presently dipped his hands in the same water, whereupon
the duke disdaining to debase himself to the service of
a priest shed the water in his shoes. The cardinal being
therewith incensed threatened him that he would sit upon
his skirts, upon which the duke, to show that he slighted
his threats, and withal that the king might take notice of
the cardinal's malice, appeared next day at court nobly
apparelled as was his wont, but without skirts to his
doublet. The king and many others demanded what he
meant by that strange fashion, and he answered jestingly,
that it was done by way of precaution that the cardinal
should not now sit upon his skirts." 2
The time' for reprisals was yet to come, but this
pleasantry was not forgotten. A few years later the Duke
of Norfolk thought it too great presumption to " wash
with the cardinal before dinner," and the head which
the proud Buckingham had obstinately refused to bow
before the priest, fell under the axe of the executioner.
The most cursory review of Wolsey's life will show
with how much deliberation and pertinacity he pursued
his policy of centralisation. To train the king in a
course which flattered his love of arbitrary power, to
foment jealousies and enmities among the nobles, to win
over some, to rid the court of others on pretence of
honourable service elsewhere, and to trump up charges
against those who could neither be conciliated nor in-
timidated, were necessary steps in his system of states
manship, till gradually those whom he had singled out
for condign punishment found themselves isolated and
friendless.3 1 Washing hands before dinner in public was an established court
ceremony, and the Marshal of the Ewer, whose duty it was to present
the silver basin, was one of the high officers of the Royal household.
2 Life of Henry the Eighth, by the Bishop of Hereford.
3 How well Wolsey had succeeded in arousing the king's suspicion
344

IN THE FLEET PRISON.
The young Earl of Surrey who had married a.d. 1516
Buckingham's daughter was sent to Ireland, but :
"There rested yet," says Holinshed, "the Earl of
Northumberland, whom the cardinal doubted also lest he
might hinder his purpose, when he should go about to
wreake his malice against the Duke of Buckingham : and
therefore he picked a quarrel to him, for that he had
seized upon certain wardes which the cardinal said be
longed of right to the king. And because the erle would
not give over his title he was also committed to prison,
and after tooke it for a great benefit at the cardinal's hands
that he might be delivered out of his danger." x
The Earl of Shrewsbury, who, although in due time
he became one of Wolsey's most bitter persecutors, had
maintained outwardly friendly terms with him while he
was in power. He had his own reasons, however, for
standing by Northumberland. On hearing of the earl's
imprisonment he writes to his chaplain ;
" I am sorry to hear that my Lord of Northumberland
is committed to the Fleet, but hope the king will shortly
be good lorde to him, and that the earl will take no
displeasure as it might hurt himself." 2
A week later Allen writes to his lord : " The king's
grace sat in the Star Chamber, and there was examined
the Earl of Northumberland, and so commanded to
the Fleet, and there remains as yet."
The Star Chamber, though no longer the direct
instrument for the extortion of money, was, under
of the ancient nobility may be inferred from the following extract : "I
wolde you shulde make good watche on the Duke of Suffolke, the
Duke of Buckinghame, on my Lorde of Northumberlande, on my
Lorde of Darby, on my Lorde of Wyltshire, and on others whyche you
thynke suspecte." — Henry VIII. to Wolsey, February, 1519 (Addl. MSS.
398, 644).
1 Chronicles, vol. iii. p. 645.
2 George Talbot, fourth Earl of Shrewsbury, to Thomas Allen,
April 30, 1516.— Talbot Papers. 345

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Wolsey's presidency, no less arbitrary and dangerous as
47___!527 a political engine, for the Chancellor was at once the
prosecutor, the witness, and the judge.1 Northumberland,
who had at first boldly defended his rights, soon learnt
that it was hopeless to expect that his case would be
decided upon its merits ; and seeing nothing before him
but a long course of costly litigation, with deprivation of
liberty and the king's disfavour, submitted himself to the
royal mercy and accepted his pardon and release through
the intercession of the all-powerful favourite.
" No news but that my Lord of Northumberland
came forth of the Fleet on Saturday, and was with the
king on Wednesday in his Privy Chamber."2

The Earl of Shrewsbury had about this time entered
upon a negotiation, for the marriage of one of his
daughters, the Lady Mary Talbot, with the son of his
cousin the Duke of Buckingham, which was, however,
broken off on a question of money, in the dispensing of
which, in the form of marriage portions, the earl proved
very chary.3

1 " In the Exchequer he them checks,
In the Star Chamber he nods and becks,
And beareth him there so stout,
That no man dare rout
Duke, Earl, Baron and Lord,
But to his sentence must accord." — Skelton.
In the end the proceedings generally resolved themselves into a
pecuniary compromise, a portion of which went to swell Wolsey's
enormous revenues. Lord Herbert of Cherbury says : " For making
enquiry into the life of everybody no offence escaped censure and
punishment unless they gave money." — Life of Henry VIII. p. 33.
2 Sir Richard Sacheverell to the Earl of Shrewsbury, 16 May, 1516. —
Talbot Papers.
3 He had five daughters to dispose of, three of whom ultimately
became the wives of the Earl of Cumberland, Lord Dacre of the
North, and the sixth Earl of Northumberland. 346

MATRIMONIAL PROJECTS.
The correspondence was conducted in a thoroughly a.d. 1516
businesslike tone :
" The duke promised I should have him better
cheap by one thousand marks than any other man ;
however, when I came to the point that I desired to know
what sum he would ask, it was so great that I was in
dread to speak of the matter since, for I hope with a
little help to marry all my daughters with the same sum
that he asked for one of them." J
It was probably not without some regard to Wolsey's
threatening attitude towards their order that the great
nobles sought to strengthen themselves by intermarriages,
and Shrewsbury now opened a correspondence with
Northumberland on the. subject of an alliance between
this same daughter and the Lord Percy.
" The question has been asked of the Earl of Northum
berland," writes the gossiping chaplain, " for the marriage
of his son, by Sir William Compton and divers others,
who hath made answer : ' I have concluded with my Lord
of Shrewsbury.' He hath also been desired to bring him
to Court ; he answered : ' When he is better learned and
well acquainted with his wife, shortly after he shall come
to Court.' This conversation pricks him more hartly
forward than ever he was." 2
Personal acquaintance does not, however, appear to
have produced a favourable effect upon either of the
parties most concerned in the project.
*
* *
Within a year after the fall of James IV. on Flodden
field, his widowed queen had bestowed her hand upon
Archibald, Earl of Angus, and the Duke of Albany set
up his claim to the wardship of her infant son — the future
1 Earl of Shrewsbury to Thomas Allen, May 15, 1516. — Talbot
Papers. 2 Talbot Papers.
347

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. King of Scotland. The withdrawal of the frontier-garri-
147 _Z_527 sons, in order to aid in the suppression of the domestic
dissensions which ensued, left the border compara
tively unprotected, and the lawless population on both
sides resumed their raids with undiminished ferocity.
Lord Dacre* was now the Warden of the East, West,
and Middle Marches — a man of much courage and un
wearied energy — but cruel, remorseless, and treacherous.2
He was by no means illiterate, and his numerous letters
on public affairs are never so forcibly expressed as when
he exults over the ruin he has worked upon his trouble
some neighbours. Early in 15 14 he informs the Council
that he had completely devastated forty-two miles of
ploughed land and thirty-four townships, rendering the
inhabitants homeless,3 and he prides himself upon having
achieved these things with little help from others :
" As unto the distruccion of the king's borders and
subjects without any grete hurt done agaynst them, right
harde and impossible it is for such a poure baron as I am
to make resistance and kepe the kynge's subjietts and
their goodes in suretie all along the East and Middle
and West M archies, against the hole power of the realme
1 William Dacre, Lord Dacre of Gillesland, called of the North, in
contradistinction to the Lennards, Lords Dacre of the South. He was
the third Baron, and married Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of George,
fourth Earl of Shrewsbury ; his sister married the fifth Earl of
Shrewsbury. 2 The description of Hotspur which Shakespeare puts in the mouth
of Prince Henry is far more applicable to Lord Dacre than to the Percy
of a century earlier, who, warlike as he was, ever showed himself
singularly free from bloodthirstiness, and was by no means one of those
" that kills me some six or seven dozen Scots at a breakfast, washes his
hands and says to his wife : ' Fye upon this quiet life— I want work ; ' "
but it was precisely the work that Dacre of the North found pleasure in.
3 So terrible and widespread had been the ravages on the Scottish
border at this time that Wolsey makes it a matter of complaint that the
starving population could not be kept out of England, whither they
flocked from their ruined homesteads, begging for food, in spite of such
penalties as " cutting off their ears and burning them in the face."—
State Papers, Henry VIII. 348

LORD DACRE OF THE NORTH.
of Scotland, without grete help and assistance, when as a.d. 1516
in tymes past the Duke of Gloucester, being a kynge's
broder, and the Erie of Northumberland, with their grete
powers colde not well kepe them but ever destroyed. . .
I had no strenth, no help of man freynds, ne tennents
within the same East Marchies that wolde ayde or assist
me to serve the Kynge's Grace, . . . and will noder ryde
ne goo, ne more of theym do service for me at my
comaundment in the Kynge's name and yours." '
Notwithstanding this alleged want of support, how
ever, Dacre claims to have " burnt six towns more " than
had been laid in ashes by the Scots on English soil, and
to have taken two hundred sheep and a hundred oxen
for every one carried off by them.
He is never backward in executing orders to carry fire
and sword into the neighbouring territory, and tells the
Bishop of Durham that, since such is the king's wish, he
will readily make a raid into Teviotdale, although a man of
much less substance than the Percy, who, with all his
friends and adherents, had thought it a great enterprise.
He complains, however, of the wasted state of Northum
berland, from which no provisions could be procured, and
of the apathy of the nobles in that county.
" Also please it, yr grace," he writes to Wolsey, " me
deems it were necessary your letters of commandment be
directed to my Lord of Northumberland and my Lord
Clifford, to cause their tennents gif attendaunce upon
your wardens, as they have been accustomed to in tymes
passed, for, as I understande, Lord Clifforde's tennents are
warned not to rise without his special commaundment." *
In the early part of 1517 the Queen Dowager of
Scotland (now Countess of Angus), flying before the
Duke of Albany,3 sought refuge with her infant son at
1 Cotton MSS. Calig. B. 11, 155. 2 Ellis, Original Letters.
3 Negotiations had previously been opened between Albany (who
349

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. her brother's court, and it once more became North-
i47 j^5 27 umberland's duty to receive her in his territory and to
escort her to the borders of Yorkshire. On Margaret's
return to her own country a few weeks later King Henry
writes to the earl :
"Right trustie and ryght well beloved cousine, we
grete you well. And foreasmuch as we understand that
at the time of the late repayre hither of our derest sister
the Queen of Scots, ye, according to our letters then
addressed, ryght thankfully acquitted yourself in geving
your attendaunce for her conductinge and honorable con-
veyence we therefore geve unto you our speciall thankes.
" And wheir it is appoynted that our sayd derrest sister
shall now return into the realme of Scotlande we wot
and desyre to put yourselfe, and our cousine the lady
your wiffe, in a redines likewas to accompany and
conduct her at this her sayde returne from our citie of
Yorke, where she entendith to be the xxix daie of this
monneth instaunte so to attend upon hyr to Newburrow,
wherby you shall deserve our further thankes to be
remembered accordingly.
" Geven under our sign at our Manor of Richmonde
this vii daie of Maie." *
Northumberland seems to have become weary of
these ceremonials, and writes to the king, begging that
his wife may be excused from giving her attendance, she
not being " in case to ride " ; at the same time, he begs
Shrewsbury to intercede for his own exemption from a
service involving heavy charges :
" After my moist hartie recomendacion I recommend
aspired to the guardianship of the boy king) and the English court,
and Henry had consented to his coming to England, the Earl of North
umberland and the Lords Dacre and Conyers being " laied in Scotland
and the Earl of Surrey at Boulogne " as hostages for his safety. —
Letters and Papers of Henry VIII. vol. ii. No. 2253.
1 Talbot Papers, vol. i. f. 49.
350

THE QUEEN OF SCOTLAND.
me unto you. And my lorde I have sende youe by my a.d. 1517
trustie servaunte, this berer, the copy of my letter to the
king's grace wherein his grace's pleasour is that my
bedfellow and wiffe should attende upon the Quene of
Scottis from Yorke to Newburrow. Wherein my lorde,
I assertaygne you of suretie she is not in caise to ride,
wherefore boith she and I must besich your good
lordship to make hir excuse to his grace to pardon
hir, seeing she may noon otherwis doo ; for glad she
would have doone it if she had might ; and as for myself
I shall according to his grace is commandment gev myn
attendaunce of hir grace notwithstandinge. I have sent
your lordship the copy of my lettir which as I take it is
to bring hir grace from Yorke to Newburrow, wherein I
pray your good lordship to sende me your advice, for I
meane by my said lettir to meet her without Yorke, and
so to await upon hir grace to Newbarrow for eschewing
of further charge, seeing I am not appoynted to bring
her into York.
" My lord, I send you not myn own letter bicaus I
have sende it up to London already a sennight agoo, and
hath noon aunswer, for (to tell your good lordship the
playnes) to be excuside if I may from this business, but
of a suretie my lord this copy is word for word. My
lord methinke I nede not to be put to this busines if
they would have pondered the charge that they have put
of late upon me, and the payments that I have made of
late. Written at Lekingfeld the xxiii daie of Maie
[>5i7]- " Your owne assured,
" H. Northumberland.1
" To myn owne good lorde,
" My Lord of Shrewsbury."
1 Talbot Papers, A. f. 51.
351

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. The lady was accordingly excused from attendance,
14 _52? but the earl's escort was not dispensed with, as we learn
from a letter from Magnus to Wolsey, in which he says :
" My lord steward attended the Queen of Scots to
Doncaster ; she was honorably received on entering
Yorkshire by Lord Darcey, and at York by the Lord of
Northumberland and the Mayor."
The earl had, as appears from his letter to Shrewsbury,
endeavoured to escape the duty imposed upon him on
the plea of its expense, but a much more costly service
was exacted from him in the following year when,
Wolsey having arranged a meeting between the kings
of England and France, he was appointed one of the
ten earls to wait upon Francis I. on the Field of the
Cloth of Gold. His personal retinue on this occasion
consisted of six gentlemen, three chaplains, and twenty-
three domestics, with "twenty horses all caparisoned in
trappings of velvet embroidered in gold and silver." *
Neither he nor his brother peers, however, could have
derived much gratification from a ceremonial in which
their state was completely eclipsed by the princely
magnificence of Wolsey's appointments and retinues, 2
and the parts assigned to them were conspicuously
subordinated to that of the ambitious and arrogant
cardinal. The impulsive and outspoken Buckingham now played
into the hands of his enemy, by the open expression of
his dissatisfaction, and loud remonstrances against
being subjected to such heavy charges for a useless and
insincere international pageant, intended only to humiliate
the ancient nobility of the realm in the eyes of France
for the gratification of an upstart's vanity. These
1 Cotton MSS. Calig. B. 11, 286.
2 " Of the nobleness of this Cardinall the Frenchmen made bokes
shewynge the triumphant dooynges of the Cardinally royaltie." — Hall's
Chronicle. 352

THE LORD WARDENSHIP.
words were reported to the King with the necessary a.d. 1523
exaggeration to make them the more offensive, and
Henry's censure only served to inflame the former
favourite's anger against his powerful rival. The issue
of a conflict between the hot-headed soldier and the wily
churchman could not be doubtful : within two years of
his splendid appearance on the Field of the Cloth of
Gold, "poor Edward Bohun " ascended the scaffold at
Tower Hill, amidst universal lamentations for one whom
England deemed " a most wise and noble prince, and
the mirror of all courtesy." '
As years grew upon him the Earl of Northumberland
showed himself more than ever averse to participation in
those border raids which were the congenial occupation
of Dacre and other of his brother peers in the north.
The formidable preparations made by the Duke of Albany
in the beginning of 1523 threatened, however, to produce
war on so large a scale, that he thought it his duty to
accept the King's offer of the General Wardenship of
all the Marches in the North. Shortly after, when,
finding that the Scottish invasion had been postponed,
he prayed to be relieved of this office, which was
thereupon conferred upon the Earl of Surrey;3 the
Marquess of Dorset and Lord Dacre being joined in
the commission.
" For refusing of this office," says a contemporary
writer, " the Earl of Northumberland was not regarded
1 Lingard. On hearing of the duke's execution, Charles V. is said
to have exclaimed : "A butcher's dog has killed the finest buck in
England." The Staffords were nearly as much predestined as the
Percies to die violent deaths. The first duke had fallen at Shrewsbury
fighting for Henry of Lancaster ; his son and grandson fell in the same
cause at Northampton and St. Albans (the latter during his father's life
time), and Richard III. and Henry VIII. consigned the fourth and fifth
dukes to the scaffold.
2 The son of him who had commanded at Flodden ten years before,
afterwards Duke of Norfolk.
VOL. I. 353 A A

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. °f n^s owne tenaunts, which disdained him and his blode,
1 478-i527 and much lamented his foly, and all men esteemed him
without hart or love of honor and chivalrie." '
It is quite intelligible that the Earl's adherents should
have resented his surrender of an office which they had
taught themselves to look upon as appertaining to him
by right of his position in the north country. He
had valid reasons, however, independently of his dislike
to the duties which the Lord Wardenship imposed ; for the
post involved very heavy charges, and the magnificent
Earl was frequently in straits for the means of maintain
ing even the requirements of his private station. Henry's
exchequer was at a very low ebb, and Wolsey, lavish as
he was in personal expenditure, was by no means liberal
in granting supplies for public services, whenever he
could throw the cost of these upon individuals, and
more especially upon the great nobles, whom it was his
pleasure as well as his policy to impoverish. That the
Earl was not at this time in a condition to incur such
responsibilities is evident from a letter which he wrote
to Lord Dacre, asking for the loan of ^"ioo, for which
amount he incloses an order upon the receiver of his
lands in Cumberland, payable on next Lady-day, and
stating that he was in want of this sum, as he had been
at great expense at the parliament in London, whither
he would soon have to go again.2
Although he did not feel justified in assuming the
Lord Wardenship, Northumberland placed his services
at the disposal of Surrey for the impending war,3 which
1 Hall's Chronicle.
2 From the Earl of Northumberland to Lord Dacre, June 5, 1523. —
Addl. MSS. 24,965, p. 18.
3 " The Earl of Surrey being at Alnwicke to him came the Erles of
Northumberland and Westmorland, the Lords Clyfford, Dacre, and
many noble Knights, Squires, and Yeomen, to the number of XIM." —
Hall. See Appendix XLV. 354

SIR WILLIAM PERCY.
however, owing to the Duke of Albany's irresolution, a.d. 1523
did not break out on this occasion.

Sir William Percy, whom we last met on Flodden
Field, continued to take a prominent part in border
warfare. Like Hotspur, " he had been a March man all
his dayes," and Dacre in his reports to the Council
repeatedly makes honourable mention of his services.
In 1522 the Bishop of Carlisle reports that "Sir
William Percy, Lord Ogle, and others,1 to the number of
two hundred, had attacked the border and slain Lance
Carr, one of the worst borderers in Scotland, and
brought his son and heir and a great prey in safety to
England, losing only one man." " He begs the King for
a letter of thanks to them, as otherwise he would have
to give them money." 2
On this occasion the successful soldiers received both
thanks and money; as we find, by an order signed by the
Lord-Lieutenant, that .£122 135-. \d. was awarded for
distribution among them in sums varying in amounts
from £13 6s. 8d. to Lord Ogle and William Percy,
down to £2 to Sir Nicholas Ridley.3
These raids made serious demands upon the resources
of the gentlemen of the north. In the following year
we find Sir William Percy applying to Dacre for a supply
of arrows for the use of his retainers, and asking that
twenty of his horsemen might be allowed to return to

1 Sir Thomas and Sir Ingram Percy, the earl's younger sons, are
mentioned as having taken part in this raid. — Cotton MSS. Calig. B. vi,
426. 2 Bishop of Carlisle to Council, May 22, 1522, Record Office. The
king's thanks were conveyed to Sir William Percy and others on June 14
following. — Ibid.
3 Cotton MSS. Calig. B. 1, 125, B.M. For a transcript of this
document, which contains most of the best names in the North, see
Appendix XLVI. 355 A A 2

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. , their homes for eight days, to provide themselves with
i47— ^52 a remount, "those we have being so sore creysed." In
reply to these moderate demands the Warden says that
he can furnish no arrows, as, if he did so, other Captains
would expect the same ; and considering that Percy's
men had " only made five raids this quarter," the King
does not think them overpressed with riding, but expects
them to " make a raid at least once a week while the
grass is on the ground." '
There is no doubt that the energy and the daring of
Dacre, and perhaps also his savage mode of warfare,2
served to keep the lawless Scotch borderers in check ;
yet Wolsey was not satisfied, and reproached him with
want of vigour in harassing the Scots, bidding him en
deavour to acquire as good a name as Northumberland3
and others. In reply Dacre repeats his complaints of
want of co-operation on the part of the northern lords,
whose tenants, comprising two-thirds of the strength of
the West Border, would not rise at his summons as in
times past, when "all the inhabitants of the West
Marches were at the Lord Warden's command."
To please the Cardinal, however, Dacre now arranged
for a " ride into Scotland," with the view " to cast down
the Tower and great steeple of Ednam, which is double
1 Lord Dacre to Sir William Percy, June 23, 1523. — Addl. MSS.
24,965, B.M. fol. 15 and 16.
2 In a letter to the Warden, dated June 23, 1523, his brother Philip
Dacre reports that he had made a nocturnal expedition to burn Leynton
Tower, and succeeded in setting it on fire, but that " unfortunately, all
the men that was within it, which was sixteen, was saved, by reason of the
gable of the Tower and the wind, which was their friend."
3 Cotton MSS. Calig. B. iii. 37. From which it may be inferred
that the earl's military conduct was approved at court; this is con
firmed by a return furnished in 1525 by the Council of the North,
" being the names of such as haith had the rewell of the countrye of
Northumberland and keepers both of Rydesdale and Tynedale." In
this document both the earl and his son are highly commended ; others
are stated to have allowed the county to be " misguided and clear out
of order," while under Lord Dacre " evil reigned."
356

BORDER WARFARE.
vaulted, and the Castell of Stitchell ... to burn a.d. 1523
Ednam and Stitchell, the towns under Stitchell Crag,
Hasington. Manes, Newtown, Aynthorne, and others on
the road, also Akles and Mersington."
Towards this expedition the Earl of Northumberland
contributed the greater part of his tenantry, and Sir
William Percy brought 200 men into the field.1
There was no love lost between Dacre and North
umberland, the former of whom in the following year
caused the Council to be informed that the earl had
" gone against the Scots 2 as if he had been the King of
England in person, bearing the cross keys" — the royal
badge of York — upon his banner. Henry was peculiarly
sensitive to any infringement of his authority, but on
this occasion Wolsey honestly and generously exonerated
the accused from an unfounded charge :
" Finally, sir, when your highnes was infourmed that
my Lord of Northumberland in this his proceeding
against the Scotts wore the crosse keyes which is the bage
of your Churche of Yorke, wherewith (though it had to
be) your highness of your great goodness was contented
to me, yet for the more parfitt knowledge therof I
have commoned with your servante, my treasourer, Sir
William Gascoyne, who shewith me assuridly and
undoubtidly, as he wil abide by and is redy to justifie
upon his oth made unto your grace, that neither the said
Erie of Northumberland, ne any of his retynue, ware
the crosse keyes, but that they ware your highnes
cognizance onely, and under that his own bage.
Wherfor, Sir, your grace hath cause to give the less

1 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII. June 27, 1523.
2 In an expedition in October, 1524, when Sir William Percy
commanded a retinue of two captains, two petty captains, and 133
mounted men. — Ibid. 357

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND,
a.d. credence unto those which wolde make unto the same
-Z.-'27 such fayned and untrue reaportes." '
In 1526 Henry, during one of his "progresses," paid
a visit to Petworth in the absence of its Lord :
" The king is merry and in good health, and has met
the Earl of Arundel 2 and others at Petworth. The
officers of the Earl of Northumberland, to whom the
place belongs, presented him with six oxen and forty
wethers, and he had good game and recreation." 3
It is significant that the Earl having in December of
this year presented the Lord Cardinal's gentleman usher
with 100 marks, Wolsey a few days later commends "the
Earl of Northumberland's pending causes before the
council of the north" to their favorable consideration,
and they in reply promise that they will endeavour to
treat him " lovingly, and with goodwill, as they have
done hitherto."4
In the spring of the following year negotiations were
set on foot by the Earl with a view to a personal meeting
between him and the Earl of Angus, for the redress of
grievances ; but the Scot showed no disposition to trust
himself on English soil, and before the arrangements for
their interview were concluded the fifth Earl of North
umberland died at Wressil Castle, on 19 May, 1527, in
the fiftieth year of his age.

A striking illustration of Wolsey's interference in the
domestic affairs of the great families of England is afforded
1 Wolsey to the king, November 26, 1523. — Letters and Papers.
2 William Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, who had married Northumber
land's sister Ann.
3 Sir Willm Fitzwilliam to Wolsey, August 3, 1526. — State Papers.
The writer was an officer of the royal household, and held the manors
of Newton-Derwent and Catton, of the Earl of Northumberland, at a
rental of £6 a year.
* Duke of Richmond's council to Wolsey, December 25, 1526.— Ibtd.
358

FUNERAL ARRANGEMENTS.
by his instructions on the subject of the earl's funeral, and a.d. 1527
the subsequent disposal of his widow and children.
These were addressed not, as might be supposed, to
the son and heir of the deceased lord, now the head
of the house, but to his brother-in-law, the Earl of
Cumberland,1 who, among other injunctions, is told not
to allow Lord Percy to attend his father's funeral. No
reason was assigned for this outrageous order ; it was
probably intended to mark the Cardinal's displeasure
for some past offence.
Six days after the death Cumberland writes : "I
have made a new proportion of expences for the
funeral of my Lord of Northumberland, which they
have appointed to take place on Thursday come-
se'nnight ; and trust not to exceed the sum assigned in
his highness' letter. . . The household is a heavy
charge, owing to the great resort of strangers. Neither
beeves, muttons, nor salt-fish was left at my Lord's death,
and only twenty marks in money, which is spent long
ago, with much more, for which pledges have been given.
More money must be borrowed before the funeral, else
the house will break and " sparple," which would be a
dishonor while the body lies unburied. If it be broken
up afterwards, the servants should have their wages at
least for the past time and for this quarter. There are
also many poor men to be paid for hand labor." 2
Again, a few days after the funeral :
" I have, according to his grace's command, delivered
1 Henry Clifford, first Earl of Cumberland, who, shortly after the
death of his first wife, Margaret, daughter of the fourth Earl of
Shrewsbury, had married the Lady Margaret Percy, the Earl of
Northumberland's eldest daughter, who died in 1543. On the death,
m I537> of the sixth Earl of Northumberland without issue, the whole
of the Percy fee in Craven was settled upon her son, the second Earl of
Cumberland, by an Act of Parliament in 28 Henry VIII.
2 Earl of Cumberland to Tho". Hennege, gentleman to my Lord
Legate's Grace, May 25, 1527. — State Papers.
359

HENRY PERCY, FIFTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. to my Lord of St. Mary's Abbey, York, certain parcels
r47_-i_27 Q£ piate> Qf mv j>or(j 0f Northumberland, late deceased,
amounting to ,£666 6s. $d., which money they have
received from the Abbot, and therewith buried the said
Lord. . . . There were neither priests, scholars,
poor folk, noblemen, nor gentlemen at the burial to the
number they had prepared for, Whitsunday being so
nigh ; so that a good sum was reserved both of the money
for the " doole," and for the housekeeping at the time of
the burial. ... I have offered my house to the
Countess and her children to be as chief lady and
mistress of the same. She has, however, made answer
that she is too weak and ill to undertake the journey,
and would be glad to remain here. . . . She is
willing to live poorly, and will be at pains to please his
grace. My lord her son, and her children go with me
until his grace's pleasure be known." z
* *
" Only twenty marks "in money," left behind him by
Henry Percy, the Magnificent !
1 Stale Papers, June 17, 1527.

ZT^n ,~^~~=f~~^~fy'&

Facsimile of Signature of Henry 5TH Earl of Northumberland.

360

CHAPTER IX.

^trt5 (^arl ot Hortfcumfcerlantr, %.<B.

Born, «>r. 1502-3
Died, June 29, 1537.

Contemporary
English Sovereigns.
Henry VII.
Henry VIII. 1509.

ONG after the period of which we are
now treating, the most enlightened minds
still shared in the belief that the planetary
system governed the course of man's in
dividual existence, and that certain con
junctions of the celestial bodies irrevocably predestined
him to good or evil fortune ; to success or failure in
his career ; to domestic happiness or misery ; and finally
directed the tenure of his life and the nature of his
death. It is more than probable that, in accordance with the
custom of the age, a horoscope had been cast over the
cradle of the heir to the house of Percy, and if this had
been of auspicious augury to his future, his faith in
astrology must have been severely shaken before he
died. From boyhood upward, if we except the few
sunny hours during which he basked in the smiles of his
361

A.D. I?02

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
ad. first love, — a dream from which he was soon rudely
— awakened, — his short life was so full of sadness, suffering,
and humiliation, that he may well have been grateful
when a premature, though lingering, death relieved him
from the burden.
Lord Percy received his early training in the mag
nificent household of Cardinal Wolsey.1 It was then the
custom for the sons of the great nobles to be made
not only the pupils but the personal attendants of
Church dignitaries,2 to whom they acted in the capacity
of pages ; and it was doubtless gratifying to Wolsey's
insatiable vanity to be waited upon by Percies and
Howards, Nevilles and Cliffords, whose fathers more
over not only solicited such employment as a favour,
but paid large sums for the privilege of the admission
of their heirs into the retinue of the great Churchman.
The young lords appear to have led pleasajit lives in
the service of one 3 who, arbitrary and arrogant towards
those whose rank trenched upon his authority, or who
ventured to thwart his will or question his supremacy,
1 "The palace of Wolsey was with reason considered the best
introduction to Court and the fairest avenue to preferment. It was
therefore not surprising that even the Earl of Northumberland, the
most genuine representative of the old English nobility, should solicit
and obtain for his eldest son this envied distinction." — Memoirs of
Ann Boleyn, by E. Benger, 1827.
2 The practice continued in force to much later times. The Earl of
Arundel, writing to his son in 1620, bids him " In all things reverence,
honour, and obey my Lord Bishop of Norwich, as you would do any of
your parents ; esteeminge whatsoever he shall tell or command you, as 1
if your grandmother of Arundell, your mother, or myself should say it. '
And in all things esteem yourself as my Lord's page ; a breeding which
youths of my house far superior to you, were accustomed unto, as my
grandfather of Norfolk, and his brother, my good uncle of Northampton,
were both bredd as pages with bishopps." — Cavendish's Life of Wolsey,
note 2, p. 38.
3 According to Fiddes, Wolsey's household consisted of 800
members, of whom nine or ten were lords (for these a separate
table was kept), fifteen knights, and forty esquires. The young nobles
paid for their education, but attended in the cardinal's retinue as pages
on occasions of State ceremonial. — Life of Wolsey.
362

THE PAGE AND THE MAID OF HONOUR.
was ever a kind and gentle master to all under his direct a.d. 1521
control.1 When in his twentieth year Lord Percy being in the
course of his duty required to attend upon the Cardinal
when he repaired to Court, he, while his master was
closeted with the King in the transaction of affairs of
State, would pass his time in the Queen's apartments,
and, for want of other employment, indulge in dalliance
with Her Majesty's maidens in waiting : the result being,
that he fell in love with one of the fairest and most
attractive of these.
The younger daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn had
at this time barely entered upon her seventeenth
year ; * yet in point of worldly knowledge she had
greatly the advantage of her suitor, who had been
kept in strict tutelage, and even now was treated as
a mere boy by his father and the Cardinal. The
fair Anne Boleyn had, on the contrary, while still a
child, won admiration at the gay Court of France,
and on her return to England already carried with
her a train of devoted admirers, not the least favoured
among whom was the poet, Sir Thomas Wyatt. But
this accomplished courtier, however persuasively he
might sigh in verse,3 was already provided with a
1 " Lofty and sour to them that loved him not,
But to those men that sought him sweet as summer."
— King Henry VIII. Act iv. Scene 2.
2 The birth of Anne Boleyn has been assigned to various dates, some
writers placing it as early as 1501 (at which rate she would have
attained the mature age of thirty-two at the time of her marriage with
King Henry) ; others as late as 1509 ; but the weight of evidence is in
favour of 1506-7. This would make her — as she is by most writers
stated to have been — thirty years of age at the time of her death.
3 See his poem " The Falcon," Appendix XLVIA., in which poor
Anne Boleyn on the eve of her execution is made to recall the memory
of her early " lover steadfast and true," an allusion which has been
applied to LordTercy. It is more probable, however, that Wyatt would
have claimed that epithet for himself than given it to his rival.
363

A.D,
I5°2-I537

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
wife, and soon found himself distanced by the young
noble, who was ready to offer, not only his heart but,
his hand to the fascinating and by no means unworldly
maid of honour.
The story of the rude interruption of Lord Percy's
courtship stands recorded on the authority of one who
professes to have been an eye-witness of the scenes he
describes. His account is, indeed, so graphic, and so
evidently bears the stamp of truthfulness, that no other
words could convey an equally accurate impression of
the incident.
The writer,1 after mentioning that on Lord Percy's
love-affair coming to the king's knowledge he revealed
to the cardinal his own passion for the fair maid of
honour, and desired him to take means for putting a
stop to the young man's pretensions, proceeds : —
" So that when the Cardinall returned from the Court
to his house at Westminster, being in the Gallerye, and
not forgetting the King's commaundement, called the
sayd Lo : Percye unto him, and before us his servants
then attendinge, sayde unto him : ' I marueile not a little
(quoth he) of thy folly, that thou wouldest thus attempt
1 " An Account of Queen Anne Bullen, from a MS. in the hand
writing of Sir Roger Twisden, Bart, 1623." — Published in Nott's Life
of Wyatt, note p. 442. The paper is indorsed : " I receaved this from
my Vncle Wyatt, anno 1623, who being yonge had gathered many
notes touching this lady, not without an intent to have opposed Saunders "
(i.e. to answer the Jesuit who had written a work vilifying Anne Boleyn).
This " Uncle Wyatt " was a brother of Sir Thomas Wyatt the elder,
who then held a post in the household of Wolsey. A comparison
of this document with the passages relating to the same subject in
Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, shows the two narratives to be, with a few
verbal differences, absolutely identical ; and as it is obviously impossible
that two different persons should have recorded their impressions of the
scenes described in precisely the same order and words, one or the
other narrative must have been plagiarised. The question of author
ship need not be here discussed ; it is sufficient to allow that the
authority attaching to the original document, whichever that may be, is
beyond doubt ; and either narrative thus serves the purpose of illustrating
history. 3^4

KABALE UND LIEBE.
to assure thyselfe with a foolishe gyrle yonder in the a.d.
Court, Anne Bullen. Doest thou not consider the r52^S23
estate, that God hath called thee unto in this world ; for
after thy father's death thou art most like to inherite and
enioye one of noblest Earledomes in this kingdome, and
therefore it had been most meete and conuenient for
thee to haue had thy father's consent in this case ; and to
have acquainted the Kings Matie therewith requiring his
Princely fauore, and in all such matters submitting thy
proceedings unto His Highenese, who would not onely
thankefully haue excepted (accepted) thy submission, but
I am assured would haue so provided for the purpose, that
hee would haue aduanced thee much more nobly and haue
matched thee according to thy degree and honor ; and
so by thy wyse behauiour (thou) mightest haue growne into
his highe fauoure to thy greate advancement : But now
see what you haue done ! Through your wilfulnesse
you have not onely offended your father, but also your
louinge Souereign Lorde, and matched yourself with
such a one as neyther the King nor your father will
consent unto. And hereof I put thee out of doubt, that
I will send for thy father, who at his coming shall
eyther breake this unaduised bargayne, or else disin-
herite thee for euer. The Kings Matie will also com-
playne on thee to thy father, and require no less than I
haue saide, because he intended to preferr Anne Bullen
to another, wherein the King had alreadie trauilled, and
being allmost at a poynt with one for her ; though shee
knewe it not, yet hath the King like a Politique Prince
conveyed the matter in such sort, that she will bee I
doubt not, upon his Grace's mention gladd and agree
able to the same.'
" ' Sir ' (quoth the Lo : Percye weepinge ") ' I knewe
1 This may be taken as a figure of speech. There is nothing so far
at all suggestive of the lachrymose mood in the tone of Henry Percy's
reply to the cardinal.
36 5

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. not the King's pleasure and am sory for it ; I considered
IS°2-i537 J am 0f g00(i yeares,.and thought meselfe able to prouide
me a conuenient wife, as my fancie shoold pleese me, not
doubting, but that my Lorde and father would haue bene
right well content. Though shee but a simple maide,
and a knight to her father, yet is she descended of right
noble bloud and parentage ; for her mother is nighe of
the Norfolks bloud, and her father descended of the
Earle of Ormound, being one of the Earle's heires
generall. Why then, sir, should I be anything scrupulous
to match with her in regard to her estate and descent
equall with myne, euen when I shall bee in most dig-
nitie ? * Therefore I most humbly beseech your Grace's
fauore herein, and also to entreate the Kings Ma*
on my behalfe for his Princely fauoure in this matter,
which T cannot forsake.' "
There is a simple manliness and honesty in this
address which might have touched a heart more hard
and stern than the cardinal's ; but the king coveted the
lady, and what to him was the honest love of a boy
against the amorous caprice of his royal master ?
" ' So ! sirs ' (quoth the Cardinall to us) ' yee may see
what wisdome is in this willfull boyes heade ! I thought
that when thou heardest the Kings pleasure and intende-
ment herein, thou wouldest haue relented, and put thyself
and thy voluptuous act wholly to the Kings will and
pleasure, and by him to have beene ordered, as His Grace
should haue thought good ! '
" ' Syr ' (quoth the Lo : Percye) ' so I would ; but in this
matter I have gone soe farre before soe many worthy

1 Anne Boleyn's mother was a daughter of Thomas Howard, second
Duke of Norfolk. The founder of the family appears to have been
Anne's great grandfather, Sir Geffrey Boleyne, Lord Mayor of London
in 1458, upon whose "hereditary pretensions " to the Ormond lineage,
Banks (in his Extinct Baronage) throws some doubt.
366

THE LOVER'S PLEA.
wittnesses, that I knowe not how to discharge meselfe and
my conscience."
" ' Whye ' (quoth the Cardinal,) ' thinkest thou that the
King and I knowe not what we have to doe in as
weightie a matter as this ? yes, I warrant thee. But
I see no submission in thee to that purpose."
" ' Forsooth, my Lord ' (quoth my Lo. Percye) ' if it
please your Grace I will submitte meself wholly to the
King and your Grace in this matter, my conscience being
discharged of the weightie burden thereof.'
" ' Well then ' (quoth my Lord Cardinal!) ' I will send
for your father out of the north, and he and wee shall take
such order ; and in the meane season I chardge thee
that thou resort no more into her company as thou wilt
abye the Kings indignation.'
" And soe he rose up and went into his chamber.'
The conversation thus recorded is of importance in its
bearing upon future historical events ; but there would
appear to be some inaccuracy in the report. This does
not in the slightest degree affect its general credibility ;
on the contrary, the discrepancies are precisely such as a
truthful person writing from memory some time after the
event would be liable to.
The Cardinal in the first instance reproaches Lord
Percy with having " attempted to assure " himself with
the lady, which need imply little more than earnest atten
tions ; he proceeds, however, to charge him with having
"matched himself," and declares his intention to "breake
this unaduised bargayne," — expressions which point to
more intimate relations and appear inconsistent with the
former terms. Lord Percy's own words convey the
impression that he was deeply in love with the maid of
honour, and that he had contemplated making her his
wife ; but nothing that he is reported to say can be con
strued into an admission of an engagement, far less
3^7

A.D.
1521-1523

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. a " Pre-Contract " of such a character as could have
150 _li537 formed grounds for the annulment of the subsequent
royal marriage.
It was his interest to represent the character of their
then existing relations in as serious a light as possible ;
yet all he can urge is that he has so far committed
himself to the lady " before many worthy witnesses" that
he did not feel justified in receding from his position.
Not a word has come to light to throw doubt upon
Lord Percy's solemn declaration, ten years later, that
there had never been "any contract or promise of
marriage between her and me." J
Lord Herbert says that the Young Percy had " obtained
her good will to marriage," and adds that " the treaty
proceeded to little less than a contract" but it is precisely
that " little less " upon which the whole question hinges ;
nor do the means exist of solving its difficulties. The
testimony of contemporary historians upon this point
possesses no authentic value, since these could not have
been expected to have any personal knowledge of so
trivial an incident as a flirtation between a page and a
maid of honour ; and when, ten years later, the early
intimacy of the young pair had become a: matter of
public importance, there was a strong motive on the part
of the King's friends to misrepresent the character of
these relations. Some went so far as to assert that
there had been a secret marriage ; whereas others denied
the possibility of a marriage having been even contem
plated, because of Henry Percy being at that time
z Cavendish says : " There grewe such love betweene them that at
lcngtth they were ensured together, intending to marry " ; and again, that
" it was devised that the Lord Percy's assurance should be infringed
and dissolved," (pp. 64, 65) — expressions which need indicate nothing
more than such sentimental relations as a serious flirtation, carried on
" before many worthy witnesses," by a boy and a girl might be expected
to lead to. 368

BROKEN TIES.
engaged to Lord Shrewsbury's daughter. No such a.d.
engagement then existed, however. The negotia- J523^S24
tions for Lord Percy's marriage with Lady Mary
Talbot, set on foot by their parents in 1516, did not
pass beyond the preliminary stage, and were broken
off in consequence, apparently, of mutual personal
disinclination on the part of those most concerned in
the matter. Marriages of convenance were not by
any means at that time the rule in England even in
families of the highest rank ; among whom, indeed, love
matches appear to have been quite as common as in
other classes of society. It is, moreover, obvious that
had Lord Percy proposed marriage while engaged to
another lady, Wolsey and his father would have
severely reprobated such a breach of faith on his
part ; whereas no such offence is hinted at by either.
On the contrary he tells the Cardinal that he thought his
father would be " right well content " at his choosing a
wife. In 1 5 16 neither Shrewsbury nor Northumberland
could have had any sufficiently powerful motive for
forcing the inclinations of their children; but when, seven
years later, Wolsey urged the immediate marriage of
the young Percy as the means of weaning him from an
objectionable attachment, and of averting the king's
anger, the interrupted negotiations were resumed, and
parental authority was exercised on both sides to bring
about the alliance with little regard to the feelings of
the principal parties to the bargain. Wolsey owed his
ascendency over the king in great measure to his readi
ness to promote the indulgence of his pleasures, innocent
or otherwise. Nothing could have been further from
his intention than to exalt the maid of honour to the
throne, for at that time the divorce of Queen Catherine
had not entered the mind of any man ; but Henry was
vol. 1. 369 B B

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. infatuated and his passion must not be thwarted. With
1 5°2-iS37 the prospect of becoming Countess of Northumberland
the lady might well hesitate to accept the position of the
King's mistress ; but, that hope removed, her resistance,
it was argued, might not prove formidable. Not content,
then, with Lord Percy's promise of renunciation of his
cherished hopes, the Cardinal claimed the aid of the
Earl to complete the breach between the lovers.1 The
author of the Twysden MS. thus describes the interview
between father and son :
"Then was the Earle of Northumberland sent North
for in the King's name, who uppon receipt of the
King's letters made all the speede he could out of the
North unto the King. Who at this first cominge
made his resort to my Lord Cardinall, as commonlie
all other that were sent for in such sort did, who
certified them of the cause of their sendinge : and
when the Earl was come to my Lord, he was brought
unto my Lord into his gallery, and were there a long
space in secrette communication ; which done and after
the drinking of a cup of wine, the Earle departed and
going his way sate down at the galleries end, in the
halfe-place upon a forme that was standing there for the
wayters ease, and calling his Sonne thither said unto him
to this effect :
" ' Sonne,' (quoth he) ' even as thou hast bene, and
allwayes wert, a proud licentious and unthriftie waster, so
hast thou now declared thyselfe ; and therefore what ioy
comfort pleasure or solace, shall I conceaue of thee,
1 Wolsey was not, however, disposed to be made a cat's-paw in this
affair or to incur the brunt of the enmity of the lovers. He there
fore caused the summons to the Earl to be sent by the King himself,
assuring him that " there was no such way to preserve the gentlewoman
for himself, and together to conceal his love, as to use a cunning dis
suasion of the marriage to the Earl." — Herbert's Life of Henry VIII,
p. 122. 370

FATHER AND SON.
that thus without discretion hast misued thyselfe ? a.d.
hauinge neyther regarde unto me, thy naturall father, IS23_^524
nor yet to the King thy naturall Soveraigne Lord, to
whom all honest and loyall subiects beare faithful
obedience ; nor to the wealthe of thy owne estate ; but
hast unadvisedly assured thyselfe unto her, for whom the
King is with thee highly displeased, whose displeasure
is intolerable for any subject to beare. But his grace
considering the lightnesse of thy head and willful
qualities of thy person, his indignation were able to
ruine me and my posteritie utterly ; yet he being my
singular good Lord and favorable Prince, and also my
Lord Cardinall, my good Lord, hath and doth clearely
excuse me in thy lewed fact, and doe lament thy lightnes,
rather than maligne me for the same, and hath devised
an order to be taken for thee, to whom both thou and I
be more bound, than wee be able well to consider. I
pray God, that this may be to thee a sufficient admoni
tion to use thyselfe more wisely hereafter ; for I assure
thee that if thou doest not amend thy prodigalatie thou
wilt be the last Earle of our house ; for of thy natural
inclination thou art wastfull and prodigall, , and wilt
continue to waste all that thy progenitors haue with
greate care and trauel gathered and keept together
with honor. But the King's Mat!e-, beinge my singular
and good and gracious Lord, I assure thee I trust soe to
order my succession, that you shall consume but a Utile
thereof; for to tell thee true, I intend not to make thee
my heire ; for I thanke God I haue more boyes, that I
trust will proue much better than you, and use them
selves more like unto wise and honest men, of whom I
will choose the most likeliest to succeed me. Nowe,
good my masters and gentlemen, (quoth he unto us) it
may be, you chaunce hereafter when I am dead, to see
these things that I have spoken to my Sonne, prove as
371 b b 2

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. true as I speake them : Yet in the meane season I desire
1 502-1 53 7 __ou tQ j_e j_j_ freencjeS) an(j to tell him his faulte when
he doth amisse, wherein you schall shew yourselfe
freendly unto him, and (quoth he) I take my leaue of
you ; and Sonne, goe your waies unto my Lord your
Master, and attend uppon him according to your duetie.'
And soe hee went downe through the Hall into his
Barge. " Then after longe concultation about the Lord Percey's
late assurance it was deuised that the same should be
infringed and dissolued, and that the Lord Percy should
marry one of the Earles of Shrewsbury's daughters,
which after all this he did, by meanes whereof the
former contract was frustrated ; * wherewith Mris. Anne
Bullen was greatly offended, promising if euer it lay
in her power she would worke much displeasure to the
Cardinall, as afterward she did indeed ; and yet he was
not in blame altogether ; for he did nothing but by
the King's deuised will and commandment. And as my
Lo : Percye was commanded to auoyd her company, soe
was she dischardged of the Court and sent home to her
father for a season, whereat she smoked ; for all this
while she knew nothing of the King's intended purpose."
1 " The earl so checked his son that the fear of displeasing his father
became at length his predominant passion. So that it neither served
him to declare the merits of the gentlewoman, nor to tell his father
that his promise before witnesses had engaged him further than he knew
well how to come off. The apprehension of the King's displeasure
having wrought that impression in the Earl that he would take no
denial or excuse on his son's part, till he made him renounce all his
pretences to her, while also he urged so far as at length his son
consented to marry the Earl of Shrewsbury's daughter."- — Lord Herbert's
Life of Henry VIII, p. 122.
2 It will be seen that the Earl charges his son with nothing more
serious than the having "assured " himself; which at most can only be
taken to mean his having entered into a secret engagement. This,
however, must have been of an informal nature, for as neither Lord
Percy nor Anne Boleyn had attained their majority at this time, the
consent of their parents would have been a necessary condition to
anything approaching to a betrothal. 372

ANNE BOLEYN.
" Now began the grudge that afterwards wrought the a.d.
Cardinall's ouerthrowe. After my Lord Percye's trouble- l$23ffy24
some matters were brought to a good stay, and all
things donne that were deuised, Mistress Anne was re-
uoced to the Court where she after florished in great
estimacion and fauoure." *
Thus passed away the one gleam of sunshine that ever
brightened the sad life now recorded.
Forbidden access to the presence of his love, and
banished from the court she adorned, Lord Percy sought
forgetfulness amid the clash of arms on the northern
border ; but neither time nor change effaced her image
from his heart,2 while she 
The effect produced upon " Mistress Anne" by Wolsey's
action was less that of wounded affection than of resent
ment aroused by baffled ambition. She " smoked," we
are told, at being separated from Lord Percy, being then
" ignorant as yet how much the King loved her," and
preferring " to be that lord's wife than a King's mistress."
No sooner however did she become aware of the vio
lence of Henry's passion, and " of the great love that he
bare her in the bottom of his stomach, than she began to
1 Nott's Life of Wyatt, p. 438 et seq.
2 Lord Percy's love for the fair maid of honour was undoubtedly
much more than a passing fancy, and the poetical outburst attributed to
him after her execution is probably no exaggerated reflection of his
actual feelings. " What's life to me, Northumberland's proud heir ?
Life without love is earth without a sun ;
Why should the fates thus ever place me here ?
Why am I doomed life's cheerless course to run?
*****
But thee fond mayd — to starry heights upborne,
Whose name my lips to 'plain thee scarce can move,
Thee, like Philomela, will I ever mourne
Anna, my first, my last, my only love ! "
— From Modern Imitations of Ancient Poetry, by F. H. Surtees.
373

A.D.
I5°2-i537

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
look very hault and stout, having all manner of jewels
or rich apparel, that might be gotten with money." *
Even without the bestowal of jewels the King had
little to fear from a rival employed at a distance from
court, and formally contracted to another wife ; for Lord
Percy had been despatched to the North to succeed~the
Tiarl of Surrey in his Wardenship, and his father's positive
commands had been laid upon him for his immediate
marriage with the Lady Mary Talbot.
Surrey, who, after a short service, proved as anxious
to be " disburdened " of his office as the magnificent
Earl had been before him, writes to Wolsey : —
" I am glad to hear the Lord Percy will succeed me in
mycommand, If he marry my Lord Steward's daughter,
he will have great help from Dacre by reason of their
alliance. The Chief Baron is with the Earl of Northum
berland to conclude the matter."
A fortnight later he urges the Cardinal to relieve him
of his duties in the following month : —
"Iff my Lord Percye shall not enter then into the
office of Warden, me thynk my Lord Dacre might well
occupye for the tyme as his deputie, which I doute not
by the Kynges commandment, he wolde content to do,
consydering the nere alliaunce they be now off; and,
though the contre' people be not of the best content
with hym, yet I doute not, so it be knowen that my
Lord Percye shall come shortly after, they will be
content with hym for a tyme." 3
Arrived at his post, Lord Percy, though from this
time forth he appears to have been subject to frequent
attacks of severe illness, threw himself with ardour into
his military duties. To meet a threatened irruption of
1 Cavendish, vol. i. p. 67.
2 Earl of Surrey to Wolsey, September 12, 1523, Cotton MSS.
Calig. B. vi. 318.
374

THE SEPARATION.
the Scots in October 1523, he led to the Borders a large a.d.
force under " eight Chief and eight Petty Captaynes " *523_-^525
having in his personal retinue, " Esperaunce Herald,"
two chaplains and two surgeons.1 For this service he
received the King's personal thanks ; and the only fault
that the Chancellor could find with his former pupil's
administration, was for undue leniency in the treatment
of the enemy, and more especially of prisoners who
fell into his hands. *
* *
By this time Wolsey had succeeded in one of the main
objects of his policy. Not only had he by the various
means at his disposal undermined the influence, but he
had, to some extent, broken the spirit of the great nobles,
who seem, almost without a struggle, to have acquiesced
in the extinction of their power.2
The descendants of those haughty and turbulent
barons whose swords had flashed from their scabbards
on the slightest encroachment upon their actual or
fancied rights, now followed submissively in the train of
the arrogant priest, whose behests they obeyed with a
deference which they had not always shown to their kings.
This revolution (for to such indeed it amounted) was
congenial to Henry's arbitrary temper ; and he con
templated with satisfaction the humiliation of an order
which had too often thwarted the will and restricted the
authority of the sovereign. His minister, it is true, exercised
a power infinitely greater than that wielded by all the
1 Cotton MSS. Calig., B. v. 304.
2 " Of the great houses some were now extinct ; others lingered only
in obscure branches which were shadows of their former greatness.
With the exception of the Poles, the Stanleys, and the Howards, them
selves families of recent origin, hardly a fragment of the older Baronage
interfered from this time in the work of government." — Green's Short
History of the English People, p. 284.
The possible issue of the great Rebellion in the following century, if
the old English Baronage had been left in possession of their power and
influence, would form an interesting subject for historical speculation.
375

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. peers in Parliament combined, and assumed an attitude
5°2-_537 of quasi-royalty,1 which might have excited the jealousy
of a less suspicious monarch ; but Henry felt strong
enough to submit to an influence which he had himself
created, and which he could destroy when it should cease
to serve his purpose.
One mocking voice was, however, incessantly raised
against the pretensions of the all-powerful Cardinal.
Skelton, the Laureate, disappointed of the Church
preferment which he had solicited, lost no opportunity
of appealing to the nobles to resent the insolence of
the upstart Chancellor ; and blunt and clumsy as were
the shafts he shot, they were not without some effect.
" Why come ye not to court ? " 2 was the title of one of
his most virulent satires, in which he broadly depicts the
condition to which the ancient nobility of England was
now reduced : —
" The Erie of Northumberland
Dare take nothing in hand ;
Our Barons be so bold
Into a mousehole they wolde
Run away and creep,
Like a mainey of sheep.
Dare not look out of dur,
For drede of the Mastyffe cur —
For drede of the Butchers dogge
Wold wyrry them like an hogge.w
For an' this cur do guar',
They must stand all afar
To hold up their hands at the bar ;
For all their noble bloude,

1 When the time came these pretensions were not forgotten, and
among the charges preferred against the fallen statesman was that of
having allowed himself to be addressed as "your majesty" by the
University of Oxford, and even by the Doge of Venice.
2 It was a part of Wolsey's tactics to keep the great families
from the King's presence. The French ambassador informs his
government that " there are not many nobles about the King, most of
them keeping order in their own counties." — Du Bellay to the Grand
Master of France, December 29, 1527.
376

WOLSEY AND THE NOBLES.
He plucks them by the hoode, a.d.
And shakes them by the ear, XS25— TS27
And brings them in such feare.
He bayteth them like a beare ;
Like an ox or a bull.
Their wits he sayth are dull,
He sayth they have no brain
Their estate to maintain,
And maketh them to bow their knee
Before his majesty I"
*
* *
Never did the Cardinal display his arrogance in a more
offensive form than in his official intercourse with those
who had hitherto recognised no equal between the King
and themselves, but who now waited in his antechamber
and were content to receive the royal commands and
favours filtered through the lips of the haughty minister.1
Lord Percy was in his twenty-fifth year when he
succeeded to the Earldom, yet Wolsey continued to
1 Shrewsbury's chaplain informs his master, who had sent him with
letters to the Cardinal, that he had followed his Grace from place to
place, but was unable to obtain an audience for the purpose of
presenting them.
" Upon Monday last, as he walked in the park at Hampton Court, I
besoght hym I myght knowe if he wold comand me my servyce ; he
was not pleased with me that I spake to hym. . . . He that shall be a
sutor unto hym may have no oder besynes (business), but giff attendaunce
upon his pleasure. ... I sawe no better remedye but cam without
answer, to pursue such yn London as your Lordship comands to be don,
except I wold have done as my Lord Dacre's servaunt dothe, wiche com
with letters for the Kynges Grace v. moneths sens, and yet have no
aunswer; and unoder servaunt of the Deputy of Callis, yn likewise,
wiche cam before he rode to Walsingham. There that he ansuered
them ' If ye be not content to tary my leser, depart when ye wyll.' "
— Talbot Papers, vol. A. f. 45.
There would thus appear to have been no exaggeration in this passage
of Skelton's satire :¦ —
" My Lord is not at layser ;
Syr, ye must tarry a stounde
Tyll better layzer be founde ;
And, Syr, ye must dance attendaunce,
And tak patient sufferaunce,
Perchance half a yere,
And yet come not nere."
377

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. address him in such terms as a harsh pedagogue might
1502— 1537 empi0y towards an idle or ill-conducted schoolboy.
There was no interference which he did not permit him
self, no humiliation he hesitated to inflict upon one who
certainly gave no cause for jealousy or resentment ;
for throughout their intercourse, the submissive temper
of the noble is hardly less marked than the arrogance
of the priest. The Peers of England had become
used to the censorious interference of the powerful
minister in all that related to their public duties ; but
in this case Wolsey went much further, extending his
control over the most trifling details of domestic
economy and personal conduct. He claimed the
right to regulate the Earl's household patronage ;
he gave direct instructions to his officers and agents ;
received secret reports and complaints from his servants,
and even threatened to take the administration of the
estates into his own hands.
Constitutional apathy, aggravated by continuous phy
sical suffering from the effects of a complication of
disorders which often incapacitated him from the trans
action of public business, and more than once threatened
a fatal termination, no doubt contributed to indispose the
young Earl from contesting the Cardinal's exorbitant
pretensions. How keenly he felt the indignity is, how
ever, evidenced in his private correspondence, and more
especially in his letters to his intimate friend and
kinsman, Thomas Arundel.1

1 A younger brother of William Fitzalan, thirteenth Earl of
Arundel (Northumberland's brother-in-law), who, in accordance with a
common practice, had adopted the titular instead of the family name :
" By my father Arundell, even so my name hight ;
A younger brother I was by due generation,
And with the Cardinal Wolsey was my education."
— Metrical Visions, by George Cavendish.
He and Lord Percy had been brought up together in Wolsey's house-
378

ALLEGED WASTEFULNESS.
In one of these letters, written two days after his a.d. 1527
father's death, he thus refers to Wolsey having prohibited
him from attending the funeral : —
" Before Ambrose came unto me, I was comyn unto
my howse at Topclyf towarde yc funeralls of my late
lorde and fader, whose soul J'hu pardon; .... but
seeing I knowe my Lords Grace's pleasor contrary, I
woll not com to yE funeralls to Beverly, ye whiche to
have bene at I wolde have bene very glade. . . .
" Sense the weke after Estre, I have bene in jeoptie
(jeopardy) of my lyve, not only by reason of an agoor
(ague), but also of myn olde disease and the unhappy
ayer of this North Country ; having none amendement
unto the tyme I cam to Topclyf, where somethyng I
nowe doo amende."
Wolsey frequently censured the Earl for extravagance
and wastefulness, and appears to have suborned some
of his servants to keep him informed of the state of
his finances, which throughout his unhappy life continued
the cause of much trouble to him. The blame for this
however did not lie at his door. By far the greater part
of the debts that weighed upon him had been an in
heritance from his father, who at his decease owed over
^7000 to private individuals, and arrearages amount
ing to more than ;£ 10,000 to the crown.1 Lord Percy
had always been very sparely provided for by the

hold, in which he now held the office of Gentleman of the Privy
Chamber. Later in life he rose high in court favour, but becoming
implicated in the intrigues of the Protector Somerset, he was executed
for treason.
His correspondence with the Earl of Northumberland from 1527 to
1530 will be found in Cavendish's Life of Wolsey — Singer's Edition.
There is also an incomplete MS. copy of the series, annotated by Dr.
Percy, among the Alnwick MSS. As these letters are with few exceptions
written by a secretary, the Earl is not responsible for the curiously
capricious spelling ; the signature is in every case his own.
1 The particulars of the Claim thus made against the estate of
379

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. magnificent Earl. A memorandum has been preserved,1
i5°2-i537 which shows how little he had been permitted to share in
his father's style of living, and upon what modest terms he
was required to maintain his establishment during the
first years of his married life. From this document we
learn that the cost of the personal subsistence of the
young couple was estimated at 1 3s. ^d. a week ; they
were allowed two male and two female attendants,
whose board and wages averaged eighteen pence a week
each ; while the charge for their joint stable did not
amount to .£28 in the year, and " My lady's wardrobe
was " by estimacion " valued at £40."
That under such conditions the future Earl of North
umberland should have incurred debts is not surprising ; a
but at the time of his accession these did not exceed
,£1,000, while those of his father, for which he became
responsible, amounted to _£ 17,000. By nature indolent,
he was probably careless in monetary affairs ; but it is
the fifth Earl by the Chancellor of the Exchequer remain on
record :
"For the fifth Earl of Northumberland's
Ward and marriage of the daughter of
Sir John Thwayths  £ 66 13 4
" For his debt to Anthony Bonvyse  8062 9 6
" For the redemption of the Manor of Poynings )
& other manors in Sussex, from Sir > 1604 o o
Edward Seymour  j
" For livery payable by the sixth Earl . . . 316 T3 4
,£10,049 16 2
— Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vol. v. 394-5.
This claim was not wholly satisfied by the sixth Earl until 1531,
when, the Chancellor Cromwell being ordered to take action against
him for its recovery, he raised the requisite sum by mortgage, and by
the sale of his estates in Kent.
1 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vol. iv. No. 3378.
2 A bond has been preserved bearing Lord Percy's signature, and
dated 21 March 1525, under which he makes over to John Coupland,
Merchant Taylor of London, with reversion to his wife and son, an estate
of ;£io a year during his father's life, and £20 a year after his accession,
in consideration of goods supplied to him.— lb id.
380

"BEDFELLOW" ARUNDEL.
difficult to believe that the financial embarrassments which a.d.
beset him from the outset of his career were due to pro- I527^S2
digality or self-indulgence on his part,1 or that the by-name
of the Unthrifty was justly attached to him.
The Earl was well aware of the subornation of his ser
vants habitually practised by Wolsey, and he more than
once complained of it in his letters to Thomas Arundel.
" Myne owne good bedfellow," 2 he writes, " thys Sater-
dayatXI I off theclock at mydnyght, I reseveyd yr. loveyng
and kind advertisements, thereby not onely well perseyv-
yng the true hart in old tyme which ye have borne to
me, but also ye perseverant good mind off ye sayme by
whiche daly you do renue myne old bond of amyte
which in hart cannot be more then yt ys, as yt ys
bounden. " Also I perseyff yl som Judas abowth me, not
withstanding my goodness to all my servaunts,
hayth serteffyed my Lords Grace off my dettes. I
assure you, bedfellow, y' which I do how, (owe) both
ffor my lord my ffayther and myselfe, ys but that som
of VI M. marks ; ffor whiche I trust I hayve takin such
dereckcion as ys to myn honour, notwithstanding the
practices off my servant thus to defame his master ;
praying you, good bedfellow, I may know who he ys,
as my trust ys in you abouff all others. . . . My hows,
sens my coming ether, (hither) hayth bene very costly,
1 He appears to have been very generous to his brothers. His
charities and his grants to his numerous dependents were also all on a
very liberal scale ; but there is no indication of personal extravagance
on his part. Indeed, his tastes and habits seem to have been excep
tionally simple for one of his rank at the period, and, according to a
passage in Denton's MS., it was not upon his own pleasures but in
donations to others that " he wasted his patrimony with gifts and leases
of manors, lordships, parks, &c, reserving small rents."
2 A term then frequently used between intimate friends, and the
more appropriate, in this instance, from the fact of the Earl and Thomas
Arundel having in their boyhood shared the same chamber in Wolsey's
Palace. 38l

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. (notwithstanding ther ys not a penny howing ffor the
i5°2-^537 sayme,) and specyally by reson of derness off corne, for
every quarter woll well cost iiii schillnes. And whereas
y' Judas wrote I could not serve the Kyng yff my lord
Cardenall dyd nott tak some order with me, I trust my
lord, upon the infermacion off such a lyght person, wyll
not take nor follow no such ways as may pluk my poure
hart ffrom him, pondderyng watt servis I may do him.
And for my poure wytt, thow myne experiens be but
small, I dar be jugyd by the judges, yl wher here with
me in the kyngs courts.1 I pray yow, bedfellow, how
this ys takyn, I may be serteffyed. In heart ponderyng
the ffalsayd (falsehood) of myne owne servaunts, I am
not therwyth a lytyll trubellyd ; ffor bycause Judas
betrayd Christ, beying his servaunt, the payne was
. more grevous. Sertyne secret comunycacion was be-
twene by lord Cardenall and my tresorere, ye which as
yet I can not serteffy you the trueth off; but I do extern
thys was a part ther off; but ever truth shall try hymselff
and better by your helpe. More wold I wryt, but my
syknes and my troubled mynd will not suffer me. ..."
The servant whom Wolsey had taken into his con
fidence proved to be one William Worme, for whose
surrender the Earl offered the Cardinal the handsome
bribe of ^"300.
" Yff my Lords Grace wyll be so good Lord unto me,
as to gyff me lychens (licence) to put Wyllm. Worme
within a castell of myne off Alnwyk in assurty, unto
the tyme he have accomptyd ffor more money reed.
than ever I reed., I shall gyff his Grace iiC.u (£200)
and a Benyffiss off a C. worth unto his colleyg,2
1 Fom this passage it would appear that the Earl's servant had repre
sented him as being incapable of managing his affairs, and that Wolsey,
acting upon such information, had threatened to " take order " with him.
* Wolsey's newly-founded college at Oxford, originally called Cardinal's
College— now Christ Church. 382

"BEDFELLOW" ARUNDEL.
with such other thynges resserved as his Grace shall a.d.
i » i 1527-152J
desyre. . . . D 1_°
The Cardinal, however, appears to have resolved upon
carrying out his threat to take the management of
the Earl's affairs into his own hands, to which end he
appointed a Mr. Manning to proceed to the north as his
agent and receiver. Here, however, the Earl's sub
mission came to an end.
"Ye news off Mr. Manyng," he writes to Arundel, " ys
blone abroad over all Yorksher ; y' neyther by ye Kyng
nor by my Lord Cardenall I am regardyd ; and y' he
wyll tell me (so) at my metyng with hym, when I come
unto Yorksher ; which shall be within thys month, God
willing ; but I ffer (fear) my words to Mr. Manyng shall
despleas my Lord, ffor f wyll be no Ward."
He proceeds to say that since " ye payns I tayk and
have taykin sens my comyng heyther, are not better
regardyd ... I wyll never occupy thys Rom'off the Kyng,
to dy for it, longer than my comyng up ; 2 but trust me
to serve God as well as I have done ye Worllde trustyng
to ffynde a better Reward ther? and be more able to do
ffor my ffrends."
The Earl's spirit had been roused at last, and, as

1 "I know not whether the above offer was accepted, or the said
William Worme committed to durance in Alnwick Castle : but there is
a tradition in the place, that an Auditor was formerly confined in the
Dungeon under one of the Towers, till he could make up his Accounts
to his Lord's satisfaction." — Note by Dr. Thomas Percy, Alnwick MSS.
Can it be that the " Auditor's Tower " at Alnwick Castle owes its name
to this tradition ?
2 The meaning of this passage seems to be that, being thus ill-used,
he would not continue to hold office under the King (probably in reference
to the Lord Wardenship) at the risk of his life from the effects of the
harsh climate (the air of the north having always proved very trying to
him), and that on his " comyng up " to town he would resign his post.
3 There is a curious coincidence between these words and those
which Wolsey is said to have addressed to Cromwell on his fall from
power less than two years later. 3§3

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. we hear nothing more of Mr. Manning, it may be
r5°2-i537 assumed that Wolsey, feeling that he had gone too far,
prudently resolved to hold his hand. He did not however
relinquish his claim to the costly chapel ornaments and
books which the late Earl had collected.
" I do perseaff my Lord Cardenalls pleasour ys to have
such Boks as was in the Chapell of my lat lord and
ffayther, (wos soil J'hu pardon) To the accomplyshement
of which at your desyer I am confformable, notwith
standing I trust to be able ons to set up a Chapel off
myne owne. . . I shall with all sped send up your Lettrs.
with the Books unto my Lords Grace, as to say iiij
Anteffonars,1 such as I thynk wher nat seen a gret
wyll ; v Grails ; z an Ordeorly ; a Manuall ; viij Pro-
ssessioners. And ffor all the ressidew, they not worth
the sending, nor ever was occupyed in my Lord's
Chapel." From his subsequent letters to Arundel, however, it
would appear that Wolsey's persecuting spirit soon revived.
In one of these, having been informed that but for the
Cardinal's illness he would have " reseyvyd letters from
my Lord Legate lovyngly," Lord Percy expresses his sur
prise considering " y1 in thys country yt ys opynly sayd
y' he lovys me not, and yl he wyll awdett my stewards,
Roger Eyssells and Thomas Johnson, (so) y' all others will
take example by theirs ; and also put a governor to me, off
which I would be very loth yl his Grace should attempt
any such things agenst me, ponderyng the hart and
servys I have borne ever unto hym unffeinedly. But I
put my trust in God, and les doth regard ye surety of ye
worllde than ever I dyd. . . . And thus ffar you well
1 Antiphonarium — the book containing the Antiphons, Responsories,
etc., often very elaborately illuminated, and with the binding studded
with precious stones.
2 Grail — the Choir Book containing the gradates, or anthems after the
Epistle. 384

DOMESTIC TROUBLES.
myne owne bedfellow, and I pray God gyff my Lord a.d. 1528
Cardenall grace y* he mayk not all Englond spek off
hym and me."
In June 1528 he writes :
" And soo it is, that daily moore and moore it pleaseth
God to visit me with myn old disease ; by reason whereof
I am very casuaill and uncertayne of my Lyf. And, as
yet I have not maide nor furnyshed no Will, for myne
owne soule, and for the well of thoes that will come after
me, I desire and hardly pray you to move my Lord's
Grace to procure Maister Broke, Chefe Baron of the
Exchecker, after hys terme and his Circuit fynished, to
take the payne to come down unto me for the perfeyting
of my Will ; for I have wryton unto Maister Broke
desyring hym for the same ; and nowe have lyen this
sennet at my Castell of Prowdehowe, within v mile of
Tyndall, to see good orders to be kept, the which nowe,
thanks be to Godde, is well kept in this contrey."
*
* *
The poor Earl's manifold troubles were aggravated by
the state of his domestic relations. It would indeed have
been surprising if his alliance with Lord Shrewsbury's
daughter, which had taken place in 1524,1 had contributed
to the happiness of either ; his own affections having \
then been deeply engaged to another woman, and the
Lady Mary Talbot's disinclination to her proposed
husband having only yielded to the stern exercise of
paternal authority. They had been more than four years
married before there was any prospect of offspring, and
in April 1529 the Earl writes to Arundel :
" So yt ys my wyff is brod to bed off a chyld ded,
and as I have word from my Lord Steward and them
1 See Additional MSS. 24965, vol. 106, British Museum. Cavendish
says : " Little ceremony and probably no little haste was used in patching
up these nuptials. As might be expected, they were most unhappy."
VOL. I. 385 C C

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a d. abowth her,1 she look for non other but deth, and yff she
1502-1537 escap ye ffechysions, (physicians) wryt plain she cannot
continew." #
* *
The Warden Generalship of the Northern Marches,
now more than ever an ungrateful office in consequence
of Wolsey's offensive interference in all its details,
involved, notonly much responsibility and labour, but, such
expenses as only a few of the great nobles could bear.2
The Earl of Northumberland's precarious health, as well
as the state of his finances, might well have justified him in
declining to subject himself to so heavy a burden; but his
zeal in the King's service would not allow him to refuse
when, shortly after his accession, the post was tendered
him by Wolsey,3 to whom he returned thanks " ffor yr
perseveraunt nobleness to me at oftymes shewyd, and
now in the augmentation of ye same ffor whych,
reservyng my duty unto ye Kyng's Hyghness, yr Grace
shall be assuryd of my hart and servys." 4
His demand for special instructions to meet various
contingencies incident to the office shows, however, his
misgivings as to his capability to fulfil the duties to the
satisfaction of his harsh task master.5
Never had the borders been in a more disturbed state,6

1 From this passage it would appear that Lady Northumberland was
at this time already living apart from her husband.
2 The salary which in former times had been .£5,000 a year, -had in
the previous reign been reduced to ^1,000, nearly one half of which
was absorbed by fees payable to deputy wardens or inferior officers. For
a list of these see Appendix XLVII.
3 He was at the same time appointed Bailiff of Tyndale and Steward
of the Manor of Holdernesse (formerly in the possession of the Duke of
Buckingham) with an annual rental of £20.
* Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vol. iv. No. 3630.
s See Appendix XLVIII.
6 " As tochyng the order of the Bordures the thefes of boothe sydes
never did steale so faste ; If there be not a stay in it shortlye I fere
me it shall be past making of redres ; for the Kynge's Company doth
robbe and spoyle all of theym that belongith to the Earl of Anguish,
386

THE EARL OF ANGUS.
for King James, though professedly friendly to England, a.d. 152.
was too much engaged in suppressing domestic dissen
sions to be able to restrain his lawless subjects in their
depredations upon English territory.1
The Earl of Angus, the leader of the principal
Scottish faction, was already seeking an alliance with
England against the Duke of Albany and, in December,
writes to congratulate Northumberland upon having
come to the borders, expressing a hope that in considera
tion of the great amity between their ancestors their
friendship will continue. At the same time he suggests
a personal meeting for the conclusion of terms between
them, which the Earl, however, declined to accede to
without the sanction of the King of England.
Early in the following January,2 Northumberland
reports having held a Warden court at Alnwick when he
beheaded nine, and hanged five men for march-treason
and felony. A week later he made proclamation, requir
ing all fugitives from justice to submit themselves to
the King's mercy upon pain of " the dreadful sentence
of the Church," which they would else incur, in addition
to the fate that awaited them at his hands ; as he would

(Angus) and the Earl lykewyse, and his frendes, doth robb and spoyle
all theyme that takes the Kynges part  by reason whereof the
Bordures of both sydes takith all that they may geet." — Sir Roger
Lassells to Earl of Northumberland, August 29, 1528 (Cotton MSS.)
The gentlemen of Northumberland were among the principal offenders
on the English side, and formed a considerable majority of the sixteen
persons executed at York assizes in this year ; among them are Fenwicks,
Shaftos, and Headleys.
1 In June, 1528, the King of Scotland wrote to the Earl of North
umberland, excusing himself from furnishing a force to join the English
in an expedition for subduing the rebels on the borders, in consequence
of "the disturbances in the inland of our realm." — State Papers Dom.
Henry VIII.
2 In this year the Earl's name is included in the list of thirteen
noblemen upon whom the King conferred New Year's gifts, and each of
whom received from twenty to thirty ounces of silver plate. — Letters
and Papers of Henry VIII. vol. iv. 3748.
387 C C 2

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. hang upon boughs every outlaw apprehended, besides
I5°2^537 destroying their houses, and sending their wives and
children into strange regions.
These measures seem to have been successful, for he
informs the King shortly after, that having overtaken
and slain one notorious offender, William Charleton of
Shotlyngton, " the hyed rebell off all the Howthlawes,"
and captured four of his principal accomplices,1 he had
caused the latter to be hanged in chains at different
places, by which he had inspired such terror that five
hundred outlaws had surrendered, and "as yt was feryd
among the other rebelles that I wolde have mayd a royd
upon them in short spas, William Lysle,2 Homfrey hys
sone, with fiftene others of the rebellous personages, as
I was comyng from Mass on Sonday last, they mett me
in their Sherttes, with halters abowte their nekkes, and
submytted themselffes with howth ony maner of condicion
unto your most gracious Hyghnes off your tender and
prettius marcy ; orels they wer redy to byde the execucion
1 In a letter to Wolsey the Earl gives a detailed account of the capture
of these culprits, describing how they, having made a raid into
Wolsyngham and carried off a priest, besides on their return homeward
" robbing and spoyling six pore men's howses," he ordered "ascrey"
and pursuit, and the Tyne being too much swollen to allow of their
fording it he had caused " Aidem Bridge (Heydon-bridge) to be locked
faste so they could not passe with their horses." One of the Earl's
tenants, Thomas Errington, gave chase with a sleuth hound and succeeded
in overtaking and slaying Charleton and taking several prisoners, all of
whom, dead or living, were " hanged in chainss uppon a paire of gallowes
 for terrible example of semblable offenders." — Northumberland
to Wolsey, January 28, 1528 (Cotton MSS. Calig. b. vii. 112).
2 Sir William Lysle, a Northumbrian knight who, as Wolsey informed
the King, having "been committed toward at Newcastle as well for murder
and felonye, as for diverse other grevouse offences," (not the least grevouse
of which probably was that of having publicly threatened to " pluck the
Cardinal by the noose"), subsequently broke prison and joined the
outlaws on the Scottish border. The French ambassador writes :
" The Earl of Northumberland has gone against- the banished man
Sir William Lisle who has done much mischief. I feare he (the' Earl)
is terribly young and little experienced in arms." — Du Bellay to the
Grand Master of France, December 26, 1527.
388

BORDER OUTRAGES.
off your Graces most dredful laws accordyng unto ther a.d. 1528
demerythes ; whyche persons I stryghtway comytted
unto prisons within my power Castell of Alneywyk, for
the sayf kepying off them unto such tyme as I may
knowe forther off your most gracious Hyghnes pleasouer.
The whyche knowen, I shall indevour myselffe accordyng
unto my most bounden duty to the accomplychment of
the sayme, with howth affection, favour, mede or dred of
any person." *
Some weeks later the Earl informs Thomas Arundel 5 March
that the King had required him to name the persons
who had most materially contributed to the capture
of Lisle and his accomplices, with a view to the dis
tribution among them of ^100. He accordingly states
that, " There ys none that over comyng these Rebels hath
doune to the Kynge any hyher service than Sir Thomas
Tempest and Bowes by their counseil, and my Lord
Clifford, my cousin Wyddrinton and Sir John Delevall
with others, my household servaunts, who tooke and slew
all those that was taken without any grete helpe of any
gentlemen of the Countrey.
" And yf it pleas my Lord Grace to be so goode Lorde
unto me, he may do me marvellous pleasour in a Utile
valour (value) ; for it is so that Sir William Lysle hath a
Utile house called Felton, of the yearly value of twenty
marks and no more, the whyche joyneth uppon all my
parkes that I have in Northumberlande, and hath bene
the destruccion of all my game ther, ever at all tymes.
And whoso lyeth there, yf they be not my friendes, they
may ever do grete herte in distruccion of my said game.
Wherefore, yf yt wolde pleas my Lord's Hyghnes for me,
I were much bounde unto his grace. As for Sir William
Ewers, I assure you he hath doone no goode ; he durst
1 Northumberland to King Henry VIII. January 28, 1528. — From
Letters to King and Council, Chapter House, vol. iii. 50.
389

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. not go out of the Castell of Harbottell all the tyme I
I5°2-i537 nave been lyVmg here, without I shuld have gone with
hym myself. Who now cometh uppe, and if the Kyng
should reward hym, it wold be an euill example to all
other in the country here." *
We now meet with another illustration of Wolsey's
jealous and imperious temper. The Earl had asked
some personal friends at court to intercede with the
King for the lives of certain of his prisoners, and at the
same time prayed Wolsey that, since he desired that
William Lisle and his son should be attainted and
executed, in order that the King might be benefited by
the forfeiture of their lands, he might be joined by the
justices of assize at York for the trial of these men, being
himself little conversant with the law of attainder.2
The appeal to the royal clemency without his
intervention, and the scruples to try men for their
lives without legal aid, were alike offensive to the
Cardinal, who writes :
"Albeit by your letters to me addressed you sur
mised that you could not proceed to the execution of the
King's letters, for as much as your counsel could not
ascertain you what order should be taken with such
as should be attainted and arraigned of treason,
desiring therefore that that matter might be respited
till tne coming down of some of the Kinge's Justices ;
yet if the said delay proceeded of that ground chiefly, it
shall be right well done that you do what you consider,
but you should not use such ' cautellous ' and colorable
dealing with one that thus tenderly hath brought you
up, and set you forward, and by whose only means the
King hath put you in such authority. I know the
1 Original State Papers, Record Office. In the Calendar this letter is
erroneously placed under date of the year 1530.
1 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII. vol iv. 3967.
390

SIR WILLIAM LISLE.
whole drift and discourse of your privy suits and deal- a.d. 152?
ing. . . . i^ou have not answered to mine expectation;
. . . and for the sparing of putting to execution of
Sir Will"1 Lysle's elder son if it should not embolden
other men under your rule to offend ... it should be
much more to my contentation, that he should live than
die, quia non cupio mortem peccatoris, sed ut convertatur
et vivat.1 Wherfore the King's pleasure is that you shall
in safe custody send hither to the Tower of London
the said Sir Willm Lysle's eldest son, there to be kept
and further indicted as shall stand with the King's
pleasure ; and as touching the execution of the father
•and the other offenders, the Kings pleasure is that with
diligence you shall perform the contents of his Grace's
and my letters directed unto you. And thus fare ye
well. From Hampton Court, this 17th March [1528]." 2
To the severe and unmerited censure conveyed in
this communication the Earl replies as follows :
" Pleaseth it your good Grace to be advertised ; I
have received your gracious letters dated at your mansion
of Hampton Court the xvijth day of this month, which be
to me marvellous joy in that I perceive your Grace, like
my most singular good and gracious Lord, doth of your
great goodness warn me so graciously to be well aware
of the thing that your Grace thought was in me ; but
on the other side your gracious letters have been as
much to my heaviness as any thing that ever chanced
unto me, seeing that any thing should be done with
my willing commandment or thought that should lead
your Grace to think in me that which is written in your
1 It is startling to find even the arrogant Cardinal appropriating to
himself the sentiment expressed in those beautiful words.
2 From a draft letter in Wolsey's own hand. — Cotton MSS., Appendix
to Correspondence of Henry VIII., fol. 13. The spelling of this and
of the following letters renders them in part so unintelligible that it has
been modernised.
391

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. said letter. For, my good and gracious Lord, if ever
I502-^537 J so much as thought in this matter of William Lisle
and his fellows to make any labour to any person
living but to your Grace, and by your means, I beseech
your Grace never to be my good and gracious lord,
and that I would not for all the land and goods I have
in this world. I sent unto my Lord (the Bishop) of
London and wrote to Mr- Tuke to move your Grace
and none other to save some of their lives, which I
take God to record, was for no particular profit or affec
tion, but because I might be the more able to serve the
King's Highness without danger ; seeing how William
Lysle is ' kynyd ' and allied off the borders amongst
them that I must need put my lyfe in trust with many
times (if I serve the King's Grace in this office). If
any thing have been further done, I assure your Grace,
on the fayth truth and service I bear to the King's
Highness and your Grace, that is no more to my
knowledge, nor by my commandment will or mind, than
was the death of Christ done by the Jews.
" For though I have little wit, and as little experience
as any man, yet I am not I trust so mad or unhappy,
but that I know how much your grace hath done for me,
and in a much greater matter than this is, do trust I
should not need to seek by-ways, as long as I have your
good Grace to my help and chief comfort, next God and
the King in this world ; and therefore I most humbly
and on my knees beseech your Grace, for the reverence
of Almighty God, never to think this thing of me, and
to comfort me with your gracious letters, or else the
sorrow therof may happen (now the truth is manifested
unto your Grace and known) be the occasion of that
which your Grace would be sorry of, that is to shorten
my days ; the which, in very deed, I esteem not to be of
very long continuance ; as since the receipt of yor Grace's
392

MAKING AMENDS.
letters what case I have been in, my servant, this bearer, a.d. 152S
can show your Grace if you swear him upon a book.
For I assure your Grace I can not write how it doth
grieve me, that your Grace should mistrust me in that
which I never offended in, ponderyng that as I am
most bounden next the Kyng, I bear toward your Grace
my hart and service, and ever shall, were I to die ther-
fore, what so ever malice shall report. Since my coming
hither, which was the first Monday of Lent, I have lain
here with cc. persons with me, and the prisoners, ever
ready to have put them to execution upon the coming
of a judge, as our Lord knoweth, who preserve your
Grace with long life, and as much increase of honour
as your most noble heart can desire. At the King's
town of Newcastell the xxiiijth day of March with the
rude hand of
" Your most bounden true and
" faithful servant
" H. Northumberland." t
A week later the Earl seeks to make further amends
for his indulgence in merciful instincts :
" I have now, according to the King's laws, justly
proceeded against William Lisle and his other accomplices
remaining with me in prison in several wise, by the
advice of the said Justices, that all the lands and tene
ments of the said William Lisle should be the more
surely and indefensibly entitled to the Kinges use, and,
for the more terrible and dreadful example of all the
inhabitants in these parts, William Lisle, Humfrey
Lisle, his son, John Ogle, William Shenstone and Thomas
Fenwick, gentlemen of name, chief leaders and most
heynous offenders of all the saide rebels, were according
1 Cotton MSS. Caligula, b. ii. 255.
393

A.D.
I5°2-i537

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
to their demerits attainted of high treason ; and by
me had judgement given to be hanged drawn and
quartered, the execution whereof was accomplished
upon them accordingly ; only reserving Humfrey Lisle,1
whom, according to the pleasure of the King and your
Grace, I have sent by this bearer, John Norton, my
servant, to be further ordered as shall stand with your
Grace's pleasure. . . ." 2
Even the exacting Cardinal appears to have been
satisfied with the humility of this explanation and apology,
for the Earl's next letter is couched in terms of gratitude
and affection for the gracious favour shown to him :
" Pleaseth it your good Grace to be advised ; I have
received your most honorable letters, written with your
most gracious hand, perceiving thereby your Grace, like
my most singular good and gracious lord, doth not only
of your great goodness toward me admonish me of the
faults by your Grace in me esteemed, but also doth com
fort my sorowfull heart in that which it doth please
your Grace to write unto me, your most humble and
assured servant, with your most gracious hand so kindly ;
assuring your Grace that my poor heart can not think,
nor pen write, how much I esteeme me bounden unto
your Grace, whom I ever do and shall reckon my chief
refuge, next God and the King. Wherfore not only in
excusing the • fault by your Grace in me esteemed, but
also the occacion of any jealousy toward the same, I do
1 There is a curious autograph letter from the King's receiver, Bryan
Tuke (one of the persons whose intercession Northumberland had
claimed in the case), pleading for the life of this Humfrey, a boy of
thirteen, with the cardinal. — See Wolsey Correspondence, vol. xii. No. 56.
While in prison after Sir William Lysle's execution this Humfrey
made a deposition charging his father with having, within his experience,
been directly implicated in no less than five different acts of murder,
robbery, or arson. — State Papers, Scotland, Chapter House, p. 598.
2 Earl of Northumberland to Cardinal Wolsey, 2nd April, 1528. —
Cotton MSS. Calig. b. iii. 146. 394

MILITARY EXPEDITIONS.
promise your Grace I shall never write to no man of a. d. 1528
honor within the cotirt of any matter, but I shall send
unto your Grace the copy of the same letters, accompt-
ing myself now, by these your most gracious lettera unto
me, (not with standing I was so much bounden to your
Grace afore for your gracious goodness showed unto
me in my bringing up) so obliged, that I shall never be
able to do your Grace the service that I am bounden
to do ... . but will spend my hearts blood in your
service, of which, as he that is your Grace handiwork,
your good grace shall be assured  Most humbly
beseeching your Grace to pardon me for not any (sooner)
writing unto the same ; for not only with mine old disease,
but also with an extreme ague, (as to all the country is
not unknown) I was so vexed, that rather I was likely
to die than live, and as yet but very hardly recovered
as our Lord knoweth. ... At Awnwyke the xxvjth day
of April with the rude hand of
" Your most humble and
" bounden servant
" H. Northumberland." '
Neither physical infirmities nor domestic troubles
affected the Earl's efficiency in the public service, although
the distracted state of Scotland and the borders, the
1 Abstracts of this and the preceding Letters will be found in the
Letters and Papers of Henry VIII. vol. iv. Nos. 4082,4093, 4133, and 5497.
About the same time the Earl writes to Arundel (whom he had recently
appointed Commissioner of his Woods and Forests in Somerset and
Dorset, and to whom he had granted an annuity of ^60 a year, charged
on his Devon estates) : " Yt pleasyd God to vessytt me wtb syknes ; not
only myne old deses, but also a swelling off my stomack, with an
extrem agoo ; not estemyng in myne owne mynd to have seyn yow
again, orels to have trowbelyd you with thes, my rud lettres." Some
time later he informed Mr. Tuke, the King's Treasurer of the Chamber,
that he had had the last. Sacrament administered to him in expectatioa
of his death. 395

A.D.
IS°2-i537

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
turbulence and lawlessness of the population under
his jurisdiction, together with the exorbitant demands
made by Wolsey upon his private resources, might
severely have tasked the powers of a stronger man.
He personally led several expeditions across the
frontier in retaliation for depredations committed by the
Scots, and when the King acknowledged these services
in his cause by a gracious letter of thanks, the Earl
humbly attributed his success, after God, to the wise
instructions given to him by the Lord Cardinal :
" When it hath pleased your Highness, by your most
honored letters to me directed, of your great nobility
and not of my deserts, to give me thanks for my little
service done in these partes unto your Grace, according
unto my most bounden duty, most humbly and lowly
I beseech your Highness not to deem this, my poor
service, to proceed of me, or by my compass, notwithstand
ing my good will ; but most principally of Almighty God,
which as he hath ever done hath put unto your subjection
and obedience yon traiterous and rebellious (persons) to
be justified according to your laws by me, your poorest and
lest expert subject ; whereby openly may appear the
great zeal that the Godhead beareth unto your Highness
in all your gracious affairs ; and secondly, that which by
me, your poor subject, hath been brought to any good
conclusion, was chiefly by the instructions of my Lord
Legate given unto me, and by me followed according to
my duty." *
The Earl of Angus with a large following was at this
time openly in arms against his sovereign, who had
banished him from his realm and threatened him with at
tainder and confiscation of his lands ; as the only means of
averting which he now sought an alliance with England,
1 Earl of Northumberland to King Henry VIII., April 12, 1528. —
Cotton MSS. Calig. b. vii. 12. 396

KING JAMES THE FIFTH.
and had claimed Northumberland's hospitality. The a.d. 152S
distracted state of Scotland, in which the young King
and his immediate party — the Queen Mother, the Duke
of Albany and Angus, with other malcontent nobles —
were contending for the mastery, is illustrated by the
following letter :—
" Pleasith your good Lordship to be advertysed of the
variance between the Kyng of Scotts and the Erie of
Angois. Upon Wednesday at none, that last was,
Archibald Douglas was at Edinburgh, and with hym all
the householde servants of th'erle of Angois, th' Abbot of
Hoolyroodhowse and George Douglas with theym ; and
as the said Archibald was at dynner, comyth in Lord
Maxwell, or ever he wish, ande with a small company of
men clapped about the howse ; and Archibald and his men
was scalyed (scattered) in the toune, so that they couth
nevir be gotten togedir, and so ther was Archibald and hys
men fayne to get theym away on horsbake, so that there
was fewe or non takyn but horsses, and to be all banished
from Edenburghe, and ther frendes fall all from theym
.... Th'erle is in Tentallen, and hath sent th' Abbot
of Hoolyroodhowse to me to know whether they may
be resett (received) at Northumberland or nay ; for they
suppose verily that you knowe that it is the Kynges
pleasour, and my Lorde Cardynalls, that they shall be
reseted, and that your Lordship is so ascertyned. And
therein they desyred me so soore, that I told theym I
should assigne theym a chamber in the outwarde warde,
tyll I knewe your Lordships pleesour ; for I looke daily
when they shall come to me, for of verry trouth they
may not tarry in Scotland. And the Lord of Buckleogh
should have taken the toune with the Lord Maxwell,
and he came at night and the Kynge entered into the
toune either on Tuesday or on Saturday, and they are
commonynge who shall have their landes, and so at
397

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. this parliament he shall be attainted both bloode and
i5°2-i537 iande.»i Henry VIII. bore little love to his Scottish nephew,
and secretly countenanced and encouraged his rebellious
subjects, and more especially Angus, whose restoration to
favour he made one of the conditions of a treaty of peace.
Northumberland reports, however, that —
" The Kynge of Scottes doth regarde the Kynge's
Highnes letter and your graces verry smoll, when he
hath indyted him cheifly for adhering hymselfe with
Englande . . . and doth maintayne all the theues uppon
the borders ; and when I doo wryte to hym for dewe
redresse he gyveth aunsware at all tymes to my servante
that he cannot believe that they do such offence."
He adds that there is reason to believe that James
meditates an attack upon Norham Castle, under pretence
of pursuing Angus, but, " I shall be nyghe unto your said
Castell with the power of Northumberland to withstande
his purpose, as ferr as in me shall lye, yff he be aboutward
to attempt anye such malice." 2 In the meantime, the
Lord Warden was in constant communication with the
Scottish king, principally with a view to the redress
of grievances,3 but partly for the conclusion of one of

1 Sir Roger Lassell to Earl of Northumberland, Norham Castle,
August 29, 1528.— Cotton MSS. Calig. b. iii. 289.
2 Earl of Northumberland to Wolsey, September 22, 1528. — Wolsey
Correspondence, part i. 117.
3 While complaining of repeated outrages on the part of the Scots,
he boasts that, under his rule, " the County of Northumberland, for the
acts done by ony Inglishe men, I suppose was never in such stayt as it
is nowe ; and noo cryme now commytted nawther by gentlemen nor
non other contrary to the lawes of Wardenry and Justice, but they be
sharplye corrected." — Northumberland to Wolsey, October 28, Cotton
MSS. Calig. b. vi. 459. This statement is not, however, borne out by
the impartial evidence of Magnus, King Henry's Commissioner in the
north, who informs the Cardinal that " there is, as farre as we can con
ceive,' as grete or gretter redresse to be made by the partie in Inglande,
as by the partie in Scotteland."— 5. P. Henry VIII vol. iv.
398

A ROYAL LETTER.
those ever pending and never enduring treaties of peace a.d. 1528
between the two countries.
The following letter, dated October 5th, 1528, from
James V. to " our rycht traist and holly lovit cousing, ye
Erie of Northumbrelande, wardene of ye Est and
Myddil Marcheis of Ingland, " is a curious specimen of
royal correspondence in the sixteenth century : —
" Richt traist and weilbelovit cousing, we commend
ws to you in all hertlie maner. Your letters off ye dait
at Topcliff, ye 14 day of Septembro last bigone,
beyinge ressavit by ws, we know and onderstandis
yarby ye gud and kynd mynd ye beir anentes ws, our
weilfair tranquillite and rest of our Realm. And quhar be
certane writtingis sent to you be our derrest uncle, your
soverane, ye are movit to be advertist of ye terme and
diet we wald war kepit, and of ye plaice for ye takyne
and prorogacion of new trewis betuix ws and our said
derrest uncle, and off yc namis of ye personagis quhame,
we will send to trait and conclude ye samyne. . . .
Rycht traist cousing, we haiff send our Maister of Armes,
Lyoun, to our derrest uncle, instrukit with writtingis
contenent our mynd and desyris in yat behalff at lenche
. . . Quharfor we exhort you rycht tenderlie, that ye
wil, eftir your greit and usit wisdome, supprese all
opinione off commonis, bayth on Bordouris and oyer
placis, fra beleiff of ony new motioun to be had betuix
baithe ye realms, for ony truble proceeding be ye mishav-
ing of Archibald, sometyme Erie of Angus, quhil yc day
of meting forsaid ; quhar na fait salbe fundin on our part
for prorogacion of pease to be had ; and yarefter all faltes
to be emended wyth Goddis grace, quha haiff you in
keping." *
Negotiation and fighting ever went hand in hand,
in border diplomacy, and while the Commissioners
1 Cotton MSS. Calig. b. vii. 149.
399

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. were discussing terms of peace, the Lord Warden was
15°2j537 marshalling his forces in defence of Angus, who had
now been taken under the acknowledged protection of
the King of England.
" I maid generall proclamacions," writes the Earl of
Northumberland to Wolsey, " throughowte the countrye of
Northumberland, that all men shuld be in aredyness vpon
an howrs warnynge, for by cawse the Kynge of Scottes
dyd rayse an army, to preserve therle of Angwyshe . . .
Notwithstanding it was esteemed, and planly supposed
under the color of the same, that he wolde invade these the
Kynges Marches under my rewle, for the defens I willed
all men to be in redynes." ... A few days later he
acknowledges the Cardinal's orders, " that I should let
the people slyp (if they soe will) with therle of Angwyshe,
he being in grete necessitie ; reserving alway that noi-
ther the Kynges Highnes commandment, nor my pore
advyse, shall be noted to be the occasion of the sayme.
As for whyche I assur your grace that therle is too well
belovid in England, that very hard yt wold be (if I
dyd my best) to withdrawe the Commons from rydinge
with the said Erie, to hunt or damage the reelme of
Scotland." r
He does not, however, entirely trust in the good faith
of his Scottish allies, for he adds :
"If it should fortune the said Erie to be dryven
thyder (Norham) for socurs, there shall noo moo come
within your Graces castell but the Erie, George Dowglas,
and Archibald Dowglas, with 3 with theym, and noo
moo ; and they shall lye in the otter (outer) warde ; and in
noo wyse they shalbe maid prevey to any of the ynner
wardes withyn your Graces castell."
From the following letter to the Duke of Norfolk,
1 Earl of Northumberland to Wolsey, October 28, 1528. — Cotton MSS.
Calig. b. vii. 99.
4OO

FAMILY FEUDS.
President of the Council of the North, we learn how a.d. 152.
complete the breach between the Earl of Northumber
land and his wife had by this time become, although
she was once more living under his roof — His brother-
in-law, Lord Dacre, had never been other than un
friendly towards him,1 and had now, as it appears, openly
taken part with Lord Shrewsbury and his sister-in-law :
" Pleaseth it your Grace to be advertised that before my
coming home, one Thirlkeld, servant to the Lord Dacre,
was from him and his bedfellow with my wife, talking
with her secretly a great space, after which her words
anenst me might have been very well amended, for which
and other her former dealing, to your Grace not unknown,
I have put Edward Edgar my auditor, and Thomas Kelk
with George Hodgson my servants, to see her entertained
a great deal better than she hath deserved. Notwith
standing I will not suffer her to speak with none, to
contrive more malicious acts against me. Nevertheless
Rauff Leche, and one Sampson a priest, was sent from
my Lord of Shrewsbury to speak with her, (and the answer
of my servants unto them, your Grace shall perceive
by their letter herinclosed, sent unto me,) with whom
I spoke, My Lord of Cumberland and Sir Thomas Clyfford
being present, and Rauf Leche using these words : that my
Lord his master, hearing his daughter to be in some agony
did send him and his fellow to bring her his blessing
and to speak with her, and was answered by my servant
there, that it was my pleasure they should not so, desiring
to know whether it was so or not.
" To whom I answered that her malicious purpose, so
manifestly known unto them by her letters which they
1 In a letter to Thomas Arundel (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII.
vol. iv. No. 4234) the Earl refers to the intrigues between Dacre and the
Cardinal, and their secret interference against his authority, and threatens
to resign the Lord Wardenship in consequence.
VOL. I. 401 D D

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. were privy unto, and contrived as did appear by the
1^°!__.^37 counsel of my Lord her father, I could not be contented
that he, or any from him, should speak with her to invent
more malicious imaginations of untruth ; being most
sorry, that my Lord her father, therein regarding neither
his own honor, nor the kindness of me, which took no
thing with his daughter, should set forward that whiche
should touch both mine honor and life. And if my
Lord her father would make his excuse, that less he could
not do, considering his duty to the King's Highness our
sovereign Lord, than to make the said certificate, and
that he thought his daughter not so entertained as he
would, and she being in fear of poisoning, would send
for her, I would send her unto him with a reasonable
finding for eschewing of more inconvenience ; for peremp
torily, her acts so openly manifest, I would never come in
her company as long as I lived ; with which answer they
departed. And whereas it is come unto my knowledge
that the Lord Dacre should report that your Grace should
send unto him to know whether my wife had the falling
sickness or not, and to advertise you thereof, the which
in case she were not infected with the same, that then
you would take her part to the best that in you should lie,
assuring your Grace the same to be not a little to my
discomfort, pondering the speciall affiance and trust I
have in your Grace.
" Also acquainting your Grace that all the Scots of
Tyvidale that came to my hands I put them to death
saving three, the order of which three, with all other
occurrences in these parts, your Grace may perceive by
the contents of the Kings Highness' letters herinclosed ;
beseeching your Grace, seeing that the garrisons shall
be laid, and I appointed but cc. men in garrison of my
Retinue, to call unto your remembrance that there was
never Warden had less than five hundred men in his
402

THE DUKE OF RICHMOND.
own " Skrewe," wherof cc. with his own person and ccc. a.d. 1528
where the garrisons was limited to be. Trusting your
Grace will help that I may have in like case as other
wardens before hath had, and to be my Lord in all
mine affairs as my confidence is in the same. Also
your Grace shall receive herinclosed a copy of the pro
clamation which I caused to be proclaimed along the
marches underneath my rule, the which as yet is as well
observed as can be possible ; appearing thereby unto me
they dread more the pain of money, than their lives. And
thus the Holy Trinity have your Grace in his blessed
governance. At my Castle of Warkeworth the iijth day
of September." r
The nominal head of the Council of the North at this
time was Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond,2 a boy in
his tenth year, who was receiving his training under the
Earl of Shrewsbury.
Magnus now reports to the Cardinal :
"Of late my Lorde of Northumberlande came hider to
visit my saide Lorde's grace (Richmond), and made such
speciall requeste sute and instaunce that he mought have
my saide Lorde to see his house and manour of Topcliffe,
that therupon they passed thider booth togeder ; where as
my saide Lorde of Northumberland had my saide Lorde
oone night, and dyd unto hym all the honor and pleasure
he coulth in the mooste goudly and mooste humble maner.
And I assure your grace, my Lorde of Richmond for his
1 Cotton MSS. Caligula, b. i. 127.
2 A natural son of Henry VIII. (by Elizabeth Blount, widow of
Lord Talboys), for whom the king had a strong attachment, and
whom in 1526 he created Earl of Nottingham and Duke of Richmond,
on which occasion the Earl of Northumberland officiated, "bearing
the sword in the scabbard, the point garnished with the girdle." —
Addl. MSS. 6, 113, f. 61. He gave promise of considerable ability,
but died in his eighteenth year, to the deep grief of his father, who
had at one time contemplated claiming the sanction of Parliament to
his succession to the crown.
403 D D 2

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. partye dyd use hymselfe not lyke a childe of his tender
'5°2_i537 agC) but moore iike a man m a,j t_j_ behaviours, as well
in communycacion as other, facioning everythinge to
the beste purpose." *
Time was when the chief of the Percies had ever
free access to the person of his sovereign, and by pre
scriptive right claimed a seat in the Council Chamber.
Now the Earl of Northumberland thus humbly petitions
the Chancellor that :
" If it may stand with the King's Highness, and your
most gracious pleasure, I may repair unto your pre
sences, the which shall be my most comfort ; and that I
may declare unto your Grace the state of these Borders ;
the which, I put no doubt from, that your Grace shall
have perfect knowledge of the same, and by your great
and politic wisdom, your Grace shall devise and take
such an order in these parts as shall be for the weal and
politic ordering of the country, that ever after it shall
remain in a marvellous and perfect state." 2
In reply the Cardinal condescendingly granted this
request, informing the King that he felt sure that the
Earl, who had " put himself in the place of a son " to
him, and promised always to act under his advice, would
in time become more deserving of the royal favour, and
prove " conformable to His Hyghness's pleesor in gyvyng
better attendaunce, leaving off his prodigality, sulleness
mistrust disdayne and making of partis." 3
Not the least of the many onerous duties devolving
upon the Lord Warden was the reconciling of differences
and patching up of quarrels among the northern nobles
1 Magnus to Wolsey, October 7, 1528. — Wolsey Correspondence,
vol. viii. part i. No. 9.
2 Northumberland to Wolsey, Holograph, November 16, 1528. —
Cotton MSS. Calig. b. ii. 241.
3 Cotton MSS. Appendix. 404

THE PLAGUE.
and gentlemen, who in the short intervals during which a.d. 1528
they had no foreign enemy to engage were commonly at
war among themselves. The most turbulent of these
was Northumberland's brother-in-law, Lord Dacre, whose
feuds with the Earl of Cumberland had, as Magnus
reports to the Cardinal, attained such proportions as not
only to lead to " the inquieting of their servauntes, frendes
and neighbours," but to subvert law and authority
throughout the northern provinces, " wherfor your Grace
shal doe a goode and blessed dede to sett some goode
ordour betweene theym." '
The Earl of Northumberland was accordingly com
manded to arbitrate, and soon after sends Wolsey the
award 2 under which the two nobles agree " to lay apart
all grudges and be familier," Cumberland undertaking to
pursue no further process against Dacre's tenants for riot,
and Dacre foregoing his claims against his neighbours for
hunting in his parks. From subsequent correspondence,
however, it would appear that the quarrel was soon after
renewed. In this year the plague, or as it was called " the sweat
ing sickness," raged with great virulence throughout the
country. According to the French ambassador even the
Court was not free from it's ravages and a future Queen
of England became an object of its attack.
" On Tuesday one of the Ladies of the Chamber, Made
moiselle de Boulan (Boleyn) was infected with the sweat,
and the King in great haste dislodged, and went twelve
miles hence,3 and I hear the lady was sent to her brother
1 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII.
2 Cotton MSS. Calig. b. vii. 11, and b. iii. 146. The award is in
the Earl's handwriting.
3 It was on this occasion (June 16, 1528) that the King wrote the
following, which is included in the published Love Letters from Henry
405

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. the Viscount in Kent  This sweat which has made
i5°2_t537 ;ts appearance within these four days is a most perilous
disease. One has a little pain in the head and heart ;
suddenly a sweat begins, and a physician is useless ; for
whether you wrap yourself up much or little in four hours,
sometimes in two or three, you are despatched without
languishing  Yesterday going to swear the truce
we saw them, as thick as flies, rushing from the streets and
shops into their houses to take the sweat wherever they
fell ill  '"
The old Duchess of Norfolk, who evidently prided
herself upon her medical skill, assures Wolsey that
in the event of his being attacked she will under
take to cure him, having in her own home had great
experience "of all manner of sorts of treatment, good
and bad, and none have miscarried as yet." She states
that her neighbours invariably send for her if they
are ill, and " if they be sick at heart I give them treacle
and water imperial," which had saved many who had
repeatedly swooned and had received the Sacrament.
" Divers others doth swell at their stomachs, to whom I
give Setwell to eat, the which dryveth it away from the
VIII. to Anne Boleyn ; " There came to me in the night the most
afflicting news possible. I have to grieve for three causes, first to hear
of my mistress' sickness, whose health I desire as my own, and would bear
the half of yours to save you ; secondly because I fear to suffer yet longer
that absence which has already given me so much pain ; God deliver me
from such importunate rebel ! thirdly because the physician I trust most
is at present absent when he could do me the greatest pleasure. How
ever in his absence I send you the second, praying God he may soon make
you well, and I shall love him the better. I hope you will be governed
by his advice, and then I hope to see you soon again." So much afraid
of infection, however, was the King, that he caused an Act of Parliament
to be passed setting forth that " In consideracion of the great plague of
pestilence all such persons as should doe their homage to the King should
doe the same without kissing of him and the same homage to bee as
good as tho' they kissed him." — Cotton, Abridged Statutes, Tower,
1 8 Henry VIII.
1 Du Bellay to Montmorency, June n, 1528/ — Letters and Papers of
Henry VIII vol. iv. 4391. 406

THE DUCHESS OF NORFOLK.
stomach ; and the best remedye that I do know is to take a.d. 152*
little or no sustenance or drinke, unto sixtene hours be
past  Vinegar, wormwood, rosewater, and crumbs
of brown bread is very good and comfortabil, to putt in a
linnen cloth to smell unto your nose, so that it touch not
your visage  I never saw people so farr out of
the waye in no disease as they be in this ; and aboute
twelve or sixteen hours is the greatest danger. There
be some sweateth much, and some that sweateth very
litile, but brynneth very sore ; but the greatest surety is
in any wise to keepe your bed twenty-four hours." '

It is impossible to discover any trace of extravagant
personal expenditure on the part of the Earl,2 whose
health and habits would, on the contrary, appear to have
indisposed him to a life of luxury or pleasure. His finan
cial difficulties, however, seem to have increased year by
year ; and he now prays his friend Thomas Arundel to in
tercede with the Cardinal for conferring upon him the
Wardenship of Wark and Dunstanborough Castles, the
joint emoluments of which did not exceed ^"200 a year,
in succession to Sir William' Ellecar " who lyeth at the
mercy of God and is not lykely to recover ; " and ex
presses the hope that the sacrifices he had made at
Wolsey's desire for his wife's charges " for which I have
no thanks and am put to these plages (plagues) and
1 Duchess of Norfolk to Cardinal Wolsey, June, 1528. — Ibid. 4710.
2 His gifts to those who had rendered him personal services are on a
very liberal scale, as is shown by the Booke of Grants of the Sixth Erl of
Northumberland, at Syon House. Among these there is a grant to his
physician, Stephen Thomson, in consideration of "acceptable service,"
of a lease of his lands, tenements, rents, and buildings in the city and
suburbs of York for twenty-one years at a rental of five shillings ; and an
annuity of five marks to " William Bagthorpe, learned man in the law, in
consideracion of his discrete council." The donations to the Church
are considerable. See Appendix XLIX.
407

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. housebreaks besydes ; " * will serve to strengthen his
2^-1537 cjajm tQ some omce of profit.

A marked feature in the character of the Earl of
Northumberland was his strong sense of justice. That
leniency towards criminals with which Wolsey so fre
quently reproached him was mainly due to his desire to
act in accordance with established laws, rather than to
resort to the arbitrary exercise of military power. While
falling into the prevalent practice of offering money pay
ment for offices in the gift of the Crown, there is no
instance recorded, among many such on the part of other
nobles, of his seeking to influence the course of legal pro
cedure ; although he was much involved in litigation, and
bribery to such an end would have been in no way con
sidered derogatory. On one occasion indeed he went so
far as to urge Wolsey to cause a lawsuit touching some
of his lands in the north, to be tried in the King's Court
of Oyer and Terminer, instead of by local tribunals, lest
the latter, being to some extent composed of his officers
or tenants, should be open to the charge of partiality.2
It would be wearisome to refer in detail to the Earl's
correspondence relating to the repeated Border outrages
and the recriminations and futile negotiations to which
these gave rise in both countries.3 Angus was now openly

1 The Earl of Northumberland to Thomas Arundel, November 2, 1528,
Record Office. In the following month Wolsey directs the Abbot of St.
Mary, York, to pay out of the King's moneys one thousand marks due
for the Earl of Northumberland's last year's fee, and authorises him to
allow the Earl to redeem any of his plate in the Abbot's hands " to the
value for which it lies in gage." — State Papers, December 9, 1528, ibid.
This would appear to be the plate pledged for the costs of the funeral
of the magnificent Earl.
2 Earl of Northumberland to Wolsey, Sept. 23, 1529, Record Office.
3 Most of his letters of this period, and more especially those relating
to Scottish affairs, are to be found in the Cotton MSS., and abstracts of
them in Brewer's Letters and Papers of Henry VIII.
408

TROUBLESOME NEIGHBOURS.
an ally of the English King against his own sovereign, and a.d. 1529
Northumberland having been commanded to receive him
" lovingly and favourably " informs Wolsey that " at the
Kynges towne of Newcastell uppon Tyne, at the repair
of the saide Erie Northwarde, I entertaynyed hym in as
amyable and lovynge wyse as I cold dewyse ; all the
gentilmen of Northumberland beyng present with me
assemblyd at that tyme ; " but that he had taken the
opportunity of warning his guest that being responsible,
and bound to afford redress, for all illegal depredations
committed by persons within his jurisdiction upon
Scottish territory, he and such of his friends as might
seek refuge in England were required " to kepegood rule,
ner macke noo roburies ner spoiles within the realme
of Scotland." '
These injunctions do not appear to have been very
strictly observed ; but when some weeks later a band of
Scottish men from Liddesdaile made an " open forrey,"
lifted a quantity of cattle, defeated the English force
sent in their pursuit, and carried the commander, Nicholas
Rydley, a prisoner into Scotland, the Earl wrote a severe
letter of warning and admonition to the King of Scotland.2
In this he demands immediate redress for the outrage,
as otherwise he should feel compelled to take measures
" whiche shalbe most to my discomforte, considering the
nye proximitye of blood betwixt your Grace and me ; "
whereas by complying he would give proof to the King
of England that " ye tender and love the perseveraunce
and proceedings of justice, and hate, chastyse, and
pounishe them which be mynded and knowen clerly
geven to the contrary."

1 Northumberland to Wolsey, August 29, 1529. — Wolsey Corre
spondence, vol. viii. part. i. 124.
2 Earl of Northumberland to King James V., November 25, 1529. —
State Papers Dom. Henry VIII. 409

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. By this time the triumphant career of the great
1502-1537 Cardinal — for great he was in spite of all his littleness-
was drawing to its close. The countenance from which
he ] derived his power was turned from him, and the
menacing form of an offended woman stood between him
and the royal presence. The authority which he had so
mercilessly wielded to crush his enemies, was now directed
by other hands to his own ruin, and the courtiers who had
cringed and crawled before him, met his troubled eye with
insolent defiance : " not one so poor to do him reverence,"
amongst all that yesterday obsequious crowd. King
Henry's Commissioners were busy taking an inventory
of the contents of his "poor house at Westminster," and
the great nobles whom he had humbled and subdued
found it a congenial employment to be made the in
struments of his degradation. The Earl of Northumber
land's name appears among the signatures to the Bill of
Disability brought against the Cardinal in the House of
Lords ; but he took no part in any of those personal
proceedings in which the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk,
who but a few weeks before had treated Wolsey with
a degree of deference bordering upon servility, now
distinguished themselves by the harshness of their
demeanour towards the fallen statesman.1
The sentence of banishment from the scenes of his
past glories, relieving him as it did from the coldness
of an ungrateful sovereign, the insolence of the emanci
pated nobles, the mocking condolences of his numerous
1 Want of money having caused Wolsey to incur some delay in pro
ceeding northward in compliance with the Royal command, Norfolk,
who but a few weeks before had subscribed himself as " humblie your
Grace's ever bounden Servant," thus addressed Cromwell : " Methinks
the Cardinal thy master makith noe haste to goe northward. Tell hym
if he goe not away but shall tarry, / will tear him with my teeth."
— Stow's Annals, p. 552. Professor Brewer describes Norfolk as
" a small, spare man of dark complexion, cruel lips, and more cruel
temper." 410

THE FALL OF WOLSEY.
enemies, was a merciful punishment; for it must have a.d. 1529
been a relief and comfort to the disgraced minister to
turn from false friends and sycophants * to the spon
taneous love and reverence with which the honest people
of the north now greeted their Archbishop. To them he
was not the obnoxious statesman fallen from his high
estate, but the champion of the true faith, seeking refuge
among the faithful sons of the Church from heretical
persecutors. Sir William Percy, who held under his brother the
offices of Steward of the Lordships of Pocklington, and
Catton, and Forester of Leckonfield,2 became so con
spicuous by his show of respect and deference towards
Wolsey, that he appears to have been warned of the
danger of such an attitude in favour of one whom the
King had ceased to honour ; but the Cardinal writes to
assure the old soldier, that whatever Sir Robert Constable
or others might report, he need have no fear on that
score, since the King had informed the Lord Warden
and other of the great nobles in the north, that he
would not be "discontented" with those who should
show favour to the Archbishop, treating him as his
dignity required, and assisting him in all his causes.3
" How beit," he continued, " I am ryght sory that
1 " The Cardinal now shewed himselfe much more humblier than he
was wont to bee, and the Lordes showed themselves more higher and
straunger than they were wont to bee." — Hall's Chronicle.
2 Under so styled Letters Patent from the fifth and sixth Earls, dated
April 23, 1527, and January 7, 1529. — Book of Grants, b. ii. 5, fol. 36.
3 Wolsey here refers to letters addressed by the King to the Lord
Warden and other authorities in the north, informing them that the
Cardinal was proceeding to those parts "for the better administra
tion of the cure to him committed, which for a long season hath bene
orbate and destitute of an Archbishop there resident," and desiring
that " you will not onely shew yourselfe unto hym, from tyme to tyme,
of toward and benevolent mynde, but also that you will be to hym
comfortynge, aydynge, helpynge and assystynge." — See Ellis's Royal
Letters. 411

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. my Lorde, your owen (nephew), beryth not onto
1502—1537 yOU j_y_ gOOCj Wyj) WyCh at my jorney to these partis I
schalbe glade by all good meanys to knowe ye may
atteyne." He concluded by telling Sir William that he
need be under no apprehension with regard to the
Ughtred lands,1 and sends him a warrant for two bucks
out of his park at Beverley.2
Wolsey's enemies at Court, however, were not yet
content ; — they had scotched, not killed their snake, —
and the Cardinal's implacable resentments were too well
known not to render the possibility of his restoration
to the royal favour an unceasing source of uneasiness
and apprehension. Ann Boleyn, mindful of the past —
for had not Wolsey been the principal opponent to her
marriage with the King, however willing he had been
that she should become his mistress ? — was doubtless
one of the most active agents in completing the downfall
of one who never forgot or forgave an injury.
In November, 1530, Sir Walter Walshe, a gentleman
of the King's Privy Chamber, appeared at Topcliffe
with instructions to the Earle of Northumberland to
accompany him to Cawood, there to arrest Wolsey.
On their arrival with a strong armed escort, the Earl
desired the porter to deliver the keys of the gates,
which the man sturdily declined to do, alleging that
the keys were intrusted to him by his Lord the Arch
bishop, to whom alone he would restore them.
1 Collins states that Sir William Percy never married ; but this is an
error. The " Ughtred lands " here mentioned by the Cardinal refer to
estates which William Percy had acquired by marriage, and it is recorded
that in 1529 he and his wife (the widow of Sir Robert, and mother of
Sir Thomas, Ughtred) signed articles, under which they assigned to
Wolsey, for specified considerations, their life interest in certain manors
in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire.— See Letters and Papers of Henry VIII.
vol. iv. 5320.
2 Wolsey to William Percy, from his manor at Scroby. — Cotton MSS.
Appendix 23. 412

AT CAWOOD.
The Earl approved of him as " a good fellow, who a.d. 153°
speaketh like a faithful servant to his master, and like
an honest man " ; " and permitted him to retain the keys
on condition of his taking an oath to permit no ingress
or egress except by the Earl's command.
Wolsey had risen from dinner, when he was informed
by a servant that Northumberland was in the hall ;
" whereat he marveilled, and would not believe him,
but commanded a gentleman to bring him the truth, who,
going down the staires, sawe the Erie of Northumberland,
and returned and sayde it was very hee. ' Then,' quoth
the Cardinal, ' I am sorrie we have dyned, for I feare
our officers be not provided with any more of good fish
to make him some honorable cheere ; let the table
stand,' quoth he, and with that he rose up, and going
down staires he encountered the Erie coming up with
all his traine, and as sone as the Cardinal espied the
Erie he put off his cap, and saide, ' My Lorde, ye be
most heartily welcome,' and so embraced each other. . . .
Then my Lord led the Earl to the fire, saying, ' My
Lord, ye shall go unto my bedchamber, where is a good
fire made for you, and then ye may shift your apparel
until your chamber be made ready. Therefore let your
male (malle) be brought up and, or ever I go, I pray
you give me leave to take these gentlemen, your ser
vants, by the hands.' And when he had taken them
by the hands, he returned to the Earl and said, ' Ah,
my Lord, I perceive well that ye have observed my old
precepts and instructions, which I gave you when you
were abiding with me in your youth, which was to
cherish your father's old servants, whereof I see here
present with you a great number. Surely, my Lord, you
do therein very well and nobly, and like a wise gentle
man. For these be they that will not only serve and
1 Cavendish. 4*3

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. love you, but they will also live and die with you ; and
1502— 1537 gia(j to see you prosper in honor, the which I beseech
God to send you with long life.' This said, he took the
Earl by the hand and led him into his bedchamber, and
they being all alone, (save only I that kept the door, being
gentleman usher,) these two Lords standing at a window
by the chimney in my Lord's bedchamber, the Earl
trembling said with a very faint and soft voice unto my
Lord, laying his hand upon his arm : ' My Lord, I arrest
you of high treason ; ' with which the Cardinal, being
marvelously astonied, standing still both a good space,
without speaking." r
The historical painter could hardly desire a more
dramatic subject for his pencil than this scene. As
the northern noble reluctantly laid his hand upon the
sleeve of the Prince of the Church, and in subdued
and gentle accents announced the royal mandate, what
a crowd of memories must have flashed across their
brains ! Eight years had barely passed since Lord
Percy had stood humbly before the haughty Cardinal,
who in harsh and imperious words dispelled the boy's
young dream of a happy future : and now their parts
were reversed, and he who had long played the tyrant
stood pale and " astonied " before his victim. Did
Wolsey then wince under the crushing weight of that
Divine retribution, in the name of which he had so often
invoked vengeance on his enemies ? And might we not
find excuses for the Earl, if in such an hour he had
displayed a sense of gratified triumph towards one who
had ever been to him a hard and cruel taskmaster ? who
had wounded him in his love and in his pride ; who
had poisoned his domestic life, embittered his public life,
impaired his fortune, and assailed his reputation ?
1 Cavendish, from whom Hall, Stow, and other of the old historians
have taken their version of this incident.
414

THE ARREST.
Yet, to the Earl's honour be it said, he showed only a.d. 1530
feelings of sorrow and pity for his old oppressor,
and acquitted himself of his unwelcome duty with a
delicacy and generosity which stand in grateful con
trast to the demeanour assumed towards the fallen
statesman by many others who had far less cause for
resentment.1 The first shock past, Wolsey desired to see the au
thority for his arrest ; this the Earl declined to exhibit,
as it contained secret instructions from the King.
" Well, then," quoth my lord, " I will not obey your
arrest, for there hath been between some of your pre
decessors and mine, great contention and debate given
upon an ancient grudge, which may succeed in you
with like inconvenience as it hath done heretofore ;
therefore, unless I see your authority and commission,
I will not obey you ; " and he proceeded to argue
that, as a member of the See Apostolic, he was
not subject to any temporal authority. To this the
Earl replied :
" When I was sworn Warden of the Marches you
yourselfe told me that I might with my staff arrest all
men under the degree of the King ; and now I am
stronger, for I have a commission so to do."

1 The Earl has been charged with ingratitude, not so much for the
manner in which he performed this duty, as for having undertaken the
service. It is evident, however, that he had no option in the matter. As
Lord Warden of the Marches he received the royal commands by a
messenger specially sent into the north. A modern writer of great
research and habitual accuracy (the late Professor Brewer, editor of
the Letters and Papers of Henry VIII.) finds excuses for the Earl's
resentment, because Wolsey's conduct towards him had "galled his
harsh and imperious spirit and was never forgiven." The adjectives
employed are singularly inappropriate as applied to Northumberland's
nature ; and if he was unforgiving he certainly, showed no traces of
it in what, to a less generous mind, would have been the hour of triumph.
The duty was not of his seeking, but. having it imposed upon him, it
must be allowed that he did his " spiriting gently."
415

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. The Cardinal hereupon appealed to Sir Walter Walsh,
'502-1537 and) on i^j. confirmjng the Eari's contention, the ruling
passion in Wolsey's mind once more, and for the last
time in his life, asserted itself. Resistance was futile,
but he might cast a final indignity upon a member of the
order which he had persistently humbled and affronted.
He accordingly repudiated the authority of the Peer,
but submitted to be arrested by the King's gentleman
in waiting, saying : " The worst in the King's Privie
Chamber is sufficient to arrest the greatest peer of the
realme by the King's commandment." *
The Earl continued to treat his prisoner with respect
and consideration, allowing his favourite servants to
attend upon him, and in all matters consulting his conve
nience. Apprehending commotion on the part of the
numerous household, he thought it inexpedient to admit
these to take a public farewell of their Lord ; but on
Wolsey's urging the point, he gave way. The arrest
had taken place on Friday, the 4th November, and on
the Sunday following the Cardinal was sent under an
escort commanded by the Earl's faithful retainer, Sir
Roger Lassells,2 to be delivered to the Earl of Shrewsbury
at Sheffield Park. Seized with illness while there,
nearly three weeks elapsed before he could proceed upon
his journey, but he did not live to reach its termination.
Arrived at Leicester, he was borne to the abbey where

1 " Which, whether he did out of stubbornness to the Earl who had
been heretofore educated in his house, or out of despight to Mistress
Ann Bolen, who (he might conceive) had put this affront upon him in
finding measures to employ her ancient suitor to take revenge on both
their names, doth not appeare." — Life of Henry VIII. by Lord Herbert
of Cherbury. It is by no means improbable that the King had selected
Northumberland for this service at the instigation of the lady. It would
have been an essentially womanly act of vengeance on her part.
2 The Earl himself remained at Cawood " to see the despatch of the
household, and to establish all the stuff in suretie within the same." —
Cavendish. 416

THE DEATH OF WOLSEY.
the dying statesman humbly craved a final resting- a.d.
place: I53°~153I
" O father abbot,
An old man, broken with the storms of state,
Is come to lay his weary bones among ye ;
Give him a little earth for charity ! " *

It is significant that it was not until after the removal of
Cardinal Wolsey that the King, in recognition of his
military services, created the Earl of Northumberland a
Knight of the Garter.
The ceremony took place on St. George's Day, 1531,
and we are told that he received the badges of the
order maxime gratulabundus,2 to him it is to be feared
a rare experience.
For the heavy expenses and financial responsibilities
he had incurred in the performance of his duties, however,
he met with no compensation, and so deeply involved
was he now in debt that, towards the end of the year,
he signified his intention of appearing at Court for the
purpose of making arrangements for the sale of Petworth,
which the King had expressed a wish to acquire.3
The military establishments which the Lord Warden
was at this time required to maintain in the north, were
exceptionally large, owing to the disturbed condition of
Scotland produced by Wolsey's dishonest and aggressive
policy. To place the Scottish crown on the brow of the
King of England had been one of the dearest objects of
his ambition ; and Henry, while now writing affectionate
letters to the Queen's brother and to his young nephew,
was directly encouraging Angus and other of the mal-

1 King Henry VIII. act iv. scene ii.
2 Anstis's Order of the Garter, vol. i. p. 388.
3 Northumberland to Cromwell, Sept. 27, 1531. About the same
time Letters Patent were issued, enabling the Earl to sell his lands in
Kent. See Appendix L.
VOL. I. 417 E E

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. content nobles, in their secret efforts to depose their
i5°2— 1537 King in his own favour.
The Lord Warden's letters of this period, notwith
standing their involved sentences and capricious ortho
graphy, serve to convey a clear impression of the
political state of affairs in the neighbouring kingdom ;
they are too numerous and too lengthy for quotation,
but an epitome of a few of them will not here be out
of place.
29 September, 1 53 1. Reporting the interception of de
spatches addressed to the King of Scots, which established
that the Emperor of Germany (Charles V.) had con
cluded a peace with Scotland for a hundred years, and
that though the Queen of Hungary " wold in no wyse
marry the Scottes King," they both urged an alliance
with the Emperor's niece, the eldest daughter of the
King of Denmark.
27 December, 1531. Reporting an interview with Earl
Bothwell, who had offered to place his sword at the dis
posal of the King of England, and who is described as
" of parsonell wit, lernynge and manners, of his yeres,
as toward and as goodly a gentliman as ever I saw
in my liff, and to my simple understandynge he is
verey meete to serve your Hignes in anything that
shall be your most gracious pleasure to command him
withal." z
In reply to the King's inquiries as to what this Scottish
Earl " wold do for revengynge his displeasure or releyv-
inge of his hart and stomach agaynst the Scottes Kynge,"
Northumberland states that Bothwell would engage not
only to serve Henry in his wars against Scotland " with a
thowsand gentileman and sex thowsand comons, but
also to become your Highnes' trew subject and legeman ; "
and that he (the writer) did not doubt that by means of
1 Cotton MSS. Calig. B. vii. 157.
418

HENRY'S DESIGNS UPON THE SCOTTISH CROWN.
his own power, and that of the Earl of Angus, he a.d.
should be able " to crown your Grace in the town of I53L__!533
Eddinburghe withyn breif tyme." r
In the meanwhile James had repeatedly complained
to his " derrest Uncle " of outrages committed on his
territories for which the Earl of Northumberland
would afford no redress,2 and of the open encourage
ment given to his rebellious subjects ; but the English
King in reply exonerated his Lord Warden from
all blame, and retaliated by accusing his nephew of
want of rigour in punishing offenders within his own
territory.3 23 August, 1532. The Earl reports having taken
measures in compliance with the King's orders " to esta
blish the North " and that he had warned " every gentil-
man which lay within the towne of Newcastell to repayre
and lye at their owne houses, there to kepe watch warde
showte and crye, and euery man to be ready to ryse with
his neghbor and folowe upon payne of deth." Sir Ralph
Fenwick had captured a Scottish band, led by Hector and
Andrew Armstrong, in an attempt to burn one of the
Earl's towns on the Tyne, and they had been sentenced
to death, but respited pending the King's pleasure in
consideration of their having offered to serve the English.
Since then a body of 400 Scots, including 300 "tryed
Horsemen," had " run an open forrey " within the middle
March ; whereupon the Earl's servants, Thomas Erring-
1 Northumberland to Henry VIII., State Papers, iv. 597, Record
Office. This letter consists of four closely-covered pages in the Earl's
handwriting. 2 He accuses the Earl and his followers of having committed " most
detestable and notorious crymes by burnyng of Church lands and
Corne, and murdering and burning in the silence of the night." — S. P.
Scotland. 3 Henry VIII. to James V. March 2, 1532, Lansdowne MSS.
255> f- 355- This letter was sent to the Scottish king by Carlisle
Herald, who was commanded not to await an answer unless a friendly
disposition were shown to comply with Henry's injunctions.
419 E E 2

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. ton, Alexander Fetherstonhagh, Robert Tyrelwall and
I5°22^537 the tenants of Sir Nicholas Ridley, to the number of six
score, came to the rescue and, outnumbered though they
were, succeeded in overcoming the marauders, slaying
some, wounding over sixty, " the lest of theyme having
a pece of spere in hym, or elles one arrowe," and taking
" twelve prisoners who shall be executed upon the
following Sundaye." He suspects the Tynedale men of
complicity, and if this prove to be so, " will not fayle to
put theym to such terrible execution that I trust it shall
be a warnyng to all such offenders to bring in the Scottes
hereafter." T
In the course of this year the Lord Chief Justice Fitz-
james writes to Cromwell from the North, reporting " the
state of this royaulme, our Lorde be thankide, in as gode
peas and tranquilite, without grete roberies or riottes, as
I knewe it many yeres. Some besynes (business) ben
yn the Marches off Scotland, as I dowte not ye have
herde ; they began to bourne a towen off the Erie of
Northumberland, and he hath burned a towen of theres,
with some other besynes."
Towards the end of the year raids on a large scale were
carried into English territory, and as appears with in
creased ferocity. Marke Carr having openly declared his
intention to burn one of the Earl of Northumberland's
towns near Warkworth, where he then lay, and to " give
him light by wdiich to put on his clothes at midnight,"
elaborate precautions against the threatened attack had
been adopted. "Nevertheless, uppon Tuesday at nyght
last, came thyrty lyght horsemen unto a litell vilage of
myne, called Whitell, having not past sex howses in it, and
there wold have fyred the said howses, but there was no
fyre to gyt there, and they forgate to brynge any withe
1 Northumberland to King Henry VIII. State Papers, iv. 611, Record
Office. 420

SCOTTISH OUTRAGES.
theym, and so toke a wyf, being grete with child in the a.d.
towne, and said to hyr, ' Where we cannot give the Lord I53I~I533
lyght, yet we shall do this in spyte of hym,' and gave her
three mortell woundes upon the head, and another in
right syde with a dagger, whereupon the said wyf is dede,
and the child in her belly is loste." *
In the same letter the Earl urges the King to lose no
time in carrying out " what purpose shall stande to your
most gracious pleasour consernynge the realme of Scot-
lande ; " adding that a Scottish gentleman with whom he
had spoken at Berwick, had assured him that as soon as
he should display his banner over the border, Tynedale
would become subject to King Henry ; but that if he let
this opportunity slip it would be " hard hereafter to bring
them to the lure."
In the following month, another formidable irruption is
reported, in retaliation for which the Earl having raised a
force of 2,500 men invaded Scotland, and while he himself
burnt a town called Raynton, Lord Clifford, Sir Arthur
Darcy, Sir Richard Tempest and Angus, each led a
separate raid, with such effect that " thankes be to God
we did not leave one pele, gentlemans howse, or grange,
unburnt or destroyed, and so reculed to England " with
a large number of prisoners, cattle and sheep. Sir Arthur
Darcy boasts that "such a roode hath not been seene in
winter this two hundrede years." "
In requesting that thanks might be returned to the
gentlemen under his command on this service, Northum
berland prays the King to permit him to revert to the
exercise of a privilege formerly enjoyed by all Earls,
by the Lord Wardens, and even by those of inferior
rank when in command of armies, but which, in his
1 Earl of Northumberland to King Henry VIII., October 22, 1532,
Cott. MSS. Calig. B. vi. 24.
2 Same to same, Dec. 15, 1532, State Papers, iv. 627, Record Office.
421

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. jealousy of the power of the nobles, Henry VII. had
I5°2-i537 virtually abrogated : the conferring of knighthood on
the field of battle.1
" And also when it haith pleasid your most Roiall
Majestie to admyt me, most unworthy your Warden
here, rehersyng in your most gracious Letters Patentes,
I to use the saide office as haithe bene accustomed in
your most noble progenitors dayes, as more at large doith
appere in your Highness said letters patentes ; by reason
whereof the most part of the exercise of myne auctorite
rynneth appone a custome, in which custome, as all the
holl contrie doth conferme, that Wardens in their roodes
(raids) hath advanced the order of Knyghthode to theym
that so deservith, for which I assure your Grace I have
no small sute ; and yet nevertheless it was according to
my most bounden duetie I wold not entrepryse to doynges
thereof unto the tyme I knewe further of your most
gracious plesour ; most humble beseeching your Highness
thereof, seeyng yt ys the thynge that shall towche most
my pore honestie, and also encouraging the hartes of the
gentlemen to serve me the better underneth your Gracious
Hyghnes, whom I shall serve, as I accompte myselfe, with
as true humble and faythful hart as ever did subject his
soveran Lorde."
No answer to this letter is on record, and it is not
probable that Henry would have made the concession
demanded. The enemies of England across the border seem
at this time to have given the Lord Warden less
trouble than did the gentlemen of the North, whose
1 The third Earl of Northumberland had made eight knights on the
field after the victory at Wakefield, and the Duke of Somerset four.
The last exercise of this privilege on the part of the nobles under
Henry VIII. was by the Earl of Surrey at Flodden. Sir Harris Nicolas
has some interesting remarks on this subject in his introduction to the
Orders of British Knighthood. 422

ENGLISH LAWLESSNESS.
lawlessness and violence are the subjects of frequent a.d.
correspondence. I53I-I533
Lord Dacre is reported to the King for having ille
gally taken certain prisoners, and, on the Lord Warden
demanding their surrender into his custody, having
allowed them "to slyp." * The Mayor of Hull, it is
complained, forcibly seized upon an English ship with a
Scottish prize in tow, which had been driven into that
port, and when required in the King's name to release
these vessels " he wold in no wies obey but with dis-
dennous wourdes, and like handelyng of my said Warden
Sargente, causied hym to departe."2 The attempt to induct
a vicar nominated by the King into the Parish Church of
Brigham, led to armed resistance : 3 Sir Thomas and Sir
Ingram Percy refused to recognize Lord Ogle, who had
been appointed Deputy Warden under their brother, and
forbade their tenants and retainers to rise at his command ;
and the Lisles, Shaftos, Fenwicks, and other gentlemen
of note, when they were not fighting among themselves,
were banded together in defiance of the laws of the
Marches.4 The hostilities with Scotland had now assumed a
more formidable character, but in the summer of 1533
serious efforts were made to bring about an under
standing between the two kingdoms. On the 26th July,
Henry's Commissioners in the North report that the
Earl of Northumberland had joined them in order
"to be privea to our proceedings in all causes and
matiers betweene us and the Commissioners for Scot
land, to the entente that he may counsaille and conferre
1 Earl of Northumberland to the King, August, 1532, Cotton MSS.
Calig. B. i. 124.
2 Same to same, Nov. 1532, Ibid. B. vi. 24.
3 Sir John Lamplaugh to Cromwell, Sept. 1532, Letters and Papers
Henry VIII. vol. v. 1433.
4 Ibid. vol. v. 727. 423

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. with us in all cawses commytte unto our charge by
1502-1517 n' 1 • 1
J  ¦3J/ your Highnesis.1
In September peace for one year was formally con
cluded : the Kings exchanged letters of congratulation,
and Northumberland reports that he had disbanded his
armies in the North, "and for soo moche as there was in
the handys of the saide Syr George Lawson, he none
other, any money from your Highnes for dissolvynge
of the said garyson, I dyde by advice of your counsaille
here shewe myselfe to the advauncement of the same to
my possible power, and soo heith dissolved theym for
thy tyme."
He adds that he will now be able to devote himself to
the establishment of better order in the North ; " after
which soo done, lyke to your most gracious commaund-
ment sent unto me heretofore, I intend to gyf myne
attendaunce uppon your Highnes according to my most
humble desyre and most bounden dutie ; having myne
only hope and confidence and trust in your most gracious
aboundant goodness to be unto me according to my pore
trew hart." 2

Anne Boleyn's steadily increasing ascendancy over the
king had by this time become a source of serious alarm to
her numerous enemies, who — actuated though they were
by different motives, religious, political, and personal —
were all equally interested in preventing her elevation
to a position which would place them at her mercy.
Among other intrigues set on foot at this time with
the view to discrediting Anne in the eyes of her royal
admirer, there was one secretly instigated by Lord

1 Cott. MSS. Calig. B. iii. 161.
2 Northumberland to the King, Sept. 30, 1533, Cotton MSS. Calig.
B. iii. 229.
424

A COURT INTRIGUE.
Shrewsbury and his daughter, some interesting details a.d.
of which have been brought to light in a recent I53I~I533
publication.1 It is stated that during one of their frequent quarrels
the Earl of Northumberland had so far forgotten himself
as to tell his Countess that she was not his true wife, he
having been "betrothed to Anne Boleyn, and that in
consequence of this pre-contract any subsequent marriage
was illegal."
Lady Northumberland, rejoicing at the prospect of
being freed from a hateful tie, and of wreaking vengeance
at once upon her husband and her rival, begged her
father to lay the matter before the King. Shrewsbury,
however, was unwilling to commit himself so far ;
he was too sagacious to believe that such a statement,
made in a moment of exasperation, could be founded
on fact. Still it might be turned to account to damage
the Earl, and to shake Henry's confidence in his
mistress. He accordingly communicated the pretended
revelation to the Duke of Norfolk, who examined his
niece on the subject.
Anne was now near the realization of her ambitious
hopes, and had there been the slightest grounds for such
a charge she would doubtless, at so critical a moment,
have used every effort to hush up the perilous scandal.
Instead of this, however, she adopted the bolder course
1 Anne Boleyn : A Chapter in English History, by Paul Friedmann.
(Macmillan, 1884) vol. i. p. 159. The author, a learned German who
has devoted much conscientious research to his work, has derived the
greater part of his information from the despatches of the different foreign
envoys then at the Court of Henry VIII., and a too implicit reliance
upon the contents of these seems to have led into some errors.
The incident now referred to is the subject of a report from the
Minister Chapuis to Charles V. in the archives of Vienna, and serves to
explain the circumstances which led to the Earl of Northumberland's
examination before the Council in 1532 with regard to his early relations
with Anne Boleyn. 425

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. of confronting her accusers. Laying the whole matter
I5°22I537 before the King, she demanded a strict inquiry into
her relations with Lord Percy ten years previously ;
and the Earl of Northumberland being summoned to
appear before the Council, gave a positive denial to the
charge, and afterwards, voluntarily, in the presence of
the Archbishop of Canterbury, declared upon a solemn
oath, that there had never been any pre-contract" or
promise of marriage between him and Anne.
Mr. Friedmann hints that the Earl may have had
strong motives for not divulging the truth : —
" He knew that for having concealed a fact which so
closely affected the King's honour, he might almost be
charged with treason ; and that if, by revealing it now,
he rendered the marriage between Henry and Anne
nearly impossible, he would draw on himself the hatred
of both the King and the lady."
Elastic as were the statutes of treason in those times,
it is difficult to believe that they could have been brought
to operate upon a love passage between a page and
a maid of honour ten years before ; and the Earl
would hardly have volunteered to ratify his statement to
the Council by an oath at the altar, had it not been true
in fact. Besides, the question did not depend only upon
his testimony. As he had himself informed Wolsey at
the time,2 his relations with Anne were known to "many
1 The term " pre-contract " is a perplexing one. It could not have
meant a secret marriage, for even the promise of marriage is denied ;
and if it was intended to describe a mutual interchange of professions
of attachment and fidelity, such sentimental relations in the past would
hardly have sufficed to arouse the jealousy of the King who had at the
time been fully cognisant of their intimacy. Mr. Friedmann speaks else
where of Lord Percy's "intrigue" with Anne Boleyn; but this is an
entirely gratuitous assumption resting probably, like some other of his
statements, upon diplomatic gossip. There is not the least evidence of
criminal relations having been imputed, far less established.
2 See ante, p. 366. 426

THE POSTAL SERVICE.
worthy witnesses;" and it is not to be believed that a.d. 1533
the Council would have neglected, in the course of
their investigation, to avail themselves of such evidence.
The truth of the case appears to be that Northumber
land having in a fit of anger ungenerously reminded
his wife of his early love for Anne, and perhaps ex
pressed his regret that she had not become his wife,
the Countess, glad of any opportunity of injuring her
husband, chose to interpret and to represent those
remarks as an admission on his part of a previous
marriage, and therefore, as far as he was concerned,
of an act of bigamy.
The inquiry which ensued failed in its purpose ; its
result was to satisfy the King of the innocence, and
the unimportant character, of the relations which had
existed between Anne and her youthful lover; thus
defeating the plots of her enemies, and only serving
to raise her still higher, if possible, in the royal
favour.

The following letter affords us a glimpse of the rude
postal service in England at that period :
" As to postes between the Northe and the Courte, there
be nowe but two, wherof one is a good robust felowe,
and was wont to be diligent, though evil intreated many
times, he and other postes, by herbingeours,1 for lak of
horse rome or horsmete, without whiche diligence can
not be. The other hathe bene the most payneful felowe
in nygt and daye that I have knowen among the mes
sengers. If he now shalbe changed, as reeson is, he
1 The keepers of roadside houses of entertainment, upon whom the
letter-carriers were necessarily dependent for their food and shelter, and
that of their horses ; but who appear to have been required to furnish
such provision without, or for very inadequate, remuneration.
427

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. sueth the Kynges Grace for some small living for his olde
IS°!l!537 service, having never had ordinary wages. I wrote unto
my Lorde of Northumberlande to write on the bak of his
pacquettes the hour and the day of the depeche, and
so I did to others, but it is seldome observed. I wol
also desire you to remember that many tymes happen
two depeches in a day one way, and sometymes moo, and
that often seasons happen countre post, that is to ride both
Northewarde and Southewarde. This is too much for
one horse or one man.
" My Lord of Northumberland hathe sent a poste ;
My Lord Dakre another, in the nek of hym, they of
Berwick a 3rd, and sometymes Sir George Lawson,
aparte, another." ' *
* *
In this year the Earl lost his uncle, Jocelyn Percy,
who, according to a letter from his brother, Sir William,
to Cromwell, had been " poisoned by three of his servants,
Humph. Snawdell, William West, and a maid servant of
their counsel. . . .
". . . His son and heir Edward Percy, nine years
old, is married to one Walterton, — a sorry bargain his
blood considered. I beg you will assyste me in his
wardeship and marriage at a reasonable rate." 2
» *
When some students of Oxford University ventured
to discuss the legality of Queen Katherine's divorce,3
1 Sir Bryan Tuke, Postmaster-General and Treasurer, to Cromwell,
August 17, 1533. Chapter House, Cromwell Correspondence, Bundle T.
1 Letters and Papers Henry VIII. Jocelyn Percy had married
the daughter and heiress of Walter Frost of Beverley. The " sorry
bargain" to which Sir William Percy refers was the daughter of Sir
Thomas Waterton, of Walton, York.
3 The Earl of Northumberland had been one of the signatories of
the letter which the English peers addressed to the Pope in July, 1530,
428

SIR THOMAS MORE.
the King caused them to be reminded that it was a a.d. 1533
dangerous pastime to stir a hornet's nest : non est bonum
irritare crabrones.
The time had indeed come when a fatal sting was
prepared for those who dared to question the royal will,
and when neither wisdom, patriotism, nor long and
faithful service, were allowed to weigh against the
slightest opposition to the wishes or caprices of the
sovereign. Sir Thomas More, who had succeeded
Wolsey as Chancellor,1 was now to experience the peril
attending the conscientious expression of his honest
convictions. He could not, and he would not, aid in
ridding the King of the wife of whom he had wearied ;
and upon the Earl of Northumberland the ungrateful
duty was imposed of demanding from him the surrender
of the Grand Seal. After a year's imprisonment in the
Tower, which failed to shake More's resolution, the
peers of the realm were summoned to sit in judgment
upon him — in other words to register the decree which
the King had ordained. With that servile deference to
the royal pleasure which had become habitual to them,
they pronounced him guilty of treason, and unhesitatingly
and unanimously sentenced this learned, brave, and honest
old statesman to an ignominious death upon the scaffold.
In Sir Thomas Audley, who succeeded, Henry found a
more compliant Chancellor.
Cromwell, though he did not venture to assume
towards the ancient nobility, the arrogance of his prede
cessor in office, was by no means disposed to hold the
reins of power with a less firm and unswerving hand.
complaining of the delay incurred by the Court of Rome in the matter
of the King's divorce. — See Fcedera, xiv. 405.
1 The Earl of Northumberland was in attendance at the ceremony
of delivering the Great Seal to More and a subscribing witness to the
Commission. — Ibid., xiv. 350. 429

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
. a.d. His watchfulness, and resentment of the slightest in-
_J537- fringement of the royal authority, were as conspicuous as
Wolsey's had ever been ; and he was equally tenacious
of his own position, as mediator between the King and
his greatest subjects.
In January, 1535, he charges the Earl of Northumber
land with "want of dewe execution on the Marches,"
and with the more serious offence of having had a sword
of state carried before him when proceeding as Justiciary
to York.
The Earl in reply declares that so far from having
displayed want of vigour in his Wardenry, " there is such
proceedings to justice uppon the Borders under my
charge as noo cawse of complaynte trewly oughte to be
made in that behalf;" and, while admitting the second
charge, he claims his right to such formality, as belong
ing to his office, and " like as heretofore in the same toune
hath beene used of late dayes by the Erie of Rutland.
Good Maister Secretery, yf that same were taken by the
Kynges Majesty of me to be done in pomp and pride of
myselfe, without his most gracious auctoritye which I
have for that same, it shulde then be unfenedlye most to
my discomforte ; for so much as neyther dutye nor reason
can gyve me, a most poore and trewe subject, to have a
sworde borne, but onely by the honourable auctoryte of
His Majesty to be granted most unworthy. The great
enmytie I have nowe borne against me by many, as I
thinke is not unknowen unto you, cannot be defendit but
onely in the Kynge's comfortable goodnes unto me, with
your frendly and favourable settayne forthe of that same
accordinge to my desertes ; and eveyn soo I shall serve
the Kynges Majesty as I putt noo doutte shall stand to
his most noble contentation, and in my doyngs soo shall
procede as may be with your good helpe and counsaill ;
which hertily I desyre from tyme to tyme, from hym in
43o

SECRETARY CROMWELL.
whom restyth myn affyance and trust under God and a.d. 1535
the Kynge." J
In the following June the Earl presided at a commission
appointed to try Lord Dacre upon a charge of treason
able correspondence with " William Scott, Lord of Buch-
leough," with a view to causing him (Northumberland)
"to be conquered and destroiede." The accused was
however acquitted.
Shortly after the Earl was himself required to meet
charges preferred against him by Dacre of having " pro-
cedit to justice with parcyalitie at the last Warden Courte
agaynst Sir Humfrey Lisle and Alexander Shaftoe," who
had been convicted of high treason by a jury under
Sir John Heron, but had escaped over the border. Fully
exonerated by the testimony of Sir William Eure,
Sir Robert Ellerker, Robert Collingwood, Lyonel Gray
and Christopher Mitford, he assures the King that :
" In all your Hyghnes affayres I shall indeavour and
use my poore service and my most humble and bounden
dutie, soo as the procedinges and doinges in the same I
trust shalbe to the high contentation and pleasure of your
Majestic" 2
The captaincy of Berwick being about to fall vacant
by the expected death of Sir Thomas Clifford, the Earl
applies to Cromwell for his interest in obtaining the
office for him in consideration of his impaired fortune and
a handsome bribe :
" I praye you helpe me, whereby you shall not only
recower a pouer nobullman being in decaye, but also
get yourselfe much wyrshippe ; that by your meanis so
pouer a man shall be encouraged as I am, and bynd me,
1 Northumberland to Cromwell, Jan. 25, 1535, S.P. Scotland.
Chapter House, p. 1.
2 The same to the King, Sept. 15, 1535. Chapter House Letters
to the King and Council, vol. iii. 63.
431

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. my frendes, and them that shall come off (after) me, ever,
I5°2^531 as neverthelese I am most boundon affore, next the Kyng,
our Maister, to be toward you and all yours during our
lyffes. And, good Sir Secretary, I shall not fayl to gyff
you iooo marks for the sayme bryngyng yt to pas.
" In haste at Topcliff, this 6 November, with the rude
and raggyd hand of your own ever boundon most
assurydly, " H. Northumberland.
" To my syngular and especiall good frend, Sir
Secretary. I pray you take more payn in redyng,
than I did in wrytynge." '
* *
We now once more take up a broken thread in the
Earl's unhappy life. The story of the rise and fall of
poor Anne Boleyn may be read in these dozen lines
from a contemporary chronicle : *
" The 1 2th daie of Aprill, Anno Domini 1533, beinge
Easter eaven, Anne Bulleine, Marques of Pembroke,3 was
proclaymed Queene at Greenewych, and offred that daie
in the Kinges Chappell, as Queene of Englande." . . .
". . . . The Fridaye followinge, beinge the 19 daie
of May 1536, at eight of the clocke in the morninge,4
Ann Bulleyn, Queene, was brought to execucion on the
greene within the Tower of London .... on a scaffolde
1 Northumberland to Cromwell, Nov. 6, 1535, Chapter House Letters
to King and Council, vol. x. 34.
2 A Chronicle of Englande, during the reign of the Tudors, by Charles
Wriothesley, Windsor Herald, edited from a MS. in the possession ot
Lieut.-General Lord Henry M. Percy, K.C.B., V.C., F.R.G.S., by
William D. Hamilton, F.S.A. Published by the Camden Society.
3 She had been created Marquess (not Marchioness) of Pembroke in
the previous year (the first instance of such rank being conferred on a
woman), and had been privately married to the King in January, 1533.
* According to official records the execution did not take place
till noon. 432

QUEEN ANNE.
made there for the sayde execution .... and suddenlye a.d. 1536
the hangman smote of her heade at a stroke with a
sworde, and her bodye with the heade was buried in
the Chappell within the Tower of London. . . ." *
Barely three years had elapsed since his divorce and
remarriage, when the King wearied of his young, as
before he had wearied of his elderly, wife. Anne stood
between him and the gratification of his passion for
another woman, and he gave the command to sweep
her from his path. He had, however, incurred much
popular odium by his treatment of Catherine of Aragon,2
and a good pretext must be found for a repetition of yet
more severe proceedings towards his second Queen. It
was not sufficient that she should be sacrificed — she
must be degraded. The law was set in motion to give
effect to the royal decree ; and the monstrous indictment
having been duly concocted by the Council, the Peers of
England were summoned to pronounce the verdict that
should set the King free to marry the woman of his
choice. He need have had no misgivings as' to the
result, for they had ever done his bidding humbly enough,
1 Sir William Kingston, the Constable of the Tower, writes to
Cromwell that on the morning of her execution, Queen Anne had sent
for him and said, " ' I hear I shall not die afore noon, and I am very
sorry therefore, for I thought to be dead by this time and past my
paine.' I told her that it should be no paine ; it was so very little.
And then she said, ' I heard say the executioner was very good and I
have a little neck,' and put her hands about it, laughing heartily. I
have seen many men, and also women, executed, and that they have been
in great sorrow; and to my knowledge this lady hath much joy and
pleasure in death."
2 Public opinion throughout England had been averse to the divorce ;
partly, no doubt, from deference to the Pope's support of Catherine,
but in a greater measure from that healthy sense of justice, and love
of fair play, which then, as it does now, pervaded the great mass
of the people. This national trait is frequently alluded to in the
Diplomatic Correspondence of this period. See State Papers, Venice
vol. iv.
VOL. I. 433 F F

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
A-D- however unpalatable the task. When Wolsey had sue-
j tj02  T K'ZT .
— ceeded in arousing his jealousy of Buckingham, they had
sent their brother peer to the scaffold ; when he could not
obtain possession of Anne without being rid of Catherine,
they had cast to the winds every personal feeling and
every religious scruple, braving the enmity of the great
powers of Europe, and the anathema of the Church, to
gratify the passion of their sovereign. When Wolsey,
in his turn, was doomed, they had become his accusers
and judges ; when Thomas More grew obnoxious they
had made themselves his executioners. They were now
in no less submissive a mood, and should they hesitate
to sacrifice a woman ?
Norfolk, it is true, might have been apprehended to
have some compunctions in sitting in judgment upon his
own niece ; I but the fear was groundless. Without a
word of remonstrance he took his seat at the trial,
flanked by the Duke of Suffolk, the King's brother-in-law,
and Sir Thomas Audley, his favoured chancellor ; and
certainly the Duke left Henry no reason to complain
of his want of zeal.2
A modern historian 3 who, under the guise of philoso
phical impartiality, has made himself the champion of
Henry the Eighth against the accepted verdict upon the
character of that monarch, gives the King credit for
having possessed "the ordinary feelings of humanity,"
and cannot therefore allow it to be believed that " the
whole transaction was the scheme of a wicked husband to

1 Anne Boleyn's mother was Elizabeth Howard, a sister of this Duke
of Norfolk.
2 Anne Boleyn herself informed the Lieutenant of the Tower that
she had been "cruelly handled with the Council, namely with the Duke
of Norfolk, .... and that he had said, to what she had spoken, as it
seems, in her defence, Tut, tut, tut ! shaking his head three or four
times." — Strype, Ecc. Memls. vol. i. Part I. p. 434.
3 Froude, History of England. 434

THE TRIAL.
dispose of a wife of whom he was weary." He accord- a.d. 1536
ingly prefers to attribute Henry's treatment of Queen
Anne to "natural feeling." He also finds it impossible
to believe that, even if the King could have been so
atrociously wicked and inhuman, the Peers of England
would have " invented " the charges preferred against
Anne Boleyn. Looking at contemporary evidence, he
can arrive at no other conclusion than that Anne was
guilty, or at least, that there was " if no proof of guilt
yet a proof of the absence of innocence," ' surely a weak
foundation whereon to rest a judicial sentence of death.
He admits, however, that "nothing is known of the quarter
from which the information which led to the inquiry had
come," 2 and further that " the investigation was conducted
with profound secrecy." He omits to add, what he can
hardly have failed to know, that the Queen's so-called
accomplices, with one exception, emphatically and in
spite of promises and threats, denied the charges pre
ferred against them ; while the one man, who, under
torture, did involve her in his professed guilt, recanted
when removed from the rack. Nor does Mr. Froude
mention that in spite of Anne's entreaties that she
might be confronted with her accusers, not one of them
was admitted to her presence, either in open court or
elsewhere. Had the trial of Queen Anne taken place before the
entire House of Peers, the presence of her father, her
uncle, and her former lover should in decency have been
1 Compare this with Lord Herbert of Cherbury, who says, " It is
enough that the law hath condemned her, and that whether she or any
one else were in fault is not now to be discussed. This is certain, that
the King had cast his affections already on Jane Seymour then attending
on the Queen." The inference is not far to seek.
2 Mr. Friedmann states (vol. ii. p. 346) that Sir Thomas Percy had
been the author of the charges preferred against Smeton, but he quotes
no authority for the alleged fact, of which I have been unable to find
any corroboration in the public records. 435 F F 2

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. dispensed with. The Court, however, was composed
IS°_IL_537 of only a limited number of peers specially selected by
the King,1 and the nomination of the Duke of Norfolk,
and the Earls of Wiltshire and Northumberland, leaves
little doubt but that Henry, having no fear that the
ties of blood or sentiment would assert themselves
against his declared wishes, thought that the concurrence
of these men in the verdict, would add force to its
justice. The Earl of Northumberland, however, although,
in obedience to the royal command, he took his seat
in the Tribunal, would not become a direct party to
consigning the woman he had once loved to the scaffold,
and pleading illness, he hastily left the Court.2
The accused having been found guilty, sentence was
duly pronounced, and the King's marriage with his
second Queen was declared to be null and void. The
grounds for this decision were not allowed to transpire,
nor has modern historical research thrown much light
upon the subject. Cranmer is reported to have deposed
that Queen Anne while in the Tower, had confessed
to him the existence of certain "just and lawful im
pediments " to her union with the King. It is possible

1 The English Peerage then consisted of fifty-three members, of
whom only twenty-six were summoned to the trial.
2 " When Anne rose to defend herself she distinguished among her
judges the Earl of Northumberland, who sat with ill-disguised agitation,
and at length on the plea of indisposition abruptly quitted the apart
ment before the peers had pronounced the fatal verdict." — Benger's
Memoirs of Anne Boleyn. The Venetian ambassador states that the Earl
was " obliged by a sudden illness to leave the Court." — Baga de Secretis.
In the official record of the trial it is stated that "all the peers (with
the exception of Northumberland) pronounced a verdict of guilty
against the accused." Bishop Burnet says that the Earl's indisposition
during the trial " might have been casual ; but since he was once in love
with the Queen, and had designed to marry her, it is no wonder if so
sad a change in her condition did raise an unusual disorder in him." 
History of the Reformation, Addenda, vol. i. p. 363.
436

THE ALLEGED PRE-CONTRACT.
that, in the hope of saving her life, or of mitigating a.d. 1536
the pains of the death penalty, the poor prisoner may
have been induced to make any avowal demanded of her ;
if so, the disgrace of taking advantage of the terrors
of a woman under sentence to be burnt alive, must rest
upon the King and his counsellors.1
Supposing a confession to the required effect to have
been actually made, of which there is not an atom of
proof, its precise character can only be a subject for
conjecture. That it was at the time believed to refer to
the old pre-contract with the Earl of Northumberland is
evidenced by his having thought it necessary thus
emphatically and explicitly, in a letter to Cromwell, to
place his previous denial of the charge upon official
record. " Maister Secretary.
This shall be to signifie to you that I perceave by
Sir Reginald Carneby that ther is a supposed Pre contract
between the Queen and me. Wherfor I was not only
examined upon my othe before the Archbishoppes of
Canterburie and York, but also receaved the blessed
Sacrament upon the sayme, before the Duke of NorfoIkj
and other of the Kynges highnes Council learned in the
spiritual law ; assuring you, Mr. Secretary, by the said
othe and blessed bodye, which affore I receaved and
herafter entend to receave, that the same may be to my
1 The sentence passed upon her was that she should be " burnt or
beheaded at the King's pleasure." Burnet says that "lying under so
terrible a sentence it is most probable that either some hopes of life
were given her, or at least she was wrought on by the assurances of
mitigating that cruel part of the judgment of being burnt, into the
milder part of the sentence of having her head cut off; so that she
confessed a pre-contract."
It need hardly be urged that if her marriage with the King had been
proven to be invalid on this or any other ground, the charge of adultery
upon which she was tried could not have been sustained.
437

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. damnation if ever there were any contract or promise
IS°!l_537 of marriage betweane her and me. At Newingtone
Greane ' the xiii daye of May in the 28th year of the
reigne of our Soveraigne Lord, King Henry the viii.
(1536). " Your assured
" Northumberland."2
Unless this solemn asseveration be pronounced a
deliberate falsehood ; unless the Earl who, whatever his
faults and weaknesses, had ever borne a character for
unblemished honour and veracity, be considered to have
made himself guilty of a blasphemous and, as far as he
was concerned, an objectless perjury, we are driven to
the conclusion that, either the Queen's alleged confession
was a fabrication ; or that it implicated some other person,
of which there is no trace of evidence or probability ;
or, lastly, that the alleged impediment related to an
entirely different subject.3 The Earl's disclaimer, how
ever, did not come to light until a comparatively recent
period ; and contemporary writers, remembering the report
of their early love-passages, continued to attribute the
1 " Algernon Percy, Earl of Northumberland, occupied a mansion on
Newington Green. From this house we find the Earl writing in an
alarmed way to Secretary Cromwell, vowing that he had never proposed
marriage to Ann Boleyn. The Earl, who died the year after, is supposed
to have left the house in which he lived, and one on the south side of
Newington Green, to the King, who resided for some time in the first,
and employed the other for the use of his household. From this
country palace of Henry VIII. a pathway leading from the corner of
Newington Green, to the turnpike road at Ball's Pond, became known
as ' King Harry's Walk.' " — Old and New London.
2 Cotton MSS. Otho, c. 10.
3 i.e. either the relations that had existed between King Henry and
Mary Boleyn (the Queen's sister), which according to the ecclesiastic law
would, it was held, have rendered the marriage incestuous, and therefore
illegal ; or the yet more repulsive reason, subsequently published by the
Jesuit Sanders, according to which Anne admitted that she believed
herself to be King Henry's daughter, her birth having been the result
of an intrigue between him and her mother.
438

THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE.
nullification of the King's marriage to the discovery of a a.d. 1536
pre-contract, with whatever latitude may be allowed to the
term, between Anne and Northumberland. In the only
official records that can be traced it is simply stated
that the royal marriage had been " voided for sufficient
reasons." * The formality of an ecclesiastic sentence of
annulment was gone through immediately before Anne's
execution ; probably because Henry, who was not alto
gether indifferent to public opinion, may have thought
that he would thus lessen the scandal of his marriage
with Jane Seymour, within twenty-four hours after the
death of his former wife, and while her blood was yet
wet upon the scaffold to which he had consigned her.2
It is a relief to turn from these scenes to the more
manly, if not less tragic, events preparing in the North of
England.

1 " And the same day in the afternoone at a solemne courte kept at
Lambeth by the Lorde Archbishoppe of Canterburie and the Doctors
of the law the Kyng was divorced from his wife Queene Anne ; and
there, at the same courte, was a privie contract approved (proven) that
she had made to the Earl of Northumberland afore the Kynge's tyme,
and so she was discharged and was never lawful Queene of Englande,
and then it was approved the same." — Wriothesley Chronicle.
In the absence of documentary evidence a wide field of conjecture
opens out to the historical student, but perhaps the sturdy old Fuller's
common-sense solution is nearer the mark than all the theories of
ingenious investigators. He says: "No particular cause is specified
in that sentence still extant with record ; and though the judge and
court seemed abundantly satisfied in the reason of this nullitie, yet,
concealing the same with themselves, they thought not fit to communi
cate this treasure to posterity, except they shut their coffers on purpose
because there was nothing in them." — Church History, p. 207. The
terms divorce and annulment are used indiscriminately throughout these
proceedings. 2 Mr. Froude can see in this revolting act of indecency nothing but a
meritorious desire on the part of his hero to sacrifice himself to a sense
of national duty ; an opinion which, he thinks, cannot be questioned,
since the statement is recorded in the preamble of an Act of Parlia
ment. Was gedruckt ist, ist wahr. He ignores the fact that the King's
passion for his wife's lady-in-waiting had previously become a matter
of notoriety.
439

a.d.
'S°2-i537

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
The insurrection known as the Pilgrimage of Grace,
was the first popular remonstrance on a large scale * against
the Reformation. Purely ecclesiastic in its origin, the
movement assumed a different character in its rapid course
of development. On the suppression of the religious
houses, the dispossessed brethren wandered from village
to village and from town to town appealing to the devotion
and pity of the populace. Heresy and sacrilege were then
words of fearful import ; and it was with these words upon
their lips that abbots and friars protested against the
law under which the true faith and its ministers were
persecuted and proscribed, the ancient altars overthrown,
and that God's vice-gerent on earth was displaced in
favour of a temporal sovereign better known for his
amours than for his piety.
The rude and warlike people of the north were deeply
attached to the Church of their forefathers, and excep
tionally amenable to the influence of the priesthood,2
to whom it was not difficult to persuade them that the
enemies of their religion had ultimate designs against
their liberties and possessions, and that the confiscation
of Church property was but the prelude to encroach
ments upon popular rights and privileges, and to
increased taxation.3
The suppression of monastic establishments was,
1 The previous outbreak in Lincolnshire arising from the same causes,
had been so easily repressed, that it hardly merits the name of an
insurrection. 2 Hall describes them as : " Knowing not what religion meant, but
altogether nose-led in superstitions and popery."
3 Rumours were industriously circulated that fees were to be exacted
by the State on all christenings and weddings, and the performance of
divine service ; that the implements of husbandry were to be subject
to a heavy tax; that none under the rank of gentlemen should be
allowed to eat wheaten bread, and that the common lands all over
England were to be confiscated to the Crown and inclosed. — See State
Papers of Henry VIII, Northern Rebellion, ist series, No. 421, Record
Office.
440

SUPPRESSION OF MONASTERIES.
moreover, a material as well as a sentimental grievance ; a.d. 1536
for the members of those houses, independently of their
spiritual functions, performed many and important duties
for the benefit of the communities among which they
lived. Versed in the transaction of business and mone
tary matters, they acted as legal advisers, arbitrators,
accountants, bankers, and scriveners. They cultivated
the study of medicine sufficiently for domestic wants.
They were frequently appointed executors and trustees
under testamentary dispositions, and guardians of the
young. Education was exclusively in their hands ; and
the exercise of a wide hospitality and of liberal alms
giving, was alike congenial to their tastes and habits,
and conducive to their interests. If we were to imagine
the effect, in the present day, of a simultaneous closing
of all chapels, schools, unions, almshouses, hospitals
and taverns throughout England, we should perhaps
little more than realize the immediate condition induced
by King Henry's first step towards the Reformation.
In the loss of so much to which they had been long
accustomed, and for which no other machinery was
substituted, the people seem to have forgotten the greed
and rapacity, the profligacy and corruption, which
notoriously characterised the monastic orders, and to have
remembered only the good acts and useful services they
had rendered.
The agitation thus set on foot by the persecuted
churchmen quickly spread among the masses, and
working its way upwards gradually permeated all classes
of society, even to the highest, among the population of
the north.
The first beacon fires were lighted, as the signal of
opposition and the call to arms, early in October, and
before the end of that month there was hardly a noble or
gentle family in Yorkshire, Durham, Northumberland,
441

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Westmorland or Cumberland, that did not count its
I5°2-i537 representatives in the ranks of the Insurgent forces.
Although the fierceness of the epidemic was confined
to the Northern Provinces, traces of it were to be met
with in all parts of the kingdom, and the infection had
spread even among Henry's highest and most trusted
counsellors. Shrewsbury, to whose active zeal the suppression of
the Pilgrimage of Grace was ultimately due, was at first,
and not unreasonably perhaps, believed to have lent a
favourable ear to the popular demands ; and Norfolk had
so strongly sympathised with the cause that, on its collapse,
prudence induced him to atone for the suspicion of
something worse than lukewarmness in the King's service,
by exceptional zeal and severity in the punishment of
the rebels.1 The remonstrances which the Archbishop
of York and the Bishop of Durham addressed to the
Insurgents were pitched in very faint tones ; while, or. the
part of many of the leading gentlemen of the counties,
there was barely a decent show of resistance when
they were clamorously urged to place themselves at the
head of the armed Commons.3
In Robert Aske the malcontents had found a brave
and an honest leader. He was a gentleman of good
Yorkshire family, strongly attached to the ancient
faith. With the courage of his convictions he combined
the virtues of truthfulness and firmness of purpose,
and the soldier-like qualities of indomitable energy and

1 He had notoriously been at the head of the papal party at Court, and
it probably chimed in with Henry's grim humour to select him as the
instrument for chastising the English champions of the Church of Rome.
2 " I do conjecture that the gentlemen have been rather contented
to wynke than to prepare any resistance." Sir Ralph Sadler to
Cromwell, January 23, 1517, State Papers. Other of the King's agents
reported in similar terms as to the widespread sympathy with the
insurgents among the higher ranks in the north.
442

ROBERT ASKE.
prompt decision. He had the faculty of inspiring A-D- ^ft
confidence among all who came in contact with him ;
and having unhesitatingly accepted the position imposed
upon him by the spontaneous choice of the people, he
held his life cheap in a cause which he conscientiously
believed to be a holy and a righteous one. Fortunately
for human progress, the leaders of the Pilgrimage of
Grace were not all of the stamp of Robert Aske.
In an incredibly short space of time a few bands of
angry priests, followed by an ill-armed mob of peasants
and mechanics, were transformed into an organized!
army, numbering many thousand men. The Northerners,
however, warlike as they were by training and instinct,
had been too long accustomed to be led and com
manded by their immediate lords, to become easily
amenable to general discipline, and Aske recognized
the necessity of enlisting in his cause the direct influence
of the ruling families of the North.
In many cases the spectacle of an outraged and
oppressed Church sufficed to bring these to his banners ;
in others a display of coercion, and even actual violence,
were required to overcome real or affected scruples ; z but
in no case on record did those who had once joined,
whether voluntarily, by persuasion, or by compulsion,
recede from their position, until the conclusion of nego
tiations broke up the combination, and relieved them
of their allegiance to the cause.
Lord Darcy had grown grey in the military service of
the state. On the first symptoms of disturbances he had
warned the King to cause all his officers in the north to
be at their posts with sufficient garrisons : when the
1 The extent to which Aske, in his recruiting operations among the
nobles and gentlemen of the north, resorted to coercion, is indicated
by the expression generally employed by the insurgents to denote the
adhesion of new recruits to their cause : " They have been taken by the
Commons." 443

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. Commons came to Pomfret Castle he closed the gates
I5°2-i537 against them, and he defied them when they threatened
him with "spoyling" and death. Yet, after a personal
interview with Aske he unhesitatingly took the oath, to
which every member of the Pilgrimage of Grace was
required to subscribe, and thenceforward became con
spicuous as a leader of the rebellion.
This introduction of the military and aristocratic element
served to convert a religious agitation into a revolution.
The sacred banner of St. Cuthbert, which Aske had
originally unfurled as the emblem of the true faith, now
represented not alone the supremacy of the Pope, and
the rights of his Church in England ; but side by side
with these, the claim of the ancient nobility to be
restored to their place in the royal council, which "base
born men " had usurped, and demands for guarantees
for the liberties of the people.
Never, perhaps, was there a rising which, with
fervent professions of loyalty to the person of the
Sovereign, so equally combined against his authority
the united forces of ecclesiastic, aristocratic, and popular
influence.1 The story of the insurrection in its successive stages
cannot be better told than by the testimony of the actors
1 The successive changes which, in the course of its development,
passed over the movement, are very remarkable. That " the Commons "
while making themselves the champions of the Church should have pleaded
their own cause, is intelligible ; not so are their remonstrances against
the exaltation of " villians' blood.'* In their complaints (with reference
to Wolsey and Cromwell) that the shambles and the blacksmith's forge
had furnished the King with counsellors, we trace the under-current of
aristocratic influence that was at once the strength and the weakness of
Aske's rebellion. Its strength, by the discipline and cohesion intro
duced into the forces employed ; its weakness, because the introduction
of the political element served to divert and to lessen that general
sympathy which would have attached to a purely religious agitation,
and to detract from the sacred character it had professed. The
apathy displayed in the south of England would appear to have been
largely due to this cause.
444

SIR THOMAS PERCY.
themselves, among whom none played a more conspicuous a.d. 1536
part than Sir Thomas Percy.
His disaffection was attributed to the King's refusal to
allow him to be declared his brother's heir ; z but by his
own showing, fully corroborated by the evidence of
others, he was led into complicity with the insurgents by
the accident of his birth and his personal popularity ;
by his acknowledged sympathy with the Church of
Rome,2 and by the reliance which the priesthood placed
in his will and power to aid them. His naturally
adventurous and aggressive spirit may likewise have
contributed to his assumption of chieftainship in an
armed demonstration.
A document entitled " A Brief Remembrance of the
Demeanour of Sir Thomas Percy, Knight, in the county
of Northumberland, in the time of the late rebellion in
1536," 3 sets forth in circumstantial detail the various
offences attributed to him as an insurgent chief, from
the first outbreak early in October, to the general
pardon granted in the following December, and again
1 " The Earl of Northumberland's brother has joined the Commons
with 30,000 men ; he wanted lately to be declared the Earl's heir ; the
King made difficulties, and he now means to be revenged." — From a
Utter from the Spanish Ambassador in England to the Regent of the
Low Countries, in the Archives of Brussels. It would thus appear that
the Act of Parliament of 1472 legalising the restoration of the fourth
earl had limited the succession to the direct issue of the holders of
the earldom without remainder to collaterals. This is confirmed by a
passage in the Earl's letter to Cromwell, dated February 2nd, 1537,
(seeposlea, p. 471), in which he refers to the King having granted him
license to appoint any one he pleased of his blood and name, to be his
heir and successor.
2 From the first, the dispossessed monastics had addressed themselves
to Sir Thomas Percy and to the old Countess of Northumberland,
rather than to the Earl, who may either have been indifferent to the
religious question or in favour of the King's policy. The Percies had
founded or endowed so many religious houses in bygone times, that they
had as a rule come to be looked upon as the natural guardians of
Church property in the North. — See Letter from the Abbot of Salley
to Sir Thomas Percy, Appendix LI.
3 Appendix LII., part i. 445

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. during the renewed rising under Bigod. We are here
1502-1537 told:
" How the said Sir Thomas Percy behaved himself in
Yorkshire in setting forward, as much as in him was, the
East Riding there, and with such number as he could
make ; how gorgeously he rode through the King's
Highness' city of York in complete harness, with
feathers trimmed as well as he might deck himself
at that time, which did show well he did nothing con
strained ; but of a willing malicious stomach against his
most natural and dread Sovereign Lord ; and what
writings he made in his name upon pain of death, as
divers placards, precepts and others, signed with his
hand, and made entry into lands belonging to other the
King's Highness' true subjects. And how many acts he
there did against his duty of allegiance, the whole country
there can bear witness."
The succeeding articles recite how he allowed the
outlaws, and other notable offenders of Tyndale and
Hexham, to resort to him, " treating them as familiarly as
if they were his household servants ; " how he continued
to hold musters, and perform other duties connected
with his office of Vice- Warden of the Middle Marches,
although his brother, the Earl, had removed him from
that post ; how he had extorted money, by threats
and violence, from John Ogle, of Ogle Castle, and
Sir Reginald Carnaby, and compelled peace-loving
citizens to join the insurgents, with other offences fully
described. Sir Ingelram Percy, though possessed of less personal
influence, took an equally conspicuous part in the in
surrection.1 He had been dismissed from the Vice
Wardenship of the East Marches some months before
the outbreak ; but, like his brother, he now reassumed
1 See Appendix LII., part ii.
446

SIR INGELRAM PERCY.
the duties of that office, and summoned the gentlemen a.d. 1536
of Northumberland and their followers to meet him at
Alnwick Castle, where he required them to take the
oath of allegiance to Aske ; " and notwithstanding
diuers and many persuasions made to him to the
contrary by the gentlemen there, that did their faithful
duty to their most dread sovereign Lord the King's
Majesty, yet, say what they would, no remedy, — but
all these must swear or else do worse .... and
being enclosed in the said Castle, will they or not,
sworn they were."
He is further accused of having spoken " such malicious
words as were abominable to any true men to hear ; among
others, having expressed a wish that Cromwell might ' be
hanged as high as he might look unto ; and that if he
were there present, as he wished to God he were, he
would put his sword in his belly.' "
Acts of overt rebellion and violence committed by him
are recorded, and when negotiations were opened he
appears to have formed a just estimate of Norfolk's
sincerity, and to have thoroughly mistrusted the promises
made by him in the King's name.
The deposition of Sir Thomas Percy, when examined
by the council in February 1537, is so honest and com
plete, and presents so graphic a picture of the actual
events, that it deserves to be quoted in full :

Examination of Sir Thomas Percy.1
" Sir Thomas Percy, Knight, examined, saith as « I0 febr.
hereafter doth ensue. anno et loco
" To the first article he saieth that being at my Lady's i\
house, his mother, in Yorkshire, he heard by a noise going heard of
1 S. P. Henry VIII., Northern Rebellion, ist Series, Nos. 408 —
and 774. 447

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

A.D.
1502-1537
the first in
surrection in
Line, by a
common rumour.
Aske first
stirred at
Holden &
Wressill. Aske's
saying for
having of a
Percy to be
captain.

Enquiry
made for Sir
Thomas Percy.

The place
where the
Commons
were then
assembled.

abroad, and can remember no person by name that he
should hear it of else, that they were up in Lincolnshire ;
but at the first neither he nor any other there did believe
the same. And within three days after he heard (as he
doth remember) of one Stringer, that brought a tegg
from Wresill to my said Lady, his mother, that Aske had
been at Wresill and Holden and there stirred up all the
Commons, and cried at the gates of Wressill (as the said
Stringer reported) : ' Thousands for a Percy.' Then
within a day or twain after, this Examinate prepared him
self to avoid and to steal away from his said mother's
house, home to his own house, and took with him but a
man or two, and his boy. And because he would not be
known, he took one of his servants coats on him, and
led his mail horse himself. And being two or three
miles in his way he met with two men, wherof the one
was called Percey, a man with a red face,1 who asked
this Examinate whether he knew where Sir Thomas
was ? And this Examinate answered him that he heard
say that he was at my Lady his mother's. Then said
the said Percy to this Examinate, that the Commons
were then assembled at Malton, and that they had laid
watch in every town to take Sir Thomas Percy. And
they said they would have him by noon, or else they
would leave my Lady his mother never a penny or
pennyworth of goods. Which, this Examinate hearing,
returned by and by to his said mother's house to Semer

1 This is confirmed by Sir Stephen Hamerton, who, in his deposi
tion, states that they had "met one William Percy of Ryton, riding
past crying, ' Forward every man ! ' " — Papers relating to Aske's
Rebellion. Record Office, A -g%. The Percies of Riton were a distant
branch of the ruling family. A William Percy-Hay of Riton was
sheriff of Yorkshire in 1376; they were now the owners of a
considerable estate, of which Camden says : " More beneath, hard
by the river (Rhie) side, standeth Riton, an antient possession of the
antient family of the Percy-Hays, commonly called Percy's." — Britannia.
vol. iii. p. 20.

448

THE STORY OF THE REBELLION.
again. And then he shewed my Lady his mother that he a.d. 1536
was stopped so that he could not pass home, whereupon
she wept and sore lamented. And about two of the clock
at after noon came a great many of the Commons, with
three or four gentlemen that were Captains, wherof one
was named Preston, of the other he knew not the names.
And the gentlemen entered in to the house by and by
without any resistance and inquired for this Examinate, S;r Thomas
who came forth to them to the Great Chamber. Where Percy's first
Preston aforesaid declared unto him how that the takmS-
Commons, in a great number, were assembled about a
thing that should be for the weal of us all (said he). The notable
And there be with them my Lord Latimer, my Lord personages
Nevill, Mr. Danby, Mr. Bowes and divers other gentle- ere sir T
men. And we are come to fetch you unto them, and to Percy came
swear you to take such part as we do. And this
Examinate asked what oath should that be ? And the
said Preston read unto him the same oath, which this Ex- jjere was
aminate said he was content to take, and so was sworn. SirT. Percy
Then they appointed this Examinate to be on the morrow
with them at the Wold beyond Spyttell. And so he did,
with a dozen or sixteen persons in his company, where
there were within a while after upon a three or four
thousand men assembled. And from thence they went comingin to
to Mr. Chamleys, and on the morrow spoiled his house the Rebels-
and his goods because he was required before to come s™if y S
to them and would not. And, because this Examinate
would have stayed them from that spoil, they cried :
' Strike off his head, for he will but betray us,' and we
will have another Captain (said they). Then this
Examinate desired that he might go that night to
my Lady his mother's, for she had heard that he was
killed amongst them, and therefore was desirous to see
him. And thither he went, and tarried there the next
day, From thence he went to Malton to the Mowster
VOL. I. 449 G G

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

A.D.
I502-I537Assembled at Malton.
Sir Nicholas
Farfax
coming in.
Command
ments given
by Aske to
this exam
inate and
his company
to march
forward to
divers
places.
Hull won.
Pomfret won.

Counsel
taken at
Pomfret.

My Lord
Darcy's
counsel for
watching of
Ferybridge.

there. Where as he sent for Sir Nicholas Farfox
(Fairfax) and was come thither. And there as he thinks
were assembled upon a ten thousand men. And going
from thence toward York by Aske's and other gentle-
mens' comandment to besiege the same, received a
counter-mandment from the said Aske, saying that York
was won, and commanding this Examinate and his com
pany to go toward Hull to help them that were there
besieging the same. Whereupon they went thitherward.
And as they were at Semer, that night about midnight
came word unto them that Hull was also won, and
on the morrow they received a commandment from
Aske to set forward towards Pomfret. And thither
they came where they perceived that the same was also
won, before they came thither, by Aske and his com
pany. And on the morrow came thither my Lord Nevill
and Mr. Bowes, with a three or four thousand men out of
the Bishoprick. And as soon as the Bishoprick was
come, (my Lord Darcy being then at dinner in the
Castle) Aske came in with the gentlemen of the
Bishoprick with him, and brought them to my said
Lord Darcy. Which as soon as he saw them rose from
his dinner and gat him to a window. And there he and
Robert Aske together called unto them my Lord Nevill,
Mr. Bowes, Roger Lassels, Sr Robert Constable, Sir
Ralph Ellerker the younger, Rudston, this examinate
and other more. And there my Lord Darcy first
declared them that, forasmuch as he had heard say that
my Lord of Norfolk, and my Lord of Shrewsbury, were
marching forward towards them, it was expedient, because
Fery bridge was a straight passage, that they should
send thither certain to watch the same that night and to
keep it from the other party. And thought best that the
Bishoprick should go thither and watch it. Then Mr.
Bowes answered, that they of the Bishoprick were come
450

LORD DARCY.
thither but lately, and both they and their horses were a.d. 1536
weary, wherefore he desired that they might be excused
for that night from going thither. Whereupon all they
concluded to send this examinate and his company, Sir The first
Ralph Ellerker, Sir William Constable, and the said ^^bridS.
Rudston, with their companies, being in the whole about
the number of four thousand men, to Fery bridge
aforesaid. And there they kept watch for that night.
And on the morrow came all the rest of the host to them
save only my Lord Darcy and my Lord Archbishop of Coming of
York, with their own retinue which were left in Pomfret nost t0
Castle. And the same day they went from Fery bridge Ferybridge.
to a little nunnery beyond Doncaster, besides Robin Their
Hood's Cross, and there kept the field all that night. j:0"-1^
And on the morrow came about a thirty horsemen Doncaster.
from Doncaster (by likelyhood) to view their company,
and took up two fellows that were straying abroad.
Whereupon the whole host of the northside pursued A skirmish.
after them and rescued the said two persons. And as
he saith the Lord Darcy and my Lord of York were left
at Pomfret for their ease, because they should not lie
forth that night as the other did, but they were appointed
to be with the host on the morrow, and came other on
the morrow, or the next day after, vnto them to the field
against Doncaster. And here began the treaty between
both parties.
" Being examined what causes were alleged of the same My Lord
insurrection saith, it was for maintaining of the rights of marY ^df
the church, for holding up of Abbeys that should be York's
suppressed, and for maintaining of old usages and customs co™mg t0
as were used before time, and for the statute of vses for Causes
ingressum takings. Also there were communication alleg?d for
tnG insur-
among them, that there should be money paid for rection.
christening and for every plough and divers other
things.
451 g g 2

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. " And the chief ringleader was Aske, and he coulde not
IS°!_^S37 perceive but that all the other gentlemen were willing
Captains, enough in that matter. And my Lord Darcy was also
very earnest in the matter before other.
Aid of " And saith that every town found certain men, and the
towns. gentlemen went of their own costs.
" Also this deponent had of the Abbot of Saint Mary
Aid had of Abbey 20 nobles upon this Examinate's request, saying
abbeys. tjiat fae lacked money to find his men, And saith that Sir
Nicholas Farfox and Sir Oswald Wolsethorpe had been
with him before, and as he thinks Master Farfox was
pleased with him, And because Sir Oswald Wolsethorpe
caused afterward the Abbot aforesaid to come forward
with his Cross, before the Commons through the City of
York, which as he saith went with a very ill will, this
Examinate thought that the said Sir Oswald had not been
well pleased by the Abbot. And afterward this Examinate
bade the Abbot steal away from them, and so he did as
soon as they were at the Town's end, leaving his Cross
behind him. Also he saith that the Abbot of Whitby
sent to this Examinate, and at his request, saying that
their going forth was for their cause, four or five marks
and an ambling nag, Also he sent for a gelding to
Watton Abbey and had it.
"And of any other money, messages, or letters sent to
any man, he knoweth not,
A rumour " And examined what comfort they had out of the South
f rJrb Partes> saith that there was a bruit among the Commons
that my Lord of Derby would take their part, but he
heard that of no notable person, as he saith, that he can
tell the name of.
The end of " And examined how far they intended to have gone,
their and what the end of their purpose was, saith that they
thought to have come toward London and to take up
the countrey by the way, and afterward to have spoken
452

OBJECT OF THE INSURGENTS.
with the King, and to sue to his grace, to have certain a.d. 1536
Statutes revoked, and to have them punished that were
the causes of the making therof ; which he heard in no
council but by a common bruit that went abroad
amongst the Commons.
"Also he saith that the Commons, both at York and This
also at Pomfret, called this Examinate Lord Percy, p^o^imed
and he, examined whether he had procured any of Lord
them so to do, saith no, but withstood them as much ercy'
as he could therin, and prayed them that they would
not call him so. And so lighted off his horse, and
took off his cap and desired them that they would
not so say, for he said that the same would turn him
but to displeasure."
It will be noticed how throughout these confessions,
while fully admitting his own complicity, Sir Thomas
Percy is careful to shield and to exonerate his mother,
whose sympathy with the cause was evidently tempered
by apprehensions for her son's safety.
Of the brother who had dismissed him from his offices
he makes no mention, but the two would appear to
have been on unfriendly terms for some time before
the outbreak.
The deposition of William Stapleton admits us to the
poor Earl's bedside at Wressil, where he lay " racked with
pains and sick unto death," while Aske was vainly urging
every plea, and using persuasion and threats, to induce
him to join the insurgents, or, at the least, to lend the
sanction of his name to the acts of his rebellious brothers.
Stapleton1 was an intimate friend and brother barrister
1 " The true confession of William Stapleton of the attempts committed
and done by him against the King's Highness and his laws. — Exchequer
Miscellaneous Papers, A -£$ p. 167, Record Office. He came of an ancient
and honourable northern family, being a direct descendant of Sir Miles
Stapleton, one of the Knights Founders of the Garter, who was sheriff
of York in 1356. 453

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND
a-d. of Aske ; he had taken the oath at Doncaster, but
_i537 being summoned to attend the Earl of Northumber
land, whose tenant he was, he appeared at Wressil
Castle, " where Aske was above with my Lord, moving him
to be good to his brother, and to make him his Lieu
tenant of the one March, and Sir Ingram of the other ;
which in no wise my Lord would grant that Sir Thomas
should have any meddling under him ; and for that
night departed to the chamber where the said Sir
Thomas and Aske lay together. And the said William,
after their departure, sent to my Lord to know his
pleasure, in that he was comen to see his Lordship, who
sent up for the said William, where he saw the said
Lord lying in his bed. And when he saw the said
William, he fell in weeping, ever wishing himself out ol
the world, which the said William was sore to see.
And for that night the said William departed to his
lodging in the Town, at one Humfleyes ; after which,
the morrow, after mass and breakfast, Aske went to my
Lord with his labours again, but my Lord was in the
same mind that he was before. Then Aske moved my
Lord if he would be contented with that he and the
Lords would do ; and what by the great importunacy of
Aske, and for fear, he did thereunto agree, but he would
in no wise see the said Sir Thomas, wherewith the said
William was half angry with my Lord, seeing what
danger he was in ; for it was openly spoken of the field,
' Strike off the head of the Earl, and make Sir Thomas
Earl,' whereof the said William was sore afraid. Also
Sir Thomas Hilton axed the said William where my
Lord was, saying, ' He is now crept into a corner, and
dare not shew himself ; he hath made a meynye of
knaves gentlemen, to whom he had disposed much of
his living, and able now to do nought himself ; ' all which
454

WRESSIL CASTLE.
words the said William opened to my said Lord, desiring a.d. 1536
him to speak with Sir Thomas for fear of the worst.
And at that and all other times he was very earnest
against the Commons [in] the King's behalf, and my
Lord Privy Seal's,1 which then w[as] very dangerous,
in that the Commons did ever rail against the said Lord
Privy Seal ; and when the said William did open the
dangers to him, he ever said, he did not care, he should
die but once ; let them strike off his head, wherein they
should rid him of much pain ; ever saying he would
[he were] dead ; and in the same mind he was at his
lying at York, wherewith ofttimes they fell out. And
so Aske and Master Percye departed : Aske that
night to Beverley, and the morrow to Hull, as he
said, and would have had the said William with him,
but he would not ; and Master Percy to Seymer, to
my Lady his mother, the morrow after towards North
umberland as he said, and the said William to his
brother's house."
Neither threats nor persuasion could shake the Earl's
resolution as he lay there sick unto death, abandoned by
his family, friends, and servants, while an armed mob, led
by his brother, was shouting for his head. One attached
retainer, " upon such danger as he saw his lord in, as
aforesaid, moved him for avoiding of the same, to shew
himself amongst the Commons, after which he might
sit still at home without further danger ; " 2 but no ! he
would shew himself to no rebels, do what they would.
He would welcome death as a happy release ; he would
not betray his trust : " Let them strike, it would rid him
of his pain."
The pain of " that long disease, his life; " a loveless,
childless life, embittered by many an unmerited humilia
tion, — by domestic sorrows, pecuniary anxieties, constant
1 Cromwell. a Stapleton.
455

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. physical suffering, and now, perhaps, haunted by the
IS°!Z^537 vision of a once-loved face, which but a few weeks
since had turned to him, as he sat in judgment, piteously
pleading, and pleading in vain, for justice, for mercy,
for life!
The garrison of Wressill had gone over to the
rebels ; and Aske, having taken possession of the castle,
and fearing that the Earl incurred serious danger
by his uncompromising attitude, sent him under escort
to York as soon as he was able to move from his
sick bed.
This unwavering loyalty, however, did not suffice to
avert the malice of his enemies, who now charged him
with having treasonably surrendered the castle, and
contributed silver plate towards the maintenance of the
insurgents. The document containing these accusations is so
mutilated z that only its general purport can be gathered ;
but there seems to be little doubt that Shrewsbury
and Dacre, who had taken part with the Countess of
Northumberland against her husband, were the authors
of the calumny.
In order, as he informs the King, to discover " in what
case the said Erie of Northumberland and countrye there
standyth," 2 Shrewsbury had sent one of his servants to
Wressill on pretence of requiring a reply to the following
letter :
" My very good Lord, I trust it be not out of your
good remembrance, the promise by your good Lordship
made vnto my son Frances and Maister Holmes, that I
should have yearly of your Lordship two hundred marks
for my Lady your wife her finding. And truth it is that
1 Appendix LIII.
2 Earl of Shrewsbury to the King, November 12, 1536. — State Papers,
Henry VIII, Northern Rebellion, ist Series, 695.
456

UNJUST SUSPICIONS.
she hath been with me two years complete, and as much a.d. 1536
as such on Ladyes Day the nativitie last passed. And
I have not received one penny towards her finding, but
only such stuff as your Lordship sent unto her. Where
fore I desire you according to your said promise to send
unto me, by my chaplain Sir John Moreton, this bearer,
the said money which draweth above three hundred
marks, the said stuff abated, for now I have great need
therof ; or else that it will please you to make me sure
assignment where I may have undelayed payment of
the same. For where you assigned me the last year I
could have never a penny paid, for it was received to
your use before, and therfore good my Lorde either
send unto me the said money by my said chaplain, or
else what I shall assuredly trust to, and our Lord send
unto you good life. Written at Wynfell the vth day of
November." z
In his answer to this letter Northumberland reminds
his father-in-law that as his daughter's promised dower
had remained unpaid he had no cause for complaint on the
score of her allowance being in arrears.2 At the same
time he writes to Cromwell to exonerate himself from
the charge of complicity in the rebellion brought against
him, at a moment when he was risking his life in the
King's service.3
It does not appear, however, that these accusations

1 Earl of Shrewsbury to Earl of Northumberland, November 5, 1536.
— State Papers, Henry VIII, Northern Rebellion, ist Series, No. 695.
The spelling has been modernised.
2 The sum claimed by Lord Shrewsbury is found in the schedule of
debts left by the Earl at his decease.
3 The "declaration" states that the Earl had voluntarily given the
insurgents his "spice-plate;" but Harry Guyall, the sub-prior of Wressil
monastery, deposed in the course of his examination that, " Sir Robert
Aske had from them a spice-plate of silver (which was a pledge of the
Earl of Northumberland) upon the said Aske's letters, threatening to
have done them worse harm, if they had not sent him the same."
457

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. had been seriously entertained, or that the slightest
I5°2-i537 suspicion against him had been aroused in the mind of
the King.
In the meantime the rebellion had made rapid strides,
and the military preparations for its suppression proved
so inadequate, that Henry must have recognised how
greatly he had hitherto under-estimated the character of
the forces arrayed against him.1
By the middle of November, Aske found himself at
the head of nearly thirty-five thousand men "well tried
on horseback." Among their leaders we find the names
of Nevill, Lumley, Latimer, and Scrope ; of Percy,2
Fairfax, Danby, Constable, Bulmer, Norton, Markyn-
felde, and Tempest.3 Lancaster Herald, despatched by
the King with a proclamation to the people of the north,
was refused a hearing ;4 and Norfolk, whose courage was
above suspicion, but who was little disposed to risk his
military reputation in a hopeless conflict with vastly
superior numbers, determined to gain time by negotia
tion. Commissioners were accordingly named on both
sides, each of the northern counties being represented by
Aske's nominees. Sir Thomas Percy was one of the
two delegates for Northumberland.5
1 On October 9, he had written to Lord Darcy : " We doubt not but
this little business begun in Northumberland is by this time so repressed
that the semblable will not eftsoones be attempted." — State Papers,
Henry VIIL, Northern Rebellion, ist Series, No. 382, p. 9.
2 Sir Thomas Percy was appointed to the command of the vanguard,
composed of six thousand men, mostly mounted, and bearing the
banner of St. Cuthbert. Constable who served under him says, "We
were 30,000 men, all tall men, well horsed, and well appointed as any
men could be."
3 All of which names re-appear thirty-five years later in the Rising of
the North.
¦* He was subsequently executed by the King's orders for alleged
neglect of duty on this occasion.
5 " November, 1536. The order taken at York. First it is agreed
a meeting to be betwixt the Duke of Norfolk, and the Baronage, and
the Commonalty of the north parts of the north side of Doncaster, in
458

THE DUKE OF NORFOLK.
Norfolk professed his willingness to make ample a.d. 1536
concessions to the insurgents : these promises cost him
little since he had fully determined to break them1 on
the first favourable opportunity. He now conveyed to
Aske and Lord Darcy the King's invitation that they
should repair to the court and personally state their
grievances, and the remedies proposed.
Lord Darcy knew Norfolk too well to be deluded 2 by
fair words, nor was he disposed to place himself in the
King's power ; but Aske was graciously received, and
returned to the north with royal assurances of good will,
and promises that the demands of the Commons should
be indulgently considered.
Suffolk was at the same time despatched to the north
with a large army, and with full powers of compromise
and pardon, which in his case the King promised to
ratify.3 It is clear, however, that he had no intention of
doing so. His object was to disarm rebellion, to cause
such places as shall be appointed in Pontefracte. Then the number
of 300 of either party in their defensive array, to be appointed of all
the north parts and countries  Then Sir Thomas Percy, Sir
Cuthbert Radcliff, and Sir John Wetherington, for Northumberland." —
State Papers, Henry VIII., Northern Rebellion, No. 891.
1 The King, when the time for reprisals came round, reproached
Norfolk with his want of vigour, and reminded him of his boast, "that
you wold esteeme no promyse that you should make to the rebelles,
ne think your honour touched in the breach and violation of the
same." — State Papers.
2 While Aske was on a visit with Darcy at Templehurst, Norfolk
had written to the latter urging him to surrender his guest, " quick or
dead, but, if possible, alive;" to which proposition the old soldier
indignantly replied: "Alas! my lord, that you, being a man of
so great honour should advise or choose me to betray any living man,
Frenchman, Scot, ay even Turk, to win, for me or mine heirs, the
best duke's lands that be in France. I would do it for no living
person ! " — Ibid.
3 " You may of your honour promise them not only to obtain their
pardons but also that they shall find me good and gracious lord unto
them as ever we were before this matter was attempted, which promise
we shall perform and accomplish without exception." — King Henry
to Suffolk, December 2, 1536, Chapter-House Papers, ist Series, 476.
459

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a-d. the formidable forces collected to be disbanded and
I5o!~L-537 scattered, and then — to strike.
Robert Aske, although he had shown himself ready
and anxious to come to terms, and to avoid bloodshed,
was by no means disposed to forego the fruits of his
agitation ; and now, seeing reason to doubt the sincerity
of the King's professions, he thus honestly and boldly
remonstrates against any attempt at evasion of the
royal promises :
" I besech your Grace to pardon me in this my rude
letter and plainness of the same ; for I do utter my poor
heart to your Grace to the intent your Highness may
perceive the danger that may come ; for on my faith I do
greatly fear the end to be only by battle."
By this time garrisons and ordnance had been poured
into the northern strongholds ; and the proclamation of a
general pardon to all who would submit to the King's
grace, together with ample promises of redress, induced
most of the insurgents to return to their homes. By the
middle of December the banner of St. Cuthbert was
furled, and the Pilgrimage of Grace was at an end.
When, however, in the following January the Royal
Commissioners, ignoring the stipulated concessions,
required a subscription to an oath binding the people not
only to accept and obey, but to approve, all the existing
statutes, the operation of which had been the cause of
the rising, the discontent broke out anew.1 Sir Francis
Bigod appeared in arms with a following of 500 men,
and issued a proclamation charging the King and his
Lieutenant with having duped the people by false
promises, and been guilty of gross breach of faith.
In his subsequent deposition he states that he had
"written a letter to the old Lady of Northumberland
1 "The King hath given us the faucet and kept the spigot." —
Confession of George Lumley. 460

SIR FRANCIS BIGOD.
that she would send to her son Sir Thomas Percy, to a.d.
come forward to be Captain of the Commons in Yorkshire, I536~I537
on their going forward against the Duke of Norfolk,"
whom he designed to capture.1
A careful study of the large mass of documents
relating to this period, fails to furnish any evidence
of the complicity of Aske, Darcy, Thomas Percy, and
other of the leaders of the original insurrection, in
the second outbreak. Sir Thomas Percy's popularity
caused him as before to be appealed to by the abbots
and the discontented Commons, and suspicion thus
attached to him as one of the leaders ; but so far from
taking an active part in Bigod's rising, he appears to
have held himself studiously aloof.
George Lumley, in his deposition calls him "the
lock, key, and wards " of the second outbreak ; but
on being asked his reasons for thus describing him,
could only state that he had " heard the people say, when
he moved them to rise at no mans calling but at his, that
they would rise at no mans, but either at his calling, or
Sir Thomas Percy ; " . . . that in a town between York
and Bolton Castle where he baited, he heard that " the
country there was ready to rise again if Sir Thomas
Percy would have set forward, for they trusted him before
any other man, .... and because at the first insurrection
the people were more glad to rise with him than with any
other, and there proclaimed him twice Lord Percy, and
showed such affection towards none other man that he
knew. And because he was the last of the Percy's that
were left, next to my lord of Northumberland, ' and no
other causes, saith he, that moved him to say so of Sir
Thomas Percy.' " * Against this loose testimony, resting
1 S. P. Henry VIII, Northern Rebellion, ist Series, 416, Record Office.
2 Confession of George Lumley, son and heir of Lord Lumley,
S. P., Northern Rebellion, ist Series, No. 421, ibid.
461

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. entirely upon inference and rumour, we have Percy's own
I5°^_S37 confession of his share in the matter.
OfBigod's "As touching the second insurrection of Sir Francis
OfhisTetter Bigod, he saith that he heard no word thereof but by a
sent by letter, which Sir Francis Bigod sent to my Lady this
HaWthisS t0 exammate's mother. And she sent the same to this
examinate. examinate by one Hawkins with these words, that this
Mme old examinate should take a substantial way in that matter
Northum- upon her blessing, the effect of which letter was that this
berland's examinate should come forward with all the Bishoprick
to this and with as many of Northumberland as he could. And
examinate. he (that is to say) Sr Francis Bigod, would put this
letterand examinate in possession of all the Earl of Northumber-
offer made land's lands.
examinate " Then being further examined what he thought my
if he would Lady his mother meant by those words that he should
rise again, ^-^g a substantial way in the matter, saith upon his
conscience that he thought she meant by those words
The said that he should not make any meddle in the matter . . .
letter's # # t And asked where the said letter is become, saith
Hawkins' that he delivered the same, when he had read it forth -
the with to the said Hawkins to bring again to his mother.
words to this ^nd enqmred what words else had the said Hawkins
examinate. unto him, saith that he said to this examinate : look well
and substantially upon it, if it touch your promotion.
And this examinate answered him that he would neither
make nor meddle in that matter. Also he saith that the
same Hawkins, time of his then being with this examinate,
shewed him that Sir Francis Bigod and Halom were
gone toward Hull. And Mr. Lumley was gone to
Scarborough to take them and keep them.
T fV'kT " " ^Iso ^e saith that the parson of Lekenfeld, being this
feld's words examinate's chaplain, was at Beverley the same time that
from Bygod gjr prancis Bigod was stirring up of the people there,
examinate. which asked the said parson where is your master ?
462

THE SECOND RISING.
And he said at Northumberland. Then said Sir Francis a.d.
Bigod: will not your Master rise and I send unto him, and x53_Z_[537
do as we do ? And the parson said again : no surely he
will not rise for any man living, and therefore it is but
folly to send unto him for that cause ; which communica
tion the said parson came and reported to this examinate
(as he remembreth) before the said letter delivered unto
him, or about the same day that the letter was delivered
him. And as he saith the said parson had no otb<=>-
special errand to do with this examinate then, but that he
had been so long away from this examinate, being his
master, and came then to do his duty and to tell him the
said communication that he had heard of him, and then
this examinate defied the same Sir Francis Bigod, saying
that he would not meddle with him.
" And asked what was the intent of the last commotion, The end
saith as he heard, it was to take Hull and Scarborousfh intended by
and to prevent my Lord of Norfolk. commotion.
" Also, he saith, that upon a month or six weeks before
the receipt of the said letter, this examinate received a How tne
supplication from the Abbot of Salley, with a royal of Salley con-
gold in a token, which supplication remaineth in this suited this
man's house, the effect of which supplication was to ^fo^his" 6
desire of this examinate his counsel and his best advice house.
as touching the putting down of his house, what should
be best for him to do for the safeguard of the same,
and this examinate answered him by the same messenger This
that brought the supplication, that he should be content examinate's
with that that the King's pleasure was to be done therein, again"
saying that there was no gentillmen in the country there
that would withstand the King's pleasure, seing his grace
was so good unto them as to give them pardon." z
These statements are fully corroborated by the
1 5. P. Henry VIII, Northern Rebellion, ist Series, No. 774,
Record Office. 4^3

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. evidence of Thomas Percy's servants ; z but his popu-
-i larity and influence in the north made him dangerous,
and, like Aske, Darcy and other of the most pro
minent actors in the late scenes, sufficed to mark him
for destruction. The formality of judicial procedure
was still observed ; for martial law, though efficacious
enough for the punishment of the masses, did not in
the case of the wealthier offenders carry the penalties of
attainder and confiscation for the benefit of the Crown.
Grand juries were accordingly empanelled, and the
character of these tribunals may be inferred from the
fact that when, in one solitary instance, the Bill was
thrown out for want of evidence, the King required the
names of the recalcitrant jurymen to be sent to him, in
order that he might " beat out the mystery."
The time had now arrived when Norfolk was to make
good his boast that he would not think his honour
touched by violating his promises to the rebels/
All who had been conspicuous in the first rising were
now indicted, firstly, for their treasonable participation in
those events, and secondly for having, after being
pardoned for those offences, once more combined to
" compass and imagine to deprive the King of his royal
dignity, viz. : of being on earth supreme Head of the
Church of England, and to compel him to hold a parlia
ment and convocation of the Kingdom,3 and to annul
divers good laws made for the common weal of the people
of England, and to depose and deprive the King of his

1 Appendix LIV.
• " A few isolated outbreaks gave a pretext for the withdrawal of every
concession. . . . The country was covered with .gibbets, and whole
districts were given over to military execution." — Green's Short History,
P- 338.
3 One of the demands made by the insurgents, and in the King's
name granted by Norfolk, was the institution of a parliament to be held
at York.
464

THE REBELLION SUPPRESSED.
royal power, liberty, state, and dignity by force and a.d. 1537
danger of death."
In addition to these several charges Sir Francis Bigod
and George Lumley were indicted for having risen in
armed rebellion against the King, " and the jury find that
the Lord Darcy, Sir Robert Constable, Sir Thomas
Percy, Sir John Bulmer, Margaret Cheyne, Stephen
Hamerton, Ralph Bulmer, Robert Aske, Nicholas
Tempest, James Corkerell and others " " did aid and abet
the said Francis Bygod and George Lumley, in these
before mentioned treasons."
In other words the original leaders of the Pilgrimage
of Grace were charged with having remonstrated against
the gross breach of the engagement, for the fulfilment
of which they had pledged themselves to their followers ;
and, this being insufficient to constitute the crime of
treason, they were, in most cases with little or no
evidence to support the charge, and in some instances
in the face of direct evidence to the contrary, indicted
for participation or complicity in the second rising.
Billa vera having been duly returned, the King
appointed a special Commission to assemble at West
minster to go through the form of trying the prisoners.
This was composed of the Lord Chancellor, the Lord
Privy Seal, the Marquis of Exeter, the Earls of Sussex,
Oxford, Salisbury, Essex, Rutland, Cumberland, and
Wilts, Lord Beauchamp, the Lord High Admiral, and a
few inferior hangers-on of the Court, who were authorized
to summon petty juries through the Sheriff. The farce
was played out to the end with the accustomed legal
solemnity, and as a matter of course all the accused were
convicted and sentenced to die the death of traitors.1
The rebellion of the north was crushed ; — as Cromwell
1 For the form of trial see Appendix LV,
VOL. I. 465 H H

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. expresses it " all the cankered hearts are weeded away," z
I5°2-i537 ancj the work of retribution only remained to be done.
It may have been a necessary, and even a merciful, policy
to act with such severity as should strike terror into the
people and deter them from future combinations against
the law ; but the assertion hazarded by the historian in
the course of his bold championship of Henry the Eighth,
that " the mercy seemed to have been liberal,'' ' is directly
contradicted by documentary evidence.
Here are the King's instructions to his Lieutenant :
" You shall cause such dredfull execucion to be doone upon
a good nombre of these haubitants of euery town village and
hamlet, that have offended in this rebellion, as will by the
hanging of them upp in trees, as by the quartering of
them, and the setting up their heads and quarters in
euery town great and small ; which we requyre you to do
without pitye or respecte, .... and you shall without
pitie cause all the Monkes and Chanons that be in any
wyse faultie, to be tyed uppe without further delaye or
ceremony." 3
How zealously Norfolk carried out the royal com
mands may be seen on reference to the ghastly details
given by contemporary chroniclers,4 as well as by his
own letters.
Again, we are told that the usual horrors attending
the execution of traitors were dispensed with, and that
" wherever the scaffold becomes visible, the rope and
the axe are the sole discernible implements of death." s
1 Cromwell to Wyatt, July 8, 1537, S. P.
2 Froude (vol. iii. p. 218), whose narrative, says Green, is so " dis
figured by a love of paradox, by hero worship, and by a reckless defence
of tyranny and crime, that it possesses, during this period, little or no
historical value."— Short History, p. 324.
3 Henry VIII. to Norfolk, March, 1537, Chapter-House Papers, A 4.
* See Hall, Stow, Speed, and others ; also Norfolk's reports to the
King and Council in the Calendar of State Papers.
s Froude, as above. 466

RETRIBUTION.
Here are a few examples : — a.d. 1537
"On the 25th daye of Maye, being the Friday in
Whytsunweke, Sir John Bolmer and Sir Stephen
Hamerton Knights, were hangid and heddyd, Nicholas
Tempest Esquire, Doctor Cokerell priest, Abbot condom
(quondam) of Fountens, and Dr. Pykeringe, fryer, were
drawen from the Tower of London to Tyburn and there
hanged boweld and quartered, and their hedes set on
London Bridge and diverse gates in London. . . . And
the same daye Margaret Chaynery other wife to Bolmer
(otherwise called Lady Bolmer) was drawen after them
from the Tower of London into Smythfielde and there
brente (burnt) according to her Judgment, God pardon
her sowle. . . . She was a very fayre creature and a
bewtiful." . . .
"The second daie of June being Saturdaye after
Trinitie Sundaie, this yere, Sir Thomas Percy Knight,
and brother to the Earl of Northumberland, was drawen
from the Tower of London to Tyburne, and there
hangid and beheaded, and Sir Francis Bigott, (Bigod)
Knight, George Lumley Esquire, sonne to the Lorde
Lumley, the abbot of Gervise and the Frier of Brid
lington, were there hangid and quartered according to
their judgment z and their heades sett on London Bridge
and other gates of London. Sir Thomas Percies bodie
was buried at the Crossed Friers (Crutched Friars)
besides the Tower of London." 2 The fate of Aske, and
one of his principal accomplices, was even more terrible ;
they both suffered the lingering torture of hanging in
1 The usual sentence on traitors to be hanged, drawn, and quartered
was passed on all the prisoners (see last paragraph of Appendix LV.),
and may be assumed to have been executed except when otherwise
specified, as in the case of Sir Thomas Percy, who was probably spared
the extreme penalties at the intercession of the Earl of Northumberland,
then lingering on his death-bed.
2 Wriothesley's Chronicle, p. 64.
467 H H 2

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. chains ; * and the sympathy which Norfolk is known to
I5°2-i537 have entertained for the cause of the insurgents makes
the tone of his report of these executions the more
repulsive : —
" On Fridaye, being market daye at Hull, Robert
Constable suffred and dothe hange above the highest
gate of the toune, so trymmed in cheynes, as this berer
can show, that I thinke his boones will hange there this
hundreth yere ; and on Thursdaye, which shall be
market daye, God willing, I wolle be at the execucion of
Aske at Yourke." 2
In further proof of Henry's clemency the historian in
forms us, that the forfeited properties were allowed to
descend without diminution " in their natural order ; " as
an instance of which magnanimity it is stated that
" Sir Thomas Percy's eldest son inherited the earldom
of Northumberland."
This solitary illustration of the alleged fact is an
unfortunate one. So far from the young Percy having
been permitted to enjoy his inheritance, the title remained
in abeyance, and the family estates in possession of the
Crown, not only during the whole of Henry's reign, but
during that of his successor ; and were not finally restored
until on the reversion of the attainder by Queen Mary,
at which time Henry VIII. had been eighteen years in
his grave.3
How little in other cases the King was willing to forego
1 " Also the Lord Hussey was beheaded at Lyncolne, and Sir
Robert Constable was hanged at Hull, in Yorkshire in chains. Aske
was hanged in the citie of Yorke in chaines till he died." — Ibid. p. 65.
2 Norfolk to the King, S. P.
3 In like manner the attainder and forfeitures of Lord Darcy and
Lord Hussey remained in force throughout Henry's reign ; in the
former case the restoration took place in the 2nd Edward VI. and in
the latter, partially, in the 5th Elizabeth. Indeed, I have been unable to
discover a single exception to the full exercise of his powers of con
fiscation by Henry VIII., in connection with this rebellion.
468

KING HENRY'S CLEMENCY.
his claim to confiscated lands can be gathered from this a.d. 1537
passage in his letter to Norfolk above quoted : —
" We desire and pray you to have good respect to the
conservation of the lands and goods of all such as
shall be now attainted ; that we may have them in safety,
to be given, if we shall feel so disposed, to such persons
as have truly served us ; for we be informed that there
were amongst them divers freeholders, and such men,
whose lands and goods, well looked into, will reward
others well, that with their truth have deserved the same."
The Earl of Northumberland would appear to have
been on unfriendly terms with his two brothers some
time before the outbreak of Aske's rebellion, and to have
been greatly incensed at their active participation in that
movement. He probably knew the King well enough
to feel assured that they had sinned too deeply for
forgiveness ; and that an early opportunity would be
taken to exempt them from the terms of the general
pardon granted in December 1536. He accordingly
determined to vest his lands in the Crown with a view
to their ultimate reversion to his nephew as indicated in
the two following letters : * —
" Pleaseth your gracious majesty to be advertised, the
only comfort next God I have, is in your most noble
person, for proof wherof according to the words betwixt
your majesty and me at Hackney, I am purposed to
confirm mine only mind at that time. Having at no time
in my life issue of mine own body, I intend to make your
majesty mine heir of all my lands and possessions com
prised and named in a pair of indentures betwixt your
highness and me made the third day of February last
in the xxvj year of your most noble Reign after my
death. For ever being unfeignedly sick, therfore, in most
1 The spelling of which has been modernised.
469

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. humble wise I beseech your excellent highness to provide
1 5°2-i53 7 such as to your majesty's honor and pleasure shall be
thought most meet in all convenient time, after the receipt
of this my letter, to the advancement and furtherance
of the same. Sir, the debility of my blood which truly
is most to my discomfort, is not only the very occasion
that forceth me thus to do, but assuredly the inward heart
and love I bear, and as ever I have borne, to your majesty
as a true and most bounden subject and one of the most
poorest of your blood, ... so I have truly served your
majesty and shall while my life may last. I have desired
this bearer to advertise your majesty such as in my heart
further consisteth upon these contents, as your grace shall
further perceive by a bill of articles which this bearer
hath from me signed with my hand, to declare unto your
grace. And thus I rest, with a true heart to pray for
the increase of your majesty's most Royal person, most
long to continue. Written the xxij day of January.
" H. Northumberland." *
" Master Secretary,
" In my most hearty manner I commend me unto you,
most heartily thanking you for all your kindness shewed
unto me, for recompence whereof I am not able, but only
with my poor heart, of which ye shall be assured during
my life, as I am most bounden. And where that I am
visited continually with sickness, and that my wife and I
are not likely to come together, and as you know it hath
pleased the King's Highness, more of his goodness than
of my deserts, to give me licence (having none issue of
mine own body) to nominate and make mine heir which
of my blood f will (bearing the name of Percy) of all such
lands as be comprehended in the Indentures betwixt His
Majesty and me ; perceiving the debility and unnaturalness
1 Earl of Northumberland to King Henry VIII., Hackney, 22nd
January, 1537, Cromwell Correspondence, Letter N.
470

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Lewis IV. = Gerberga, daughter of Henry,
called Ultre-mer, Count of Brabant, 929, | King of Germany.
King of France 936. Ob. 954.

Lotharius II.
King of France, succeeded as Count of Brabant
954. Ob. 986.

Emma, daughter of Lotharius II..
King of Italy.

Bona (first wife), daughter of =
Riscuinus, a duke on the Moselle, second
and Countess of Ardenne. Louvain Brab

sliza, widow of
ter of Argentum.

Lewis V.,
King of France, only son, succeeded as Count
of Brabant 986. Ob. s.p. 987.

I

Otto,
a yoinger son, succeeded as
Countof Brabant and Louvain
b. s.p. 1005.

Blanca, daughter of
William, Count of
Aries.

Lewis,
second son, was the first
Count of Thuringia.

I
Ermingard,
married Albert Count
of Namur.

obta son

Henry I.,
succeeded as Count of Brabant
and of Louvain 101 5. Slain
1038.

Ida, daughter of 

y-

Richard.

Otto,

only son, succeeded as Count of Brabant and of
Louvain 1038, but died a few days after, unmarried.

Lambert II.,
second son.succeeded as Count of Brabant and c
Louvain 1038. Slain 1054. _j

only son, succeed*
of Louvain

Henry III. = Gertrudis, daughter
succesled as Count of Brabant and of of Robert Phriso,
liuvain 1068. Ob. 1096, s.p. Count of Flanders.

Ida, daughter of Albert, =
Count of Namur.

Godfrey I. (called Barbatus) '

Duke of Lower Lorraine, Marquis of Antwerp, second son,
succeeded as Count of Brabant and of

= cm. 1 1
wife), (
Di

$?mg

aprtrtgm of

Geffry, Seigneur de Percy, Lower Normandy.

= Emma de Port, Lady of Semar, near
orn Scarborough, Buried in Whitby
:art Abbey.

laughter of Gilbert de Gant,
Folkingham, who was a son of
Count of Flanders, and a
v of William the Conqueror.

Serlo de Percy,
second Prior of Whitby
Abbey.

King of France 954

I
Walter.

William.

Richard, = Atheliza, widow of
founder of the Percies Walter of Argentum.
of Dunsley.

Otto, = Blanc
a youiger son, succeeded as Willi;
Countof Brabant and Louvain
V. s.p. 1005.

 ±'1-SL)

cy.
is;

Anastasia. = Ralph Fitz Ralph, Lord of Middleham.

Joan. = Henry Ferlington.

Alice. = Ralph de Harringwood.

. 1228;

= Eleanor Plantagenet, elder daughter of
John, fourth Earl of Surrey, Sussex, and
Warrenne, by Alice, half sister to King
Henry III.

I
Ingelram de Percy,
Lord of Dalton. Ob.
transmarinus 1 262.

= Aveline, daughter and
co-heiress of William de
Forts (Fortibus), third
Earl of Albemarle.

William,
(Branch extinct in fourteenth century.

I

William,
Canon of St. Peter's,
York.

Walt
Lord of _5 Idale
oflKildc

Sir Ni

John de Percy.
Died in infancy.

1 1
HENRY DE PERCY,
second son, tenth Baron de Percy, first Lord Percy of Alnwick
Born 1272 ; ob. 1315 ; buried at Fountains Abbey.

= Eleanor, daughter of John Fitz-Alan,
Earl of Arundel. 00.1328.

HENRY DE PERCY,
eleventh Baron de Percy, second Lord Percy of Alnwick, KB.
Born 1299 ; ob. 1353 ; buried in Alnwick Priory.

= 1314, Idonea, daughter of Robert. Lord de Clifford of
Appleby. Ob. 1365.

ighter of Henry
icaster, and great
III., by Blanche
s IX. of France.
362.

HENRY DE PERCY,
twelfth Baron de Percy, third Lord Percy
of Alnwick. Born 1320; ob. 1368.

= 1364, Joan (second wife), daughter and
heiress of John de Orby, County Lincoln.

Mary,
only child, married John, Lord de Ros7 of Hamelake

1
Richard,

1
Roger,

second son, Lord of

third son,

Semar, summoned

Ob. s.p.

w to Parliament as a
yf Baron throughout
Tp»r^°~l
r King Edward's reign.
Sir Williamj.le P,
K.B., second si
Ob. *./.[-355'
Robert,
fourth son,
Ob. s.p.
I
Margaret (first wife), daughter of Ralph, Lord Nevill, sister of Ralph;
first Earl of Westmoreland. Ob. 1372. ..
HENRY PERCY, K.G.,
(i«q) thirteenth Baron de Percy, fourth Lord Percy of Alnwick ; born
1342 created Earl of Northumberland 16th July, 1377 ; Lord High
Constable of England. Attainted in 1405, and slain at Bramham Moor
2nd March, 1407 ; buried in York Minster.
= (1386) Maud (second
of Anthony, fourth Baron
Gilbert de Umfreville,
brought to her second
Castle of Cockermoutb,
should quarter her arms
Borncij;. 1170; ob. 1244.

Henry, Ob. s.p.

Alexander, Ob. s.p.

ress of William de Briwere.

Henry.

Joan. = Henry Ferlington.

Alice. = Ralph de Harringwood.

Agnes. = Eustace de Baliol.

I

•cy, Ob.
162.

Aveline, daughter and
co-heiress of William de
Forts (Fortibus), third
Earl of Albemarle.

William,
Canon of St. Peter's,
York.

Walter de Percy,
Lord of K Idale, ancestor of the Percys
ofi Kildale and Ormsby.

= Christiana, relict of Walter de Lindsay,
Lord of Lamberton, and of Molesworth,
&c. (15-56 H. III.)

Geffrey de Percy,
Lord of Semar.

Alan de Percy.
Ob. s.p.

Joceline de Percy,
Lord of Levingstone,

Elena,
Abbess of Werewell,
Herts, in 1282.

William,
xtinct in fourteenth century.

Sir Nicholas de Percy.

William de Percy.
Lord of Kildale— 1252— 1280.

of Alnwick.
^bbey.

= Eleanor, daughter of John Fitz-Alan
Earl of Arundel. Ob. 1328.

Arnold de Percy, =
of Kildale, 1295—1312. John de Percy,
of Kildale, 1323. This line was extinct towards the end of
fifteenth century.

William Percy de Ormsby.

if Alnwick, K.B.
ck Priory.

= 13

I4 Idonea, daughter of Robert. Lord de Clifford of
Appleby. Ob. 1365.

Sir William le Percy,
K.B., secjnd son.
Ob. J./.I-3SS

I

), daughter and
County Lincoln.

Richard,
second son, Lord of
Semar, summoned
to Parliament as a
Baron throughout
King Edward's reign.

Roger,
third son,
Ob. s.p.

Robert,
fourth son,
Ob. s.p.

Thomas,
1 fifth son, Bishop
ofNorwich. Ob.
I3°9-

William,
sixth son,
Kirk Levings-
ton.

= Alice, sister and
of 1 heiress of John
Merryl,of Castle
Levingston.

I
Margaret,
married, first, 1329, Robert, son of Gilbert
de Umfreville, third Earl of Angus ;
secondly, William, Lord Ferrers of
Groby.

I
Isabel,
contracted to William,
son of Gilbert de Aton.
Ob. s.p. before 1368.

Maud,
married, circ. 1334,
Ralph, second Baron
Nevill, of Raby. Ob.
1390.

I.
Eleanor,
married John seventh
Lord Fitzwalter. Ob.
before 1368.

HENRY PERCY, K.G.,
¦enth Baron de Percy, fourth Lord Percy of Alnwick; boin
[ed Eari of Northumberland 1 6th July, 1377 ; Lord High
f England. Attainted in 1405, and slain at Bramham M001
2nd March, 1407 J buried in York Minster.

= (1386) Maud (second
of Anthony, fourth Baron
Gilbert de Umfreville,
brought to her second
Castle of Cockermoutb,
should quarter her arms

wife), sister and heiress
de Lucy, and widow of
third Earl of Angus ; she
husband the honour and
on condition that he
with his. Ob. s.p.

I

SIR THOMAS PERCY, K.G,
second son ; born 1345 ; created Earl of
Worcester 1 398 ; distinguished as com
mander, diplomatist, and statesman. Be
headed on the battle-field of Shrewsbury,
21st July, 1403.

Isabella,
married Gilbert de Aton the younger,
brother of the William de Aton mentioned
above.

jggSgg^W^f^

o-.i-» '"tw.fj r: n^^\

_i_ ¦;-- K^,_^-„f T^-

*e-

ke ed
he

of AthoC Knight, second son. Died 1386.

< SDoigi, third Earl of Athol.

Bit -feafrp'l-'-'-rCLy

"¦! flll_M

"^.ftiiTc:

third son. Slain in the Holy Land. David Str; tubolgi, third Earl of
Athol.

fourth son.

c,;,- Henrv Percv = E= Efcth, daughter of William, Lord Bardolph,
of Athol, Shtf Ob. I433- I I ^ wid°w °f Robert> Lord ScaleS'

Thomas Percy,
Died young. According to some he was eldest son.

Earl
:hard

Elizabeth,
married, first, John, Lord Clifford;
secondly, Ralph, second Earl ot
Westmoreland.

Elizabeth,
married, first, Sir Thomas Burgh, luight ;
secondly, Sir William Lucy, Kniea!,

Margaret,
married; first, Henry, Lord Grey, of Codnor ;
secondly, Sir Richard de Vere, third son of
Richard, fifth Earl of Oxford.

¦on in
in,

George Percy,
sixth son, a prebendary of
St. John's in Beverley.

I

Sir Ralph Percy,
seventh son.
Slain in the action
Hedgley Moor, 1464.

at

Sir Richard Percy,
eighth son. Unmarried.
Slain at Battle of
Towton Fields, 1464.

William Percy,

Joan,

ninth son ; Chancellor of

a nun at Whitby.

married,

Cambridge ; Bishop of

Hungerfor

Carlisle. Ob. 1402.

Sir Lar
Knight ;
Vaughan,
buried a
V\

Margaret,
married Sir William
Gascoigne, of Gauthorpe.

Sir William Percy, K.B., = Agnes, widow of Sir
second son. ~ Robert Ughtred.

Alan Percy,
third son, Warden of
Trinity College,
Arundel.

Joceline Percy, = Margaret, daughter arid
fourth son, ancestor-of co-heiress of Walter
the Percys of Beverley. Frost, of Featherstone,
Esq.

Eleanor, /
married Edward Stafford,
third Duke of Bu/king-
ham. [He was beheaded
in 1521 ]/

Eleanor, daughter and co-heiress of Wygarde,
or Guiscard Harbottal, of Bea ish, county
Durham, Esq. Ob. 1 i7.

Sir Ingelram Percy,
third son. Died circ.
1540 s.p,

I
Margaret,
married Henry Clifford,
first Earl of Cumberland.
Died 1543.

MWd,
married )/illiam, Lord
Conyers.

"S

only son ; born 1394 ; re-
Henry V. ; created again
Henry VI.; Lord High
Warden of the Marches.
Albans, 1455 ; buried in the
Abbey.

HENRY PERCY.

stored to the Earldom, 2
Earl of Northumberland 3
Constable of England ;
Killed at the Battle of St.
Lady Chapel, St. Alban's

= Eleanor, daughter jof Ralph, first Earl
of Westmoreland, aiid widow of Richard
Lord Spence|. Died 1463.

Elizabeth,
married, first, John, Lord Clifford ;
secondly, Ralph, second Earl of
Westmoreland.

Richard, fifth Earl of Oxford.

HENRY PERCY.
fourth son ; born 1421 ; summoned to Par
liament, 1446, as Baron Poynings, Fitz-
Payn, and Bryan, jureuxoris; succeeded his
father as third Earl of Northumberland,
1455. Slain at the Battle of Towton Field,
1461 ; buried in Church of St. Denis, York.
Attainted after death.

= (1443) Eleanor, daughter and heir of Richard, son ','fi. heir of Robert, Lord
Poynings, and Fitz-Payn [ob. vita palris 1446], by Elilabeth, daughter and heir
of Sir Guy de Bryan, son and heir of Guy, Baroj Bryan. Ob. 1472.

I
John,
Henry,
and John.
All died in infancy,

I
Sir Thomas Percy,
fifth son, created Baron
Egremont, 1449. Slain in
Battle of Northampton,
1460.

John.
Ob. s.p,

George Percy,
sixth son, a prebendary of
St. John's in Beverley.

Sir Ralph Percy,
seventh son.
Slain in the action at
Hedgley Moor, 1464.

Sir Richard Per
eighth son. Unma
Slain at Battlf
Towton Fields, 1

HENRY PERCY, K.G.,
only son ; born 1446 ; restored as fourth Earl of Northumberland,
1473 ; Lord High Chamberlain. Murdered at Cockledge, 1489 ;
buried at Beverley.

= Maud, daughter of William

Herbert, "first Earl
Pembroke.

of

Elizabeth,
married Henry, Lord
Scrope, of Bolton.

Eleanor,
married Reginald West,
Baron de-la- Warr.

I
Margaret,
married Sir William
Gascoigne, of Gauthorpe.

HENRY PERCY, K.G,

fifth Earl of Northumberland, surnamed
"The Magnificent" ; Warden of the Scottish
Marches. Born 1478 ; died 1527 ; buried at
Beverley.

= Catherine, daughter and co-heiress of Sir Robert Spencer, Knight, by Eleanor, daughter
and co-heiress of Edmund Beaufort, sixth Duke of Somerset, by Elizabeth, daughter
and heir of Richard Beauchamp, fifth Earl of Warwick. Ob. 1542 ; buried at
Beverley.

Sir William Percy, K.B., '= Agnes, widow of Sir
second son. Robert Ughtred,

I
Alan Percy,
third son, Warden of
Trinity College,
Arundel.

J<
fourththe Pe

^iS~iS~^S-y

V 1 ¦*•

1 + /

9&-

X^llf?

¦ HENRY PERCY, K.G, - '¦
sixth Earl of Northumberland ; Warder ^:: the
Scottish Marches. Born 1502; die ^'1537,
s.p.; buried at Hackney.

(1524) Mary, daughter
of George Talbot, fourth
Earl of Shrewsbury.
Died 1572 ; buried in
Sheffield Church.

Sir Thomas Percy,
second son. Attainted
and executed 1537.

Eleanor, daughter and co-heiress of Wygarde,
or Guiscard Harbottal, of Bea ish, county
Durham, Esq. Ob. 1 17.

Sir Ingelram Percy,
third son. Died circ.
1540 s.p.

THOMAS PERCY, K.G.,
seventh Earl of Northumberland ; born 1528. Restored as Baron Percy,
of Cockermouth and Petworth, and Baron Lucy, Poynings, Fitz Payn,
and Bryan, with limitation, in case of failure of issue male, to his brother
Henry in tail male ; and Earl of Northumberland, with the like re-

(1558) Ann, daughter of Henry Somerset,
oww second Earl of Worcester.

HENRY PERCY, K.G.,
second son ; born 1532 ; by virtue of the entail made by Queen Mary
summoned to Parliament as eighth Earl of Northumberland, Baron
Percy, Lucy, Poynings, Fitz-Payn and Bryan, 1576. Found dead
in the Tower 21st June, 1585 ; buried in St. Peter's Church within
 the Tower. 

Berine, daughter and co-
|fss of John Nevill, last
1 Latimer. Ob. 1597.

Guiscard Percy,
third son.

S PERCY, K.G.,
1 ; born 1528. Restored as Baron Percy,
, and Baron Lucy, Poynings, Fitz Payn,
ase of failure of issue male, to his brother
of Northumberland, with the like re-
lary. Attainted in 1569, and beheaded
in- Church of St. Crux, at York.

= (1558) Ann, daughter of Henry Somerset,
second Earl of Worcester.

HENRY PERCY, K.G.,
second son ; born 1532 ; by virtue of the entail made by Queen Mary
summoned to Parliament as eighth Earl of Northumberland, Baron
Percy, Lucy, Poynings, Fitz-Payn and Bryan, 1576. Found dead
in the Tower 21st June, 1585 ; buried in St. Peter's Church within
the Tower.

lerine, daughter :
jss of John Nev
Latimer. Ob.

I
Elizabeth,
married Richard Woodroffe, of
Wolley, county York, Esq.

Mary,
married Sir 'Ihomas Grey, of
Wark, Northumberland, Esq.

Lucy,
married Sir Edward Stanley,
of Eynsham, Oxon, K.B.

Jane,
married Lord Henry Seymour,
son of Edward, Duke of
Somerset.

A second Mary,
Prioress of the English
Nunnery at Brussels.

164. Det- the

(I59S) Dorothy, daughter of Walter
Devereux, first Earl of Essex, and widow
of Sir Thomas Perrott, Knight. Ob. 1619 ;
buried at Petworth.

Thomas Percy,
:cond son. Died in
linfancy.

William Percy,
third son. Ob. 1648, s.p.

Sir Charles Percy,
fourth son, knighted
in France. Ob. 1628,

Henry Percy,
second son ; born 1597.
Died in infancy.

(1628) Ann,firstwife,second =
daughter of William Cecil
second Earl of Salisbury,
Ob. it»37.

= Dorothy, daughter of
Richard Cox, of Cleve,
county Gloucester, and
widow of — Hutchins.

Sir Richard Pe
fifth son. Ob. 1
s.p.

ALGERNON PERCY, K.G,
third son ; born 1602 ; summoned to par
liament as Lord Percy, 1625, vita patris,
succeeded as tenth Earl of Northumberland
1623; Lord High Admiral, and Lord General
of England. Ob. 1668 ; buried at Petworth.

(1642) Elizabeth, second
wife, daughter of Theophilus
Howard, second Earl of
Suffolk.

, ,Jiry Percy,
j!1 ; born 1605 •.
createdj|ar0ri Percy, ol
AlnwicT Genera? Died,

1643 ; Master-
if the Ordnance.
imarried, 1659.

y,

1
Ann,

1 '
Lucy, 1

Elizabeth,

; died

born 1633 ; married,

born 1635 ; cl^ed in

born, 1636 ; married,

1652, Philip, Lord

infancy. !

1653 ; Arthur, Lord

Stanhope, afterwards

Capel,afterwards first

Earl of Chesterfield.
Earl of Essex.
Died in childbirth
1654; buried at Pet-
onl ceedie
K.G.,
entail made by Queen Mary
of Northumberland, Baron
Bryan, 1576. Found dead
n St. Peter's Church within/

A second Mary,
Prioress of the English
Nunnery at Brussels.

Caihei

jerme, daughter and co-
p of John Nevill, last
U Latimer. Ob. 1597.

Guiscard Percy,
third son.

Catherine,
married Ralph Rether
Esq.

Mary,
married Francis Slingsby
of Scriven, county York.

= Dorothy, daughter of
d Richard Cox, of Cleve,
i, county Gloucester, and
widow of — Hutchins.

Sir Richard Percy,
[fifth son. Ob. 1647.
s.p.

Sir Alan Percy,
sixth son. Ob. 161 1.

, daughter
and heir of Sir John
Fitz, Knight.

Sir Joceline,
seventh son. Ob.
1631, s.p.

5th, second
fTheophilus
nd Earl of
Ik.

J):
fourth createdAlnwiclGeneral Died

[,'! George,
I with son ; born
1°» ; married at
ffiies Town, Vir-
fc, Ann Ffloyd.
%0b. s.p. 1632.

Anne,
Died in inian

ry Percy,
1 ; born 1605 :
laron Percy, of
1643 ; Master-
f the Ordnance.
married, 1659.

Dorothy,
born 1 598 ; married ( 1 6 1 6)
Robert Sidney, second
Earl of Leicester. Died
1059-

n
Lucy,
born t6oo; married (1617)
James Hay, first Earl of
Carlisle. Ob. 5th November,
1660 ; buried at Petworth.

JOCELINE PERCY,
only son. Born 1644 ; suc-

- ( 1662) Elizabeth daughter and co-heiress of Thomas Wriothesley fou
and soe heir nf \^*r ™.,if,n.. _¦  :. t .... , ¦. ""'rat;, ra

rll

Vlnffiniitlio,-

ceeded his father-in-law, Ac
rid, 7lh February, 174°— 5f>.
jf Parliament, 175°; KU ;
ted Duke of Nortliumbcrh.'l
'ernon Percy, his second so
stminster Abbey.

* The rhildren to whose names an ^^"J" — , . ,„u:,.i, tlie Duke ol somerscL ~uu m»
revoca ion of the clause in the marriage ^™»^^hp™ 'S lieu of Sey-ourfbut
offspring by his marriage were required to tak ^ the nam ^ ^^ w give .t legal fe
KttefoS^*^
under the name of Seymour.

K C • =
ust, 1742, N.S., styled Earl
Lucy, Poynings, Fitz-Payn,
.other, 5th December, 1776 ;,
, 1777 ; succeeded as second!
786; General in the army.
cholas Chapel, Westminsterl

I

married,
secondly,
25th May,
1779-

Frances Jane Burrell, third daughter
of Peter Burrell, of Beckenham,
county Kent, Esq., and sister of
Peter, first Lord Gwydyr.
born 21st December, 1752
28th April, 1820

Elizabeth Anne Frances,
born 6th April, 1744; died'
unmarried, 27th May, 1761.

She was
and died

Agnes,
born 28th April,
1785 ; died 4th
June, 1856.

= Capt. Frederick
Thomas Buller.

Henry Percy,
born 23rd June,
1787 ; died 15th
June, 1794.

Emily,
born 7th July,
1789 ; died 21st
June, 1844.

Lord James Murray,
born 20th May, 1782,
created Lord Glenlyon
1821 ; died 12th
October, 1837.

Frances,
born 13th
September, 1 791 ; died
28th August,
1803.

Issue,
George A. T. J. Murray,
seventh Duke of Athol, who through his mother in
herited the Barony of Percy ; and three other children.

Algernon Percy,
born 2nd February, 175°. succeet
as Lord Lovaine, 6th July, 17!
created Earl of Beverley, 2nd 1
vember 1800. Died 21st Octot
1830.

ALGERNON PERCY, K.G. ;
28th Baron Percy from the Conquest ; t
born 15th December, 1792 ; created Baron
Pradhoe,of Prudhoe Castle,i8i6 ; succeeded
as fourth Duke and Earl of Northumber
land, nth February, 1847; Rear-admiral
in the Navy ; First Lord of the Admiralty
18S2 Died s.p., 12th February, 1865,
buried in St. Nicholas Chapel, Westminster
Abbey.

married,
27th August,
1842.

No issue

Lady El
Grosve
eldest dai
of Richar-
Marque
Westmii

\JJ^

died in infancy. died, unmarriec
January, 18;

Julia,
>orn 2nd May, 1783 ;
iied, unmarried, 20th
March, 1812.

GEORGE PERCY,
Grandson of the first Duke of North
umberland born 22nd June, 1778,
styled Lord Lovaine, i79o, succeeded
l??"^ ,EarI of Beverley 1830, and
as fifth Duke and Earl of Northumber-
—¦-'- "-"n v'-rk*'"i-th,_!i..or._.o-.^^ne
and a Baronet 1865 ; P.C., M.P. for
Beeralston 1808-30; a Lord of the
Treasury 1804-6; died 22nd August,
1867; buried m St. Nicholas Chapel
Westminster Abbey.

married
22nd June,
1 801.

Anne th„d daughter of John, third =
«i AQlei Which marriaSe w*s dis
solved by Act of Parliament 1779

married first,
2nd July,
1764,
No issue.

1 P^, ^I^SV^f^^' »-a. styled Earl
Bryan and Latimer 0„1hedpar ??** L_* *<***>&. Kti-Payn,
summoned (0?*!^.? °^1S m0ther' 5th December, 1776 ;
Duke of NorftuXrTand &h°? ^ IV1 A SUCCeeded as se™«
Died 10th July 181T h„'-„ h- ^J'J.7?6,' General in th<= army.'
ju'y, 1817, buried in St. Nicholas Chapel, Westminsterl
Abbey.

married,
'secondly, 25th May,
'779-

= Frances J
of Peter
county K
Peter, firs
born 2 ist

" third daughter
f Beckenham,
and sister of
dyr. She was
'752. and died
1820.

styled Lord Warkworth, born 20th Anril \-Kc . t 1 j r- , „
Chancellor of the University 0 CamS ,* Ire]^d ^ '
February, ,847; ^^£^%$; £&££

married,
10th April,
1817.

Issue, a
still-born son,
27th Febru
ary, 181 8.

= Lady Charlotte
Florentia Clive,
youngest daughter of
Edward, first Earl of
Powis. She was born
12th September, 1787;
died 27th July, 1866 ;
buried

Agnes,
born 28th April,
1785; died 4th
June, 1856.

= Capt. Frederick
Thomis Buller.

Henry Percy,
born 23rd June,
1787; died 15th
June, 1794.

Lord James Murray,
born 20th May, 1782,
created Lord Glenlyon
'821 ; died 12th
October, 1837.
Issue,

= Louisa Harcourt,
third daughter of
the Hon. James
Archibald Stuart-
Wortley, and sister
of. James Archi-
Wharncliffe. Died
30th June, 1848.

Algernon,
born 19th August,
1799. Minister
Plenipotentiary to
the Swiss Cantor- -.
Died roth August',
-- ~.as5, 

bc)rn 29th January,
1784, Lord Bishop of
Carlisle. Died 1856.
st',

= first, 1806, Mary, eldest
daughter of Charles
Manners Sutton, Lord
Archbishop of Canter
bury. She died 4th
September, 1831.

Algernon Charles Heber Percy
<Tiq" of "°dnet "all, county
balop, and Ayrmine Hall, county
vork, and other sons and
daughters.

secondly, 1840, Mary,
daughter of Vice-
admiral Sir William
Hope Johnstone,
G.C.B. She died
1851.

Josceline,
twin with his brother
Hugh, born 29II1
January, 1784. Vice-
admiral R.N., C.U.
Died 19th October,
'856'.

= 9th

December, 1820,

(hi
Mon

SoShia Elizabeth,
:d daughter of
jeton Wallhouse,
EsqL of Hatherton,
""^Stafford. Sh-
'•ejijtn December,
J875-

Issue
one son and
daughters.

Henry,
born 14th September,
J785- Lieut. -Col. in
the army, C.B., Aide-
de-camp to Sir John
_M°o_ea_t .Corunna,_and
to the Duke of Welling
ton at Waterloo. Died
1825.

William Henry,
born 24th March,
1788. Rear-admiral
R.N. Died
5th October, 1855.

Fr;
born of th
ment,

ALGERNON GEORGE PERCY K G
Born 2nd May, 1810 ; styled Lord Lovaine 1830, andEa'rl P. .tv ,Srtr
SA^^iSS^S. _^ ltd a^SS
SS'fW^ent °rf thenB.°ard 0f Trade l8S9. and Lord P vy S eVfr.™
1878 to 1880. Is a Privy Councillor, a Baronet and a D r T a
Lreutenant and Custos Rotulorumof NorthnmtelMd.^tte'c.W
Newcas le; Honorary Colonel of the 3rd battalion Northumberland fusi-
Iieis and of the ,st and 2nd Artillery Volunteers of Nor humbc rl™]
Pres,dcnt of .he Royal Institution, and of the Life-Una A "soch "on '

married
26th May,
1845.

¦ Louisa, daughter and heiress of
Henry Drummond, Esq., M.P
of Albury Park, county Surrey

Josceline William,
born 17th July, 181 r,
died 20th June, 1S85.

1848 Margaret, only daughter of
Sir David Davidson, of Cantray,
JNarrnshire, and widow of
Robert Grant.

Sir

George Algernon,
born 17th May, il49. Capt. and Lt.-Col.
Grenadier Guards.

Henry II„gh Manvcrs, K.C.B.,
W, L,eui..Gen. in the army
Aide-de-Camp to the Queen, Knight
rt at h-flm of IIonour> and of
theMedj.dee. Born 22nd August,
died, unmarried, 3rd De
cember, 1877.

1817;

Louisa,
born 26th Sep
1802 ; died 23rd
ber, 1883, unmr

¦

Henry George Percy,
born 29th May, 1846 ; styled Lord Warkworth in 186c
and Earl Percy in 1867 ; P.C. ; summoned to Parliament
3w!* M-»i P°VaJ"e. f zl87: married 23rd December,
1868, Edith, eldest daughter of George Douglas, eiehth
Duke of Argyll KG., and has issue! Henry' Algernon
George, Lord Warkworth, born 21st January, 1871, and
other sons and daughters.

i.t_ t • . r, A,?erno» Malcolm Arthur,
ra?-^ei!,^G!;enad,erGDl0ardsi born 2"d October, t8cr
ma. red 3rd August, 1880, Victoria Frederica Caroline
eldest daughter of William Henry, fourth EaTof Mo Z'
Edgcumbe and has issue: Algernon Willi™ I I™ _$.
November, 1884, and othe- children!

WISE PRECAUTIONS.
of those of my name, and for the great and most gracious a.d. 1537
goodness that I have always found in his Majesty, and
for the natural love that I bear to his Grace, (which I
would he knew as well as God doth) being most un
worthy of his blood, have determined finally (as ye shall
perseive by the copies of my letters sent unto his Majesty
at this time) to make his Grace mine heir of all my lands
aforesaid, I having none issue of mine own body lawfully
begotten. The occasion of the haste hereof is only
by reason of my continual sickness, and that my wife
is a young woman and likely to continue, that if God
shall call me shortly I might be sure his Grace shall
prove my true and steadfast heart ; and herein-closed do
not only send unto you my letters unto his Majesty, but
also certain articles * and the copy of my said letters.
Good Master Secretary, as him to whom I do accompt
myself most bounden next my master, I do in this cause
commit all things to you and your order, whether it
shall please you to take the delivery of my letters with
declaration of mine Articles yourself, or else to appoint
Sir Thomas Wharton to fulfill the same. And thus,
Master Secretary, as in him whom resteth my chief con
fidence, next the King, I betake this with all other my
poor affairs to the order of you as our Lord knoweth,
who have you ever in his keeping with long life.
"At my lodge at Topclif the 2nd day of February.
" Your own ever assuredly most bounden,
" H. Northumberland." *
1 The articles referred to are not forthcoming, and it is thus impossible
to ascertain the precise nature of the terms upon which the Percy
lands were proposed to be vested in the Crown. It may be assumed,
however, that it was not the Earl's intention permanently to alienate his
family estates ; but that by right of the power granted him to nominate
his heir, he had provided for their ultimate reversion to his nearest of
kin — the son of his brother Thomas, then only in his ninth year.
3 Chapter-House Papers, printed in Archaologia, vol. xxxiii. p. 4.
471

W^-Wl

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
t'^,, 'rhe attamder °f Sir Thomas Percy defeated the Earl's
intentions. At his death, the family lands would now
lapse to the Crown in course of law, and his power of
nominating his future successor was abrogated. He
accordingly determined at once and unconditionally to
surrender all his possessions to the King, trusting to his
justice and generosity for their ultimate restoration on the
revival of the Earldom in the person of one of his
nephews, as well as for his own maintenance during the
rest of his life.1
About three weeks before his death, he writes to
Cromwell from his mansion at Hackney, to which
he had now been removed, withdrawing all the restric
tions previously attached to his bequest, and placing the
whole of his lands absolutely at the disposal of the
Crown :—
" My very Good Lord,
"In most hearty manner I commend me unto
your good Lordship, right so thanking the same for your
manyfold kindness. And whereas before this time, of
mine own free will, I have offered to the King's Majesty

1 The statement of Bishop Percy in Collins 's Peerage, seems to represent
the case very accurately : —
" When the Earl found the attainder of his brother, Sir Thomas Percy,
and his family unavoidable, in the last moments of his life he bequeathed
all his estates to the King, probably by the wise forecast of some eminent
lawyers, by whom he appears to have been directed ; in order that the
great family estates, being vested in the Crown, might be capable at
some future period, of being restored to his heirs, in which expectation
he was not disappointed."
The term " bequeathed " is misleading, since the Earl's lands passed
into the King's immediate possession by deed of gift, and the will left by
him, as will be seen hereafter, referred only to his personal property,
which was of very trifling value. According to a " Declaration of
my Lord's lands in 30 Henry VIII.," the value of the estates so
transferred was estimated at ,£3,876 per annum. Alnwick MSS.
vol. lxxxix.
472

THE PERCY LANDS SURRENDERED TO THE KING.
to surrender and yield unto his Highness hands all a.d. 1537
my poor inheritance, upon the performance of divers
articles signed with my hand, which of late I did send
unto your Lordship ; and where also I had not so frankly
and freely resigned the same unto his Majesty, as in this
case to his humble subject appertaineth, I thought
good therfore most heartily to desire your Lordship to
be mean unto His Majesty for me in that behalf; further
advertising your good Lordship that I, relinquishing all
my said requests contayned in the said articles, do and
am content finally to resign and surrender, yield up and
give unto His Majesty all mine estate, possibility and
interest of, and in, all my said inheritance, to be at his
most gracious pleasure and disposition ; most humbly
beseeching His Majesty, as mine undoubted hope is, yet
so to provide for me that I may be able to do unto his
Grace some such service as may be acceptable unto his
Highness, which always I have most heartily desired. And
that it may please his Majesty to consider the service of
my poor servants, that they may enjoy such fees, an
nuities and leases as I have given unto them, in part
of recompense of the diligent service done unto me.
Trusting and so desiring your Lordship to make relation
unto the King's Majesty of this mine humble submission,
and to further me at his Highness according to your
Lordships accustomable goodness always borne towards
me ; and that it may please the same to give credence
unto my right well beloved friend, Docter Legh,1 in
this behalf, and other his company. And thus the holy
Trinity preserve your good lordship, with as much increase
of honours as your noble heart may desire.
1 The schedule of the Earl's debts (see Appendix LVI.) appears
to have been prepared by this person with a view to their settle
ment by the King. There is no evidence, however, of their having
been so paid. 473

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. "At the Kings Highness manor of Hackney z the third
' 5°2-iS37 day of June. " Yours most bounden,
" H. Northumberland."2
The pecuniary straits to which the poor suffering Earl
(he describes himself as " diseased and crazed ") had by
this time been reduced are shown in the following
letter : —
" My very good Lord in most hearty manner I
commend me unto your good Lordship And sorry
I am to be in so great perplexity, beseeching your
good Lordship to be mediator for me unto the Kings
majesty for such money as is due unto me for the
occupation of the Wardenry of the East and middle
marches of England foranenst Scotland, which I am
behind, and not paid of the quarter ended the first
day of December last a hundred pounds ; and for
a whole quarter ended the first day of March last,
ccl. li, that I may pay my deputies their fees in those
partes, who call daily for the same. And though I
be discharged of the said office yet trusting the Kings
grace of his honour will remember my poor service
seeing the said money is due unto me within a month
of my discharge." 3
1 This residence, which the Earl already calls " the King's Manor,"
and which afterwards went by the name of the King's Hold, is described
" as a fayre house all of Brick with a fayre Hall and Parlour, a large
gallery, a proper Chapel and proper Library to lay books in." It sub
sequently became the property of Lord Brooke; next passed into
possession of the Earl of Warwick, and was finally converted into a
lunatic asylum. Thus the old mansions seem frequently to have shared
the vicissitudes of their owners.
2 Chapter-House Papers, Record Office, printed in Archceologia, vol.
xxxiii. p. 7.
3 Northumberland to Cromwell, 30th March, 1537. Cotton MSS.,
Vespasian, F. xiii. f. 83.
474

A LONELY DEATH-BED.
The confidence with which the Earl had stripped him- a.d. 1537
self of all his possessions, trusting to the liberality of
the King to maintain him during his remaining days was
not justified. Henry had accepted the gift of his subject,
but he appears to have ignored the obligations attached
to it, and to have left the poor Earl to linger and die in
penury. On the 28th June Richard Layton writes to Lord
Cromwell : —
" Hit may please your Lordeshippe to be advertised
that this Saint Peters day, at iiii of the cloke at affter-
none, I went to se the Earle of Northumberlonde, beying
sent for five days paste, to have cum unto hyme, and sup-
posyyng to have fownde hyme syke, as I was wonte, I
fownde him languens in extremis, vara desirouse to have
spoken to me, but hit wolde not be. His syght begon to
faile, proffer he cowlde not one perfite worde, his stomake
swollen so gret as I never see none, his face, brest,
stomake, all his bodye as yealowe as saffrone ; his
memorie as yet goode and onderstendynge whatever ys
said unto hym, but speke he cannot. I told hym for
his comfortte that ye sende me to see hym, and that ye
wolde he shulde take nothyng, and that your Lordeshipp
wyllede hym to be of goode comfortte, and that ye wolde
helpe to spede all his affayres with the King, nowe at
your goyng to the Cowrte ; and I comfortede hym before
his servaunts in your Lordshipps name the beste I cowlde:
but the trowthe is, I suppos, he cannot lyve xiijj ourss.
This iii wekes he hade no money but by borowyng, as his
servauntes declarede to me.1 He hathe made your
Lordeshipe and the Bishope of Hereforthehis executors,
and the King his supervisor. I rede his will whiche me
seemeth is of small treasure.
" I thowght hit to be my dewtye to advertyse your
1 For a return of his debts at this time see Appendix LVI.
475

A.D.
ISO2-1537

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
Lordeshippe of the premisses, supposynge that he will
be deade before this letter comes unto your handes.
" From London this Saint Peters day, at nyght, by your
Lordshippes most bownden to commaunde,
" Richard Layton, Preste." z
Before the sun rose on the morrow the sufferer
was at rest. He breathed his last between two and
three o'clock on the morning of the 29th June, and
the lonely deathbed on which he had lingered, neglected
and speechless, was in fit keeping with his sad and
broken life. He had barely attained his thirty-fifth year.
He was buried in the parish church of Hackney;3
his funeral was attended by the four orders of friars, and
a large number of clerks and priests. Lord Cromwell
was represented by his nephew Sir Richard; Lord
Butler was chief mourner, and mention is made of Lord
Borough, Sir Anthony Wingfield, and Sir Ralph Sadler
among those who followed his remains. Of his own
name there was not one present.
The Bishop of St. Asaph and the Abbot of Stratford
performed the last services over the grave of Henry
Algernon, the Unthrifty, or, as he might more appropri
ately be called, the Unhappy, Earl of Northumberland.3

1 Ellis's Letters, Series iii. vol. iii. p. 76. Layton was the rector of
Harrow, and an active agent of Cromwell's in the suppression of
monasteries. 2 Weever quotes the simple inscription on the tomb-stone in Hackney
Church, but Dr. Percy writes : —
"On 25th May 1767 I went to Hackney Church to enquire after this
monument ; but though I examined the chancel with great attention I
could find no traces of it remaining. Nor had the sexton, an aged
person, the least remembrance that it had ever existed there." — Alnwick
MSS. 3 The particulars relating to the funeral from the Records in the
Herald's Office are published in Lyson's Environs of London, vol. ii.
p. 470. 476

THE WIDOWED COUNTESS.
Her husband having during his lifetime absolutely made a.d. 1537
over all his possessions to the Crown, the duty of providing
for his widow devolved upon the King, and the Earl of
Shrewsbury was instrumental in obtaining for his daughter
an interview for the purpose of presenting a petition for
the grant of an annuity. The result is thus described
by an eye-witness of the scene.
" Plesythe your Lordshype to be advertised that of
Mondaye the xv day of Maye, my Lady of Northumber-
lande exibyted her bylle unto the Kynges Magestie at
his Grace's comminge to Grenewyche, with the wordes :
• I beseche your Magestie be goode and gracious lorde
unto me, beyunge a poore wydow, and wyff to the late
Earle of Northumberland, whych hath not hade, nor
yet hath, any lyfHenge of such landes as were my late
husbandes ; wherfor I beseche your Magestie, of your
most abundante goodnes, to tender this my humble
sewyt conteynyd in my bill.'
" Who herde her ladyshype verry gentylye, and, after
the said wordes spoken, his Grace bowed down upon his
staffe unto her, and said :
" ' Madame, howe can your ladyshype desire any lyfnnge
of your husbande's landes ; seying your father gaffe no
money to your husbande in marriage with your lady
shype, or what thynke you that I shuld do herein ? '
"And she answered, 'What shall pleas your Grace.'
He answered agane and said : ' Madame I marvil gretly
that my Lord your father, being so gret wyse a man
as he was, wold see no dyrectyun taken in this mater in
his tyme ; howbeyt Madame we wolle be contented to
refer the matter unto our Councel.' After that his Grace
looked behynde hyme, and saw my Lorde of Durhame and
Sir Antonye Browne, and moved them to hym with his
hand, and spake with theym softlye, that no man cowlde
perceyve what his Grace said to theym, a pretty space,
477

HENRY PERCY, SIXTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
a.d. and delyverede the bill unto my Lorde of Durhame ; and
I5°2_J537 ;n Lj;s Grace's return from theym my Lady besowght his
Magestie to be gude and gracious Lorde unto her. His
Magestie answered ' We wolle,' and so departed ; and
further as yet there is not proceded in this mater. , . .
And wher your Lordshyp hath wryten me to sende worde
donne shortlye, whether it were requysyte that any shulde
come up to wayt upon my Lady of Northumberland her
besynes (business), I cannot asserten your Lordshyp any-
thyng thereof, unto such tyme as my Lord of Durham and
Sur Browne be spoken with, whyche shalbe, God wyllynge,
of Fryday the xix daye of this present monthe." z
The Countess appears to have received a considerable
grant of abbey lands for her maintenance, notwithstand
ing which appropriation of the property of the Church to
her personal use, she remained a devout Catholic and
continued to adhere to the ancient ritual, even after the
celebration of such had become a penal offence.2
Sir Ingelram Percy, although he had been nearly as
deeply implicated in the Pilgrimage of Grace as his
brother Thomas, does not appear to have been brought
to trial, but after a captivity of some months' duration in
the Tower, was pardoned and liberated, and is said to
have died abroad shortly after. In his will, dated in
1538, the following passage occurs :
1 Swyfoe to the Earl of Shrewsbury, 15 May, 1538, MSS. Lambeth,
No. 695, printed in Archcsologia, vol. xxxiii. p. 5. The name of the
writer, then an officer in the service of the Countess of Northumberland,
is printed "Swyfoe" but should probably have been "Swinhoe" a name
of frequent occurrence in the northern Lists of Array.
2 She was, late in life, suspected of strong sympathy with Queen
Mary of Scotland, and is mentioned as one of those who, contrary to
law, had mass performed in their houses. The editor of Cavendish's
Life of Wolsey states that he had seen a letter of hers dated from
Wressil, in 1569, pleading on behalf of a poor man whose cattle had
been impounded by one of Lady Cavendish's agents. She survived
her nephew, the seventh Earl, by a few weeks, a devout Catholic to the
last, and was buried in Sheffield Church.
478

SIR INGELRAM PERCY.
"I bequeathe to my daughter Isabel, Twenty Pounds, a.d. 1537
the whyche ,£20 I wyll that my Lady, my moder, have
the use thereof unto the child, untyl she shall be of
lawful age. . . then I bequeathe to the moder of the
saide chyld, Twenty nobles. . . ."
There is no mention of Sir Ingelram having been
married, and the terms of these bequests leave little
doubt that his daughter Isabel (who in 1544 married
Henry Tempest of Broughton) was illegitimate. The
matter is important in its bearing upon subsequent events,
inasmuch as it was by right of his alleged descent in the
direct male line from this Ingelram, that two centuries
later Thomas Percy, the Dublin trunk-maker, claimed the
heirship to the earldom of Northumberland.
This sad record of Sir Ingelram's captivity in the
Tower of London remains to the present day on the wall
of a cell in the Beauchamp Tower : — '

mam

1 See Archczologia, vol. xiii. p. 79. The supposition, in this interesting
paper, that another inscription in the Tower, " En Dieu mon esperance"
was by the hand of the eighth Earl of Northumberland, during his
incarceration in 1585, appears to rest upon no stronger ground than
the coincidence of these words with the Percy motto.

479

S.D.

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1427.

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S.D.

1301

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10

1301

yiiM^Y SIAILS,

1317.

13

1372

1356

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THOMAS. BISHOP OF 1STOKWICH

MX

J.'fl-KInix dcvet sc.

P11C1 § BAILS.

APPENDIX TO VOLUME I.

Charter, Whitby Abbey.
(P. 20.)
"William, King of England, to all his faithful subjects
greeting :
" Know ye that I have given, and by my charter confirmed,
to the Church of Whitby, and to Serlo the Prior and the monks
of that place for ever, all liberties and privileges over whatever
land they may have acquired, or may acquire ; as also over all
their homagers wheresoever dwelling, as absolutely and freely as
the Royal power hath granted, or can grant them, to any church
whatsoever. And I grant to them and all their homagers, where
soever they go to buy and sell, an immunity from every tax
toll or demand of Kings, Earls, Barons or Lords, whether made
by themselves or other bailiffs.
"And I forbid, under penalty of my royal displeasure, all
manner of persons from meddling with these lands or homages
wherever they are ; or with their forests, or the wild beasts within
their liberties, or with their water in the Port of Whitby or
elsewhere, or with their other possessions, whether ecclesiastical
or laical, or with anything belonging to the Church of Whitby,
except the monks themselves, or such bailiffs or servants as they
may provide." — DUGDALE, Monast. Angl.
The original charter (in Latin) is witnessed by William de
Percy. VOL. i. 481 II

CHAP. 1.

APPENDIX. II.
Richard de Percy's Litigation.1
(P. 44-)
char ii. pieas at Kenington before the Lord the King, from the day of
the Holy Trinity in fifteen days, to wit Tuesday in the Quindene.
Richard de Percy puts in his place Daniel Teutonicus or
Robert de Lokenefeuld against William de Percy 
forfeiture. — Tower Assize Roll, 17 Henry III. No. 5, m. 2.
*
* *
Richard de Percy was attached to answer to William de Percy
because he keeps not to him the fine made between them in the
Court of the Lord the King, concerning the Manors of Tatecastr',
Linton, Spofford, Giseburn, Setele and a moiety of the town of
Bugeden, and of the town of Luton, and of the land of Naffreton
&c, whereof the same William complains that, contrary to that
fine, the aforesaid Richard does not permit Thomas de Arches to
do homage to him for the tenement which William de Arches
holds of Elyas di Gikeleswic', and the same Elyas of the same
Thomas in Arneclive. And moreover, whereas Elyas de Gikeles
wic' holds of the same William one mill, to which the suit of the
town of Setele appertains, the same Richard has made another
mill in Setele and deforced from the same Elyas the suit of the
same town of Setele which he always had And wherefore the
same William cannot have his farm in the same town. And
moreover the same William distrains Baldwin Fitz Ralph, by the
same Baldwin and his men, to do homage to the same Richard
for service in Shipton, Baldeby and Disceford And moreover he
distrains William la Vavasur and William de Dalton, his man, to
do their homage and their service to the same for ten bovates of
land in Dalton And moreover he distrains Hugh de Balderby
to do his homage to him, although the same Hugh is his man for
the fee which he holds of the Earl of Chester of the Honor of
Richemund And moreover he distrains the aforesaid Thomas
de Arches to do the service of one Knight in Aeon' by William
de Atterwik, who holds of the aforesaid Thomas and Thomas of
the same William And moreover he distrains Robert de Irton
to do homage and service to him for the tenement which he
holds in Irton And moreover contrary to the aforesaid fine he
deforces to the said William two bovates of land and 16s. of rent
in Naffreton, although all the land of Naffreton ought to remain to
him by that fine ; because the writing witnesses that nothing
remained to Richard except the service of the heirs of Roger de
1 Throughout this and other ancient documents quoted in the Appendix the capricious
spelling of the names of places and persons has been preserved, although in some
instances they are so distorted as to require some ingenuity for their identification.
482

APPENDIX.
Arundel. And he says that the aforesaid 16s. are in Kayton and chap. ii.
in Angoteby as of the appurtenances of Naffreton. And that he —
deforced from him the service of Robert de Percy of Boulton,
although it is appurtenant to the Manor of Tatecastr' ; and the
service of Rose de Kunade Thorp which appertains to the same
Manor ; and the service of the same Rose of Thorinton and
Neweton which appertain to the Manor of Giseburn ; and the
service of Robert de Percy of Ribbestein which appertains to
the Manor of Spofford ; and the service of the heirs of William
Fitz Hugh often bovates of land in Horton which appertains to
the Manor of Giseburn ; and the service of Robert Luvel of Akel-
thorp which appertains to Spofford ; and the service of Ralph de
Alta Ripa and Godfrey de Alta Ripa which appertains to Gise
burn ; and the service of William de Flandr' of Rothemil which
appertains to Giseburn and to the forest of Giseburn ; and the
service of the tenants of Wikewurth which appertains to Gise
burn and to the aforesaid Forest and from the tenement of Rose
de Kuna in Ikkleya 4od. per annum. And concerning this that
he distrains the aforesaid Thomas de Arches, Baldwin Fitz Ralph,
William le Vavasur, Hugh de Balderby, William de Ander-
wert, Robert de [sic] and that he deforces from him the said two
bovates of land and the said 16s. of rent ; and from the aforesaid
Elyas the suit of the aforesaid mill whereby he is injured and has
damage to the value of 40 marks &c. And moreover concerning
this that against the aforesaid fine he deforces the service of the
aforesaid Robert de Percy and of others (whereby) he is injured &c.
And Richard by his attornies defends the force and injury &c.
And concerning the service of Thomas de Arches in Arneclive, he
says that it appertains to him by the last fine between them made,
for that it is in the Forest of Littonedale, and within the metes of
the same Forest, and therefore he puts himself upon the country.
Concerning the service of the aforesaid Baldwin William and
Hugh, he says that their aforesaid tenements are of the appur
tenances of the manor of Toppeclive and of the fee of William
de Awike; wherefore he distrained the aforesaid Thomas de
Arches to do homage to him. And the tenement of Robert de
Irton likewise appertains to his Manor of Semare. And 16s. of
rent in Angoteby and Kayton appertain to the same Manor of
Semare. Also two bovates of land with appurtenances in Naffreton
are of four carucates of land which were of Roger de Arundel,
whereof the service remained to the same Richard by that fine.
Concerning the suit he says that all the men of the town of Setele
ought to do suit to the Mill of Elias de Gikeleswic', in Gikeleswic'.
Concerning the service of Robert de Percy and of all the
others following, he says that their service appertains to part of
his barony. A day is given to them on the day of Saint Hilary
in three weeks at the prayer of the parties And it is commanded
483 112

APPENDIX.
chap. ii. to the Sheriff that he distrain all the men of Setele to do suit
— to the aforesaid Mill, and that he shall not permit Richard de
Percy to distrain the abovesaid from Thomas de Arches to
Robert de Percy, nor William de Percy to distrain Robert de
Percy and the rest, until it shall have been discussed in the Court
of the Lord the King to which of them the aforesaid homage
and service ought to pertain And William de Percy puts in his
place Henry de Percy, his brother, and William de Coudrey and
Walter de Lond.
And because William de Percy was in seizin of all the Manor
of Tatecastr', with all its appurtenances, and all the Manor of
Linton with all its appurtenances, and all the Manor of Spofford
with all its appurtenances, and of all the Manor of Giseburn
with all the appurtenances, and of all the town of Setele with all
its appurtenances, and of a moiety of the whole town of Lutton
with all its appurtenances, and of a moiety of the whole town
of Bukeden with all its appurtenances And Richard de Percy
was in seizin of the whole Manor of Toppeclive with all its
appurtenances, and of the whole Manor of Semar with all its
appurtenances, and of all the Manor of Leckinfeud with all its
appurtenances, and of the whole town of Wandeford with all
its appurtenances, and of the whole town of Naffreton with all
its appurtenances, and of the whole Manor of Catton' with all
its appurtenances, and of a moiety of the whole town of Bukeden
with all its appurtenances, and of a moiety of the whole town of
Lutton with all its appurtenances, on the day when the first
agreement (cone) was made between them by a writing in the
Court of the Lord the King at Westminster It is considered
that both of them shall hold all the aforesaid Manors with such
appurtenances (as) they held them, to wit in fees and homages
and services of Knights and of free men, in advowsons of
churches, and demesnes and rents in villenages, in meadows and
pastures, in woods, waters and mills/'in fisheries and all other
things to the aforesaid Manors appertaining. Saving never
theless to the aforesaid [sic] de Percy and his heirs, all the land of
Naffreton, with the advowson of the church and with all other
its appurtenances, except the service of the heirs of Roger de
Arundel, for four carucates of land with appurtenances in
Naffreton, which remains to the same Richard with his heirs.
Saving also to the same William, and his heirs, the rent which
he first had therefrom, except the service of Poketorp and of
Roston, which the same Richard first had, and which remains
to him and his heirs Saving also to the same William and his
heirs, all the land of Wandeford, with the appurtenances and all
the land of Foston, with the appurtenances, which Richard de
Percy had there : to wit whatever is contained within the body
of the aforesaid Manors which remain to the same William and
484

APPENDIX.
his heirs, to hold of the same Richard and his heirs, doing there- chap. ii.
fore the service of the fourth part of one Knight's fee for all —
services, as it is contained in the second writing made between
them ; and saving to the same William and his heirs all the Forest
of L . . . strode with its appurtenances, together with the Chace
of Giseburn, as is contained in the second fine between them.
Saving also to the aforesaid Richard and his heirs the Manor of
Setele with its appurtenances, to wit: whatever is contained within
the body of the same, [Manor] so that the advowson of the
Church of Gikeleswic', with the appurtenances, and the service
of Elyas de Gikeleswic' for the tenement which he formerly held
of the same William, shall remain to the same William and his
heirs ; and the aforesaid Richard and his heirs shall do to the
same William, and his heirs, for the aforesaid Manor of Setele,
the service of the fourth part of one Knight's fee and shall
render yearly to them  shillings for all service And all
the Forest of Littondale, as it is contained in the second writing
made between them, shall remain to the same Richard de Percy
and his heirs And it is commanded to the Sheriff that he shall
not permit the aforesaid Richard de Percy to distrain Thomas
de Arches to do homage to him, for the tenement which William
de Arches holds of Elyas de G(ikeles)wic' ; and the same Elyas
of the aforesaid William de Percy in Arneclive ; and that he
shall distrain all the men of Se ... to do suit to the mill of
Elyas de Gikeleswic, like as the same Richard acknowledged
that suit to him, and shall not permit the same Richard to
distrain Baldwin Fitz Ralph to do homage to him for service
in Shipton, Balder, . . Diceford, nor William de Vavasur and a
certain free man, William de Dalton, to do their homage to him
and (service) for ten bovates of land in Dalton, nor Hugo de
Balderby to do his homage to him for the tenement that he
holds  derby ; nor the aforesaid Thomas de Arches to do
the service of one Knight to him for the tenement which William
de Attewike holds of (the same) Thomas, and the same Thomas
of the aforesaid William; nor Robert de Irton to do homage
and service to him for the tenement that he holds in  ,
and that he shall not permit the aforesaid Richard to deforce
from the aforesaid William two bovates of land in Naffreton,
nor 16s. of rent [in] Kayton and Angoteby. And it is also
commanded to the Sheriff that he shall not permit the heirs of
Robert de Percy to do service to him for the tenements in
Boulton and in Ribbestain ; nor Rose de Kuna to do service to
him for the tenement which she holds in Torp Neuweton and
Thorinton; nor the heirs of William Fitz Hugh to do service to him
for ten bovates of land in Horton ; nor Robert Luvel de Akilthorp
to do service to him for tenements in Akilthorp ; nor Ralph de
Alta Ripa, nor Godfrey de Alta Ripa, to do service to him for
4§5

CHAP. II.

York : from
the day of
Easter three
weeks in the
seventeenth year.

APPENDIX.
tenements in Raileton and Sutton ; nor William le Flemeng to
do service to him for tenements in Rothemil ; nor the tenants of
Wikewurth to do service to him for their tenement in Wikewurth ;
nor the aforesaid Rose de Kuna to render . . . . ct. per annum
for tenements in Illectley. #
* *
William de Percy presents himself on the fourth [day] against
Richard de Percy of a plea wherefore, contrary to a fine made
between them in the Court &c. at Westminster, he deforced from
him the service of Robert de Iirton, Elyas Gikeleswic, Thomas
de Arches, William le Vavasur, and moreover, contrary to the
aforesaid fine, he does not permit his men of Setle to do suit
to the mill of Elyas de Gikeleswic' &c. And Richard came not
&c. and made many defaults &c. And therefore let him be
distrained by lands and chattels, that he be on the morrow of
Saint John the Baptist &c. And because it is witnessed by the
Sheriff's Bailiff that Robert de Irton, Reginald and William, his
men, Richard the clerk, Richard Palmer, William de Attewic,
Richard de Osgoteby, Henry de Folketon, Walter de Scoteny,
Robert Swift, Roger the Forester, and Richard the Forester,
hindered the Bailiffs of the Lord the King, so that they could
not distrain the aforesaid men of Setele to do the aforesaid suit,
It is commanded to the Sheriff to attach all the aforesaid by
safe pledges that they be at the aforesaid term &c.
*
Afterwards at Westminster before the Lord the King a day
is given to them from the day of Saint Michael in 15 days
before the Lord the King, wherever he shall be, that in the
meanwhile it may be treated of peace And William puts in
his place Wymund de Ralegh, or Henry de Percy And the
attornies of Richard mainprise that the cattle of William in the
meanwhile shall be replevined, to wit the cattle of Elyas de
Gikeleswic, which were taken for the same cause And the
imparlance shall be in the same state in which it is now and in
the meanwhile let each of them have the peace &c.
' *
* *
Afterwards at Westminster on the day of Saint Michael in
three weeks, Richard comes and grants before the same Lord
the King whatever is contained in this roll and grants that he
will cause to be delivered the cattle of Elyas de Gikeleswic,
which he took and detains taken, and in order to carry this grant
into effect a day is given to them in the County of York from
the day of Saint Martin in 15 days &c. — Tower Assize Roll,
17 & 18 Henry III. No. 12. Translated from the original Latin
Roll in the Record Office.

486

APPENDIX.

Pleas at Westminster in the Octave of Saint Michael, in the chap. ii.
seventeenth year of the reign of King Henry, the eighteenth —
beginning. William de Percy by his attorney presents himself the fourth
day against Richard de Percy concerning a plea whereby,
contrary to a fine made in the Court of the Lord the King at
Westminster between them, he deforced to him the service of
Elyas de Gyselwic, Thomas de Arches, and William le Vavassur.
And Richard came not nor the others named in the writ and the
sheriff returns that they were distrained and therefore as before
they are distrained according to the form of the writ in the
octave of Saint Michael that be from the day of Saint Hilary
in three weeks &c. — Coram Rege Roll, 18 Henry III. m. 16.
*
* *
It is commanded to the Justices of the Bench that the plea
which is before them by precept of the King, from the day of
the Holy Trinity in one month, between Richard de Percy and
William de Percy, concerning a fine made between them, shall be
put before the Lord the King, wherever he shall be, from the day
of the Holy Trinity in six weeks. The Lord the King wills
that that plea may be ended and peace thereof made in his
presence Witness the King at Kenyton 6th day of July. — Close
Roll, 18 Henry III. III.
Alnwick Castle.
(P. 64.)
{From Inquis. 17 Edw. I. No. 25, 1289.)
On the death of John de Percy, Alnwick Castle chap. hi.
(and " appertenances " comprising 129 Acres
and 1 Rood) was assessed at the annual
value of  ^6 18 4
Bondmen in Alnwick and Denwick each holding
24 Acres of land in bondage at 2 marks p. a.1 31 16 o
For the increase of their lands with a certain
Exchange of Gynger  2150
Seven Cottars by the year  90
A Farm of a Harvest man  5 °
Farm of free tenant of Alnwick with three Water
Mills  66 1 o
Rents of Holm  11 19 6|
do. ofSwynley  11 19 o
held by Barony by fee and service of 3 Knights.
= In the Inquis. post, mort., on this Henry de Percy (8 Edw. II. 6tf-) the rental of
the arable land of which lie died seized is cited at is., and of the meadow lands at 31.
the acre.
487

APPENDIX. IV.
Safe-Conduct to Henry de Percy.
(P. 68.)
{Patent Rolls, 6 Edward IL, p. I, m. 7.)

chap. m. Safeconduct by the King to Henry de Percy and his familiars,
— at the instance of A. Cardinal St. Prisca, Lewis Count d'Evreux,
R. Bishop of Poitiers (Pictavensis), the Pope's Chamberlain,
Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, the King's
nephew, and John de Bretagne Earl of Richmond, the King's
kinsman, in coming to the said Cardinal, Bishop, and Earls,
and others of the King's Council to treat upon arduous matters
touching the King and him and other nobles of the Kingdom,
upon which matters some treaty was lately begun at Markeiate,
" so that he come without arms and horses at arms " ; — to
continue till Pentecost next. Dated at Westminster, 16th
December. 11.
Safeconduct for Henry de Percy and his familiars in going
throughout the King's dominions and doing his own business,
"without arms and horses at arms"; to continue as above.
Dated as above.
Similar letters of conduct for the following persons : —
Thomas Earl of Lancaster, his familiars and adherents. Guy
de Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, his familiars and adherents.
Humphrey de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, his familiars
and adherents. Robert de Clifford, for himself and his familiars.
John Boteturt and his familiars.

V.
Warkworth Castle.
(P. 740
Royal licence by King Edward II. (26th October 1309) and
Letters Patent of 23 January 13 10, approving of transfer by
Anthony Beke Bishop of Durham, to Henry Percy Lord of
488

APPENDIX.

Alnwick, of the Castle and Town of Warkworth, held by barony
by service of one Knight's fee.
One acre and a half upon which the Castle is situate.
Farm of the Burgh of Warkworth, p. a. . . . £2 7 yl~
do. of Newburgh  1164
120 acres of arable land in demesne  300
40 „ of meadow  400
Common oven and Toll  . 100
Fishery and Water of Cockett and Sea . . 6134
2 Salt Pits  10 o
Perquisites of Court to be holden  100
Water Mill  968
do at Brotherwick  1 10 o
£31 3 ii-2-
(Rot. Pat. 3 Edw. LL. 2, m. 30).

chap. iii.

"Whereas in a certain Indenture between us and our beloved
kinsman and faithful (man) Henry de Percy, touching his dwell
ing with us for peace and for war, with a certain number of men
at arms for the whole lifetime of the same Henry, it is contained
that the same Henry shall receive from us by the year for his
fee, 500 marks in time of peace and of war " : the King grants
him the reversion of the Castle of Werkworth, and all other lands
and tenements in the County of Northumberland, which John
de Claveryng holds, for term of his life, and which on the death
of the same John should revert to the King ; and also all other
lands which the same John holds to him and his heirs male ;
if he die without heir male, the fee then to cease, and if the
premises are worth more than 500 marks yearly, Henry to pay
the excess into the Exchequer. Dated at York ist March (1329).
{Patent Roll, 2 Edw. ILL. pt. 1, m. 25.)

VI.

Scottish Lands Granted to Henry de Percy.

(P- 79)
"It is commanded to the Steward of Anandirdale (? Annan-
dale) that he shall not intermeddle with the lands granted
by Edward de Balliol to Henry de Percy."— Rotuli Scotice,
8 Edward III. 489

APPENDIX. VII.
Exchange of Lands.
(P. 79)
{Rohdi Scot ice, 25 Edw. III.)
chap. hi. Mandate that money due to Henry de Percy be paid him.
— The King to the Collectors as well of the new as of the old
custom in the port of the town of Berwick on Tweed. Whereas
lately, in part recompence and exchange for the Castle and peel
of Loghmaban and Anandale, {vallis Anand) and of all the
lands and tenements to the said Castle and peel pertaining,
which Henry de Percy lately had and held of the gift and grant
of the Lord Edward de Balliol King of Scotland to the value of
1,000 marks per annum, and which the same Henry surrendered
into our hands ; We have given and granted to the same Henry
the Castle and constabulary of the town of Je"ddeworth,
and the towns of Jeddeworth, Bon Jeddeworth ; and Hassen-
den, and the forest of Jeddeworth ; and all land and tene
ments to the aforesaid Castle &c. belonging to have and
hold of him and his heirs to the value of 500 marks per
annum We have given also and granted to the same Henry 500
marks to be received yearly from the aforesaid customs, and also
the custody of the Castle of Berwick To hold together with the
Castle constabulary of Jeddeworth and the towns and forests, in
full recompence of the Castle and peel of Loghmaban. We
command that you do pay to the same Henry, or Thomas de
Dalton, his attorney, what is in arrear of the aforesaid five hundred
marks by the year of the customs aforesaid and to pay the
same in future. VIII.
Expenses of Scottish Wars, 1346.
(P. 87.)
Exchequer, Queen's Remembrancer, 20-21 Edward ILL
47
Miscellanea. Army — 0
J 23 & 24
Account of John de Wodehous, Clerk, of all moneys received
at York from the Tenth of the Clergy and the Tenth and
Fifteenth of the Laity in the northern Counties, and of pay
ments made thereout for wages and other necessaries for
490

APPENDIX.
defence of the Kingdom of England, and the Marches thereof chap. hi.
towards the North parts, according to the ordinance and by —
the view and testimony of William, Archbishop of York, Primate
of England, Henry de Percy, and Ralph de Nevill, from 7th
June 19 Edward III. to 15th January 21 Edward III.
I. Moneys received.
II. Expenses. Various large sums paid to the Keeper of the
Town of Berwick for its safe custody. Payments to Knights,
men at arms, mounted archers, &c. The battle near Durham
is frequently mentioned. Wages of hobelars. Certain Scotch
noblemen conveyed to the Tower of London. Custody (at
Wark) of David de Brus, " who calls himself King of Scotland,"
lately taken at the said battle. Payment to Masters William
of Bolton and Hugh of Kilvyngton, barber surgeons, going
from York to the Castle of Bamburgh, to heal the said David
de Brus, who lay there, having been wounded with an arrow at
the said Battle, and to extract the arrow, and to heal him with
despatch ; £6. No prisoners taken at the Battle were to be
delivered without the King's special mandate. Expenses of
David de Brus at York and thence to the Tower of London.
Total expenses 6,807/. 1 5s- 6d.
Payments and liveries to the great men and others in their
first voyage into Scotland from 13 May 21 Edward III. on
which day they began to march, and other expenses by John
de Wodehouse, Receiver of the King's moneys in divers
Counties this side Trent, and by Henry de Melburn his clerk,
by precept of the Lords Henry de Percy and Ralph de Nevill.
— To Edward de Balliol King of Scotland, for wages of himself,
8 knights, 74 men-at-arms, and 81 horse-archers from 13 May
21 Edward III. to 10 June ; also wages of himself 4 knights 56
men-at-arms, and 60 horse-archers in the peel of Estholm in
Scotland, with the other great men, for his safe custody, from
I0th June to 25th August ; in all 549/. 145-. 8d. — Wages of the
Earl of Angus for himself 4 knights 21 men-at-arms and 3
horse-archers from 13 May to 10 June, and for himself, 3
knights, 13 men at arms, and 3 horse-archers, in the said Peel
as above from 10 June to 11 July 21 Edward III.; in all
92/. 13... 4//. — Wages of Henry de Percy for himself 19 knights
88 men-at-arms and 100 horse-archers from 13 May to 10 June,
and for himself 6 knights 24 men-at-arms and 30 horse-archers
from 10 June to 13 July following, being in the said peel for the
safe custody of the said King ; in all 311/. 3_\ j.d. — Wages of
Ralph de Nevill for himself, 2 bannerets, 20 knights, 80 men-
at-arms, and 100 horse-archers from 13 May to 10 June, and
lesser numbers till 13 July as above. — Then follow other
retinues : Two persons found a ship-of-war each, " for saving
the victuals of the said magnates and others." Payments
491

APPENDIX.
chap. hi. to large numbers of archers, horse and foot, the latter forming
only a small proportion. The horse-archer received 4d. a day,
the foot-archer 2d. Conveyance of moneys from York to
Roxburgh, for payment of wages; and from thence to Glascowe.
Among other payments: To Edward de Balliole, King of
Scotland, by the King's writ, 266/. I$s. j\d., and expenses of
John de Wodehouse and his men from York to Alnwick for
holding the King's Council there from the 1st to 15th Nov.
20 Edward III. Wages of the Earl of Anegos (Angus), Henry
de Percy, Ralph de Nevill, John de Moubray, and others, from
8th October when they began to march into Scotland for the
second voyage, till 21st October; also of large numbers of
archers, one " balisterius," and two ships of war as above with
60 men-at-arms [therein]. IX.
Lands in Possession of the Third Baron of Alnwick.
(P. 90.)
{Inquisitiones Post Mortem. 26 Edward III. ist Nos. No. $2a.)
I. AND II. — Inquisition taken before John de Swynnerton,
Escheator in co. Salop, Saturday in the Vigil of the Annunci
ation of the Blessed Mary, 26 Edward III., by the oath &c.
who say that Henry de Percy held no lands nor tenements in
his demesne as of fee nor in service on the day on which he
died of the Lord the King in chief nor of any other in the
County of Salop.
III. AND IV. — Inquisition taken before Ralph de St. Oweyn,
Escheator in co. Sussex, 26 Edward III. by the oath &c.
who say that Henry de Percy held no lands or tenements of
the Lord the King in chief in co Sussex on the day on
which he died ; but say that he held on the day aforesaid of
Richard Earl of Arundel the Manors of Petworth, Sutton,
Donketon and Heyshete, with appurtenances, and the advow-
son of the Church of Petworth, by the service of 22 Knights'
fees, and for all other rents by the year therefor to be rendered
And they say that the Manors aforesaid with the advowson
are worth by the year, in all issues, one hundred pounds,
And they say the aforesaid Henry died 26 February in the year
aforesaid ; and that Henry Percy is his son and next heir, and is
of the age of 30 years 492

APPENDIX.
V. AND VI. — Inquisition taken before Andrew Aubrey, chap. hi.
Mayor of the City of London, and Escheator of the King in —
the same City, the 10th March 26 Edward III. to inquire on
what day Henry de Percy died, and how much land the same
Henry held of the King in chief as well in demesne as in
service, within the liberty of the City aforesaid, on the day
on which he died ; and how much of others, and of all other
articles in the said writ contained by the oaths &c. ; who say
that the aforesaid Henry de Percy died on the 28th day of
February, 26 Edward III., on which day he was seized of
one tenement and eight shops, with solars built over, within
Aldersgate in London, which are worth in all issues by the
year £7 10s. 8d. deducting therefrom 2od. yearly to be paid to
the Sheriffs of London, who for the time shall be for socage in
aid of the farm of the City of London, and 4s. yearly to be quit
of the rent to be paid to the Church of St. Martin the Great,
London, and for reparation of the same tenement and shops with
solars built over them, by the year 45--., and so the same tenement
and shops with solars are worth by the year 100s. And they are
held of the Lord the King in free burgage.
Also they say that Henry, son of the aforesaid Henry de
Percy, is his son and next heir and is of the age of 30 years
and upwards.
VII. AND VIII. — Inquisition taken before Saier de Rochford,
Escheator of the Lord the King in the County of Lincoln,
Wednesday next after the feast of the Annunciation of the
Blessed Mary 26 Edward III. by the oath &c. who say that
Henry de Percy held no lands or tenements of the' Lord the
King in chief on the day on which he died, in his demesne
as of fee in the County aforesaid, but they say that the same
Henry held on the day on which he died, eight marks of
annual rent in Luthford, issuing from the Prior of Sixill, of his
Manor there at two terms of the year, to wit at the feasts of
St. Michael and Easter, by equal porcions of the Lord the
King in chief, by the 20th part of one Knight's fee for all service.
Also they say that the said Henry de Percy died the 27th Feb
ruary in the year abovesaid, and they say that a certain Henry
de Percy, Knight, is his son and next heir, and is of the age of
twenty-four years and upwards.
IX. AND X. — Inquisition taken at York before Peter de
Nuttle, Escheator of the Lord the King, in the County of
York, the 22nd day of March 26 Edward III. by the oath
&c. who say that Henry de Percy deceased held no lands or
tenements on the day on which he died in his demesne as
of fee simple of the Lord the King in the County aforesaid,
493

APPENDIX.
chap. in. but they say that the same Henry formerly was seized in
his demesne as of fee simple of the Manors of Spofford,
Toppeclife, Semere, Nafferton, Lekyngfield, Clethop and Catton
with their members and appurtenances in the County afore
said which same Henry by his charter gave and granted the
Manor aforesaid with their members and appurtenances to John
de Crayks, Clerk, to have and hold to the same John and his heirs
for ever, which same John, having full and peaceable seisin thereof
by his charter, gave and granted the same to the aforesaid Henry
de Percy, to have and hold to the same Henry and the heirs of
his body lawfully begotten, so that if the same Henry should die
without heirs of his body, then after his death the Manors aforesaid
should remain to the right heirs of the same Henry for ever, by
a fine thereof in the Court of the Lord the King levied And
they say that the Manors aforesaid, except the Manor of Catton,
are held of the Lord the King in chief, or of the Crown by
homage and fealty, and by the service of six knights' fees, and
by the service of rendering to the Lord the King and his heirs,
by the year at the Exchequer of the King, by the hands of the
Sheriff of the aforesaid County, who for the time shall be, for
fines of the Wapentakes of Herthill, Dikeryng, Buttros, Pikeryng,
Bradeford and Clarwold, 46s. 8d. at the terms of Easter and St.
Michael. And they say that the aforesaid Manor of Catton, with
appurtenances, is held of the Earl of Chester by military service,
and they say that there is at Spofford one capital messuage, and
it is worth nothing by the year beyond reprises, and there are
demesne lands woods rents &c. there. And there is at Lynton,
which is of the appurtenances of the Manor of Spofford, a water-
mill and rents of tenants and cottages And there is at Letheley,
which is of the appurtenances of the Manor of Spofford, a
capital messuage lands and rents And there is at Arlethorp,
which is of the appurtenances of the Manor of Spofford, one
messuage ruinous and lands ; And there is at Toppcliff a
capital messuage lands and rents ; And there is at Gristhwayt
and Aystenby, which are of the appurtenances of the Manor
of Toppeclif, rents of tenants at will, and a water-mill at
Gristhwayt ; and there is at Dalton which is of the appurten
ances of the same Manor a rent of freemen. And there is
at Skipton which is of the appurtenances of the same Manor
a rent of freemen ; and there used to be a certain passage over
the water of Swale, and now is there a certain bridge over
the said Water. And there is at Neutze-super-Swale, which is
of the appurtenances of the same Manor, two water mills and
one fulling mill ; and there are in the aforesaid Manor of Toppe
clif  and divers parcels of meadow called Nikel-
kere and Thakker, which are included in the park of Moskwyth ;
a park called Berkelond, a fishery in the Water of Swale ; and
494

APPENDIX.
that there is in the Manors of Spofford and Toppecliff of the rent CHAP. m.
of foreign free tenants, And that there is at Semere a capital ' —
messuage and demesne lands  and there is
at Semare  [Ireton Everley and Alton] ....
And there is at Naffreton, one capital messuage and lands in de
mesne, and lands there called Sulkholm, Skirnenges and Westker
Canteleng Mikelong in Wandesford le Halftedeng le Nenhalgarth
leWstkerleTh . . . a fishery in the Water of Skirine And there
are there and at Wandesford Pokethorp and Wyndesbury which are
of the appurtenances of the same Manor rents of freemen, tenants
at will and cottagers, the rent of a free tenant at Foscoton, and
rents at Pokethorp and Wandesford And there is at Lekyngfeld
a capital messuage and a close called le Faldecroft, woods called
Croftwod Westhal and  lands rents &c. And there
is at Cletop one capital messuage and demesne lands. And there
is at Setill, which is of the appurtenances of the same Manor, a
certain halmote and rents And there is at Gikeleswyk, which is
of the appurtenances of the same Manor, a water mill and rents
of free men and tenants at will and cottagers. And there is at
Langestrother, which is of the appurtenances of the same Manor,
divers tenants, at will and Gresmanni, who hold certain messuages
herbage and meadow.
Also they say, there is at Catton one capital messuage and
demesne lands, and there „is a certain fishery in the water of
Derewent, the herbage of Coltcroft, rent of freemen within the
Lordship of Catton, and rents of tenants of the soke of Catton ;
And there is at Kexby a certain passage over the water of
Derewent. And there are at Staynfordbridge, which is of the
appurtenances of the same Manor, three water mills and a fulling
mill. Also they say, that Henry de Percy held on the day on which
he died, the Manor of Kirkelevyngton, with appurtenances, of
John Darcy, by the service of half a knight's fee ; and there is
there a capital messuage.
Also he held a certain yearly rent of freemen in Beverley of
the Archbishop of York.
Also they say that he held a certain tenement in Bynyngton
of Thomas de Twenge by military service.
Also he held a certain annual rent issuing from the Manors
of Tadecaste and Pokelyngton, of which Manors the same Henry
was for long time seized, and by his charter gave and granted
them to Henry de Percy, Junior, and Marie his wife, to hold
to them the rent thereof by the year to the same Henry de
Percy, Senior, and his heirs, li/. 12s. \o\d. and doing therefor
to the said .... and his heirs for the said Henry de Percy,
senior, the services to them owing for the Manors aforesaid ;
so that if Henry de Percy, and Marie his wife, die without
495

APPENDIX.
chap. m. heirs male, the same to revert to Henry de Percy, senior, and
— his heirs.
Also he held one messuage in the City of York of the Lord
the King in burgage by the service of rendering to the same
Lord the King by the year ad husgablin id.
Sum of the value of the aforesaid Manor
of Spofford with its members and appur
tenances by the year as it is aforesaid. . 17/. 4s. od.
Sum of the value of the aforesaid Manor of
Toppeclife with its members and appur
tenances by the year as it is aforesaid. . 62/. i6j\ 6d.
Sum of the value of the aforesaid Manor of
Semere with its members and appurten •
ances by the year as it is aforesaid. . . 47/. iu. ^d.
Sum of the value of the aforesaid Manor of
Nafferton  94/. os. I2\d.
Sum of the value of the aforesaid Manor of
Lekyngfeld  68/. 6s. 8\d.
Sum of the value of the aforesaid Manor of
Cletop  32/. 5s. 8d.
Sum of the value of the aforesaid Manor of
Catton ...  40/. 8s. lod.
Sum of the value of the aforesaid Manor of
Kirkeleuyngton  18/. 16s. 4d.
Sum of the aforesaid rent in Beverley by
the year  8s-.
Sum of the value of the aforesaid tenement
in Bynyngton  14s.
Sum of the aforesaid rent arising from the
aforesaid Manors of Tadecaster and Poke-
lyngton  ill. 12s. lo^d.
Sum total by the year  394^- 7s. 2\d}
Also they say, that Henry de Percy, son of the aforesaid
Henry, is his son and next heir, and pf the age of 28 years and
upwards. Also they say, that the aforesaid Henry de Percy held in
service the fees and advowsons following : The Prior of Neu-
burgh held of the aforesaid Henry de Percy certain tenements
near Folifayt and Ayketon ; and Rob. le T. . . . and William le
Orfeure, certain tenements in Spofford ; William de Plumpton,
certain tenements in Ribestan, Plumpton, Colthorpand Stokton.
Robert de Sigheleston, Thomas de Lynton, William Wade, Elena
de Bolyngbroke, and John de Rithre certain tenements in Lynton
[Hesel] wod and Sutton. . . .
1 The addition, as is very commonly the case in accounts and financial documents
of this period, is inaccurate.
496

APPENDIX.
There are many other fees held of Henry de Percy in the chap, hi
County of York fully described. —
Also they say that Henry de Percy held the advowsons
underwritten, pertaining to the aforesaid Manors of Spofford,
Toppeclife and Catton, that is to say the Abbey of Salley and
the Church of Spofford ; Also the churches of Lekyngfeld,
Arneclif, Catton, Donyngton, and the Blessed Mary, without
the gate of the Castle of York.
XL AND XII. — Inquisition taken at Alnewyk in co. North
umberland 21 March 26 Edward III. before John de Coupland,
Escheator, by &c jurors who say that Henry de Percy held
of the Lord the King in chief, on the day on which he died
in the County aforesaid, the Castle and Manor of Alnewyk,
with the towns and others under-written to the same Castle
and Manor of old time appertaining ; that is to say the Burghs
of Alnewyke and Alnemoth ; the towns of Denewyk, Lessebiry,
Magna Houghton, Tughalle, Swynhowe, Chatton, Alnehame,
and a certain place of pasture called Swynleysches, with
appurtenances in his demesne as of fee tail, by homage and
fealty, and by the service of twelve knights' fees, as parcel
of the Barony of Alnewyke, and by the service of Sixty
shillings yearly, to be paid to the Lord the King, at the
Exchequer of the King, by the hand of the Sheriff of the County
aforesaid who for the time shall be  by
suit to the County of Northumberland from six weeks to six
weeks And the Jurors also say that the building in the Castle
and Manor are worth nothing by the year beyond reprises Also
they say that there is there a certain close around the castle and
Manor aforesaid, which is worth in herbage by the year 2od. so
farmed by tenants. Also there are at Alnewyk 624a?. land of
demesne, whereof every acre is worth by the year vj 
farmed by the tenants, sum 72s. Also lod. meadow, likewise of
the demesne, whereof every acre is worth 15^. by the year sum
15s. Also there are other tenants who hold certain burgages
and other tenements, and render by the year ill. 6s. 8d. Also
there are there certain free tenants who hold certain free tene
ments and render y. 8d. by the year for all service Also there
is there a certain free tenant who holds certain tenements
rendering by the year 6d. ; also there is there a certain free
tenant of certain tenements, and he renders by the year 6d. ; also
there are there certain bondages. Also there are there two
water mills, which are in lease, and worth yearly 24/. of which
same farm the Prior and the Order of the Blessed Mary of
Mount Carmel of the House of Hoi. . . . receive by the
year 13/. 6s. 8d. and they receive so much to them and their
successors, brothers of the same house, as of the issues of the
vol. 1. 497 k k

APPENDIX.
chap. in. same mills, of the grant of a certain Lord of Alnewyk at the
time of the foundation of the House abovesaid.
Also they say that the aforesaid Henry held there, that is to
say at Alnewyke, on the day aforesaid in his demesne as of fee of
the Lord the King in chief, one park called Cauleg, whereof the
herbage is worth 40s. by the year Also he held there one other
park called Westpark, whereof the herbage is worth 20.. by the
year Also he held there a park called Holym park, whereof the
herbage with a certain pasture called Heffordhlawe is worth 60s.
by the year Also the same Jurors say that the perquisites of
the Halmote of Alnwick, are worth by the year 5s. 6d. Also
they say that the profits of the Court of the Borough of Alnwick
are worth by the year 6s. 8d. Also they say that the aforesaid
Henry held the Mill of Northcharleton, with appurtenances as
parcel of Alnwick, which is worth by the year 61. The profits
of tolls and customs of divers wares as well on fair days (Monday
after St. Thomas the Martyr) as on Market days (Saturdays)
at Alnwick, with. the issues of the stallage there, are worth by the
year 20s. The town of Devewyk in which are 66 acres of land,
which used to be in the hands of the tenants whereof every acre
used to be worth before the destruction made by the Scots, the
enemies of the Lord the King in those parts, 8d. by the year
and now lay fresh and uncultivated by default of tenants by the
indigence of the County. The Borough of Alnemoth, whereof
the rent, called Burghmale, is worth 4/. 3s. 6d. and there is a
certain fishery in the Water of Alne which is worth by the
year 3~\ and the perquisites of the Court of Alnemoth are worth
by the year 3,-. 6d. The Manor and Town of Lesscebiry, which
same Manor is destroyed from long time whereof the scite is
worth in herbage i2d. by the year. The Manor and town of
Magna Houghton, which same Manor is destroyed of long time.
The Manor and town of Tughalle worth nothing by the year
beyond reprises.
The town of Swynhowe.
The town of Chatton in which is a certain Manor which is
now destroyed Also there is there a water mill worth 8/., and
thereof was paid yearly to a certain Chaplain celebrating
Divine Service in the Chapel of Saint Edmund at Chatton of
a grant made now long since by a certain Lord of Chatton, 4d.
by the year.
The town of Alnehame.
A place of pasture called Swynley schels. The towns
and parcels of lands underwritten, appertaining to the afore
said Castle and Manor of Alnewyk, issuing of foreign tenants,
that is to say the towns of Schillyngbotle, Haysaund, Gysens
and Renyngton, and the fourteenth part of the hamelle of
Brokesfeld, which Alexander de Hilton held, and also the
498

APPENDIX.
towns of Dodyngton and Wetwode, which Thomas Gray Kt. chap. hi.
holds of the aforesaid Henry and his heirs, by homage and —
fealty, and the service of half a knight's fee, and by the service
of rendering yearly, on the 15 July, ly. 4^., for ward of the
Castle aforesaid, and are worth by the year iooj. Also the
town of Neuham, which John de la Beche Kt. and Maria de
Pakenham held ; the towns of Estrechenyngton and Morwyk,
which Marmaduke de Lompley Kt. and David Gray holds ;
the towns of Burneton Preston and Scranewode, which John
de Strynclyn Kt. holds, the towns of Neuton juxta Mare and
Yerdhilt, which Nicholas de St. Maur holds ; the town of
Horton, which John Turbilluyle holds ; the towns of Bodhill
and Spyndelstane, which William de Dalton and William de
Collenyll held ; the towns of Hanehill and Ewort, which Alice
de Borndon holds ; the town of Edereston, which Robert de
Herle Kt. holds ; the town of Northcharleton, which Richard
Earl of Arundell and Aliana his wife hold ; the towns of Lokre
and Suthcharleton, which John de Lokre holds, the town of
Roke, which John de Tughalle holds, the town of Parva
Houghton, which William de Radomas holds ; the town of
Bilton, which Aliana, who was the wife of Richard de Bilton,
holds, the town of Howyk, which Thomas Gray Kt. holds ;
the towns of Follebiry and Caldemarton, which John de
Hertwayton holds ; the town of Hetton, which the Lady Isabel
de Creyk holds ; the town of Lybame, which Alanus del Strother
holds ; the hamlet of Bertewell, which Thomas de Sokpeth
holds, the tenth part of the town of Swyhowe, which Henry
de Swyhowe holds, the town of Rugley, which Guy Tyas
formerly held. All the towns and parcels aforesaid, so held
in service of the aforesaid Henry, are appurtenant to the afore
said Castle and Manor of Alnwick; which same Castle and Manor
in demesne and service are held of the Lord the King by the
services abovesaid Also of eight pounds of yearly rent out of
the Manor of Beneley, by the hands of the tenants of the same.
A yearly rent of 66s. 8d. of the Manor of Suthmidelton by
the hands of the tenants of the same.
Five bovates of land in the town of Wolloure. The Castle
and Manor of Werkeworth, with the towns of Birlyng, Aklyngton
Rothebiry, Neweton, Thropton and Suyttre, appertaining to
the same Castle and Manor, by homage and fealty and by two
knights' fees, that the buildings in the castle are worth nothing
by the year beyond reprises There is also there a certain
yearly rent of 40s. issuing every year from the town of Ourebot-
lesdon and Toggesdon, and there is there a certain fishery in the
Water of Coket, and it is worth by the year 1 3/. 6s. 8d. ; also there
is there a wood called Sundreland whereof the herbage is worth
by the year 5s. And there is at Aklyngton a site of a capital
499 K K 2

581.

IIJ-.

lod.

31/-

2S.

2d.

3.V-

16s.

lod.

22/.

V-

20/.

i6d.

42/.

3d

20/.

19s.

Sd.

APPENDIX.
chap. iii. messuage worth by the year 4s. Also there is at Rothebiry a
— certain site of a capital messuage worth by the year 35. 6d. Also
there are 20 skalinge in the Forest of Rothebiry which are worth
by the year with the herbage of the same Forest 20/. Also a
certain rent called Feussitu by itselfe xtended at 14J. by the year.
The Burgh of Corbrig with appurtenances with a rent issuing
from the Mill of Develeston.
Sum of the values of the Castle
and Manor of Alnwick with
the hamlet of Denewyk and
the perquisites of the Court of
Alnemouth by the year . .
Sum of the value of Lescebury .
Sum of the value of Magna
Hoghton 
Sum of the value of Tughale .
Sum of the value of Swynehowe
Sum of the value of Chatton .
Sum of the value of Alneham .
Sum of the value of Swyneles-
cheles  40s.
Sum of the rent arising from
foreign tenants for ward of the
Castle of Alnewyk .... 12/. 4s. lod.
Sum of the value of Benley . . 8/.
Sum of the value of Suthmyd-
dilton  66s. 8d.
Sum of the value of Wollor . . 22s. 4d.
Sum total of the value of the 
Castle and Manor of Alnwick  234/. 2>s.
Sum of the Castle and Manor of
Werkeworth with the hamlets
of Overbotilleston and Cug-
gesden 
Sum of the value of Birlyng .
Sum of the value of Aclyngton .
Sum of the value of Rothebury .
Sum of the value of Neuton
Sum of the value of Thropton .
Sum of the value of Suytre . .
Sum of the value of Corbryg .
Sum total of the value of the
Castle and Manor of Werke
worth with its members and
appurtenances  150/. 14s. io\d.z
' These totals do not correspond with the aggregate of the items quoted.
500

42/.

8s.

106s.
22/.
7..
4!.
45/.
3J-
7d.
4/.
1 gs.
4d.
9/.
us.
7\d.
9/.
12s.
Sid
51/.
16s.
6d.
APPENDIX.

Also they say that the aforesaid Henry de Percy held the chap. iii.
advowsons underwritten, appertaining to the aforesaid Castle —
and Manor of Alnwick that is to say the Abbey of Alnwick,
the house of Holum, the Chapel of the Blessed Mary of
Werkeworth, and the Chapel of Chatton.

X.
Will of Thomas de Percy, Bishop of Norwich.1
(P. 90.)
In the name of God Amen. We, Thomas, by Divine per
mission Bishop of Norwich, the 25th day of May in the year of
the Lord 1368, in full soundness of mind in our Oratory at
Southelmham, have made and constituted our testament in this
manner. First we commend our soul to God who redeemed it
by his blood, and our body to be buried in our Cathedral
Church of Norwich before the Choir of the Church above
said. Also we bequeath to our Cathedral Church above said
our principal vestment with its appurtenances Also we
bequeath to the same Church our one " Cros " and one book
of Pontificals which we had of the gift of the executors of
William our immediate predecessor Also we bequeath to the
Lady Margaret de Ferers, our sister, one cup gilt with one ewer
of the same suit which the Earl of Suffolk gave us Also we
bequeath to the Lady Matilda de Nevyll, our sister, one
cup gilt with the ewer of the same which the Lord Earl of
Arundell gave us2 Also, to the Lord Henry de Percy, our
nephew, one ring with a ruby the best which we have \Also,
we bequeath to the Lord Thomas de Percy, our nephew, one
"godet" of gold which the Lord Edward de St. John gave us
Also, to Master William de Blyth, Archdeacon of Norfolk,
our best chalice with the phial of the same suit, and one cup gilt
with our arms engraved on the cover of the same cup after the
manner of the Chalice, and one pair of our pots of gold "cum
firnacto eisdem annexo" and two basons of silver with our
arms at the bottom, and one cup of silver plain, which we had
from the executors of the reverend Lady our Mother. Also, to
Sir William de Swynflet, Archdeacon of Norwich, one cup gilt
with the arms of the Lord Bardolf, with the cover, two spoons
gilt, one " aulam tinctam super panno lineo fetam linnie," and
one vestment which we bought of the same. Also, to the Lord
1 Translated from the original will in Latin, in the library of Lambeth Palace, Reg.
Whyttlesey, fol. 105b.
2 The Bishop was a grandson of Eleanor, sister of Richard, Earl of Arundel,
which accounts for this gift.
501

APPENDIX.
chap. iii. Richard Anianby {sic), one cup gilt with our arms, and the cover
of the same, and one pair of our pots of "laumbre," "cum
firnacto eisdem annexo!' Also, to William de Aton, our nephew,
one cup gilt, with one ewer gilt of the same suit, which the
Lady of Wynkfeld gave us. Also, to the Chapel of the Blessed
Mary in the Fields in Norwich £10. Also, to the Prioress and
Nuns of Flexton £10. Also, all our books, which are contained
in an indenture, to Master William de Blyth, Archdeacon of
Norfolk, for the term of his life ; and we will that after his decease
the said books be sold and devoted for our soul & his, or that
they be given to some poor places to celebrate for our souls.
Also, to our Chapel, the daily I . . . . with chalice & "paxbred "
and " fioles," and the vestment appertaining thereto, to remain
in our Chapel in the palace there for ever. Also, to the Lord
Stephen de Cressyngham, our Dominical vestment, and one
cross of gold, with foot gilt, with the holy cross in the middle
of the cross. Also, to Master John de Wynston, one picture
{unam tabulam de Lumbardia depictam), and one missal which
we bought from the same. Also, to the Lord William de Malbus,
one " maser," with one " T." at the bottom, and 10 marks.
Also, to the Lord John de Catton, one other "maser',' and 10
marks. Also, to Thomas de Watton, £10, and one other "maser."
Also, to the Lord de Lekyngfeld, 100s. Also, to the Lord John
Roldeston, our Receiver, one cup called Lyon. Also to each petty
clerk {parviis clericis) of the Chapel, 40... Also, to John Lynons,
40r. Also, to Master William de Kexby, iooj. Also, to Thomas
de Lekyngfeld, a poor scholar dwelling at Cambridge, 60s. ; to
Richard de Thorton, 40s. ; to Robert de Yuer, 60s. ; to Robert
Caly, 60s. ; to William Semer, 10 marks. Also, to William
Beauner, our Chamberlain, our broidered bed with all the tapestry
pertaining to the same, and our robe of scarlet with furs and all
things pertaining to the same, and 6os-. ; to Alice, wife of the
said William, 60s. ; to William de Hocham, 60s. ; to Thomas
Barbour, £4; to Richard de Naferton, our cook, 10 marks;
to John de Escrik, ^4. ; to John de Geryng, £6 ; to Thomas de
Catton, 60s. ; to Adam Wodword, 20s. ; to Patrick, the baker,
£4 ; to his son, 6s. 8d. ; to Henry " masiator," 60s. ; to Roger
Rand, 100s. ; to Mary, wife of the said Roger Rand, iooj. ; to
John Quinton, the falconer, 40s. and all our falcons, tercel-
gentles, and lannerets ; to Henry Kutet, 40s. ; to John Nouble,
lOOi-. ; to John Fouler, ioor. ; to Roger de Aula, 20s. ; to
Robert de Maldon, 4OJ. ; to William Kutte, 40s. ; to John
Waryn, 60s. and all our saddles; to Henry Hunte, £4;
to William Feutrer, 40s. ; to Thomas Thornegg, 60.?. ; to
Walter de Garderoba, 60s. and to : — John Dalton, 40.?., Lotrici,
' A word is here omitted in the original document, but the bequest evidently
refers to a communion service in daily use. 502

APPENDIX.
I3_-. 4d., Robert Gylyot, 60s., John Carter, 20s, William chap. hi.
Chariotter, 40s., John Soule, of the Kitchen, 20s., John, ye ' —
male faulconer, 2as\, William de Boteria, 405-., William Squiller,
20.., William of the Kitchen, 13.-. 4^. William de Pistria, 13s. 4d.
Nicholas Geryng, 40s. William Hone, groom of the carts, 6s.-8d.
The groom of the carts of the Kitchen, 6s. 8d. Peter, the groom
of the Huntsman, 20s. John de Lokyngton, groom of the
Chamber, ioor. John Gonsill, groom of the Chamber, 60s.
Henry Fouler, 20s. John de Helerton, cook, 205-. Henry
"Paget" of the laundry, 6s. 8d. John "Paget, fowler," 10s.
"Paget, Porter," 6s. 8d. "Paget, Palfreys," 6s. 8d. Robert
"Paget, faulconer" 6s. 8d. "Paget," of the Poultry 6s. 8d.
To distribute to the poor on the day of our burial, ^60. For lights
around our body, .£10. For clerks to say psalms around our
body, 60s. To Master William Feron, 60s. Richard, de Castle
Bernard, our parker at Northelmham, 6as\ Richard Haunell, our
parker at Southelmham, 20s. John, parker of Hoxm, 20s.
William de Goldesburgh, 20s. To each of our poor whom we
feed daily, 13.?. 4d. To John Cotoun, iooj. And whatever
residue shall be of our goods, or of fruits not bequeathed nor
assigned, we will and ordain that, by view and disposition of our
executors they be distributed to the poor and priests to celebrate
for our soul and for payment of our debts, if there be any for
which payment we are bound. For the execution of this our
testament we have constituted our executors, the Lord Henry
de Percy, Lord of Alnwick, Master William de Blyth, Arch
deacon of Norfolk, the Lord William de Swynflet, Archdeacon
of Norwich, the Lord Richard de Anianby, Vicar of Mildnale,
and the Lord William Malbus, Rector of Whetacre.
Probate of the will granted by William, Archbishop of
Canterbury, 17 kalends, September, 1369, & administration
committed to William de Swynflet Archdeacon of Norwich.
Commission to the Prior of Norwich and others to commit
the administration of the goods to the executors.

The Bishop was buried in Norwich Cathedral ; " a gentleman,"
says Weever, " howsoever right honourably descended, and
highly befriended, yet constrained to admit of this Bishoprike
by the Pope's Provisorie Bull." — Ancient Funeral Monuments,
P- 793-

503

CHAP. III.

APPENDIX

XI.

Lands Settled in Dower upon the Lady Mary
Platagenet.
(P- 92.)
Pro Henrico ) Rex omnibus ad quos &c. salutem. Sciatis quod
filb Hendci de t de gratia nostra speciali concessimus, et licenciam
ercy- ) dedimus, pro nobis et heredibus nostris quantum in
nobis est, dilecto et fideli nostro, Henrico de Percy, quod ipse
Maneria sua de Foston cum pertinentiis in Comitatu Leicestriae
et Tadecastre et Pokelynton cum pertinentiis in Comitatu
Eboraci, quae de nobis tenentur in capite ut dicitur, dare possit
et concedere Henrico, filiosuo, et Marie, filise dilecti consanguinei
et fidelis nostri Henrici, Comitis Lancastriae : Habenda et tenenda
eisdem Henrico, filio Henrici, et Mariae, et heredibus masculis
quos idem Henricus, filius Henrici, de corpore ipsius Mariae
legitime procreabit, de nobis et heredibus nostris per servicia
inde debita et consueta in perpetuum, et eisdem Henrico, filio
Henrici et Mariae, quod ipsi Maneria praedicta cum pertinentiis
a praefato Henrico de Percy recipere possint et tenere sibi et
heredibus suis praedictis, de nobis et heredibus nostris per
servicia praedicta in perpetuum, sicut praedictum est, tenore
praesentium similiter licenciam dedimus specialem Nolentes
quod praedictus Henricus de Percy, vel heredes sui, aut prsefati
Henricus, filius Henrici et Maria, vel heredes sui praedicti,
ratione praemissorum per nos vel haeredes nostros, Justiciaries,
Escaetores, vicecomites, aut alios ballivos seu ministros nostros
quoscumque occasionentur molestentur in aliquo seu graventur
In cujus etc. Teste Rege apud Claryndon. xiiij. die Augusti.
Per breve de Privato Sigillo.
Rot. Pat. 8 Edw. III. p. 2, m. 36.

XII.
Fortification of Berwick, a.d. 1364-7.
(P- 93-)
1. Writ by the King to Robert de Tughale Chamberlain of
the Town of Berwick on Tweed. The King has commanded
the collectors of customs in that part to pay him £100 for
strengthening the Defects in the turrets walls houses and other
buildings in the Castle of the said Town. Tughale is to receive
the money and to cause the said defects to be repaired by the
5°4

APPENDIX.

view and testimony of the King's beloved and faithful Henry de
Percy, Keeper of the said Castle, or his Lieutenant. 28 Jany.
36 Edw. III. 2. Letter from Henry Percy to the Treasurer
and Barons of the Exchequer, stating that he had caused the
said works to be surveyed, and sends the parcels sealed with
his seal — Henry de Percy. (This is not his own signature.
The letter is on paper.) June, 40 Edward III. 3. Particulars
of the Expenses made by Robert de Tughale as above — A
small fragment of Percy's Seal on parchment is attached by a
thread to this document, which is endorsed "This roll Henry
de Percy sent here under his seal 10 May 42 Edw. III."
— Exchequer, Queens Remembrancer, Miscelnea. Army, •  5°>
49
36-42 Edw. III.

chap. hi.

XIII.
The Earldom of Northumberland.1
(P. 123.)
De praefectionc Comitis Northumbriae, Rex, Archiepiscopis,
Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Ducibus, Comitibus, Baronibus,
Justiciariis, Vicecomitibus, Praepositis, Ministris, et omnibus
Ballivis et Fidelibus suis, salutem.
Constat gloriosum fore Principem et per consequens sub eo
felicem existere rem publicam qui multorum nobilium et praeser-
tim actu potentium vallatur auxilio : Nam sicut coelum stellis
clarum redditur et politum, sic relucent Reges et Regna lumine
dignitatum. Non quod Homo honoribus alteretur, set quia vir-
tuosiorquis efncitur qui praeclaris erigentibus meritis ad honores
assumitur, et dignitates praecipuas elevatur. Quis enim opin-
ionem suum laederet, quam ad apicem dignitatis pre meritorum
claritate cognosscit electam. Haec igitur in regiae celsitudinis
armario revolventes, ac considerantes quod praemiacio meritorum
ex juste derivantis prodit imperio. Attendentesque strenui-
tatem prudentiam et gestum laudabilem quos in illustri et
praeclaro consanguineo nostro Henrico de Percy vigere con-
spicimus, et proinde volentes personam suam juxta claritatem
generis sui ac morum suorum merita, ut per ipsius poten-
tiam et prudentiam Regale sceptrum fulciatur, peramplius
honorare, Eidem Henrico nomen et honorem Comitis dedimus,
et ipsum in Comitem Northumbriae praefecimus, ac de eisdem
nomine et honore per cincturam gladii investimus : Haben-
da et tenenda eadem nomen Comitis Northumbriae sibi et
1 This is the first public document bearing the sign manual of Richard II. The
roll is much injured and defaced. 505

CHAP. IV.

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. haeredibus suis in perpetuum. Et ut idem Comes juxta dicti
nominis decentiam et status sui nobilitatem possit honori-
ficentius se habere, Dedimus et concessimus et hac carta nostra
confirmavimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris praefato Comiti,
sub nomine Comitis Northumbriae, viginti libras, percipiendas
et habendas sibi et haeredibus suis praedictis singulis annis de
exitibus ejusdem Comitatus per manus Vicecomitis Comitatus
illius, qui pro tempore fuerit, ad festa Sancti Michaelis et Paschae
per equales portiones in perpetuum : Volentes ulterius de gratia
nostra especiali quod omnia Castra dominia maneria terrae et
tenementa, que idem Henricus jure haereditario vel adquisitione
propria perantea tenuit et possedit vel in posterum est habiturus
sub honore Comitiali et tanquam parcellae dicti Comitatus, jure
aliorum in omnibus semper salvo, de cetero teneantur. Quare
volumus et firmiter praecipimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris
quod praedictus Henricus nomen et honorem Comitis North
umbriae habeat et teneat, et dictas viginti libras annuas sub
nomine Comitis Northumbriae de exitibus Comitatus praedicti
percipiat et habeat, sibi et haeredibus suis in perpetuum, et quod
omnia Castra dominica manerica terrae et tenementa, que idem
Henricus jure haereditario vel adquisitione propria perantea tenuit
et possedit, vel in posterum est habiturus, sub honore Comitiali
et tanquam parcellae dicti Comitatus jure aliorum in omnibus
semper salvo, de cetero teneantur, sicut praedictum est. Hiis
testibus, Venerabilibus patribus, Simone Archiepiscopo Can-
tuariensi, totius Angliae primate, W. London, S. Wynton, A.
Menevensi, Cancellario nostro, Thoma Exoniensi, Episcopis.
Johanne Rege Castelle et Legionis et Duce Lancastriae, Edmundo
Comite Cantebrigiae, Thoma de Wodestok, Constabulario
Angliae, avunculis nostris carissimis, Guidone de Bryen, Ricardo
Lescrop, et aliis. Datum per manum nostram apud West-
monasterium die Coronationis nostrae anno regnorum nostrorum
primo. Per ipsum Regem. — Charter Roll, i Richard II. m. i.

XIV.
Garrisons of Berwick and Roxburgh.
(P. 124.)
Account of Henry de Percy Earl of Northumberland Warden
of the King's Castle of Berwick on Tweed as well of receipts
and those 1 00 marks which he receives for the custody thereof
(according to the letters patent of the King's grandfather dated
23rd Sept. in his 8th year), as of the wages of 30 men-at-arms,
whereof 1 knight, 40 archers, and 20 watchmen, put by the
506

APPENDIX.
same Earl in the Town of Berwick for its safety, and also of a chap. iv.
certain yearly sum of £300 which Thomas de Percy Warden —
of the King's Castle of Rokesburgh receives according to an
Indenture between the King's said grandfather and the same
Thomas dated 21st April in his 51st year.
Moneys received from the Treasurer and Chamberlains of
the Exchequer 366/. 13s. 40". His own fee from 12th April
51 Edw. III. to 1st December following ; also wages of 1 knight,
29 esquires, 40 archers, and 20 watchmen, from 27 August,
when Thomas de Musgrave, Warden of the said Town, was
taken by men of Scotland, till 1st Dec. ; also fee of Lord
Thomas de Percy for custody of the Castle of Rokesburgh
from Midsummer last till ist December (at the rate of 300/.
per annum) : — in all 410/. 15^. 7\d. Surplus due to him
44/. 2s. 3\d.
— Exchequer, Queen's Rememb. Miscelnea. Army, — , 1-4 Richd. II.
4
XV.
Wardenship of Roxburgh Castle.
(P. 125.)
Account of Sir Thomas Percy, Knight Warden of the King's
Castle of Rokesburgh. His own fee is .£300 yearly, according
to an Indenture between King Edward III. and him, 21 April
51 Edward III.
Moneys received from the Exchequer, 375/. Moneys due to
him for the said fee in time of truce as well as in time of war,
according to the Indenture, from 1 Deer. 1 Ric. II. to Midsum
mer 4 Ric. II., 768/. us. 4\d. Surplus due to him, 393/. iij. n\d.
A copy of the Indenture is annexed. The wardenship is
granted to him for three years, and Sir Thomas undertakes to
safely keep the Castle in the King's behalf, and to maintain it at
his peril and at his own costs. The Deed is in French, and
fragments of the seal are attached. — Exchequer, Queen s Remem
brancer, Miscelnea. Army, • — , 1-4 Richd. II.
4
XVI.
Sir Thomas de Percy's Indenture to Serve in France.
(P. 126.)
Account of Sir Thomas de Percy, knight, of his receipts
wages and rewards at war, and of 199 men-at-arms, and the
wages of 200 archers being with him in the King's service
5°7

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. (obsequio) in the parts of Britany and France fn the company
of Thomas, Earl of Buckingham, in 4 Ric. II. according to an
Indenture between the King and the said Thomas de Percy,
dated 10 May, 3 Ric. II., in which it was contained that the
said Thomas retained under the King with 200 men-at-arms and
200 archers in the voyage aforesaid for one whole year ; which
men-at-arms shall consist of the said Thomas, 12 knights and
187 esquires. And the same Thomas shall receive for him
self and his retinue the customary wages of war, and for him
self and the said men-at-arms the customary reward doubled,
with reasonable costs for the re-passage over the sea of himself
and his retinue, by the King's writ of Privy Seal dated 20 May,
S Ric. II., enrolled in the Memoranda of the Exchequer, Michas,
6 Ric. II., whereby the Treasurer and Barons were ordered to
account with him, deducting in discharge of the King what
ought to be reasonably deducted for the ransoms of castles,
towns, and other fortresses in France and Britany, and the
wages of persons killed or taken prisoners, and also moneys paid
to the same Thomas by the Duke of Britany.
Total of moneys received from the Exchequer and from the
Duke of Buckingham, 5626/. is. 4d. He received no moneys
for ransoms of castles towns or fortresses, as he says on his oath.
He does not account for 14,729 francs of gold part of 30,000
franks of gold received by William Lord de Latymer and him
self from John Duke of Britany, for that he is to account
therefor jointly with the executors of the said Lord.
Then follows a much mutilated account of moneys spent
for wages, rewards, and " re-passage." — Exchequer, Queens
Remembrancer, Miscelnea. A rmy, ¦ — ¦, 3-6 Richd. II.
XVII.
The Earl of Northumberland's Retinue.
(P. 138.)
Rotulus de retinentia Henrici de Perci, primi istius cognominis
Northumbriae Comitis, in bello Scotico.1
Le Count de Northumbr.
Mons' Henry de Percy, le Fiz. (Hotspur.)
Mons' Hugh le Dispensier
Mons' Gerard' (?) Salvayn
Mons' Rich' Goldesburgh'
Mons' Thorns de Boynton
Mons' Rich' Noithland'
Mons' Johan Fauconer
1 This heading is in a much later hand than the rest of the roll.
508

APPENDIX.

Esquiers — (25 names).
Archiers — (78 names).
Mons' Johan de Roos
Mons' Wauter Fauconbergh'
Mons' Bertrame Monbochier
Mons' John' Darcy (and 19 others— Esquiers and
Archers)
Mons' Will' de Hilton' (and 70 others)
Le Sir' de Welles
Mons' John' Malberthorp'
Mons' Henr' Fiz Hugh'
Mons' Robert de Laton'
Mons' Ph' Colvyll'.
Mons' Maw Redman
Mons' Joh' Coupeldyk' (and 62 others)
Mons' Johan de Felton' (and 12 others)
Mons' Thorn' Vghtred (and 10 others)
Mons' Johan Caluelay (and 15 others)
Mons' William Fulthrop' (and 28 others)
Mons' Rich' Tempest (and 26 others)
Struck out I ^ons' Jonan Conyers (and 4 others)
' \ Mons' Will' de Wessyngton (and 7 others)
Mons' Henry Inglehouse (and 117 others)
( Mons' Robert de Plumpton' (and 3 others)
c. i.j Mouns' Nich' de Meddelton' (and 3 others)
strucK our..<j Mong) Andr> Loterell> cand 6 others)
' Mons' John Blount (and 3 others)
Mons' Rauf Euer (and 48 others)
Mons' Robert Hilton' (no others)
Mons' Robert Constable (and 7 others)
Mons' Piers Mauleuerer (no others)
Mons' Henry de la Vale (and 1 other)
Struck out. I Mouns' William de la Vale
Will' son fiz
Thorn' de Thorp'
Will' de la Valleisne
Mons' Thomas de Ilderton' (and 17 others)
( Mons' Geffray Seintquintin
Struck out.-< Mons' John' Cornwaylle
I^Mons' Bertram Monboucher. (A blank left here.)
Mons' Thomas de Percy le fiz
Mons' Will' de la Vale
Mons' Henr' de la Vale
Mons' Piers Mauleverir
Mons' Robert Constable
Mons' John Blownt 5°9

CH\P. IV.

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. Mons' Andr' Lutrell'
— Mons' Nicoll' de Midelton'
Mons' Robert de Plompton'
Mons' John Conyers
Mons' Will' Wessyngton'
Mons' Bertrame Monbochier
Mons' Joh' de Hothom (and 114 others — and 86
archers)
Wauter Tailboys (and 43 others)
xiijxxx. lane' extra Northumbr'.
Thomas Gray de Heton' (and 54 others)
Eamon' Heron' (and 8 others)
John' de Fenwyk' (and 31 others)
John' de Thirlwall' leisne (and 9 others)
Mathew Whitfeld' (and 1 1 others)
Nich' Raymes (and 30 others)
Wauter Heron (and 23 others)
Thomas Umfravyll' (and 29 others)
William Carnaby (and 18 others)
William Swynburne (and 11 others)
Thomas Gray de Horton (by himself)
John' de Clifton (and 19 others)
Patrik Sampson' (and 28 others)
John Mitford (and — others)
The end of the roll is mutilated : how many names are here
lost is uncertain. Vallett' Armat' z (26 names).
Sagittar' : (57 names).
— Cottonian Charters, xiii. No. 3.
XVII A.
Prudhoe Castle.
(P- I39-)
The subjoined document authorising the Earl of Northumber
land to quarter the Lucy arms,2 in consideration of the lands
1 The Valetti armati are else" here described as armed yeomen, who appear to
have formed part of the different companies and who are always distinguished from
the archers.
2 "The first of our nobility y' quarterd another coat was Hastings, Earl of
Pembroke, who quarterd his own coat with y' of Valence of ye House of Lusignan,
in whose right he had that Earldom, and shortly after Matild', sister and heir to
Anthony, Lord Lucy, gave all her lands to y= heir male of ye Lord Percy, her
second husband, conditionally y' her armes being 3 Lucyes and Gules would be
quartered always with Percy's Lion or : rampant in or ; and hereupon a fine was
levied temp. Richard II." — Camden's Remains, p. 225.
5IO

APPENDIX.
settled upon him by his second wife, the sister and heiress of chap. iv.
Lord Lucy, and widow of the Earl of Angus, recites the various —
estates then in possession of that lady in her own right ; and as
Prudhoe Castle is not among these, there is prima facie reason
to doubt the statement of most of the genealogists, including
Dugdale and Collins, that this Barony came into the Percy
family by the Earl's second marriage.
Hec est finalis concordia facta in Curia Domini Regis apud
Westmonasterium in Octabis Sancti Johannis Baptiste anno
regnorum Ricardi Regis Anglie et Francie octavo coram
Roberto Bealknapp' Willelmo de Skipwyth Rogero de Ful-
thorp' Johanne Holt et Willelmo de Burgh' Justiciariis. Et
postea in Octabis Sancti Michaelis anno regnorum eiusdem
Regis Ricardi supradicto ibidem concessa et recordata coram
eisdem Justiciariis et aliis Domini Regis fidelibus tunc ibi
presentibus Inter Henricum de Percy Comitem Northumbrie et
Matillpdem] vxorem eius querentes et Johannem Waltham
clericum Johannem de Mitford' et Ranulphum de Fres-Renay
deforciantes de Castro et Honore de Cokermouth' et de
Maneriis de Wygton' Braythwayt Popecastre Lousewater Dene
Caldebek' Vlnedale et Aspatrik cum pertinentiis et de duobus
mesuagiis cum pertinentiis in Carliolo quatuor Milibus acrarum
pasture quatuor Milibus acrarum bosci cum pertinentiis in le
Westwarde in Allerdale et medietate Manerii de Kirkebride et
de tercia parte Baronie de Egermond cum pertinentiis et de
advocationibus ecclesiarum de Dene Kirkebride et Vlnedale ac
Capelle Sancti Leonardi de Wigton' in Comitatu Cumbrie Et de
Castro et Manerio de Langeley cum pertinentiis in Comitatu
Northumbrie Vnde placitum conuencionis summonitum fuit
inter eos in eadem Curia scilicet quod predicti Comes et Matill'
recognouerunt predicta Castra Honorem Maneria tenementa
medietatem et terciam partem cum pertinentiis et advocationes
predictas esse Jus ipsorum Johannis Johannis et Ranulphi De
quibus iidem Johannes Johannes et Ranulphus habent predicta
Castrum et Honorem de Cokermouth Maneria de Wigton'
Brathwayt Popecastre Lousewater Dene et tenementa cum
pertinentiis et predictas aduocaciones predictarum ecclesiarum
de Dene Kirkebride et Capelle de dono predictorum Comitis et
Matill' Et pro hac recognitione fine et concordia ijdem Johannes
Johannes et Ranulphus concesserunt predictis Comiti et Matill'
eadem Castrum Honorem Mania et tenementa cum pertinentiis
et aduocaciones Et ilia eis reddiderunt in eadem Curia
Habendum et tenendum eisdem Comiti et Matill' et heredibus
masculis de corporibus ipsorum Comitis et Matill' exeuntibus de
Domino Rege et heredibus suis per servicia inde debita et
consueta imperpetuum Et preterea ijdem Johannes Johannes et
Ranulphus concesserunt pro se et heredibus suis quod predicta
5H

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. Maneria de Caldebek et Vlnedale et medietas predicti Manerii
de Aspatrik cum pertinentiis que Eufemia que fuit vxor
Reginaldi de Lucy tenuit ad terminum vite Et eciam quod
predicta Castrum et Manerium de Langley et altera medietas
predicti Manerij de Aspatrik et predicta tercia pars cum per
tinentiis et predicta advocacio predicte ecclesie de Vlnedale que
Matheus de Redemayn Chivaler et Johanna vxor eius tenuerunt
ad terminum vite ipsius Johanne de hereditate predictorum
Johannis Johannis et Ranulphi die quo hec concordia facta fuit
Et que post decessum ipsarum Eufemie et Johanne ad predictos
Johannem Johannem et Ranulphum et heredes suos debuerunt
reverti post decessum ipsarum Eufemie et Johanne integre
remaneant predictis Comiti et Matill' et heredibus suis predictis
Tenenda simul cum predictis Castro Honore Manerijs tene-
mentis et aduocacionibus que eis per finem istum remanent de
Domino Rege et heredibus suis per servicia inde debita et
consueta imperpetuum Ita quod si ijdem Comes et Matill' sine
herede masculo de corporibus suis exeunte obierint tunc post
mortem eorundem Comitis et Matill' omnia Castra Honor
Maneria tenementa medietas et tercia pars cum pertinentiis et
aduocaciones predicte heredibus de corpore ipsius Matill' exeun-
tibus integre remaneant Tenenda de Domino Rege et heredibus
suis per servicia predicta imperpetuum Et si eadem Matill' sine
heredibus de corpore suo exeunte obierit tunc omnia predicta
Castra Honor Maneria tenementa medietas et tercia pars cum
pertinentiis et aduocaciones predicte Henrico de Percy filio
predicti Comitis et heredibus masculis de corpore ipsius Henrici
filii Comitis exeuntibus integre remaneant Tenenda de Domino
Rege et heredibus suis per servicia predicta imperpetuum Ita
quod ipse et dicti heredes sui masculi arma prefati Comitis que
sunt de auro cum uno leone de azureo rampante quarteriata cum
armis de Lucy que de Goules cum tribus luciis argenteis con-
sistunt gerant in omnibus vexillis penonibus tunicis armorum et
in omnibus aliis armaturis suis que de pictura cognicionum
armorum solito competunt adornari quociens cogniciones
armorum in actibus bellicis vel alibi ostendere voluerint
vbicumque Et si idem Henricus filius Comitis sine heredibus
masculis de corpore suo exeunte obierit tunc post mortem ipsius
Henrici filii Comitis omnia predicta Castra Honor Maneria
tenementa medietas et tercia pars cum pertinentiis et aduoca
ciones predicte Thome de Percy Chiualer fratri predicti Comitis
et heredibus masculis de corpore suo exeuntibus integre
remaneant Tenenda de Domino Rege et heredibus suis per
servicia predicta imperpetuum Et gerendo arma predicta
quarteriata in omnibus modo et forma predictis Et si idem
Thomas sine herede masculo de corpore suo exeunte obierit
tunc post mortem ipsius Thome omnia predicta Castra Honor
512

APPENDIX.
Maneria tenementa medietas et tercia pars cum pertinenciis et chap. iv.
aduocaciones predicte Thome de Percy Chiualer filio predicti —
Comitis et heredibus masculis de corpore suo exeuntibusintegre
remaneant Tenenda de Domino Rege et heredibus suis per
servicia predicta imperpetuum Et gerendo arma predicta
quarteriata in omnibus modo et forma predictis Et si idem
Thomas filius Comitis sine herede masculo de corpore suo
exeunte obierit tunc post mortem ipsius Thome omnia predicta
Castra Honor Maneria tenementa medietas et tercia pars cum
pertinentiis et aduocaciones predicte Radulpho de Percy filio
predicti Comitis et heredibus masculis de corpore suo exeuntibus
integre remaneant Tenenda de Domino Rege et heredibus suis
per servicia predicta imperpetuum Et gerendo arma predicta in
omnibus modo et forma predictis Et si idem Radulphus sine
herede masculo de corpore suo exeunte obierit tunc post
mortem ipsius Radulphi omnia predicta Castra Honor Maneria
tenementa medietas et tercia pars cum pertinenciis et aduoca
ciones predicte rectis heredibus predicte Matill' integre re
maneant Tenenda de Domino Rege et heredibus suis per
servicia predicta imperpetuum Ita quod si predictus Henricus
filius Comitis et heredes sui predicti si quieorundem superstites
fuerint postquam prefatus Comes obierit sine herede masculo
per ipsum de corpore ipsius Matill' procreato vel si prefatus
Thomas frater Comitis et heredes sui predicti si qui eorundem
superstites fuerint postquam predicti Comes et Henricus filius
suis obierint sine talibus heredibus vt predictum est vel si
predictus Thomas filius Comitis et heredes sui predicti si qui
eorundem superstites fuerint postqm quilibet predictorum
Comitis Henrici filii Comitis et Thome fratris Comitis obierit
sine talibus heredibus vt predictum est vel si predictus Radulphus
et heredes sui predicti postqm quilibet predictorum Comitis
Henrici filii Comitis Thome fratris Comitis et Thome filii
Comitis obierit sine talibus heredibus vt predictum est arma
predicta quarteriata modo forma et locis predictis statim non
gesserint seu si prefata Matill' per aliquem heredum predicti
Comitis per ingressum processum legis vel iudicium in aliqua
Curia Domini Regis vel heredum suorum reddendum aut alium
modum quemcumque de Manerijs de Petteworth' Lekyngfeld'
Catton' et Corbrigg' cum pertinentiis vel de aduocacionibus
Prioratuum ecclesiarum Hospitalium et Capellarum ad predicta
Maneria de Petteworth' Lekyngfeld' Catton' et Corbrigg'
pertinentibus vel aliquibus aliis terris tenementis redditibus
serviciis seu reversionibus cum pertinentiis de quibus ipsa cum
prefato Comite sibi et heredibus ipsius Comitis coniunctim
feoffata existit vel de aliqua parcella eorundem amota fuerit
extunc totus supradictus status de predictis Castris Honore
Maneriis tenementis medietate et tercia parte cum pertinentiis
VOL. I. 513 L L

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. et aduocacionibus predictis qui post mortem predictorum
— Comitis et Matill' et heredum suorum ac heredum eiusdem
Matill' predictorum prefatis Henrico filio Comitis Thome fratri
Comitis Thome filio Comitis vel Radulpho et heredibus suis
predictis si condiciones predicte forent obseruate remanere
deberet omnino cesset vacuus sit adnulletur et pro nullo penitus
habeatur et tunc omnia eadem Castra Honor Maneria tenementa
medietas et tercia pars cum pertinentiis ac aduocaciones predicte
statim post mortem predictorum Comitis et Matill' et heredum
suorum ac heredum predicte Matill' predictorum rectis heredibus
eiusdem Matill' remaneant Tenenda de Domino Rege et
heredibus suis per seruicia predicta imperpetuum Et hec
concordia facta fuit per preceptum ipsius Domini Regis."
From " Feet of Fines, Divers Counties " in the Record Office,
8 Rich. IL, No. 109.
In the Denton MS.1 the acquisition by the Percies of
Prudhoe Castle, which was an ancient possession of the
Umfrevilles, is accounted for by a supposed marriage of a
daughter of that house with the first Earl of Northumberland,
but there is not an atom of evidence to support such a theory.
The Records of the Queen's Bench, however, furnish what
appears to be a perfectly satisfactory solution of the question.
From one of these Rolls 2 we learn that Gilbert Umfreville,
Earl of Angus, on the marriage of his only son, Robert, with
Margaret, daughter of the second Lord Percy of Alnwick, in
1340, settled upon them certain lands, including the Castle and
Barony of Prudhoe. On the death of this Robert Umfreville
during his father's lifetime, without issue, the estate was placed
in trust for the benefit of the widow, with reversion to the Earl
and Countess of Angus, and at their death to the said Margaret's
nephew, Henry Percy, and his heirs.
Although, then, Prudhoe Castle did not come into actual
possession of the first Earl of Northumberland until the death
of his second wife, his acquisition of this property was in no
way connected with his marriage to that lady, who had only
a life interest in it.
1 A collection of " Evidences " relating to the Percy family, by Thomas Denton,
of Gray's Inn, and of Warnell Hall, Cumberland, who for many years filled the
office of " Steward of the Courts " to the eleventh Earl of Northumberland and
to his daughter and heiress, afterwards Duchess of Somerset. Dr. Thomas Percy
described this MS. (then in possession of John Fenton Clerk, Esq., of Carlisle), as
"full of mistakes, but containing some things I never met with elsewhere." The
alleged marriage of the first Earl of Northumberland with an Umfreville is certainly
one of these things. 2 For the text of this document see Appendix XXXIV.

5H

APPENDIX. XVII B.
Capture of Sir Ralph Percy at Otterbourne.
(P- 151.)
Froissart, whose English nomenclature is always puzzling chap. iv.
and capricious, names "Sir Johan Makyrell," a knight in the —
service of Lord Moray, as Ralph Percy's captor, and Lord
Berners in his translation assumes this to be a mis-spelling of
" Maxwell," not knowing, perhaps, that there had existed an old
family bearing the former name in the south-west of Scotland.
Holinshed, on the authority of the untrustworthy Boece
{Scotland, p. 398), claims the honour for Keith, Marischal of
Scotland ; and modern historians, including Sir Walter Scott,
have accepted the statement, although there is no evidence of
Keith having taken part in the battle.
The right of ransom of prisoners of war was frequently
transferred from the actual captor to other persons. The terms
of the charter under which the Fyvie lands were transferred
to Sir Henry Preston by Sir James Lindsay,1 King Robert's
brother-in-law (and who was himself taken prisoner after this
battle by the Bishop of Durham 2) "pro redemptio D'ni Radulphi
de Percy, Militis Anglicce" do not therefore establish his claim
to the capture.
The question is now only of interest as indicating the high
military reputation which Ralph Percy had attained, and the
importance which the Scots accordingly attached to his capture.
XVIII.
The Lordship of Arundel.
(P. 170.)
Petition (dated about October, 1398), sent through Sir William
le Scrope, Lord High Chamberlain, by John Holland,
Duke of Exeter,3 after the deceased Earl of Arundel's rights
in his lands in Sussex had been granted to him by the
King.
" Le Roy ad grante,
" Pie' au tresexcelent et tresredoute Seigneur Notre Sire le
Roy, de sa grace especial garauntier a votre liege Johan Holand,
1 The Castle of Fyvie did not come into possession of Sir Henry Preston till
nine years later, when Thomas Colvil, son of the Lord of Oxenhame, transferred it
to him in return for a loan of ^100. See Baronial and Ecclesiastical Antiquities of
Scotland, vol. ii. p 5. 2 See Froissart, vol. ii. p. 402.
3 A younger son of the Earl of Kent, who grew into great favour with Richard II.,
and was by him created Earl of Huntingdon in 1388, and Duke of Exeter by patent
dated Septamber 29, 1398.
515 L L 2

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. Due Dexcestre, touz les homages foialtes et services les queles
le Count de Northumbreland et ces Auncestres tout dys devant
ces oeures, renderont et feseront a Richard jadys Count d'
Arrundell, et a ces auncestres, pur le manoir de Petworth, et
touz ces autres manoirs terres et tenementz en les Contees de
Sussex et Surrey ; nient contresteant ascun ordenance ou
mandement fait a contrairie devant ces heures et ceo pur Dieux
et en oevre de charitde.
" William le Scrop."
Cotton MSS. See Nicolas, Proceedings of the Privy Council,
i. 78.

XIX.
The Office of High Constable of England.
(P- I93-)
Rex omnibus ad quos &c. Salutem.
Sciatis quod nos Debito mentis intuitu considerantes Mag-
nifica ac nobis et toti Regno nostro fructuosa et Summe Neces-
saria, Labores Custus et Obsequia, quae dilectus et fidelis
Consanguineus noster, Henricus de Percy, Comes Northumbriae,
pro Extirpatione et reformatione diversorum defectuum et er-
rorum in Regno praedicto ad verisimile exterminium et finalem
destructionem tarn procerum magnatum etaliorum nobilium
quam coitatum ejusdem regni nuperime pululantium in nostri
praesentia, postquam ad regnum prsedictum, Praemissorum in
tuitu, Deo duce, declinavimus multipliciter effudit et impendit
ac exhibit indefesse et volentes proinde praefatum Consan-
guineum nostrum aliquali remuneratione licet, non condigna,
Honoris Prerogativa, prout multiplices Gestus sui nobiles nos
inducunt, praemiare,
De Gratia nostra speciali etc. etc. CONCESSIMUS eidem Con-
sanguineo nostro Officium Constabularii Anglle, Hab
endum et exercendum per se et sufficientes deputatos suos
pro quibus respondere Voluerit, AD TERMINUM VlT/E SU-E una
cum Feodis et Proficiis ac omnibus aliis ad officium praedictum
spectantibus sive pertinentibus, adeo plene et integre sicut
aliquis alius officium praedictum, ante haec tempora, habuit sive
occupavit. In cujus &c. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium tricesimo
die Septembris, etc. — Rot. Pat. Henry IV. p. 1, m. 15.
5i6 '

APPENDIX.

XX.
Grant of the Isle of Man.
(P- I93-)
" Rex omnibus ad quos," etc. De Gratia nostra speciali et chap. iv.
ex certa scientia nostra Dedimus et Concessimus eidem Comiti —
Northumbriae insulam castrum Pelam et dominium de Man ac
omnia insula et dominia eidem insule de Man pertinentia, quae
fuerunt Willielmi le Scrop Chivaler defuncti, quern nuper in
vita sua Conquestati fuimus, et ipsum sic conquestatum decre
vimus, et quae, ratione conquestus illius, tamquam conquestata
cepimus in manum nostram. Quae quidem Decretum et Con
questus in parliamento nostro de assensu dominorum Tem-
poralium in eodem parliamento existentium, quo ad personam
praefati Willielmi, ac omnia terras et tenementa bona et Catalla
sua, tam infra dictum regnum nostrum, quam extra ad supplica-
tionem Communitatis dicti regni nostri, affirmata existunt.
Habenda et tenenda eidem Comiti et haeredibus suis, omnia
Insulas, castrum Pelam et dominium praedicta, una cum Regaliis,
Regalitatibus, Franchesiis, Libertatibus, Portubus Maris, et
omnibus ad portum rationalibiliter et debite pertinentibus,
Homagiis, Fidelitatibus, Wardis, Maritagiis, Releviis, Escaetis,
Forisfacturis, Waifis, Streyfis, Curiis Baronum, Visibus Fran-
ciplegii, Letis, Hundredis, Wapentachiis, Wrecco Maris, Minera
Plumbi et ferri, Feriis, Mercatis, liberis Consuetudinibus, Pratis,
Pasturis, Boscis, Parcis, Chaceis, Landis, Warennis, Assartis,
Purpresturis, Chiminagiis, Piscariis, Molendinis, Moris, Mariscis,
Turbariis, Aquis, Stagnis, Vivariis, Viis, Passagiis ac Communis
et aliis Proficuis, Commoditatibus, Emolumentis, et Pertinentiis
quibuscumque, ad Insulas Castrum Pelam et Dominium
praedicta qualitercumque pertinentibus, sive spectantibus, simul
cum Patronatu Episcopatus dictae insulae de Man, nee non
feodis militum, Advocationibus et Patronatibus Abbatiarum,
Prioratuum, Hospitalium, Ecclesiarum, Vicariarum, Capellarum,
Cantariarum ac aliorum Beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum, quorum-
cumque ad eadem Insulas Castrum Pelam et dominium similiter
pertinentibus, de nobis et Haeredibus nostris IMPERPETUUM
PER Servitium Portandi, DIEBUS CORONATIONIS NOSTR/E et
H/EREDUM NOSTRORUM, AD SlNISTRUM HUMERUM NOSTRUM,
ET SlNISTROS HUMEROS HyEREDUM NOSTRORUM, PER SE
IPSUM, AUT SUFFICIENTUM ET HONORIFICUM DEPUTATUM
517

APPENDIX.
CHAP. IV. SUUM, ILLUM GLADIUM NUDUM, QUO CINCTI ERAMUS QUANDO
 IN PARTIBUS DE HOLDERNESSE APPLICUIMUS, vocatum LAN
CASTER SwERD, durante Processione et toto tempore Solemp-
nizationes Coronationis supra dictae, adeo plene libere et integre
(excepto Servitio praedicto) sicut praefatus Willielmus, seu aliquis
alius Dominus ejusdem Insulae, Insulas Castrum, Pelam et Do
minium ilia, cum omnibus supradictis, ternporibus retroactis,
melius habuerunt et tenuerunt.
Dedimus insuper et Concessimus eidem Comiti omnia Bona
et Catalla, quae fuerunt praedicti Willielmi, infra dictam Insulam
de Man existentia, et quae ad nos pertinent ratione Conquestus
supradicti, Habenda de Dono nostro. In cujus, &c.
Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium XIX die Octobris
Per ipsum Regem."
— Rot. Pat. I Henry LV p/5, m. 35.
Not the least remarkable feature of this document is the
barbarous Latinity of its technical terms, such as "Waifis,
Streyfis, and Wrecco Maris."

XXI.
Emoluments of the Earl of Worcester.
(P- I94-)
a.d. 1399. •¦ The King on 13th December 1 Hen. IV. (in consideration
that Thomas de Percy, Earl of Worcester, who obtained of the
gift of King Richard II. to him and the heirs male of his body,
for the maintenance of his estate as Earl, certain lands, to the
yearly value of £400, which belonged to Thomas Duke of
Gloucester and Richard Earl of Arundel, deceased, and to
Thomas Earl of Warwick, could not enjoy the grant so made
to him for that in Parliament lately holden the said lands were
restored to the inheritors, and that he had restored the letters
patent of Richard II. to be cancelled), granted to the same Earl
500 marks from the Exchequer by letters patent to him and his
heirs male ; and on 5th July 2 Hen. IV. the King granted him
the 100 marks yearly which Edward III. had given him for life
or until that King should do something else for him, as also the
said 500 marks, to be received from the issues of the Castle and
County of Pembroke and other places (named) in Wales. The
said grants are said to be invalid because they do not mention
other gifts made to him, according to the Statute 1 Hen. IV.
5i8

APPENDIX.

The King now confirms all past payments made to the Earl,
and the grant of the said ioo and 500 marks, to him and his heirs
male. The Earl also has of the gift of Richard II. £100 yearly
for life from the Sheriffs of London, .£100 at the Exchequer of
Kaermerdyn in South Wales, and 500 marks from the Manor of
Eye in Suffolk ; also 100 pounds of the gift of the King's father
[John of Gaunt] for life from Knaresburgh in co. York ; the
Castle of Emelynhuckyrth in co. Kaermerdyn and the commote
there, with fines, redemptions, and other appurtenances, for life ;
and to his assigns for two years after his decease, of the gift of
Ric. II. ; the Castle, town, and lordship of Haverford in Wales,
for life, of the gift of Ric. II. ; the Manors of Neuyn and Pul-
thely in co. Kaernarvan, with the mills of Guennes and Geynth,
for life, of the gift of Ric. II. ; the prises of wines coming to the
port of Milford, for life, of the gift of Ric. II. ; £20 yearly from
the farm and issues of the City of London and County of
Middlesex, for life, of the gift of Ric. II. ; £20 yearly from the
issues of the County of Worcester to him and his heirs male, of
the gift of Ric. II. ; and 181/. 10s. yearly from the King's Ex
chequer to him and his heirs male, of the gift of Ric. II. ; all
which gifts the King confirms. Dated 24th October. — Patent
Rolls, 4 Henry LV. p. 1, m. 21.

CHAP. IV.

XXII.
Negotiations with Scotland.
(P. 196.)
The Earl of Northumberland to- the Council.
Reverentz pieres en Dieu, treschiers et honorez Sires et com-
paignons, veullez savoir que jay novelles du Due de Rothissay,
coment il luy plest bien que le jour du tretee parentre luy et moy
et les autres commissairs du Roy mon Sr. soverain serra le xxv.
jour d'Averill prochein venant, sur le Estmarche. Par quoy vous
prie cherement que vous charger le clerc des roulles de faire
copies et transcriptz des roulles, recordz, et evidences Descoce
appartenantz a la corone Dengleterre, et eux deliverer a Meistre
Aleyn de Newerk, et luy charger destre a moy a Alnewyk le xx.
jour d'Averill susdit. Et outre ce, par cause que le dit Due moy
ad certifiez que certeins ambassiatours de Fraunce vorront estre
hastivement en Escoce, au fin pur estre compris en le tretee
affaire par entre la partie Descoce et la partie Dengleterre, et
son desir est que les ditz Franceoys ne serroient compris en lour
5*9

Blithe.
24 March,
1401.

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. dit tretee, le dit Due moy ad requis de moy hastier a les marches
— pur avoir et tenir le tretee de pees le xxv. jour susdit ; moy
priant outre de faire et eider que Richard de Rotherford, chivaler,
purra estre demesnez easement, et a ce vous prie de eider, issint
toutdys qil soit en bone seuretee. Reverentz pieres en Dieu,
treschiers et honorez Sires et compaignons, notre Sr. vous eit en
sa garde. Escript a Blithe le xxiiij. jour de Marz.
(Signed) Le Conte de Northumbr',
Conestable Dengleterre.
Addressed) As reverentz pieres en Dieu, treschers et
honorez Sires et compaignons, les
grandz officers et conseillers du Roy
mon soverain, ore esteantz a Loundres.
Addl. MSS. 4601, art. 170, Brit. Museum.

XXIII.
The Rebellion in Wales.
(P. 202.)
Petition of William Tudor to Sir Henry Percy.
From Conway Cest est la supplicacioun William ap Tudire, quest,1 en le
Castle. chastell' de Conway, pur luy et pur Rys son frere, a lour gracious Sr.

[1401.J

Monsr. Henry Percy, justice de Northgales, de pursuer al gracious
Sr. le Roy, pur quere a eux grace et pardon desoutz le patent le
Roy de touz chosez qils ount faiet, tanqal jour de la deliverance
de dit chastell', cestassaver, lourz vies et corps a large, et lours
terrez, tenementz, et biens, par C. marcz de fine, a cause de lour
poverte, et qils sount robbes appaiers ou assemblera qe soit
affaier au Roy ou al Prynce, et pardon a lour vadletz, et as ceux
qui sount ovesque eaux en le chastell', et ount medlez ovesque
eaux, et confirmacioun de le Prynce de ceo, et le surement de
Monsr. Henry Percy, justice de Northgales, de ce alower ; et
sils eient cella ils deliverent le chastell', et lez biens qui sount
en ycelle, au Roy, ou au dit Monsr. Henry, en noun de Roy,
forsprys viaunde et boer qils dispenderent parentre cy et celle
temps ; et auxi, quaunt ils deliverent le chastell', de amesner eaux
saufment saunz perill' a lour hostell' et force ; et que nenveiera
brefs ne baillefs puis cele temps de eaux troubler ne prendre pur
celle cause ; et que ne soit accioun a lez burgeisez de la ville de
1 gst in printed copy.
520

APPENDIX.
Conway encountre eaux ne nuls de lourvadletz pur le arsure del chap. iv.
ville ne spoliacioun ne nule autre chose que fuist par devaunt —
cestez ; et quaunt tout ce vendra a eux et soit delivere a lour
meynes ils deliverent le chastell' come devaunt est dist. Et
auxi supplie le dit William a mon dit Sr. Henry de Percy,
justice etc., qil ne tretera ne traveill[er]a pur ly, sil ne veie qe le
Roy est en bone volunte de graunter a eaux la dit grace, saunz
maiys ou disceit, einz soeffrer a ly sauer sa vie et sez com
paignons sy longe come Dieux plerra ; et respounce de dit Sr.
sur ceo en brefe temps sil ferra ceo pursuer ou nemie. Et sy ne
semble au Roy qe soyt resoun qe lez burgeis neient accioun
encountre eaux pur ascune chose qils fierent avaunt sez heures,
supplient ils au Roy pur chescun chose, qe lez burgeis dient sur
eaux, et ils devyent davoir enquest indifferent, lune moyte des
Gales et lautre dez Englys ; ou autrement, sy surmettera gentil
homme dez burgeisez sur Rys ou William arsure de la ville ou
spoiler, ou estre assentantz a cella, ils purverent oue lour corps
qils nent sount coupables ; et sy valet de burgeisez dirra sur
eaux, ils proverent par vadlet de lours. Et sy le Roy voet de sa
grace graunter a eaux la dit pardon, et puis qils ount liveres le
chastell' au Roy, ils suppllient davoir spac e de demi an a
demurer en la paiis, et pur treter ovesque chescun qi demaunde
rien a eux, saunz playnt ne chalange ne arest deinz le dit
temps.1— Cotton MSS. Cleop. F. III. fol. i7b.

XXIV.
The Hotspur Correspondence.
(P. 202.)
A.— Sir Henry Percy to the Council.
Reverentz Piers en Dieux et treshonurez Srs. Vous pleiase Denbigh.
assavoir, qe jay resceu une lettre de prive seale notre Sr. le Roy IO APril
' par avise de soun Counsaile, ovesque certeinez ordinancez l401
desoutz le graunt seale, par lez quelles moy chargez affaer
proclamer la dit ordinance deinz lez bowndez de moun office
de justice, solonc qe moy semblera meut affaier. Et auxi jay
resceue une autre lettre du dit prive seale, moy chargeant que
disornevaunt nulle homme Galeys ne soit justice, chamberlayn,
chaunceller, seneschall', resseyvour, maistre forstre, viscount,
1 This petition having been submitted to the King by Hotspur with a strong
recommendation in its favour, the pardon claimed was granted in the following July.
See Fadera-, vol. viii. p. 209.
521

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. eschetour, ne constable de chastell', ne gardein des rollez ne
— recordour, en Gales, mes qe Englis soient en mesmez loffices, et
qils soient demurrantz sur yceux en propre persoun, forsprys le
Justice et son lieutenaunt : de quellez ordinauncez moy chargez
defaier hasty execucioun sy avant come a moy partient. As
quex maters, reverentz piers en Dieux et treshonurez Srs. jeo
ferray moun leall' devoyr a meutz qu jeo saveray, par avyse dez
autres de Counsaile moun treshonure et redote Sr. le Prynce
esteantz en cestez parties, eyant consideracioun a ceux qi ont
este de bone porte au Roy et moun dit Sr. le Prynce, a cest
temps de prys de le chastell' de Conway suisdit, et le pluis
eisement a cest foitz, sy vous semble, pur le greindir surte
temps avenir. Et aux, reverentz piers en Dieux et treshonourez
Srs., quaunt a ceo qe en lez ditz deux lettres mavez escritz,
qe jeo face bien et saufment garder touz lez chastell qeux jay
en gard pur terme de viee ou autrement en les ditz parties, sy
qe en ma defaut nulle perill damage ou perd naveine a mesmez
les chastell, ne a roialme ; et ceo moy chargez en »les ditz deux
[lettres] sur foy et ligeance, et sur payne de forfetour dez mesmez
lez chastell, et des profitez a yceux appurtenantz, saunz
iammez delors destre restorez ou resceuez a lez ditz gardez ou
ascuns dycellez : a quelez voilliez savoir, qe jeo nay deinz Gales
nulles chastell en ma gard, forsqe deux, pur quex jeo respounde
et respoundera, come jay faiet et pensa faier auxi loialment
moun devoir come ascune liege qe le Roy ad denz lez ditz parties,
affiant en vous, mez Srs., qe en cas tiele mischeife aveine, come
jammez ne ferra, sy Dieux plest, en ma defaut, qe vous voudrez
estre a moy auxi eise come as autres de moun petit estate en
cas semblable ; et sy jay faiet, ou purra faier en temps avenir, icy
ou aylours, bone service au Roy, moun soveraigne Sr., qe vous
voudrez ayder qe jeo usse tiele regard come resoun et le cas
requerroit ; qar a moy semble qe jeo naye rien en cestz parties,
mes qe le Roy de soun gracious Seigneurie moy ad fraunche-
ment donez, et bien ly pleist qe jay bien disservie. Reverentz
piers en Dieux et tres honurez Srs., autres nescrive a present, mes
voz nobles pleisers moy voilliez maunder dez ditz maters, et touz
autres voz pleisers, les quex jeo sera prest de parfourmer a moun
petit poiar. Sy pry a Dieux qe vous aiet en sa tressaintime
garde. Escrita Denbegh le xe jour daprill.
Henry Percy.
Cott. MSS. Cleopatra, F. III. fol. 16.
B. — Same to the Same.
Carnarvon. Reverentz piers en Dieu et treshonures Srs., jeo me recomance
2 May, 1401. a vous gf- voillez saver qa le fesance dycestez la paiis de
Northegalez, en quelle jeo suy teignaunt mez sessiones, est
522

APPENDIX.
bien entendantz et obeisant en toutz poynts a le loy, forspris
ceux rebelles qi sont deinz le chastelle d Conewey, et Rees, qi
est en lez montayns, quellez serront tresbien chastiez, si Dieu
pleast, par la force et governance qe moun redoute Sr. le Prince
y ad envoie, sibien de soun conseill' come de soun retenue, pur
tenir sege devaunt lez rebellez en le dit chastell ; quelle sege,
sil poet estre contenue tanqe les ditz rebelx soient pris, serra
graund eas et profit a le governance du dit paiis en temps
avenir. Et auxi, reverentz piers en Dieux et treshonurez Srs..
lez comons du dit paiis de Northegalez, cest assaver, lez conteez
de Carnarvan et Meryonythe, qi ont este devaunt moy a present,
ont humblement mercie moun redoute Sr. le Prince de la graund
travaille de sa benigne voluntee qil ad pursue a notre soverain
Sr. le Roi pur lour graciouse pardoun, luy empriant humblement
de soun confirmacione desoutz soun seal, offerant pur luy doner
par lour bone voluntee, outre toutz duetees sanz request dascun,
tiel et auxi graund somme come ils ont done a Roi Richard,
quaunt il fuist lour Roi et lour Prince, come le portour dycestez
vous sceit pleynment declarer. Et dautrepart voillez remembrer
coment pluisours foitz jay pursue a vous pur payment dez sol-
deours du Roi en la ville de Berewyk, et sur lestmarche Dengle
terre, les quellez sont en si graunt povertee, qils ne purront
porter nendurer pur defaute du payment; et pur ceo vous
supplie dordener qils purront estre paiez en manere come fuist
taille entre le Tres[orier] et moy a nostre darrein entreparlance,
si meillour payment ne purray avoir, qar autrement moy covient
venir devers vous pur le dit payment, toutz autres chosez lessez.
Reverentz piers en Dieux et treshonurez Srs., autres ne vous
say escrier a present, mez jeo prie le Seint Espirit qe vous
maynteigne en tout honour et joy solonc vostrez desires. Escrit
a Carnarva[n] le iije jour de Maij. HENRY Percy.

Ibid. fol. i6b.

Gardein de lestmarche Dengleterre vers Escoce.

C. — Same to the Same.

CHAP. IV.

Tresreverentz piers en Dieux, et treshonures et treschers Srs.
jeo me recomance a vous. Et vous please assavoir qe jenvoie
devers moun tresredoute soverain Sr. le Roi et vous moun bien
ame amy Jamez Strangways, le portour dycestez, pur vous
declarer tout lestate dez marchez et paiis pardeca, sibien del
orgoyll et governance dez rebelles et de lour comforte, come
de moun fait et governance  vous et de moun purpos
en avaunt selonc moun poair et les grauntz labour et costagez
qe moy faute a suste[nir], et ay fait, pur la graunt busoigne et
necessitee qe jeo veie en la paiis, lez queux en bone foy sont a

Denbigh. 17 May,
1401.

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. moy si importable qe outre le fyn de ceste moys, ou deinz iij.
ou iiij. jours ensuantz, jeo le puisse nullement endurier ; a quelle
temps vous please de mettre tiel ordenaunce come vous verrez
necessaire, quaunt vous averez bien entendue lestate du paiis ;
et en le mesne temps jeo mettray tout ma payne par terre et
par meare en corps et en biens pur faire bone service qe jeo
purray, come le dit portour dycestez vous savera declarer ; en
affiance qe vous y voillez avoir consideracione solonc voz sagez
discrecionez a mez ditz labour et costagez, et ordenir tiellement
pur la paiis . . . re le dit temps qil ne veigne a tiel meschief
come est apparant, qe Dieux defende. Tresreverentz piers en
Dieux, et treshonurez et treschers Srs., autres ne say a present,
mez nostre Sr. vous eit en sa seintisme garde. Escrit a Dyn-
biegh le xvije. jour [de] Maii. Henri Percy.
Ibid. fol. 26b. D. — Same to the Same.
Denbigh. Tresreverentz piers en Dieu, et treshonurez et mez t[reschers
4 June, 1401. srs_]( jeo me recomank a vous. Et dez novellz pardeca, sil vous
pleist assavoire, jeo vous ay nadgars escript et certefiez par
moun bien ame Jamez Strangways lez novellez et lestate de
ceste pais ; mez [pui]s soun partier jeo voie pluis de perille et
meschief en la pais qe jeo ne fys adonqes, ensi qe si bone et
hastie remedy ne so[it] purvieu sibien par terre come par mere,
tout la pais est en graund perille pur estre destruittz sanz doute
par lez rebellez, si jeo parte hors de ceste pais devaunt qe
ordeignance soit purvieuz pur ycelle ; le quelle moy faut affaire
de nessessitee, qar jeo ne puisse porter lez costagez qe jeo face
ycy sanz autre ordenaunce par vous. Et touchant ceo qe ad
este fait par moun treshonure uncle x [et] les autres Srs. en sa
compaignee, jesp[oire] qil vous ont ad certefiez, et de moun fait
en ceste chivachee, par terre et par mere, par mez souldeours,
paiez a mez proprez dispencez ; et de le journey qe javoie le xxx.
jour de Maii darrein a Catherederys, Dieux mercye ; le portour
dycestez, Johan Irby, fuist present ovesqe moy illoqes, vous soit
declarer ceo qil vist, sibien come de moun fait qe jeo iay fait, et
unqore face outre poiar, considerant le meschief qest ycy. Et
touchant aide promys dez Srs. marchers, moun Sr. Hughe
Browe fuist ovesqe moy ove xij. lancez et C. archers de moun
treshonure cosyn le Counte Darundelle, sanz ascun autre aide
de nully, forsqe a mez dispencez proprez. Et pur ceo tiel ordeig
nance come vous semblera voillez ordener pur cest pais, qar jeo
nattende pas ycy mez vostre response et voluntee par le dit
Jamez Strangways dez materes suisditz. Et dautre partie, voillez
1 Thomas Percy Earl of Worcester.
524

APPENDIX.
savoir qe moy sount venuz novellez, mesme cest jour, de le Sr. chap. iv.
de Pawys, coment il ad combatuz ovesqe Owane de Glendorde, et —
luy descomfitz, et plusours de sez gentz blessez, en soun chemyn
vers moun treshonure uncle et moy, come il mad certefiez, dont
jeo mercye Dieux. Et auxi jay novellez cest jour de mez
geritz qe jay ordenez sour le meare, coment ils ont pris 
a Bardesay, qe furont pris des Engleys par les Escotz, et dil-
leoqes ils pursueront une nief Descoce jes [qes al] coste de Mil-
forthe, et la pristerent le dit nief, ovesqe xxxv. hommez bien
hernaysez, dont je mercie Dieux. Tresreverent piers en Dieux
et treshonurez et [mes] treschers Srs., autres ne say a present,
mez jeo prie a Dieux qil vous eit en sa tresseinte garde. Escrit a
Dynb[iegh] le iiij. jour de Juyn. Henry Percy.
Ibid. fol. 27. E. — Same to the Same.
Tresreverentz piers en Dieux et mez treshonurez Srs. jeo me Swyneshede.
recomanc a vous. Etvous please remembrer coment jay pursuez 3 July, 140 1.
vers le Roi moun soverain Sr. et vous diverse foitz pur la pay
ment qe mest duez pur la marche Descoce, dont je suy gardein,
sibien pur ceo qestoit aderere a le darrein Parlement, come davoir
payement en avaunt sur Hull et Bostone, solonc le patent eut
grauntez par le Roi moun soverain Sr. susdit a moun tresredoute
Sr. et pier et moy, par avis de vous, mez Srs. de soun graunt
Conseille, dont jespoire qe vous avez bone conisance. Et
touchant le debt a moy duez a moun darrein partier de Londrez,
le Roi nostre soverain Sr. susdit chargea soun Tresorer qe lors
estoit pur la dite matere, et le dit Tresorer moy disoit qe sil
fuist greable a vous autres, mez Srs. du graunt Conseille, qil
ordener[oit] qe jeo serroie paiez de ij Ml. marcz en monoy entour
cest Pentecost darrein, et qe jeo serroie servis par assignement
de le remenaunt qe moy fuist duez a pluis tost qe faire ceo purroit ;
pur quelle argent et assignement avoir jay fait mez servauntz
pursuer, sibien a Londrez come a Hull et Bostone susdit, destre
paiez solonc leffect de la dite graunt et patent, sanz ascun denier
resceyver unqes depuis moun partier dilleoqes, mez a moy graunt
costage, et travaille a mez servauntz, sanz nulle esploit. Et come
jey entenduz a le darrein Parlement, quaunt la necessitee de
roialme fuist moustrez par vous, mez Srs. de graunt Conseille, as
Barons et Comons de roialme, il estoit demandez par toutz lez
marchez Caleys, Guyene, et Escoce, la meer, et Irlande, come
pur guerre et la marche Descoce estoit limitez a xxxvij. Ml.
livres, ou pluis ; et la ou le payment de temps de trievez a moun
1 This letter is classed under the correspondence of the year 1401 in the 'Cotton
MSS., but there is reason to doubt the accuracy of this date ; its contents appear to
assign it to the following year.
525

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. dit Sr. et pier et moy duez namonte qe a v. Ml. livres par an,
ne poet estre paiez, en bone foy jeo moy doigne graunt mer-
vaille, et moy semble qe vous mettez lez ditz marchez trop a
nounchaloir, queux serront trovez lez pluis fortz enemys qe vous
avez, ou autrement qe vous nagrees poynt de nostre service en
lez ditz marchez ; et si vous serchez bien, jespoir qe le greindre
defaute que vous troverez en lez ditz marchez est defaut de pay
ment, sanz quelle vous ne troverez nulle qi vous poet faire tiel
service. Sur qoy, tresreverentz piers en Dieux, et mez tres
honurez Srs.jayescript a Roi moun soverain Sr. susdit, en suppliant
qe [si] ascun male aveigne a sez ville, chastelles, ou marche, qe
jay en governance, pur defaute de payment, qe Dieux defende,
qe je nay poynt de blame, mez ceux qe ne moy voillent paier,
solonc soun honorable mandement et voluntee. Tresreverentz
piers en Dieux, et mes treshonurez Srs. ne vous displease qe
jescrive nounsachantment en ma royde et feble manere de ceste
matere, qar necessitee le moy fait faire, noun pas seulement de
moy, mez auxi de mez souldeours, qi sont en tresgraunt mischief,
sanz remedy du quelle je ne puisse ne ne ose aler vers lez ditz
marchez, pur quelle vous supplie et requerre dordenir solonc qe
vous semble busoignable. Sy prie a Dieux qe vous eit en sa
seintisme garde. Escrit a Swyneshede le iije. jour de Juyllet —
Ibid. fol. 7X and 32.
XXV.
Appeal for the Soldiers' Pay.
(P. 209.)
The Earl of Northumberland to the Council.
Newcastle. Tresreverent et reverentz pieres en Dieu, honurez Sires et
30 May, 1402. treschers. Veullez savoir que moy et mon filz H. sumes obligez
par endenture destre al chastell de Ormeston en Escoce le primer
jour d'augst prochein, pur receivoir le dit chastell, et de ce
avons hostages, sil ne soit mesme le jour rescouse par bataille ;
sur quoy jay escrit a mon soverain Sr. le Roy, come vous poet
apparoir par ses lettres. Et vous requere et prie de cuer, que
eiantz consideracion al aventure, labour, et travaill' que moy et
mon susdit filz purposons par grace de Dieu a faire pur avance-
ment des guerres celles parties, honur du Roy mon dit Sr., et
profit de tout le roialme, auxi qe a celle heure les enemys illoeques
et de France, ove les rebelles de Gales, serront en lour plus grand
orgoill', de queux Franceoys est dit qils serront fortifiez encontre
le dit jour, vous voillez, del tendre affeccion que vous avez al bone
estat du roialme, par voz sages discrecions eider que je et mon
526

APPENDIX.
dit filz poions a ceste feste de la Nativitee de Seint Johan pro- chap. iv.
chein estre confortez et paiez ou chevez de ce que nous est due, —
et que ce purra estre deliverez a Johan de Ambell', clerc, et
Richard Hamme, esquier, portour de cestes, et les oier croier de
la dite matire, et bonement exploiter, au fin que al dit feste de
Seint Johan nous poions savoir de quoy nous purrons certeine-
ment affier. Tresreverent et reverentz pieres en Dieu, honurez
Sires et treschers, je prie Dieux qil vous eit touz jours en sa
garde. Escrit al Noef Chastell' sur Tyne le xxx. jour de
May.— Colt. MSS. Vespasian, F. VII. fol. 23.

XXVI.
Prince Henry in the Welsh Wars.
(P. 211.)
The King to the Council.
Depar le Roy.
Reverentz peres en Dieu, et noz treschiers et foiaulx, nous Higham
vous saluons souvent, savoir vous faisantz qe nous avons entendu, Ferrers.
tant par la contenue de certeines lettres de nostre treschier et IO ¦'" y' I4°2'
tresame filz le Prince, a nous presentes par noz bien amez Maistre
William Feriby, Chanceller, et Johan de Watertoun, escuier de
mesme nostre filz, come par leur report, la bonne exploit de
nostre dit filz es parties de Gales, ainsi que pris en avons
tresgrand plaisir. Si volons et vous prions et chargeons, que au
fin que nostre dit filz puisse le mieulz continuer a resister a la
malice de noz rebelx Galois, sicomme il a bonnement commence,
al honneur de nous et de nostre royaume, quelle chose il ne
pourra faire sil nait de quoy, vous facez ordenner incontinent,
veues cestes, que nostre dit filz soit paiez de mil livres en maniere
comme il estoit ja tarde par vous appointez et accordez ; et que
du remanent a lui ordenne par la dicte cause, vous lui facez
purvoier de si hastive paiement comme faire ce pourra en aucun
maniere, au fin quil pourra tenir ses gens ensemble, qui sont en
point a departir de lui pour defaut de paiement de leur gages,
sicomme enformez sumes. Et ceste chose preignez ainsi a
cueur, qen nostre absence, a cause du propos par nous pris vers
les parties Descoce, quelle nous pensons tenir sanz default, pour
y donner aide et confort a noz treschers et foialx cousins le Conte
de Northumbr' et Henry son filz a la bataille par eux hon-
nourablement entreprins pour nous et nostre royaume contre les
Escotz, noz ennemys, damage ne peril aviegnent a noz marches
dc Gales, que Dieu ne vuille, sicomme vous desirez nostre honneur
527

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. sauver. Quel bataille finiez a lonneur de nous et de nostre dit
— royaume Dieux devant, nous nous transporterons en tout haste
possible vers les dictes parties de Gales pour y demourer et tenir
nostre houstel, espoirans en Dieu que par celle voie bon fin et
brief se fera de la rebellion que longuement y a duree, que Dieu
vuille estre par sa puissance. Reverentz peres en Dieu, et noz
treschiers et foiaulx, nostre Sr. vous ait en sa garde. Donne
soubz nostre signet a nostre ville de Hygham Ferers le xme- jour
de Juillet.
Reverentz peres en Dieu, et noz treschiers et foialx, nous vous
mandons que a nostre ame escuier Elmyn Leget portour de
cestes vous donnez foy et creance de ce qil vous dira depar nous
touchant les dictes matires ; et que a nostre ame escuier Johan
Wodehous vous donnez aussi ferme creance de ce quil vous dira
depar nous sur les informaciones par lui a vous a donner depar
nostre dit filz, et en ce faire lexploit que vous pourrez. Donne
comme dessus. — Cott. MSS. Cleop. F. III. fol. 44b-

Burton-on- Trent.
17 July, 1403.

XXVII.
King Henry's first mention of the Rebellion.
(P. 217.)
The King to the Council.
Depar le Roy.
Reverentz pieres en Dieu, et noz treschiers et bien amez
Nous, de ladvis des Srs. chivalers et escuiers estantz de present
pardevers nous, avons fait ordenner et diviser une copie dune
lettre, la quele nous vous envoions close deinz icestes, vuillantz
et vous mandantz, si vous veiez que se soit affaire, que adessoubz
nostre prive seal facez faire, veues cestes, noz lettres, selonc le
purport du dicte copie, a estre adressez a nostre cousin lercevesque
de Canterbirs et a tous noz autres prelatz et seigneurs, pieres de
nostre roiaume, sibien espirituelx come temporelx, au fin qils
purront estre signifiez de noz propos et governance ; et ce ne lessez
en nule manere. Toutes voies vous faceons assavoir que Henry-
Percy, qi sest levez contre nous et nostre regalie, come est dit, et
sicome jatarde certifiez vous avons, nous nappelle fors Henry de
Lancastre, et fait aussi diverses proclamacions parmy le countee
de Cestre, que le Roy Richard est encore en vie, a lentente dex-
citer nostre poeple de lever ovec luy, en afforce[ment] de son faulx
propos, si ainsi soit ; mais nepurqant vous signifions pur vostre
consolacion que la Dieu mercy nous sumes asses fort encountre
528

APPENDIX.
tous les malveullantz de nous et de nostre roiaume, et volons que chap. iv.
vous tous hastiez devers nous quelque part que nous soioms, —
sinoun le Tresourer, le quel nous vuillons, sil soit aussi vostre
boun advys, qil demoert en celles parties, pour faire toute la
chevance qil poet de monoie en cest nostre grant besoigne.
Donne soubz nostre signet a nostre ville de Burton sur Trente le
xvij. jour de Juillet.
Mes treshonurez Srs., savoir vous plaise, que yce Mercredy * je
contray le portour de cestes, et ne vous displease que je overay
les lettres, car je ne savoy quel hast ils demandent ; mes desicome
eles facent mension de lettre que serront faites desoubz le prive
seel, vous supplie que, sil semble a vostre tressage discrecion
que tielles lettres sont affaire, adonques facez fin que mes autres
compaignons de les fere prest a le seel, et jenveiera a vous, que
je aura bien tost par votre message. Monsr. le Chanc[eller]. —
Cott. MSS. Cleop. F. III. fol. 112.
XXVIII.
The Percy Challenge to Henry IV.
(P. 219.)
" We Henry Percy Erie of Northumberland, High Constable
of England and Warden of the West Marches of England to
wards Scotlande, Henry Percy, our eldest sonne, Wardein of the
Easte Marches of England towards Scotlande, and Thomas
Percy, Erie of Worcester, being proctours and protectors of the
Comon wealth, before our Lorde Jesu Christ, our Supreme Judge,
doo alledge, saie and entende to proue with our handes personally
this instante daie, agaynst thee Henry Duke of Lancaster, thy
complices and fauorers, uniustly presuming and named Kyng of
England, without title of right, but onely of thy guyle and by
force of thy fautors : that when thou after thyne exile diddest
entre Englande thou madest an othe to us upon the Holy
Gospelles, bodely touched and kissed by thee at Doncastre, that
thou woldest never claim the croune, Kyngdom or State royall,
but onely thyne owne propre inheritance and the inheritance of
thy wife in Englande ; and that Richard our Soveraigne Lorde
the Kyng and thyne, should raigne during the terme of his life,
gouerned by the good counsail of the Lordes spirituall and
temporall. Thou hast imprisoned the same thy Sovereigne
Lorde and our Kyng, within the toure of London, vntil he had
for feere of death, resigned his Kyngdomes of England and France,
and had renounced all his right in the forsaid Kyngdomes, and
others his dominions and landes of beyonde the sea. Vnder
coulor of whiche resignacion and renunciacion by the counsail
1 i8July.
VOL. I. 529 MM

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. of thy frendes and complices, and by the open noysyng of
the rascall people by thee and thy adherents assembled at
Westminster, thou hast crowned thyselfe Kyng of the realmes
aforesaid, and hast seazed and entered into all the Castles and
Lordshippes perteigning to the Kynge's Croune, contrary to
thyne Othe. WHERFORE THOU ART FORSWORNE AND FALSE.
"Also we do alledge,saie and entende to proue,that where thou
sworest vpon the same Gospelles in the same place and tyme to
vs, that thou wouldest not suffre any dismes to be leuied of the
Clergie, nor fiftenes on the people, nor any other tallagies and
taxes to be leuied on the realme of Englande to the behoffe of
the realme duryng thy life, but by the consideracion of the three
estates of the realme, except for great nede in causes of import
ance, or for the resistance of our enemies onely, and none other
wise : Thou, contrary to thyne othe so made, hast done to be
leuied ryght many dismes and fiftenes, and other imposicions
and tallagies, as well of the Clergie as of the Commonaltie of the
Realme of Englande, and of the marchants for feare of thy
Magestie royall. WHERFORE THOU ART PERJURED AND FALSE.
" ALSO we doe alledge saie and entende to proue that where thou
sworest to vs upon the same Gospelles in the foresaied place and
tyme, that our Soveraigne Lorde and thyne, Kyng Richarde,
should raigne during the terme of his lyfe in his royall prero
gative and dignitee : thou hast caused the same our Soveraigne
Lorde and thyne, traiterously within the Castell of Poumfret,
without the consent or iudgement of the Lordes of the Realme,
by the space of fiftene daies and so many nightes (whiche is
horible among christian people to be heard) with honger thirst
and colde to perishe, to be murdered. Wherefor THOU ART
PERJURED AND FALSE.
" ALSO we doe alledge, saie and entende to prove, that thou
at that time, when our Soveraigne Lorde and thyne, Kyng
Richarde, was so by that horible murder ded as above saied, thou
by extorte power, diddest usurpe and take the Kyngdome of
Englande, and the name and the honour of the Kingdome of
Fraunce, unjustly and wrongfully, contrary to thyne othe, from
Edmonde Mortimer, Earle of Marche and of Ulster, then next
and direct heire of Englande and of Fraunce imediately by due
course of inheritance after the decease of the aforesaid Richard.
Wherefore thou art perjured and false.
" ALSO we do alledge saie and entende to prove as aforesaid,
that where thou madest an othe in the same place and tyme, to
supporte and maintein the lawes and good customes of the realme
of Englande, and also afterwards at the tyme of thy coronacion,
thou madest an othe, the saied lawes and good customes to kepe
and conserue inuiolate : Thou fraudulently and contrary to the law
of Englande and thy fautors, have written almoste through every
530

APPENDIX.
shire in Englande to chose such knightes for to holde a parlia- chap. iv.
ment as shall be for thy pleasure and purpose, so that in thy
Parliamentes no justice should be ministered against thy mynde,
in these our complaintes now moved, and shewed by us, wherby
at any tyme we might have any perfight redresse, notwithstanding
that wee, according to our conscience (as we trust ruled by God)
have often tymes thereof complained, as well can testifie and bere
witness the right reverend fathers in God Thomas Arundell, Arch
bishop of Canterbury, and Richard Scrope, Archbishop of Yorke.
Wherfore nowe by force and strength of hande before our Lorde
Jesu Christ, we must ask our remedy and helpe.
" ALSO we do alledge, saie and entende to prove, that when
Edmond Mortimer, Erie of March and Ulster, was taken prisoner
by Owen Glendor in a pitched and foughten field, and cast into
prisone and lade with yron fetters, for thy matter and cause, whom
falsely thou hast proclaymed willingly to yield himself prisoner
to the said Owen Glendor, and nether wouldest deliver hym thy
selfe, nor yet suffer us, hys kinsmen, to ransome and deliver hym :
Yet notwithstanding we have not onely concluded and agreed
with the same Owen for his ransome at our propre charges
and expences, but also for a peace betwene thee and the said
Owen. Why hast thou then not onely published and declared us
as traytours, but also craftely and deceitfully imagined purposed
and conspired the utter destrucion and confusion of our persones.
" For the which cause we defy thee, thy fautoures and complices
as comon traytoures and destroyers of the realme, and the in
vaders, oppressoures and confounders of the very true and righte
heires to the Crowne of Englande, which thynge we entend
with ourhandes to prove this daie, Almightie God helping us." '
XXVIII A.
Delivery of the Remains of Hotspur's Body to
his Widow.
(P. 227.)
Hartshorne2 quotes the following writs for the delivery of
Hotspur's scattered remains to his widow : —
"For the Head and Quarters to be delivered.
" Percy.
" Whereas of our special grace we have granted to our cousin,
Elizabeth, who was the wife of Henry de Percy, Chivalier, the
1 Hall's Chronicle, as translated from the original Latin text in the Harleian MSS.
661. See also Ellis's edition of Harding's Chronicle. Strange to say, Walsingham
makes no reference to this important document, of the existence of which he could
not have been ignorant.
2 Feudal and Military Antiqidties, p. 296.
531 M M 2

APPENDIX.
chap. iv. head and quarters of the same Henry to be buried. We
command you that the head aforesaid placed by our command
upon the gate of the city aforesaid you deliver to the same
Elizabeth to be buried according to our grant aforesaid.
" Witness the King at Cirencester the 3rd day of November. "
" By Writ of Privy Seal.
" The King to the Mayor and Sheriff of the town of Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, greeting.
" Whereas (as above) we command you that you deliver to
the said Elizabeth a certain quarter of the said Henry placed
upon the gate of the city aforesaid to be buried according to
our grant aforesaid." — Rot. Claus., 5 Henry IV. m. 28, 3rd
Nov. 1403.
The same roll contains the King's order to the abbot to bury
the body of the Earl of Worcester in the Church of St. Peter
at Shrewsbury, and the certificate of the delivery of the head
and quarters of Hotspur's body to his widow.

Dated about
September 1403.

XXIX.
Surrender to the King's Commissioners of Alnwick,
Warkworth and other Castles.
(P. 229.)
Les nouns as queux lettres serront adressees, sil plest a nostre
soverain Sr. le Roy et a son Conseil, desouz le grand seal des
armes du Conte de Northumbr', pur la liveree de les chasteaux
desouz escriptes.
En primes, pur la liveree du chastel de Alnewyk a Monsr.
Gerard Heron, soit une lettre adressee a William Worthington
conestable dicel, Sire Johan Wyndale, Chapellain, William
Rodom, Johan Middelham, Thomas Clerk de Alnewyk, Richard
Bonde, et a chacun de eux.
Item, pur la liveree du chastel de Werkworthe a Monsr. Johan
Mitteford, soit une autre lettre faite a Monsr. Henri Percy, Johan
Creswelle, conestable dicel, et a Richard Aske, et a chacun de eux.
Item, pur le chastel de Prodhowe, soit une autre lettre directe
a Monsr. Robert Lyle, conestable dicel, de le garder.
Item, pur le chastel de Langlee, soit faite une autre lettre a
Odard de Redlee, conestable [dicel], de la garder.
Item, pur le chastel de Cokermouthe, soit une autre lettre
adressee a Monsr. William de Leghe, conestable dicel, et
532

APPENDIX,
pur garder aussi a celui qi serra assignez par nostre dit Sr. le chap. iv.
Roy et son Conseil la garde de to[uz] les prisoners Escotz et —
autres deinz mesme le chastel a loeps nostre^ dit Sr. le Roy,
cestassavoir, du Conte de Fyff [et] dautres.
Item, soient lettres faites desouz le dit seal a Monsr. Henri de
Percy et a Richard Aske, pur leur trehir [parjdevers nostre dit
Sr. le Roy, sicome accordez feust parentre nostre dit Sr. le Roy
et le Conte de Northumbr' susdit.
Item, soient autres lettres adressees a Sire Thomas Anlaby et
a dit Johan Wyndale, clercs, pur faire ordenner pur lapparaill du
dit Sr. Henry et pur les coustages de sa venue vers nostre Sr. le
Roy susdit, par manere come ils avoient en comandement par
lettres desouz le prive seal nostre dit Sr. le Roy ; considerant ce
qe le Sire de Say ad delivere monoye au dit Thomas Anlaby par
endenture pur la cause susdite.
Item, soit ordenne par nostre dit Sr. le Roy et son Conseil,
pur les coustages afaire desore enavant pur la gouvernance de les
chasteaulx susditz.
Item, en cas qe les susdites persones ne vuillent deliverer
les chasteaulx susdites par vertue de les dites lettres, ensi a
faires qe breifs de contempt soient faitz par la cause susdite.
Item, soit ordenne as qeux les chastelx serront deliverez,
et qe garrantz soient faitz [a celui qe leur paiera] pur les
coustages. Item, qe justices soient assignez pur seir a la ville de
Noef Chastel, sur la deliverance de . . . . et en le contre la
environ. Item, sil plest a nostre dit Sr. le Roy et a son Conseil,
dordenner qe briefs soient faitz a Monsr. William Clifford, hi:
chargeant estroitement pur deliverer a loeps nostre dit Sr. le
Roy le chastel de Berwyke a celui qi a ce serra assigne.
Item, qe commissions soient faites au gardein de lestmarche
vers Escoce, et a son lieutenant, pur receivre les rebelx illeoqes,
a grace par manere come ad este fait pardevant.
Item, qe un visconte soufiiceant soit ordennez illeoqes pur le
profit du Roy.
Item, qe une lettre desouz le prive seal soit faite a Johan de
Aske, pur chivacher a son frere Richard de Aske, et pur lui con-
seiller de venir ovec lui en sa compaignie vers le southe.
Item, qe un bon et sage gouvernour soit ordennez pur touz
les terres, chasteaux, et seigneuries du dit Conte de Northumbr',
tanqe ils soient myses en bone gouvernance, sil plest a nostre dit
Sr. le Roy et a son Conseil.
Item, lettre a Monsr. Gerard Heron, pur receivre le chastiel
de Alnewik, et une autre lettre a Monsr. Johan Mitteford, pur
receivre le chastiel de Werkworthe, en promettant paiement pur
la garde. 533

CHAP. IV.

APPENDIX.
Item, lettre a Johan de Aske, en lui signifiant qe le Roy voet
qe Henri filz Thomas de Percy » et Richard Aske, frere du dit
Johan, vienent pardevers le Roy ; et pour ce face le susdit
Johan envoier a son dit frere qil soy transporte pardevers
le Roy.—Cott. MSS. Vespas. F. VII. fol. 64.

Dated about
September 143°.

XXX.
Credentials of Lord Say.
(P. 229.)
La credence donnee au Sire de Say par le Conte de Westmer-
land, pour declarer au Roy nostre Sr.
Primerement, il semble au Conte de Westmerland et as autres
grantz et sages cestes parties, qil serra prouffitable pour nostre
Sr. le Roy de soy treer vers les parties de North' tanque a
Pontefreit, ou la entour, apres sa venue hors de Gales, quant
lui plerra, pour lestablissement du paiis et la sauvacion de la
pees, et pour pleuseurs autres bonnes et necessaires causes celles
parties. Item, comment les valetz qestoient de la liveree du Conte de
Northumbr', ymaginantz et faisantz appert rumour qe nostre dit
Sr. le Roy est mort, et qe le dit Conte est a large, et est venu
devers eulx, ceulx de Northumbr' et de Leveschee de Duresme
disantz qil est a Everwyk, et ceulx du contee Deverwyk qil est
a Beverley ; par quoy ils font assemblees, privez et appertz, et
pluseurs chivachent devers lui, leur cressans as braas.2 Par quoy
leur malice contre notre dit Sr. overtement appert, et leur entent
est de faire insurreccion en ce qils purront, dont il covient de
prendre hastive avys, et estre ordenne qe serra fait de mesmes
les liverees de cressans.
Item, en especial, par cause que le chastel de Berewyk est
detenuz par fort main, et aussi que les chastelx de Alnewyk et
de Werkworthe, et autres fortelettes celles parties, ne sont
uncore en tiele obeissance come appartient, il serroit bon qe nostre
dit Sr. ferreit mesner par meer vers le North' engyns, canons,
artillerie, et autres choses necessairs pour assautz des chasteux,
sibien pour terrour des disobeissantz, come pour necesitee, sil
convient. Item, il semble boun pour envoier briefs de chargeance forme,
alias pluries et contempt, a Monsr. William le Conble. du chastel
de Cokermouthe, pour deliverer le dit chastel al oeps de nostre
dit tressouverain Sr., et davoir lettres auxi del dit Conte souz son
grant seel qe ce soit fait.
* The Earl of Worcester is not known to have been married.
The Percy badge.
534

APPENDIX.
Item, quant un parlement, ce soit al avys de nostre tres- chap. iv.
souverain Sr. et de soun Conseil. — Cott. MSS. Vespas. F. VII. —
fol. 66.
XXXI.
Surrender of Jedworth Castle.
(P. 232.)
Inspeximus and confirmation by the King of an agreement
made at Pontefract 9th July 5 Hen. IV. between the King and
his Council (named) of the one part, and the Earl of Northumber
land of the other part ; that the Earl shall deliver to the King's
commissioners as follows, viz. the Castle of Berwick-on-Tweed,
with Percy Tower, and " le foil del Coket," with the rent of 500
marks yearly from the customs of Berwick, to Sir Robert de
Normanvill ; and the Castle and Forest of Jedworth, with
royalties, advowsons &c. (as in the charter of Edward III. to
" Henry Sire de Percy," grandfather of the said Earl,) to Robert
Swynowe; between the feast of Saint Margaret and the ist
August next ; on condition that the King with the assent of
Parliament or of his Great Council shall give to the Earl and his
heirs lands and tenements to the same value as the Castles above
named. In default of performance hereof, the King will cause
the Castles to be re-delivered to the Earl. The Earl to have all
his goods therein, or their value. Dated at Lichfield, 27th
August, 1403. — Rot. Pat. 5 Henry IV. p. 2, m. 7.
XXXI A.
Writ for the Quartering of the Body of Henry,
First Earl of Northumberland.
(P. 239.)
After the engagement at Bramham Moor the following writ
was addressed to the mayors, sheriffs, and bailiffs of Berwick,
Newcastle, York, and Lincoln : —
"We command you, strictly enjoining that you receive one
quarter of the body of Henry Percy, late Earl of Northumber
land, a traitor to us, which quarter shall be delivered to you on
our behalf, and that you cause the same to be placed in the
place of the city aforesaid [the site being in each case
specified] in the manner which in like case heretofore hath been
accustomed to be done.
"Witness the King at Westminster the 10th day of March"
[1407]. 535

APPENDIX.
chap. v. Four months later (2nd July) writs were issued to the same
— persons directing the interment of the Earl's remains. And
the Mayor of London was by a special writ commanded to
deliver the head, which had been placed upon London Bridge
by royal command, " to the Bearer of these Presents," with a
view " to be buried in Holy Sepulture."
XXXII.
Henry Percy's Petition to the Parliament.
(P. 245.)
Petition of Henry Percy, son of Henry Percy, sen of Henry
Percy, Earl tof Northumberland, that whereas the King has of
his own motion and grace " enabled " the said Henry to the name
estate and inheritance of the Earl of Northumberland,1 notwith
standing the rebellion and forfeitures of his father and grand
father, the said ability may be enacted in the present parliament ;
and that he may have all the lands and other possessions which
were entailed to his said father and grandfather, or their ancestors,
and that he may have entry into the same by petition or other
process ; to hold to him and the heirs of his body begotten, not
withstanding that he is underage and detained in Scotland against
his will. And that the blood between his father and grand
father and himself and his heirs was attainted for the cause above
said ; saving to the King the forfeitures of all lands &c. of which
his said ancestors were seized in fee simple ; and providing that
the Petitioner, when he comes to England, shall do homage to
the King. Which petition the King granted by authority of
parliament on condition that the Petitioner do sue to the
Chancery and prove what was given in tail to his ancestors
before he enter into any of the lands or tenements which he
claims to be thus entailed to him, saving to the King the
forfeitures of lands held in fee simple, as above, and also all other
lands held to the use of the Petitioner's father and grandfather."
— Extract from Rolls of Parliament 2 Henry V.
1 The usual practice in similar cases was to cause the act of attainder to be
formally revoked by Parliament with the effect of restoring the next of kin to the
status quo ante. There is no record, however, of any such proceeding in this instance,
and the instrument under which Henry Percy resumed the ancestral title (Charter Rolls
3 and 4 Henry V. No. 6), makes no reference to the original earldom, but (being word
for word with exception of the date and subscribing witnesses, identical with the charter
of the first Percy earldom), appears to have been intended as a new creation, rather
than a restoration.
It was owing to the exceptional course thus adopted that Henry Percy's resumption
of the earldom did not carry with it the restitution of the lands forfeited by the
attainder of his grandfather, the transfer of which still remained subject to the royal
bounty, and to parliamentary sanction, after he had taken his seat in the House of
Peers.
536

APPENDIX. XXXIII.
Relating to Percy Lands held in Fee Tail.
(P. 245.)
Act of Parliament for the heirs of Henry Percy, Thomas chap. v.
Percy late Earl of Worcester, Henry Percy, late Earl of North- —
umberland, and of Thomas late Lord Bardolf, and others.
Whereas in Parliament, 5 Henry IV., an Act was made that
lands held by Henry Percy, Thomas Percy, Earl of Worcester,
and other traitors who were at the Battle of Shrouesbury, in
trust for other persons, should not be forfeited, and that any
grants made thereof by the King should be void, provided that
the King should have the forfeitures of their own lands which
they held by inheritance or purchase, or which were held to their
use. And whereas by another Act of 7 Henry IV., a similar
enactment was made with respect to land held in trust by Henry
Percy, Earl of Northumberland, or Thomas, formerly Lord
Bardolf, with a like proviso touching the forfeiture of their own
lands ; Nevertheless it was not the intention of the said Acts that
the said Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, Thomas Percy,
Earl of Worcester, and Lord Bardolf should forfeit any lands
given to them or their ancestors in fee tail ; and as the said
Acts are doubtful and obscure in this respect, it is now enacted
that the said forfeitures shall not extend to lands of the said
persons held in fee tail, but only to those held in fee simple by
inheritance or purchase, or to their use, and that their heirs shall
not be barred from claiming such lands held in fee tail. — Extract
from the Roll of Parliament 18 Henry VI.
XXXIV.
Prudhoe Castle.1
(P. 246.)
Memorandum that J. Bishop of Bath and Wells the King's
Chancellor came before the King and delivered here in Court
a certain Record "had" before the King in his Chancery in
these words : —
Pleas before the King in his Chancery at Westminster in the
octaves of the Purification of the B. V. Mary 15 Henry VI.
It is found by a certain Inquisition taken at the King's
Castle of Newcastle upon Tyne, on Tuesday in the fourth week
of Lent in the 14th year of the present King, before Thomas
Fulthorp and others by virtue of the King's commission and
1 See ante, Appendix XVII a.
537

APPENDIX.
chap. v. returned into Chancery that John de Haweburgh, parson of the
— Church of Iwardeby, and others, by their deed dated at Prudhowe,
on Thursday after the Assumption of B. Mary, 49 Edward III.,
gave to Gilbert de Umfravyll, Earl of Angos, and Matilda his
wife, the Castle of Prudhowe and the Manor of Ovyngham in
co. Northumberland, which they had of the gift of the said
Earl : to hold to the said Earl and Matilda and the heirs of the
Earl's body, so that if the said Earl should die without heir of
his body the said Castle and Manor should remain to Henry
Lord Percy (late Earl of Northumberland) and the heirs male
of his body : by the King's licence dated 5 July, 49 Edward III.
Afterwards the said Earl of Angos died without heir of his body
begotten, and the said Matilda died subsequently ; after whose
death the said late Earl of Northumberland entered into the
said Castle and Manor as into his remainder, and was seized
thereof in his demesne as of fee and right by the form of the
said gift in the time of King Richard II. and he took the profits
thereof &c. From the said Earl Henry the right descended to
Henry his son and heir, and from him to Henry, now Earl of
Northumberland as son and heir.
Whereupon the present Earl comes into Chancery and
demands the said Castle and Manor to be delivered to him.
John Vampage, who sues for the King, alleges that divers
charters, writings &c. concerning the premises are in the
Treasury &c. A writ was accordingly issued to the Treasurer
and Chamberlains, who returned that they could find no such
evidences. The King's attorney then alleged that the said Henry Percy,
late Earl of Northumberland, was seized in demesne as of fee of
the said Castle and Manor, on the 6th May 6 Henry IV. at the
time when he forfeited to that King ; and he denied the alleged
settlement by John de Haweburgh and others &c.
The present Earl alleges that the late Earl was not seized in
fee simple, but in fee tail, at the time when he forfeited to
Hen. IV. Issue was joined, and referred to a jury.
Several adjournments took place and at length the case was
tried before the Justices for Assizes at Newcastle upon Tyne in
19 Henry VI., when the King's Attorney did not appear. The
Jury found that John de Haweburgh and others made the
settlement described above.
Accordingly Judgment was given that the King's hands
should be amoved from the said Castle and Manor and that
the same should be delivered to the present Earl as his right and
inheritance ; to hold to him and the heirs of his body issuing
according to the form of the said gift.
Queen's Bench, Coram Rege Roll, Easter term, 15 Hen. VI.
Crown side, roll 9. 538

APPENDIX.

XXXV.

Castle and Mansion Houses belonging to the Percies »
from the Conquest down to the Middle of the
Fifteenth Century.

(P. 248.)

}

I

Topcliffe or Topclive . . Yorkshire
Spofford or Spofforth . . Ditto
Tadcaster  Ditto
Petworth  Sussex
*Dunsley  York
*Sutton-upon-Derwent . . . Ditto
Lekinfield  Ditto
*Mitford  Northumberland J
Alnwick  Ditto
Warkworth  Ditto
Newburn  Ditto
*Kirk Levington  Yorkshire
*Dalton Percy  Durham
*Whalram Percy  Yorkshire
*Dronfield  Derbyshire
*Emelins  Wales
Wressil  Yorkshire
Cockermouth  Cumberland
Egremont  Ditto
Prudhoe  Northumberland )
Langley  Ditto j
*The Castle  Isle of Man \
*Beaumaris  Wales j
Northumberland House . . The Close, Newcastle
Percy's Inn  York . .
Earl's Inn  Newcastle
*Percy House  Bishopsgate, London
*Northumberland House . . Aldgate, London
A Mansion  In Beverley . .
A Mansion  In Durham . .

Acquired circ. A.D.
IO69

}•

1 120
IISO
1200
I24OI3IO
1327
1331 1370
1377I38o
1385
1392x399

Dates
,-uncer- tain.

chap. v.

1 The places marked with an asterisk did not come into possession of the second
Earl of Northumberland, having either fallen to younger branches of the family or
lapsed to the Crown.
The several castles in Scotland granted to the Percies at different times are not
included in this list.

539

APPENDIX. XXXV A.
Unsettled Condition of the Border in 1435.
(P. 258.)
chap. v. The following abstract from a portion of the graphic account
left by .Eneas Sylvius Piccolomini, Secretary to the Cardinal
Santa Croce, who was sent on a mission to Scotland in 1435,
helps us to realise the barbarous and unsettled condition in
which the border then was.
" The Nuncio had suffered so much by sea that rather than
attempt another voyage, he resolved to face the risk of a journey
through England. Disguising himself as a merchant, he was
ferried across a river [apparently the Solway] which, rising in a
high hill, divides the two realms ; and resting about sunset at
what he calls a big town, found lodging in a peasant's house,
where he supped with his host and the parish priest. There
was plenty of broth, fowls, and geese, but neither wine nor
bread. All the people of the place, both men and women,
came flocking to the spot, staring in amazement at -Eneas, as
Italians would stare at an Ethiopian or an Indian. ' Where does
he come from ? ' they asked the priest ; ' what is he doing here ? Is
he a Christian ? ' Forewarned that he must look for hard fare
upon his journey, /Eneas had provided himself at a certain
monastery with some loaves of bread and some red wine. The
sight of these astonished the English barbarians more than ever
— they had never seen either wine or white bread. . . , The
supper lasted until the second hour of the night, when the
priest, the host and his children, with all the men, took their
leave, saying that they must be gone to a certain tower a long
way off, for fear of the Scots, who were wont, when it was dark
and ebb tide, to come over the river and plunder. It was in
vain that the Italian entreated to be taken with them. Nor did
they take any of their women. . . . -Eneas, therefore, with two
servants and a guide or interpreter, remained alone among a
hundred women, who, ranging themselves in a circle round the
fire, spent the hours in carding hemp and talking with his guide.
The night was far passed, when there was a loud noise of dogs
barking and geese cackling. The women fled, some one way,
some another ; the guide fled with them ; and there was as great
a tumult as if the enemy had come. .Eneas thought it best to
lie still in his bedroom — it was a stable — lest, if he attempted
flight in a place of which he knew nothing, he might only run into
danger, and be robbed by the first man he met. He had not
long to wait before the women came back with the guide ; the
alarm had been raised by the arrival of friends, not of foes.
540

APPENDIX.
With daylight the Nuncio resumed his journey. When he chap. v.
reached Newcastle, said to be a work of the Caesars, it seemed —
as if he had returned to the habitable world, so unlike Italy, so
rugged, wild, and dreary did Scotland and the north of England
appear to his eyes." *

XXXVI.
Foundation of Fellowships at Oxford.
(P. 261.)
" Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, and Lord of the
Honour of Cockermouth, did at the request of the Universitie
(after this College had suffered so great impoverishment that
the Chief Revenues were allotted by the Chancellor of the
Universitie to pay its debts and repaire the houses belonginge
thereunto) give them three acres of land in, and the Advowson
of, the Rectory of Arnecliffe in Craven in the Countie of York ;
{21st Henry VI) to the end that they the said fellows should
alwaies have in and choose into their College three Bachelors,
or Masters, of Art of the Boroughs of Durham, Carlisle, and
Yorke, to make proficiencie in Divinitie among them, and be
accounted as Fellows and enjoy all privileges as they doo.
"About the same time the College entertained thought of
having the said Rectorie appropriated, that thereby the gift
might be improved to the said College, and its ruinated houses
might be enriched and repaired. The said thought of theirs
being imparted to the Universitie and approved, the members
thereof wrote two Epistles the same yeare, that is to say : one
to the Archbishop, John Kempe, and another to the Dean and
Chapter of Yorke, that they would give leave for its appro
priation, which being by them granted, was the same yeare
brought to pass according to their desires and a reserve of
twenty marks per annum issuing thence to be paid to the Vicar
that should serve them.
" This great Earl died in,or just after, the Battle of St. Alban's
on the eleventh of the Cal. of June2 1455, and had afterwards a
mass called Salus Populi celebrated yearlie in the Chappell by the
fellowes and Scholars, for the health of him and his Countess,
and for his children, on the feast of Corpus Christi (as also for
Maud, the wife of his son Henry) as the obligation of the
1 Concilia Scotia, Bannatyne Club Publications, Edin., 1866. Vol. i, preface,
page xcvi.
2 An error, the first battle of St. Alban s was fought on 22nd May.
541

APPENDIX.
chap. v. College to performe the said service, dated 28 Nov. 13 Edward
" IV. doth in some part shewe.
" There was also a mass performed for them on the feast of the
Holy Trinitie as in the old Calender is manifest." — From A.
Wood's MS. History of the University of Oxford, vol. ii. page
172.
XXXVII.
Lands in Possession of Henry Percy, 2nd Earl of
Northumberland, at the date of his death.
(P. 268.)
It was found by inquisition, that this Earl of Northumber
land was, at the time of his death, seized of the castle and
lordship of Alnwike, with its appurtenances, viz. the borough
of Alnwike and Alnmouth, with the towns of Alnwike, Lesbury,
Houghton, Chatton, Alnham, &c. in com. Northumbr. ; as also
of the castle and manor of Prudhow, and Birkley, with their
members; of the castle of Werkworth, and manors of Werk-
worth, Corbrigge, and Newburne in the same county. Like
wise of a certain house, called Percy's Inn, situate in the parish
of St. Dionis, within the city of York : And of the manors of
Topcliffe and Spofford, with the advowson of the church of
Donnington ; of the manors of Lethlay, Shothorpe, Gigleswike,
Langstrother, Tadcaster, Catton, with the advowson of the
church, Pocklington, Nafferton, Hunandby, Semar, and Kirk-
Levington, in com. Ebor : Of the manors of Dagenham, and
Cokeral, in com. Essex : Of the manors of Swaby, Brinkell,
Laughton, Saucethorp, Haghe, Ulseby, Fulnetby, Horsington,
Herningby, Oxcumbe, Farforth, Witherne, Gayton, Havering-
ham, Lasseby, Claythorp, Malberthorp, Fedelthorp, Trusthorp,
Sutton, Hotost, Anderby, Asserby, Louthford, Cobbenham,
Thorp juxta Louthe, Imingham, Wickesby, Toft, Neuton,
Snellestand, Reresby, Dykering, Carleton, Preston, Legburne,
Welton juxta Thwayte, Urby, Athenby, Hotby, Hamore, Low-
boworsby, Saxelby, Somerby, Thornton, Kathorpe, Staineton,
Thorpe juxta Lathford, Garnethorpe, Louthney, Horkelaw,
Riggesby, Willingham, West-Langby, Fanthorpe, Kenermond,
Covenham, and Worldby, in com. Line. Of the manor of
Foston, in com. Leicester : Of the castle and honour of Cocker
mouth, the manors of Papcastre, Aspatrike, Wighton, Brathwait,
Cameswater, Dene, Caldbeck, Ulmedale, and moiety of the
manor of Kirkbrigge ; the advowsons of the churches of Dene,
and Kirkbrigge, Ulmdale, and chapel of St. Leonard at Wighton,
in com. Cumbr. Likewise of the fourth part of the barony of
542

APPENDIX.
Egremond, with its appurtenances, in the same county ; the chap. vi.
advowson of the church of Wadwinch ; with certain lands in —
Westward and Allerdale, parcel of the manor of Wighton, in
the same county. — From Calend. Inquis. post mort. 33 Henry VI.
Petworth and other lands in Sussex, and the Percy estates in
Suffolk and Kent form the subject of separate Inquisitions.

XXXVIIA.
Warrant of Henry Percy, Son of the 2nd Earl of
North umberland.
(P. 270.)
Henricus Percy, Miles, primogenitus Henrici Comitis North- 22 July
umbrie, Gardianus Estmarchie Anglie versus Scociam, dilecto 1446
et fideli Armigero nostro Cristofero Spencer, salutem. Et quia
nobis certificatum est et relatum quod quedam multitudo Scot-
torum in diversis locis infra metas Gardenrie nostre Estmarchie
Anglie versus Scociam valde sunt supportati et sustentati
absque licencia legitima quacunque in magnum prejudicium
atque dampnum domino nostro Regi et populo suo. Ideo ex
parte domini nostri Regis qua fungimur in hac parte tibi corn-
mittimus potestatem ut omnes Scottos sive Scottas, quos vel
quas infra nostram Gardenriam predictam inveneris, per corpora
eorum ac bona et catalla sua capias et arrestes, et eos sive eas
prisonarios deteneas, quosque finem ac redempcionem secundum
legis institucionem et consuetudimen Marchie predicte fecerint.
Et insuper tibi precipimus et mandamus ut omnes supportantes
et auxiliantes dictos Scottos sive Scottas attachias sive attachiari
facias per corpora eorum, quousque sufficientem securitatem
invenerint ad respondendum coram nobis seu commissariis
nostris in curia nostra Gardenrie predicte de transgressione
facta contra proclamacionem et ordinacionem factas pro salva
custodia Marchie predicte. Et hoc quamdiu nobis placuerit
tantum modo duraturum. Datum sub sigillo Gardianitatis
nostre predicte ad causas, vicesimo secundo die Mensis Julii.
Anno regni Regis Henrici Sexti post conquestum Anglie
vicesimo quarto.
Sealed on a pendent tag of parchment with a seal of red
wax, bearing the fetterlock within a crescent inscribed:
Sigill. Henrici Percy Milit[is Gardiani] Est Marchie
Ang [lie] versus Scociam ad causas.
The letters within brackets are lost, the seal being slightly
injured. 543

APPENDIX.

XXXVIIl.
The Poynings Lands Acquired by the Third
Earl of Northumberland. (P. 270.)
chap. vi. SciANT, &c. Quod nos Johannes Leukenore Armiger Bartho-
lomeus Bolree Johannes Gruele et Thomas Gynour dimisimus
tradidimus et hac presenti carta nostra quadripartita indentata
confirmavimus Thome Vrsewyk Edwardo Barkeley Armigero
Radulpho Verney Ricardo Nedeham Ricardo Pygot Guidoni
Fairfax Roberto Rodes Thome Rygby Johanni Werk clerico
Roberto Dawtree et Johanni Stodeley Maneria nostra de
Ponynges Hamelton Wyke Sond Perching Magna Perchyng
parva Slaugham Pengeden Preston Ponynges Waldern Herun-
tandey et Ashcomb SUSSEX. Maner Stokecursy Spekynton
Briggehampton Wyke Chaddon Staple Cary Fitz-Payn Radeway
Charleton et Lude Somerset. Dureston Okeford-Fitz Payne
DORSET. Trellingham Estwell Newenton Bertram Hertle Hors-
mondon Westwod Loveland Rokesley et North Cray in Comitatu
Kanci/E Okewold in Norfolk Wrentham in Comitatu
SUFFOLK Necnon omnia alia maneria terras &c. nuper Roberti
Domini de Ponynges militis ac Ricardi Ponynges militis et
Alianore vxoris ejus defunctorum in Comitatibus Sussex
Somerset Dorset Kancie Norfolk et Suffolk quae nos
conjunctim cum Johanne Michelgrove jam defuncto et cum
Thome Hooare adhuc superstite qui relaxavit jus Thome
Michelgrove per scriptum suum datum primo die Julij anno
36 H. 6 ex dono Henrici Percy tunc Comitis Northumbriae
Domini Honoris de Cokermouth ac Domini de Ponynges dat(o)
decimo Septembris anno 36 H. 6 &c. Habendum &c. eisdem
Thome Edwardo &c. Tenendum de capitalibus Dominis feodi
&c. Per servitia &c. In cujus rei testimonium &c. Datum
quarto decimo die mensis Aprilis anno regni Regis Edwardi
quarti &c. tertio. Ex autographo penes me Petrum Le Neve
Norroy inter cartas diversorum comita-
tuum.
Sealed by Lewknore Bolree Gruele and Gynnour, the seales
without arms except Bolrees, which is so defaced not to be
discerned. — From the Record Office.
544

APPENDIX.

XXXIX.

The Award made at Westminster on the Three and
Twentieth of March, Anno Regni Regis, 36.
(P. 274.)
First, that at the costs, charges, and expenses of the duke chap. vi.
of Yorke, the earles of Warwick and Salisburie, fourtie and five r. —
pounds of yearelie rent should be assured by waie of a mortise- "458. t""'
ment for ever, unto the monasterie of S. Albans, for suffrages
and obits to be kept, and almes to be emploied for the soules of
Edmund late duke of Summerset, Henrie late erle of Northum
berland, and Thomas late lord Clifford, late slaine in the battell
of Saint Albans, and buried in the Abbeie Church, and also for
the soules of all other slaine in the same battell. The said
duke of Summerset, the earle of Northumberland, and lord
Clifford, by virtue of the same award, were declared for true and
faithfull liegemen to the king, and so to be holden and reputed
in the daie of their deaths, as well as the said duke of Yorke,
the earls of Warwick and Salisburie  *
.... Also where Thomas Persie, knight, lord Egremond, and
Richard Persie his brother, sonnes of the ladie Elenor countess
of Northumberland, had been in a Sessions holden within the
countie of Yorke before Richard Bingham, and Rafe Pole, the
kings justices and other commissioners, condemned unto the
earle of Salisburie in the summe of eight thousand marks ; and to
the same earle, and to his wife Alice in the summe of five thou
sand marks ; and to Thomas Neuill knight, son to the said earle
of Salisburie, in the summe of a thousand marks ; and to the said
Thomas and Maud his wife, in the summe of two thousand
marks ; and to John Nevill knight, sonne to the said earle of
Salisburie, in the summe of eight hundred marks : for transgres
sions and trespasses there found to be doone by the said lord
Egremond, and Richard his brother, unto the said earle of
Salisburie, Alice, Thomas Neuill, Maud and John Neuill, as by
the record appeered.
It was ordeined, that the said earle and his sonnes should
release all the said summes of monie, and the executions thereof,
and likewise release unto Rafe Verneie and John Steward, late
Sheriffes of London, unto whose custodie the said lord Egre
mond had beene for the same condemnations committed, and
1 Here follows a clause relating to compensation to the Duke of Somerset and
John, Lord Clifford, for the death of their fathers.
VOL. 1. 545 N N

APPENDIX.
chap. vi. from them escaped, all actions which they or anie of them
— might have against the said Verneie and Steward for the same
escape. Yet it was decreed by this award, that the said lord
Egremond should be bound by recognisance in the Chancerie,
to keep the peace toward the said earle and his wife, children,
servants, and tenants.
Also where diverse knights, esquiers, and other servants and
tenants to the said earle of Northumberland, and to the said
lord Egremond, were by their severall obligations bound, by
occasion of the said debates, unto the said duke of Yorke, earle
of Salisburie, or any of their children, to stand to their order
and government ; it was ordeined that the same obligations
should be delivered to them that so stood bound, before the
feast of Saint Peter ad vincula next ensuing at the citie of
York, or else that the parties so bound should have sufficient
acquitances in discharge of the same obligations.
It was further awarded, that all variances, discords, debates,
controversies, appeales, and actions personals, that were or had
beene betwixt any of the said persons, or any of their servants, or
tenants, should be for ever determined and ended, sauing to
euerie one his title, action, or right, which he had by any evidence
of arrerages of rents or services, accounts, detinues, or debts due
by reason of anie lawfull contract or deed, had and made for
anie reasonable considerations, other than the variance before
said. And for the more assurance of both parties, it was ordeined
that either should release to other all maner of actions, that were
meere personals and appeales, which anie of them might have
against the other, by reason of the variances and discords before
mentioned. Also it was decreed, that if any action, sute, or quarell chanced
betwixt any of the servants or tenants of anie of the parties,
for matter or title supposed to be had, occasioned or mooved
before this time, that from henceforth none of the said parties
should mainteine, support, or aid any of them that will so sue
and mooue strife and debate : but should rather so deale as the
matter may be brought to peace and quietnesse.
It was further awarded, that if anie man complained, pre
tended, or surmised that this award was not kept, but in some
point broken by anie of the parties, for the which breach he
would have a scire facias, or some other action prosecuted in the
king's name upon any recognisance made to the king for the
performance of this award: yet should not the same scire facias
or action be prosecuted, till the kings councell might be througlie
certified of the matter by the complainant, and upon considera
tion see just cause whie the same scire facias, or action, ought
to be had and prosecuted in the kings name.
546

APPENDIX.
And if anie variance rose betwixt the councell of both parties chap. vi.
in making of the reconisances, releases, acquittances, or other —
writings, the same variance should be determined by the two
lords cheefe iustices, that should be fullie instructed of the
king's intention in this behalfe.
And besides this, it was notified and declared by the same
award, that the parties being severallie bound in the Chancerie
in great sums to obeie and performe this award, ordinance and
iudgment made by the king ; it was the kings will and pleasure
that the same recognisances should stand in force, and no parcels
of the summes therein contained to be pardoned in anie wise,
without the agreement and consent of the partie for whose
assurance the same recognisance was taken.
And if anie of the said summes, or any parcel thereof should
be recovered by action or execution taken and prosecuted in the
kings name, upon anie of the said recognisances, the partie to
whose hinderance the award was broken, should have the one
halfe of the monie so recovered ; and the other moitie should be
assigned to the treasuror of the king's house, ^f This ordinance,
award, and agreement, was given up under the kings great
seale, at the kings palace of Westminster, the foure and
twentith daie of March in the six and thirtith yeare of his
reigne.1

XL.
Abstract of the Will of the Third Earl of
Northumberlan d.
(P. 283.)
Will of Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland Lord of the
Honor of Cokirmouth and Lord of Ponynges, stating that he
has this day given all his lands and tenements to Master Richard
Andrew, Dean of York, William Abbot, of Alnewik, Ralph
Gray, Knight, and others, in trust that they shall receive the
profits thereof for six years for payment of his debts, and then
for four years more, the profits whereof are to be expended about
his sepulture in the Chapel of St. Ninian in the Cathedral
Church of York, in the same manner as his ancestors who were
buried there, and about the foundation of three perpetual
chantries in the same chapel ; then for two years longer they are
to receive the profits and dispose of the same for the marriages
> Holinshed, iii. 248.
547 n n 2

APPENDIX.
chap. vii. of Eleanor, Margaret, and Elizabeth, his daughters ; r after which
they are to enfeoff his son Henry Percy of the said lands and
tenements, which, if he die, are to remain to the Earl's right
heirs.2

XLI.
Henry Percy's Oath of Allegiance. AD. 1469.
(P. 289.)
"De fidelitate Henrici Percy capta.
" Memorandum quod, Vicesimo septimo Die Octobris, Anno
regni regis Edwardi quarti, nono, Henricus Percy, filius Henrici
Percy, nuper Comitis Northumbriae, coram praefato Domino rege
infra Palatim suum Westmonasteriense personaliter constitutus,
Sacraumentum praestitit corporale in forma sequenti
" I, Soveraigne Lorde, Henry Percy, become your subjette and
liegeman, and promytto God and youe that herafterl Feyth and
Trouth shall bere to you, as to my Soveraigne Liege Lorde, and
to youre Heyres, Kynges of Englande, of Lyfe and Lymme and
of erthely worshippe for to lyve and dye agenst all erthely
people. " And to youe and to youre commandementes I shall be
obeisaunt, as God me helpe, and His Hole Evangelistes.
" Praesentibus : (Here follow the signatures of the lords,
commencing with the Duke of Gloucester.)
" Et super hoc prsefatus Dominus Rex adtunc et ibidem
oretemus in praesentia supradictorum Dominorum, exoneravit
dictum Dominum Duddeley, Constabularium Turris Regis
Londoniae, de ulteriori custodia Corporis supradicti Henrici
Percy." » XLII.
Restoration of the Fourth Earl of Northumberland
(P. 289.)
Henrie Percie, Knight, son and heir to Henry Percie, late
Lord of Northumberland, is restored in bloud to the said
Earldome, and to all such hereditaments of the same Earl
1 His widow Eleanor survived him for many years, and in 9 Edward IV. was
restored to the large dower settled upon her of her marriage, but which had been
forfeited by the earl's attainder in 1461. She died in 1483, seized of thirty manors
in Dorset, Somerset, Surrey, and Sussex. — Cal. Inquis. post mort. Ist Richard III.
2 From Syon House MS. H. i. No. 1.
3 Fadera xi. 649. 548

APPENDIX.
as came to the kings hands, the second day of March, in chap. vii.
Ann 9, Edward IV., and the attainder made against the said —
Earl, Ann I, Edw. IV. is made void.1

XLIII.
Indenture between the Earl of Northumberland
and Richard Duke of Gloster.
(P. 292.)
This endenture made the xxviijth daie of July in the xiiijth
yere of the Reigne of or. souraine Lorde King Edward the fourthe
bitwix the Right High and migh. . . Prince Richard Due of
Gloucestre on the oon ptye and th. Right Worshipfull Lorde
Henr. Erie of Nor.humbr. on the other party. Witnesseth that
the said Erie by thies prsents pmitts and gr'nts vnto the said Due
to be his faithfull sr'nt, the said Due being his good and faithfull
Lorde. And the said Erie to do suice vnto the said Due at all
tymes lawfull and venient, whan he therunto by the said Due
shal be lawfuly requyred, the duetie of the alegeunce of the said
Erie to the Kings Highnes. the Quene, his suice and pmise to
Prince Edward, thair first begoten son, and all the King's issue
begoten and to be begoten first at all tymes resued and hadd.
For the which suice the said Due pmitts and gr'nts vnto the said
Erie, to be his good and faithfull Lorde, at all tymes. And -to
sustene hym in his Right afore all psonnes except to fore except.
Also the said Due pmitts and gr'nts to the said Erie that he shal
not aske chalenge nor clayme any office or offices orFee thatthe said
Erie hath of the King's gr'nt or any other psonne or psonnes at
the making of thies pnts nor intrupt the said Erie nor any of his
sunts in executing or doing of any the said Office or Offices by
hym or any of his suntz in tyme to come. And also the said
Due shal not accept nor reteigne into his suice any sunt or suntz
that was or any tyme seth hath ben with the said Erie reteigned
of Fee clothing, or pmise according to th appoyntment taken
betwix the said Due and Erie by the Kings Highness and
the Lords of his Counseil at Nottynghm the xijth daie of
May in the xiijth yere of the Reigne of the said souain Lorde
except John Wedryngton. In witnes wherof the said Due and
the said Erie to thies endenturs entrechungably have sett thair
sealis the daye and yere abouesaid.
J. Newton.2
1 From Cotton's Abridged Acts of Parliament, 12 Edward IV. (6 October, 1473).
2 Transcribed from the original counterpart of the Indenture preserved in the
Muniment Room, Syon House, Y. ii. 28.
549

APPENDIX. XLIV.
Funeral of the Fourth Earl of Northumberland.
(P- 307.)
chap. vii. A short draught of the Charge of the Buriall of our Lord and
Maister (Henry Percy) Earl of Northumberland (who died 28
Apr. 1489), whose Soule Jesu pardon.
[From a MS. Sheet (once Peter Le Neve's, Esq.), now in the
hands of the Publisher, &c, Fra. Peck, in his Desiderata
Curiosa, Lib. 7, No. 6.] £ s. d.
First, for the Balmynge, Fencying, and Scowering of
the Corse, with the Webbe of Led and Chest . 13 06 08
Item, for the Wax of the Herse, by estimation . . . 26 13 04
Item, for the Tymber and Paynting of the Herse . 5 00 00
Item, for 400 Torches, after 2s. 8d. the peece . . 53 06 08
Item, for a Standart  4 00 00
Item, for a Baner  3 06 08
Item, for his Cote Armer of Seynet, betyn with his
Armys  5 00 OO
Item, for 12 Baners of Sarcenet, betyn with my lord's
Armys, at ioy. the peece  6 00 00
Item, for 100 Pensells of Sarcenet, at i2d. the peece. 5 00 00
Item, for 60 Scutchions of Bukeram betyn with my
Lord's Armys (hole Armys), at I2d. the peece, for
the Chaire, Herse, and Church  3 00 00
Item, to 40 poor Men, for the bering of Torches on
Horseback, one day (from Wresill to Lekinfield),
18 Myles, at 2s. a Man  4 00 00
Item, for 100 Men on foote, at 6d. a Man a day ; viz.
from Lekinfield to Beverley, 1 Day ; and at
Beverley the Day of the Burial, 1 Day .... 5 00 00
Item, for the Suffrages of 6 Churches that will met
the Corse by the way, after 13J. 4d. the Church
(besids the Torches)  4 OO 00
Item, for the Reward to two Officers of Armys, for their
Helpe and Payne in orduring the said Buriall, at
£10 the peece for coming from London, ther costs
and Reward  20 00 00
Item, for al maner of Dues belonging to the Church
where the Corse shall rest  20 00 00
Item, for 12 Gownes, for Lords (after 3 yerdsof dimid
in a Gowne, at 10s. the yerd)  21 00 00
Carried forward  ^198 13 04
550

APPENDIX.
Brought forward  ^198 13 04 chap. vii.
Item, for 20 Gownes for Gentlewomen (after 3 yerds —
in a Gowne, at 5s. the yard)  15 OO 00
Item, for 24 Gownes withe Hods, for Lordes and
Knyghts (at 10s. the yerd, and after 5 yerds in
every Gowne and Hode) with the Executors . . 60 00 00
Item, for 60 Gownes with Typets for Squyers and
Gentlemen (at 6s. 8d the yerd, and after 4 yerds
in every Gowne and Typett)  80 00 00
Item, for 200 Gownes for Yeomen and Hood for .
(after 3,-. 4d. the yerd, and after 3 yerds in every
Gowne)  120 00 00
Item, for 160 Gownes of course Black, for Poor Folke,
for Torch-bearers and outher (after 3 yards in a
Gowne, and after 2s. the yerd)  42 00 00
Item, for 400 yards of course Black, for hanginge the
Church and the Chapells (at 2s. the yard) . . . 40 00 00
Item, for 500 Priests that will come to the said Buriall,
and if they do not, the outher must be fulfilled
the next day ; after i2d. the peece, according to
the Will  25 00 00
Item, for 1,000 Clerks that corny th to the said Buriall,
after 4^/. the peece  16 13 04
Item, for 100 Gownes for Gromes and Gentlemen's
Servants (after y. 4d. the yerd, and after 3 yerds
in every Gowne)  50 00 00
Item, for the Dole at the said Buriall, after 2d. to every
pore Body that comyth the Day of the Burial
[allowing the number of the said poor folks to be,
as I presume they were on the said Day of Buriall]
13340, after 2d. the peece, according to the Will. 123 06 08
Item, for the Costs and Expenses of Meat and Drinke,
and Horse Meate, going and comyng to the said
Buriall (viz. one Day from Wresil to Lekinfeld,
by the space of 18 myles ; and one Day from
Lekinfeld to Beverley ; and one Day tarrying at
Beverley, for the Buriall ; and one Day returning
from Beverley to Wresil, 18 myles  266 13 04
Item, for the Mortuaries, his Armys, his Huishe-men,
his Maister of the Horse, and all such outher
things to be had of my Lord's owen store in
the House *  £1040 o 8

* From Alnwick MSS. The amount of the last item is not specified, nor does
this account include the cost of the magnificent monument subsequently erected.to the
Earl's memory in Beverley Minster.
551

APPENDIX. XLV.
Army Under the Fifth Earl of Northumberland.
October, 1523.
(P. 3S4-)
chap viii. The B[ook] 
— retynewe 
[The title and first page are mutilated. There are 17 pages
of names of persons, in double columns. P. 18 gives a summary
of the whole, as follows.]
The hole nombre of Therle of Northumbreland's
company at this tyme comyn to Alnewik
with his lordshipe the xxvijth day of
Octobre Anno xvo. reg. Henrici viij is . . . DCCCLxxvj
Wherof
My lorde graunt captayn  j
My lordis hede captayns  viij
My lord pety capteyns  viij
My lord pursyunt Esperance  j
My lord chaplayns  ij
My lord Surgions  ij
My lordis hole retynew on and besids is . . DCCCLiiij
[Signed] Herry Northuberland.
From Exchequer Rolls, Queen's Remembrancer, Miscellanea Army, i. A. 31.

XLVI.
(P 3550
Reward to the Forces Under Lord Ogle and Sir
William Percy, 1522.
Reward given unto divers men of Northumberland by the
handes of My Lorde Lieutenant for the casting down of
552

APPENDIX.
Blackatur and other fortresses in Scotland as it appearith by a chap. viii.
Bill signed by the said Lorde. —
£ s. d.
For the Soldiers of Berwick  6 13 4
LordOgill  13 6 8
Sir William Heron  10 o o
Sir Edward Graye  10 o o
Sir William Percy  13 6 8
Sir Phil. Dacre  500
Sir Ralph a Fenwick  10 o o
Sir William Lysle  500
Sir Roger Guast  400
Robert a Collingwood  400
To the Gunners  •.... 500
To Claverynge  5 3/4
Sir John Delavale  53/4
John Swinburne  40/
John Heron of Chipease  £4 o o
Sir William Hilton  10 o o
Sir William Ellerhee  500
Cuthbert Racliffe  400
Sir Nicholas Ridley  40/
Certain Guards  40/
Total  £122 13 4
From Cotton MSS. Caligula, B. 1, 125.
XLVI. A.
"The Falcon."1
(P. 363.)
" There came a falcon fair of flight,
And let her down present in sight ; chap. ix.
A Bird so gentle, fair, and bright,
Seemed worthy of good fortune.
Then came a lion full lovingly,
That all the small birds it might see,
Singing : ' Fair Falcon, come to me,
Here is your good fortune.'
The knot of love in him was fast
And so far entred into his breast,
That her he chose of all birds the best,
Such was her good fortune.

1 From the Appendix to Nott's Life of Sir Thomas Wyatt.
553

APPENDIX.
chap. ix. At last came a storm and a sudden thrall
— That her plumage was ruffled and rent withal ;
It was then too late to cry or call
For help or good fortune !

I had a lover steadfast and true ;
Alas ! that ever I changed for new !
I could not remember ; full sore I rue,
To have now this fortune ! "

XLVII.
The Lord Warden's Paid Deputies and Gentlemen.
(P. 386.)
The Namys of the Counsaile in Householde with Therle of
Northumberland, and other which thereat receive fees.1
The Counsaile in Household with the Warden :
The Chancellor of Durham . . 40 li.
Mr. Tempest  40 marks
Mr. Bowes  20 li.
 £86 13 4
The Lieutenant and Deputies of the East March :
Thomas Percy, Lieutenant . . . £20
Deputies :
Sir William Hearon, 20 mks., Sir
Roger Grey and Roger
Lassels, each .... £10  £57 6 8
The Middle March :
Lieutenant, Sir Willm. Evers with
the rule of Riddesdale . . . £66 13 4
Deputies Robert Collingwode, John
Horsley, John Hearon, £10
each.
Sir Raulff Fenwick with the rule
of Tynedale  £45
Edward Charlton of Hesilside,
Willm. Charlton of the Hall  £i47 o o

1 Cotton MSS. Caligula, B. III. 65.
554

APPENDIX.

Gentlemen of Northumberland in fee with the Warden :

CHAP. IX.

Knights : Lord Ogle .
Sir Edward Grey .
Sir John Delavale
Sir William Ogle
Sir Wm. Ellercer.
Sir John Heron of Chipease
Esquires : John Wydrington .
Lenard Musgrove . . .
Cuthbert Radcliffe . . .
John Fenwick of Wallington
Nicolas Thornton .
Wm. SwinborneofCarptheline
Roger Swinburne
John Clavering
Wm. Carneby. .
Gylbert Errington
Thos. Errington .

Hugh Ridley
Chrystr. Mythforde .

£13 6
IOCS'.
£6 13
IOOJ. IOOS. IOOS.

£6 13

4

6 13

4

IOOS.

£5 0

0

4 0

0

66s. 8d.

52s. 4d.

5 3 s. 4d.

53s. 4d.
53 s. 4d.
S3_. 4d.
66s. 8d.
66s. 8d.
£40
Gentlemen : Roger Hearon of
Meldon, George Urd, Robert
Rames, Mathew Whitfeld,
Cuthbert Ogle of Chepyngton,
John Ogle of Ogle Castle,
George Fenwick of Fenwick 53.-. 4d. each.
George Tompyn, Ric. Ruderforde,
Robt. Thyrlewall, Oswald
Mytforde, Gawyne Myt-
forde, Thomas and Robert
Lawson, Roger Horseley,
Percyvall Selbey, William
Alder of Prendwick, John
Rowdeman, John Clannell,
William Hearing, John Har-
bottel of Preston, Thomas
Hebborne, Raiffe Ilderton,
George Muschaunce, Roger
Muschaunce, Richd. Strudder,
Thomas Holburne, Thomas
Cramlyngton, Willm. Heron
of Crawley, Edwd. Galton,
John Hall of Otterburne . . 40s. each.
555
£50 13 4
£66 13 4
APPENDIX.
chap. ix. Norhamshire. John Care of Flitton  40J.
Cuthbert Muschaunce  5ls. 4d.
Willm. Selbey of Brangyston,
Robert and John Selbey,
Robert Manners, Henry
Swynowe, John Hagerstone,
Gilbert Swynborne of Cornell,
John Burrell of Hettell, Ed
ward Muschaunce, John Blen-
kinsoppe, Robert Thirwalle,
John Ridley of Corseley,
Coutbert Shaftowe, Miles
Crewe, William Wallys, Tho
mas Errington  40s. each
Thomas Scott  20s.
 £37 o o
Total Summe . . . £486 o o
XLVIII.
Demand for Instructions.1
(P. 386.)
Articles to knowe the kings ande my Lord Grace pleasure in
concinyng the orderyng of Northumbreland.
Furst to knowe the Kings pleasour and my lords grace anenst
the outlaws of Englande beyng in Scotland howe they shalbe
ordered if they com in ande submyt theym to the warden to
abyde the Kings pleaso1.
Itm to knowe the Kings pleasour and my lords grace if the
outlaws doo comytt felonyes robberys and murdres in Northum
breland, ande fie in to Scotland, ande can not be taken in
England grounde ; whedir the warden shall invaide the Realme
of Scotlande for takyng of theym or not, Ande after what maner
it shalbe doone and orderid ande of whose charge.
Itm to knowe the Kings pleasor and my lords grace howe the
warden shall ordre hym concinyng Tyndaill ande Ryddisdale
with suche psons that hath stolne and robbid affore the comyng
of the warden Ande yf they will not submytt theymselfs howe
than they shalbe ordered. And yf they wol submytt theymselfs
vppon pledgs, howe they and their pledgs shall than be ordered
and of whose charge.
Itm to knowe the Kings pleasour ande my lords grace as
1 An abstract of the original document in the Record Office will be found in the
Letters and Papers, For. and Dom. Henry VIII. vol. iv. No. 3629.
556

APPENDIX.
towchyng thorderyng of gentlemen of Northumbreland ande chap. ix.
other poore men, that hath bene steelers ande resetters of theft —
ande murdre affore the comyng of the warden into the countrey
whedir the warden shall procede to punysshement of theym for
offence doon affore hys comyng, ande in what maner he shall vse
hymself therein towards suche offenders.
Itm to knowe the Kings pleasour ande my lords grace, howe
the warden shall ordre all suche matiers that ar in travers in the
countrey betwixt ptie and partite.
Itm to knowe the Kings pleasour ande my lords grace, howe
the warden shalbe paide hys thousand pounds by yere for the
wardenship, and by whose hands.
Itm to knowe the Kings pleasour ande my lords grace,
concernyng John Norton, Robt Bowes, ande other whiche shulde
be of counsaill with the saide warden.
Itm to knowe my lords grace pleasor concernyng hys castelle
of Norhm that the warden may haue it accordyng as Sir
Cristofer Dacre had.
Itm to knowe the Kings pleasor ande my lords grace, con
cernyng the sherifship of Northumbreland, whiche ys necessary
for the warden to have.

Reply to Queries.
Furste tharticles of the Instruccons ar clerely to be folowed
and executed by the advice of counsaill.
The pclamacons wolde be made furthw' in placs moost
necessary. Sir Willm Evres late vicewarden and levetennte of the myddle
mches, and officer booth of Tyndaill and Riddesdaill had in Fee
for the roome of vicewarden xxxiij ti. For the roome of
Levetennte lx'vj to xiij s iiij t. For Tyndaill xl. ti. and for
Riddesdaill xl. mks, and beside these Roomes he was Shereiff of
Northumblande and w* all thies Fees he couth not nor mought
rule the said myddle mches, and soe confessed by his writing,
wherfor it is to be conscidered whether he be mete for thoos
horde's or not, and whether he woll sue for a lesse Fee thenne
he had afor.
Sir Rauf Fenwik was long officer of Tyndaill, and had yerely
xl. ti Fee for the same, and couth not rule that contrey, but
rather was ordo'ed by the theves, and had the worse of thaym at
all tymes. Howe now he shulde rule well ther having a lesse
Fee I knowe not.- 5
Suche men as haue not doon well, wolde be refused, and suche
other as haue doon well, and not corrupte wolde be chosen, or
elle suche other as ar likely to favour justice, and as woll represse
557

APPENDIX.
chap. ix. thefte, and as woll not patesse betwene true men and theves
with making myche detestable and foule redresse, whiche by the
mayntennce and conseilment geven by the officers to the said
theves, haith bene the destruccon of Northumbland.
Fynally good rule shall never be ther, till the contreys of
Tyndaill and Riddesdaill may be kept vnder such obeisaunce
that if any the inhabitants of the same be susspecte, aither of
burnyng, murdors heryinggs or any other robberes, that thenne
furthwith thay be brought ynne to answer vnto the kinggs lawes,
like as ar other the Kinggs subjects w'oute making any vntrue
excuses, amendes or redresse, clooking or coloring to the contrary
any oolde customers or pretended privilege or fraunchesys not-
w'standing, whiche is better to be necglected thenne the comyn
weall of soe grete contreis shulde be subdued repressed and putte
to vtter ruyne and destruccon.
It shalbe well doon that noe grete enterprises be made naither
vpon Tyndaill nor Riddesdaill, naither vpon Sr Willm Lisle and
his complies till woorde shall come frome Leonarde Musgrave
what therle of Angwisshe woll doe whenne and wher, &c, to
thentent that everything maye be prepared for upon our bordo's
accordingly. [Endorsed]. A certeyne memoriall to my Lord of Nor-
thuberland touching the orderyng of the
bordres.
XLIX.
(P. 407.)
Grants made by the Sixth Earl of Northumberland
in 1531, for Pious Purposes.1
fanuary. — The Chauntry founded in the Earls Chapel at
Topcliffe is granted to Sir William Coppam, Priest, "in con-
sideracion of his virtuous disposicion " and for his " recommenda-
cion and prayers" for the souls of the Earls ancestors —
"especyallie his fathers."
August. — Letters " giving and confirming to God and the
Friars of St. Mary of Mount Carmel located at Hulne in the
Forest of Alnwick the whole of the manse there together with
an anual alms of twenty marks with the fishery and horsbote,
heybote, firebote, and full ingress and agress of the Port, with
honey and wax out of the Park ; " pasture for eight oxen, two
horses, twenty-five cows, one bull, given to the said Friars by the
Earls ancestors, with additional pasture for eight oxen sixteen
cows and two horses.
1 From the " Book of Grants of the Sixth Earl of Northumberland," Syon House
MSS. B. II. 5.
558

APPENDIX.
December. — Grant to Sir George Lancaster, the Earls chaplain, chap. ix.
of " the Hermitage bilded in a rock of stone within Warkworth —
Park in honour of the blessed Trinity, " with a yearlie stipend
of twenty marks " and with right of occupation of " the little
gres-ground called Coney Garts ; " also the Garden and Orchard
belonging to the hermitage " with pasture for twelve kine one
bull and two horses, and a draft of fish every Monday, and twenty
lodes of firewood.

Licence to Alienate Lands in Kent.
(P- 4i7-)
Henry, Earl of Northumberland, and Maiy his wife and
Ingelram Percy, are authorised to alienate the manors of West-
wood, Estwell, Rokesle, Horsmondon, Tyrlingham, Northcray,
Newyngton, Bartram, and twenty messuages, 300 acres of land,
300 acres of meadow, 300 acres of pasture, 100 acres of wood
and 100 shillings rent in the aforesaid manors, and the moiety
of the hundred of Folkestone, all in the County of Kent, to Sir
William Fitzwilliam, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Sir
Thomas Cheney, John Baker, Thomas Wharton, Henry Whyte,
and William Walsingham, to hold to them and the heirs of the
said William Walsingham for ever.
Granted at Westminster ist April, 1531.'
LI.
(P. 445, foot-note 2.)
Petition of the Abbot and Convent of Salley to
Sir Thomas Percy.
To the Honorable and our most special good Master,
Sir Thomas Percy, Knight.
In most humble wise sheweth and complaineth unto your
most noble Mastership your daily orators and bedemen the
Abbot and Convent of the monastery of our blessed Lady of
Salley, of your most ancient and noble ancestors' foundation, in
whom at all times hath rested our only joy and comfort, and yet
doth, and by the grace of Jhesu so shall do ; and therefore in
our right hearty manner and humble wise desireth your especial
good Mastership to consider and tender our most urgent causes
and need at this present time, by reason of the suppression of
our monastery, as well of all ornaments, goods, chattels, as other
' Letters Patent, 22 Henry VIII. p. 1. m. 4, Record Office.
559

1536.

APPENDIX.
chap. ix. large profits, to our utter impoverishment, and especially to the
utter destruction of the pure and perpetual gifts and grants of
your ancestors, most noble, for prayer, alms, and hospitality,
with other deeds and works of [charjity and man's relief there
to be had and maintained, standing and being in a barren
country, betwixt [the] King's Forests, as the inhabitants and the
whole country testifieth and well considereth ; and that not only
in the aiding and supporting us your bedemen to the entering
and having your foundation to the former use and intent above-
said, but only in this our necessity doth assist, help, and comfort
us in word, deed, and large benevolence, and surely is very
willing to extend and continue in all times, when need shall so
require, and that [for] the better expedition of the most devout
Pilgrimage of Christ's Faith and the Common wealth by your
and yours singulares well furnished to no sl[ight] comfort and
courage to hear of you, and in the premises to give their whole
aid and assistance in all these parts, and so very willing and glad
to proceed in the said pilgrimage without any other delay or
stay to be had or made to the contrary, and that because [the]
whole noise and bruit in these parts is, the Captain I should have
left and discharged himself of the Captainship, but also is
judged and supposed an order to be taken for religious houses
suppressed, the farmers or other to enter and occupie, and the
Abbot or Prior and Brethren to have and take at their delivery
their necessaries, and so to be avoided of possession unto the
Parliament, whereof not only the place but also the time is as
yet not perceived to be ; wherefore men's hearts hath no little
suspect, vexation, and great disdain, in doubting the great
enormities and danger that might ensue and come to them, but
as well to us by our most sinister back friend Sir Arthur Darcy
and other, who hath procured and yet intendeth to the utter
most of his power and diligence to put us [to] great inconvenience
and destruction, if he so may obtain ; against whom and all
other the Commons in these parts is willing, and so sore us doth
monish and counsel, surely to continue and abide in our said
house, a[nd ser]ve God as heretofore hath done, not considering
nor [notwithstanding any other causes to the cont[rary.] In
consideration whereof it may please your honorable Mastership
to tender, ponder, and consider of your habundant dexterity
and good zeal to your bedehouse and foundation in this our
great distress and heaviness, to minis[ter] and shew to your
orators your said pleasure and counsel touching the premises,
and that for the bett[er maintenance and succour of your bede
house, which hath been heretofore well stayed and helped by
the right worshipful Sir Stephen Hamerton, Knight, your
' Aske.
560

APPENDIX.
assured lover and friend, and by Nicholas Tempest, Esquire, chap. ix.
unto whom  t able to deserve ne acquit of their —
great goodness, save only by prayer, except it would please .
 re to minister unto them condign 
 with your  further to them
and us.1

LII. (Part I.)
Sir Thomas Percy's Acts of Rebellion.
(P- 4450
"A brief Remembrance of the demeanour of Sir Thomas
Percy, Knight, in the county of Northumberland, in the time of
the late rebellion, 1536.
" 1. First, how the said Sir Thomas Percy behaved himself in
Yorkshire, in setting forward as much as in him was the East
Riding there, and with such number as he could make ; how
gorgeously he rode through the Kings' Highness' city of York
in complete harness, with feathers trimmed, as well as he might
deck himself at that time ; which did shew well he did nothing
constrained, but of a willing malicious stomach against his most
natural and dread sovereign Lord ; and what writings he made
in his name upon pain of death, as, divers placards, precepts,
and other, signed with his hand ; and made entry upon lands
belonging to other the King's Highness true subjects ; and how
many acts he there did against his duty of allegiance, the whole
country there can bear witness. But in the county of North
umberland, after that Sir Raif Ellerker and Robert Bowes was
sent from the Commons at Doncaster to the King's Majesty,
partly of his doings hereafter followeth.
" 2. The said Sir Thomas, immediately after the meeting at
Doncaster  as said is, he with all speed repaired to
Northumberland to his house at Pridhowe : to whom at his first
coming resorted the most notable offenders both of Tyndale
and Hexhamshire, that had done most harm to all the true in
habitants of the country, and with him was as familiar as they
had been his own household servants, and specially John Heron
of Chipches and his friends, Edward Charlton, Cuddy Charlton,
Geoffrey Robson, Anthony Errington, with such other ; which
was a great encouragement to all malefactors and evil doers,
and a discomfort and great desolation to all poor true people
that had suffered oppressions afore, by the aforesaid persons and
their complices. ' State Papers, Henry VIII., Northern Rebellion Papers.
vol. 1. 561 o o

APPENDIX.
chap. ix. " 3. Item, notwithstanding the said Sir Thomas had neither
authority by the King's Majesty nor yet by my Lord of North
umberland, then his Highness' Warden of the East and Middle
Marches, he toke upon him as Lieutenant of the Middle '
Marches, and all to th' intent that under the colour of that
office he might move and stir the King's people, and to muster
them at his pleasure for the fulfilling of his malicious mind
against his most  duty of allegiance.
" 4. Item, immediate after his said coming, he and his brother,
Sir Ingram Percy, appointed a meeting at Rothebery, within
the said county of Northumberland, commanding all the gentle
men of the country to be there for the establishment of Tyndale
and Riddesdale, and that the poor folks which were by them
robbed and spoiled should be likewise recompensed, or else to
have such remedy provided for them as might best be devised ;
which supposed to the whole country to be true and of a
faithful meaning, a great part of the inhabitants of Northum
berland, as well gentlemen as other, resorted thither, where they
always looking for some good directions to be taken in the
premises, notwithstanding that the head and chief offenders of
Tyndale and Riddesdale was there present, that had done so
many great and open robberies and spoils, yet there was none
of them once rebuked with word of displeasure for their ill-
doings, but rather cherished and much made of, and none other
order taken, save a manner of an abstinence for twenty days,
which was also in words and nothing in deeds ; for in the same
time they as well committed robberies as afore, and in the end,
such gentlemen as afore, at the meeting at Alnwick afore
Sir Ingram was not sworn, there were enforced to take their
oaths. " 5. Item, the said Sir Thomas spake with parson Ogle, and
first after loving manner moved him that he would deliver a
casket with money of Sir Raynold Carnaby's, which he supposed
was in the said parson's keeping ; and the same being to him
denied by the said parson, the said Sir Thomas gave him great
words and menaced him to do him displeasure ; and likewise he
moved one John Ogle of Ogle Castle to deliver him such plate
of Sir Raynold Carnaby's as was in his custody, and because he
said nay, in like manner he departed with him at open defiance,
with such cruel words as he thought good ; and all to have had
ready money, whereby he thought he might maintain the better
his naughtily and wrong begun quarrel."
[Paragraphs 6, 7, 8, 9, 16, and 17, relate to other acts done by
Sir Thomas against Sir Raynold Carnaby.]
" 10. Item, he was divers times at Hexham on market days
and openly in the Abbey demanded the Inhabitants there what
help or aid he might have of them in the quarrel of the
562

APPENDIX. '
Commons, which his words °ncouraged many evil disposed chap. ix.
persons to be worse minded against the King's Majesty than —
they would have been, but only by his provocation.
"n. Item, he promised to have aided the Commons with
500 Northumberland spears, which, when he had made all the
means he could, and might not be able to fulfil his intended
purpose, he was so ashamed of himself that he sent his priest to
the Commons with his excuse, and was not by reason thereof at
the meeting last at Doncaster.
" 12. Item, the said Sir Thomas came to the Castle of Har-
bottell in Riddesdale, and was with John Heron of Chipches
there one night ; and would have met as Lieutenant of the
Middle Marches with the officers of Scotland, which they per
ceiving his usurped authority, without any special grant from
the King's Highness or his Warden, refusing to meet him, he,
disappointed of his purpose as void, rode to Alnwick to his
brother Sir Ingram.
" 13. Item, the said Sir Thomas made forth divers letters to
the gentlemen of the country, and took upon him as Lieutenant,
and commanded them in the King's name, after a colourable
sort, many times, to meet for the stay of the country, which
at no time he minded, but only for the fulfilling of his own
mind. " 14. Item, when he perceived that the countrymen should
perceive and know that he did wrong, and that he had none
authority to occupy as Lieutenant, and that the Earl of North
umberland, knowing his demeanours, had appointed my Lord
Ogle and other the most worshipful of the country to bear
office, which would do their devors to serve the King's Highness
faithfully according to their most bounden duty, then, when as
proclamation was made at Newcastle, Morpeth, and other market
towns declaring their authority, the said Sir Thomas caused
likewise proclamations to be made in the same places in his
name, by reason whereof such division was in the country that
the poor men could not know to whom they should sue for
justice, or to have remedy for offences committed.
" 15. Item, the said Sir Thomas Percy, when as the Lord Ogle,
being admitted as Vice Warden, had proclaimed a warden
court to be kept at Morpeth for the wealth of the country, in
executing justice, he with all the friends he could make made
assembly together, and his brother Sir Ingram, in like manner,
to have stopped the keeping of the said Warden court by force,
whereof when the Lord Ogle had word by counsel of his friends,
not willing to make any trouble in the country to (till) further of
the King's Highness' pleasure were known, and specially so soon
after that the Commons were stayed after the late rebellion, did
put off and defer the keeping of the said court at that time
563 0 0 2

APPENDIX.
chat^ ix. which he was loth to do, but only for fear of the King's Majesty's
displeasure." *
" 1 8. Item, since the pardon granted also what things hath
been by him procured to be done against his duty of allegiance,
in causing new oaths to be made in Northumberland, as many
other, upon inquiries had, there is no doubts but the same will
appear, which as yet is not come to light."
LII. (Part II.)
Sir Ingram Percy's doings in the time of the said
Insurrection, 1536.
(P. 446.)
" 19. First, the said Sir Ingram Percy being discharged of the
Vice-wardenry at Midsummer last, which he gave up willingly
to my Lord his brother, being Warden, and said he would no
more occupy, yet notwithstanding the same, when as he knew of
the rising and great insurrection of the Commons, he being at
Alnwick Castle, one of the chief strengths and greatest hold of
the Borders, he took upon him as head and ruler of the country
of Northumberland, and sent for all the gentlemen there to be
afore him at the said Castle of Alnwick which his command
ment the inhabitants of the country supposing it had been for
the stay of Tyndale and Riddesdale, which then was lately
broken, as willing to the reformation of the said countries, they
all which had warning repaired thither.
" 20. Item, at the coming of the gentlemen, they all desirous
to hear what directions should be taken for the wealth of the
country, as well for the stay of the broken countries of Tyndale,
Riddesdale, and Hexhamshire, as also for the defence of the
Commons of bishopric of Durham and their complices, being
the King's rebels at that time, the said Sir Ingram, in the open
audience of them all, toke a letter forth which one John Lumley,
brother in law to John Heron of Chipches, had brought from the
Commons, which letter he caused to be read, and also certain
articles for that purpose devised, according to the contents
whereof he compelled every man there to be sworn ; and not
withstanding divers and many persuasions made to him to the
contrary by the gentlemen there which did owe their faithful
duty to their most dread sovereign Lord the King's Majesty,
yet say what they would, no remedy, but all there must swear or
else do worse ; and so the most part of the said gentlemen, [per]-
ceiving his mind, never after repaired unto him ; [notwithstand
ing for that time, being enclosed in the said Castle of Alnwiek,
will they or not, sworn they were. 564

APPENDIX.
"21. Item, the said Sir Ingram daily as much as he might chap. ix.
with all his possible power moved and stirred the Gentlemen of
Northumberland to be of the Commons' part against the King's
Highness, insomuch as because Sir Raynold Carnaby and his
friends would not be sworn, he would not suffer them to remain
within the country, but only in such strongholds as he could not
come at them to do them harm.
"22. Item, the said Sir Ingram, because he had not authority
under the King as Vice-warden, by reason whereof he could
not have such stroke in the country as he would have, he found
means that the Abbot of Alnwick and other friends that he
made went to th' Earl of Northumberland, then being at
Wresill, and they informing him that the said Sir Ingram was
true unto the King, and that if he were officer in the country
he would rule it according to the King's Highness' pleasure, as
well in defence of the Commons as repressing the misdemeaned
persons there, he, upon their information, supposing the same
to be true, wrote a letter to Sir Ingram Percy his brother,
desiring him to take upon him as Vice-warden and Sheriff of
the Shire of Northumberland under him, for that year, and
also Lieutenant of the East Marches, with the fees accustomed ;
which letter to him delivered, he a good space afterward rode
to my Lord his brother being then at York, and because he
supposed no man durst take upon hand to occupy those rooms
but he, seeing he was in such favour as he was with the
Commons, he made plain answer to my said Lord that he
would not meddle with the said offices unless he had 700 marks
for the Vicewardenry, and 100 marks for the Lieutenantry ;
which his fashion perceived to my said Lord his brother, he
was discharged as well thereof as of all other offices that he
could disch[arge him of.]
" 23. Item, the said Sir Ingram, at his said being at the City
of York, openly to my Lord his brother spake such malicious
words as were abominable to any true man to hear, and
specially touching my Lord Cromwell such shameful reports as
were too much to be heard, wishing him, being of the King's
most honorable Council, to be hanged as high and he might
look unto, and if he were there present, as he wished to God he
were, he would put his sword in his belly ; with such other, as
not only my Lord his brother himself, I doubt not, will testify,
but also divers of his servants being there at that time.
"24. Item, the said Sir Ingram, after his brother Sir Thomas
Percy was corned forth of Yorkshire from the Commons, then
he and his said brother appointed a new meeting at Rothebery
in the said County of Northumberland, where was by them
both promised faithfully to all the country they would take an
order for Tyndale and Ryddesdale, whereof they all being glad,
565

APPENDIX.
chap. ix. which was poor folks, to have their goods restored again, as they
thought, thither came divers gentlemen, and for the most part
of the heads of the new evil doers of Tyndale and Riddesdale
was there, yet without any punishment or other rebukes
was let go home, and nothing by the said Sir Thomas and Sir
Ingram done, save only certain gentlemen which afore was not
sworn at Alnwick, then they were sworn there.
"25. Item, the said Sir Ingram with the Lordship of Alnwick
and all that he might make came accompanied with Sir Humfrey
Lisle, Knight, Robert Swynnowe, and John Roddom, gentlemen,
to the house of Thomas Forster, who had divers times accom
panied Sir Raynold Carnaby as well in his house as in divers
other places, by reason the said Sir Raynold had married his
sister, he being about ward, to have besieged his house, sup
posing Sir Raynold Carnaby had been there. Then the said
Thomas Forster, knowing his purpose, came and spake with
him, shewing him it was not so ; and he desiring to search his
house, the said Thomas Forster was content ; and when the
said Sir Ingram was within, and knew Sir Raynold Carnaby
[was no]t there, then he sai[d] to Thomas Forster these [words]
following : ' By God's heart he would be revenged of Sir
Raynold Carnaby' ; and when Thomas Forster desired to
know what offence the said Sir Raynold had done unto him,
and wherein he had offended him, he said, ' Sir Raynold
Carnaby hath been the destruction of all our blood, for by his
means the King shall be my Lord's heir. And now he thinketh
a sport, and to ride up and down in the country, all we being
sworn, and he unsworn. And this I pray you shew him, for
surely I will be revenged of him.' And so after many menaces
and great threatenings made, he rode to the Castle of Alnwick,
and thought to have cast down a house of Thomas Gray's
called Newstede, and by certain motions of men in his company
did forbear the same at that time."
[Paragraphs 26, 27, 29, and 30, relate to acts done by
Sir Ingram against Sir R. Carnaby, Lionel Gray,
Sir Roger Gray, and Sir Robt. Ellercar. A
servant of Carnaby's was put in the stocks at
Alnwick Castle for 2 nights and a day.]
" 28. Item, the said Sir Ingram all the time of the said
insurrection made musters and assemblies of men at his
pleasure, and all for the annoisance of the King's true subjects
that would not be sworn, which caused the poor men of the
country that they durst not do as they would have done, and
according to their duty of allegiance to our most dread
Sovereign Lord the King."
* * * *
566

APPENDIX.
"31. I tern, the said Sir Ingram took upon him as Sheriff of chap. ix.
Northumberland, and kept Sheriff turns at Alnwick, making —
officer under him Sir Humfrey Lisle, and such other as he
thought meet, and said openly there should no man there rule
but his brother and he.
"32. Item, he said in the chapel within the Castle of Alnwick
to Sir Thomas Percy, ' Brother, I am afraid the King agree
with his Commons ; ' whereunto Sir Thomas answered, that it
would not be so, for he was promised by them that bare the
chief rules amongst the Commons, that they should never agree
without his knowledge ; and for the more surety he was sure
they would never agree without they had a pardon granted for
all offences done ; ' wherefore let us do that we think to do
whilst we may, and that betimes.'
" 33. Item, when as my Lord Warden sent certain letters to
the Lord Ogle, then being Vice-warden, and to Sir Roger Gray
and Sir John Woddryngton, being Lieutenants of the Marches,
for to see the country in good order, both within the county of
Northumberland, and to see due redress to be made anempst r
the part of Scotland under his charge, the said Sir Ingram
caused servants of his in the King's highway to lie in wait if
any such letters should come, and so took a servant of my Lord
Warden's, and examined him, and certain of his letters took
from him by force and opened them ; and if the letter which he
brought to the Lord Ogle and to the other aforenamed had been
found upon him, he had been in jeopardy of his life; and so
upon his oath he taking upon him he had no letters to the Lord
Ogle was suffered to depart ; which handling of the Warden's
servant or of any other person with the Warden's letters bearing
the King's authority was never seen, for his letters hath always
been in the lieu and place of a safe-conduct both in England
and Scotland.
" 34. Item, the said Sir Ingram by chance meeting a tenant
of Sir William Ogle's demanded of him what news, and he,
naming himself to be the Lord Dacres tenant, said he could
tell no news, but that he and his neighbours was robbed and
spoiled and utterly undone, praying to God to send remedy.
He made answer that the poor man was well served, for the
Lord Dacres his master first was a traitor to the King and after
to the Commons, which his words did well shew what mind he
ought2 to the King's Majesty.'— State Papers, Henry VIII.
(Northern Rebellion), 1st Series, No. 896.
' i.e. against or towards. 3 Owed.

567

APPENDIX.

CHAP. IX.

The ioth day
of November.
Before the
pardon.

LIII.
False Charges against the Earl of Northumberland.
(P. 456.)
" A true Declaration of 
writings as well 
as other persons concerning 
and Insurrection that la 
and of their [sajyings since the app[ointment]
at Doncaster." * *
*
" It appeareth by a bill signed with the ha[nd] .... of
th Earl of Northumberland that he by the co[nsent] of the
Barons and Commonalty have licens[ed] and granted unto
Robert Aske, Captain, to have his Castle of Wrysyll for him
and his assigns, and the rule of all his tenants, during such time
[as they] should lie there in garrison ; and also [gave him by the
said] bill his spice-plate * at Watton Abbey ; whereby the said
Earl committed high treason for that he maintained the said
Aske."  State Papers, Henry VIII., (Northern Rebellion),
ist Series, No. 404.

153?-
19 Feb.

[This
document is much
defaced. ]

LIV.
The Second Rising.
(P. 464.)
Examinations of Servants of Sir Thomas and Sir
Ingram Percy.
" 19th Febr. 1536, in the Tower of London, before the right
worshipful Mr. John Tregunwell Mr. Richard Layton and
Mr. Thomas Legh, Doctors of Law, in presentia mei Jo. R.
Notarii publici &c.
" Oswald Rede, servant to Sir Thomas Percy, examined, saith
. . . . that his master Sir T. Percy had been in Lincoln
shire at . . . Talboyes, and there hunted a day or twain. He
returned .... and went to my Lady his mother at Semer,
and, there being [told] that they were up in the country about,
prepared to go home, and took this examinate and another
servant with him ; and, being five miles in his way toward
> These two words are almost indistinguishable, and were at first considered
doubtful, but the same term is used in another document.
568

APPENDIX.
Pickering, met with one Percey and William Middelton, which chap. ix.
shewed this examinate's master that he was set for all that way, —
which made him to return back to my Lady his mother's house
again, intending to have gone home on the morrow by the moors
away ; and being at my said Lady's house, the same night came
to him .... star, Nicholas Howborne, William Burwell, and
another gentleman, which were Captains, with a great number of
persons, and the said four captains came into the said house, and
took this examinate's master and swore him, and so went to
the Muster on the morrow, where were gathered a four or five
thousand men, and afterward went to the spoil of . . Chamley.
And of the last commotion of Bigod he can nothing say, but
that there came a chaplain of Sir T. Percy to him to Northum
berland, and said that Halom was taken at Hull ; and otherwise
he can nothing say of that commotion." ......
This evidence is generally confirmed by "John Hedley,
Percival Gallon, and Percival Yarrowe, servants to Sir Ingram
Percy." " Richard Guyll, servant to Sir Ingram Percy, examined saith
.... time of the first insurrection as his Master was . . .
to take a stay touching Tyndale and Riddesdale .... the
gentlemen of the country came to them a letter from the
co. . . . Bishoprick in the name of Captain Pouertie of this
effect that . . . should swear the same oath that they did and
stay the Percy .... Scotland, and kepe them in a readiness,
or else the ca . . . .of the Bishoprick would comand them
Wh  and all the gentlemen and
commons there gave the same oath ; and after that Sir Ingram
came not thence all the time of the first insurrection, but tarried
there to stay the country and keep it from robbers and from the
Scots, as he saith." State Papers, Henry VIII., (Northern Rebellion),
ist Series, No. 2499.
LV.
Trial of Sir Thomas Percy.
(P. 465.)
Trials and convictions of the Lords Darcy and Hussey or
Huse (and others). — Treason, in levying war against
the King. — Court of the Lord High Steward and Peers,
15 May, 1537. 29 Hen. VIII.1
York county and city, and county of the town of Kingston- m. 23.
upon-Hull (date partly defaced). — Special Commission for 29 Hen. 8.
1 Baga de Secretis, Pouch X, Bundle 2. From Third Report of the Deputy Keeper
of the Public Records, Appendix II. p. 247.
569

APPENDIX.
chap. ix. receiving indictments of all treasons and offences, addressed to
Thomas Duke of Norfolk ; Thomas Tempest, Knight ; William
Eure, Knight ; Marmaduke Constable the elder, Knight ; Ralph
Ellerker, the younger, Knight ; Ralph Eure the younger, Knight ;
Robert Bowes ; William Bagthorpe ; and John Uvedale or any
M. 22. three of them ; the same to be returned into Chancery.
Yorkshire.— Grand jury panel of 25, returned pursuant to the
preceding precept, in which Christopher Danby, Knight, is
M. 21. foreman. ^ Yorkshire.— Another similar panel of 25, in which James
M. 17. Strangewith, Knight, is foreman.
Wednesday, the eve of the j" Yorkshire. — Indictment taken at
Ascension, 9 May, 29 Hen 8. ( the Castle of York charges, that
Thomas Darcy, late of Tempyl Hirst, in the county of York,
Knight; Lord Darcy, otherwise Thomas Darcy, Lord Darcy,
late of Tempyl Hyrst in the said county, Knight ; Robert
Constable, late of Flamborough, in the County of York, Knight ;
Francis Bygott, otherwise Bygod, late of Sedryngton, in the
said county, Knight ; Thomas Percy, late of Seymure, in the
same county, Knight ; John Bulmer, late of Wilton, in the same
county, Knight ; Margaret Cheyne, wife of William Cheyne,
late of London, Esquire ; Stephen Hamerton, late of Wygglys-
worth, in the county of York, Knight ; George Lumley, late of
Thwynge, in the said county, Esquire ; Ralph Bulmer, late of
London, Esquire, son and heir apparent of the said John Bulmer,
Knight ; Robert Aske, late of Awghton, in the said County,
Gentleman ; James Cokerell, late of Lythe, in the said county,
clerk, rector of the parish church there, formerly Prior of the
church or priory of Gysborough, in the said county ; Nicholas
Tempest, late of " Baschehalle," in the said county, Esquire ;
William Wood, late Prior of the priory of Bridlington, in the
said county ; John Pykeryng, late of Lythe, in the said county,
clerk ; John Pykeryng, late of Bridlington, in the said county,
brother of the order of Preaching Friars ; Adam Sedlar, Abbot
of the monastery of Jervaulx in the said county ; and William
Thriske, late of Fountains, in the said county, clerk, otherwise
William Triske, late Abbot of the monastery of Fountains ; did,
10th October, 28 Hen. 8, as false traitors, conspire and imagine,
at Shirbourne, in the county of York, to deprive the King of his
royal dignity, viz., of being on earth Supreme head of the
Church of England, and to compel the King to hold a parlia
ment, and did commit various rebellions and insurrections, &c,
at Pontefract, divers days and times before the said 10th day of
October. And furthermore, that at Doncaster, 20th October, 28 Hen. 8,
they assembled and conspired to levy war against the King.
And that, although the King had graciously pardoned them the
570

APPENDIX.
conspirators, all offences committed by them from the beginning chap. ix.
of the rebellion to ioth December, 28 Hen. 8, nevertheless they, —
the Lord Darcy, &c, a persevering and continuing in their
treasons, did subsequently to such pardon, viz., the 17th Janu
ary, 28 Hen. 8, at Sedryngton, Tempyl Hyrst, Flambourghe,
and Beverley, compass and imagine to deprive the King of his
royal dignity, viz., of being on earth supreme head of the Church
of England, and to compel the King to hold a parliament and
convocation of the clergy of the kingdom, and to annul divers
good laws made for the common weal of the people of England,
and to depose and deprive the King of his royal power, liberty,
state, and dignity, by force and danger of death. Also charges
that after the pardon, viz., 28th January, 28 Hen. 8, at Tempyl
Hyrst, &c, they mutually despatched various letters and corres
pondence to each other.
Furthermore, that Bygott and Lumley, 21st January, 28
Hen. 8, at Sedryngton, &c. with a great multitude and power
of armed men, publicly proclaimed divers treasons to excite the
King's lieges to levy war against the King.
And that Bygott and Lumley, and other persons, to the
number of 500, 22 January, 28 Hen. 8, with arms, levied war
against, the King ; and thus the jury say "that Bygott and
Lumley conspired to levy a public and cruel war against the
King. And the jury find that the Lord Darcy, Sir Robert Constable,
Sir Thomas Percy, Sir John Bulmer, Margaret Cheyne, Stephen
Hamerton, Ralph Bulmer, Robert Aske, Nicholas Tempest,
James Cokerell, William Wood, John Pykeryng of Lythe, John
Pykeryng of Bridlington, Adam Sedlar, Abbot of Jervaulx, and
William Thriske, Abbot of Fountains, did on the 22nd day of
January, &c, aid and abet the said Francis Bygott and George
Lumley in their before mentioned treasons.
Marked " Billa vera " in the margin.

Bundle 3.
Trial and conviction of Sir Robert Constable, Sir Francis
Bygott, and others, implicated in the risings in the
North. — Sessions of Oyer and Terminer, 16 & 17 May,
1537, 29 Hen. VIII.
Yorkshire. — Indictment against Thomas Darcy Lord Darcy ; M. 11
Robert Constable, Knight ; Francis Bygott, Knight ; Thomas
Percy, Knight ; John Bulmer, Knight ; Margaret Cheyne ;
Stephen Hamerton ; George Lumley ; Ralph Bulmer ; Robert
Aske ; James Cokerell ; Nicholas Tempest ; William Wood ;
571

APPENDIX.
chap. ix. John Pykeryng of Lythe, John Pykeryng of Bridlington ; Adam
Sedlar and William Thriske, to the effect before set forth (Bundle
II. m. 17, 18, 19.). Indorsed " Billa vera." Over the names of
Robert Constable and all the subsequent parties, is the note of
their having pleaded.
M. 10. Wednesday, the eve of the ( Yorkshire.— A separate panel,
Ascension, 9 May, 29 Hen. 8 \ entitled an inquisition, taken at
the castle of York, before Thomas Duke of Norfolk, &c, by
which Christopher Danby, Knight, and the other grand jurymen
of his panel, find the two bills annexed to the inquisition to be
true.
M. 16. 12 May, 29 Hen. 8. Middlesex and Yorkshire. — Special
commission, whereby Thomas Audeley, Knight, Chancellor of
England ; Thomas Cromwell, Knight, Lord Cromwell, Keeper
of the Privy Seal ; Henry Marquis of Exeter ; John Earl of
Oxford ; George Earl of Salop ; Henry Earl of Essex ; Thomas
Earl of Rutland ; Henry Earl of Cumberland ; Thomas
Earl of Wilts ; Robert Earl of Sussex ; Edward Viscount
Beauchamp ; William Fitzwillyam, Knight, Admiral of England ;
William Paulet, Knight ; John Baldewyn, Knight ; Richard
Lister, Knight ; Walter Luke, Knight; William Shelley,
Knight ; John Russell the Elder, Knight ; or any four of them,
are appointed justices of Oyer and Terminer, for trial of all
offences committed in the county of York. Sessions to be held
at Westminster, in the county of Middlesex.
MS. 5 & 6. Yorkshire and Middlesex. — Precept addressed by Sir Thomas
Audeley and the Justices to the Sheriff of York, commanding
him to return at Westminster, on Wednesday, the 16th of May,
a Petty jury.
Sir Robert Constable, Sir Francis Bygott, Sir Thomas Percy,
Sir John Bulmer, Margaret Cheyne, Stephen Hamerton, George
Lumley, Ralph Bulmer, and Robert Aske, are brought to the
bar, and being arraigned, plead Not Guilty.
Entry of the return of the jury, who, being sworn and
charged, retire to consider their verdict ; but before they return
into Court, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir John Bulmer, Margaret
Cheyne, and Stephen Hamerton, plead Guilty; and afterwards
the Jury return, and find a verdict of Guilty against Sir Robert
Constable, Sir Francis Bygott, George Lumley, and Robert Aske.
And as to the said Sir Thomas Percy, Sir John Bulmer,
Margaret Cheyne, and Stephen Hamerton, they are discharged
from giving any verdict, the plea of Guilty being recorded.
And as to the said Ralph Bulmer, they are by the consent of
the King's Sergeants-at-Law and Attorney discharged from
giving any verdict.
The law officers of the Crown pray judgment. Judgment.
Margaret Cheyne to be drawn to West Smithfield and burned;
57^

APPENDIX.
and Sir Robert Constable, Sir Francis Bygott, Sir Thomas chap ix.
Percy, Sir John Bulmer, Stephen Hamerton, George Lumley, —
and Robert Aske to be drawn, hanged, and quartered at Tyburn,
in the usual manner. LVI.
Private Debts of the Sixth Earl of
Northumberland.
(Pages 473, 475.)
" The boke of my lorde of Northumblands debts.
First owing to Robert Clerke, baker, for
brede and floure  ix li v s viij d
Item owing to John Maye, alebruer, for ale . vj li xiiij s viij d
Item owing to Robert Hamon, berebruer, for
bere and wood  xxij li xj s iiij d
Item owing to Nicholson, Wiff, pulter, for
pultry stuff  xx li vj s x d ob
Item owing to Edmunde Randyshe, bocher,
for beoffs muttons veales and lambes . xxij li vj s xj d
Item owing to Robert Reynalde, fishemonger,
for salt store and seefishe  x li xvj s vj d
Item owing to Ch . nbers, Pulter, Hitchington
Wiff T . . lor, pikemonger, and other to
pultry stuff, fresshefishe, and pikes taken
of them by Richard Walthame . . C. . ix s ij d
Item owing to Thomas Jenett Talough,
chaundelor, for w  salte sawses
and other necessa  vijl i vij s x d
Item owing to ... . am Greynfelde, wiff,
for butter  lxiij s vd
Item owing to John Bage, grocer, for spies . xviij li iiij s ixd ob
Item owing to William Baynard, wax chaun-
delo[r, for] wax taken of hym  xxvj s viij d
Item to Dav  wiff, for washing my
lo  en stuff belonging to my
lords chamber  xiiij s
Item owing to Roger Whitereason, for xx
sakks charecoles  vj s viij d
Item owing to William Jekett, for the mete of
my lordes horses and his seunts horses, as
apperithe in a boke of the same xxx li
xiij s ix d And for half a beof xiiij s viij d,
and for the hire of his beddandoccupacion
of his house and hire of kechin stuff and
other stuff, viij li iij s vi d  xxxix li xj s xj d
573

APPENDIX.
chap. ix. Rem owing to the Lorde Latymer, for money
— borowed of hym of olde tyme  lxvj li xiij s iiij d
Item owing to Sr. Roger Cholmeley, Knight,
of the Northe for money borowed of hym xl li
Item owing to William Harington, of Yorke,
for money [bo]rowed of hym by my lorde
his Father  xl li
Item owing to Robert Trappes, goldesmythe,
for money borowed [of] hym  xxxvij li x s
Item owing to ... . Pykering, for Silks
taken of hy[m, wher]of pte was sent to
my lady, and the [rejsidue carried in the
Northe, and ther spoiled by Ask . . . Ixxij li xvj d
Item owing to Thomas Hamon Skynnr of
London, for olde debt to Thomas Dalton
Skynner which the said Hamon was
contented to take  hand
xiij li xij s v d ob q  by warrunt
And also for a ff[urr] of blake Jenetts laide
in purple Saten, whiche was spoyled by
Aske, wt other ffurres for night gownes,
xx li viij s iiij d  xxxiiij li ix d ob q
Item owing to Creker, Shomaker, for bootes
showes slipps and buskyns, wherof pte
was carried in to the Northe at my lords
last going downe, and spoiled by Aske . xiij li xiiij s vj d
Item owing to John Blage, grocer, for Spies
taken of hym ij yeris syns and carried
to Topcliff, as apperith by a bill . . . xvj li x s
Item to Sr. William Fairfax, for the arrerags
of the Shrefwike of Northumbr for ij
yeris after xl li by yere, stretid to hym
for the Kings Eschequor  iiij li
Also to Sr. George Darcy, for the arrerags of
oone yere stredit vnto hym in like manner,
xl li, for the payment wherof Doctor
Stephens and the said William standethe
bounden by obligacon and for discharge,
the said Erie did graunte his warraunt to
be paied out of the manor of Tadcaster
wherupon x li pcell of the same is paied,
and so remayneth vnpaied ..... xxx li
Also to Sr. C  cliff for the arrerags
of h . . . Lieuantshipp of the Marches,
1 li and other . . to William Carnaby for
the same, as Cuthbert Carnaby tolde
William Stapleton  Cli
574

APPENDIX.
To the Mr of Sempringham  xl li chap. ix.
To Skut, the Quenes taylor ¦  v li vij s iiij d —
To William Dale o . . . lent for bieng of
wyne  vij li
Thomas Ashe, poticary  vj li vs iiij d
To Mr. Thomas Henage, vpon an obligacon
whiche the said Erie saieth that he did
paye the same to the said Mr. Henage at
my lorde Steward house called litle
Seint Albons at Westm  , C iiij li
To Laurance Warren, goldesmythe, for a
floure of diamonds  xxli
An obligacon dated quinto Augusti anno xix
Henr viij, wherin the said Erie was
bounden to Nicholas Vinacheis in CCli
for the payment of Cxiiij li viijs ixd at
divers daies nowe rone as apperithe by
the condicon  Cxiiij
An other obligacon single dated the vjth daye
of Decembr anno supdco wherin the said
Erie standeth bounden for the payment
of CCiiij^j lixjd to be paid the vj daye
of January following  CCiiijxxj li xj d
Item it apperith upon the same obligacon that
the said Erie rec . . . ed more .... Hi
Item due vnto  wiff, for her pencion
assigned .... behinde for ij yeris and
a half [ended] at Easter last past ... D mark
More put in by the informacon of William
Stapleton that the said Erie oweth to oone
Harington, mechaunt of Yorke, for money
lent, for the which the [sam]e Erie is now
put in sute for by [oblig]acon  Ix li
Item due to a . . . e Sadeler called Kinge-
ston, by warraunt of the Erie for sadelly
and such stuff  vij li iiij s
More put in due to Sr. Thomas Thorneton,
preest psone of Mokton, as apperith by
a bill and ij warrants  xxij li
Item due to Henry Wetherell, for money laid
out by hym for costes of sute in the lawe xlvj s viij d
Item due to George Hyll, grocr, in the right
of his wiff executrix to Rudd gent vj li
S m to G. MvijClxj li. vj s. jd ob.
From Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII,
Vol. IV. No. 3379. The date of the year 1527 is assigned to
575

APPENDIX.
chap. ix. this document, and the debts cited are attributed to the Fifth
— Earl of Northumberland. This is, however, clearly a mistake ;
since allusion is made to Aske's Rebellion in 1536-37. The list
was probably prepared in 1537 after tne death of the Sixth Earl,
to whose liabilities it refers.

The Book of my Lord of Northumberland's Debts].
Moneys owing to sundry persons for bread, flour, ale, wood,
poultry, beefs, muttons, veals, lambs, fish, white lights, salt,
sauces, butter, spices, wax, washing linen stuff, charcoals, horse-
meat, silks, furs, boots, shoes, slippers, buskins, loans, arrears of
the Sheriffwick of Northumberland, fees of lieutenants of the
Marches, wine, bonds, diamonds. Also to the Queen's tailor
and to the "poticary." Part of the silks, furs, boots, &c, were
carried into the North, " and there spoiled by Aske."
" Item due to my Lady his wife for her pension for her living,
behind for two years and a half, ended at Easter last past,
500 marks." Sum total . . . £1,689 15s. 5\d.
From Original State Papers. Henry VIII. Northern Rebellion.

576

ADDITION TO APPENDIX II. P. 487.
II. a.
Henry Percy and William Wallace.
(P. 61.)
"BLIND Harry" in his Acts and Deeds of the most famous
and Valiant Champion Sir William Wallace, Knight of Ellerslie,
relates this anecdote : —
" On the 23rd of April, 1296, Wallace went to fish in the Irvine
Water. He was unarmed, and accompanied only by a boy to
help in carrying the net. He had caught fish 'abundantlie,'
when Percy came riding by on his way to Glasgow. Five of his
followers stopped and demanded some of the fish. Wallace
answered ' meeklie ' that they were welcome to a share, and
told the lad to give them some. They, however, not contented
with this portion, dismounted, and seized the whole in spite of
the owner's remonstrance, telling him that he had their leave to
fish for more. Wallace retorted 'Ye are in the wrong,' upon
which one of them drew his sword ; but Wallace struck him
down, with the net pole apparently, and then, snatching his sword
from him, killed him on the spot. In the onslaught which
ensued, he, in self-defence, slew two more, when the remaining
two fled, and on overtaking their chief ' cried to him to abide '
as his men were being ' matyred down richt cruellie, here in this
false region.'
" Percy asked how many their opponents had been. ' We saw
but one that has discomfited us all,' they replied. Then he
laughed loud and said, ' Since one has put you all to confusion
he shall not be sought for by me to-day.' "

VOL. I. 577 p p

INDEXES.

579

P P 2

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Abbey of Handel founded, 24
 Salley, or Sauley, founded by the
fourth Baron, 27
 arms on seals of the charter to, 31
 Whitby founded, 17-21
Abdication of Richard II. , 176, 187
" Abduction " of an heiress, 321
Abeyance, Earldom of Northumberland in,
468
Accession of Edward IV., 293
Acquisitions of third Earl of Northumber
land by marriage with granddaughter of
Lord Poynings, 270
Act of Parliament (1580), granting privi
leges to the northern counties,
58
 in favour of the Second Earl of North
umberland, 245
 relating to Percy lands held in fee
tail, 537
Admiral of the fleet, 125
 of the north, 125, 135
Advowson of churches, 94, 484, 485, 492,
497, S°o. 51 1, 5 '3. Si 7. S41. 542
Algernon, origin of name, 12
Alienation to the Crown of the lands of the
sixth Earl of Northumberland, 471
Alliance of English Barons with France
(1216), 42
Alliances of the Percies, xxii. 91
Alnwick, Barony of, conferred on Henry de
Percy, 64, 65
Ambassador to France, second Earl of
Northumberland appointed, 252
Anglo-Saxons, their condition after the
Conquest, 15
Anglo-Saxon nobles, manners of, 7
Appeal of first Earl of Northumberland to
Richard II. , 156
 of ditto for the soldiers' pay, 526

Appeal to Pope Clement VI. on the condi
tion of the border counties, 89
Archers, English, skill of, 84
 of Cheshire, 223
Armies disbanded by Henry of Lancaster,
187
¦  under the Feudal System, 280
Armorial bearings of the English Barons, 60
Arms of Lucy, 139, 510, 512, 513
 of Lusignan, 510
 of the Norman Percies, 31
 of the Percies in York Minster, 96
 of Jocelyn Percy, 31
 of the Tysons, De Vescis, Cliffords,
and Arundels ; of Lancaster, Warren,
Umfreville, Neville, and Fitz Walter,
on towers of Alnwick Castle, 91
 of Valence, 510
Army sent to Scotland against Robert
Bruce, 69
 magnificent, despatched to France
(1334), 80
 under fifth Earl of Northumberland,
552
 the, of William the Conqueror, 8
Arrest of Cardinal Wolsey, 412 et seq.
Art of War under the Feudal System, 279
280
Assassination of Duke of Rothsay, 196
¦  of Duke of Gloucester, 172
Assault on Berwick Castle, 1 31
Assessment of Alnwick Castle and estate
(1289), 487
 of value of Percy manors, 492 et seq.
¦  of Warkworth Castle and estate, 489
Attack on the Lord Justiciary, 49
Attainder of first Earl of Northumberland
237
 removed in favour of second Earl of
Northumberland, 243

58l

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Attainder of third Earl of Northumberland
and his three brothers, 283, 285
 of seventh Earl of Northumberland
removed by Queen Mary, 468
 of Sir Thomas Percy, 472
 of Duke of York, 275
Attitude of the Percies towards Boling
broke, 189
Avengers, the, of St. Albans, 271
Award in favour of those slain at St. Albans,
545
Ballads of " Chevy Chase " and Otter-
bourne, 151, 153
Banishment of Henry Bolingbroke, 1 73
 of Dukes of Hereford and Norfolk, 172
 of Earl of Derby, 1 74
 and death of Piers de Galvestone, 67,
68
 of the Percies (1399), 175
Banner of St. Cuthbert, the, 444, 458, 460
Barbarities of Border warfare, 112
Barbarity of the Scots, 131
Barbarous Latinity, 518
Barns, the, of Ayr, 62
Baron and barony, 22
Baronial League, the, against King John,
40, 41
 against Edward II. , 72
Barons, alliance of, with King Louis of
France (1216), 42
 combination of, Henry III., 48
 one hundred and four, defy the Pope,
60
— — weakening of the power of the, 303
 de Percy, the early, 24
 Percy, the, of Louvain, dates of birth,
&c, 34
Battle of Agincourt, 180, 250
 BannockboUrne, 69
 Blore Heath, 276
— — Bosworth Field, 214, 298, 299
 Bramham Moor, 238, 535
— — Crecy, 85, 92, 97
 Flodden Field, 341, 354
 Halidon Hill, 78, 154
 Hastings, 7. 1°
 Hedgely Moor, 285
 Homildon, 154, 207, 209, 215, 222
 Inkerman, v. 93
 Lewes, 48
 at Mortimer's Cross, 279
 of Navarete, 104 et seq.
 at Nesbitt Moor, 205, 209, 215
 of Neville's Cross, 87, 93, 97, 208
 at Northallerton (1137), 26
 of Northampton, 276, 353
 of Otterboume, 149 et seq., 153, 515
 of Piperden, 259
 of Poitiers, 100, 208
 of Poitou, 107
 of St. Albans, 266, 271, 273, 353,
S4i, 545

Battle of St. Albans, the second, 279
 Shrewsbury, 188, 189, 211, 213, 217
et seq., 3S3, 537
 Tewkesbury, 291, 292
 the Sluys, 82 '
 the Spurs, 339
 Towton Fields, 281, 343
 Wakefield, 277
 near Durham (1346), 491
 Abbey Roll, 10
*' Bedfellow" Arundel's letters, 381
Beneficial features of feudalism, 240
Bequests of second Lord Percy of Alnwick,
90.
Bill of disability against Wolsey, 410
"Bird, the, in my bosom," 285, 286
Bishoprick of Isle of Man, 517
Black Prince summoned to Paris by King
Louis, 105
"Bleu lyon rampant," 60
Blind Harry's account of encounter of
Wallace and Percy, 63, 577
Book-desks in library of fifth Earl of North
umberland, 322
Books in fifth Earl of Northumberland's
chapel, 384
Border, English driven across the, under
Wallace, 57
 unsettled condition of the, in 1435, 540
 castles placed in custody of Henry de
Percy, 54
 counties, impoverished condition of
(1352), 89
 law, 58
 outrages, 109, 112, 131, 389
 raids, 89, no, in, 195,357
 warfare during three centuries, 51-53,
89
Borders, condition of the, 124, 249, 386, 404
Borderers, depredations of the (1435), 285
Bourdelois, the, 197
Brabant lion on Percy seal, 57
Bribery in the law courts, 318
Bridge at Poitou, adventures at, 107
•Brigandage in the north, temp. Edward II.,
71
Broken ties, 369
"Butcher's dog," the, 353, 376
Cambridge University, foundation of
and benefaction to, 106
Campaign in Flanders, 137
 in France (1415), 52, 80, 81, 102,
106-109, 250, 260
 in Scotland, 52, 69, 72, 78, 139
 in Spain, 103-105, 144
 in Wales, 52
Captaincy of Berwick, 431
Captivity in Scotland of second Earl of
Northumberland, 243, 244
Capture of Berwick by Hotspur, 131
 Hotspur and Sir Ralph Percy at Otter-
bourne, 150, 151, 515

582

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Cardinal's College, 382
Carleverok, Siege of, 59
Carnage at Towton Fields, 282
Carucate, the, 22
Castle of Levroux surrendered to the French,
109
 of Montcontour taken, 108
Castles of the Percies threatened by Henry
IV., 230
 and mansions belonging to the Percies,
539
Causes alleged for the Northern Rebellion,
451
Centralisation of the government, the
policy of Wolsey, 344
Ceremonial observances at Leckonfield, 329
Challenge sent by Hotspur to Douglas, 147
 the, of the Percies to Henry IV., 219,
529
 of Earl of Surrey to King James of
Scotland, 340
Champions in wager of battle, 253, 254
Chapel of Earl of Northumberland in York
Minster, 316
 fifth Earl of Northumberland's, 324
Chaplains, red gowns for, 331
Character of sixth Earl of Northumberland,
371 et seq., 408
 of King John, 38
 of Richard IL, 295
 of Richard III., 295
Charges against first Earl of Northumber
land by Earl of Douglas, 195
Chase, love of, by the Normans, 50
Chauntry at Topcliffe, 558
Chronicle said to be forged by John of
Lancaster, 189
Chronicles of Westminster examined, 190
Church books and plate bequeathed by
Thomas de Percy, Bishop of Norwich, 502
City authorities disgraced, 121
Claim of Earl of Shrewsbury for main
tenance of wife of sixth Earl of North
umberland, 457
Clemency as practised by King Henry
VIII., 468
Clergy, the, a procurator appointed to re
present them (1397), 170
Combat between Hotspur and Douglas, 147
Comet on eve ^of battle of Shrewsbury,
222
Committee of twelve lords (1397), 170
Commons, the, irritated by over-taxation,
"3
Compromise between Henry III. and the
barons, 48
Condition of the tenure of Isle of Man, 517
 of Lekinfield, 36
Conditions of marriage of Agnes de Percy
with Jocelyn de Louvain, 3 1
Confirmation of rights obtained by first
Lord Percy of Alnwick, 5 1
Confession, alleged, of Ann Boleyn, 437

Confiscation of land in Northumbria (1069),
14
¦  of Henry de Percy, 48
 of second Lord Percy of Alnwick,
68
Conquest, the, of England, approved by
the Pope but condemned by the Norman
Prelates, 15, 16
Constable, Lord High, of England, 23,
192, 516
Contributions by the Percies to Yoik
Minster, 27, 95, 96
Control exercised by Queen Isabel over
Edward III., 74
Conversation between Cardinal Wolsey and
Lord Percy, 364 et seq.
Coronation of Henry IV., 191
¦  of Richard II., 121
Corpus Christi plays at Beverley, 248
Correspondence between Edward I. and
Sir Henry de Percy, 55
Costly funeral, a, 307
Council at Greenwich, 266
 at Westminster (1399), 190
 of Clarendon, 156
 • of Regency (1377), 123
 of the North, 401
Court intrigue, a, 425
Credentials, the, of Lord Say, 532
Crescent, the, 534
Cross keys, the, 357
Crown, encroachments of the (1237), 43
¦  ¦ inheritance of, 189
 the, conveyed (1395) to Westminster,
162
 of Scotland claimed by England, 196
Cruelty of Edward IV., 293
Crusade, William de Percy joins the first,
20
Custody of Berwick Castle, 490
Dangerous assemblages, 137
Danish adventurers, the, their rapid pro
gress in civilisation, 5
¦  • pirates, attack of, on a convent, 1 7
Death of Henry V., 252
 Hotspur, 225
¦  Malcolm of Scotland at Alnwick, 64
¦  Wolsey, 417
Deathbed of sixth Earl of Northumberland,
475
Debts ot fifth Earl of Northumberland, 379,
380
Decision of the king on the dispute between
Richard and William de Percy (1234), 44
Defeat of the English before Stirling Castle,
69
Defection of Earl of Warwick's troops,
276
Deposition of Richard II., 176-193
Depredations on English commerce, 136
Designs of Henry VIII. on the Scottish
crown, 419

5»3

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Desolation of Northumbria, n
Despatch, a, of the fourteenth century, 167
 of Henry IV. to the council, 235
Despatches of Hotspur to the Council, 200
et seq.
Devastation of Yorkshire by the Conqueror,
Disaster occurring at the knighting of Henry
de Percy, 53
Discipline enforced in the field by Henry
de Percy, 61
Dissimulation charged against the first Earl
of Northumberland, 182
Dives Roll, the, 10
Division, proposed, of the kingdom, 213
Divorce of Queen Catherine, 428
Doings of Sir Henry and Sir Ingram Percy
in the Northern insurrection, 561 — 568
Domestic establishment of fifth Earl of
Northumberland, 323 et seq.
 troubles of sixth Earl of North
umberland, 385
Douglas's lands restored by second Lord
Percy of Alnwick, 77
Dower of Lady Mary Plantagenet, 504
 of the widow of the third Lord Percy
of Alnwick, 94
Duchy of Guienne, 74

Estates of heiress of Lucy, 5 10 et seq.
 second Lord Percy of Alnwick (1314),
70
Evil counsellors of Richard II., 142
 omens preceding the Battle of Shrews
bury, 223
Examination of Sir Thomas Percy, 447
et seq., 462 et seq.
 servants of Sir Thomas and Sir
Ingram Percy, 568
Exchange of lands, Edward III. and Henry
de Percy, 490
Exchequer, impoverished state of, temp.
Henry IV. , 196
Execution of Anne Boleyn, 432
 of Earl of Arundel, 170, 171
 of Earl of Worcester, 226
 of first Earl of Northumberland, 238
 of Sir Thomas Percy, 467
 of Duke of Buckingham, 353
 of northern insurgents, 466-469
Expedition to Castile, 143
 to France, 8l, 338 et seq.
 to Ireland (1399), 175, 179, 180
Expenditure of fifth Earl of Northumber
land, 327
Expenses of Scottish wars (1346), 490
Extortions of Henry VII., 317, 318, 321

Earl Marshal, the Office of, 115, 123
Earldom of Carrick conferred on Henry de
Percy, 64
 of Northumberland, Patent of the, 505
Earldoms, endowment of, 123
 strictly representative of counties, 91
 the various, of Northumberland, xxi.
Early military training of sons of the
English nobles, 92
Education of James II. of Scotland in
England, 257
Elegy on fourth Earl of Northumberland,
3°5
Embassy to Paris (1395), 163
Emoluments of the Earl of Worcester,
5l8 . .
English claim to sovereignty of France, 79
 fleet at the Battle of the Sluys, 87
 fleet unable to reach the French coast,
III
 force equipped for France (1334), 80
 provinces in France, revolt in (1373),
III
Entertainment given by Duke of Bucking
ham, 325
Entry into London of Henry of Lancaster,
187
Equipment of fifth Earl of Northumberland
at embarkation for France, 335, 336
Equity of feudal service, 59
Escort of Richard II. to Flint Castle,
185
Esperaunce Herald, 337, 375

Faction fight, a, 263
Fair maid, the, of Brabant, 31
Falcon, the, a poem, 553
Fall, arrest, and death of Wolsey, 410
et seq.
False charges against the sixth Earl of
Northumberland, 568
Family of Percy in South of France, 35
Family feuds, 401
Fatality of climate of Spain, 145
Favourites of Edward II., 66, 72
Fellowships founded in University College,
Oxford, 261, 541
Festivities at the French Court (1395), 163
Feudal service, principle of, 58
 system, effects of the, 239, 240, 279
 consequences of the decline of, 343
Fictitious account of death of Henry de
Percy at the hand of Wallace, 63, 577
Field of Cloth of Gold, 327, 352
Fight at Bramham Moor, 239
Final interview between Henry IV. and first
Earl of Northumberland, 212
Fire-arms used at the battle of the Sluys,
84
Fishery at Warkworth, 489
Fleet, English, dispersed by a gale, 126
Fleet Prison, fifth Earl of Northumberland
in the, 345
Foreign expeditions, organisation of, 102
Forest laws, 5 1
Forrey of Scots in the Middle March, 412
Fortification of Berwick, 504

584

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Fouage, 105
Foundation of religious houses, 15, 16
 of scholarships at Oxford, 261, 541
Free livery, 271
Freemen of Alnwick, King John's require
ment of the, 40
French, the, of the English barons and the
monks, 55
 army gathered at Viranfosse, 80
.  campaign, a (15 13), 335
 court, festivities at (1395), 163
 fleet defeated (121 7), 81, (1379), 128
 fleet engaged in the battle of the Sluys,
81, 82
 the, Metrical Chronicle, 179, 181, 184
 provinces taxed by the Black Prince,
I0* „
"Frenchman, the term used reproachfully
by a Scots noble, 26
Fresh conspiracies (1404I, 233
Funeral of fourth Earl of Northumberland,
3°7, 55°
 of fifth Earl of Northumberland, 358,
359
¦  of sixth Earl of Northumberland, 476
Furniture of Leckonfield, 328
 removed for use from castle to castle,
330
Fyancells of Princess Margaret, 315

Garrisons of Berwick and Roxburgh,
506
Garrison of Berwick Castle massacred, 131
 of Warkworth Castle, 76
Garter, see Order of the
Genealogical table, showing descent of
Hotspur from Henry III., 102
 showing descent of second Earl of
Northumberland from Roger Morti
mer, 129
 of the Percies, see Pedigree
Genealogy of the early Barons de Percy,
24, 25
Glendower's Oak, 227
Gold ring with Percy crest found at Tow
ton, 283
Gospatrick's rebellion (1069), 13
Governorship of Berwick and Roxburgh,
109
 of Poitou, 108
Grant of Isle of Man to first Earl of North
umberland, 193, 517
 of lands to Sandon Hospital, 27
Grants made by sixth Earl of Northumber
land for pious purposes, 558
 of lands to William de Percy, 14
 to Salley Abbey by Agnes de Louvain,
32

Habits of life
century, 328

of nobles of sixteenth

Head of Earl of Arundel believed to have
been reunited to his body, 171
 of first Earl of Northumberland carried
through London, 239
Hearth-tax, 105
Herbingeours, 427
History and Biography, xix.
Hobelars, 71, 73
Home life in England in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries, 247
Hospital of St. Leonards, 115
Hostages, female, in charge of Lord Percy,
57
Hotspur correspondence, the, 521 et seq.
House of Hotspur in Wood Street, 120
 of Friars of York, licence for mass
in, 69
 of Lancaster, 287
Household of Cardinal Wolsey, 362
 of the fifth Earl of Northumberland,
323, 324 et seq.
Houses belonging to the Percies, 539
¦  of York and Lancaster, 263
Humiliating peace, a, 169

Impeachment of Arundel, Archbishop of
Canterbury, 171
 of first Earl of Northumberland, 138
Imposture of Lambert Simnel, 301
 of Perkin Warbeck, 311, 312
Improvements of Alnwick Castle by the
second Lord Percy of Alnwick, 91
Imprisonment of Richard II., sentence of,
192
Indenture between King Henry II. and
fourth Earl of Northumberland, 308
 between the fourth Earl of North
umberland and Richard, Duke of
Gloucester, 292, 549
 of peace between Northumberland and
Douglas, 146
 of Sir Thomas de Percy to serve in
France, 507
Indictment against Henry IV., 218
 of Ann Boleyn, 433
Indulgences, 116
Instructions concerning the ordering of
Northumberland, 557
Insurrection of nobles against Henry III.,
48
 the, of Lord Audley, 312, 313
Interview between Henry VIII. and the
widow of the sixth Earl of North
umberland, 477
 between fifth Earl of Northumberland
and Lord Percy, 370 et seq.
 of first Earl of Northumberland with
Richard II., 181
 of Earl of Worcester with Henry IV.,
221
Invasion of England by David of Scotland,
25, 26

585

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Invasion of England by the Scots (1388),
146, (1448), 261
 of Northumberland by the Scots(i346),
85
 of Northumberland by James IV. of
Scotland C1513), 344
 of Scotland forbidden by Richard II.,
132
Investment of Berwick, 138

Jargon of the Monkish chroniclers, 55
Jews, persecution of the, 38
Jousts at Calais (1390), 160
"Joyful agreement," the, 273
Juries, royal treatment of, 464
Justiciary of the forests, 271

Kabale und Liebe, 365
King of France, title of, assumed by English
sovereigns, 98, 105
King, the, of Scotland, a prisoner in the
Tower, 88
King's Hold, the, 474
Knighthood, privilege of conferring, 422
Knighting of Henry de Percy, accident
occasioned thereby, 53
Knights bannerets created by fourth Earl of
Northumberland, 294
 of the Garter, 158, 159, 293, 417
 fees, 22, 23, 29
 pay, 89

Lamentations of Richard II. , 185
Lancaster, arms of, on Tower of Alnwick
Castle, 91
"Lancaster Sword," the, 518
Lancastrians, hopes of the, revived, 297
¦  hopeless condition of the, 291, 292
 last defeat of, at Hedgely Moor, 285
Lance and pennon, Hotspur's, 147
Lands obtained by William de Percy, 13,
14, 21
 held by Jocelyn de Percy in York
shire, 32
 of Henry de Percy confiscated, 48
 in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire settled
on third Lord Percy of Alnwick, 92
— — ¦ of the third Lord Percy of Alnwick,
94, 492
 in possession of second Earl of North
umberland, 542
— — acquired by third Earl of Northum
berland, 544
¦  ¦ of sixth Earl of Northumberland vested
in the Crown, 469
 of Lucy, 140
 settled in dower on Lady Maiy Plan
tagenet, 504
 in Galloway and Angus not restored
to Lord Percy as stipulated, 77

Lands, value of, temp. Henry III., 47
Law, weakness of the, under the early
English kings, 44
Lawlessness in the north of England, 422
League, Duke of Gloucester's, 155
 against Edward II. , 72
 of the barons against King John, 40,
41
 of nobles, 170
Legal corruption, temp. Plenry VII., 317
Legend concerning Ralph de Percy, 28
Legends attached to Warkworth Castle, 76
 ¦ and ballads, Northumbrian, 242
Letter of the Duke of Bedford to Henry
VI., 260
 of first Earl of Cumberland to
Thomas Hennege, 359
 of third Lord Dacre to the council, 349
 of King Edward I. to Sir Henry de
Percy, 55
 of the English barons to Pope Boni
face VII., 60
 of Henry VIII. to fifth Earl of North-
umberland, 350
 of James V. of Scotland to sixth
Earl of Northumberland, 399
 of James, King of Cyprus, to Richard
II. , 160
 of King John to Robert de Ros,
Richard de Percy, and others, 42
 of Sir Roger Lassells to sixth Earl
of Northumberland, 398
¦  of Richard Layton to Cromwell,
475
¦  • of Magnus to Wolsey, 403
 of Duchess of Norfolk to Wolsey,
401
 of second Earl of Northumberland to
Lord Sayntemonde, 264 et seq.
 of fourth Earl of Northumberland to
Richard III., 296
 of the same to the Brethren of St.
Peter, York, 302
 of fifth Earl of Northumberland to Sir
Reginald Brav. 319
 of the same to fourth Earl of Shrews
bury, 351
• — — of sixth Earl of Northumberland to
Duke of Norfolk, 400
¦  of Sir Henry Percy to King Edward I. ,
56
 of Lord Percy to Pope Clement VI.,
89-
 of Sir Thomas Percy to the Privy
Council, 167
 of the Percies defying Henry IV.,
219
 of fourth Earl of Shrewsbury to Thomas
Allen, 347
 of the same to sixth Earl of North
umberland, 456
 of Swyfoe, or Swinhoe, to the Earl
of Shrewsbury, 478

586

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Letter of Cardinal Wolsey to Henry VIII.,
357
,  of the same to sixth Earl of North
umberland, 390
Letters of Henry IV. to the council, 217,
236, 527, 528
 of Hotspur to the council, 200-203,
521-525
 of first Earl of Northumberland,
201
 of the same to Henry IV., 209, 231,
234
 of the same to the council (1401),
519, 526
 of sixth Earl of Northumberland to
Thomas Arundel, 378, 381, 383-385
 of the same to Secretary Cromwell,
432, 437
 of the same to Henry VIII., 388,
396, 469
 of the same to Wolsey, 389, 391,
393, 394, 400, 404
 of the same as Warden of the
Marches, 418
 patent for transfer of Warkworth
Castle, 488
Levy en masse against the Scots, 132
Liberation of James II. of Scotland, 257
" Liberties of the City in danger," 120
Licence to sixth Earl of Northumberland
to alienate lands in Kent, 559
 to first Lord Percy of Alnwick to
fortify his castles, 51
Lists of the companions of the Conqueror,
10
Literature, encouragement of, by fifth Earl
of Northumberland, 332
Litigation between Richard and William
de Percy, 44, 45, 482
Livery and wardship, 321
Londoners, the, amazed at the banishment
of the Percies, 1 74
 enraged against Lancaster and Percy,
120
 sullen aspect of, towards Henry of
Lancaster, 187
.  their anxiety to retain the French pro
vinces, 197
Lonely deathbed, a, 475
Long-bow, efficiency of the, 84
Lord, the, and the vassal, 58
Lord Chancellorship, the, 429
Lord High Chamberlain, fourth Earl of
Northumberland made, 294
Lord High Constable, second Earl of North
umberland created, 262
Lord Justice, attack on the, by the Earl of
Warren and Surrey, 49
Lord Wardens, the, paid deputies and
gentlemen, 554
Lord Mayor of London, 121, 135
Lordship, the, of Arundel, 515
 the, of Petworth, 27, 32, 35

Lordship of Smeaton, part of the Craven
Fee, 359
Lordships held by William de Percy, 21
Love of the chase in the middle ages, 50
Lover's plea, the, 367
Loss of Normandy, its effect on England, 39
Luxurious camp equipment of fifth Earl of
Northumberland, 337
Magna Charta, 40, 41, 43, 45, 48
Magnus Constabularius, 23
" Magnificent Earl," the, 313, 322
Maid of Orleans, 260
Manor of Salley, 27
Manors held by third Lord Percy of Aln
wick, 94
 &c, in possession of second Earl of
Northumberland, 268
March, the, on Shrewsbury, 217
" March Day," 132
March treason, 387
Marches, law of the, 58
' ' Marquess " of Pembroke, Ann Boleyn
created, 432
Marriage of Prince Arthur with Catherine
of Aragon, 313
 • of Henry VIII., festivities at the, 334
 of Princess Margaret with King James
of Scotland, 313-316
 of Princess Mary with the Emperor
Maximilian, 313
 of first Earl of Northumberland with
the Lucy heiress, 139
 of eldest daughter of King Henry
IV. and son of Emperor of Ger
many, 196
 of Lord Percy, son of fifth Earl of
Northumberiand, 370 et seq.
 of Agnes de Percy with Jocelyn de
Louvain, 31, 32
 indenture of, between Duke of Buck
ingham and Lady Alianore Percy,
308
Marriages of Hotspur's widow and children,
246, 247
Marshalship of England, 115
Mass, Salus populi, 541
Maundy Thursday, gifts on, 326
Meals at Leckonfield, 328
Meeting between Henry of Lancaster and
Richard II., 186
Military expeditions, 395
 reputation of second Lord Percy of
Alnwick, 71
Mistrust of Duke of Lancaster, 133
Mode of life of fifth Earl of Northumber
land, 327
Moldewarpe, the, 214
Monarchical despotism succeeds to feudal
ism, 343
Monasteries, suppression of the, 440, 441
 built by the Normans in retribution
for the conquest of England, 16

587

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Monastery of St. Albans, 545
Money, value of, temp. Henry III., 47
Monks, good services of the, 441
 of Fountains Abbey, 5 1
 the, of Salley, complain of the
climate, 30
Munificent benefactions of the Percies to
York Minster, 95
Murder of the fourth Earl of Northumber
land, 305
Mutilation and exposure of Hotspur's re
mains, 226
Mystery plays, 326

Name of Percy assumed by Jocelyn de
Louvain, 31
Naval action at the Sluys, 81
 action off Dover, 81
 defences (1383), 135
 despatch, the first on record, 84
 engagements under Sir Thomas Percy
(1379), 125-128
 expedition under Hotspur, 142
Navy, method of its maintenance, 135
Negotiation of first Earl of Northumberland
with Richard II., 181-183
Negotiations for sale of county of North
umberland, 37
 with Scotland, 519
New Year's gifts, 387
Nobleman, training of a young, 130
Nobles, the, alienated from Richard II. ,
174
 influence of the, undermined by
Wolsey, 375-378
 some of the, disarmed by Henry of
Lancaster, 187
Norman barons, their aggressions in reign
of Stephen, 25
 conquest, 7
 invaders, the, 8
 nomenclature, 9
 Percies, the, list of, with dates, 2
 Percies, arms of the, 31
 system of government, 44
 settlers rin England before the Con
quest, 10
Normandy re-annexed to French Crown, 39
Normans, the, their shaven faces, 12
North, the, ravaged by Lancaster's troops,
'33
 the second rising in the, 464
 of England ravaged by King John, 40
 of England, the, ravaged by armed
bands, 71
 of England on the side of Lancaster,
275
Northern barons assist Edward Baliol, 77
 castles seized by Henry IV., 235
 counties, privileges cf dwellers in the,
58
 provinces, the, 290

Northern rebellion, the, 440^^., 561
 rebels, trial of the, 465 ; punishment
of, 466
Northerners, sullen temper of the, against
fourth Earl of Northumberland, 304
Northumberland, Earldom of, conferred on
Bishop of Durham, 37
 held by other than Percies xx,
xxi.
 conferred on Lord Montacute,
288
 county of, offered for sale, 37, 41
 Herald, 315
 House (1377), 121
 Household Book, 323 et seq.
 revolt (1069) 12
Nuns mutilating themselves, 1 7
 carried on board an English ship,
126
 of Salley, compensation to the, 30

Oath of allegiance of fourth Earl of
Northumberland, 548
Objects of the northern insurgents, 453
Office of High Constable of England, 516
Offices and duties of first Earl of North
umberland, 124
 held by second Earl of Northumber
land, 249
 conferred on Hotspur and the Earl of
Worcester by Henry IV., 193
Official correspondence, 55
Oppressive taxation of the people by Henry
VII., 303 •
" Ordainers," the twelve, 67
Ordering, the, of Northumberland, ques
tions and answers concerning, 556, 557
Outlawry of first Earl of Northumberland,
237

Page, the, and the maid of honour, 363
Pages, sons of noblemen acting as, 362
"Pardoners," 116
Parliament, "the good," 113
 watchfulness of, Egainst the Crown
(1237), 43
 a scene in (1237), 43
 second, of Edward IL, 67
 adjourned, on account of feud between
the Duke of Lancaster and Earl of
Northumberland, 137
 the last, of Richard II., 171
 at Nottingham (1397), 170, 171
 invitation of Henry IV. to, 195
 first Earl of Northumberland appeared
before, 231
¦  at Coventry, 275
 thanks of, to fourth Earl of North
umberland, 294
Parliamentary control, Richard II. 's eman
cipation from, 173

588

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Patents in favour of Earl of Worcester,
194
Payment of j£io,ooo for pardon of the fifth
Earl of Northumberland, 320
Payments to the king for judicial favour,
3i8
Peace with Scotland, 424
 made between England and France,
293
 • with France, 311
 with the Scotch (1379), 133
Pecuniary straits of sixth Earl of North
umberland, 474
Pedigree of Percy, folded in pocket at end
Peers and Commons sat apart (1376), 113
Peerage, the English (1536), 436
 a, of Scotland conferred on second
Lord Percy of Alnwick, 79
Penance imposed on the Norman invaders
of England, 16
 on a Percy for murdering a priest in
St. Hilda's Chapel, 28
Percies, the, proclaimed by Henry IV., 175
 the, and Henry Bolingbroke, 177 etseq.
 the, and the Douglases, 261
Percy, Bishop of Dromore, on the origin of
the Percies, 4
 House of, its position in the country,
100
 origin of name of, 6, 9
 (surname) corrupted into Pierce,
Pearce, Pearson, &c, xxv
 arms in window in York Minster, 96
 badge, the, 534
— castles and mansions, 539
 estates in Suffolk and Kent, 543
 fee in Craven, 359
 Herald, 315
 house ransacked, 120
 lands confiscated, 48, 68
 lands held in fee tail, 537
 lands in Sussex held direct from the
Crown, 27
 lands, the, surrendered to the King,
471-473
 manors alienated, 539
 seal, "secretum secretorum," 32
 shrine in Beverley Minster, 322
 Tower, the, 535
Percy's (Sir Ralph) column, 286
— -well, 286
Petition of abbot and convent of Salley to
Sir Thomas Percy, 559
 of fourth Earl of Northumberland to
Richard III., 296
 for restoration of earldom of North
umberland to the Percies, 288, 289
 to Parliament of Henry Percy, son of
Hotspur, 536
Pilgrimage of Grace, the, 439 et seq., 465
Plague, the, in London, 405
Plexippus, Hotspur so called, 130
Plot against Hotspur, 141

Plots against Henry IV., 233
Policy, the, of Cardinal Wolsey, 344
Pope, the, and the Barons, 60, 61
 Urban re-claims the tribute, 1 16
Pope's legates seized in the north by
armed band, 71
Popularity of Hotspur, 141
Portrait of first Earl of Northumberland,
181, 184
Postal service, the, in England (1533), 427
Poverty of Henry IV., 196, 201, 212
Power of king declared absolute (1397),
170
Pre-contract, alleged, between sixth Earl of
Northumberland and Ann Boleyn, 368, '
425, 426, 437, 438 ,439
Prices of provisions (1505), 324
Priest, a, slain in St. Hilda's Chapel, 28
Priory of Whitby, disputes concerning, 19
Prisoner, the second Earl of Northumber
land a, in Scotland, 243
Prisoners taken at Homildon, 208
Private debts of sixth Earl of Northumber
land, 573
Privilege of wardens of the Marches, 421
Privileges of inhabitants of the northern
counties, 58
Privy Council, Sir Thomas Percy's letter to,
167
Proclamation of Henry IV., 217
Prophecies of Merlin, 214
Protest of the men of Cumberland, 59
Proxy for the clergy, 1 70
Punishment of the northern rebels, 466-
469
Punishments for march-treason, 387, 388

Quarrel between Lord Egremont and
Richard Percy, 263
 between Duke of Lancaster and first
Earl of Northumberland, 135
Quartering arms, practice of, 510
 of the body of first Earl of North
umberland, 535
 of the body of Hotspur, 227, 532
Queen Dowager, the, of Scotland (1517),
351
" Queen s wardrobe," the, 121, 237

Raid on Scotland by Hotspur, no
Ransom due by David Bruce, 124
 of Hotspur from the Scots, 151
 of prisoners taken at Homildon, 208
 of James II. of Scotland, 258
 of prisoners of war, 515
Rebellion, Owen Glendower's, in Wales,
195
 of the Percies, 213 et seq., 229
 of Sir Thomas Percy, 561
 in the North suppressed, 465
 in Wales, the, 520-528

589

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Rebuilding of York Minster, 95
Recognizance of ^5,ooo,fifth Earl of North
umberland's, cancelled by Henry VIII. ,
320, 322 _
Reconstruction of Alnwick Castle by first
Lord Percy of Alnwick, 65, 66
Reformation, insurrection against the, 440
Refusal of the wardenship of the Marches
by fifth Earl, 353
Regent, the Black Prince appointed, 79
Release of Scottish king from captivity, .25 7
Religious houses, foundation of, 15, 16
 benefactions of the fourth Baron, 27
 orders, their claim to rights of the
chase, 50 <
Remonstrance of the Percies (1402), 211
Remonstrances of first Earl of Northumber
land against seizure of his castles, 231
Remorse of Richard II., 171
Reply of the chiefs to the protest of the
Cumberland men, 59
Reservation of rights of the chase, 36
Restoration of second Earl of Northumber
land to his inheritance, 243, 245,
536
 of the fourth Earl of Northumberland,
289, 292, 548
Results of Spanish campaign (1386), 145
Retainers of Henry de Percy, their good
conduct, 61
Retinue of first Earl of Northumberland in
the Scottish war, 508
 of fifth Earl of Northumberland, 314-
316
Retribution on northern rebels, 467
Return of Queen Isabel to France, 199
Revelries at Court of Henry VIII., 334
Revenues of fifth Earl of Northumberland,
326
Revocation of sentence on first Earl of
Northumberland, 138
Reward to the forces under Lord Ogle and
Sir William Percy (1522), 552
Rising, the second, in the north, 464, 568
Roll of Battle Abbey, 10
Royal licence for transfer of Warkworth
Castle, 458
 prerogative asserted, 1 70
 encroachment checked by feudalism,
240
 letter, a, 399
Royalist army, dispersion of the (1455),
267
Royalists, defeat of, at Blore Heath, 277
Ruby shield and baton, 255
Rumours of Richard II. 's survival, 233

Safe conduct to Henry de Percy, 488
 for Thomas, Earl of Lancaster and
others, 488
St. Paul's, scene in, at trial of Wyclif, 117
et seq.

Satires of Skelton, 376
Saxons, the, wore beards, 12
 aristocratic feelings of the, 8
 condition of the, under Norman rule,
14, 15
Scene in Parliament (1237), 43
Scotch people attacked at Roxburgh, 109
Scots, the, vanquished at Dunbar, 54
 the defeat of, at Neville's Cross, 87
 the defeat of, at Northallerton, 26
 the, invade Northumberland (1378),
131
 the defeat of, at Halidon Hill, 78
 treaties with the, 271
 and English, wars between, 53
Scottish lands granted to Henry de Percy,
489 _ •
 leaders, the, invited into the "barns
of Ayr," 62
 outrages, 419-421
 shepherds, device of, against Lord
Percy's army, 1 10
 soldiers, execution of, under Edward I. ,
63
 court, second Earl of Northumberland
at, 241
 wars, expenses of (1346), 490
Scrope and Grosvenor trial, 159
Scutage, 29
Sea-kings, the, 3
Seal of Henry de Percy, 505
 attached to written submission of the
border chiefs, 57
Seals of charter to Salley Abbey, arms on,
31
Second rising, the, in the North, 463,
568
Sentence of imprisonment on Richard II.,
192
Settlement of the dispute between Richard
and William de Percy (1234), 44
Shortlivedness of the male Percies, xxvi.
Shrine of fourth Earl of Northumberland,
at St. Nicholas, Newcastle, 307
 in Beverley Minster, 322
Siege of Alnwick Castle by Malcolm of
Scotland, 64
 of Auberoche, 84
 of Berwick, 131, 138
 of Brest, 160
 of Calais, 85, 92
 of Karleverok, 59
 of Newcastle (1388), 147
¦  of Rheims, 94
 of Orleans, 270
 of Roxburgh, 259
— of Stirling Castle, 69
 of Terouenne, 339
 of Warkworth Castle (11 73), 75
Silver plate, use of, in England circa 1500,
331
" Skowrers and Fomders, 339
" Sompnours," 116

59°

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Soothsayer's prediction about Hotspur, 222
Sovereignty of the ocean claimed by Edward
III., 79
Spain, expedition to (1359), 103
 . return of Black Prince from, 104
Spanish expedition (1386), 143-145
 ship, Sir Thomas Percy's engage
ment with, 127
 and Flemish ships attacked by Sir
Thomas Percy, 125
Speaker of the Commons, the first, 1 14
Squires, pay of, 89
Standard said to be Hotspur's, 148
Star Chamber, 303, 317, 321, 345, 346
Statues, two, erected in York Minster, 95
Statute of liveries, 303
Story of the northern rebellion, the, 447
else/.
Submission of the border chiefs (1296), 56
 of border rebels, 389
 of first Earl of Northumberland, 231
Subsidy towards expedition to Castile, 143
Succession of the Norman Percies, 2
 of Barons Percy of Louvain, 34
 right of, to earldom of Northumber
land, 445
Summons for armed assistance addressed to
fifth Earl of Northumberland, 335
Superstitious fears of Richard IL, 171
Suppression of Salley Abbey, 559
 of the monasteries, 440
 of the Percy rebellion, 229
Surnames, Norman and Saxon, 9
Surrender of Percy lands to the king, 473
 to Henry IV. of Jedworth Castle, 535
 to Henry IV. of Alnwick, Warkworth,
and other castles, 532
Survey of England, 21
Survival, reported, of Richard II. , l8l
Sweating sickness, the, 405
Sword, Hotspur's, 222
 the Lancaster, 518
 of state, right to carry, 430

Treatment of prisoners in border warfare
151
Treaty between England and Scotland
(1401), 519
 of peace with France, 167, 168
 with Spain, 144
 of peace with Scotland (1386), 145
 of peace between Richard III. and
King of Scotland, 297
 forsurrender of second Earl of North
umberland by Robert of Scotland,
243
Trial of battle proposed between the Dukes
of Hereford and Norfolk, 172 ; see
also Wager
 of Anne Boleyn, 435
 by peers of first Earl of North
umberland, 231
 of John Wyclif, 117
 of northern rebels, 465
Tribute claimed by Urban V., 116
Tripartite indenture, the, 213
Troublesome neighbours, 409
Tryers of petitions, 123
Tudors, policy of the, 240
Tumult in London against Lancaster and
Percy, 120

Unhappy life of sixth Earl of Northumber
land, 456
Union of Norman and Saxon in reign of
King John, 39
University College, Oxford, fellowship in,
261
Unjust suspicions against fifth Earl of
Northumberland, 457
Unsettled condition of the border in 143S,
540
Usurpation of the crown by Stephen, 25
 by Henry of Lancaster, 1 76 et seq.
 by Richard de Percy of the rights of
his nephew, 36-44

Tax, an obnoxious, 303
Taxes levied in France, 105
Thanksgiving in St. Paul's (1459), 274
Timber, method of valuing, 22
Title to landed possessions, 49
Tomb, the so-called, of Hotspur, 227
 of the Lucy heiress in Beverley
Minster, 140
 of Agnes de Percy, 33
Tournament of Westminster, 309
Tower, Richard II. committed to the,
187
Towers of Alnwick Castle, with armorial
bearings, 91
Training of a young noble, 130
Treacherous proposal of Aylmer de Valence,
62
Treaties with the Scots, 271

Vah, proditor ! 158
Valetti armati, 510
Valuation of Alnwick Castle and estate
(1289), 487
Value of Percy manors in Sussex, 492
 of lands held by William de Percy,
22
 of money, lands, &c, temp. Henry
III., 47
 of money (1505-1550), 326
 of Scottish lands granted to second
Lord Percy of Alnwick, 79
Vassalage, independent manner of acknow
ledging, 74
Venison reserved in grant of Litton to
Fountains Abbey, 36
Vestments bequeathed by Thomas de Percy,
Bishop of Norwich, 501, 502

591

INDEX OF SUBJECTS, VOL. I.

Vigorous action of Henry V. towards
Prance, 249
Vikings, the, 4 (note)
Violent deaths in the Percy family, xxvi

Wager of battle between second Earl of
Northumberland and Sir Peter Cokain,
253 ; see also Trial
Want of refinement in England (1505),
331
Wars, the, in Wales (1402), 201
 with France, 79, 249 et seq.
 civil, under Stephen, 25-6
 Scottish, 61
 of the Roses, 240, 263-278, 285
Warden of the Marches, second Lord Percy
of Alnwick made, 73
Warden Court at Alnwick, 387
Wardenship of the Marches, 292, 353,
348, 374, 386, 404, 411, 415, 417,
421, 430
 of East and Middle Marches, 299
 of West Marches, 158
 of Roxburgh Castle, 507
Wardrobe accounts, 317
Warlike career of first Lord Percy of
Alnwick, 51
Warrant for arrest of second Lord Percy of
Alnwick, 68
Washing hands before dinner, 344

Wastefulness, alleged, of sixth Earl of
Northumberland, 378
Welsh rebellion, 520-528
 rebels, Richard de Percy sent against
them, 43
 war, 201
 wars, Prince Henry in the, 527
Wild fowl and poultry, 325
Will of Countess of Arundel, 270
 of Maud de Percy, 30
 of second Lord Percy of Alnwick, 90
 of third Earl of Northumberland, 283,
547
 of fourth Earl of Northumberland,
308
 of Thomas Percy, Bishop of Norwich,
90, 501
 of Sir Ingelram Percy, 479
 of Countess of Richmond, 308
Window in north aisle of York Minster,
96
Wise precautions, 471
Women, influence of, in the middle ages,
247
" Wonder-working " parliament, the, 157
Writ for the quartering of the body of first
Earl of Northumberland, 535
 for delivery of Hotspur's remains, 531

Yorkists, conference of, 271, 272
 and Lancastrians, 266, 273

592

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Abbot, William, 547
Abbot of Alnwick, 115, 565
Abbot of Gervise, 467
Abbot of Fountains, 570
Abbot of St. Albans, 47
Abbot of St. Mary, York, 408, 452
Abbot of Salley, or Sanley, 463, 559
Abbot of Stratford, 476
Abbot of Whitby, 452
Aberleton, William, 336
Acton, Lord, 70
Adeliza, Queen, 27, 31, 32, 70
"Alanus Magnus," 24
Albany, Robert, Duke of (1404), 241, 242,
244, 257
Albany, Murdoch, Duke of (1423), 257
Albany Alexander, Duke of (1483), 294
Albany, John, Duke of (1516 — 1536), 347,
348, 353, 355, 387, 39i, 397
Albemarle and Yorkshire, William le Gros,
second Earl of, 26, 47
Albini, William de, first Earl of Arundel,
31
Albini, William de, third Earl of Arundel, 70
Alder, William, 555
Alexander II., King of Scotland, 41
Alexander III., ditto, 89
Alianore, Queen, 38
Allen, Thomas, 345
Als Gernons, William, xxi., 12
Alta Ripa, Godfrey de, 483, 485
Alta Ripa, Ralph de, 483, 485
Ambell, Johan de, 527
Ambreticourt, Sir John d', 198
Anderwert, William de, 483
Andrew, Richard, Dean of York, 547
Angoulesme, Guiscard de, first Earl of
Huntingdon, 127
Angus, Earls of. See Umfreville and
Douglas
Angus, Countess of (Queen Dowager of
Scotland), 349

Anlaby, Lord Richard, 502, 503
Anlaby, Sir Thomas, 533
Anne of Bohemia, Queen, 168
Aquitaine, Prince of, 161
Aragon, Catherine of. See Catherine
Arches, Thomas de, 482-487
Arches, William de, 482, 485
Argyll, Colin, first Earl of, 294
Armstrong, Andrew, 419
Armstrong, Hector, 419
Arthur (Plantagenet), Prince, 38, 41
Arthur (Tudor), Prince of Wales, 311,
313
Artois, Blanche of. See Blanche
Arundel, Earls of, 123, 156, 170, 171, 270.
See also Montgomery, Fitzalan, Howard
Arundel, Aliana, Countess of, 499
Arundel, Anne, Countess of, 309
Arundel, Sir Thomas (brother of thirteenth
Earl of Arundel), 378, 381, 383-385,
389, 395, 4°i, 4°7, 408
Arundel, Sir John, 126
Arundel, Roger de, 483, 484
Arundel, Thomas, Archbishop of Canter
bury, 171, 528, 531
Ashe, Thomas, 575
Aske, John, 533
Aske, Richard, 532, 533
Aske, Sir Robert of, 315
Aske, Robert, 442, 443, 444, 447 et seq.,
464, 465, 467, 468, 568, 570-574, 576
Astley, Sir John, 284
Asturias, Prince of, 144
Atholl, David, Earl of, 72
Aton, Isabel de, 91
Aton, Sir William de, 65
Aton, William de, 91, 502
Atterwick, William de, 482, 485, 486
Aubrey, Andrew, 493
Audley, Sir Thomas, 429, 434, 465, 572
Audley, Lord, 276, 312, 313
Aula, Roger de, 502

VOL. I.

593

Q Q

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Avranches, Hugo d', surnamed Lupus, Earl
of Chester, ii, 14, 21, 482,494
Awike, William de, 483

Babington, Conspirator, 254
Bage, John, 573, 574
Bagthorpe, William, 407, 570
Bahuchel, Sir Peter, 81, 82, 83
Bainbridge, Cardinal, 318
Bake, Anthony, Bishop of Durham. .SVvBeck
Baker, John, 559
Baldersby, Hugh de, 482, 483, 485
Baldwyn, Sir John, 572
Baliol, Edward de, King of Scotland, 77,
79, 89, 90, 93, 489, 490-492
Baliol, John de, ditto, 48, 49, 51, 52
Baliol, Agnes de, 46
Baliol, Elena de, 46
Baliol, Eustace de, 46
Baliol, Ingelram de, 46, 51
Barbenoir, Nicholas, Admiral, 81, 82
Barbour, Thomas, 502
Bardolf, Lord, 235-238, 501, 537
Bardolfe, Wilhelmus, 48
Barkeley, Sir Edward, 544
Bassett, Gilbert de, 44
Bassett, Philippus, 48
Bath and Wells, John Stafford, Bishop of,
539
Baynard, William, 573
Bealknapp, Robert, 511
Beauchamp, Guy de, second Earl of War
wick, 68, 488
Beauchamp, Thomas de, third Earl of War
wick, 135, 156
Beauchamp, Edward, Viscount, 465, 572
Beauchamp, Henry de, 113
Beauchamp, Sir John, 83
Beaufort, Duke of, 307
Beaufort, Edmund, first Duke of Somerset,
232, 257, 313, 545
Beaufort, Henry, second Duke of Somerset,
266, 267, 273, 274, 277, 284, 422
Beaufort, John, third Duke of Somerset, 297
Beaufort, Lady Eleanor, 313
Beaumont, Lord, 72, 102, 283
Beauner, William, 502
Beck, Anthony, Bishop of Durham, 62, 65
74, 488
Bedford, Duke of. See Plantagenet
Bedford, Jacquette, Duchess of, 289
Bedingham, Lord, 283
Beke, Bishop Anthony. See Beck
Bellairs, 86
Berkeley, Sir John, 270
Berners, Lord, 515
Berry, John, Due de, 109
Bertram, Roger, 42
Bertram, 86
Berwick, Count of, 56
Bigod, Sir Francis, 446, 460-463, 465,
467, 5^9, 573

Bigod, Hugh, first Earl of Norfolk, 23
Bigod, Robert, second Earl of Norfolk, 31
Bigod, Roger, Earl of Norfolk, 40
Bilton, Aliana de, 499
Bilton, Richard de, 499
Bingham, Richard, 545
Blage, John, 573, 574
Blanche of Castile, 165
Blanche d'Artois, 92, 102
Blenkinsop, John, 556
Blount, Elizabeth, 403
Blount, John, 509
Blyth, William de, Archdeacon of Norfolk,
501-503
Bohun, Edward, 353
Bohun, — Earl of Northampton, 83
Bohun, Humphrey de, Earl of Hereford,
48, 68, 83, 488
Boleyn, Anne, 363-374, 405, 412, 416,
424-427, 432 et seq.
Boleyn, Sir Geoffrey, 366
Boleyn, Mary, 438
Boleyn, Sir Thomas, 363
Bolingbroke, Elena de, 496
Bolingbroke, Henry. See King Henry IV.
Bolree, Bartholomew, 544
Bolton, William of, 491
Bond, Richard, 532
Boniface VII., Pope, 60
Bonvyse, Anthony, 380
Bordeaux, Richard of. See Richard II.
Borndon, Alice de, 499
Borthrop, Hugh de, 21
Boteria, William de, 503
Boteturt, John, 488
Bothwell, Earl, 294, 418
Bourbon, Duke of, 167, 197
Bourchier, Henry, first Earl of Essex, 465,
572 .
Bourchier, Thomas, Archbishop of Canter
bury, 273
Bowes, Sir William, 389
Bowes, Robert, 449, 450, 554, 557, 561,570
Boynton, Sir Robert, 131
Boynton, Thorns de, 508
Brabant, Godfrey, Duke of, 31, 32
Brandon, Charles, first Earl of Suffolk, 410
Braose, Reginald de, 46
Braose, William de, 4r, 45
Bray, Sir Reginald, 319, 320
Braybroke, Robert de, Bishop of London,
198
Brember, Sir Nicholas, 121
Bretagne, Alan de, Earl of Richmond, 23
Bretagne, John de, Earl of Richmond, 52,
488
Bretonne, Duke of, 336
Bridlington, Friar of, 467
Brien, Sir Guy de. See Bryan
Briquet, Sir Robert, 165, 166
Brittany, Duke of, 125, 126, 167, 168, 508
Briwere, Joan de, 46
Briwere, William de, 36, 46

594

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Broase, William de, 45
Broke, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, 385
Brooke, Lord, 474
Browne, Sir Antony, 477, 478
Browne, Sir Hugh, 524
Bruce, Christine, Lady, 57
Brace, David. See David, King of Scotland
Bruce, Robert. See Robert, King of Scotland
Bruce, Margery, 57
Bruce, Nigel, 63
Bruce, Robert, the younger, 56, 58
Bruern, the Dane, 17, 18
Bras, Adam de, 35
Brus, Isabel de, 35
Brus, Peter de, 40, 42
Brus, Robert de, 26, 48
Bryan, Sir Guy de, 113, 302, 506
Brygham, Thomas, 239
Buccleugh, Lords of, 397, 431
Bucel, Reginald, 21
Buch, Captal de, 198
Buchan, Earl of, 256
Buchan, Countess of, 57
Buckingham, Dukes and Earls of. See
Plantagenet, and Stafford
Buckingham, Alianore (Percy), Duchess of,
308, 3°9
Bulmer, Sir John, 458, 465, 467, 570-573
Bulmer, Lady, 467
Bulmer, Ralph, 465, 570-572
Burdett, 293
Burgundy, Clemen tia, Duchess of, 31
Burgundy, Duchess of, 312
Burgundy, Lord of, 336
Burley, Sir Richard, 145
Burrell, John, 556
Burth, 327
Burwell, William, 569
Bury, Richard de, Bishop of Durham, 80
Butler, Lord, 476
Bygod. See Bigod

Cabega de la Baca, Admiral, iii
Caluelay, Johan, 509
Calveley, Sir Hugh, 126, 127
Caly, Robert, 502
Cambridge, Earls of, See Plantagenet
Camoys, Lord, 204
Campbell, Duncan, 241
Canterbury, Archbishops of. See Arundel,
Bourchier, Cranmer, Greenfield, Sudbury
Capel, Sir William, 318
Caperon, John, 239
Care, John, of Flitton, 556
Carlisle, Bishops of. See Kite, Percy, and
Merks
Carlisle Herald, 419
Carnaby, Cuthbert, 576
Carnaby, Sir Raynold, or Reginald, 437,
446, 562, 565, 566
Carnaby, William, 510, 555, 574
Carr (or Kerr) Lance, 355

Carr, Mark, 420
Carter, John, 503
Castile, Blanche of. See Blanche
Castile. See Henry and Eleanor of Castile
Castle Bernard, Richard de, 503
Catherine of Aragon, Queen, 313, 369,
428, 433
Catherine of France, 297
Catton, Lord John de, 502
Catton,»Thomas de, 502
Caux and de Poictiers, Comte de, 6
Cellini, Benvenuto, 331
Chambre, John a, 304, 305
Chamleys, Mr., 449
Chandos, Sir John, 106-108
Chapuis, 425
Chariotter, William, 503
Charlemagne, 31
Charles I., King of England, xxi, 304
Charles II. , King of England, xxi
Charles V., Emperor of Germany, 353,
418, 425
Charles V., King of France, 105, 164
Charles VI., ditto, 251
Charles VIII., ditto, 312
Charleton, William (of Shotlington), 388
Charlton, Cuddy, 561
Charlton, Edward, 554, 561
Charlton, William, 554
Chatton, Lord of, 498
Chaucer, Geoffrey, n6, 117
Chaworth, Maud, 102
Cheney, Sir Thomas, 559
Chester, Hugh, Earl of. See Avranches
Cheyne, Margaret, 465, 467, 570-572
Cholmeley, Sir Roger, 574
Clannell, John, 555
Clare, Gilbert, Earl of, 40
Clare, Gilbert de, Earl of Gloucester,72,488
Clare, Richard, third Earl of, 27
Clarence, Dukes of. See Plantagenet
Clavering, John de, 75, 76, 489
Clavering, John, 553, 555
Clement VI., Pope, 89
Clerk, John Fenton, 514
Clerke, Robert, 573
Clerke, Thomas, 531
Clifford, Elizabeth, Lady, daughter of Hot
spur, 90, 246
Clifford, Idonea, 90. Sa also Percy
Clifford, Lord de, 56, 57, 63
Clifford, Robert, second Lord, 90
Clifford, John, seventh Lord, 90, 246, 267,
274
Clifford, Thomas, eighth Lord, 267
Clifford, John, ninth Lord, 272-275, 277,
278, 280, 281, 283, 545
Clifford, Henry, tenth Lord, 341, 349, 354,
389, 421
Clifford, Henry, first Earl of Cumberland,
346, 359, 401, 405
Clifford, Henry, second Earl of Cumber
land, 359, 469, 572

595

Q Q 2

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Clifford, Sir Robert, 312
Clifford, Robert de, 488
Clifford, Sir Thomas, 401, 431
Clifford, Sir William, 230
Clifford, William, 533
Clifforde, Sir Toys, 165
Clifton, John de, 510
Clun, Lord of, 7°
Cobham, Sir Raynold, 74, 80, 83
Cokain, Sir Peter, 253-255
Cokerell, James, 465, 467, 570, 571
Collenyll, William de, 499
Collingwood, Sir Robert, 431, 553, 554
Coltson, 253
Colvil, Thomas, 515
Colville, Sir Thomas, 198
Colvyll, Philip, 509
Compton, Sir William, 347
Comyn, John, 48
Constable, Sir Marmaduke, 294, 341, 57°
Constable, Sir Robert, 411, 450, 451, 458,
465, 468, 570-573
Constable, Robert, 509
Conyer (?), Lord, 350
Conyers, Johan, 509, 510
Conyers, Sir William, 319
Copeland, — , 208
Coppam, Sir William, 558
Cornwall, Earl of. See Galveston
Cornwaylle, John, 509
Cotoun, John, 503
Coucy, Lord of, 164, 167
Coudrey, William de, 484
Coupeldyk, John, 509
Coupland, John, 380, 497
Courtenay, Edward, third Earl of Devon,
136
Courtenay, William, Bishop of London,
1 18 et seq.
Cramlyngton, Thomas, 555
Cranmer, Archbishop, 436, 437, 439
Crayks, John de, 494
Cressyngham, Lord Stephen de, 502
Creswell, John, 532
Crewe, Miles, 556
Creyk, Lady Isabel de, 499
Cromwell, Sir Richard, 476
Cromwell, Secretary, 380, 410, 417, 423,
428, 429, 431, 437, 438, 442, 444, 445,
447, 455, 457, 465, 47°, 472, 474-476,
565, 572
"Crouchback," Edmund, Earl of Lancaster.
See Plantagenet
Cruce, 10
Cumberland, Earls of. See Clifford
Cumberland, Countess of, 323, 359
Curcy (or Courcy), 10
Curcy, Richard de, 26
Curwen, Sir Thomas, 315

Dacre, Sir Christopher, 557
Dacre, Sir Philip, 553

Dacre (of the North), William, third Lord,
346, 348-350, 353, 354, 356, 374, 377,
401, 402, 405, 423, 428, 431, 456, 567
Dacre (of the South), Lords, 348
Dale, William, 574
Dalton, John, 502
Dalton, Thomas de, 490
Dalton, William de, 482, 485, 499
Danby, Sir Christopher, 570, 572
Danby, Mr., 449, 458
Daniel Teutonicus, 482
Darcy, Sir Arthur, 421, 560
Darcy, Sir George, 574
Darcy, John, 509
Darcy, Thomas, Lord, 339, 352, 443, 450-
452, 459, 460, 463, 464, 465, 468, 569-
571
Darcy, Sir Thomas, 570
Darel, Richard, 239
Darnley, Earl of, 313
David I., King of Scotland, 25, 26
David II. , ditto, 78, 85, 86, 88, 93, 124,
208, 491
David of Scotland, Prince, 241
Dawtree, Robert, 544
D'Ayville, Sir John, 29
De Burgh, Hubert, 81
De Burgh, William, 511
De Fres-Renay, Ranulph, 511
De Grey, Richard, Lord, 244, 245
De la Baca, Admiral, m
De la Beche, John, 499
De la Mare, Sir Peter, 100, 1 14
De la Marque, Franjois, 179
De la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, 262
De la Riviere, Lord, 164
De la Vale, Henry, 509
De la Vale, William, 509
Delavale, Sir John, 389, 553, 555
De la Vallei-me, William, 509
Denmark, King of, 418
Derby, Earls of. See Plantagenet and
Stanley
De Reys, Sieur, 108
De Roos, Johan, 509
De Ros. See Ros.
Des Barres, Chevalier, 145
Despenser, Hugh, Earl of Gloucester, 72
Despenser, Thomas, Earl of Gloucester,
246
Despenser. See Dispensier
De Vere. SeeYeie
De Vere, Aubrey, 106
Devon, Earl of. See Courtenay
Devonshire, Earl of, 136
Devonshire, Humphrey Stafford, Earl of,
277, 283
D'Evreux, Lewis, Count, 488
D'Eyncourt, John de, 45, 86
Dichfield, Sir John, 294
Dispensier (or Despenser), Hugh, 508
Dixson, Sir William, 319, 320
Dodsworth, Roger, 335

596

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Doncaster, John of, 51
Dorset, Marquis of, 191
Dorset, Thomas Grey, second Marquis of,
332> 353
Douglas, Archibald, Earl of, 206-208
Douglas, William, Earl of, 146-149, 152,
153, 195, :96, 213, 225, 259
Douglas, Archibald, Earl of Angus, 313,
347, 358, 386, 387, 396-400, 408, 417,
419, 558
Douglas, George, Earl of Angus, 397, 400
Douglas, William, Earl of Angus, 259
Douglas, Archibald, 397, 400
Douglas, Sir William, 85, 93
Douglas of Cavers, Family of, 148
Drayton, Sir William, 198
Dromore, Bishop of. See Percy
Du Bellay, 376, 388, 401
Dudley, Edmond, 321
Dudley, John, Duke of Northumberland,
321
Dudley, Lord (1469), 548
Du Guesclin, Chevalier Bertrand de, 104,
in, 128
Dunbar, Patrick, Earl of, 78
Dunbar, Patrick, Earl of March, 109
Dunbar, George, Earl of March, 161, 195,
206, 213, 232
Dunkeld, Bishop of, 294
Durham, Bps. of. See Beck, Bury, Ford-
ham, Ruthall, Sever, and Tunstall

Edgar, Edwap.d, 401
Edmund, Prince, second son of Henry III.,
92
Edward the Confessor, King, 11
Edward I., King of England, 52-55, 63, 102,
189, 190, 549
Edward II., ditto, 63, 66-69, 70, 72, 73,
102
Edward III., ditto, 70, 73, 74, 76, 79, 80-
86, 98,99, 102, 105, 114, 116, 121, 158,
167, 193, 208, 494, 495, 518, 538
Edward IV., ditto, 269, 279, 287-293,
310
Edward V., ditto, 295, 310
Edward VI., ditto, 468
Edward, the Black Prince, 79, 100, 102,
104, 105, m, 114, 145, 181, 193, 279
Edward, Prince of Wales, 277
Egremont, Lord. See Percy, Thomas
Eleanor, Queen (of Castile), 51, 102
Elizabeth, Queen of England, 468
Ellerker, Sir Ralph, 561
Ellerker, Sir Ralph (the younger), 450,
451, 570
Ellerker, Sir Robert, 431, 566
Ellerker, Sir William, 407, 553, 555
Empson, Richard, 321
Erpingham, Sir Thomas, 180
Errington, Anthony, 561
Errington, Gilbert, 555

Errington, Thomas, 336, 388, 419, 555,
556
Escrick, John de, 502
Espec, Walter, 26
Essex, Earls of. See Fitzpiers and Bourchier
Euer, Rauf, 509
Eure, Sir Ralph, 570
Eure, Sir William, 431, 557, 570
Eversley, Ralf de, 19
Ewers, Sir William, 389, 554
Exeter, Duke and Marquis of. See
Holand
Exeter, Henry, Marquis of, 572
Eyssells, Roger, 384

Fairfax, Guy, 544
Fairfax, Sir Nicholas, 450, 452, 458
Fairfax, Sir William, 574
Falconberg. See Fauconbergh
Falconbrklge, Lord, 281
Fame, Prior of, 71
Fauconbergh, Sir Walter, 509
Fauconer, Johan, 508
Fayrechild, William, 250
Felton, John de, 71, 509
Fenwick, George, 555
Fenwick, John of Wallington, 555
Fenwick, Sir Ralph, 419, 553, 554, 556
Fenwick, Thomas, 393
Fenwicks, 387, 423
Fenwyk, John de, 510
Fereby, William, 527
Feron, William, 503
Ferrers of Groby, William, second Lord,
91
Ferrers, House of, 9
Ferrers, Lady Margaret, 501
Fetherstonhagh, Alexander, 420
Feutrer, William, 502
Fiennes, Sir John, 318
Fife. See Fyffe
Fishbourne, Thomas de, 71
Fitzalan, Edmund, fourth Earl of Arundel,
70
Fitzalan, Eleanor. See Percy
Fitzalan, Isabel, 70
Fitzalan, John, Lord of Clun, 70
Fitzalan, John, second Earl of Arundel,
7o
Fitzalan, Richard, first Duke of Surrey,
181
Fitzalan, Richard, fourth Earl of Arun
del, 492, 499, 501, 516, 517, 524
Fitzalan, William, tenth Earl of Arundel,
309
Fitzalan, William, twelfth Earl of Arundel,
Fitzhugh, Lord, 252, 283
Fitz Hugh, Henry, 509
Fitz Hugh, William, 483, 485
Fitz James, Chief Justice, 420
Fitzpiers, Geffrey, first Earl of Essex, 40

597

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Fitz Ralph, Brian, Baron (of 'Middleham), .
35
Fitz Ralph, Baldwin, 482, 483, 485
Fitz Ralph, William, 35
Fitz Richard, Roger, 75
Fitz Robert, J., 42
Fitz Robert, John, 75
Fitz Robert, Ranulph, 42
Fitzwalter, John, seventh Lord, 91
Fitzwalter, Lady, 309
Fitzwalter, Lord, 280
Fitzwalter, Robert, 40
Fitzwilliam, Sir William, 358, 559, 572
Flanders, Baldwin, Count of, 24
Flandr', William de, 483
Fleming, Sir David, 237
Fleming, William le, 486
Flexton, Prioress of, 502
Folketon, Henry de, 486
Fordham, John, Bishop of Durham, 149,515
Forster, Thomas, 566
Fossard, William, 26
Fouler, Henry, 503
Fouler, John, 502
Fowey, William, 250
Francis I., King of France, 327, 352
Froissart, 515
Frost, Walter, 308
Frost, William, 428
Fulthorp, Roger de, 511
Fulthorpe, Thomas, 537
Fulthrop, William, 509
Fyffe, Earls of, 146, 207, 244, 533

Galton, Edward, 555
Galton, Percival, 569
Galveston, Piers de, Earl of Cornwall,
66-68, 72
Gant (or Gaunt), Emma de, 24. See also
Percy
Gant, Gilbert de, 24
Gant, Walter de, 26
Garderoba, Walter de, 502
Gascoyne, Sir William, 357
Gaunt, John of. See Lancaster
Gelding, Margaret, 309
Gervise, Abbot of, 467
Geryng, John de, 502
Geryng, Nicholas, 503
Giayne, Mons, de, 167
Giggleswick, Elyas de, 482, 483, 485-4S7
Giustiniani, Venetian Ambassador in Lon
don, 333
Glendower, Owen, 195, 200, 203, 213,
214, 217, 220, 227, 237, 525, 531
Glendower, Katherine, wife of Edmund
Mortimer, 129
Gloucester, Dukes and Earls of. See
Plantagenet, Clare, and Despenser
Goldesborough, Richard, 508
Goldesburgh, William de, 503
Golfe, Sir Richard, 109

Gomegines, Lord, 124
Gonsill, John, 503
Gordon, Sir John, 1 1 1 1
Gorge, Sir Edward, 342
Gospatrick, Earl, 12, 13
Graillie, John de, 198
Gray, David, 499
Gray, Sir Edward, 553, 555
Gray, Lyonel, 431, 566
Gray, Sir Ralph, 547
Gray, Sir Roger, 566, 567
Gray, Sir Thomas, 499
Gray, Thomas, 566
Gray de Heton, Thomas, 5 10
Greenfield, Archbishop of Canterbury,
69
Gregory VII., Pope, 116
Grey, Sir Edward, 93
Grey, Lady Elizabeth, 289
Grey, John, Lord of Groby, 283
Grey, Sir Ralph, 259
Grey, Sir Roger, 554
Grey, Richard, Lord de, 244, 245
Grey, Sir Thomas (1334), 78
Grey, Sir Thomas (1483), 294
Grey de Ruthyn, Edmond, Earl of Kent,
283
Grosvenor, Sir Robert, 159
Gruele, John, 544
Guast, Sir Roger, 553
Guyall, Harry, 457
Guyll, Richard, 569
Guyot de Guy, 338
Gylyot, Robert, 530
Gynnour, Thomas, 544

Hagerstone, John, 556
Haliburton, Sir William, 249
Hall, John, 555
Halliburton, William de, 160
Halom, 462, 569
Hamerton, Sir Stephen, 448, 465, 467,
56o, 570, 571
Hamilton, Stephen, 335
Hamme, Richard, 527
Hamon, Robert, 573
Hamon, Thomas, 574
Harbottel, John, 555
Hardyng, Thomas, 130, 188, 189, 228, 247
Harington, William, 574
Harold, King, 11, 263
Hastings, Sir Hew, 198
Hastings, Sir John, 315, 321
Hastings, John, 327
Hastings, Pembroke, first Earl of, 510
Hastings, John, third Earl of Pembroke,
III
Haunell, Richard, 503
Haweburgh, John de, 538
Hawkins, 462
Hay, James, Earl of Carlisle, 27
Headleys, 387

598

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Hearing, William, 555
Heame, John, 336
Hebborne, Thomas, 555
Hedley, John, 561
Helerton, John de, 503
Heneage, Thomas, 359, 575
Henger, 17
Henry I., King of England, 27 31, 35,
50-63
Henry II. , King of England, 32, 65-91
Henry III., ditto, 43, 44, 46-48, 92, 102
Henry IV., ditto, 191-193 et seq., 211-237,
241-243, 5l6, 5l8, 519, 527-531, 536-538
Henry V., ditto, 241, 243, 249-252, 256,
260, 297
Henry VI., ditto, 241, 253, 260, 262, 266,
269-271, 285, 287, 289-292, 296
Henry VII., ditto, xxiii., 262, 287. 298-305,
307, 308, 310, 313, 317, 318, 321, 334,
361, 422
Henry VIII., ditto, 307-3", 3*8, 320,
322, 333, 334, 353, 354, 357, 358, 361,
364, 365, 369, 375, 388-391, 396-398,
403-406, 417, 419, 425-427, 429, 433
et seq., 4S9, 460,463, 464, 466, 468-470,
477
Henry, Prince of Wales (son of Henry IV. ),
198, 223, 224, 527
Henry II., King of Castile, 104, 143, 145
Hepburn, Lord, 205
Herbert, Baron, 307
Herbert of Cherbury, Lord, 368
Herbert, Lord, of Raglan, 307
Herbert, Elizabeth, Baroness, 307
Herbert, Maud. See Northumberland
Herbert, William, first Earl of Pembroke,
279
Herbert, William, second Earl of Pem
broke, 307
Herbert, Earl of Worcester, 338
Hereford, Duke of. See Henry IV.
Hereford, Bohun, Earl of, 68, 83
Hereford and Essex, Humphrey de Bohun,
Earl of, 48, 488
Hereford, Bishop of (Edward Fox), 475
Herle, Sir Robert de, 499
Heron, Eamon', 510
Heron, Gerard, 532, 533
Heron, Sir John, of Chipches, 336, 431,
553-555, 56i, 563, 564
Heron, Roger, of Meldon, 555
Heron, Wauter, 510
Heron, William, Lord Say, 229, 533
Heron, Sir William, 553, 554
Heron, William, 124
Heron, William, of Crawley, 555
Hertwayton, John de, 499
Hide, James, 311
Hilton, Alexander de, 498
Hilton, Robert, 509
Hilton, Sir Thomas, 454
Hilton, William de, 509
Hilton, Sir William, 553 *

Hoare, Thomas, 544
Hocham, William de, 502
Hodgson, George, 401
Hogg, John, 131
Holand, John, first Earl of Huntingdon
and Kent, afterwards Marquis and Duke
of Exeter, 160, 166, 170, 179, 515
Holand, Robert, first Lord, 129
Holburne, Thomas, 555
Holmes, Master, 456
Holt, John, 511
Home, Sir Richard, 109
Hone, William, 503
Hopton, Sir William, 295
Horsley, John, 554
Horsley, Roger, 555
Hotham, Sir John, 318, 319, 335
Hothom, John de, 510
Hotspur. See Percy
Howard, Sir Edward, 342
Howard, John, first Duke of Norfolk, 297,
299
Howard, Thomas, Earl of Surrey, after
wards second Duke of Norfolk, 340, 341,
342, 344, 366
Howard, Thomas, third Duke of Norfolk,
353, 354, 400, 410, 434, 436, 437, 442,
447, 450, 458, 459, 463, 464, 466, 468,
469, 570, 572
Howard, Sir Edward, 341, 342
Howard, Lady Elizabeth, 434
Howhorne, Nicholas, 569
Hume. See Home
Humfleyes, 453
Hungary, Queen of, 418
Hungerford, Lord, 284
Hungerford, Sir Thomas, 283
Hunte, Henry, 502
Huntingdon, Earls of. See Angoulesme
and Holand
Hussey, Lord, 468, 5 71
Hyll, George, 575
Ilderton, Raiffe, 555
Ilderton, Thomas de, 509
Inglehouse, Henry, 509
Irby, Johan, 524
Ireland, Duke of, 156
Irton, Robert de, 482, 483, 485, 486
Isabel of Angouleme, Queen of England,
49, 61, 73, 74
Isabel of France, ditto, 102, 160, 161, 168,
198, 199
James I., King of Scotland, 241, 242,
244
James II. , ditto, 256 et seq., 262
James IV., ditto, 314, 340, 347
James V., ditto, 387, 397, 398, 409, 418,
419
James, King of Cyprus, 160
Jekett, William, 573

599

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Jennes, Mademoiselle de, 35
Joan of Navarre, Queen, 200
John, King of Castile, 144
John, King of England, 38-41, 116, 240
John, Prince, son of Henry IV., 193, 203
John, King of France, 100, 208
John of Gaunt. See Plantagenet
John of Ypres, 121
Johnson, Thomas, 384

Keith, Marischal of Scotland, 515
Kelk, Thomas, 401
Kempe, John, Archbishop of York, 541
Kent, Earl of, 102, 167. See also Ypres,
Plantagenet, Holand and Grey de Ruthyn
Kerneford, Robert de, 42
Kerr. See Carr
Kexby, William de, 502
Kilvyngton, Hugh of, 491
Kingston, Sir William, 433
Kirier, Admiral, 81
Kite, John, Bishop of Carlisle, 355
Kneyton, Thomas, 218
Kuna, Rose de, 483, 485, 486
Kutel, Henry, 502
Kutle, William de, 502

Lacy, 10
Lacy, Ilbert de, 26
Lamplough, Sir John, 423
Lancaster, Henry of. See Henry IV.
Lancaster, Dukes and Earls of. See Plan
tagenet
Lancaster, Duchess of, 145
Lancaster, Sir George, 559
Lancaster Herald, 458
Langdale, Lord, 77
Lascelles, Sir Roger, 336, 387, 398, 416,
45o, 554
Latimer, Lord, 114
Latimer, John Nevill, fourth Lord, 449, 574
Latimer, 458
Latimer, Bishop, 326
Latymer, William, Lord de, 508
Laton, Robert de, 509
Lawson, Sir George, 424, 428
Lawson, Robert, 555
Layton, Richard, 475, 476, 570
Le Brun, Hugh, 49
Leche, Rauff, 401
Leckinfield, Lord de, 502
Leckonfield, Robert de, 482
Leckonfield, Thomas de, 502
Lee, Edward, Archbishop oi York, 442,451
Leget, Elmyn, 528
Legh, Doctor Thomas, 473, 570
Legh, William de, 532
Leicester, Simon, Earl of, 48
Lescrop, Richard, 506
Leuknor, Sir John, 544
Levingstone, 109

Leyburn, 86
Lincoln, Henry Burgwash, Bishop of, 80
Lindsay, Sir James, 515
Lindsey. See Lyndesey
Lisle, Comte de, 85
Lisle, Humphrey, 388, 390, 391, 393, 394,
431, 566, 567
Lisle, Sir William (1402), 198
Lisle, or Lysle, Sir William (i528),388-393,
553, 558
Lisles, 423
Lister, Sir Richard, 572
Llewellin, Prince of Wales, 43, 46
Lodebrac, 17
Lokre, John de, 499
Lokyngton, John de, 503
Lompley, Sir Marmaduke de, 499
Lond, Walter de, 484
London, Bishops of. See Courtenay, Bray-
broke
Loterell, Andrew, 509, 510
Louis, Prince, of France (afterwards Louis
VIII.), 41-43
Louis VIII., King of France, 165
Louis IX., ditto, 48, 92
Louvain, Agnes, Countess of. See Percy
Louvain, Jocelyn de, 31, 32, 35
Lovel, Robert, 483, 485
Lovell, Lord, 300
Lucia, daughter of Algar, 8
Lucy, Anthony, Lord, 70, 91, 136, 139,
510, 5"
Lucy, Elizabeth, Lady, 139
Lucy, Euphemia, wife of Reginald de, 512
Lucy, Maud, Lady. See Northumberland
Lucy, Reginald de, 512
Lucy, 86
Luke, Sir Walter, 572
Lumley, John, sixth Lord, 341, 467
Lumley, George, 458, 460-462, 465, 467,
570-573
Lumley, John, 564, 571
Lusignan, Hugh, Count of, 49
Lutrell. See Loterell
Lydgate (Poet Laureate), 322, 328, 330,
332
Lyle, Robert, 532
Lynton, Thomas de, 496
Lyndesey, Phill de, 54
Lynons, John, 502
Lyon, King of Arms (1528), 399
Lysle. See Lisle
Lytton, Sir Robert, 309

Magnus, Commissioner, 352, 398, 404,
405
Mainfred, the Dane. See Percy
Makyrell, Sir John, 150, 151, 515
Malberthorp, John, 509
Malbus, William de, 502, 503
Malcolm, King of Scotland, 64, 88
Maldon, Robert de, 502

600

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Mandelin, the priest, 181
Manners, Sir Richard, 270
Manners, Robert, 556
Manning, Mr., 383, 384
Manny, Lord, 74
Manny, Sir Walter, 83
March, Earls of. See Dunbar, Tudor,
Mortimer
Margaret, Queen of England, 267, 277-
279, 282, 283, 285, 289, 291-293
Margaret, Queen of Scotland, 347, 349-
35', 397
Margaret, Princess,daughter of Henry VII. ,
313-316
Markynfelde, 458
Marley, Ranulph de, 13
Marshall, Richard, second Earl of Pem
broke, 42, 43, 48
Marshall, William, third Earl of Pembroke,
42,43
Martin, 255
Mary, Queen of England, 313, 468, 478
Mary, Queen of Scotland, 478
Mary, Princess, daughter ot Henry VII.,
313
"Mathathias," 210, 234
Maud, Empress, 25, 121
Mauleuerer, Piers, 509
Maximilian, Emperor, 313, 338
Maxwell, Lord, 261, 397
"Maxwell," Sir John, 515
Maye, John, 573
Meddelton, Nicholas de, 509, 510
Melburn, Henry de, 491
Merks, Bishop of Carlisle, 181, 182, 191
Merlay, Roger de, 42
Merlin, 214
Methven, Henry Stuart, Lord, 313
Michelgrove, John, 544
Middelton, Johan, 531
Middleham, Baron of. See Fitz Ralph
Middleton, Sir John, 294
Middleton, Richard de, 71
Middleton, William, 336
Middleton. See Meddelton
Mitford, Sir Christopher, 431, 555
Mitford, Gawyne, 555
Mitford, John, 510, 511, 532, 533
Mitford, Oswald, 555
Molineux, Lord, 283
Monbochier, Bertrame, 5°9
Monboucher, Bertram, 509, 510
Monmouth, Harry of, 251
Montacute, John, Lord. See Nevill
Montfort, Simon de, 48
Montgomery, Roger, Earl of, 26
Montgomery, Roger, second Earl of
Arundel, 27
Montgomery, Robert, third Earl of Arundel,
27
Montgomery, John, Lord, 151
Moray, Earl of, 150, 151, 515. See also
Randolph

Moray, William Meldrum, Bishop of, 315
Morbergue, 208
More, Sir Thomas, 429, 434
Moreton, fair John, 457
Morley, Sir Robert, 8i
Mortimer, Elizabeth, daughter of fourth Earl
of March, wife of Hotspur. See Percy
Mortimer, Roger, first Earl of March, 74,
128
Mortimer, Roger, third Earl of March, 115,
123, 128, 129
Mortimer, Edmund, fourth Earl of March,
129
Mortimer, Roger, fifth Earl of March, 129
175, 189
Mortimer, Edmund, sixth Earl of March,
129, 178, 189, 190, 192, 194, 203, 204,
530, 531
Mortimer, Earl of March, 244
Mortimer, Edward, last Earl of March,
275
Mortimer, Edmund, second son of fourth
Earl of March, 129, 203, 204, 212, 213
Mount Carmel, Prior of, 497
Mowbray, John, first Earl of Nottingham,
123, 170, 172
Mowbray, John de, 68, 72, 74, 80, 492
Mowbray, Robert de, 26
Mowbray, Thomas, first Duke of Norfolk,
Earl Marshal, 171, 172, 233
Mowbray, William de, 40, 42
Mowbray, 86
Murray, Randolph, Earl of, 79
Muschaunce, Cuthbert, 556
Muschaunce, Edward, 556
Muschaunce, George, 555
Muschaunce, Roger, 555
Musgrave, Sir Cuthbert, 336
Musgrave, Sir Henry, 86, 131
Musgrave, Thomas de, 507
Musgrave, Leonard, 555, 558

Nafferton, Richard de, 502
Narbonne, Comte de, 256
Navarre, Joan, Queen of, 200
Nedeham, Richard, 544
Nevill, Agnes de, 45
Nevill, Alianore de, 102
Nevill, Lady Alianore. See Northumber
land
Nevill, Ralph, third Lord of Raby, 72, 76,
86, 87, 89, 91, 102, 139. 491, 496
Nevill, Ralph, first Earl of Westmoreland,
103, 191, 225, 228, 232, 234, 243, 246,
247, 257, 263, 283, 288, 536
Nevill, second Earl of Westmoreland, 247,
354
Nevill, John, Lord Montacute, 244, 262,
284, 288, 289, 545
Nevill, Richard, first Earl of Warwick,
253, 266, 273, 274, 276, 279-281, 288-
291, 301, 307, 545

601

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Nevill, Margaret, 103
Nevill, Lady Matilda de, 501
Nevill, Lord, 283
Nevill, Lord, 449, 450
Nevill, Maud, 545
Nevill, Richard, Earl of Salisbury, 263,
264, 272-274, 276, 283, 545, 546
Nevill, Sir Thomas (1403), 226
Nevill, Sir Thomas (1458), 545
Nevill. See Latimer
Neville, 458
Newburgh, William de, third Earl of
Warwick, 29
Newburgh, Prior of, 496
Newerk, Aleyn de, 519
Newton, J., 549
Noithland, Richard, 508
Norfolk, Earls and Dukes of. See Plan
tagenet, Bigod, Mowbray, Howard
Norfolk, Duchess of, 406, 407
Normandy, Duke Henry of, 32
Normandy, Robert, Duke of, 20
Normanville, Sir John, 315, 336
Normanville, Sir Robert de, 535
Northampton, Earls of. See Bohun
Northumberland, Gospatrick, Earl of, 13
Northumberland, Duke of. See Dudley
Northumberland, Earls of. See Pudsey,
Nevill and Percy
Northumberland, Aliaiore (Nevill), Coun
tess of, 246, 247, 268
Northumberland, Catherine (Spencer),
Countess of, 313, 316, 323, 329, 360
Northumberland, Eleanor (Poynings),
Countess of, 270
Northumberland, Elizabeth, Duchess of,
xxiii.
Northumberland, Margaret (Nevill),
Countess of, 103, 139
Northumberland, Mary (Talbot), Countess
of, 346, 369, 374, 380, 385, 386, 401,
402, 425, 427, 445, 447-449, 455-457,
460, 462, 470, 477, 478, 559, 568, 574
Northumberland, Maud (Lucy), Countess
of, 139-141, 5io, 5'2-5i4
Northumberland, Maud (Herbert), Coun
tess of, 307
Norton, John, 394, 557
Norton, 458
Norwich, Bishop of. See Percy, Thomas
Nottingham. Earl of. See Mowbray
Nouble, John, 502
Nuttle, Peter de, 493

Ogle, Lord, 355, 423, 552, 553, 555, 563,
567
Ogle, Alexander, 93
Ogle, Cuthbert, 555
Ogle, John, 393, 555
Ogle, John, of Ogle Castle, 446, 562
Ogle, Sir Robert, 270
Ogle, Sir William, 555

Ogle, Parson, 562
Ogle, family of, 93
Orby, John de, 94
Orfeure, William de, 496
Orleans, Due de, 198, 199
Orleans, the Maid of, 260
Ormond, Earl of, 261, 302, 360
Osgoteby, Richard de, 486
Owen, the soldier-priest, 109
Oxenham, Lord of, 515
Oxford, Earls of. See Vere

Pacy, 10
Paget, Henry, 503
Paget, John, 503
Paget, Robert, 503
Pagnell, Norman House of, 10
Pakenham, Maria de, 499
Palmer, Richard, 486
Parker, John, 311
Paston, 253, 254
Paulet, Sir William, 572
Paynell, William, 70
Pedro, Don, King of Spain, 103, 104
Peeris, William, the priest, 4-6, 20, 33
Pembroke, Earls of. See Marshall, Valence
Hastings, Herbert
Pennington, or Penyngton, Sir John, 262,
315
Percehay, 10
Percy, Barons de —
I, William, surnamed " Als Gernons,"
2, 6-23, 481-487
2, Alan, surnamed "the Great," 2,
24, 25
3, William, 2, 24, 25
4, William, 2, 25-29
5, Representatives of, 29-33
6, Henry, 34-36
7, Richard, xxii, 36-45
8, William, 34, 36, 45, 46
9, Henry, 34, 47-49
Percy, Lords of Alnwick —
I, Henry, 50-70, 486-497, 501, 503, 505
2, Henry, 70-91, 243, 504, 514, 535
3, Henry, 91-96, 102, 159, 492, 504,
5'3,5I4
Percy, Earls of Northumberland —
I, Henry, xxii, xxiv, xxvi, 91, 97-
240, 242, 245, 246, 287, 493, 496,
506, 508, 510, 513-516, 519, 520,
526-531, 534, 535-537
2, Henry, xxii, xxvi, 129, 241-268,
541-543
3, Henry, xxvii, 261, 262, 269-2S6,
288, 422, 544, 547
4, Henry, xxiv, xxvi, 287-309, 548-551
5, Henry Algernon, xxii, 310-360,
370, 379, 380, 574, 576
6, Henry, xxii, 323, 346, 347, 359,
361-479, 558,559, 56i, 564, 568,573
7, Thomas, xxii, xxiv, xxvi.

60:

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Percy, Earls of Northumberland —
8, Henry, xxii, xxvi.
9, Henry, xxii, xxiv.
10, Algernon, xxii.
Percy, Agnes de, Countess de Louvain, co
heiress of the fourth Baron, xxiii, xxiv,
29, 3'-33, 35 . ^
Percy, Agnes (de Nevill), wife of Richard
de Percy, 45
Percy, Agnes, wife of Eustace de Baliol,
46
Percy, Alan. See Percy, second Baron
Percy, Alan de, natural son of the second
Baron, 26
Percy, Alan, master of St. John's College,
Cambridge, 307
Percy, Algernon, tenth Earl of Northum
berland, xxi, xxii, xxvi, 47
Percy, Alianore (Plantagenet), 49
Percy, Alianore (Duchess of Buckingham),
daughter of fourth Earl of Northum
berland, 308, 309
Percy, Alice (de Ros), 24
Percy, Alice (de Tunbridge), 27
Percy, Anne (Countess of Arundel),
daughter of fourth Earl of Northumber
land, 308, 309
Percy, Dame Ann (1571), xxv.
Percy, Edward, son of Jocelyn, 428
Percy, Eleanor (Fitzalan), wife of first
Lord Percy of Alnwick, 70
Percy, Eleanor, daughter of second Lord
Percy of Alnwick (wife of Lord Fitz
walter), 91
Percy, Eleanor, daughter of third Earl of
Northumberland, 548
Percy, Elena (Baliol), wife of William de
Percy, 46
Percy, Elena, abbess of Werewell, 46
Percy, Elizabeth (Mortimer), wife of Hot
spur, 129, 204, 227, 531, 532
Percy, Elizabeth, daughter of Hotspur,
90, 246
Percy, Emma (de Gant), wife of first Baron
de Percy, 24
Percy, Emma (de Port), 6, 13
Percy, George, second Earl of Beverley
and fifth Duke of Northumberland, v.
Percy, George, son of second Earl of
Northumberland (priest), 283
Percy, George (1487), 300
Percy, Gilbert de, of Dorset, temp. Henry
II. (of another family), xxiv.
Percy, Henry of Athol, 235, 250
Percy, Henry de (son of Richard ),_ 484
Percy, Henry (Hotspur), xx, xxii, xxvi,
101, 102, 120, 129, 130, 131, 137, 139,
141-143, 147-154, 160, 161, 173, 174,
186, 187, 190, 192, 194, 200-230, 237,
239, 241-247, 508, 520-527, 539
Percy, Henry, son of Hotspur, afterwards
Earl of Northumberland, in, 536

Percy, Henry, reputed son of Thomas, Earl
of Worcester, 534
Percy, Henry, of Hessle, 1571 (probably
of another family), xxv.
Percy, Lord Henry, son of fifth Duke of
Northumberland, v, vi, 93
Percy, Hugh, second Duke of Northum
berland, 35
Percy, Idonea (Clifford), wife of second
Lord Percy of Alnwick, 90
Percy, Ingelram, 46
Percy, Ingelram, son of fifth Earl of
Northumberland, 323, 329, 355, 423,454,
446, 478, 479, 562, 564 et seq., $6&etseq.
Percy, Isabel (de Brus), 35
Percy, Isabel, daughter of second Lord
Percy of Alnwick, 91
Percy, Isabel, daughter of Sir Thomas, 479
Percy, Jeffrey, 4
Percy, Jeffrey de, Lord of Semar, 47
Percy, Joan (de Orby), 94
Percy, Jocelyn, youngest son of fourth
Earl of Northumberland, 308
Percy, Jocelyn, son of fifth Earl of North
umberland, 428
Percy, John de (died 1289), 486
Percy, John, son of Lord Egremont, 276
Percy, John, 300
Percy, Lady Louisa, daughter of the fifth
Duke of Northumberland, 93
Percy, Lucy, daughter of ninth Earl of
Northumberland, 27
Percy, Mainfred de, 1, 3, 4, 5
Percy, Margaret, daughter of second Lord
of Alnwick. See Umfreville
Percy, Margaret, daughter of third Earl of
Northumberland, 548
Percy, Margaret, daughter of fifth Earl
of Northumberland. See Cumberland
Percy, Mary (Plantagenet), wife of third
Lord Percy of Alnwick, 92, 495. See
also Plantagenet
Percy, Matilda, daughter of second Lord
Percy of Alnwick, 91
Percy, Maud de, coheiress of fourth Baron.
See Warwick
Percy, Maud, daughter of second Lord
Percy of Alnwick, 77, 243
Percy, Philippa, daughter of Sir Thomas,
144
Percy, Ralph de, Lord of Smeaton, 28
Percy, Half de, son of Lady Agnes Lou
vain, 35
Percy, Sir Ralph, son of first Earl of North
umberland, xxii, 141, 146, 149-15 1, 161,
173,513,514,515
Percy, Sir Ralph, son of second Earl of
Northumberland, xxvi, 262-264, 283-286
Percy, Richard de (sometimes called fourth
Baron), 25
Percy, Richard de, son of Agnes de Percy,
30, 40-45, 482-487

603

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Percy, Richard (Lord of Semar), second
son of the second Lord Percy of Aln
wick, 90
Percy, Richard, son of third Earl of
Northumberland, xxvi, 545
Percy, Sir Richard (collateral), 259, 263,
264, 283
Percy, Robert de, 95, 483, 484
Percy, Robert, of Knaresborough, 300
Percy, Serlo de, 19-21, 481
Percy, Stephen (clerk), 162
Percy (Sybilla). See Vallines.
Percy, Thomas, Bishop of Norwich, 90,
137, 315, 362, 501
Percy, Thomas, 93, 103
Percy, Thomas, Earl of Worcester, xxi,
xxii, 103, 105-109, 111, 120, 124-128,
137, 140, 141, I43-H5, 159, 162-168,
170, 171, 174-176, 187, 189-191, 193,
194, 197-200, 211-213, 215, 218, 219,
221, 223, 226, 227, 229, 237, 245, 246,
423, 465, 467, 472, 507, 5°8, 512-514,
518, 519, 524, 529, 532, 534, 537
Percy, Sir Thomas, son of first Earl of
Northumberland, 129, 509, 513, 514
Percy, Thomas, Lord Egremont, xxvi,
201-265, 272, 274, 276, 545, 546
Percy, Sir Thomas, son of fifth Earl of
Northumberland, xxvi, 323, 355, 435,
445-453, 460-462, 464, 465, 467, 468,
472, 559, 561 et seq.
Percy, Thomas (1404), 235
Percy, Sir Thomas, brother of Sir Henry
of Athol, 250
Percy, Sir Thomas (collateral), 296
Percv, Thomas, lieutenant of Earl of March,
554
Percy, Thomas, clerk of kitchen to fifth
Earl of Northumberland, 313
Percy, Thomas, concerned in Gunpowder
Plot, 308
Percy, Thomas, Bishop of Dromore, 4, 323
Percy, Thomas, the Dublin trunk-maker,
479
Percy, Walter, of Kildale, 47
Percy, Walter de, Lord of Rugemont,
24,95
Percy, William de, Abbot, 21
Percy, William de, Canon of York, 47
Percy, William, second son of second Lord
Percy of Alnwick, 70
Percy, William de, of Kirk Levingston, 109
Percy, Sir William, son of the above, 109
Percy, William, 136
Percy, William, second son of first Earl of
Northumberland, 145
Percy, William, Bishop of Carlisle, 248, 283
Percy, Sir William, second son of fourth
Earl of Northumberland, 307, 341, 342,
355, 357, 4", 412, 428,552, 553
Percy of Dunsley, 24
Percy of Kildale, 47
Percy of Ormsby, 47

Percy of Ryton, 448
Percy of Sneton, 47
Percy- Hay, William, of Ryton, 448
Peris of Lounde, 263
Peter, King, the Cruel, 103, 143
Peter, Archduke, 312
Philip, King of France, 74, 79, 80, 84
Philippa, Queen of England, 86, 102
Philippa, daughter of Duke of Clarence,
129, 145
Piccolomini, jEneas Sylvius, 540
Pickering, John, of Bridlington, 570-572
Pickering, John, of Lythe, 570-572
Pistria, William de, 503
Plantagenet, Lady Alianore, 49
Plantagenet, Lady Blanche, 102
Plantagenet, Catherine, Queen of Castile,
144, 145
Plantagenet, Edmund (Crouchback), Earl
of Lancaster, 47, 102
Plantagenet, Edmond, Earl of Kent,
102
Plantagenet, Edmund, of Langley, Earl of
Cambridge, Duke of York, 166, 232,
506
Plantagenet, Edmund, Earl of Rutland,
430, 465, 568
Plantagenet, Edward. See Edward the
Black Prince
Plantagenet, Henry, first Duke of Lan
caster, 102, 137, 138
Plantagenet, Henry, of Bolingbroke, Duke
of Hereford and Lancaster, lot, 103,
132-134, 136, 138, 143-145, 161, 166,
171-191, 287, 290, 504, See also
Henry IV.
Plantagenet, Humfrey, Duke of Glou
cester, 106
Plantagenet, Earl of Derby, 80, 83, 84
Plantagenet, John of Gaunt, Earl of Derby,
second Duke of Lancaster, 80, 84, 101-
103, 106, 108, m, 113-115, 118 et seq.,
128, 171-173, 189,243, 506, 519
Planlagenet, John, Duke of Bedford, 237,
245, 252, 256, 269
Plantagenet, John, Earl of Warren and
Surrey, 49, -51, 54, 57, 59, 68
Plantagenet, Lady Mary, daughter of
Henry, Earl of Lancaster, 92, 94, 102,
165, 504
Plantagenet, Lionel, Duke of Clarence,
115, 128, 275, 288, 293, 294
Plantagenet, Lady Philippa, 145
Plantagenet, Richard, Duke of York, 263,
266, 267, 272, 274, 275, 277, 2S3, 545,
546
Plantagenet, Richard, Earl of Cambridge,
244, 275
Planlagenet, Richard, Earl of Surrey, 307,
314, 340, 345, 353, 354, 374, 422
Plantagenet, Richard, Duke of Gloucester,
292, 295, 548, 549. See also Richard III.,
King

604

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Plantagenet, Thomas, Duke of Gloucester,
155, 162, 169, 170, 172, 182, 186, 262,
518
Plantagenet, Thomas, second Earl of
Lancaster, 67, 68, 72, 488
Plantagenet, Thomas, of Woodstock, Earl
of Buckingham, 123, 508
Plumpton, Robert de, 509, 510
Plumpton, William de, 496
Poitiers, R. bishop of, 488
Pole, Ralf, 545
Port, Emma de. See Percy
Port, Hue de, 13
Portugal, King of, 144, 260
Portugal, Queen of, 144, 145
Povertie, Captain, 569
Powys, Lord, 525
Poynings, Alianore de, 544
Poynings, Sir Edward, 302
Poynings, Lady Eleanor, 270
Poynings, Lord, 145
Poynings, Robert, Lord, 270, 544
Poynings, Sir Richard, 270, 544
Preston, Sir Henry, 151, 515
Preston, 449
Prior, Richard, of Hexham, 26
Prior of Mount Carmel, 497
Prior of Newburgh, 496
Prior of Sixill, 493
Prioress of Flexton, 502
Pudsey, Hugh de, Earl of Northumberland,
37
Pygot, Richard, 544
Pykeringe, Doctor, 467

Quinton, John, 502
Quiriel, Admiral. See Kirier

Racliffe, Cuthbert, 553, 555
Radcliff (or Ratclifl), Robert, first Earl of
Sussex, 465
Radington, John de, 125
Radomas, William de, 499
Rainsford, Sir Lawrence, 283
Ralegh, Wymond de, 486
Raines, Robert, 555
Ramsey, Alexander, 131
Rand, Mary, 502
Rand, Roger, 502
Randolph, Thomas, first Earl of Moray, 79
Randyshe, Edmund, 573
Raymes, Nicholas, 510
Redbee, Odard de, 532
Rede, Oswald, 568
Redman, Maw, 509
Redmayne, Sir Matthew, 134, 138, 512
Redmayne, Richard de, 173
Reinfred, Prior, 17, 19
Reynalde, Robert, 573
Richard I., King of England, 37-39

Richard IL, King of England, 101, 102,
115, 122, 123, 128, 132-143, 155-161,
167-188, 192, 197, 205, 241, 242, 287,
290, 505, 515, 5i8, 519, 523, 528, 529
Richard III., ditto, 287, 289, 295-300,
3io, 3", 353
Richmond, Earl of, 52. See Bretagne
Richmond, Henry, Earl of, 297
Richmond, Countess of, 308
Richmond, Duchess of, 314
Richmond, Henry Fitzroy, Duke of, 358,
403
Ridley, Hugh, 555
Ridley, John, 556
Ridley, Sir Nicholas, 355, 409, 420, 553
Rithre, John de, 496
Rivers, Richard Woodville, first Earl, 289,
297
Robert I. (Bruce), King of Scotland, 52,
55-57, 69, 70
Robert III. (Stuart), ditto, 160, 207, 241,
515
Robson, Geoffrey, 561
Rochfurd, Saier de, 493
Roddom, John, 566
Rodes, Robert, 544
Rodom, William, 532
Roe, John, 239
Rokeby, Gregorie de, 47
Rokeby, Thomas, 237, 238
Rokeby, 86
Roldeston, Lord John, 502
Rollo, the Dane, 3-6, 73
Ros of Hamelake, John, Lord de, 94
Ros, Alice de, 24
Ros, Robert de, 40, 42, 48
Ros, de, 86
Ros, John, Lord de, 24
Roos, Lord, 283, 285
Rosse, Lord, 80
Rotherford, Sir Richard de, 519
Rothsay, Duke of, 196, 518
Rowdeman, John, 555
Rudston, 450, 451
Rugemont, Walter de Percy, Lord of, 24,
95
Russell, Sir John, 572
Ruthall, Thomas, Bishop of Durham, 349
Rutland, Earl of, 278. See also Plan
tagenet
Rydley. See Ridley
Rygby, Thomas, 544

Sacheverell, Sir Richard, 346
Sadler, Sir Ralph, 442, 476
St. Asaph, Robert Warton, Bishop of, 476
St. Cuthbert, 458
St. Eusebius, Cardinal, 258
St. Eymonde. See Sayntemonde.
St. John, Lord Edward de, 501
St. Maur, Nicholas de, 499
St. Oweyn, Ralph de, 492

605

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

St. Paul, Conte de, 167
St. Prisca, Cardinal, 488
Salisbury, Earl of, 181, 465
Salisbury, Earls of. See Nevill
Salisbury, Richard Mitford, Bishop of, 219
Salisbury, Alice, Countess of, 545
Salome, Roger, 218
Salop, George, Earl of, 572
Salvayn, Gerard, 508
Salvayne, Sir fohn, 260
Salvyn, Sir Ralfe, 335
Sampson, the Priest, 401
Sampson, Patrick, 510
Sanders, the Jesuit, 364, 438
Say, William, Lord. See Heron
Sayntemonde, Lord, 264, 265
Scales, Lord, 283
Scoteny, Walter de, 486
Scott, Thomas, 556
Scott, Sir Walter, 154, 515
Scott, William, Lord of Buchleough, 431
Scroope, Richard, Archbishop of York,
218, 233, 531
Scrope, 70
Scrope of Masham, 86
Scrope, Lord (of Bolton), 294, 342
Scrope, Lord, 342, 458
Scrope, Sir Richard, 159
Scrope, Sir William le, 516-518
Sedlar, Adam, 570-572
Seintquintin, Geffray, 509
Selby, Sir George, 307
Selbey, John, 556
Selbey, Percival, 555
Selbey, Robert, 556
Selbey, William, 556
Semer, William, 502
Seton, Christine, Lady, 57
Seton, Christopher, Lord, 57
Sever, William, Bishop of Durham, 315
Seymour, Queen Jane, 435, 439
Seymour, Sir Edward, 380
Seymour, Sir Thomas, 302
Shafto, Alexander, 431
Shafto, Cuthbert, 556
Shaftos, 387, 423
Shakespeare, 267
Shelley, Sir William, 572
Shenstone, William, 393
Sherbury, Nicholas, 207
Shrewsbury, Earls of. See Talbot
Sigheleston, Robert de, 496
Simnell, Lambert, 301, 311
Sixhill, Prior of, 493
Skelton, the Poet, 305, 322, 330, 332, 376,
377
Skipwyth, William de, 511
Smeton, 435
Smithson, Sir Hugh, 77
Snawdell, Humphrey, 428
Sokpeth, Thomas de, 499
Somerset, Dukes and Earls of. See Beau-
fort

Somerset, Sir Charles, 307
Somerset, Rogerus de, 48
Somerset, the Protector, 379
Soule, John, 503
Spencer, Christopher, 266
Spenser, Catherine, 246
Spenser, Sir Hugh, 54, 72
Spenser, Lord, 246
Spenser, Sir Robert, 313
Spenser, Thomas de, 246
Spensers, the, 73
Squiller, William, 503
Stacey, 293
Stafford, Humphrey, Earl of, 225, 267
Stafford, Henry, second Duke of Bucking
ham, 295, 297
Stafford, Edward, third Duke of Bucking
ham, 308, 309, 325, 332, 333, 344-346,
352, 353, 386, 434
Stafford, Sir Richard, 83
Staffords, the, 353
Stanley, Thomas, first Earl of Derby, 311
Stanley, Thomas, second Earl of Derby,
345
Stanley, Edward, third Earl of Derby,
452
Stanley, Thomas, Lord, 294, 295, 299
Stanley, Sir John, 237
Stanley, Sir William, 312
Staple, Lord Mayor of London, 121
Stapleton, Sir Brien, 301
Stapleton, Sir Miles, 453
Stapleton, William, 453-455, 575
Stephen, King, 25, 121, 123, 240
Stephen the Monk, 17-19
Stephens, Doctor, 574
Steward, John, 545, 546
Stodeley, John, 544
Stouteville, or Stuteville, Robert de, 26
Strange, 253, 254
Strangewith, Sir James, 570
Strangways, James, 523, 524
Stratford, Abbot of, 476
Strathearn, Malise, Earl of, 26
Stringer, 448
Strongbow, Gilbert, 27
Strother, Alanus de, 499
Strudder, Richard, 555
Strynclyn, Sir John de, 499
Stuart, Henry, Lord Methven, 313
Stuteville, Nicholas, 40
Sudbury, Simon, Archbishop of Canter
bury, 118
Suffolk, De la Pole, Duke of, 262
Suffolk, Dukes of, 332, 345, 434, 459
Suffolk, Earls of, 135, 238, 311, 501. See
also Brandon
Surrey, Earls of. See Plantagenet, Warren,
Fitzalan, and Howard
Sussex, Earl of, 465
Sussex, Robert, Earl of, 572
Swift, Robert, 486
Swinborne, William, 555

606

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Swinburne, John, 553
Swinburne, Roger, 555
Swinton, Catherine, 191
Swinton, Sir David, 207
Swyhowe, Henry de, 499
Swynborne, Gilbert, 556
Swynbourne, George, 336
Swynbourne, Thomas, 336
Swynburne, William, 510
Swynfleet, Sir William de (Archdeacon of
Norwich), 501, 503
Swynnerton, John de, 492
Swynnowe, Robert, 566
Swynowe, Henry, 556
Swynowe, Robert, 535
Sybilla de Vallines, 29

Tailboys, Wauter, 510
Talbot, John, first Earl of Shrewsbury, 260
Talbot, John, second Earl of Shrewsbury,
283
Talbot, George, fourth Earl of Shrewsbury,
345-348, 359, 369, 401, 403
Talbot, Francis, fifth Earl of Shrewsbury,
348, 416, 424, 442, 450, 456, 457, 477
Talbot, Elizabeth, daughter of fourth Earl
of Shrewsbury, 348
Talbot, Lady Mary, daughter of fourth
Earl of Shrewsbury. See Northumberland
Talbot, Francis, 456
Talboys, 8
Talboys, Lord, 403
Talough, Thomas Jenett, 573
Tateshull, Robertus de, 48
Taylor, John, 338
Tempest, Henry, of Broughton, 479
Tempest, Nicholas, 458, 465, 467, 561,
570-573
Tempest, Sir Richard, 421, 458
Tempest, Richard, 509
Tempest, Sir Thomas, 294, 389,570
Tempest, Mr., 554
Thirlekeld, Sir Lancelot, 315, 401
Thirlwall, John de, 510
Thirlwall, Robert, 555, 556
Thomson, Stephen, 407
Thomegg, Thomas, 502
Thornton, Nicholas, 555
Thornton, Sir Thomas, 575
Thorp, Thomas de, 509
Thorton, Richard de, 502
Thriske, William, 570-572
Thurston, Archbishop of York, 26
Thurston, Richard de, 56
Thwaytes, Sir John, 380
Thwaytes, William, 335
Tison. See Tyson
Tompyn, George, 555
Trappes, Robert, 574
Travers, Thomas, 319
Tregunwell, John, 568
Triske, William, 570, 571

Trollope, Sir Andrew, 276
Trumpington, William de, Abbot of St.
Albans, 47
Trumpington, the Impostor, 301
Tudor, Edmund, Earl of Richmond,
297
Tudor, Owen, 297
Tudor, William, 202, 519
Tughall, John de, 499
Tughall, Robert de, 504, 505
Tuke, Sir Bryan, 392, 394, 395, 428
Tunbridge, Alice de, 27
Tunbridgex Richard, Lord of, 28
Tunstall, Cuthbert, Bishop of Durham,
477, 478
Turbilluyle, John, 499
Turner, John, of Kirkleatham, 47
Twenge, Thomas de, 495
Twisden, Sir Roger, 364
Tyas, Guy, 499
Tyrelwall, Robert, 420
Tyson (or Tisson), 6, 91
Tyson (or Tesson), Gilbert de, 64

Ughtred, Sir Robert, 412
Ughtred, Sir Thomas, 412
Ughtred, Thomas, 509
Ulster, Lionel, Earl of, 89
Umframvil, Richard de, 42
Umfravyll, Thomas, 510
Umfrevill, Matilda, Countess of Angus,
538
Umfreville, Ingelram de, 51
Umfreville, Robert de, first Earl of Angus,
70, 72, 90, 91, 5", 5H
Umfreville, Gilbert de, second Earl of
Angus, 87, 90, 491, 492
Umfreville, Gilbert de, third Earl of Angus,
139, 5H, 538
Umfreville, Margaret (Percy), 90
Umfreville, Maud (Lucy), 139, 514
Umfreville, Robert de, 90, 91
Umfreville, 86
Urban V., Pope, 116
Urban VI., Pope, 158
Urd, George, 555
Urswick, Thomas, 544
Uvedale, John, 570

Valence, Aylmer de, second Earl of
Pembroke, 61, 62, 63
Valence, William de, first ditto, 6 1
Vallines, Sybilla de, 29
Vampage, John, 540
Vaughan, Sir Hugh, 283
Vaux, Oliver de, 40
Vavaseur, Lord, 30
Vavasour, Robert de, 95
Vavasour, William le, 482, 483, 485-487
Vere, John de, twelfth Earl of Oxford,
294, 3°o, 303

607

INDEX OF PERSONS, VOL. I.

Vere, John de, fifteenth Earl of Oxford,
465, 572
Vere, Robert de, Duke of Ireland, 156
Verney, Ralf, 544-546
Vescy, Eustace de, 40, 42
Vescy, William de, 64, 65
Vescys, the, 64
Villers, Sir Peter, 165
Vinacheis, Nicholas, 575

Wade, William, 490
Wales, Llewellin, Prince of, 43, 46
Wallace, William, 57, 61-63
Wallys, William, 556
Walsh, Sir Walter, 412, 416
Walsingham, William, 559
Waltham, John, 511
Waltham, Richard, 573
Warbeck, Perkin, 311, 312
Wardlaw, Bishop, 241
Warren and Surrey, Earl of, 49, 51, 57, 59
Warren, Lawrence, 574
Warwick, Thomas, Earl of, 518
Warwick, Earls of. See Newburgh, Beau
champ, Nevill
Warwick, Maud (Percy), Countess of, 29,
30, 37-
Waryn, John, 502
Waterton, Johan de, 527
Waterton, Robert, 227
Waterton, Sir Thomas, 428
Wath de Astynby, John de, 239
Watton, Thomas de, 502
Webb, Rev. John, 179
Wedryngton, John, 549
Welles, le Sire de, 509
Werk, John, 544
Wessyngton, William de, 509, 510
West, William, 428
Westmoreland, Earls of. See Nevill
Westmoreland, Joan, Countess of, 243
Weston, Sir William de, 124
Wetherell, Henry, 575
Wharton, Sir Thomas, 471
Wharton, Thomas, 559
Whitby, Abbot of, 452
Whitereason, Roger, 573
Whitfield, Mathew, 510, 555
Whyte, Henry, 559
Widrington, Sir Ralph, 294
Wilkes, Captain, vi.

Wilkynson, Richard, 239
William the Conqueror, King, 6, 8, 10-
12, 15, 18, 19, 23, 50, 431
William Rufus, King, 19
William the Lion, King of Scotland, 75
Willoughby, Lord, 283
Wiltshire, Thomas Boleyn, first Earl of,
277, 293, 338, 345, 436, 465, 572
Winchester, Bishop of, 256
Winchester, Earl of, 40, 72
Wingfield, Sir Anthony, 476
Winlayton, William-, 239
Woddryngton, Sir John, 567
Wodehou'se, John de, 490-492
Wodehouse, Johan, 528
Wodword, Adam, 502
Wolsethorpe, Sir Oswald, 452
Wolsey, Cardinal, 309, 321, 326, 332, 334,
342 et seq., 352, 354, 356-359, 362,
365-369, 372, 375, 377-379, 382386,
388, 390, 396, 397, 401, 405, 408, 410
et seq., 434, 437, 444
Wood, William, 571
Woodstock, Thomas of, 123, 506
Worcester, Earls of. See Somerset, Herbert,
Percy, Nevill
Worme, William, 382, 383
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 363
Wyclif, John, 100, 1 16 et seq.
Wyddrington, 389, 555. See also Wedryng
ton, Widrington, and Woddryngton
Wyndale, Sir Johan, 532
Wynkfield, Lady of, 502
Wynston, John de, 502

Yarrow, Percival, 569
York, Archbishops of. See Kempe, Lee,
Scrope, Thurstan, Wolsey, Zouche
York, Dean of, 547
York, Dukes of. See Plantagenet, Tudor,
Stuart
Yorkshire, Earl of. See Albemarle
Ypres, John of, 121
Ypres, William of, Earl of Kent, 121
Yuer, Robert de, 502

Zouche, Alan de la, Lord Justice, 49
Zouche, William, 7°
Zouche, William de la, Archbishop of York
491

608

INDEX OF PLACES, VOL. I.

Aclethorpe, 483, 485
Acklington, 499, 500
Acomb, 482
Agincourt, 180
Aidon, Forest of, 40
Aikton, 496
Akles, 357
Aldersgate, 493
Aldersgate Street, 120, 237
Aldgate, 327
Allandale, 139
Allerdale, 511, 543
Alne, River, 75, 498
Alnham, 497, 498, 500, 542
Alnmouth, 497, 498, 500, 542
Alnwick, Town and Borough of, 64,
213, 258, 261, 316, 340, 354, 387,
498, 542, 562, 563, 566
Alnwick Abbey, 20, 115, 501
Alnwick, Barony of, 74
Alnwick Castle, xx. 64, 65, 71, 91
'95, 230, 235, 236, 284, 329, 330,
382, 383, 389, 447, 487, 497, 500,
, 533, 534, 539, 564, 566, 567
Alnwick, Manor of, 94, 497, 500
Alnwick Moor, 40
Alnwick Park, 336
Alta Ripa, 483, 485
Alton, 495
Amiens, 74, 165-167, 199
Anderby, 542
Anglesey, 194
Angotby, 483, 485
Angus, 77
Annandale, 79, 261, 489, 490
Antioch, 20
Aquitaine, m, 16 1, 194
Arlethorp, 494
Arncliff, 482, 483, 485, 497, 541
Artois, 129
VOL. I.

Arundel, 27, 308, 515
Ashcomb, Sussex, 544
Aspatria, 511, 512, 542
Asserby, 542
Athenry, 542
Auberoche, 84
Aynthorne, 357
Ayr, 54, 62
Ayre, the, 280
Aystenby, 494

BALDERSBY, 482
Ball's Pond, 438
Baltic provinces, 1 29
146, Bamburgh, 300
497, Bamburgh Castle, 68, 194, 285, 491
Bannockbourne, 69
Barbary, 1 73
Bardesay, 525
94, Barnet, 291
336, Barnsdale, 300
519, Bartram, 544, 559
Battlefield, 226
Bayonne, 61
Beauchamp Tower, 479
Beaumaris, 194, 539
Benley, 499, 500
Berkhamsted, 134
Berkelond, 494
Bertewell, 499
Bertram, 544, 559
Berwick on Tweed, 52, 53, 57, 63, 78, 79,
85, 93, 109, 129, 138, 161, 194, 222,
230, 235, 244, 245, 256, 258, 284, 294,
295, 301, 421, 43i, 490, 49i, 504, 506,
523, 535
Berwick Castle, 131, 134, 270, 271, 490,
533, 535
Betancos, 145

609

R R

INDEX OF PLACES, VOL. I.

Beverley, Town and Borough of, 248, 313,
412, 428, 455, 462, 495, 496, 534, 539,
55°, 551, 571
Beverley Minster, 140, 307, 322, 547
Bilton, 499
Birkley, 542
Birling, 499, 500
Bishopsgate, 539
Bishopsgate Street, 232
Blackatur, 553
Blackheath, 312
Blankenberghe, 81
Blore Heath, 276
BIyth, 319
Bodhill, 499
Bolton Castle, 461
Bolton Forest, 95
Bon Jedworth, 490
Bordeaux, 103, 161, 197, 19S
Boroughbridge, 67, 301
Boston, 525
Bosworth, 298, 299
Bosworth Field, 214
Boulogne, 199
Boulton, 483, 485
Bramham Moor, 97, 238
Braythwayt, 511, 542
Brest, 125, 128, 160, 169
Bretagne, 167
Bridlington, 467
Bridlington Priory, 570
Briggehampton, 544
Brigham, 423
Brinkhill, 542
Brittany, III, 167, 237, 508
Brokesfield, 498
Brotherwick, 489
Bruges, 83
Bryan, 270
Buckden, 35, 51, 482, 484
Bull-and-Mouth Street (City), 120
Burgh-on-the-Sands, 63
Burneton, 499
Burton-on-Trent, 528, 529
Bynington, 495, 496

Caermerdyn, 510, 519
Calais, 89, III, 115, 116, 125, 141, 161,
166, 168, 169, 170, 199, 276, 2S4, 293,
312, 335, 338
Caldbeck, 511, 512, 542
Caldermarton, 499
Cambridge, 307, 502
Cameswater, 542
Cappenhow, 253, 255
Cardigan, 194
Carleton, Lines., 542
Carleton, Yorks., 301
Carlisle, 58, 65, no, 146, 160, 261, 511,
514, 541
Carnarvon, 202, 519, 522, 523
Carnarvon Castle, 194

Carnarvonshire, 523
Carrick, 64
Cary, 544
Castile, 103, 129, 143, 144
Catherederys, 524
Catton, 335, 358, 411, 484, 494, 497, 513,
542
Cauleg, 498
Cavers, 148
Cawood, 412-416
Caythorpe, 542
Cayton, 483, 485
Channel, the, 141
Charlton, Somerset, 544
Chatton, 94, 497, 498, 500, 501, 542
Cherbourg, 169
Chester, 180, 186
Chester Castle, 194
Chester, County of, 527
Cheviot Hills, 153, 259, 340
Chillingham, 285
Cirencester, 532
Clackmannan, 241
Clarendon, 156, 504
Claythorp, 94, 542
Clethorp, 494-496
Cobbenham, 542
Cockermouth, 139, 541, 542
Cockermouth Castle, 511, 532, 534, 541
Cocket, River, 75, 489, 499, 535
Cocklawes Castle, 215
Cocklodge or Cockledge, 304, 305
Cokeral, 542
Collyweston, 314
Coltcroft, 495
Colthorp, 496
Coney Garts, 559
Conway, 521, 522
Conway Castle, 176, 179-181, 183, 185,
194, 202, 520, 521
Corbridge, 76, 500, 513, 542
Cornwall, 66
Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 541
Covenham, Lines., 542
Coventry, 275
Craven, 21, 335, 359
Crecy, 85, 92, 97
Croftwood, 495
Crutched Friars, 467
Cugge^den, 500
Cumberland, 58, 139, 146, 194, 237, 354,
442
Cyprus, 160

Dagenham, 542
Dalkeith Castle, 148
Dalton, 482, 485, 494 '
Dalton-Percy, 47, 539
Dartmouth, 291
Denbigh, 521, 522, 524, 525
Dene, 511, 542
Denmark, 3

6lO

INDEX OF PLACES, VOL. I.

Denwick, 487, 497, 498, 500
Derwent, the, 495
Develeston, 500
Devonshire, xxv.
Dishforth, 482, 485
Dives, Church of, 10
Doddington, 498
Doncaster, 260, 451, 454, 458
Donington, 497
Donketon, 94, 492
Donnington, 542
Dorset, xxiv. 395
Dover, 42, 81, 198, 199
Dronfield, 537
Dunbar, 54
Dunckelon Manor, 94, 492
Dunkalk, 210
Dunsley, 24, 539
Dunstanborough Castle, 284, 285, 300, 407
Durham, 47, 58, 76, 85, 146, 205, 261,
441, 491, 532, 539, 541
Durham, County, 302
Durham, Bishopric, 564, 569
Durston, 544
Dykering, 542

Earl's Inn, Newcastle, 539
East Marches, 245, 270, 289, 299, 300
Eastwell, 544, 559
Edereston, 499
Edinburgh, 14, 72, 85, 242, 294, 397
Ednam Tower, 357
Eggleswyk, 94
Egremont, 539, 542
Egremont Castle, 262
Egremont, Barony of, 511
Elmham, North, 503
Elmham, South, 501, 503
Emelins, 539
Emelynhuckyrth, 5!9
England, 519
Essex, 21, 194, 290
Estholm, peel of, 491
Estrechenyngton, 499 ;
Eton College, 261
Eversley, 20, 495
Ewart, 499
Eye> 194, 5!9

Faldecroft, 495
Fanthorpe, 542
Farforth, 542
Featherstone, 308
Fedelthorp, 542
Felton, 389
Fermartyne, 151
Ferribridge, 450, 45 1
Ferriby, 280, 281
Fitzpayne, 270, 544
Flamborough, 242, 570, 571
Flanders, 54, 79, 137, 289

Fleet prison, 288
Flexton, 502
Flint Castle, 179, 180, 183, iq^etseq.
Flodden Field, 313, 34L, 422
Folifayt, 496
Folkestone, 42, 559
Follebury, 499
Foscoton, 495
Foston, 45, 484, 504, 542
Fountains Abbey, 36, 51, 467, 570
France, 35, 42, 52, 79-81, 85, 102, 103,
,. 105, 125, 169, 197, 199, 249 et seq.,
256, 293, 308, 507
Fulnetby, 542
Fyvie Castle, 151, 515

Galicia, 145
Galloway, 54, 64, 77, 78
Garnethorpe, 542
Gascony, 45, 52, in, 161
Gayton, 542
Gervise, 467
Geynth, 519
Ghent, 82
Giggleswick, 307, 335, 483, 495, 542
Gisburne, 27, 45, 482-485
Glasgow, 62, 492, 577
Greenwich, 266, 432, 477, 494
Guennes, 79, 519
Guisborough, 570
Gysens, 498

Hacknesse, 20
Hackney, 469, 472-474, 476
Haghe, 542
Halidon Hill, 78, 146
Hamelton, 544
Hamore, 542
Hampshire, xxv. 21
Hampton Court, 391
Handel Abbey, 24
Hanehill, 499
Harbotel, 94
Harbottle Castle, 390, 399 563
Hare Crag, 336
Harrow, 476
Harwich, 73, 8t
Haselwood Chapel, 30
Hasington, 357
Hassenden, 490
Haverford, 519
Haveringham, 542
Haysaund, 498
Haystede Manor, 94
Hedgely Moor, 285
Hefforlaw, 498
Helaugh, 210
Hermitage Castle, 85, 93
Herningby, 542
Hertle, 544
Heruntandey, 544

6ll

INDEX OF PLACES, VOL. I.

Hessely House, 336
Hetton, 499
Hexham, 446, 562
Hexhamshire, 561, 564
Heydon bridge, 388
Heyshete, 492
Heystate, 70
Higham-Ferrers, 528
Hillington, 336
Holden, 448
Holdemess, 380, 518
Holme, 487
Holme Abbey, 497, 498, 501, 560
Holme Park, 307
Holy Land, 129
Holyrood, 79
Holyrood House, 397
Homildon, 154, 206, 244
Horkelaw, 542
Horsington, 544
Horsmonden, 544, 559
Horton, 483, 485, 499
Hotby, 542
Hotost, 542
Houghton, 542
Houghton, Great, 497, 498, 500
Houghton, Little, 499
Howden (in Tyndale), 336
Howick, 499
Hoxne, 503
Hull, 423, 450, 455, 462, 463, 468, 525,
569
Hulne. See Holme
Hundemanby, 335
Hunmanby, 24, 542

Ilkley, 483, 486
Imingham, 542
Inkerman, 93
Irby, 542
Ireland, 67, 175
Ireton, 495
Irton, 482
Irvine Water, 577
Isle of Man, 193, 232, 517, 518, 539
Iwardby, 538

Jedworth, 79, 490
Jedworth Castle, 196, 535
Jervaulx Abbey, 570
Kaermerdyn, 510, 519
Karleverok, 59
Kenermond, 542
ICennington, 482, 487
Kent, 417, 542
Kexby, 495
Kildale, 47
King Harry's Walk, 438
Kirkbride, 511, 542

Kirk Levingstone, 109, 495, 496, 539, 542
Knaresborough, 194, 300, 519

Lambeth Palace, 502
Langley, 336, 511, 512
Langley Castle, 532, 539
Langstrother, 51, 495, 542
Lasseby, 542
Laughton, 542
Leckonfield Castle, 36, 51, 94, 248, 269,
302, 320, 327-329, 335, 351, 411, 462,
484, 494-497, 513, 539, 550, 55"
Legburn, 542
Leicester Abbey, 416
Lesbury, 497, 498, 500, 542
Lestingham, 18
Letheley, 494
Lethlay, 542
Lewes, 48
Lewes Priory, 32, 47
Lichfield, 535
Liddesdale, 409
Lincoln, 468
Lincolnshire, 21, 92, 94, 139, 412, 440,
448, 493
Linton, 482, 484, 494
Lisieux, 109
Lithuania, 173
Little Berwick, 218, 222, 223
Litton, 36
Littondale, 36
Littondale Forest, 483, 485
Lochaw, 241
Lochmaben, 79
Lochmaben Castle, 196, 490
Lochryan, 63
Lokre, 499
Londe-of-the- Wolde, 335
London, 47, 94, 187, 194, 312, 452, 493,
519
London Bridge, 467, 536
Louthford, 542
Louthney, 542
Loveland, 544
Lowboworsby, 542
Loweswater, 511
Lude, 544
Luthford, 493
Lutton, 482, 484
Lybame, 499
Lyntell-Lee, 72
Lythe, 570

Malberthorp, 542
Malton, 448, 449
Man. See Isle
Marches, the English, 196, 256, 313
Marches, the Northern, 201
Marches. See East aiid Middle Marches
Maries, 357
Markyate, 488
6l2

INDEX OF PLACES, VOL. I.

Maupertuis, 100
Melrose Abbey, 196
Melun, 251
Merrier, 14
Merionethshire, 523
Mersington, 357
Middleham, 35
Middle Marches, 299, 300
Middlesex, 519
Middleton, South, 499, 500
Milford Haven, 175, 176, 179, 519, 525
Mill Field, 340
Mitford, 539
Montcontour, 108
Moorgate Street, 172
Morpeth, 563
Mortimer's Cross, 279
Morwick, 499
Moskwyth, 494
Mossedale, 79
Muckton, 575

Nafferton, 94, 335, 482-485, 494-496,
542
Navaretta, 103-105
Nesbitt Moor, 205
Neustria, 3
Neutze-super-Swale, 494
Neville's Cross, 85, 87, 92, 93, 97
Newbiggin, 335
Newborne, 76
Newburgh, 489, 496, 539, 542
Newburrow, 350, 351
Newcastle-on-Tyne, 94, 95, 146-148, 151,
154, 216, 244, 300, 307, 388, 393, 409,
419, 526, 527, 533, 535, 537, 538, 563
Newgate, 264
Newham, 499
Newington ^Kent), 544, 559
Newington, Stoke, 438
Newstede, 566
Newton, Lines., 539
Newton, Northumberland, 499, 500
Newton, Yorks., 483, 485
Newton-juxta-Mare, 499
Newton-Derwent, 358
Newtown, 357
Newyn, 519
Nikelkere, 494
Norfolk, 94
Norham Castle, 340, 398, 400, 557
Normandy, 3, 7, 9, 39
Northallerton, 26
Northampton, 277, 353
North Charlton, 498, 499
North Cray, 544, 559
Northumberland, 37, 52, 58, 85, 87, 94,
'23, 131, 139, 154, 340, 389, 397, 398,
441, 447, 455, 458, 462, 463, 489, 497,
556, 557, 56i, 564, 567
Northumberland House, Aldgate, 537
Northumberland House, Newcastle, 539

Northumbria, 14
Norwich Cathedral, 501, 503
Norwich, St.-Mary-in-the-Fields, 502
Nottingham, 48, 170, 549
Noya, 145
Ogle Castle, 446
Okeford-Fitz-Payne, 544
Okewold, 544
Oporto, 145
Orleans, 260, 270
Ormes Head, 184
Ormeston Castle, 209, 526
Ormsby, 47
Otterboume, 148 et seq., 161, 515
Overbottlesdon, 499, 500
Ovingham, 538
Oxcombe, 542
Oxford, 261, 541
Oxford University, 541
Palestine, 162
Papcaster, 511, 542
Paris, 94, 105, 161, 163, 198, 252, 327
Pecquini, 293
Peele Castle, 517
Pembroke Castle, 518
Pengeden, 544
Perching, 544
Perci, Canton and Chateau of, 6
Percy's Column, 286
Percy's Cross, 64
Percy House, Bishopsgate, 539
Percy's Inn, York, 539, 542
Percy's Well, 286
Perth, 89
Petworth, vii. 26, 35, 94, 170, 261, 358,
417, 492, 513, 5i6, 539, 542
Petworth Castle, 51
Petworth, Manor of, 32, 70, 94
Picardy, 85
Pickering, 569
Pickering Castle, 71
Piperden, 259
Plumpton, 496
Pocklington, 94, 335, 411, 495, 496, 504, 542
Pockthorpe, 484, 495
Poitiers, 100, 109
Poitou, 106, 108
Polnoon Castle, 151
Pomfret, 297, 450, 453
Pomfret Castle, 192, 193, 444, 451, 530
Pontefract, 280, 534, 535, 570
Pontefract Castle, 67, 340
Portsmouth, 52
Portugal, 144, 301
Poynings, 270, 308, 380, 544
Preston, Lines., 542
Preston, Sussex, 544
Preston, Northumberland, 499
Prudhoe Castle, 139, 246, 385, 510, 511,
514,532,537,539,542,561

613

INDEX OF PLACES, VOL. I.

Prutzenland, 129
Pulthely, 519

Queensborough Castle, 162

Radway, 544
Railton, 486
Rathmel, 483, 486
Ravenspur, 78, 175, 290, 292
Raynton, 421
Reading Abbey, 32
Reigate, 156
Rennington, 498
Reresby, 542
Rhuddlan Castle, 180, 183
Ribadivia, 145
Ribstone, 483, 485, 496
Richmond, Surrey, 350
Richmond, Yorks, 482
Riddesdale, 554, 556-558, 562, 564-566,
569
Rigsby, 542
Robin Hood's Cross, 451
Rochelle, in
Rock, 499
Rokesley, S44, 559
Roston, 484
Rothbury, 76, 499, 500, 562, 565
Rouen, 251
Roxburgh, 85, 109, III, 123, 194, 259,
492, 5°6, 5°7
Rugley, 499
Runnimede, 40
Rydesdale, 356
Ryton, 448

St. Albans, 266, 274, 279, 353,
545
St. Andrews, 241, 242
St. Hilda's Chapel, 28
St. John's College, Cambridge, 308
St. Leonard's Hospital, 115
St. Malo, 28
St. Martin the Great, London, 493
St. Ninian's Chapel, York, 547
St. Paul's Cathedral, 255, 274
St. Severe, 108
St. Thomas Apostle, City, 121
Salley or Sauley Abbey, 27, 30-32, 45, 47,
90, 445, 463, 559
Salop, county of, 492
Sandal Castle, 277
Sandon Hospital, 27
Santiago, 144
Sardinia, v.
Sark, the, 261
Saucethorp, 542
Saxilby, 542
Scarborough, 1 36, 335, 463
Scarborough Castle, 67, 68, 71

Scotland, 52-62, 69, 72, 73, 77, no, 123,
125, 145, 196, 288, 294, 351, 409, 417,
418, 421, 423, 491, 492, 515, 519, 536,
539, 54°, 556
Screnwood, 499
Scroby, 412
Sedryngton, 570, 571
Semar or Semer, 13, 21, 47, 94, 448, 450,
455, 483, 4S4, 494, 495, ,496, 542, 568,
570
Semar, Church of, 24
Settle, 45, 94, 482-486, 495
Severn, the, 217, 218
Sheen, 121
Sheffield Park, 416
Sherburn (Yorks), 570
Shilbottle, 498
Shipton, 482, 485
Shothorpe, 542
Shrewsbury, 130, 217, 221 el seq., 227, 232,
241, 353, 532, 537
Sixill, 493
Skelton, 34, 36
Skipton, 494
Skipton Castle, 73
Skirnenges, 495
Skrine, the, 495
Slaugham, 544
Sluys, the, 81
Smeaton, 28
Smithfield, 467
Snellestand, 542
Sneton, 47
Snipe House, 336
Solway, the, 261, 540
Somerby, 542
Somerset, 395
Sond, 544
Soubise, 109
Southampton, 125, 126
South Charlton, 499
Spain, 144
Spekynton, 544
Spindlestone, 499
Spofforth, 15, 94, 449, 482-484, 494-497,
539, 542
Spofforth Castle, 51, 238
Spyttell, 449
Stainford Bridge, 263, 274, 495
Stainton, 542
Steeple, 544
Stirling, 85
Stirling Castle, 69
Stitchell Castle, 357
Stockton, 496
Stoke, 301
Stoke-Courcy, 544
Styvelan Bridge, 70
Suffolk, 94, 542
Sulkholm, 495
Sunderland Wood, 499
Surrey, 516
Sussex, 26, 27, 70, 308, 380, 492, 516, 542

614

INDEX OF PLACES, VOL. I.

Sutton, Lines., 542
Sutton, Sussex, 492
Sutton, Yorks., 486
Sutton Manor, 94
Sutton-on-Derwent, 539
Suyttre, 499
Swaby, 542
Swale, the, 494
Swineshead, 525, 526
Swinhoe, 497-500
Swynley, 487, 497, 500
Swynley Close, 336

Tadcaster, 94, 95, 238, 482-484,
496, 504, 539, 542
Tadcaster Church, 30
Tagus, the, 144
Tantallon, 397
Taunay, 108
Temple-Hirst, 459, 570, 571
Terouenne, 338, 339
Teviotdale, 85, 148, 215, 341
Tewkesbury, 291
Thacker, 494
Thirsk, 305
Thorington, 483, 485
Thornton, Lines., 542
Thorp, 483, 485
Thorpe-juxta-Lathford, 542
Thorpe-juxta- Louth, 542
Thropton, 499, 500
Thwyng, 570
Tickhill Castle, 73
Toft, 542
Toggesdon, 499
Topcliffe, 15, 16, 94, 283, 304, 379,
4°3, 432, 47i, 483, 484, 494 497,
542, 558, 574
Topcliffe Church, 27
Tournay, 339, 340
Tower of London, 57, 88, 244, 266,
289, 318, 353, 391, 429, 432, 433-
478, 479, 491, 568
Towton Fields, 269, 281
Trellingham, 544, 559
Trent, the, 271, 300, 491
Trusthorpe, 542
Tughall, 497, 498, 500
Tunbridge Castle, 28
Turnbury Castle, 63
Tutbury Castle, 92
Tweed, the, 249
Tvburn, 467, 573
Tyndale, 299, 336, 356, 3S5, 420, 421,
_ 556-558, 559, 560-566, 569
Tyne, the, 146, 388, 419
Tyrlingham, 569
Tyvidale, 401

Ughtred, 412
Ulceby, 542

Ulnedale, 511, 512, 542
Up Lytham, 24
Urby, 542

Verneuil, 256
Vienna, 425
Villedieu, 6
Viranfosse, 80

Wadwinch, 542
495, Wakefield, 277
Waldern, 544
Wales, 43, 52, 162, 194, 195, 201, 297,
520-525, 527, 528
Walton, Yorks., 94, 428
Welton-juxta-Thwaite, 542
Wandeford, 484
Wandesford, 495
Wark, 491
Wark Castle, 249, 407
Warkworth, 229, 230, 235, 236, 244, 329,
402, 420, 542
Warkworth, Barony of, 74
Warkworth Castle, 74-76, 90, 94, 260,
488, 489, 499, 5oo, 501, 532-534
Warkworth Hermitage, 244, 559
Warkworth Manor, 94, 499-501
Warwick Lane, 273
Waterford, 180
Watton Abbey, 452, 568
Werewell Abbey, 46
Westhall, 495
399, Westker Cantelen,, 495
539, West Langby, 542
Westminster, 190, 245, 289, 309, 465, 484,
486, 488, 506, 518, 572, 575
Westminster Abbey, 162, 255
288, Westminster Hall, 49
467, Westpark, 498
Westmoreland, 58, 442
Westward, 542
Westwood, 498, 540, 559
Wharram Percy, 94, 539
Whitby, xxv, 14, 17
Whitby Abbey, 17, 19, 20, 33, 452,
481
Whitby Strand, 542
Whitell, 420
Wickesby, 542
Widdrington, 75
446, Wigglesworth, 570
Wigton, 511, 542
Wikeworth, 483, 486
Willingham, 539
Wilton, Yorks., 570
Wiltshire, xxv.
Windsor, 192, 252, 293
Witherne, 542
Wold, the, 449

615

INDEX OF PLACES, VOL. I.
Wollerhaugh, 340 Yarmouth, 141
Wolsingham, 388 Yerdhilt, 499
Wood Street (City), 120 York, 42, 67, 69, 94, 227, 231, 261, 291,
Wooler, 206, 499, 500 299, 301, 304, 314, 315, 350, 351, 357,
Worcestershire, 199, 519 390, 407, 446, 450, 452-454, 456,
Worlabye, 542 461, 464, 468, 486, 489, 491, 492, 495,
Wrentham, 544 497, 534, 539, 547, 561, 565, 569, 574
Wressill, Manor and Castle of, 140, 141, York Abbey, 360, 452
246, 262, 328, 329, 335, 448, 453-457, York Castle, 283, 319, 570
539, 55°, 551, 565, 568 York Minster, 27, 92, 95
Wressill Monastery, 457 Yorkshire, xx. xxv. 21, 32 ,37, 42, 45, 68,
Wyke, Somerset, 544 92, 220, 285, 303, 383, 412, 441, 446-
Wyke, Sussex, 544 448, 461, 493, 542, 545
Wyndesbury, 495 Ypres Inn, 121
Wynfell, 457

6l6

INDEX OF BOOKS AND MSS. QUOTED, VOL. I.

Abbreviatio Rotulorum Original-
IUM, 51, 71
Additional MSS. Brit. Mus., 335, 345,
354, 356, 403, 520
Agincourt, Battle of. See Nicolas
Alnwick MSS., 58, 383, 472, 476, 551
Ancient English Ballads, Brit. Mus. , 298
Anstis's, John, Register of the Order ol
the Garter, 70, 149, 293, 316, 417
Antiquarian Repertory, 140, 323, 335
Archaologia, vol. xxii., 113, 317, 318, 471,
478, 479
Archives of Brussels, 445
Arnold's Chronicle of London, 226
Ashmole's Institutions of the Order of the
Garter, 158

Bacon's History of Henry VII. , 307
Baga de Secretis, 436, 569
Ballad of Flodden Field, 341
Banks's, Sir J., Extinct and Dormant
Baronage, 29, 250, 260, 366
Barnes's, Joshua, History of the Rei^i of
Edward III., 78, 79, 81, 83, 84, ic*
Baronage. See Dugdale and Banks
Baronial and Ecclesiastical Antiquities of
Scotland, 515
Beltz Memorials of the Order of the Garter,
D '58, 159
Benger's Life of Anne Boleyn, 362, 436
Black Prince, Life of, 102, 104
Blakeway's History of Shrewsbury. See
Owen
Blind Harry's Acts and Deeds of Wallace,
_6I>577Boece, Hector, Buik of Chroniclis of
Scotland, 53, no, 112, 130, 147, 150,
151, 228, 259
ooleyn, Anne. See Benger and Friedmann
Book of Carlaverock, See Eraser
Book of Grants of sixth Earl of Northum
berland, 407, 411, 558

Brady's History of England, 8, 171
Brayley's History of Surrey, 27
Brayley's Yorkshire, 36
Brief Remembrance of the Demeanour ot
Thomas Percy, Knight, 445
Brompton Chronicle, 10
Bruce, John, History of the Court of Star
Chamber, 317
Brydges's, Sir Egerton, Continuation of
Collins's Peerage, XXV.
Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia,
no, 130, 237, 238, 242, 244
Buckingham's, Duke of, Household Book,
325
Burnet's, Bishop, History of the Reforma
tion, 436, 437
Calendar of State Papers, published
under authority of the Master of the
Rolls, complete series passim
Calendarium Magnorum Rotulorum, 35
Camden's Britannia, 15, 25, 448
Camden's Remains, 510
Capgrave's Chronicle, 125, 126, 167, 168,
221, 226, 228
Carte's History of England, 12, 40
Cavendish's, George, Life of Wolsey, 362,
368, 374, 379, 413, 414, 416, 47S
 Metrical Visions, 378
Chapter House MSS. See Cromwell Cor
respondence
Charlton's History of Whitbye Abbey,
xxvi, 7, 13, 14, 17, 20, 21
Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, 55, 116
 House of Fame, 230
Chorographie in Harleian Miscellany, 307
Chronica Monast. de Alnewyke, 61, 70,
75, 90, 91, 116
Chron. Monast. S. Albani, 226
Chronicle of London. See Arnold
Chronicles of Calais, 313
Chronicon de Gisseborne, 54
 de Lanercost, 93

VOL. I.

617

s s

INDEX OF BOOKS AND MSS. QUOTED, VOL. I.

Clarkson's Survey, 261
Close Rolls. See Rotuli Lit. Claus.
Cobbett's Parliamentary History, 231
Collins's Peerage. See Brydges
Concilia Scotiae, 541
Coram Rege Roll, 487
Coryat's, Thomas, Crudities, 331
Cotton MSS., 60, 16S, 195, 201,210, 211,
234, 260, 300, 339, 340, 349, 352, 355,
374, 375, 387, 389, 39i, 393, 394, 398,
399, 400, 403-405, 408, 412, 418,
421, 423, 424, 438, 474, 521-529, 534,
535, 553. 554
Cotton's Abridged Acts of Parliament,
195, 208, 406, 549
Cottonian Charters, 510
Crimea, Invasion of. See Kinglake
Cromwell Correspondence, Chapter House .
MSS., 431-466, 470
Dallaway's, James, Western Sussex, 26
Daniel's History of the Civil Wars, 184
De la Marque's Metrical Chronicle. See
Histoire du Roi Richard
Denton's Collection of Evidences relating
to Percy family, 381, 514
Dives Roll, 10
Domesday Book, 21 bis.
Drake's, Francis, Eboracum, History and
Antiquities of York, 26, 95, 96, 140,
2S3, 299, 300, 307
Duchesne, Historic Normannorum Scrip-
tores Antiqui, 10
Dugdale's, Sir W., Monasticon, 11, 14, 20,
24, 3°, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 45, 46, 481
 Baronage, 2, 3, 24, 46, 65
Ellis's, Sir Henry, Original Letters,
349, 4H, 476
English Chronicle of reigns of Richard II.
and Henry IV., 175, 226, 272, 262
Eulogium Historiarum, 213, 216, 222,
226
Evidences at Syon House, 266
Exchequer Rolls (Record Office), 105;
336
Exchequer Rolls, Army, no
Exchequer, Queen's Remembrancer, 108,
109, 490, 504, 505, 507, 508, 552
Exchequer, Miscellaneous Papers, 453
Fabyan's, R., Chronicles of England, 144,
264
Feet of Fines, Record Office, 514
Fenn's, W., Paston Letters, 282, 292
Fiddes's, H., Life of Wolsey, 362
Fcedera. See Rymer
Fordun Scotichronicon (Hearne), 150, 206,
207, 215, 238
Fountains Abbey, Memorials of. 20
Fraser, Wm., Book of Carlaverock 261,262
Freeman's, E., The Norman Conquest,
3,8, 9 6l

Friedmann's Anne Boleyn, 425, 435
Froissart's Chronicles (Lord Berners),^ 72,
74, 80, 81, 82, 83 to, 100, 102, 108,
109 bis, 129, 130, 138, 143-147, 149,
151, 162, 163, 165, 173, 174, 176, 197,
198, 221, 515
Froude's, rA., History of England, 434,
466
Fuller's Church History, 119, 439
¦  ¦ Worthies of England, 140, 283

Garter, Order of. See Anstis, Ashmole,
Beltz,
Gijburn's, Walter of, Chronicon de rebus
gestis Edwardi I. II. III., 54
Godwin's Life of Chaucer, 113
Gough's Sepulchral Monuments, 140
Grafton's, Richard, Chronicle of England,
54, 63, 84, 127, 160, 171, 214, 226,
264, 272, 284, 285, 298
Green's Short History of the English
People, 303, 343, 375, 464, 466
Greenfield (Archiep.) Register, 69
Grenadier Guards, History of. See Hamil
ton
Hall's Chronicle of England, 199, 205,
224, 229, 267, 276, 282, 283, 2S8, 303,
304, 309, 3H, 317, 338, 352, 354, 411-
531
Hallam's Middle Ages, 44
Hamilton's, Sir Fredk., History of the
Grenadier Guards, V.
Hardyng's, John, Chronicle (Ellis), 63,
70, 72, 78, 101, 130, 149, 187, 189,
215, 218, 223, 228, 231, 245, 247, 259,
266, 276, 530
Harleian Charters, 161, 196
Harleian MSS., 19, 23, 25, 142, 313
Hartshorne's Military and Feudal Anti
quities of Northumberland, 60, 66, 76,
91, 531
Henry VIII., Life of, by Bishop of Here
ford, 344
Herbert's, Lord, of Cherbury, Reign of
Henry VIII., 346, 368, 372, 416, 435
Hingeston's Historic Letters, 234
Histoire du Roi d'Angleterre Richard, 179-
182, 185-1S8, 199
Historie of the Arrivall of Edward IV.,
291
History, New, of Northamptonshire, 276
Holinshed's, Ralph, Chronicles of Eng
land, 10, 41, 42 bis, 86, 93, 94, 114,
122, 126, 131, 137, 140, 142, 143, 157,
198, 205, 244, 249, 252, 257, 259, 262,
273, 274, 277, 282, 342, 345, 547
 Chronicles of Scotland, no, 130,
146, 147, 151, 213, 238, 515
Hume's History of England, 98, 104, 1S2,
191, 192, 267, 268, 285, 286, 293, 297,
330, 331
8

INDEX OF BOOKS AND MSS. QUOTED, VOL. I.

INQUISITIONES POST MORTEM, 47, 51,
70 to, 487, 492, 548
Issue Rolls, 105, 125, 151, 162, 165, 170,
202, 212, 227, 232, 244, 253, 259, 288
Jordan de Fantosme, 75
Kinglake's, Invasion of the Crimea, V.
Knighthood, Orders of. See Nicolas
Knighton, de Eventibus Anglic (Twysden),
156
Lanercost. See Chronicon de
Langtoft's Chronicle, 54
Lansdowne MSS., 318, 419
Leland's Collectanea, 10, 106, 289, 290,
3°8, 3H
 Itinerary, 141, 322
Le Neve's MSS., 125, 126, 175, 544
Letters and Papers of Reign of Henry VIII.
309, 321, 357, 380, 386, 387, 390, 395,
405, 406, 408, 412, 415, 423, 428,556,575
Letters ofRichardlll. andPIenry VII.,311
Letters to King and Council, Chapter House,
389, 431, 432
Lewis's Life of Wyclif, 117 bis, 118, 119
Lingard's History of England, 98, 210,
212, 271, 298, 353
London, Old and New, 438
Longstaffe's Heraldry of the Percies, 60
Lucan, 239
Lydgate's Poems, 332
Lyson's Environs of London, 476
Macaulay's, Lord, History of England,
39
Mackenzie's History of Newcastle, 150
Madox, Thomas, Baronia Antiqua, 22,
23, 38, 44, 46
MS. Ambassades, 179, 183, 185, 186,
190
MSS. Record Office, 408, 419, 420, 421
Materials Illustrative of the Reign of
Henry VII., 300, 302, 304
Matthew Paris, Historia Maior, 37, 40,
41, 43, 44, 48
Memorial Verses of the Reigns of Edward
III. and Richard IL, 138
Monstrelet's Chronicles, 198
Nichols's Royal Wills, 121
Nicolas's, Sir Harris, Battle of Agincourt,
250
 Historic Peerage, XXI. XXIII.,
 History of the English Navy, 81, 84,
.135
 History of the Orders of Knighthood,
311, 317, 422
 Order of the Bath, 72
 Proceedings of the Privy Council, 156, —
157,194,201,206,211,230,231,244
Nicholson's Leges Marchiarum, 58 —
Northern Registers, 131 —
619

Northumberland Household Book, 262,
323 et seq.
Nott's Life of Sir Thomas Wyatt, 364,
373, 553
Orford, Earl of, Works, Edition, 1748,
Historic Doubts, vol. ii. p. 113, 286.
(See Errata slip)
Original State Papers (Record Office),
390
Owen and Blakeway's History of Shrews
bury, 224, 226
Palgrave's, Sir Francis, England and
Normandy, xix, 4-6, 8, 16, 63
 Documents and Records (Scotland),
54, 56, 57^"
Papers relating to Aske's Rebellion (Record
Office), 448
Parliament. See Rolls of
Parliamentary Writs, 73
Patent Rolls. See Rotuli Pat.
Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, 55°
Peeris's Metrical Chronicle of the Percy
Family, 4-6, 20, 32, 33
Percy's, Bishop, ITermit of Warkworth, 76
 Reliques of Ancient English Poetry,
152-154, 305
 MS. Memorandum, 148
Percy's Masque, a Tragedy, 242
Petyt MSS., 258
Pipe Rolls, 46
Plumpton Papers, The, 10, 29
Poulson's Beverlac, 313
Privy Seal Papers, 59
Privy Council, Proceedings of. See
Nicolas
Queen's Bench. See Coram Rege Roll
Records in the Tower, 208
Recreations Histoiiques, 328
Recueil des Depeches des Ambassadeurs de
France, 31, 39, 41
Red Book of the Exchequer, 32
Rerum Britannicarum Medisevi Scriptores,
299
Richard's (King) Deposition, Metrical His
tory of, 101
Ridpath's Border Wars, 234, 243, 259,
342
Rolls of Parliament, 114, 124, 136, 137,
171, 192, 237, 245, 252, 253, 256, 261,
264, 267, 275, 283, 285, 294**1,295, 300,
536, 537
Roman de Rou, 5, 6, 13
Rotuli Finium, 45-47, 65, 140, 271
 Chartarum, 115
 Lit. Claus., 43, 45, 71, 75, 79, 94,
270
 Franc, 89, 92, 125
•  Pari. See Rolls of Parliament

INDEX OF BOOKS AND MSS. QUOTED, VOL. I.

Rotuli Patentium, 42, 51, 90,168, 194, 237,
239, 243, 245, 258, 261, 270, 271, 488,
489, 504, 516, 518, 535, 559
Rotuli Scoriae, 54, 245, 260, 289, 489, 490
Royal Letter, 3342, Record Office, 56
Rymer's Fcedera, 41, 43, 48, 49, 61, 65,
68, 73, 85, 89 bis, 93, 104, 117, 120, 125,
139, 146, 160, 176, 196, 208, 216, 226,
227, 230, 232, 239, 244, 249, 251, 252,
256, 257, 259, 260, 262, 266, 269, 297,
428, 429, 521, 548
Scott's (David), History of Scotland, 242
Scott (Sir Walter) Poems and Ballads,
29, 75, 208, 227
Scrope and Grosvenor Trial, 129
Selden's Titles of Honour, 24
Shakespeare, 141, 169, 172, 173, 177, 181,
182, 187, 191, 199, 201, 212, 213, 218,
221, 224, 247, 278, 282, 285, 295, 348,
363, 417
Sheahan and Willan's History of York
shire, 283
Sidney Papers, 321
Sidney's (Sir Philip) Defence of Poetry, 151
Simeon of Durham, 14
Skelton's Poems, 305, 306, 310, 346, 376,
377
Skipton Castle MS., 51
Smith's Old Yorkshire, 305
Somerset Herald, Fyancells of Margaret,
daughter of Henry VII., &c, 314
Speed's Chronicle, 63, 141, 146, 226, 234
State Papers. See Calendar
•  Scotland, Henry VIII., Chapter
House Papers, 394, 419, 431, 440, 447,
456-459, 4.6i, 463
Stephen's History of Whitby, 21
Stockdale's Survey of the Northumberland
Estates, 75
Stow's Annals, 106, 115, 136, 137, 148,
273, 293, 410
Stow's Survey of England, 148, 273
Strickland's (Miss) Queens of England,
131, 199, 239
Strutt's Regal and Ecclesiastical Anti
quities, 126, 155, 179
Strype's Ecclesiastic Memorials, 434
Stubbs's Constitutional History, 115, 276
Surtees's Durham, 15
Surtees's Modern Imitations of Ancient
Poetry, 373
Swinburne's (Sir Edward) MSS., 336
Syon House MSS., 148, 206, 253, 295,
334, 548, 549
Talbot Papers, 345-347, 35°, 377
Tate's Barony and Borough of Alnwick,
4, 77

Testamenta Ebor., 90
Testamenta Vetusta, 145, 229
Thierry, Histoire de la Conqu£te d'Angle-
terre, 15
Todd's History of Carlisle, 132
Tower Assize Rolls, 482, 486
Townley's Journal, 232
Turner's (Sharon) History of England,
201
Turpyn's Chronicle of Calais, 298
Twysden MSS., 370
Tyrrell's History of England, 143
Vaillant's History of France, 251
Venutis, Abbe, Dissertation sur les Mon-
noyes, 197

Wainwright's History of Yorkshire, 250,
283
Walpole's Richard III., 295
Walsingham, Hist. Anglias, 87, 104, 114,
121-123, 127, 130-134, 138, 149, 162,
171, 172, 176, 178, 222, 223, 225, 227,
228, 232, 234, 239, 245
Walsingham's Ypodigma Neustriae, 48, 156,
219, 221
Walter of Gisburn. See Chronicon
Warburton Eliot, Life of Prince Rupert,
xxvi
Warton's History of English Poetry, 332
Waurin, Chronique d'Engleterre 191, 213
Weever's Ancient Funeral Monuments,
476, 503
Westminster Abbey, Chapter HouseRecords
of, 320
Whitaker's History of Craven, 21, 27, 30,
261
Whitby Abbey, Chronicle of, 17
Whitby Monastery, Register of, II, 13, 14,
32, 56
Whittock's County of York, 140
Whyltlesey Register (Lambeth Palace
Library), 501
William of Malmesbury, 7, 14
William of Poictou, 7
Wolsey Correspondence, 394, 404, 409
Wood's (Anthony) MS. History of the
University of Oxford, 542
— — MSS. in Ashmole Museum, 315
Wright's Political Songs, 52, 88
Wriothesley's Chronicle of England, 432,
439, 466-468
Wyatt's (Sir Thomas) Poems, 363
Wyclif s Last Days of the Church, 1 16
Wynn's Pedigree Roll, 33
Year Book, Edward IV., 285

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