YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

MEMOIRS OF
PEINCE EUPEET.
AND THE CAYALIERS.
VOL. I.

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IPEKICI IRWIPIEMir,

MEMOIES OF
PRINCE RUPERT,
AND THE CAVALIERS.
SJnclutittts tijvtt IJttbate fflottespontience,
NOW FIRST PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS.

ELIOT WARBURTON,
AUTHOR OF " THE CRESCENT AND THE CROSS.'1
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.

LONDON:
RICHARD BENTLEY,
luiilisfK* in ©ttftttats to W* Mwsty.
M.DCCC.XLIX.

London :
Printed by S. & J. Bentley and Henry Fley,
Bangor House, Shoe Lane.

TO

HIS EXCELLENCY

GEORGE WILLIAM FREDERIC,
EAEL OP CLAEENDON,
THE FIRM BUT
MERCIFUL SUPPRESSOR OF A CIVIL WAR,
THIS WORK IS GRATEFULLY INSCRIBED,
BX THE AUTHOR.

PREFACE.

For the First and Second Volumes of this Work
I am answerable as an Author; for the last, as
little more than Editor. I have undertaken the
responsibility of introducing therein a large Col
lection of Original Papers relating to the Civil
Wars. This Collection is derived from Colonel Benett,
Prince Rupert's Secretary. It contains upwards
of a thousand letters, written by the leading
Cavaliers to their young Chief during the war,
together with many of a later date. Besides such
letters, there are considerable materials, in various
stages of preparation, for a formal biography of the
Prince ; of these some are fragments, each con
taining an episode of their hero's life, apparently
ready for publication, and corrected by Rupert
himself. His biography was of more importance to
this Prince than to most men : no person, perhaps,
except his Royal Master, was ever more exposed
to calumny, or less defended. He seems to have

iv PREFACE.
superintended the preparation of his Memoirs about
the year 1657, in order to meet the miscon
structions of his actions which he apprehended
in England, the country of his adoption. On the
Restoration he found that his popularity was
already restored, in the same hour with that of his
Royal kinsman; and from this time the prepara
tions for his biography appear to have ceased. The
extraordinary vicissitudes of his career were then
nearly terminated. At all events, from this
period I am obliged to seek in other sources for
biographical materials.
Besides the notices of Rupert in the general
history and the memoirs of the time, I have been
so fortunate as to obtain through the Earl of Dart
mouth's kindness many letters written by the Prince
to his Lordship's ancestor : Evelyn's Diary, Brom
ley's Royal Letters, and Sir Henry Ellis's Collection,
furnish some others. The Prince's " Declarations "
relating to his naval expeditions, with a few very
brief autographs are the only remaining productions
of his pen that I have been able to procure.
The Benett Collection1 consists of the following
documents : —

1 This Collection Las been transmitted from generation to
generation, by Prince Rupert's Secretary to his descendant Mr
Benett, of Pyt House, in Wiltshire, M.P. for the Southern
Division of that County. This gentleman naturally placed a
high value on such records, and it was by a very spirited
speculation on Mr. Bentley's part that he became their pro
prietor and publisher. "

PREFACE. V
First. — Upwards of One Thousand Original Let
ters from the leading Cavaliers. Of these I have
only been able to use a comparatively small pro
portion, but an alphabetical index and abstract of
them all will be found at the end of this Volume,1
which I trust will prove of some importance to the
historian and to the student of history. Among
them are numerous letters from Kings Charles I.
and II., the Dukes of York, Richmond, and
Buckingham ; Lords Worcester, Hertford, New
castle, Clarendon, Goring, Digby, Langdale, Cul
pepper, Hopton ; from Will. Legge, Ashburnham,
Berkeley, and many other persons.
Secondly. — A MS. relating to Prince Rupert's
early life. This is imperfect and fragmentary,
I have, therefore, only quoted from it.
Thirdly — A MS. of some length recording Prince
Rupert's adventures as Admiral of the Royal fleet,
and his Corsair expedition among the Western
Islands and on the Spanish Main. With this is
a sort of " log," or journal of the cruise from Sep
tember 1651 to March 1653, which will be found
in the Appendix to the Third Volume.
Fourthly. — Another MS., which I have called
in the references to it, " Prince Rupert's Diary." It
is not an autograph of his, however, but a some-

1 The long table of Contents at the end of the Third Volume
has obliged me to place this abstract thus. There are some
unavoidable inaccuracies in the arrangement, which was a work
of considerable difficulty.

vi PREFACE.
what vague chronological collection of anecdotes
relating to the Prince ; it appears to have been
written at different times, on the authority of
different eye-witnesses of the actions or other
circumstances that it relates.
In addition to these original sources, I have
availed myself of the Lansdowne, Harleian, Bod
leian, Ashmolean, Sloane, and other MSS. open to
the public, together with the vast collection in
the State Paper Office, which last, I regret to
say, were very imperfectly explored.
From private collections, I have gratefully to
acknowledge very generous contributions. The
scarcity of Royalist correspondence during the Civil
Wars is not surprising, when we consider the
devastations to which Cavalier property was sub
jected by the conquering Roundheads; and the
careful suppression of such documents on the .part
of those who had to fear the vengeance of their
enemy. I have sought amongst many of the de
scendants of the leading Cavaliers for such letters,
but in very few instances with success. I am,
therefore, the more deeply indebted for those
which I have obtained through the kind liberality
of the Duke of Beaufort, the Duke of Somer
set, Lord Denbigh, Lord Dartmouth, Lord
Craven, Lord John Fitzroy, Lord Wrottesley,
Lord Hastings, Mr. Ormsby Gore ; and of others,
who have assisted me by their local knowledge
and information.

PREFACE. VU
Nor must I here forget to mention my obligation
to the excellent library of Mr. Halliday of Glen-
thorne, the stores of which were ever hospitably
open to me, when debarred from almost all others,
in the seclusion of the loveliest but loneliest part
of Devonshire.
I am far from professing to offer any result
proportionate to such materials. To assimilate so
vast and varied a mass into pure historical sub
stance would require far more time and talent
than I am able to command : I have, therefore,
made the best selection in my power from these
materials, and present the result to the reader. I
hope that in most instances the letters I have
introduced may be found to justify the deductions
drawn from them.
I thought it necessary to say thus much for the
authorities I have consulted. As the permanent
value of these Volumes must depend upon the
Original Documents that they contain, it seemed
necessary to give some account of them.
I also wish to make the following observations
on some other points. The first Volumes had
passed through the Printers' hands before the ap
pearance of Mr. Macaulay's great Work, which, I
hope, will exculpate me from the charge of unac
knowledged plagiarism in one or two instances,
especially in the sketch I have endeavoured to make
of Old London : my work was in autumn interrupt
ed for some months, and ultimately very rapidly

Vlll PREFACE.
finished. Some friends, for whose judgment I have
great respect, objected to the number of notes
which I have introduced : it was too late to profit
by their advice in this respect ; but I submit that
Memoirs are less subject to blame on this ground,
than a professed History would be. It is true,
that notes might impede " the stately march " of
the latter; but to the former they may, perhaps,
be permitted, as a sort of gossiping attendants that
need not be listened to by those who consider
their garrulity as importunate.
This is the first biography1 that has been pub
lished of Prince Rupert. Those who may here
after write of his extraordinary and eventful story
will at least find good materials in the following
pages for their task, and I sincerely hope they may
turn them to better account than I have done.
I ought to mention, for the information of some
few readers, that the year in the seventeenth cen
tury began on the 25th of March ; but for the sake
of simplicity I have used the present mode of
dating. London, April 20th, 1849.

1 I do not reckon as biographies the sketches, however suc
cessful or the reverse, which are to be found in the " Biographie
Universelle" and the cyclopaedias, Lloyd's "Loyalists," Horace
Walpole's "Lives of the Painters," Lodge's "Portraits," Camp
bell's " Admirals," and Mr. Jesse's " Court of the Stuarts ; " or
even^he little " History of the Heroicall Prince Rupert," pub
lished in 1683, which would scarcely amount to a modern.
obituary notice.

CONTENTS

THE FIRST VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY. CHAPTER II.
PRINCE RUPERT'S YOUTH.
PAGE
THE PALATINE FAMILY.  HIS FATHER'S MAEEIAGE, AND ACCESSION TO
THE CEOWN OF BOHEMIA. — PKINCE EUPEET'S BIETH, AND ESCAPE AT THE
BATTLE OF PEAGUE.  HIS BOYHOOD.  FIEST CAMPAIGN  VISIT TO ENG
LAND.  BATTLE OF FLOTA. — PEISONEE AT LINTZ.  LOVE.  LIBEETY. —
EMPEEOE's COUET AT VIENNA. — JOINS CHAELES THE FIEST AT NOTTING
HAM. — SETTING UP THE STANDAED . . . . .17
CHAPTER III.
SUMMARY OF EVENTS PRECEDING THE WAR.
PEOGKESS OF THE PEOPLE. — EOYAL ENOEOACHMENTS ; THEIE RESULT —
PARLIAMENTAEY ENOEOACHMENTS ; THEIE EESULT.— SCOTCH CAMPAIGNS. —
LONG PAELIAMENT. — AEMY PLOT. — OAVALIEE AND EOUNDHEAD DENOMINA
TION. — FINAL BKEACH BETWEEN THE KING AND PAELIAMENT . . 123
CHAPTER IV.
PRELIMINARIES OF THE WAR.
STATE OF LONDON AND ITS CONTEOVEESIES. — THE KING'S COUET AT
YORK. — ATTEMPT ON HULL. — SPEECHES IN PARLIAMENT. — GENERAL ARM
ING. — ATTEMPT UPON COVENTRY. — RETURN TO THE STANDAED . .226

X CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
THE FIRST BLOW. PAGE
THE KING AND THE CAVALIEES LEAVE NOTTINGHAM. — THE SOUNDHEAD
ARMY.' — RUPERT'S LEVIES. — GENERAL RENDEZVOUS AT STAFFORD. — BATTLE
OF WORCESTER ........ 370

APPENDIX.
A. AECHBISHOP LAUD ....... 435
B. THE TRAIN-BANDS .... .438
C. OEIGINAL MEMOEANDUM OF RUPEKT . . . . .441
D. CAPTAIN PYNE'S NAERATIVE ..... 463
E. MEMOIR OF SIE JACOB ASTLEY ..... 467

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Portrait op Prince Rupert . . . . ., to face tlie title.
„ George Goring, Earl of Norwich . . .312
,, CnAELOTTE de la Teemouille, Countess of Deeby . 362
., Colonel Lunsfoed .... , 428

MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE

PRINCE EUPEET

THE CAVALIEES.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
" I ask nae be ye Whig or Tory,
For Commonwealth, or Right Divine :
Say, — dear to you is England's glory 1 —
Then, gi'e 's a hand o' thine !"
Old Song.
The cause of the Cavaliers was once the cause
of half the men of England. Fortunately for us,
that cause was unsuccessful, yet not altogether
lost: shorn by the Parliament's keen sword, of
the despotic and false principle that disgraced
it,1 its nobler and better elements survived, im
parting firmer strength and a loftier tone to our
Constitution. 1 " Wee stood upon our liberties for the king's sake, least he
might be the king of meane subjects, or we the subjects of a
meane king." — Sir R. Varney's notes on Hyde's speech.
VOL. I. B

2 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
Even at this hour, as of old, that cause would
rally the flower ' of England round the throne ;
not as once they came to the standard of our
ill-fated Charles, doubtful and misgiving;2 but
promptly, proudly, earnestly ; in all-powerful
strength of heart and numbers. For the People
would be there ; not " they, the People," but " we,
the People," of every designation ; — peasant as
well as peer, Hampdens as well as Falklands, —
united in one common cause, the noblest that
voice or trumpet ever pleaded.3
For, thanks to our gallant forefathers, Cavaliers
and Roundheads, there is but one real cause in
England now : loyalty and liberty are no longer
at variance, since our forefathers dared to bring

1 Vicars, the bitterest enemy of the Royalists, says in his
Jehovah Jireh, "The cream of the country came to meet him
there " (at the setting up of the standard).
2 See anecdotes hereafter of Falkland, Sunderland, Varney, and
others. 3 This is not mere theory, though the strength we speak of lies
latent now (because unevoked) by the poor man's well-protected
fireside and the noble's well-taxed castle; among the lonely
hills and amid the crowded streets : yet even in this, its passive
state, it has had power to repel invasion and revolution for
a hundred and sixty years. Never was faithfulness to the cause
of loyalty and order more signally tested than in the year
from which we have just emerged, when the trial proved the
triumph.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 3
to issue, and set at rest for ever, the question
between the sovereign and the subject. Heroic
and earnest men strove faithfully, on either side,
with tongue and sword, and prayer and blood,
for what they deemed to be the truth. Each
found, as truthful and earnest men will ever
find, however ranged on different sides, that
their ultimate object had been the same. Each
found, not the conquest that his human nature
strove for, but the victory that his higher nature
yearned for: yet he found it in defeat. The
Cavalier saw much that he had been taught to
reverence struck down, buried, and put away for
ever in the grave of the Stuarts. The Round
head beheld his glorious visions of liberty even
tuating in fierce anarchy and final despotism, from
which he was content to seek refuge even in the
Restoration. There is no period in our history of deeper im
portance or more thrilling interest than that of
our Civil Wars. "It requires," says Mr. Fox, "a
detailed examination, for there is none more fertile
of matter, whether for reflection or speculation.
Between the year 1640 and the death of Charles
II., we have the opportunity of contemplating the
State in almost every variety of circumstances. B 2

4 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
Religious dispute, political contest in all its forms
and degrees, from the honest exertions of party
and the corrupt intrigues of faction, to violence
and civil war; despotism, first in tbe person of
an Usurper, and afterwards in that of an heredi
tary King ; the most memorable and salutary im
provements in the laws, the most abandoned ad
ministration of them ; in fine, whatever can happen
to a nation, whether of glorious or calamitous,
makes a part of this astonishing and instructive
picture." *
Nor is the interest inferior to the importance of
those momentous times : there is a fearful fascina
tion in the rapid current of their events; we are
hurried along, like the actors themselves, so rapidly
from scene to scene, that we have only too little
time for thought. The finely balanced fortune of
each battle-day — the beleaguered town all but sur
rendered — the blessed treaty almost accomplished ;
the King and People yearning for rest and reconcili
ation ; now, within a point of attaining it — now, at
deadliest issue on some undecided field. Then
follow the King's flight, the vain treaty, the mock
tribunal, the too real and ghastly scaffold, the reign

1 History of James II. p. 8.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 5
of the regicidal oligarchy trampled on in turn by
their master-tyrant.
And through all these stormy times shines
steadily the heroic character of English nature,
nobly manifesting its grave and earnest power ;
terrible and unsparing on the battle-field, self-
controlled, and considerate in all intervals of peace :
compared with the great German war, generous
and gentle as a tournament; ' yet steadfast in pur
pose, as behoved its great and glorious end and
aim. I do not presume to canvass my readers
sympathies for either Puritan or Cavalier, I leave
them to plead their own cause in their own letters :
— I invite him to listen to their own long silent
voices, speaking once more — eagerly, earnestly —
as when armed men with desperate speed bore
these, their blotted, and often blood - stained
pages,1 from leaguered city or roving camp — from
faltering diplomatist, or resolute warrior, at whose
beck men died. Every letter will possess some
1 " In the Thirty Years' War, then raging, there were 30,000
villages destroyed, 500,000 men, women, and children put to the
sword, whole provinces ravaged to utter desolation." — {Schiller.)
But, "England's war levered the claim
Of every unprotected name,
And spared amid its fiercest rage,
Childhood, and womanhood, and age."— W. Scott.

6 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
interest for the thoughtful reader, and shed some
light for him on the heart of the bygone times.
He will find them still animated by the passions
that were then throbbing in every breast. At first
the earnest, rather than angry, spirit of our memor
able English war is apparent in them; but they
gradually become more intense in their expression,
as if they were the work of a single man ; the same
note of triumph or tone of despair is perceptible
in all. Human nature, and the nature of each
writer, is transparent in them all : the reader is the
confidant of Kings, Princes, Statesmen, Generals,
patriots, traitors ; he is the confessor of the noblest
minds and the most villainous natures ; he sees the
very conscience of the war.
The greater part of these letters and this work
relates to the Cavaliers, and especially to Prince
Rupert.1 Nevertheless, I am far from assuming the
indiscriminate advocacy of their cause, though I
have endeavoured to do justice to the gallant men
who espoused it. I believe that cause, if at first
triumphant, would have led to despotism and in-
1 Some of these letters were intercepted, and bear dark red
stains that shew how faithfully they were defended : one has a
bullet-mark right through. Many are inscribed, " Haste, haste,
post haste !" and endorsed by the several officers through whose
hands they passed.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 7
tolerance ; I know that it was stained by rapine
and licentiousness ; and I dare not suppose that by
such agency the higher destinies of this great
nation could have been promoted or achieved.
But I also believe that the Cavaliers did good
service in their generation, by keeping alive the
generous spirit of loyalty, by cherishing the genial
charities of life, and maintaining unimpaired the
chivalrous character of our country. On the other
hand, I do not believe that the King's party monopo
lized all the chivalry — or the vices either— of the war.
If the Puritan, cause was adorned with little outward
shows or braveries, its source of energy lay deep
within, in the souls of men; and there lay also,
its support and power. Devoted and desperately
daring as was the Cavalier, he had not the same
occasion for moral courage as the Puritan ; his cause
was that of his 'anointed King,' at the same time
graced and guarded by ancestral predilection and
long established reverence. The Puritan entered
on the strife, not only against his sovereign, but
against those ancient prejudices of world-wide re
spectability which to him also had once been dear
and reverend ; he left the firm and simple ground of
allegiance to struggle dangerously after what was
then a mere abstraction. The Cavalier, fired with

8 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
visions of kingly power and courtly fame, as he
dashed all plumed and scarfed through fields of
blood, had nothing but the fortune of the day to
fear. The Puritan, dark and grim, stood stoutly
to his arms as one who knew that freedom or the
scaffold were his only alternative.
I speak of the two great Parties at the period
of the " setting up of the Standard ; " when
Hampden, Rudyard, and such like, ruled the
passions of the popular party to noble ends, con
trolled their selfishness and shamed their hypocrisy.
As the war proceeded, the balance of integrity
seems greatly to have changed : gradually, the
Royal cause, by suffering and trial, and yielding
of its assumptions, became purified, ennobled, and
more constitutional;1 gradually, by the exercise of

1 I shall here offer to the reader the testimony of their most
eloquent enemy in favour of the Cavaliers : " The sentiment of
individual independence was strong within them : they were
indeed, misled, but by no base or selfish motive. Compassion
and romantic honour, the prejudices of childhood, and the vene
rable names of history, threw a spell over them potent as that of
Duessa  It was not for a treacherous King or an intolerant
Church that they fought, but for the old banner that had waved
over the heads of their fathers, and for the altars at which they
had received the hands of their brides. With many of the vices
of the Round Table they had also many of its virtues,  courtesy,
generosity, veracity, tenderness and respect for women. They
had also far more of profound and polite learning than the

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 9
wealth and power and arrogance, the Parliamentary
cause degenerated into faction, its patriotism into
party. At first the noble spirits of the opposing
party had many sympathies in common. When
Hampden adopted one side, and Falkland the
other, when Essex feared to conquer, and Sunder
land trembled at the King's success, how saving
and temperate a compromise might have been
effected, " soiled by no patriot's blood, no widow's,
Puritans ; their manners were more engaging, their tempers more
amiable, their tastes more elegant, and their households more
cheerful." — Essays of Macaulay, vol. i. p. 540.
Thus also speaks Sir James Mackintosh : — " The Cavaliers were
zealous for monarchy, and condemned in theory all resistance.
Yet they had sturdy English hearts, which would never have
endured real despotism." — Mackintosh's England, 246.
Hear also what Mr. Macaulay says of the Puritans, of what he
calls " the second generation," that which he considers the right
one : " Major-generals fleecing their districts, — soldiers revelling
on the spoils of a ruined peasantry, — upstarts, enriched by the
public plunder, taking possession of the hospitable firesides and
hereditary trees of the old gentry, — boys smashing the beautiful
windows of cathedrals, — Fifth-Monarchy men shouting for King
Jesus, — 'Quakers riding naked through the market-place, — agi
tators lecturing from tubs on the fate of Agag  In spite of
their hatred of popery, they often fell into the worst vices of that
bad system — intolerance and extravagant austerity ; they had
their anchorites and their crusades, their Dominies and their
Escobars,'' &c. To do Mr. Macaulay justice, he finely adds, "Be
it so ! it is the nature of the devil of tyranny to rend and tear
the body that it leaves ;'' and so proceeds to plead, with his ac
customed power, in favour of those whom his witnesses have
forced him to arraign. — Essays, i. 39.

10 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
orphan's tear ;" how just an interpretation of the
true meaning of our constitutional laws might
have been secured ! " But the last hope of a
victory as spotless as the cause was buried in the
grave of Hampden;" the stronghold of despotism
was gallantly stormed and taken by assault, but then
the conquerors broke loose into licence and rapine
and " self-seeking ;" turning their glory into shame.
Popular violence uprooted the ancient fabric of the
Constitution, levelling all that wise and heroic men
had laboured for ages to erect, and consummated
their destructive labours by reducing themselves to
that state of simple servility which their fathers,
six centuries before, had scarcely borne to endure.1
But the instinct of liberty is more irrepressible
than its forms; the people soon discovered that
they had made a capital mistake; they had allowed
a man to set himself above the law.2 The mere
shows of outraged parliaments could not long
1 " From so complete and well concerted a scheme of servility
[as that of William the Conqueror] it has been the work of gene
rations for our ancestors to redeem themselves and their posterity
into that state of freedom we now enjoy." — Blackstone, iv. 432.
2 Rousseau, himself the apostle or, at least, the forerunner of
revolution, thus speaks : " It is the antiquity of laws that renders
them sacred and venerable : the people soon despise those they
see changing every day. The great problem in politics is to find
a form of government which shall place the Law above the Man."

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 11
disguise the humbling fact, that Cromwell was
the only power in England ! His timely death
spared him and his country the consequences of the
discovery ; but his son was contemptuously set aside,
and monarchy was restored to its old and honoured
place in the Constitution, as unexpectedly as it had
been banished thence.
How Charles the Second affronted God and man
by his vices and his follies, — how he mocked the
enthusiastic hope, the generous trust, of his insulted
people, — how the Cavaliers of the Court, too gene
rally, followed this King in corruption and effemi
nate luxury, as they had followed his brave father
in warlike trials and privation : all this falls less
within the scope of my undertaking, but has also
been noticed as candidly and as briefly as was in
my power.
I have given to Prince Rupert the most promi
nent place in the following work : the letters which
constitute its chief value were written by, or ad
dressed to him ; his character forms the best type
of the Cavaliers,1 of whom he was the " chief," 2 the

1 I speak here of the Cavalier soldier as distinct from the
Royalist patriots and statesmen, who in the bitter alternative
adopted the King's cause as being, in their judgment, the most
conducive to, or least subversive of, the liberties of their country.
2 King's Collection, 83, 4. Sir P. Warwick's " Memoirs."

12 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
" leader," 1 and the " life ;"2 and, moreover, the
papers which I have the responsibility of editing
enable me to present to the public the only com
plete biography of this extraordinary man that
has yet appeared.
I have some hope that these volumes may help
to vindicate Prince Rupert's character. There is
no personage in history at the same time so no
torious and so little known, for his true memory
lies hidden under the calumnious cloud of Puritan
hatred and Royalist envy and disparagement. He
was bravest among the brave; honest among
knaves; reproached as pure by profligates; philo
sophical among triflers ; modest among boasters ;
generous in his lifetime, and poor at the period
of his death.
The first years of his career are unconnected
with the principal matter of this work — the Civil
War. This portion, therefore, will require a
chapter to itself; I shall then venture to offer
a summary of the very debatable matters anterior
and conducive to the setting up the Royal Standard.
Thenceforward, the history of Prince Rupert be-

1 Whitelocke and others.
2 May : causes, &c, Maseres' Tracts.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 13
comes merged in that of the war, until the cause
for which he fought was utterly lost. During the
Commonwealth we follow the Royal Wanderer
to the Mediterranean Sea, the Spanish Main,
and the Courts of France and Austria: on the
Restoration we return him to England once more,
— to associate his name with our naval glories,
to consider him in the character of an artist, a
philosopher, and a statesman ; and finally, to lay
him in an English grave, the object of his young
ambition.

It seems to me, that we read or write of our great
Civil Wars to little purpose, if we look upon them
and their actors as mere abstractions; as relating
only to distant times and other beings than ourselves.
When the rude German peasant gazes on the
Spectre of the Brocken wielding vast arms, taking
giant strides, and looming over the horizon like
the creature of another world, he believes it to
be supernatural : the philosopher knows that the
awful spectre is but an image of himself, exag
gerated and distorted by distance and the stormy
mist. Even so, we must remember that in the
terrible scenes of these old times, we see but

14 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
ourselves in different circumstances; we behold
Englishmen as they have been and may be again.
While the revolutionary element is raging round
us now ;l on the sunny plains of Italy, and the
gloomy hills of stricken Ireland,' — in the glittering
streets of Paris, and among the anomalous tribes of
Germany, we only owe our own comparative im
munity, under God, to former revolutions, as the
Indian of the prairie escapes its conflagrations by
destroying the fuel that it feeds on. There remains
little for revolution to do among us now ; at least
as far as the constitutional elements, and the more
prosperous classes of the community are concerned.
But it behoves these last to look well that there be
still less need, or even thought, of such terrible re
medies. Ominous sounds issue ever and anon from
the helpless peasant and the hopeless artisan ;
ignorance and its incalculable evils breed misery,
misery discontent, and discontent spawns dema-
1 Rousseau, in evoking that revolutionary spirit which his
voice seemed to call into existence, only " collected the lightning
from an atmosphere charged with electrical matter. " — Lord
John Russell. The difference between French and English views
of revolution, is illustrated in the following contrast : it was said
that " Happy was the man who died at the commencement ofthe
French Revolution ; he died with visions of glory in his mind ! "
Very different were the visions of our Hampden and Falkland,
who died oppressed with dismal anxieties and forebodings.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 15
gogues. The masses must and will be led ; and
if their natural leaders neglect them, they will fol
low hirelings. It is no longer the vocation of men
powerful by intellect, or birth, or wealth, to lead
armed bands to war ; but it is their higher duty to
each and to illustrate the blessings of tranquillity;
to enable their poorer brethren to appreciate and
to enjoy them. Peace should not be a mere nega
tion i1 while we were under the curse of war we
strove with devoted energy to prosecute its deadly
aims; while we are blessed by peace shall we be
more remiss in doing the will of heaven than of
yore in serving hell? — Every man who has im
proved the condition of his fellow-men by one wise
word or generous deed, has served his country
well. Every landlord who has made his tenantry
his friends, and has taught them the dignity of
labour, the omnipotence of energy and industry ;
every manufacturer who has diffused health and
happiness amongst his pale and crowded artisans ;
he who has taught the poor man to look up, or has

1 As philosophy, in a somewhat different sense, asserts it to be :
" Peace," says Schlegel, " that immutable object of high political
art, appears to be nothing else than a war kept under by human
dexterity, for some secret disease is ever at hand to call it into
existence. — Philosophy of History.

1G INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
created anew field for honest, hopeful labour: each
of these men has performed a nobler part than
mere Cavalier or Roundhead could ever have
accomplished ; and each may share in the noble
epitaph of Hampden, — " Peace to his ashes ! he
has served mankind."

1019-42.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 1.7

CHAPTER II.
PRINCE RUPERT'S YOUTH.
THE PALATINE FAMILY.  HIS FATHER'S MARRIAGE, AND ACCESSION TO
THE CROWN OF BOHEMIA.  PRINCE RUPERT'S BIRTH, AND ESCAPE AT
THE BATTLE OF PRAGUE.  HIS BOYHOOD.  FIRST CAMPAIGN.  VISIT
TO ENGLAND.  BATTLE OF FLOTA.  PRISONER AT LINTZ.  LOVE. 
LIBERTY.  EMPEROR'S COURT AT VIENNA.  JOINS CHARLES THE FIRST
AT NOTTINGHAM.  SETTING UP THE STANDARD,

" Tell me, ye skilful men, if ye have read,
In all the faire memorialls of the dead,
A name so formidably great,
So full of wonder and unenvied love ;
In which all vertues and all graces strove,
So terrible and yet so sweete 1
Rebellious Britains after felt full well
Thou from thy cradell wert a miracle :
Swaddled in armour, drums appeased thy cries,
And the shrill trumpet sung thy lullabies ! . . . .
Nor could the tempests in the giddy state,
0 mightie Prince ! thy loyalty abate :
Though put to flight, thou foughtedst the Parthian way,
And still the same appeared to be,
A behemoth on land, and a leviathan at sea.
Still wert thou brave, still wert thou good,
Still firm to thine allegiance stood
Amid all foamings of the popular flood."
Pindaric Ode on Prince Rupert's Death,
4th Edit. Lond. 1686.
There is a loud fame of Prince Rupert in our
civil wars, yet singularly little of his private history
is known. He seems to start into existence when
the royal standard of England is set up ; he ad
vances that fatal banner through its terrible career
vol. i. c

18 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
with supernatural but ill-starred bravery ; and when
it is finally struck down at Naseby, he vanishes at
the same time from our view. Yet even during
that memorable strife, there is a rumour, rather
than a knowledge of him -,1 mothers hush their
infants with the terror of his name,2 leaguering
armies retire at the first challenge of his trumpets,3
the stern energy of the Puritan gives way before
his resistless charge ; Roundhead hatred and Royal
ist recrimination accuse him as the evil genius
of the war. Yet, whence he came, or whither he
went, few have inquired or can tell.4
The few glimpses by which he is afterwards
viewed are equally singular and varied. We find
him a veteran in arms and renown while yet a boy;5
a prisoner for years before he attains to manhood ;6

1 Prince Rupert affords a striking exemplification of the power
of temporary prejudice over lasting renown. Tradition is a poor
reliance for heroes,
"When flattery sleeps with them, and history does them wrong."
Had our Prince won the favour of Lord Clarendon, he would have
come down to posterity in high heroic colouring. As it is, the
great historian does not give him a place, even in anger, amongst
his inimitable portraits : he leaves all relating to him to oblivion,
except his real errors and his imputed crimes ; these he venge-
fully bids live for ever.
2 It was even said by the Puritans that the Cavaliers ate them.
3 See at the siege, or leaguer as it was called, of York and
elsewhere. — Clar. Reb. vol. iv. p. 508, and others.
4 There is a meagre summary of facts relating to his later life
in a duodecimo volume published in 1683 ; and this is the only
attempt at his biography that exists, except such sketches as I
have enumerated in the introduction.
5 Page 48. 6 Page 97.

1619-83.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 19
leader of the Cavaliers from the first hour that he
meets them ;l conqueror in every battle, though
defeated f maintaining the war on the sea when it
has been crushed upon the land ;b buccaneering in
the name of loyalty on the Spanish main;* honest
amid corruption, philosophic among triflers in the
Court of the Restoration;5 laying aside his impe
tuosity, but not his gallantry, as admiral of our
fleets ;6 returning thence to the chemist's laboratory
and the painter's study ;T and, finally, dying in peace
and honour, here in old England, " beloved by all
the gentlemen of the county," 8 and " generally
lamented ; having maintained such good temper
and such happy neutrality in the present unhappy
divisions,9 that he was honoured and respected by
men of the most varying interests." l0
Can this be the person whom we have hitherto
known, only to neglect or to condemn ? Surely
there must have been some heroic nature in this
man which prejudice alone has darkened or denied :
some prejudice more fatal to his fame than the
1 " History of the Heroicall Prince Rupert." 1683.
2 At Edgehill, Newbury, Marston Moor, Naseby — he won his
part of the battle.
3 Clarendon, " State Papers ;" Carte's " Ormond."
4 Volume iii. of this work.
5 Campbell's "Admirals;" Evelyn's "Miscellany," 318.
fi Campbell's "Admirals;" Guizot's "Life of Monk," 306.
7 Walpole's " Lives of Painters," &c.
8 Campbell's " Admirals."
9 Between James and his Protestant subjects.
10 Echard, "History of England," vol. ii. p. 1023. I have only
quoted here from printed authorities, and recapitulated but a few
of the events of Prince Rupert's life. c 2

20 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
hatred or the obloquy of his cotemporaries. Let
the generous and candid reader but take the facts
of Prince Rupert's life as they are here imperfectly
arranged ; let him grant to them such credence as
their authorities may seem to deserve and such
interest as their romantic character may claim ; and
surely he will admit that the chief of the Cavaliers
deserves a higher place in story than he has hitherto
obtained. Our narrative must needs be discursive in following
so varied a career : especially in those earlier scenes
through which the stream of our young hero's life
flows fitfully along, sparkling in the sunshine of a
Court, or stagnating in a prison's gloom, now reposing
softly in the laurel's or the myrtle's shade, then
dashing headlong into danger and distraction. When
the narrow rivulet of biography joins its innumerable
kindred streams that form the ocean of history,1 it
becomes expanded instead of being lost. Not only,
however, does the current of our story tend to his
tory, but we must trace its origin therefrom. A glance
at the state of Europe and the Thirty Years' War,
seems necessary to understand the conditions of
that fatal royalty to which our Prince was born,
and which so much qualified his after life. Nor
was this war without its influences upon our own,
insulated and strictly intestine as the latter may ap
pear to be. Not only from Frankfort and Geneva,
1 " History is the essence of innumerable biographies." — Cole
ridge.

1618.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 21
but from Prague and Lutzen, came those wars and
warriors upon England, in whose Parliaments were
to be defined, in whose fields were to be fairly
fought, the great question for which Germany then
vaguely yearned and blindly strove.

Temporal as well as spiritual despotism had
received a death-blow at the Reformation. Men's
freedom, next holiest object to their faith, went
hand in hand with all its triumph, and became
blended with all its interests. The holy Roman
Empire was first to suffer from the newly awakened
intelligence. The Protestant Princes1 of the North
had formed a Union in defence of their privi
leges, and at length even the remote Bohemian
States began to discuss certain grievances, and to
assert certain elective rights very distasteful to their
Emperor. That Emperor was Ferdinand of Gratz : his
education had been the triumphant achievement
of the Jesuits, and never had they found an instru
ment so useful to their cause, so worthy of their
care : they schooled him in a bloodhound discipline,
ruthless, untiring, never to be baffled or turned

1 These were, Frederic Elector Palatine (with acknowledged
precedence amongst them on account of his rank at their tyrant's
court), John George Duke of Saxony, Christian Duke of Bruns
wick, the Dukes of Wirtemberg and Mecklenburg Holstein, the
Margravines of Brandenberg and Anspach.

22 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
aside from his pursuit : they filled him with sublety
and stratagems, and a calm dispassionate vindic-
tiveness that never was precipitate and never
paused. Moreover, he was chaste, temperate, and
economical, and by the power of these virtues and
these vices, he waged war on his own subjects for
thirty years, and offered up a holocaust of thirty
thousand flaming villages in honour of the Pope
dom1 and the Empire. When this Emperor first
assumed the Bohemian, amongst other, crowns, he
had few forces to support his power : standing
armies were then unknown, and the terrible bands
that afterwards ravaged Germany were not yet en
listed. Emboldened by this weakness, and strength
ened by a fair cause of quarrel, the States of Bo
hemia asserted their independent elective rights,
and rejected the Emperor as their king: then,
following up their movements with a rapidity wor
thy of modern Parisian tactics, they listened but for
a moment to the imperial commissioners, flung
them out of a window,2 formed a provisional go
vernment under the gallant Schlik and Thurm,
raised an army, rushed forth to Vienna, seized
Ferdinand in his palace, and forced a pen into his

1 Schiller. Popedom not the Pope : Urban VIII. was called
" Lutherano " by the Spaniards because he looked coldly on
Ferdinand's policy, and reproached him with troubling the peace
of Italy. — Howell.
8 It seems this was a time-honoured mode of proceeding against
unpopular orators among this people, of whom we shall find some
other singular traits.— Passages from History, London, 1848.

1618.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 23
hand to sign his cession of their crown ! Just then,
while the rude chiefs pressed round, like our old
barons, to witness the instrument of their freedom,1
a shout was heard, and they fell back ; a trumpet
rang through the old streets, and the tramp of
troops approaching; panic seized the Bohemians,
and they fled, postponing the inevitable fight for
freedom until that handful of imperial allies had
swelled into an army. Returning to their own
country, however, they found themselves secure for
the moment, and tried to persuade themselves that
they were free : Ferdinand meanwhile being con
tent to bide his time, till the first fervour of novel
liberty had cooled down.
For some time the national enthusiasm blazed
high, and carried all before it: the summons to
arms is always well obeyed at first; the young
kingdom was even contented to be taxed, and then,
all they wanted was a king. This want was not so
easy to supply : never was there a meaner monarchy
in Europe2 and the monarch material, so to speak,
was equally unj)romising.
The Protestant Princes of the Union were, for

3 It is strange how much rough men of swords think of the
mystery of writing, and allow to be verified that " anser, apis,
vitulus, regna gubernant." [Quill, wax, and parchment.]
1 Louis XIII. in France, Philip III. in Spain, James I. in
England, Christian IV. in Denmark, Sigismund in Poland. Well
might Holland be proud of its republicanism, nominal as it was ;
(for pensionary, stadtholder, president, are merely vulgar sub-
titutes for kings ; wanting, indeed, in graceful and reverent asso
ciation, but atoning by greater power in emergency.)

24 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
the most part, sensual, dissolute, and unprincipled ;
those of the Catholic League were little better
as to morals, and entirely exceptionable from
their religion. The Bohemians first offered their
crown to the drunken Duke of Saxony, who re
fused it, and then they fixed upon Frederic, Prince
Palatine of the Rhine.1 The illustrious descent
of this Elector, his great possessions, his position
as head of the Protestant Union, and his rank
in the Empire,2 rendered him the first Prince
among the uncrowned heads of Europe. He was
exemplary and beloved in his own dominions;
he had an amiable address, was by no means
devoid of spirit, and abounded in the right noble
quality of generosity. He had even some sound
sense, as was proved by his long hesitation be
fore he relinquished the very solid substance of
his Electorate for the very shadowy crown of a
crude kingdom. The circumstances that had in
fluenced the votes of the Bohemian Diet in his
favour, were well known by him : he understood
their value too well to feel the same confidence
that they inspired in his constituents. He was
son-in-law to the King of Great Britain, but he
1 From the Palatia, or palaces, that the old German and Frankish
kings possessed in various parts of their dominions. The sene
schals of these palatine districts were, in effect, viceroys ; they
were called Pfalzgraves. Palsgrave of the Rhine was first used
as a title of dignity a. d. 1093.
2 He was " Electour and Archsewer of the Sacred Roman
Empire, Vicour of the Empire, and Elector-Palatine of the Upper
and Lower Rhine."— Land. MS.

1619.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 25
knew too well the dastardly and bigoted nature of
James, to believe that he would ever draw the
sword in his behalf, against the " divine right " of
a brother monarch, and an ally of mighty Spain !
He was head of the Calvinist party, and leader of
the Protestant Union, but he knew that sectarian
dissent and political jealousies had paralyzed all
the energies of that body; and, finally, though
the Bohemians relied much on his relationship to
the Duke of Bavaria, he knew well that his Ca
tholic cousin was his most grasping foe. Never
theless, there was temptation in this offer of a
kingdom that wiser men than Frederic might have
yielded to : it was the age of enterprise and
daring ; the popular energies awakened by the
Reformation rendered all things possible to those
who could control and lead them ; a brave and
intelligent people had appealed to his highest
feelings to champion their faith and freedom ;
a great cause creates magnanimity, however tem
porary, in him to whom it is entrusted : he felt
all this, and more perhaps than all this, he felt
the influence of a young and beautiful wife, whose
loftier mind confirmed his own faltering ambition.1
1 The advice of Elizabeth was a taunt. " You were bold
enough," said the Electress, " to marry the daughter of a king,
and you hesitate to accept a crown ! I had rather live on bread
with a king than feast with an elector." — Schiller, Thirty Years'
War, i. 131. Schiller quotes from Larrey : see for the original
of the anecdote Howell's " Letter," p. 83, from which it seems
that Miss Benger's view of Elizabeth's character is not contra
dicted. Nevertheless, it is evident that she had influenced the

26 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
He accepted the fatal gift of the kingdom of
Bohemia1 and was crowned at Prague,2 with all
the magnificence that an enthusiastic people could
furnish to the King whom they delighted to ho
nour. As an actor in this pageant he acquitted
himself, for the last time, to the perfect satisfaction
of his subjects. The ceremony was striking, and, as
picturing the times and scenes of our hero's birth,3
we may be allowed to glance at its celebration.
The city itself is one of the most beautiful in the
world, uniting the grandeur and massiveness of
Gothic architecture with its widest contrast, that of
the East : the colossal masses of the old palaces
are separated by fantastic bazaars, or rich gardens ;
and, over the humbler dwellings, towers and battle
ments, and venerable spires, rise among forest-trees,
and are reflected in the broad and placid waters of
the Moldau. The antique and varied character of
the architecture suited well with the costumes of
various times and climes that thronged its ancient
streets. Armour was then in general use, and glit
tered there beneath many a plume and scarf; gold
king, for she reproaches herself (Bromley's " Royal Letters ")
bitterly as the cause of his misfortunes.
_ x The day after he had sent to James I. for his advice, a preci
pitancy which the king vindictively remembered and reproached
him with.
- November 3, 1619.
We learn from a letter of his promising and early lost bro
ther Prince Henry's, that the first sentence Prince Rupert uttered
was in the Bohemian language. It was " Praise the Lord !"
His mother fondly dwelt on the omen, which, had he fought on
the Puritan's side, would have been doubtless taken as an early
sign of grace. — See Sir Thomas Roe's letters and negotiations.

1629.J PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 27
and steel shone and flashed over the chivalry of
Prague, mingled and contrasted with the peaceful
guise of citizens making pomp after their fashion
likewise, with banners, and silks, and velvets, and
rich furs. From the old Bohemian forests came the
Bourgraves1 and their vassals, armed with old wea
pons that had clashed at the summons of Zitzca's
drum. From Transylvania appeared, in semi-orien
tal garb, the rude nobles of Bethlem Gabor's Court,
with the formal looking ambassadors of nine friendly
States (amongst whom no representatives of Eng
land, Saxony, or Denmark, however, were to be
found). The humbler citizens thronged with the
rest, various in attire, in races, and in creed, but
uniform in enthusiastic loyalty. The drum and
tabor mingled their wild music with such strange
concord as the clashing of pewter cups and platters
made, for this too was a national music, used by
the ancient Bohemians to express their joy.
Such were the scenes and the people that cele
brated Prince Rupert's birth soon afterwards, as
now his father's coronation. Amid this motley
multitude, under a canopy of blue and silver, was
borne the fair and fascinating Elizabeth, their
Queen and " Queen of hearts." Beside her rode
the King, sheathed in armour, and starred with
orders, but with his head uncovered ; and so they
passed to the old church of Faith.2
This edifice was well adapted for the present
1 Title of the old national nobility of Bohemia. 2 St. Weit.

28 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
ceremony, for all the various creeds and races that
were gathered there could find their familiar sym
bols on its pantheistic walls : Pagan, Romish,
Hussite, Lutheran, and Calvinist rites had been
there performed, and each had left some character
behind it. Abraham Scultetus, the King's bigoted
chaplain and impolitic adviser, looked upon these
innocent reliques with horror ; they seemed to him
instinct with demoniac life, and striving to prose
lytize, each to his own abomination.1 Still more
scandalized was the Puritanical divine when his
pupil was led to an actual altar by the Hussite
"administrator," and even consecrated with the holy
oil ! His interference, however, was unnoticed, as
the barons of Bohemia pressed forward, with loud
zeal and clanking armour, to swear fealty to the
King. But first, that King swore fealty to the
laws, and then received the pledges he had given.
Then a hundred banners waved through the old
cathedral, and peal after peal of artillery announced
that the monarchical experiment was begun.
Three days later the same ceremonies were re
peated, when the crown of St. Isabella2 was placed
on the fair brows of Elizabeth of England.
This heroic lady was well fitted by nature for her
1 If Charles I. could only have changed Laud for Scultetus,
both he and his brother-in-law had been better suited for their
times ; as regarded their influence on their royal masters, mis
placed as they were, they were equally fanatical, intemperate, and
fatal. 2 An ancient and canonized queen of Bohemia.— Benger.

1619.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 29
proud and perilous place as Queen of the Protestant
champions in Europe. She had all the grace, mag
nanimity, and virtue, in which her royal parents
were so deficient; she had been educated far from
their contaminated Court, by a conscientious and
high-minded nobleman,1 and there, in the heart of
England, she grew up in purity and honour, and the
affections of her country-people, who ever love to
have some public pet, and are seldom mistaken in
their choice. Their present favourite was brave,
generous, and warm-hearted, and supposed to incline
towards the Puritan party, who were even then
waxing strong in Parliament. Certainly she was
very strongly attached to the religion that they
held so dear ; and when, by a rare felicity in royal
life, she was married to the husband of her choice,2
he was welcomed by the parliament and the people
with greater enthusiasm as the head of the Pro-

1 Lord Harrington was her governor : she passed her childhood
at his house, Combe Abbey, near Coventry. Her chivalrous defen
der, the first Earl of Craven, purchased the place that to him had
been so consecrated : he had the pride of welcoming her there in
after years, and his descendants have had the good taste to leave
it almost unaltered ever since ; it is therefore full of interest,
independently of the fine historical pictures it contains.
a The Princess Elizabeth was married to the Elector Palatine
on the 14th February, 1613. The wedding was celebrated in
Whitehall Chapel (long since burnt down). " The princess was
dressed in pure white, with a crown of gold upon her hanging
hair." The bride was led to church by two bachelors, the Prince
Charles and Lord Northampton ; she was led from church by two
married men, the Duke of Lenox and Lord Nottingham. The
celebration of the nuptials was characterized by James's usual
extravagancy, coarseness, and bad taste. It cost the sum of
95,000?., while the bride's dowry amounted but to 40,000?.

30 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
testant Union, than if he had worn the proudest
crown in Christendom. In all their misfortunes,
the Palatines were followed by the prayers and
ardent good wishes of England. The people did all
that a people repressed by their sovereign could do :
they raised subscriptions; they furnished arms;
they sent volunteers; when the drums beat for
Palatinate levies they rushed to the standard as if
it had been their own. The King of England was
the only enemy his daughter had in his dominions ;
the only man who would not make one effort to
support or to retrieve her cause, except by imbecile
diplomacy and dastardly advice.1
But the commencement of Elizabeth's career was
threatened by no cloud of its future sorrow ; " the
Pearl of Britain," as she was fondly called by her
new subjects, was soon beloved at Heidelberg as
she had been in her own country. There, in her
prosperous and loyal Palatinate, with a gentle and
affectionate husband, she seems to have been happy ;
her little Court was even then a favourite resort of
the chivalrous adventurers who wandered errant
over Europe ; and men of letters, whom Courts in
those times favoured, also sought her patronage,
and repaid it with renown. If her misfortunes,
sorrows, and self-reproach afterwards imparted a
higher tone to her character, it gave her no addi-

1 King James advised Frederic to yield in everything to the
Emperor, to endeavour to lay claim to the pity of his " outraged
sovereign."

sovereign.

1619.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 31
tional claim to her proud title, " the Queen of
Hearts :" in that wayward realm she had no com
petitor, nor even a traitor to her honour.
And when the fatal crown was offered to her
young Elector, who can blame her if she desired to
embrace the high destinies to which it might have
led an abler man ? Her princely heart might well
indulge in visions of triumph for her faith, and of
glory for her family ; and, in the country of Maria
Theresa, who will say such hopes could only have
been visionary ?
Elizabeth was crowned, as we have seen, Queen
of Bohemia, on the 6th of Nov. 1619; she soon
afterwards gave birth to her third son, who thus
inherited the doubtful advantage of royal birth.1
"The Prince who we are now entering upon,"
says one of his cotemporary biographers, " hath
acquired for himself soe much glorye that one would
not thinke it necessary to make mention of his
birth : such heroes as hee having honour enough in
the world without borrowing it from others, and
give more lustre to their race than they receave
from it, being alwaies greater by their proper ver-
tues than by that of their ancestors. Yet the glorye
of their predecessours will still augment their own ;
for the world is still more disposed to honour merit
1 His biographer in the Lans. MS. (817, fol. 157) declares
pompously, that " he receaved from Nature a soule too noble to
bee borne of any less than a queene ! She was the Princes in the
world whose blood was ye noblest, and she perfected the glory of
ye Palatines when she marry 'd ye Prince Electour."

V-

32 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
when noblenesse of blood is joined to it." The
public of our day will scarcely sympathize with the
public which this old writer wrote to move : never
theless, it is true that Prince Rupert's race was
illustrious as herald could desire, combining the
blood-royal of England with the blood-imperial of
the house of Hapsburg.1
It was on the 18th of December, 1619, that he
came into the world, the first personage of his rank
who had thus honoured Prague for above a cen
tury. The good people of Bohemia were joyful
accordingly. All citizens, without distinction, were
freely admitted to the palace to behold their in
digenous prince, to offer good wishes, great prophe
cies, and other more substantial gifts. Soon after
wards there were further festivities and pageants on
the event of his christening, when Bethlem Gabor
was his godfather. This ingenious and daring savage
was selected as sponsor in the hope of conciliating
his capricious but important alliance ; seeing that
1 Those who are interested in such matters may consult this
wondrous genealogy at length in the Harl. Miscellany, and Lans.
MS., as given in the Appendix at the end of this work. For our
present purpose the following stepping-stones will be more than
sufficient. Attila  Charlemagne  Otho of Wittelspach.
.... Rupert "the Little" (who " burnt 40 damnable persons for
spoyling the country," an example thrown away upon his de
scendant)  Rupert, Emperor, a.d. 1406  Louis VII.,
Elector-Palatine (persecuted the Calvinists)  Frederic IV.
(persecuted the Lutherans)  Frederic V. (forsaken and be
trayed by both), King of Bohemia. The genealogist having con
cluded his task, enthusiastically deduces therefrom that " Prince
Rupert begann to bee illustrious before he was born. We must
look back into history 2000 yeares to discover the first rayes of
his glorye ! "

1620.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 33
he was already despotic in Transylvania, and had
almost secured for himself the kingdom of Hun
gary. His representative, Count Thurtzo, in com
plete armour, received the child from the arch-
bourgravine, and transferred it from his mail-clad
arms to the gauntleted hands of the deputies of
Lusatia, Moravia, and Silesia : such martial dand
ling suited well with the future fortunes of the child.
He Mas named Rupert, in injudicious memory of
his ancestor, who had succeeded to the empire;1
and he was at the same time declared by the States
as their future Grand Duke of Lithuania.2
So long as the pageants and festivals, the crown
ings and the christenings, of the new sovereigns
amused the people, their loyalty was equal to their
gratification. But the holidays were now over, the
working-time was come, and there was no trifling-
task to be performed. A threatening future
hovered over the young kingdom, and required
other heads and hands than those of Frederic
and his advisers to avert the danger. The Em
peror of Austria was stirred by every motive of
interest, intolerance, and pride, to revenge him
self upon the revolted States : his armies were
now powerful ; his wealth incalculable. The King
1 This was not the only instance in which the weak Frederic
had allowed his rebellious aspirations to transpire.
2 The assembled States had even determined to choose him suc
cessor to their crown in preference to his brothers, when the wishes
of Frederic prevailed by one voice. It may interest some to learn
that part of Rupert's christening dress is to be seen at Ipswich.
VOL. I. D

34 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
of Bohemia had neither an army nor an income,
nor had his infant monarchy the prestige of an
cestral and accustomed power to rely upon.
Troops, indeed, or mere masses of armed men,
were promptly furnished by a people to 'whom
war was pastime, but the first attempt to levy
taxes had well-nigh ended the new dynasty.1 At
the same time, the Bohemians discovered that
their sovereign was far from orthodox, according
to the doctrines cherished as infallible at Prague,
and illustrated by certain images that the Court
looked upon as little better than idols ! Abraham
Scultetus, the King's spiritual director, made a
fierce onslaught against the national form of faith'
and especially against a certain relic of antiquity,
that was looked upon by the city as a species of
Palladium. This was a very ancient image that
stood upon the bridge where all passed by, and
reverenced an object that had seen service under
Pagan, Popish, and Hussite priests. This vener
able image, with many of its sculptured brethren,
was demolished one night by Scultetus and his
fanatical friends. The people were indignant,

1 The sensitiveness of nations to taxation reminds one of the
solemn adjuration, " Spare all I have, but take my life !" Bo
hemia, preferred the return of outraged tyranny to being taxed :
the Netherlands saw their bravest champions slain, their citizens
destroyed their women dishonoured by the Spaniards. They
bore all this. But when their tyrants attempted to levy a tax of
£s. m the pound they rose indignant and asserted their freedom.
Under our own awful Henry VIII. and haughty Elizabeth tax
ation alone reminded the people they had power.

1620.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 35
they associated the King with the acts of those
whom he protected: the Roman Catholics took
an opportunity to recall the persecuting doctrines
of the Calvinists at Dort : and the Lutheran minis
ters began to allude to anti-christ, at all times
a dangerous personage in times of popular excite
ment. The Bohemian nobles remonstrated with
Frederic ; he turned to his queen for counsel, and
she, with a woman's bravery and impulse, espoused
the weaker side: Scultetus was supported. Thus,
the young King, like his unhappy kinsman of
England, irritated his subjects by intolerance, as
Charles had vexed the Scots when most he re
quired their assistance; entered on a war without
an army, strove to levy and support it without
pay, and withdrew his confidence from his con
stitutional advisers to bestow it on a woman
and a priest — his Henrietta and his Laud.
But it was not the fate of Frederic to fall by
means of the fanatic or tax-gatherer, his gigantic
enemy of Austria was approaching : ' his base Pro
testant allies were dispersed by a courtier's in
trigue; France was bribed by the same infamous
1 The intrigue that led the short-sighted and worthless Princes
of the Union to desert the weak champion of the cause of free
dom, may be told in a few words. The Duke de Luynes was the
all powerful favourite of Louis XIII. ; his brother desired the
fortune of Mademoiselle de Pecguigny, a wealthy ward of the
Archduchess at Brussels : the latter consented that he should
marry her provided De Luynes could divert France from the
policy of Henry IV. i. e. from weakening the power of Austria.
De Luynes gets up a war between the Hugonots and Roman
d 2

36 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
means; James of England disowned a cause that
he looked upon as flat rebellion; even Bethlem
Gabor had been beguiled into neutrality by the bland
ishments of the Due d'Angouleme; Spinola had
over-run and paralyzed the Palatinate. The King
of Bohemia was left alone: he had nothing left
to lean upon but the loyalty of his new kingdom
— a slender reed, already broken by jealousy, dis
sent, and treachery.
The White Mountain is close to the city of
Prague, only separated by the royal park and
palace gardens from the walls; during the brief
days of rejoicing, the young King and Queen had
followed many a chase, and held many a gay
revel on that Weissenberg. It was now dark
with the Imperial armies: Maximilian and Mar
shal Bucquoy were there with the Bavarian and
Austrian forces, veterans in war, ruthless, flushed
with triumph, and unpardoning.
We shall not dwell on the battle of the White
Mountain -,1 we have enough and to spare of battles
Catholics in France, the religious jealousy of Louis XIII., in
flamed by Cardinal Bentivoglio, took alarm ; he sent an embassy
to the confederate Protestant princes conjuring them to abandon
the war against the Emperor and thus spare the effusion of Chris
tian blood ! They seized the cowardly false plea and vanished !
1 Better known as the Battle of Prague : it was fought on the
19th of November, 1620. Its confused and contradictory details
may be found in Schiller's " Thirty Years' War," and, more pret
tily given, by Miss Benger, in her " Life of the Queen of Bo
hemia." She tries, but fails, to make a better case for Frederic :
he was not, where he ought to have been, among the conquerors
or the dead.

1620.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 37
in our coming pages : suffice it here to say, that the
hour of trial revived the old Bohemian courage, and
four thousand men died as becomes those who
fight for freedom. Their leaders — not they — were
conquered; treachery and incapacity1 lost Prague.
Her few men of worth who survived died upon the
scaffold ; the people's brief liberties perished with
them.2 And their loved and lovely queen, — the queen of
many a heart now stilled for ever in her cause— her
reign is over ! Her lofty spirit had led Frederic
into danger ; it now sustained him in defeat. Pro
strated by his ruin, he was only roused to the exer
tion of escaping by the energy of Elizabeth ; and it
was full time. The stern Maximilian was at the
gates, and allowed the city but eight hours to frame
such terms of capitulation as might save it from
the horrors of assault. Before then, or never, the
young Queen must be far away over the rugged
mountain passes through the wintry snow. Nor
did she hesitate ; delicately nurtured as she was, and
within a few weeks of her confinement, the brave
Englishwoman preferred any fate to that of cap
tivity and disgrace. One moment her voice faltered,
' Prince Anhalt and Count Hohenloe commanded for Frederic,
who often deplored his ignorance of war, and probably instructed
Rupert accordingly. Gallant defenders of their country or their
queen were not wanting : the chivalrous Prince Christian, "fur
Gott und ihr," Ensign Hopton on his own account, and Counts
Thurm and Schlik for Bohemia, fought gallantly.
2 See " The Rainbow of Prague," in " Passages from History."
Longman, 1848.

38 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
as her devoted followers offered to set the enemy
at defiance, and defend the city to the death, to
cover her retreat. " Never!" she exclaimed, to Ber
nard Count Thurm, "never shall the son of our best
friend hazard his life to spare my fears, — never shall
this devoted city be exposed to more outrageous
treatment for my sake. Rather let me perish on
the spot than be remembered a3 a curse !" '
The carriage that was to convey the royal fugi
tives stood ready for their flight, when, a sudden
alarm being given, they were hurried away by their
servants, and borne off among the crowd with de
sperate speed away over the level plain, attended by
a few faithful followers, and up, by rarely-trodden
paths to the mountains, where wheels could no
longer move ; there the poor Queen was placed on
a pillion behind Ensign Hopton, and sped forward
again as best she might, with all her sorrows,
through the snow.2
Meanwhile young Rupert was sleeping soundly
in his nurse's arms, undisturbed by the tumult and
distraction round him. The terrified woman laid
down her charge to hurry after the fugitives, and
Baron d'Hona, the King's chamberlain, found him
still asleep upon the ground. There was then no time
for ceremony; the chamberlain flung the prince into
the last carriage just as it dashed away from the
Strahoff. The rough jolting soon wakened the poor

Harte's " Grustavus Adolphus." 2 Benett MSS.

1621.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 39
child, who had rolled into some indescribable recess
they call a "boot,"1 his lusty cries attracted atten
tion, and he was restored in safety to his mother.3
The royal fugitives hurried to Breslau, a distance
of 120 miles, without stopping ; then to Frankfort
on the Oder, and finally to the old castle of Custrin,
whose dreary and dismantled walls were grudgingly
granted as an asylum by the brutal Marquis of Bran
denburg. He was brother-in-law to the ex-King ;
yet his ungracious hospitality was yielded not to
his kinsman, but to the daughter of the King of
England, whose ambassador3 would not be denied.

1 Captain Pyne's MSS., entitled, "An abstract (as near as I can
remember) of all such passages and actions as hath happened unto
arid been atchieved by the illustrious and high-born Prince," &c.
This Captain Pyne served under Prince Rupert as captain of a ship
in his voyage to the West Indies, at which time these memoranda
were evidently composed : they are very scanty, but quaint, down
right and sailor-like. He says of the transaction in the text : " Here
he was like to have been taken prisoner ; for the Court and the
city being in a distraction, every one flying for their safety, leaving
dinners undressed, and his highness's maid let him fall, but with
some difficulty he was preserved and thrown into a coach."
Henceforward the longer and more formal MSS. biographer is my
principal guide. His papers were evidently meant for publica
tion, but I have not been able to discover who he was.
I am aware that this is not a very connected tale ; the mother
having left her child, and the attendants not knowing he was in
the coach, &c. I think it better, however, to adhere faithfully to
my MSS. than to taint fact with fiction. Many readers would
doubtless desire to have these MSS. totidem verbis, but they are
sometimes so diffuse, and sometimes so meagre, that I have
preferred only to give their information and more expressive
passages. 2 Her elder children had been previously placed in safety with
the Electress Juliana.
3 Sir Henry Wotton, the honourable and faithful friend and
correspondent of Elizabeth.

40 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
On the 22nd of December [1620], the Queen
reached this shelter, and on the 25th she gave birth
to Prince Maurice.
We shall not follow the fugitives through the
remainder of their pilgrimage. Like stricken deer
they wandered among the royal herd, yet further
wounded, unwelcomed, or repulsed. At length the
generous republicans of Holland afforded them the
refuge that tbe pseudo-chivalry of Europe had re
fused.1 In the year 1621 we find them not only
lodged in a palace at the Hague, but liberally main
tained there at the expense of the States.2 The
brave people of Holland, who had so lately won
their own freedom, honoured Frederic as the cham
pion, though unsuccessful, of civil and religious
liberty : and the fascinating manners of his Queen
threw a grace about their cause that recommended

1 This event is thus related by that excellent gossip, James
Howell : " The news is, that the Prince Palsgrave, with his lady
and children, are come to the Hague in Holland, having made a
long progress, or rather a pilgrimage, about Germany from Prague.
The old Duke of Bavaria, his uncle, is chosen Elector and Arch-
Sewer in his place (but, as they say, in an imperfect Diet), with
this proviso, that the transferring of this election [Electorship]
upon the Bavarian shall not prejudice the next heir [to Frederic].
There is one Count Mansfeldt that begins to get a great name in
Germany, and he with [Christian] Duke of Brunswick, who is
temporal Bishop of Halverstade, have a considerable army on foot
for the Lady Elizabeth, who, in the Low Countries and some
parts of Germany, is called the ' Queen of Bohemia,' and for her
winning, princely comport, the 'Queen of Hearts.'" — Howell's
Letters, p. 91.
2 They allowed 10,000 florins a month to their guests, accord-
to Miss Benger's statement, [a sum equal to about a thousand
pounds of our money.]

1621-7.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 41
it to the imagination as well as to the sympathy of
their protectors.
We have here a new and striking vicissitude of
fortune for our Palatines : " the Pearl of Britain,"
the " Queen of Hearts," the once-happy Electress,
the proud sovereign, is a pensioner upon the charity
of a foreign nation. Denounced by the Emperor;
disowned by her fallen subjects ; neglected by her
unnatural father;1 banished from the beautiful
scenery of Heidelberg and the fine old forests of
Bohemia, she was now fain to dwell amongst the
monotonous swamps, and dykes, and slow canals of
the least amusing or amused, and the most indus
trious country in the world.2 Yet her native elas
ticity of spirit still supported her, and except in
moments of depression caused by her pecuniary dis
tresses, her letters are full of life and animation.
She amused herself with such society as she could
find, and also with a good deal of romantic admira
tion on the part of her ardent but honourable de
votees. Lord Craven, Christian, Mansfeldt, Thurm,
1 Some touching, but vain appeals from Elizabeth for aid may
be found in Sir Henry Ellis's " Original Correspondence." James
was too glad to find the care of his daughter taken off his hands.
His incredible bigotry about divine right and other abstractions,
made him look upon the Hollanders as rebels for having cast off
the yoke of Spain, as he had denounced the Bohemians for
insisting on elective rights.
2 Howell ("Letters," p. 104) thus describes the Dutch of that
day (1 622) : " The Fleming and Brabanter are slower than the
Walloon, and the Hollander slower than they, and more sparing
of speech, more surly and respectless of gentry and strangers,
homely in his cloathing and heavy iu his actions."

42 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
and Hopton, had all fallen under the spell of her
innocent fascination. Nor was it mere lip-service
that they offered; by sacrifice of life and fortune
they were ready to advance her cause.
That cause had only volunteer chivalry to defend
it : Mansfeldt,1 after his fashion as a soldier of for
tune, and Duke Christian2 as a Protestant prince,
and both as devoted admirers of Queen Elizabeth,
fought for the Palatinate with zeal and gallantry.
Death deprived her of both these champions (in
1627); they died, lamenting that it was not on the
battle-field they died, for her. The people of Eng
land sent offerings of money from time to time, in
hopes to aid the Queen and cause they loved so long
and faithfully, but James seemed indifferent to both
until within a few hours of his death.3 Up to that
period he had only mocked his son-in-law's neces
sities with dastardly " advice and scholastic ques-
1 After a life of danger, this extraordinary man died in his bed,
in an obscure village in Dalmatia, bequeathing all his property
(gained by the sword, — -he was born to nothing else) to Venice,
where he had been educated.
2 Administrator of Halberstadt, and brother to Ulric Duke of
Brunswick, died also nearly at the same time, and in his bed.
He had sworn to defend Elizabeth and the palatinate till death :
he always wore her glove in his helmet. He assumed as his
motto, " Friend to God and enemy to the Priesthood." Schiller
(in the "Thirty Years' War") says of him : "He seemed to have
learned from Mansfeldt the art of maintaining 20,000 men on
nothing," a science in which Rupert was eminent in after days.
3 Rusdorf relates, that he desired to " speak his majesty on
special business touching the Palatinate. The King was then
going out a-hunting, and swore he would not stop if God Almighty
himself wanted him." Mem. Buckingham was charged by Sir
John Eliot with having misapplied these monies. — Forster's Lives.

1630.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 43
tions instead of money and legions."1 But when
approaching death dispelled his illusions, he charged
Prince Charles as lie hoped for a parent's blessing
and that of heaven, to exert all his power to rein
state his sister and her children in their hereditary
dominions, confessing it had been his mistake to seek
the Palatinate in Spain.2 This injunction was un
heeded. Charles succeeded to his father's invete
rate vanity of diplomacy, and sent Sir Harry Vane3
with the old argument, instead of some honest man
with such an army as England would have then
supplied. In succeeding years the Favourite em
broiled him so perpetually and unprofitably that he
had neither men nor means to employ as his better
nature would have suggested. Himself grave,
thoughtful, and high-minded, Charles aspired after
right counsels and noble actions, but like Faust,
he found every step he took in a right direction
thwarted and perverted by his Mephistopheles, the
fantastic and fatal Buckingham. Once, indeed, in an
evil hour for Elizabeth, the favourite espoused her
cause, and England was full of hope that, after all,
the Palatinate was to be recovered ; the King, too,
was pleased to find himself the champion of his
sister ; but scarcely had he felt that pleasure, when
Buckingham quarrelled with Richelieu, and straight
way the King flung the cause of the Palatine to
1 Harte's " Gustavus Adolphus."
2 Rusdorf s " Vindicise Causas Palat."
3 At Buckingham's nomination : he had a singular tact in
selecting officials for their unfitness.

44 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
the winds ! Every sentiment of justice, honour, and
common sense revolts against such inconceivable
folly and imbecility.
Rupert meanwhile was placed at the University
of Leyden, with his eldest brother Prince Frederic
Henry. Schoolboy experiences and events, how
ever deeply they impress the character, leave little
to record, and we only learn that our Prince became
well grounded " in mathematics and religion," and
was, "indeed, made Jesuit-proof," so that those
" subtle priests with whom he hath been much con
versant, could never make him stagger." Never
theless he was by no means an exemplary scholar,
for he had an utter distaste for the learned lan
guages, and infinitely preferred amusement or mili
tary exercises to the most abstruse metaphysics.
War was a passion with him from his earliest hour
of intelligence, and he eagerly devoted himself to
every matter connected with its science. Modern
languages thus became interesting to him, and he
mastered those of France, Spain, and Italy, to his
great ultimate advantage. " But his chief delight
was in military discipline, wherein he perfected so
much under his different tutors for the infantry and
cavalry, that at the age of fourteen he was judged
worthy of commanding a regiment."
There never was a period when appetite for war
was less unnatural; the oppression that Europe
groaned under was enough to stir the iron1 in men's
1 It is said that enough of this metal can be obtained from

1631.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 45
blood, and Rupert's race beyond all others had
suffered from the great tyrannies of Austria and
Spain. Gustavus Adolphus had just begun his
great mission, and come down from the north in as
pure a cause, and far more comprehensive, than Tell
or Hofer fought for. He was the champion of
spiritual freedom, and his heroic armies never
disgraced their proud calling.1
He conceived the noble and politic design, too
little thought of since, of elevating the moral and
physical condition of the soldier ; scorning the false
and vulgar theory, that the more degraded and
mechanical, the more efficient was his service.
the veins of twenty-four men to make a sword. Liebig says some
thing of the same kind in a peacefuller way. — Animal Chemistry.
' Hear, from one of themselves, how the soldiers of the Pro
testant king prepared for battle : " No sooner had the dawne
appeared [on the field of Leipzig] than we begunne the morninge
with offering oure soules and bodyes as living sacrifices unto
God. Lifting up our hearts and hands to Heaven, we begged
for reconciliation in Christ by our publique prayers and our secret
sighs, recommending ourselves, the successe and event of the day
to God, which being done by us all, we marcht forward in God's
name." — Munro, p. 63. The reader will recognise the example
set hereby to the English Puritans, who "sung a psalm and
drubbed all before them." Also, as Sir Francis Doyle has it, in
his excellent poem of "the Cavalier :" —
" And though they snuffled psalms, to give
Those rebel dogs their due,
When the roaring shot poured thick and hot,
They were stalwart men and true."
It would be a great error, however, to suppose that in the
Puritan armies alone was that high devotional feeling, that " trust
in the God of Battles" manifested. This we shall often have
occasion to observe, and now only quote from the brave Sir Bevil
Grenvil's letter to his wife in proof of it : " After solemn prayer
at the head of every division we marched : I ledd the charge." —
Quoted by Lord Nugent, Life of Hampden, ii. 370.

46 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Tilly's doctrine was " a ragged soldier and a bright
musket,"1 and it obliged him to permit the fiend
like sack of Magdebourg: Gustavus was zealous
for his people's character and comfort, and he could
afford magnanimously to spare Munich. The Im
perialist generals allowed such licence to their
ruffian soldiery that their progress, even through
a friendly country, was like a stream of lava; the
Swedish army left no enemy behind except those
who had died with armed hand. The camps of
the Holy Roman Empire swarmed .with dissolute
women;2 those of the Protestant King contained
none but the wives of his soldiers.3 Even his
soldiers' children were well provided for with
schools and rations, and kept in as strict discipline
as their fathers, thus furnishing recruits trained
to arms and order from their cradle.4 Each regi
ment had two chaplains, men chosen for their
character, who shared the fate and feelings of the
soldiers, accompanying them to battle, cheering
them in the advance, and soothing them in their
1 Harte's " Gustavus Adolphus."
a Schiller, " Thirty Tears' War," ii. 103. These women {Harl.
Mis. No. 6844) " are to be ordered, if they can be ordered, into
classes, under Hureweibles, and commanded by captainesses and
other officeresses."
3 Munro's " Art of War."
4 " The moment the forces began to intrench themselves, the
children were led to a safe quarter for their place of study.
One day, contrary to the expectation of the general who allotted
them their ground, a cannonball happening to pierce through the
canvas walls of the school, killed two or three children at a
stroke. The rest, far from quitting their places, neither changed
colour nor dropped a pen or a book from their hands." — Harte.

1631.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 47
dying hour.1 Such an army, under such a leader,
must have been invincible, or ceased to exist : it
was invincible ; the progress of Gustavus, consider
ing what it had to contend with, is without any
parallel in history. His renown, and the nature
of his cause brought all the disengaged soldiers
of fortune, and many enthusiasts to his standard :
to have served under the great Gustavus rendered
a man a veteran at once. English, Irish, and
Scotch, thronged to the Swedish camp,2 in which
there were upwards of six thousand of our islanders.3
1 I have met with an anecdote (I forget where) characteristic of
this camp. Friedhelm was a Swedish minister of great repute for
his piety, patriotism, and eloquence. He could not remain quiet
in his own country, when such great things were doing and to
be done for the religion that he preached, and he joined the
Swedish army the day before the battle of Leipzig. The soldiers
welcomed him eagerly, and besought him to preach to them.
They placed a drum for a pulpit, and gathered round in crowds
to hear his sermon. The minister of the gospel of peace looked
out upon the battle-field, dark to the horizon with a countless
host about to meet in deadly struggle : overpowered by his feel
ings, he could only say, " My brethren, yonder is the enemy ! "
then, pointing upward, " There is God ! Pray ! " He was silent,
burying his face in his hands, and the soldiers sank down as one
man upon their knees.
2 The two last, particularly the English, generally preferred
the service of the Prince of Orange, for the sake of their Electress.
The Scotch were preferred by Mansfeldt to the English, as being
more hardy ; and they seem to have been equally welcome to
Gustavus. Munro (" Military Discipline," &c.) speaks in the
highest terms of the Irish, for their docility, patience, and despe
rate bravery, p. 32, &c.
3 Independently of the Marquis of Hamilton's six thousand
men who were neutralized by his incapacity. In a work of this
nature, I make no apology for this long episode and note relating
to the great reformer of military discipline and tactics. Gustavus
first taught the great value of infantry in the field. He reduced
the unwieldy regiment of three thousand men to twelve hundred

48 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Among these, were many who afterwards appeared
conspicuously in our civil war, led by, or opposed
to Prince Rupert. With such examples, and a
career of war that appeared to be interminable
before him, the young Palatine grew up and re
joiced in his martial destiny. He had ever been
his mother's favourite, her hero, and her hope:1
he was now often promoted to her companionship,
each, and afterwards to one thousand and eight, in order to dis
tribute more officers among the soldiery, and to multiply the
posts of preferment for brave men. He made his squadrons of
cavalry much smaller, more active and disposable ; he placed his
battalions at greater distances from each other, and composed his
battle-order of two lines. He laid aside the incumbrance of com
plete armour, retaining only the head-piece, and back and breast
pieces. He reformed the matchlocks, and abolished the long
pike. (Harte says, though Munro speaks enthusistically of this
weapon, as " the best a gentleman ever handled.") His soldiers
were regularly and largely paid. And here it is to be observed,
that Napoleon's system, that "war should support itself," was
freely acted upon by Mansfeldt, Christian, and even by the Impe
rialist leaders. Wallenstein in seven years raised 60,000,000
of dollars from one-half of Germany [about one-third per annum
of what we pay in times of peace for our army]. The state to
which he and his brother villains reduced their country, may be
guessed at from the following details : — " Wheat was sold more
times than once for 78s. a bushel (equal to about HZ. 14s. now).
Guards were posted to prevent the newly-buried corpses from
being devoured : there were instances of children being seduced,
massacred, and eaten up. Every animal was so greedily sought
after, that beasts of prey missed their daily food." When Lord
Arundel passed through the seat of war, on his return from one
of Charles' childish embassies to Vienna, " a fox crept out of a
brake, and seized one of his servants by the leg ; the man took it
up, it was so weak ; its eyes were haggard and sunk in its head !"
— Harte 's Gust. Adol. ; Schiller's Thirty Years' War; Munro s
Military Discipline.
1 " From infancy he had been admired for quick parts and
undaunted courage : he already reigned without a rival in his
mother's heart, for she believed him born to be a hero."-
Beuger's Life ofthe Queen of Bohemia.

1633.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 49
and sometimes joined her hunting parties.1 Of
these she was passionately fond ; they served at
once to dissipate her cares, and to exercise those
energies that were now left to prey upon them
selves. Not only did Prince Rupert follow " war's
mimic game,"2 as far as hawk and hound could
gratify his passion, but he was permitted to share
its stern realities at the siege of Rhynberg. The
Prince of Orange obtained the consent thus to
gratify the young soldier : but in a short time,

' One day when they were hunting a fox, Prince Rupert was
missing, so likewise was his tutor, and so was the fox. After a
long search, the legs of the tutor were found projecting from a hole.
The hunters pulled at the legs and drew out the tutor, the tutor
drew out the Prince, and the Prince his favourite hound, and the
hound the fox ! It seems (Pyne's MS.) that the latter (as the
story was then told) " took the earth, a dog which the Prince
loved followed, but returning not, his Highnesse being impatient,
crept after and caught hold of his legs, which he could not draw
out by reason of the narrowness of the hole, until Mr. Billingsby
took hold of his Highness," and at length they were all drawn
out together. The narrator adds, "the picture of this passage is
to be seen there, of which there hath been divers copies taken and
dispersed abroad."
2 James I., surely no martialist, nevertheless affected to honour
hunting, for its resemblance to war. In his " Basilicon Doron"
(addressed to his eldest son, Prince Henry) he enjoins the prac
tice of all manly games, wrestling, fencing, dancing, " tennise and
palle malle," but especially hunting (hear this, ye men of Mel
ton !) : — " Hunting with running hounds is the most honourable
and noblest sort ; for it is a thievish forme of hunting to shoote
with gunnes and bowes ; and greyhound hunting is not so mar
tial a game ; for hawking, I condemn it not, but I must praise it
the more sparingly, because it neither resembleth the warre so well
as hunting doth in making a man hardie and skilfully ridden,
 as for chesse, it is overwise and philosophick a folly." —
Strutt's Sports and Pastimes.
VOL. I. E

50 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
hearing naughty stories of the camp morals, she
recalled him, and he obediently resumed his stu
dies at the university: it is pleasant to observe
this docility towards his mother as contrasted with
his natural impetuosity. In the same year we find
his holidays diversified by one of the last tourna
ments on record. The Prince of Orange was de
sirous to make his Court as much as possible the
resort of the chivalry of Europe: the graces and
the cause of Elizabeth had chiefly contributed to
make his capital the head-quarters of modern
knights-errant, and for their gratification he held
a "Passage of Arms" during the Christmas of
1633. It seems to have been of the gentler sort,
for we find our boy Prince then "carrying away
the palme ; with such a gracefull aire accompanying
all his accons as drew the hartes and eyes of all
spectators towards him  The Ladyes alsoe
contended among themselves which should crowne
him with the greatest and most wellcome Glorye."
And among these Rubens' beauties, there was,
of course, one, whom we would fain identify with
a lady of later date, but the biographer only spe
cifies her " as transcending the rest of her sex as
much as his Highness's worth had transcended the
noblest of his : nor was it possible that the greatest
bravery should be shewn without attracting the
admiracon of ye greatest beauty."1 After holidays
1 Lansd. MSS. 817, fol. 157.

1632.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 51
thus passed, it must have been trying to return
to his studies at the university : he did so, how
ever, and thus escaped the corrupt and licentious
courses that prepared the German youths of rank
for manhood of sensuality, and old age of contempt.
The republican schools and scholars taught the
young Prince that manly and independent bearing
that accompanied him through all the changing
fortunes of his life.
Among the few notices of Rupert's early life we
have one where we should most wish to find it,
in one of his father's affectionate and last letters:
—it is a pleasant ray of sunshine on our wanderer's
stormy career. Brief as the passage is, it allows
us to see that Rupert was his father's as well as
his mother's favourite, from the precedence he
gives him over his elder brother, the Joseph Sur
face of the family. The letter we quote from is
dated "Munich i Mai, 1632," where Gustavus
then held his camp and court in the palace of
Maximilian. From the midst of warlike men,
and hurried movements, and momentous councils,
the father writes thus, after detailing his many
disappointments but endeavouring to soften them
to his wife, — " Je suis bien aise que Rupert est
en vos bonnes graces, et que Charles fait si bein :
certes ils me sont fort tretons. Dieu me fasse si
heureux de pouvoir vous bientot revoir ! tretons !
Frederic." 1 This prayer was not granted : the
1 Bromley's " Royal Letters," p. 38. e 2

52 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
King died soon afterwards of a slow fever : some
said his heart was broken, and it may have been
so : if sorrows can kill, his might have been fatal
to a stronger man.1
For ten weary years his life had been one long,
unavailing struggle to recover his Palatinate: and
this weary, heart-sickening hope, was yet farther
darkened by the bitter bondage of private debt and
poverty, and a lasting grief, in the death of his eldest
son, the pride and promise of his House.2 His un-
1 Frederic's death was thus talked about in England at the
time : " The Prince Palatine being returned to Mentz, was struck
with the contagion : yet the malignity thereof was expelled, and
great hopes of his recovery entertained, when the news of the
death of the King of Sweden came upon him, and made such im
pressions upon him that he died a few days after, having overcome
all difficulties and being ready to enter into a repossession of his
country — a sad destiny !" — HowelCs Letters, p. 247.
2 This catastrophe was painfully connected with the conse
quences of this economy. By nature Frederic was possessed of
the right noble quality of generosity, but he brought himself to
exercise the yet nobler quality of economy when he could only
be lavish at the expense of others. He had gone to Amsterdam
(in January, 1625*) accompanied by the young Prince Frederic,
" and returning (for more frugality) by the common boat, which
was overset [overladen] with merchandize and other passengers,
in a thick fog the vessel turned over, and so, many perished : the
Palsgrave saved himself by swimming, but the young prince
being ^entangled among the tackling, was drowned and frozen to
death." — Howell, p. 178. His voice was heard for a moment
exclaiming, " Save me! father, save me!" He seems to have
been a noble fellow, — warm-hearted, religious, learned, generous,
and brave. Sir Henry Wotton, in his " Reliquiee," calls him " a
gentleman of verie sweete hope."

_ * Miss Benger places this in 1629 ; Howell's letter relating to
it is dated 25th February, 1625-6: his letters are often mis
dated, but in this same letter he alludes to the recent death of
James I.

16:32.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 53
happy cause had been adopted and forsaken by half
the powers of Europe ; by each solely for its own
purposes. England, above all, had mocked his
hopes, and increased his difficulties,1 and the Princes
of the Union had basely and blindly abandoned the
Palatinate and their true interests, at every trivial
temptation. At length an earnest and heroic man
arose, to redeem the character of the age, to compel
the northern powers to defend that great cause they
had so long trifled with, and to raise up the Reform
ed Faith. Gustavus Adolphus made his appearance
in the midst of the Thirty Years' War, and at once
all its scattered elements were concentrated round
his standard, or gathered themselves together to
oppose him. Frederic and his cause found a ready
welcome in the Swedish camp, notwithstanding the
British interference that accompanied him in the
sinister shape of Sir Harry Vane. Gustavus be
stowed on his forlorn guest all the honours of a
crowned head, gave him the first place of honour in
his glorious march, and lodged him triumphantly in
the palace of his enemy at Munich.2 Yet his re-

1 In a pasquinade of the day it was said, " The Palsgrave
would soon have a large army, as the King of England was about
to send over 100,000 men. ' What ? soldiers V ' No ; ambassa
dors /' was the reply." Amongst these were Sir Richard Weston,
Sir Edward Conway, Lord Carlisle, Sir Arthur Chichester, and
Lord Digby, all within two years. They were all remarkable
afterwards in the Civil Wars.
3 Maximilian had pursued his inoffensive cousin, Frederic,
with the most unrelenting enmity, spoiled his palaces, possessed
himself of his Palatinate, supplanted him in his honours:
yet when Frederic was thus placed in a position to retaliate,

54 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
storation seemed as distant as before.1 Gustavus, for
some unexplained reason, deferred this act of jus
tice, as it proved, for ever. He was annoyed, with
sufficient reason, at the incredible bigotry of the
poor outcast Palatine, who there, in the Lutheran
camp, refused to tolerate the Lutherans at Heidel
berg;2 and he was irritated at the appearance of
dictation from England, especially through the clumsy
or malevolent agency of Vane.
At length the battle of Lutzen, and the con
queror's death, appeared fatal to the Palatine's last
hope. Like a melancholy shadow he had moved in
constant and uncomplaining attendance on his cham
pion's brilliant career; he now followed him in
death as unresistingly as he had done in life. To
succumb seemed part of his character ; if he had had
energy to live, he would have found this presumed
fatality to his cause its best security. Gustavus
could afford to treat him as he pleased,3 Oxenstiern
found it necessary to conciliate his allies, and so
fulfilled the obligations of justice.4
he refused to touch one particle of his ruthless enemy's posses
sions.* 1 Schiller, ii. 40.
2 Harte'sGust. Adolphus.
3 SchiUer's "Thirty Years' War," ii. 154.
* But Elizabeth was never destined to revisit Heidelberg, or
even Frankenthal, her dower-house. The Palatinate was not
actually restored until some years after, and then it fell into the

* Amongst other ravages he had taken the magnificent library
of Heidelberg : half of it he gave as a peace-offering to the
Vatican, half he took to Munich.

1635.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 55
The widowed Queen was now, indeed, left deso
late ; Charles the First, it is true, sent an embassy
of condolence by Lord Arundell, with a tardy invita-
tation to England : but this offer of cold kindness
was mocked by his injustice : he had withheld her
pension for years, repeatedly and pathetically as she
had striven to obtain it.1 Whilst the Court of Eng
land was the most splendid in Europe,2 and the
King had enriched a score of palaces3 with objects
of virtu, his sister remained a pensioner on Holland,
and so bound down with debts, that she was unable
to leave that country.1 The offer of hospitality,
hands of her son, Charles Louis, a selfish, avaricious, canting
hypocrite. He left his mother to pine under the bitter burden
of debt and charity in a foreign land, while he wallowed in sen
suality and splendour in the palace her taste and dower had
adorned. 1 This injustice towards Elizabeth seems to have been (how
ever culpable) an official fault. Niggardliness was not one of
Charles' many faults, and when the old Duchess of Holstein died,
and left nearly 74,000Z. to be divided between him and his
sister, he at once assigned his share to her. Owing to the
King of Denmark's meanness, she never received any portion
of the sum.
2 Lord Orford.
3 Some say nineteen, others twenty-four. It is much to be
desired that some person qualified for such an undertaking
would endeavour to make a budget out of the voluminous finan
cial materials that remain to us of this reign. The enormous
expenses attributed to Charles are so incompatible with the gene
rally believed amount of his income, that there must be a mistake
somewhere. * I mention this only on the authority of Miss Benger, who
does not quote hers. Certain it is, from her own correspondence
(in Bromley's " Royal Letters"), that she long endeavoured in vain
to obtain this English pension, sanctioned, as it was, by parliament.
The reasons she assigned for not accepting Charles's invitation
are thus given in a letter from Sir George Gresly (dated January,

56 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
therefore, was refused, who can say how reluctantly,
by her who had been an exile from her native land
for twenty years !
In the year 1635 Prince Rupert made his first
real campaign as volunteer in the life-guard of the
Prince of Orange; rejecting all distinction of his
rank, discharging all the duties, and sharing all the
hardships of the private soldier. It was an inglo
rious campaign as to result, but it was signalized by
many individual acts of chivalry.1 France had re
sumed the old ambition of extending her territory to
the Rhine, and the "red " cardinal 2 had merged his
spiritual scruples in his political aspirations : hence
1633) published in the "Court and Times of Charles I.," Lond.
1848: "The Queen of Bohemia prays the King's pardon for
not coming into England at this present, in that she much desires
that their meeting might be without any measure of mourning at
all, which her late great loss will not as yet permit her to perform,
Besides, the States and Princes in those parts offering to go up
into the Palatinate with the young Prince her son, and to establish
him in some part of his inheritance this next summer, it might
seem some neglect in her to depart thence before the expiration
of so short a time." — Court and Times of Charles I., 1848,
vol. ii. p. 223.
We find that Lord Craven accompanied the Princess to England,
and was very energetic about this pension. His chivalrous zeal
probably pleaded far more earnestly and, as it appears, effectively,
than diplomatic representations or a throneless queen's appeal.
His interference procured even the arrears of Elizabeth's pension.
For the Prince not going to England then, see "Court and
Times of Charles I.," ii. 226.
1 A herald was sent to Brussels to announce this war against
Spam, the last time of such a ceremony being performed. — See
Le Vassor, Louis XIII.
- Richelieu was so called in distinction to Mazarin, who was
styled his " Black Eminence." The former used to drive through
Pans ma" scarlet coach, attended by three footmen clothed in
tho same colour."

1635.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 57
we find him entering on an essentially religious war,
in union with the Protestant Republicans, against
his most Catholic Majesty of Spain, and the head
of the holy Roman Empire. The French are the
worst allies in the world in the field, and the Dutch
the most incompatible with such comrades. The
Mareschal de Breze defeated the Spaniards under
Prince Thomas, and forming a junction with the
Prince of Orange, took Tirlemont, which they sack
ed so horribly as to estrange and disgust the Dutch.
Louvain, however, was besieged by the allies ; but
in such ill-concert that they were soon obliged to
retire; the French, dispirited and decimated, to
await an enemy in their own country, and the Dutch
to recover the strong fortress of Schenkenseyan.
In these operations, and at the passage of the river
Florival, Prince Rupert vehemently laboured to dis
tinguish himself as much as the indifferent nature
of the affairs would permit, and, of course, in his
biographer's enthusiastic opinion, "covered himself
with glorie."1 Turenne was acquiring experience
in the same campaign, much under the same cir
cumstances of age and ambition as our prince.
In November 1635,2 Prince Charles Louis (now
titular Elector Palatine) proceeded to England on a
visit to the King his uncle. His cause was still
1 Benett MSS.
2 Laud, in his " Diary," says they arrived on the 26th Jan
uary, 1636. Howell, in his letters, dated the 25th January,
1836, says, "the Palatine Princes have now been some time
here."

58 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
dear to the English nation, not only for his mother's
sake, but for so much of the Protestant interest as
his name still represented.1 Prince Rupert follow
ed the Elector in December, and more than shared
the kind welcome with which Charles endeavoured
to obliterate the recollection of his past neglect.
The Queen Henrietta Maria at once gave him a
high place in her facile affections, and Charles
formed a regard for him as lasting and firm as that
of the Queen's was evanescent.2
In England he passed a pleasant and quiet year,
caressed and flattered, basking in both " court and
country's sunshine,"3 and imbibing in return such a
1 The Palatine lost no opportunity (naturally enough) of pay
ing court to the Puritans ; and, cold-blooded canting sinner as
he was, he succeeded in winning the affection of a party among
whom princes were very scarce. It is Said, indeed proved, he
had even hopes of the throne on his uncle's deposition. — Forster,
Br. St. iv. 82.
2 The following curious notice of the Queen's objections to our
hero occurs long afterwards, but may find a place here. The
"Mercurius Britannicus," of July 7, 1645, says, "Rupert him
self (after all his merciful service) is not to be trusted, for our
Sovereign shee-saint [the Queen] sends a scolding epistle out of
France (she knows how to do it) to the King, her husband,
wherein (like a true comptroller of the breeches) shee signifies her
displeasure for making Rupert generall. Hee makes excuse that
hee would rather trust him than the Marquis of Hartford." Such
is the style of the public press in early days.
3 Lloyd's "Loyalists." In a pamphlet of 1644 (now in the
British Museum), on occasion of some private letters of the
Prince's being taken at Marston Moor, we have the following
admission of his youthful popularity: — "Rupert was once a
pretty young man, and this kingdom did love him well, and gave
him his maintenance  but now he hopes to be King him
self (!)  He is fitting his head for a crown, and hath a mon-
tero [short Spanish cloak], which he means to make use of under
it." — Rupert's Cabinet Rifted. Lond. 1 644.

1636.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 59
love for his mother's country that he thenceforth
looked upon it as his own, with an undivided sense
of patriotism. The people were anxious that he
should have some of the lucrative places about
Court that were bestowed so contrarily to their
wishes ; but Charles seems to have had no desire to
settle him as a fixture in his dominions. It seemed
necessary, however, to provide for him by some
means or other. Laud proposed to make him a
bishop, as Bishop Williams had suggested to King
James long before,1 but this was strongly ob
jected to by the young soldier. It was then
proposed that he should "goe as Vize-roy" to
Madagascar, or " St. Lawrence" as it was then in
differently called, an island at that time described
in the most glowing colours as the cradle of pros
perity and wealth.2 The pamphlets, in which its
charms of scenery and climate, its vast capabilities
and facilities for commerce are described, lie before
me now.3 And I do not wonder that by enterprising
1 See p. 136, note 3.
2 See pamphlet in King's Collect (British Museum), 240, 16,
by Endymion Porter, who was commissioned by Charles to make
inquiries. 3 There is one especially (in the British Museum) written by a
Mr. Boothby, who confesses to be a broken merchant, broken " by
unhappie ventures in the Indian trade." This bankrupt writes
so eloquently, that he seems to be in earnest, and yet he writes
from personal experience of this savage island, which two centu
ries may have tamed, but it is not in time's nature to make
fiercer. Unless this island be greatly changed, even the following
particulars render it of interest now. Mr. Boothby speaks enthu
siastically of " its healthfulnesse, fertilitie, pleasure and wealth,"
 the " affabilitie" of the inhabitants, " the plentie and

60 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
spirits, unchastened either by knowledge or experi
ence, such an undertaking should have been eagerly
espoused. It was actually " passed in council," that
an expedition should be fitted out for this purpose ;
it was to consist of twelve ships of war and twenty-
four merchantmen. These were to be followed an
nually by twelve more, to carry out munitions, and
to bear back the produce of that golden land.
Rupert eagerly accepted the leadership, and Cap
tain Bond was appointed his lieutenant : the grave
Lord Arundell had, with Monk (who was already
distinguished in the continental wars), promoted, if
not devised, the enterprize. Who can speculate on
what might have been the result, if this enterprize
had been patronised by a Don John of Portugal,
instead of by a Stuart, and undertaken by a Brooke1
cheapnesse of their foode, flesh, fowle, and fish, oranges and
lemonds, sugar, amber-greece, gold, tortle-shells, and drugs.''
 " The chiefest place in the world to enrich men by trade
to and from India, Persia, &c. He that is lord of Madagascar,
may in good time be emperor of all India."  " Nor must be
omitted the cheapnesse of all necessaries, both for back and
bellie, to be had out of India for the relief of the planters."
There is a curious story told by the same writer, of some Portuguese
"fryars" (missionaries) who, hearing that the " King of the Mada
gascar " was ill, requested to be admitted to his presence, saying,
they could be of use to his soul. They were taken at their word,
and when he died, were put to death, in order that they might
accompany the aforesaid soul to the skies, to be useful to it there.
He mentions also that " the hogs in Melinda (Madagascar) have
stones in their mawes, called petra de porkca, which are in greate
esteeme for expelling poison." It is a curious assertion, coupled
with the fact, that swine kill and eat poisonous vipers with impu
nity, and are very fond of henbane. — King's Collection of Pam
phlets {British Museum), 266. 17.
1 The noble-minded Rajah of Borneo.

1636.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 61
instead of an Arundell: how history would seem
dislocated if we leave the Parliamentary wings at
Edgehill, Naseby, and Marston unconquered, the
King unrestored, the Arundelian marbles unre-
moved. At the same time it was proposed that
Charles Louis should lead a similar expedition to
the West Indies, and establish a new throne under
the Palm, that might atone for the long lost Pala
tinate. There is no record that I know of, why
these projects failed ; we have only Elizabeth's very
decisive declaration, that "no sons of hers [her
romantic days were now over, poor lady!] should
go for knight-errants."1
Episcopacy and emigration having failed to supply
a settlement for our young Prince, the old resource
of an heiress was next thought of. There had been
some talk of this long before, when a lady, more
agreeable it seems to his guardian's taste than to
his own, had been suggested for his bride. This
was Mademoiselle de Rohan, daughter of the brave
duke whose name was associated throughout Europe
with the cause of the Huguenots. This match ap
pears, like that of Charles himself with the infanta,
to have originated in a mere intrigue for some
ephemeral purpose ; without sincerity then, but
maturing ultimately into seriousness when it was
too late. The negotiation extended from the year
1632 to 1643, when it was broken off in a very
unexpected manner. As being amusing in itself
' Howell, p. 257.

62 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
and throwing some light on manners, as well as on
our hero, the correspondence is given entire.
The first time the question is mooted is in the
following letter from Charles Louis; it bears the
date of 1632, but this must be an error as is so
often the case in the letters x from which I quote.

FROM CHARLES LOUIS, PALATINE, TO THE QUEEN OF
BOHEMIA.2
Concerning my brother Rupert, M. de Soubise
hath made overture that, with your Majesty and your
brother's [Charles I.] consent, he thinks M. de Rohan
would not be unwilling to match him with his daughter.
The King [Charles] seemeth to like of it, but he would
have your advice and consent in it. I think it is no
absurd proposition for she is great both in means and
birth and of the Religion. [Our young Elector's order of
precedence for desirables is characteristic]
Oatlands, if Sept., 1632.3
At this time brother Rupert would have been
only thirteen years of age, according to this date,
but as he had been already in the wars, the matri
monial arrangement may not have seemed so pre
cocious. Though not legally affianced, Made-

1 " Royal Letters" by Sir George Bromley, Bart. This gentle
man was a descendant of Prince Rupert, through his natural
daughter Ruperta, and was father to the present baronet, Ad
miral Sir Robert Bromley.
2 Bromley's " Letters," p. 56.
3 The date should probably be 1636. When Charles Louis was
in England.

1638.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 63
moiselle de Rohan seems to have considered her
self as betrothed henceforth ; for when Rupert was
prisoner to such an enemy that his release seemed
hopeless, and the lady was advised to dismiss him
from her thoughts, she declined to do so. It does
not seem probable that at this time Richelieu would
have allowed a warlike heretic to possess himself
of the great national heiress, and poor mademoi
selle herself was left little choice with such a
guardian. It is not likely she ever even saw our
hero, but his brilliant bravery must have struck
her imagination ; and his royal birth, his romantic
history, and his personal beauty, were dangerous
auxiliaries against her peace. Even his imprison
ment was far from injuring his cause, as we find
in the spirited reply detailed by Lord Leicester.1
It does not appear, however, that Rupert himself
was inclined to the arrangement. The following
letters will describe the lady and her prospects.2

ROBERT EARL OF LEICESTER, TO KING CHARLES
THE FIRST.
******
Monsieur de Rohan, Sir, hath left another work
behind him, worthy of perusing, in another kind. His
daughter, Madamoiselle de Rohan, far handsomer than
is necessary, and much discreeter than is ordinary. Some

1 Collins, " Memorials," ii. 575.
2 They are to be found in " Sydney's Letters and Memorials
of State," by Collins, vol. ii. p. 545.

64 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
friends of hers, as I hear, have written to Monsieur de
Soubise, to make an overture to your Majesty, of a mar
riage between Prince Robert and her. I knew not this
till after the departure of the last weekes ordinary, else I
should not have failed to advertise your Majesty thereof
sooner: and so secretly is it carried, that Madame de
Rohan knows nothing of it. I verily believe, that the
best friends of that house do much desire this match, and
with good reason too, if your Majesty like of it; but
without yours, and this King's consent, little can be done
to the purpose. A younger brother Prince, by that means
may be reasonably well provided for, and yet nothing out
of the way to partake of the re-establishment of his House,
when it shall please God. The revenue left by Monsieur de
Rohan is said to be 40,000 crowns a year ; and I believe
that is the most : little ready money, and but little lent.
Besides, there is an expectation of Monsieur de Soubise's
estate ; and that which another Madamoiselle de Rohan J
doth live upon ; all which they say will descend to the
young lady. I have seen Madame de Rohan, and her
daughter, in their affliction, which is very great ; and with
cause enough ; but whatsoever she may wish, it was not fit
for her then, nor for me, at any time, without command
ment, to speak of that marriage : yet she desired me to
present her humblest duties to your Majesty, beseeching
you to continue that favor towards herself, and her
daughter ; which she presumes they were happy in for her
husband's sake, during his life ; who had the honor, to be
acknowledged by your Majesty, and the Queen, not
only an humble servant ; but, for his greatest glory,
1 This was a lady mentioned in Bayle's " Dictionary '' as emi
nently learned in Hebrew, cfcc., and as distinguished for her spirit
at the siege of Rochelle, where she refused to accept any terms
from Richelieu. She was proposed (in 1627) as a match for the
Count de Soissons.—Hardwicke, Slate Papers. She, also, was an
heiress and a duke's daughter. She died unmarried in 1646,
aged 62.

1638.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 05
somewhat of kin also unto both your Majesties, whom 1
beseech God to bless, with perfect and perpetual hap
piness : so in all humility I rest,
Your Majesty's most faithful, and
most obedient subject and servant,
Leycester.
Paris, ¦§<> April, 1638.

TO ROBERT EARL OF LEICESTER.1
Charles R.
Right trusty and right wellbeloved cousin, we greet
you well. There was an overture made to the late Duke of
Rohan, for a marriage between our nephew, Prince Ru
pert, and his daughter, which was very well entertained,
and likely to have succeeded, if that Duke had lived.
Since his decease, his brother, Monsieur de Soubise, here
with us, desiring to continue that treaty, and promising
to do good offices with the Duchess of Rohan, and other
wise where he shall be able, we have thought fit to
acquaint you with it, and to recommend it to your care.
And because it is to be negotiated in France, and cannot
be effected without the consent of the king our good
brother, whose subject she is, we do hereby require you
to make choice of some lit and able person, whom you
may trust, to move it to the Cardinal de Richlieu, that by
his intervention the French king might be brought to
give way to it. This is a business of great weight, and
you know how much we take to heart any thing that
concerns the good of our dearest sister, and her chil
dren, especially in so high a degree as this ; which, if it
speed, is to bring so fair an estate to the Prince our
nephew. The success will much depend upon the pru
dent managing of it with the King and Cardinal there,
1 Gallia E. Lecester, 1636, 1637, 1638, fol. 37.
VOL. I. F

QQ MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
which we doubt not but you will order with that dex
terity, which you have used in other our affaires, since
your employment in our service, and give us an accompt,
from time to time, of your diligences heerin.
Given &c.

secretary windebank to robert earl of leicester.1
My Lorde,
It hath pleased his Majesty to committ the addresse
of the adjoyned to my care and trust, and withall to
comande me to give your Lordship knowledge of Mon
sieur de Soubizes good affections in this businesse, and
promises to use the most powerfull meanes he can to the
French King, and the Cardinal de Richlieu to favour and
advance it.
His Majesty had once given me order to instruct your
Lordship in it ; but considering it of great weight, and
that it concerned the prince his nephew, and his fortune
very highly, it pleased him rather to appeare in it him-
selfe ; by which your Lordship may perceave, how much
his Majesty takes it to harte.
******
Westminster, 26 April, 1638.

ROBERT EARL OF LEICESTER TO MR. SECRETARY WINDE
BANK.2
Sir, The last two weekcs neither brought me the honor
of any letters from you, nor produced any occasion, which
might justify the troubling you with mine; but on Mon
day last I received yours of tbe 18 Oct. for which I
humbly thanke your honor. The day before I had bin

1 Gallia E. Lecester, 1636, 1637, 1638, letter 38.
" Gallia E. Lecester, letter 118.

1638. J PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 67
with Madam de Rohan, to see in what disposition I
should finde her, after the unhappy news of Prince
Robert's being taken prisoner. I cannot perceive that she
is at all changed, but remains constant to her former
wishes, and sayd that the conclusion or breaking of the
business, depends upon his Majestye. She answer'd also
for her daughter, and related this passage to me. Some
body had sayd to Madam oiselle de Rohan ; " Now that
Prince Robert is prisoner you should do well to abandon
the thought of him, and apply yourself to enterteine the
addresses of your servant, the Due de Nemoirs ; to which
she answered, " I am not ingaged any where, but as I have
bin inclined, so I am still, for it would be a laschete to
forsake one, because of his misfortune ; and some gene
rosity to esteem him in the same degree as before he fell
into it." And I am very confident, sir, that she spak as
she thought, and will make good her words.
What answer the Cardinal de Richlieu gave unto her
majestye, appears by his letter, whereof I doubt not but
your honor hath notice ; for my part I know no more than
a little, which Mr. Jermyn told me he had received by
word of mouth from the cardinal. But for the second
point mention'd in your Letter concerning the demands, I
conceive that will not breake the treaty, if they may be
satisfied in reasonable and convenient proportion : for
Madame de Rohan hath told me, that they never intended
to insiste upon the accomplishment of those demands to
the uttermost ; and if you please to looke back, I thinke
you will finde she hath sayd heretofore, that they would
not article with the king of Great Brittain, but trust
rather to his affection and generosity. And I confess I ever
understood it to be the desyre of Mr. De Soubise, rather
then a demand of them. So having no more to say of that
busines at this time, I humbly leave it to the pleasure of
God and the King. Yours, &c.
Leycester.

Paris, |f Nov., 1638.

f 2

68 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Thus wrote the sanguine ambassador, but the
person chiefly interested in the transaction lay
prisoned in the old castle of Lintz. And within
those mouldering walls there lurked a danger more
fatal to this union, than all the flatteries and
wooings with which Parisian chivalry assailed the
constant lady. In order not to interrupt this nia-
trimonal episode we give its conclusion in the
following extraordinary letter from the King to
Prince Maurice, written five years later, during
the height of the Civil War : —
from king charles the first to prince maurice.
Nepheu Maurice,
Though Mars be now most in voag, yet Hymen may
bee sometymes remembred. The matter is this, your
mother and I have beene somewhat engaged concerning a
Mariage betwine your brother Rupert and Mademoisell
de Rohan, and now her frends press your brother to
a positive answer which I find him resolved to give nega
tively ; therefore, I have thought fitt to let you know if
you will not by your engagement take your brother hand
somely off. I have not tyme to argue this matter, but to
show my judgement, I asseure you that if my son James
weer of a fitt age, I would want of my will but he should
have her  So, hoping and praying God for good
n ewes from you, I rest
Your loving oncle and faithful frend,
Charles R.
Oxford, 4 July, 1643.
For my nephew Prince Maurice. '
This endeavour to accommodate matters shared

1 Harl. MSS., 6988, 88. Original entirely in the King's hand.

1636.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 69
the usual fate of this unlucky King's contrivances.
Whether Mars was too much " in voag " for
Maurice to think of gentler strategy, or that mere
Palatine wilfulness prevailed, we know not. But
the next notice we find of our heroine is by the Car
dinal de Retz, in speaking of " Henri Chabot qui
epousa (1645) Marguerite Duchesse de Rohan, fille
et heritiere du grand Due de Rohan. Elle porta
le duch6 a Henri Chabot, a condition que les enfans
porteroient le nom et les armes de la maison de
Rohan; il mourut en 1655."1
To return to the year 1636; — I do not find that
Rupert himself ever took any part in this matri
monial negotiation. I much fear the morals of the
Court were not such as to inspire a lady-favoured and
very young man with a craving for home pleasures.2
The Queen had exercised her wayward and imperi
ous humour to its fullest extent in giving as Parisian
a character as possible to society. Her own national
levity was very fatal in its example, and her love of
show led the Court to ruinous expenses, and conse
quent corruption to repair them. Intriguing seems
to have been as boundless, though not so shameless,
1 " Memoires," tome i. p. 1 15, note.
2 There is a letter from Lady Leicester to her husband in the
"Sidney Papers," (vol. ii. p. 472,) written in 1636, which speaks
unpleasantly, not only for the style of drawing-room conversation,
but of the manners of the courtiers. This is sadly countenanced,
too, by Lord Sunderland's letter (in the same vol. p. 668) from
the camp. It is with regret and a sense of disappointment that
we find the King's pleasure in the debauched coxcomb, Bucking
ham's, society thus partly accounted for, and only too much rea
son for giving some credit to Milton's charge, "papillas suaviari,"
&c. — Prose Works, vol. ii. p. 315.

70 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
as in Charles the Second's Court. Gorgeous and
puerile masques, plays and pastorals, in which her
majesty delighted to exhibit herself, were much
"in voag;"1 immense sums were lavished on dress;
gambling was eagerly and recklessly pursued in all
societies, and there was very little, in short, that could
have been told to the Queen of Bohemia calculated
to set her mind at ease with respect to her sons.2
In March, 1636, we find the "Earl Marshal"
1 Some of these were performed before the king and bishops
on Sunday. — See Strafford Letters, vol. ii. p. 148. We find, too,
that the privy council sat ordinarily on Sunday (" Court and
Times of Charles II.," 284), and that Archbishop Laud transacted
persecution affairs on the same day. See his " Diary."
Mr. Gerrard writes to Lord Strafford in January, 1633 : —
" There are two masques in hand. The first [by the men] of the
Inns of Court, the other by the King ; they say the masque will
cost the men of law 20,000?  The dicing-night the King
carried away in James Palmer's hat 1850?. — Strafford Papers.
Mr. D'Israeli speaks of these entertainments, the curiosity of the
scenical machinery and the fancy of the poet ; the richness of the
crimson habits of the gentlemen, and the white dresses, heron
plumes, jewelled head-dresses, and ropes of pearl of the ladies,"
&c. " Such were the magnificent entertainments," says Mr. Gif
ford in his introduction to Massinger, "which, though modern
refinement may affect to despise them, modern splendour never
reached to even in thought."... Curiosities of Literature, vol. v.
p. 223, quoted by Jesse, Court if the Stuarts.
2 Lord Craven had accompanied them to England, partly as their
Mentor, and partly to endeavour to obtain the arrears of pension
for his queen. _ In this he at length succeeded, and communicated a
temporary relief to one who was too proud to accept his pecuniary
assistance for herself. The delicacy of this chivalrous nobleman,
throughout the whole severely-tried career of her he watched over,
is as admirable as his heroism in the field and his magnificent ge
nerosity to his sovereign. He gave the latter 50,000?., for which
he was fined heavily besides by the Parliament ; he headed the
subscription list for the recovery ofthe Palatinate with 10,000?. ;
he gave his Palatine godson 1500?. worth of plate, and 200?.
a year ; and he had to pay 20,000?. for his own release in the
Palatine cause.

1636.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 71
[Lord Arundel] departing for Vienna on one of the
endless embassies concerning the Palatinate. " The
Emperor, it appears, has now offered the Lower
Palatinate 'presently,' and the Upper, with the
Electoral dignity, on the Duke of Bavaria's death ;
but King Charles demurs to this moderate pro
position, and thinks he can do better by sending an
embassy."1 He does not, however, but much worse ;
and that, too, at great cost of men, and means, and
credit. Meanwhile, the King visits Oxford, whither our
Prince accompanies him, and was made Master of
Arts in that noble university ; being the first who
received an honorary degree there.2 He, Prince
Charles Louis,3 and the King dined afterwards with
Laud, as Chancellor of the University.4 Thence
they returned to Whitehall.5
1 " The dismal calamities that befel Charles I." says Hamond
L'Estrange, " derived their first existence from these seminalities,"
to wit : " the pusillanimity of James, his father, in not assisting
Protestantism and the Palatinate, his spending vast sums in idle
embassies, &c." 2 Anthony Wood.- — Ant. Oxon.
3 An amiable anecdote is told of Charles during the civil wars,
which may as well be mentioned here. He wished to consult
some volume in the Bodleian Library, and sent for it : the libra
rian, with simple fidelity to his rules, replied, that no books once v
entered there were ever allowed to leave it. This message being
brought to the King, he rose up, put on his hat, and went him
self to seek for the volume, as modestly as any sizar. — Jesse.
* Laud's " Diary."
5 " The Whitehall Palace of Charles I. extended from Scotland
Yard to the Privy Gardens, standing over the Thames. A com
plete plan was engraven by Virtue in 1747, from a survey made
by Fisher in 1680." — Pennant's Survey. This plan may be seen
in Jesse's " Memorials of London."
The vast palace is shewn by this plan to have embraced almost

72 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
" At this period Charles the First held the most
splendid court in Europe :" 1 it was so, not only for
the pomp and magnificence displayed there, but for
the refined taste and exquisite judgment that had
enriched its precincts. The finest works of art in
Europe were collected there, and Rubens and Van
dyke were found among their own creations. Ben
Jonson was poet-laureate to the Court, and Inigo
Jones gave classic beauty to its decorations. Fera-
basco refined the musicians to the standard of his
own exquisite ear, and the King had skill and power
to appreciate and to heighten all. Bassompierre
described the company of this rival Court as " mag
nificent and its order exquisite." We may be
excused for dwelling a moment on this graceful
splendour when the rest of our lives are to be past
in the camp or leaguer, the restless bivouac and the
dreary moor.
all the space now occupied by Whitehall, the Admiralty, the
Horse Guards, the Treasury Chambers, Downing Street, &c. St.
James's Park was its "place of pleasance," and Spring Gardens were
attached to it. All the royal family had separate suites of apart
ments, including (for each) kitchens, pantries, coal-stores, &c.
Prince Rupert lived near ' the Cockpit,' and the Queen of Bohe
mia had apartments prepared here for her, ' they being the same
she used to occupy when she was a mayd.' " — HowelVs Letters.
This palace was called York House by Shakspeare, from its having
pertained to that see. Wolsey, as Archbishop of York, possessed
it, and disposed of it to Henry VIII. In 1 695 it was burned
down, the banqueting house (built by Inigo Jones for James I.)
alone escaping. Queen Anne, after its destruction, removed to
St. James's Palace. Hamilton {Mem. de Grammont, ii. p. 40)
says, " La Tamise lave les bords du vaste et peu magnifique palais
des B,ois de la Grande Bretagne." The Harl. Misc. iv. 367, says
it was burnt down on the 4th January, 1698. — Pennant's Survey.
1 Horace Walpole, "Royal and Noble Authors," vol. iii. 271.

1636.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 73
" Charles appears," says Mr. DTsraeli,1 " to have
desired that his Court should resemble the literary
Court of the Medici. He assembled about him the
great masters of their various arts. We may rate
Charles's taste at the supreme degree, by remarking
that this monarch never patronized mediocrity : the
artist who was honoured by his regard was ever a
master-spirit. Father of art in our country, Charles
seemed ambitious of making English denizens of
every man of genius in Europe." Vandyke and
Rubens were domiciled in England ; and who can
tell how much the Cavalier cause owes of its roman
tic interest to the classic, yet original grace, with
which the former has immortalized the persons of
its heroes.2 The Italians happily call him " II Pit-
tore Cavalieresco," and it was in one of his happiest
moods that he made that fine picture of Prince
Rupert, bequeathed, in gratitude for many a noble
service, to Lord Craven, and now in possession of
his descendant at Combe Abbey.
In the midst of such society it was natural for
our young Prince to imbibe the accomplished tastes
he saw so richly displayed around him, and there-
1 Comment, iii. 93.
2 See "Edinburgh Review," xiii. p. 330, and Macaulay's "Es
says," who says, that " Charles owed his popularity to having
taken his little son on his knee and kissed him, and for having
had prayers read at six o'clock in the morning, and for his Van
dyke dress and peaked beard." These " Essays" were written
long ago : their eloquence and verve may sometimes carry the
reader, as they do the writer, unconsciously beyond the bounds of
taste and good feeling, and therefore of truth.

74 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
with to nourish and cultivate his own natural
genius for the arts.1 We shall soon find him, a
solitary prisoner, consoling himself with such re
sources, and exercising those gifts that ultimately
made his pencil as famous as his sword.
But these Medicean enjoyments were not the
only attractions that the Court of Charles possessed
for the young Palatine. The Queen, Henrietta
Maria, had a passion for society and a French
woman's wonderful tact in sustaining its effer
vescence. She had contrived to impart to her draw
ing-room gossip some of the deep and agitating
importance of the Council Chamber. Every in
terest was, therefore, concentrated there : every
political or social intrigue was there to be heard
of, to be canvassed, and schemed about yet further.
Under this glittering mask, most of the many
mischiefs of the State were concocted, or, at least,
received their poisonous ingredients.2 The Queen's
winning manner and sweet beauty threw a grace
1 See Appendix for Lord Orford's character of Rupert. — Cata
logue of Engravers, p. 135.
2 One of the fierce controversial pamphlets of 1643, thus
speaks of the Queen, at a later period, but in the same sense : —
" Because her Pope is turned out of doors, she makes the fatal
sisters * and furies of her Privy Council, and proceeds so man
fully meritoriously, that Sir Kenelm Digby consults now with
her Holiness, to have her set in the Rubric as ' St. Nemesis of the
breeches.' " — Harleian Misc. v. 343.

* It is curious that Bishop Warburton designates Lady Car
lisle (in a pithy note to Clarendon's Rebellion, vol. vii. p. 541), as
" the Erinnys of her Times."

1637.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 75
and fascination over all this, and Lady Carlisle,
the prime minister of her boudoir and petty
politics, was also beautiful and persuasive : Lady
Rivers, Lady Aubigny, Lady Isabel Thynne, be
longed to the same circle, and were similarly
qualified. Their charms, or talents, or interest,
as well as the magic of their place, secured for
them the adoration of the poets and wits, Donne,
Carew, Suckling, Waller, Lovelace, Matthewes,
and others, through whose flattery they are best
known to us, and whose wit is living still in the
cold and unexplored recesses of our libraries.
Among the men of higher " caste " and lower
intellect who were then Court butterflies (or ca
terpillars) were Lords Holland, Newport, Devon- ,
shire, Elgin, Rich, Dungarvon, Dunluce, Whar
ton, Paget, Saltoun ; and some of worthier stamp,
as the Duke of Lenox (Richmond), Lord Gran-
dison, and Lord Fielding (Earl of Denbigh's son),
Turning from the sparkling "Academie," and the
treachery-brooding " chamber " of Lady Carlisle,
truth, intellect, and honour, were to be found in
the society of Falkland, and such friends as he
gathered round him at Burford1 and in London.
I do not know that the conversation of such men
as Hyde, Selden, Hales, or Chillingworth, would
have had much charm for the soldier-prince at
this time, but it qualified, as men of mind will
ever do, the tone of general society, in which the
1 Clarendon's Life, i. 42.

76 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
influence of a Bacon, a Raleigh, and a Burleigh,
was still felt.
But there was one pleasure cultivated by the
King into which Rupert entered with enthusiasm:
Charles enjoyed hunting with hereditary zest, and
had sacrificed to this passion the long sacred im
munities of British property.1 He enclosed Rich
mond Park with as little ceremony as the first
Norman conqueror shewed to his Saxon slaves, for
the greater conveniency of having " red as well as
fallow deer " so close at hand. The hunting, what
ever was its style, in England seems to have been
then as now, pre-eminent ; and was the attraction
from which our Prince perhaps parted with the most
regret. In a letter from the Rev. Mr. Garrard to
Lord Wentworth, dated July, 1637, we find that,
" Both the brothers (Palatine) went away unwilling
ly, but Prince Rupert expressed it most, for being
a hunting that [very] morning with the King, he
wished that he might break his neck, so he might
leave his bones in England !"2
And beneath all this hunting, and gaiety, and
grandeur, the strong slow stream of popular power
was at constant work ; unperceivedly, but in
evitably working out its way; soon to open and
swallow up the holiday-makers that now tram
pled gaily on its dangerous banks. Ship-money,
" a sound of lasting memory in England," was first
brought to trial during this visit of Prince Rupert's.
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, i. 176. a Strafford Papers, vol. ii. 88-

1637.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 77
But at length, Charles roused himself to the
conviction that something besides talking must
be done for the Palatinate. The return of Lord
Arundel from his embassy, with the usual nega
tive results, decided the question between war
and words. Austria only offered civility, and Spain
promises: but the Duke of Bavaria1 used the
plain stern language of a soldier, and swore that
what the sword had gained the sword should keep.2
For eighteen years King James and Charles had
been the duped victims of every succeeding king,
emperor, and minister of Austria and Spain. Eng
land was now to put forth her arm in the old
cause;3 the rather perhaps that the Elector had
been very busy among the Puritans, and made,
in sporting phrase, a hedge against the doubtful
issue of the struggle that was every day approach
ing.4 In the former year (1636) an attempt had
1 The Duke of Bavaria had, at the period of his investiture of
the Palatinates, consented to leave this arrangement in the Em
peror's hands. But since then he had married, and had a son
born to him, and he was determined to leave that son his posses
sions unimpaired. As his wife was the young Emperor's sister,
his brother-in-law was little inclined to dispossess him. His
marriage is thus described by my good gossip, Howell, p. 261 :
— " The old rotten Duke of Bavaria, for he hath divers issues
about his body, hath married a young lady little above twenty,
and he near upon fourscore."
2 D'Israeli's Commentaries, iii. 429.
3 But when she strove to do so, she found it palsied : Charles,
in his letter to Lord Wentworth (Feb. 1637), deplores his in
ability to send troops. — Strafford Papers.
4 I find this hypothesis amply borne out by Mr. Forster in the
fifth volume of his "Statesmen ofthe Commonwealth," p. 70, &c.
See also vol. iii. of this work.

78 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
been made to raise money for the Palatines by a
sort of king's letter sent to be preached upon and
collected for, through all the churches in England.1
Subscriptions were also opened, at the head of
which Lord Craven's name stood for 10,000/. and
at the tail of it King Charles's name for the same
sum. This was all he gave, perhaps all he could
give, towards the expedition, save his countenance.
He promised something more when a "certain
treaty of Hamburg"2 should be concluded, but the
treaty and the promise both melted into air.
Charles Louis, who, to do him justice, pursued
his object with earnestness and vigour, was anxious
to depart for the continent. He had been fur
nished with so much money that his mother ven
tured to apply for some portion of it to pay her
debts. Charles firmly refused the Queen the
smallest assistance, reminding her that every
thing ought to be sacrificed to the elevation of
the head of her family ! 3 Whether this circum
stance or general want of sympathy between their
characters estranged the brothers, I do not know,
but all the letters of the Elector shew that he
had but little communication with Prince Rupert.
The latter was now (1637) aged eighteen, and
probably took as little share in the official details
1 One of these is to be seen among the archives of Coventry, a
valuable repertory of papers for earlier dates.
2 A convention of German Princes with the King of Denmark,
to cooperate with the Palatine army. — Benger's Queen of Bohemia,
ii. 336. 3 Bromley gives this base and unnatural letter.

1637.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 79
of the Palatinate expedition as his brother was
willing to assign to him. He was occupied, too,
about his own affairs, concerning Madagascar, of
which Endymion Porter was an eager advocate,
and passed much time at Court with the " Queen
and her ladies and her papists." To these things
the following letter seems to allude: —
from the elector palatine to the queen of
BOHEMIA.
— My brother Rupert is still in great friendship
with Porter ; yet I cannot but commend his carriage
towards me, though when I ask him what he means to do,
I find him very shy to tell me bis opinion. I bid him
take heed he do not meddle with points of religion among
them, for fear some priest or other, that is too hard for
him may form an ill opinion in him.
Yr Majesty's most humble son and servant,
Charles.
Whitehall, this 24th May, 1637.1
Slight as it is, this is the only notice taken of
Rupert in the course of a voluminous correspondence
on the part of Charles Louis with his mother.
The next notice we have of the Palatines is con
tained in a letter from the Elector to his mother.
It is dated " Theobalds, 30th Jan. 1636 [7], and de
scribes the carefulness of his uncle, and the cha
racter of his Court ; " the King saith he will give me
an English counsel [cil] to go to sea with me ; I
pray God they may be understanding and honest
men, for I see very few here that are both."2
1 Bromley's " Royal Letters." 2 Ibid. p. 97.

80 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Charles Louis, however, lingered in England not
for this "counsel," but until his uncle's promised
subscription was paid down.1 He then departed,
accompanied by Rupert, for the Hague,2 and hasten
ed on into Westphalia to arrange plans of coopera
tion with the Swedish forces under Banier and King,3
while Rupert employed himself in raising and or
ganising troops for the long hoped-for expedition to
the Palatinate. But it was found impossible to pro
ceed in this matter until his brother's return, so
the restless young Palatine went to visit the Prince
of Orange/ then besieging the strong town of
Breda : the stadtholder was probably indebted
for this visit to the siege. Prince Maurice ac
companied Rupert, and with a love that was con
stant to his death, shared all his dangers and ex
ploits. They found several Englishmen of future
note in our own wars serving there ; Monk, Astley,
Goring, and many others.5 The siege was being
pressed with vigour ; the defenders were resolute ;
Rupert revelled in dangers as in a delightful excite
ment, rushing into every breach that was attempt
ed, and forward in every forlorn hope. Even whilst
others rested, he was restlessly and pertinaciously
hovering round the doomed city. One night, there
was a pause in the almost perpetual conflict ; the sol-
1 Strafford Papers, ii. June 1637. 2 June 26. Laud's "Diary."
3 This was a time-serving treacherous Scotsman, whom we
shall find, to his discredit, presently at Flota, and afterwards in
the same aspect at Marston Moor.
* Frederic Henry. s Benett MSS.

1638.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 81
diers of attack and defence both rested their wearied
limbs, the besiegers in deep sleep. Rupert's watch
ful ear detected some sounds within the walls ; now
plainly audible and now so faint, that he feared to
give what might have proved a false alarm. He
wakened his brother Maurice, who likewise heard
some doubtful sounds rising from among the red
gables of the old leaguered town. The brothers
moved away through the mist, and crept up the
glacis so silently and so near the enemy, that they
could detect the forming of troops for a sortie, and
even their appointed destination. Retiring to their
own camp as silently as they had left it, they hasted
to Prince Frederic's quarters, and before the enemy
had crossed their drawbridge, the Hollanders were
drawn up in battle order to receive them.1
Soon after this, the Prince of Orange resolved to
attack a hornwork, which commanded the town and
its approaches ; Monk, who served as lieutenant to
Goring, was to lead the attack, which was expected
to be a desperate service. For this reason, and for
his mother's sake, the Prince of Orange appointed
Rupert to attend him, in order to keep him from
temptation. The Prince, however, having given the
word to advance, Rupert anticipated the aide-de
camp, flew to the storming party, delivered the
order, and flinging himself from his horse, rushed
forward with the foremost to the assault. The fort
» Benett MSS.
VOL. I. G

82 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
was carried after desperate fighting; Wilmot and
Goring were wounded, and many of their brave
countrymen slain. The surviving officers flung
themselves down to rest upon a rampart, while
the soldiers stript the slain who lay piled around
them. Suddenly up started one of the apparent
corpses, naked as the spoilers had left him, and
exclaimed, " Messieurs ! est il point de quartier
i^i?" whereupon they laughed heartily, and took
him to the camp, and he " bore the name of Fal-
staffto his dying day."1
Breda soon surrendered ; Prince Maurice went to
a French University, and Prince Rupert returned
to the Hague, whither Charles Louis had now
repaired.2 They proceeded rapidly in raising their
forces out of the wrecks of various armies broken
up during the long war. They made Mepping,3 in
Stift Munster, their place of rendezvous, on account
of its being in a friendly neighbourhood, and not far
from the Swedish forces under Banier. Here they
formed their little army, consisting of three regi
ments of cavalry, a regiment of guards, two troops
i Benett MSS.
2 There is a letter in Bromley's collection from Charles-Louis,
" written from the continent," and dated August 27, 1637, which
I think it right to allude to here, although, I confess, I cannot ac
count for this statement : " Concerning my brother Rupert, the
King did not seem unwilling to let him have the six thousand
men, but he saith he knew not whether Prance would be willing
to it : neither doth Cane perceive that Goring is like to have that
charge." — Bromley, p. 93.
3 Charles had purchased it from Colonel Kniphausen, to whom
Gustavus Adolphus had given it. — Bennett MSS.

1638.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 83
of dragoons,1 and some artillery. Prince Rupert
commanded one regiment of cavalry; two officers
named Fereme and Loe, commanded the others
with the high-sounding titles of " feldt-marshals."
Lord Craven commanded the guards, and Count
Conigsmark commanded the whole, if any body
could be said to do so. With his usual devotion to
the Queen of Bohemia's wishes, "the hero ofCreuz-
nach" had accompanied her sons in this perilous
enterprize, and furnished her with constant details
of their movements.
At length they took the field, and marched to
Bentheim, where they were joined by a detachment
of the Swedes under General King. The united
forces did not exceed four thousand men, but with
these, the boy-generals marched confidently to en
counter the armies of the empire. Danger, im
prisonment, and death, were soon to dissipate their
force, but the Palatine marched on merrily. Lemgo
was before them, rich in all they wanted, and poor
in means of resistance. Rupert headed the ad
vanced guard of the army, and very chivalrously,
but unnecessarily, turned out of his way to " affront"
the strong garrison of Rhennius.2 The mode of
affront is not recorded, but it was taken as intended,
and resented by a rush of cavalry in double the
Prince's force, from the city. This was an unex
pected pleasure to Rupert, who dashed at his assail-
1 Dragoons were so called, I think, from fighting both on
horseback and on foot : " they had the figure of a dragon on their
carbines."— Grose. 2 Benett MSS.
o 2

84 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
ants with delight ; his charge was resistless then, as
ever ; the force of five hundred men and horses,
reckless as battering rams, hurled by enthusiasm
against masses which every man and horse felt cer
tain they had only to reach in order to rout — had,
could have — but one result ; the Palatine cavalry
rode through them, over them, and almost before
them to the drawbridge of the town ; the survivors
rushed into their refuge, and Rupert, reforming his
array, resumed his line of march in triumph.
A picturesque array; accoutred in the old chi-
valric fashion, with plumed helmet, and bright
armour over leathern doublet j1 steel cuisses to the
knee, and huge "gambadoes" armed with the large
knightly spur. Tall powerful horses, such as Wou-
vermans has left us, stepped proudly under their ca
parisons ; and the small " cornet," or flag, that flut
tered over each troop, gave liveliness to the gleam
ing column as it wound along the wide plains of
Hanover. The main body also consisted, for the
1 The chiefs alone wore complete armour,* with the excep
tion of some chosen corps, such as those of Stalhaus at Lutzen
(" charge me home those black fellows," said Gustavus, " or they
will spoil the day."— Schiller), or Sir Arthur Hazlerigg's " lob
sters," who were impenetrable. Sometimes the buff-coat was worn
over the armour ; see note 111 to " Rokeby," and " Grose's Anti
quities.'; London, 1801, vol. ii. p. 323. Sometimes the doublet
or jerkm was of scarlet plush or velvet ; see Mrs. Hutchinson's
'Memoirs. London, 1846, p. 129. We find that Sir John
buckling s coxcomb troop wore white doublets. The buff-coat
alone was worn in later days, being found to be sabre proof.
• I find among Lord Denbigh's papers, that an armourer
charged him 13? 10s., "being price of an armour of proof and
steel cap lor his honour s own body."

1638.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 85
most part, of cavalry, as better suited to the rapid
movements by which this hazardous and romantic
expedition alone could be accomplished. The few
infantry belonging to the army, principally Swedes,
were armed with the pike and harquebuss, or mus-
quet, steel-cap, and corslet.1
1 The former of these were the chief reliance of the old leaders ;
as it has lately reappeared conspicuously in Irish and Chartist
preparations for reform, its early character may have some inte
rest. "Our foot are generally two-thirds shot and one-third
pikes : the latter should be at least half, especially in England,
where there are few strong places. In 1651, in the last battle
we fought in Ireland, twelve hundred of the enemy's pikes
charged and routed our horse. All persons of quality who put
themselves voluntarily into the infantry, carry the pike as the
noblest weapon  It ought to be sixteen foot and a half long
[not for persons of quality, however, they ' trailed ' the ' half-
pike'], of seasoned ash, with iron plates to protect the lozenge-
shaped head. The men, three feet apart and five deep, make an
impervious body  I should much like targets. The pike-
man's 'forest' being the fortress of the field, he should be armed
with back and breast [pieces], pott and taces."* So far my
Lord Orrery, "Art of War." London, 1677, p. 24. Munro is
still more enthusiastic in his praise of this Tipperary weapon
" that niver missed fire." The disciple of Gustavus says, " This
much in briefe for the pike, the most honorable of all weapons,
and my choice in the day of battel : ' leaping ' a storme, or en
tering a breach with a light breast-plate and a good head-piece,
being seconded with good fellowes, I would only ask a half-pike
to enter with." — Military Discipline as Practised by the Swede,
p. 192. The harquebusst was at this period a matchlock, or
heavy musket, used in action with a rest, which was trailed, when
moving, from the wrist. These rests were stuck into the ground,
and, in the Swedish armies, were armed with a lance to resist
cavalry. This armed rest was introduced into England, and
called Swine feathers, from Sweyn, or Swedish. Fairfax could
not abide them, and desired no quarter should be given to " the
feathers." * Steel cap and a sort of girdle in detached pieces, hung from
the waist to protect the waist and groin.
t Prom arcabouza : a bow with a hole in it.

86 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
At length the Palatine came in sight of Lemgo,
and immediately disposed himself to reconnoitre for
a siege or an assault, as the opportunity might pro
mise. Next morning's dawn discharged him from
all embarrassment of choice, for the first light
played on steel-clad masses of Austrian cavalry, re
vealing between their squadrons a bristling line of
eighteen hundred " commanded foot." i These, with
eight regiments of cuirassiers and one regiment of
Irish dragoons, " commanded by that Devereux who
killed Wallstein,"2 made a formidable appearance.
It may seem strange that such a force should have
been in their neighbourhood without being detect
ed ; but in the then imperfect state of discipline, and
in a country wasted of its inhabitants by war, fear, and
famine, even the armies of Gustavus had been sur
prised. Our Palatines were youthfully unsuspicious
as well as fearless of danger, and the number of
their volunteers rendered discipline more difficult.
Now the danger was come, they prepared to
meet it gallantly. The Palatine army was com
posed of tough materials ; grim veterans, who had
fought under Wallenstein and Mansfeldt, and daring
youths, who longed to flesh their maiden swords
in honour. Among the latter were many English
1 I confess I do not understand the exact meaning of this
word, it is so variously applied : here the MS. seems to use it for
selected men ; elsewhere I find it applied to volunteers ; and, in
Munro's " Discipline," I find it applied to fatigue parties em
ployed in carrying gabions and fascines at a siege.
2 Benett MSS.

1638.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 87
volunteers of rank, who had come from England with
the young Palatines, and were now to receive under
their banner a foretaste of the disasters they were
to suffer afterwards under the royal standard. With
such materials to give and to receive a charge, our
army might fairly have withstood more numerous
forces than were lowering on the hills of Flota ;
but the more than doubtful treachery of King,1
and the cowardice or misconduct of Conigsmark,
proved fatal.2 The former selected a most un
favorable position ; and, whilst he was there forming
the infantry and artillery, Conigsmark came up
with the cavalry, refused to form such a line of
battle as King had arranged, and rode on to a
narrow defile,3 where he hastily drew up in four
lines, allotting the first to Loe's regiment, the se
cond to Fereme's, the third to Prince Rupert, and
the fourth to himself: he was well sheltered. And
but just in time ; for the first of the storm was even
now bursting upon the van of his preposterous array.
The imperial cuirassiers, concentrating their force
into one powerful column, bore down upon Loe's
regiment, which unadvisedly waited to receive,
instead of meeting the charge, and was borne
away before it. The Austrians swept on, driving
the broken Palatines on the swords of Fereme's
troopers, who scarcely for a moment withstood the
1 "Who had sent away his baggage the night before." —
Pyne's MSS.
2 Lansd. MSS. 3 Benett MSS.

88 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
iron shock, but turned and fled in wild confusion,
mingling with the broken regiment's rout, and
adding to the weight of the coming masses that
now poured down like a flood upon the third line-
Prince Rupert's horse. The Prince was already on
the spur ; his men were, for the most part, volun
teers, and led by English chivalry,1 and the electric
spirit of his own daring shot lightning sympathy
through every heart and hand. They charged, or
rather dashed at, the charging enemy: their own
fugitive comrades whirled past them, like the eddy of
some cataract, as on they rushed, their white plumes
waving like a foam, and met, and repelled, and bore
down the Austrian cavalry, overwhelming all whom
they encountered, and chasing the remainder resist-
lessly before them. Colonel Boye was despatched
to look for Conigsmark, and conjure him to follow
up the Prince's success, but in vain ; it seemed the
destiny of Rupert ever to be defeated, even while
he conquered. The Prince pursued the Austrians,
who suddenly were seen to halt, wheel about, and
prepare to charge again, and a fresh body of impe
rial troops under Marshal Gotz appeared supporting
them. The Prince's condition was now almost de
sperate ; he was left unsupported, his horses fa
tigued, and his men tenfold outnumbered. Just
then, Lord Craven came up at the gallop with
two troops of the Elector's guards, and renewed
1 Amongst whom were Lords Northampton and Grandison.

1638.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 89
the fight. Once more the Austrians charged, and
forced the Palatine cavalry back, still struggling,
into the defile from whence they had issued : but
here they made a firm stand, repelling every attack,
until a strong body of the enemy crept down the
hill-side, charged the Prince's flank, and put his few
remaining troops to the sword or threw them
into irretrievable confusion. No thought of retreat
ing ever occurred to the Prince's mind ; he strug
gled onward through his enemies as fast as horse
and sword could force their way, when suddenly
he found himself the sole object of attack to a score
of cuirassiers : he turned for a moment to cheer on
his men, and found himself alone ! With a despe
rate effort he broke through his assailants, and soon
afterwards, to his surprise, found himself disre
garded by the eager enemy. For a moment he
was unable to account for their neglect; until he
observed that the Austrians all wore a white ribbon
in their helmets as the sign.1 He had by chance
adopted the same mark to render himself conspi
cuous to his followers, and thus passed uninjured
among the hostile forces. As he rode through the
confused and still struggling bands under this dis
guise, he observed one of the cornets, whom Lord
Craven had brought up, struggling with a few
gallant soldiers to defend the Elector's standard.
1 The similarity of armour and accoutrements rendered it
necessary for each party to assume some sign or symbol to distin
guish them, especially when the face was guarded. See hereafter.

90 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
In a moment Rupert was in the milee, fighting
fiercely till his last comrade fell. Then, once more
bursting from his assailants, he rode at a high wall,
his exhausted horse refused it, and sunk upon the
ground. His pursuers rushed forward to secure
him ; but striking down the foremost man, he re
fused all quarter, and fought desperately on, until
overwhelmed with numbers and borne by sheer
strength to the ground.1 Colonel Lippe struck up
the visor of his helmet, and, not knowing his face,
demanded who he was ? "A colonel," replied the
Palatine. " SacrSmet /" cried the grey-haired vete
ran, "you are a young one." Just then, General
Hatzfeldt rode up ; he immediately recognised his
prisoner, addressed him with respect, and committed
him in charge to Colonel Devereux to escort to
Warrendorp. And where were his comrades meanwhile ? The
gallant Craven had fallen by his side, and was a
prisoner ; two thousand of his bravest troops were
slain in this most sanguinary field ; Conigsmark
had retired with his well-preserved and uninjured
regiment ; King had obstinately adhered (with the
infantry and artillery) to the ground he had so
perversely chosen ; and, when the cavalry were de-
1 If it should excite surprise how Prince Rupert could have
escaped through so many hours of so deadly an affray, and survive
this last deadly struggle, it is to be remembered that he was
sheathed in armour from head to foot, and that desperate courage
averts many a weapon. I have given the details exactly as I
found them in the Benett, Pyne, and the Lansdowne MSS.

1638.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 91
stroyed, he left the rest to take care of themselves,
and fled with his worthy associate, the Elector,
who had never shewn himself in the fight. These
two drove off (somewhat ignobly as it sounds) in a
coach, towards Minden, and, endeavouring to cross
the river Weser, were carried away by the swollen
stream; the driver and horses were drowned, the
Elector escaped by clinging to a willow branch,
and General King also saved himself, how, no one
cared.1 Thus was the Palatine army utterly dissipated
or destroyed, and its brave leader rendered prisoner
to the deadliest enemy of his race. Fortunately
for him, his father's enemy, Ferdinand of Gratz,
had passed away with all his ambition and his
schemes of vengeance, and Ferdinand III. was of
a more human nature. Nevertheless, as Emperor
he highly valued the possession of the daring and
warlike young Palatine who had hitherto resisted
all his schemes of conversion to the Imperial Creed
and Court.2 Whilst waiting for the Emperor's de
cision as to his future destination, Prince Rupert

1 Captain Pyne's MS. declares "that the wilfulness of the
Elector and the treachery of King (who served him little better
at Morsam Moor), lost the day."
s He had proposed to Elizabeth to bring up Prince Rupert at
his Court, and " provide for him," if he would become a Roman
Catholic. Charles of England had recommended the acceptance
of this offer, and its extension to Charles Louis. The Queen re
jected indignantly this scheme of apostasy, replying by a rather
strong expression, " I would rather strangle my children with my
own hands."

92 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
was detained at Warren dorp, where he had the
melancholy satisfaction of Lord Craven's1 company
and that of some others, among whom were Colonel
Fereme and Sir Richard Crane. He was allowed
to despatch the latter to England to endeavour
to move King Charles in his behalf ; but his indul
gences were limited, for " he was obliged to write
his appeal on the leaf of a note-book," being denied
the use of pens and paper.
In a few weeks an order arrived to transfer the
Prince to the castle of Lintz, a fortress of great
strength seated on the Danube. Here he was
detained a prisoner for nearly three years, but was
civilly treated, though " only allowed a page and
two servants to attend upon him," as his biographer
regretfully asserts.2
And while Prince Rupert lay thus buried in ob
scurity and silence, his young life passing by, and
his spirit pining like that of a caged eagle, his mo-

1 No graceful fiction of knight-errantry ever exceeded the
generous devotion of this gallant Earl to his unhappy Queen.
For her he had abandoned a high career in England ; to her ser
vice he had devoted his life, his talents, and his fortune. When
the Palatinate was once more to be fought for, he sacrificed even
the pleasure of enjoying her society, in order the better to deserve
it, and accompanied her sons in their hopeless enterprize. And
now he lies wounded, and a prisoner, and has to pay 20,0001 to
his captors for his ransom. The strength of his passion was sub
limed by its purity : he lived in noble friendship with Duke
Christian of Brunswick, who, with Count Thurm and Mansfeldt,
devoted himself to Elizabeth in life and death. The inscription
that he bore upon his banner defied scandal to associate her name
with crime : — •" Alles fur Gott und ihr !"
2 Benett MSS.

1639.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS- 93
ther alone made an effort for his freedom. Vain as
she had hitherto found all prayers to her brother of
England, she implored him now to have her son re
stored ; she almost prevailed upon Lord Essex, then
visiting the Hague, to go to the Emperor in behalf
of his future foe ; and she wrote earnestly to the
brother in whose cause the captive had suffered, to
procure even a messenger to communicate with Ru
pert on the means of his release. The following
reply from Charles Louis betrays indifference or
worse in every ignoble line. " It will be in vain,"
he says, "to send any gentleman to my brother
Rupert without Hatzfeld's pass. Essex should have
gone, because there was no one else would, neither
could I force any to it, since there is no small dan
ger in it, for any obstinacy of my brother Rupert's,
or venture to escape, would put him [i. e. the mes
senger] in danger of hanging."1
The governor of Lintz was a brave old soldier of
the Empire ; he had once professed the Reformed
Faith, but adopted that of the Emperor on entering
his service ; for this, and, it is to be hoped, for
other services, Count Kuffstein stood high in the
favour of the Court. To him was confided the de
sire of the Emperor to obtain the services of the
young Palatine, and the count attempted, as a pre
liminary, to convert his captive. Our Prince was

1 This letter is dated " Hamburgh, 17 Dec. 1638."— Bromley's
Letter, 103.

94 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
what his brother would have termed " obstinate," in
his rejection of new doctrines. The count offered to
let him have the society of two priests, Jesuits, who
were much interested in his spiritual well-being ; the
Prince replied, " he would be happy to see the
count's friends, provided he might also see his own ;"
this was refused, so he remained in solitude.1 His
firmness was soon put to a far more trying test, in
the same manner as the sunshine was more success
ful than the rude storm against the fabled tra
veller's cloak.
Among the few recreations permitted to the
Prince was an occasional dinner with the gover
nor, and free access to his gardens. It was destined
that his imprisonment, as well as his chivalric
career, should lack nothing of the requirements
of romance. Strange as it may read in these
matter-of-fact pages, Count Kuffstein had a daugh
ter, an only, cherished child, who lived in his stern
old castle, like the delicate Dryad of some gnarled
tree. She was " one of the brightest beauties of
her age," and rarely gifted, " no lesse excelling in
the charmes of her minde than of her faire bodye."2

1 He turned his mind manfully to make the best use of his
" enforced leisure :" he found a great resource in drawing and
" limning," and he here perfected an instrument for drawing per
spective, which he afterwards gave to the Royal Society of Lon
don. His MS. _ biographer admits that Albert Durer invented the
principle of this machine, but he had never realized his concep
tions. It argued no ordinary mind that could thus divert itself
from vain regrets to philosophy and the arts.
2 Benett MSS.

1639.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 95
The imagination of the reader will easily supply
what the faithful historian is not permitted to re
cord. How the heroism, the misfortunes, and the
noble person of her royal captive, touched her ima
gination:1 how the impetuous young Prince, whose
thoughts had ever fed on tales of love and glory,
passed his time in that grim castle hitherto without
an object, save to watch time and the old Danube
rolling by: how this fair girl dawned upon his
gloomy life, charged by her father to cheer her
royal prisoner, and, if it might be, to win his soul
over to the ancient faith. Does the reader pity
him — or even her ? Though soon to be forsaken,
she never was forgotten in all the wild vicissitudes
of his dangerous and reckless career; and to wo
man's foolish heart even this is something. And
for him — how often, when wearied of the doomed
yet charmed life he bore, must his thoughts have
flown back to that fair girl : back, from the hushed
ambush, or raging battle-field, or stormy seas, to
those quiet and innocent days, when he listened to
her loving controversy, as they stood by the an
tique battlements, with the old Danube rolling by !

1 Count Hamilton, who has left such a portrait of our Prince
in his "Memoires de Grammont," looked upon him with very
different eyes than those that shone over him at Lintz ! When
the Count wrote, his soul had been seared by all the terrible
experiences of thirty years' war ; but his portrait by Vandyke, at
Combe Abbey, presents us with the very ideal of a gallant Cava
lier ; and Lord Kinnaird has another fine picture of him by Van
dyke, while yet a boy, in which the countenance is beautiful ; the
" reprouve" had not yet cast its shadow there.

96 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
We are not writing romance, but actual biogra
phy, gleaned painfully out from crabbed old manu
scripts, through which her character still shines fair
and purely. For those quaint old letters tell me
that thenceforward " hee never named her without
admiracon, and expressinge a devotion to serve her
with his lyfe ;" and it requires nothing more to tell
me that her honour had been guarded by his own.
Nevertheless, with war resounding all around
him, with so many prizes to be fought for, and so
much glory to be won, Mdlle. de Kuffstein must
have sometimes found it a hard task to cheer her
captive in his cage. How his young spirit must
have chafed as he saw glimpses of the war roll -by
and vanish far away. And to loose himself from
this captivity, this living grave, he had but one
word to utter ; he had but to follow the example of
the chivalrous Henry of Navarre, to profess him
self a proselyte, and to be free. His royal
uncle, his imperial enemy, his lady-love, his worldly
interest, were all in favour of the change ; his own
conviction, his own brave and manly heart alone
against it. Be this remembered when his many
errors are recounted !
Even his prison had its incidents, and his quiet
life its vicissitudes : sometimes, as armies were pass
ing by, some happier leader, hot from his war-horse,
would pay the royal prisoner a hurried visit of curi
osity or condolence, and cheerily must the clank of
sword and spur have sounded to his ears. One of

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 97
these visits, in the second year of his captivity, pro
cured for him more lasting benefits : the Archduke
Leopold happened to be passing through Lintz, to
"beat up the quarters" of some outlying Swedes,
who had been stimulated to attempt a rescue for
our Prince. The Archduke paid a visit to the cap
tive, by whom he was so favourably impressed, that
thenceforth he became his firm friend. He imme
diately procured from the Emperor, his brother, all
the indulgences compatible with the safe keeping
of the Prince, who was allowed to play at " ballon"
(tennis), to practise with the " skrewed gun" (the
rifle), and once more to enjoy all martial exercises :
finally, he was placed on parole, and allowed to
leave the castle for three days at a time, hunting or
visiting, as he pleased.1 Here he " hunted the stag,
the fox, and the wild roe," and probably made such
efforts to move King Charles to his relief, as ulti
mately induced him to betake himself to his old
occupation of negotiating with the Court of Vienna.
It is strange, the implicit reliance this monarch and
his wicked old father had on their diplomatic powers
of persuasion : the unvarying defeat of every cause
they ever pleaded could never for a moment shake
this vanity. Rupert's family had afforded consider
able scope to its exercise, and had suffered in pro-
1 His chief place of visit seems to have been Kamur, in Upper
Bavaria, belonging to Count Kevenhuller : his MS. biographer
says " it was a most playsant place, and the count received him
with all the honour imaginable." — Benett MSS.
VOL. I. H

98 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
portion. Indeed, there had been always some Pala
tine or other in a scrape ; there was always some
member of this unlucky House to be fought for, or
negotiated for, or contributed for, or married,1 or
released from prison.2 In the present exigence, Sir
Thomas Roe, who had grown grey in Palatine
puzzles and Stuart diplomacy, was despatched from
England to negotiate for the young Palatine's re
lease;3 but this was no summary proceeding, and,
meanwhile, fresh troubles awaited him at Lintz.
As time rolled on, the Emperor of his own accord
began to relent towards his captive, and perhaps
only desired an excuse to be rid of him : he made a
formal offer of release to the Prince, if he would only
" ask pardon of the Emperor for his crime." This,
Prince Rupert refused to do, alleging that, so far
from committing a crime, he had simply done his
duty. When this reply was reported to the Empe
ror, the old Duke of Bavaria was at Vienna, and he
so exasperated his imperial brother-in-law by his
representations against the Palatine, that Ferdinand

1 We have seen the result of Charles' wooing for his nephew ;
he negotiated a marriage for Rupert's sister, Elizabeth, with La-
dislaus of Poland, which was equally abortive. — See Racouski's
Embassy, Court and Times, ii. 128.
2 Prince Philip was forced to fly from Holland for the murder
of Epinay : he gave great sorrow to his mother, and some trouble
to Charles.
3 The Countess de Lewenstein thus writes from the Hague on
the 24th Nov. : "I hope by the solicitation of Sir Thomas Roe
we shall have our sweet Prince Rupert here : he hath been long
a prisoner." — Fairfax Correspondence, i. 322.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 99
recalled his privilege of parole, and all other in
dulgences. Thenceforth our hero was a close
prisoner, debarred from his tennis and his " skrewd
gunn," and even from Mademoiselle de Kuffstein's
society. Instead of her gentle presence, " twelve
mousqueteers and two halberds" watched night and
day over that beardless boy in that strong castle.
Still, youth and its hope triumphed over persecu
tion. Debarred from all human society, the Prince
made friends of a " beautiful white dogge1 and a
hare." The former was given to him by Lord
Arundell, and was " of a breede so famous that the
Grand Turk gave it in particular injunction to his
ambassador to obtaine him a puppie thereof." It is
curious to observe this daring and restless man
amusing himself by teaching a dog that discipline
he himself could never learn, and inducing a hare to
1 This " dogge" was afterwards renowned in English civil and
controversial warfare. It followed the Prince through many a
bloody field uninjured, but was killed at Marston Moor, to the
great joy of the Puritans, who, half in jest, asserted that it was
Prince Rupert's familiar spirit. There is a curious and half un
intelligible pamphlet in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, called
" Observations on Prince Rupert's dogge, called Boye." London,
1642. It is very witty, but with what object it was written I
know not. It says of this " dogge," that " it trotted up and down
toward the east end of the church, where there is a great painted
window above and an altar below, both which {with the rayles)
make one great idoll."  "I have kept a very strict eye upon
this dogge, whom I cannot conclude to be a very downright
divell, but some Lapland ladye, once by nature a handsome
white ladye, but now by art a handsome white dogge  They
have many times attempted to destroy it by poyson and extem
pore prayer, but they hurt him no more than the plague plaister
did Mr. Pym," &c. We are told that the mother's name was
"Puddle !" query, Foodie, which it seems to have been. H 2

100 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
lay aside that fear towards him that he inspired
so widely even among brave men. " This hare used
to follow him about, and do his bidding with doci
lity," having discovered in this wild soldier some
touch of the same gentle nature that its fellow
found in the poet Cowper.
One word more, as our story is in gentle mood,
about the lady of Lintz. She never saw her
prisoner now ; but she knew that he bore his priva
tions with the fortitude and steady courage that
never forsook him at any moment of his life. Our
biographer1 adds, that "the bravery of meene and
the misfortunes of our Prince made farre more sen
sible impressions on her than on her father," — a
fact which will scarcely excite much surprise in
modern days. But it seems that woman's influence
was then still the same ; for we find that the tough
old man, who held it as sheer obstinacy that the
Prince would neither follow Emperor nor Pope,
relaxed at length ; " his daughter's sweetnesse
having infused more affability into him towards his
prisoner." It is unnecessary to say that Rupert
often meditated escape ; but sometimes bis parole,
and at other times the " twelve mousketeers and
two halberds," rendered it impossible.
At length new events occurred, which brought
a powerful friend once more to his assistance. The
Swedes, combining with the French, again prepared

1 Benett MS.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 101
to attack Lintz ; and by this means they indirectly
accomplished the release of Rupert. The Archduke
was again sent to defend the town of Lintz ; and he
not only did so, but retaliated on the allies their in
tended surprise, and utterly defeated them. During
his occupation of the castle he renewed his friendship
with the Prince ; and when he returned to Vienna,
he resumed his efforts, backed by his claims for suc
cessful service, to obtain his friend's release. Other
causes at the same time contributed to counteract
the Duke of Bavaria's influence against the Prince.
His story began to be noised abroad through Europe ;
it had made an impression on the Empress, who be
sieged the Emperor's private ear, as the English
ambassador his public attention, in the cause of the
young captive. Sir Thomas Roe had received orders
to press this suit, for the King of England began to
wish that his gallant kinsman were near, as he
saw the great struggle for his kingdom was ap
proaching. The Prince was the only person who
was connected with him by blood, and yet pure from
political intrigue ; moreover, he was well expe
rienced in military affairs, then much neglected
from long disuse, in England ; and, above all, the
young Palatine had no patriotic scruples to qualify
his allegiance, or to narrow his services. In addition
to all these advocates, Prince Rupert had a power
ful ally in the person of Count Lesley, who had
known him when in England, and who was now
high in the Emperor's favour, and Rupert's steady

102 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
friend.1 Against this array of advocates there was
one opponent, but she was a woman, and the Ger
man proverb says, " a woman's hair can draw more
than a yoke of oxen." The Duchess of Bavaria
went on her knees to the Emperor to deprecate
young Rupert's freedom; and for a time she pre
vailed. The Empress2 then was roused, not only as
to her compassion, but her jealousy; she pleaded
with ardour, and at length obtained her suit.3
There was some delay in the Prince's delivery
from his prison : it was stipulated that he should
never fight against Ferdinand, and to this he de
murred, as considerably narrowing his field of future
action, seeing that almost all Europe was opposed to
the Empire. However, Charles, when referred to,
insisted that the promise should be given ; and so
at length it was. Colonel Lesley cannily desired to
have this promise in writing, and the Prince indig
nantly agreed : " ' but,' sayd hee, ' if it is to bee a

1 Perhaps the same Lesley, a colonel who we find left Charles
I.'s service in 1633, "because the King would not lord him." —
Howell, p. 216. There was another Colonel Lesley in the Swedish
service. — Sir P. Warwick, 107.
2 This was the Infanta of Spain, the former and first passion of
our Charles. Is it possible that she felt a secret pleasure in pro
moting the wishes of a man by whom she was once wooed ?
3 We have in the Benett MS. a confused story about a pro
posed exchange of our Prince for Prince Casimer (brother of
Ladislaus, King of Poland, who was then wooing Rupert's sister,
Elizabeth,) " and John de Wirt, an imperiall generall. But Sir
Thomas Roe objected that none but the Archduke (the Emperor's
brother) was a fitt exchange for the King of England, his ne
phew ;" an etiquette that, however flattering, was awkward for
Prince Rupert, as the Archduke was not a prisoner.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 103
lawyer's business, let them look well to the word
ing.' Whereupon they preferred his paroll, and
he gave his hand upon it to the Emperour."1
Thenceforth the Emperor lavished favours on
him, and once more endeavoured to win him over to
his service ; we are even told2 that the fairest ladies
ofthe Court were employed in the task of persuasion,
yet they prevailed not ; perhaps some memories
connected with the old Castle of Lintz, other than
his imprisonment there, saved his soft heart from
their influence. At length a direct offer was made
to him of command against the French and Swedes,
leaving him to cling to what creed he pleased. He
replied, " that he receaved the proposall rather as
an affront than a favour, and that he would never
take armes against the champions of his father's
cause." Independently of this scruple (which was
afterwards waived when he fought against the
Dutch,3) Prince Rupert possessed a certain military
1 There was a difficulty (of etiquette) about keeping the Prince
prisoner, until the moment when he kissed the Emperor's hand,
in token of manumission. In order to obviate his being taken
under a guard to Vienna, Sir Thomas Roe suggested that he
should make use of one of his " three days' paroll" to meet the
Emperor (who was then hunting near Lintz), as if by accident.
It so happened that the Emperor's attendants roused a majestic
boar, which, after a long chase, stood so fiercely at bay, that no
one cared to approach it. Suddenly a young sportsman arrived,
paused not a moment, rushed in upon the animal ; it died upon
his spear. Just then the Emperor rode up, and held out his
hand to the brave hunter : to the surprise of all, he kissed it,
and was free. It was the Prince.
2 Benett's MS.
3 And we might say against Essex, who was twice in arms for
the Palatinate.

104 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
simplicity of purpose, which held him faithful to
the service of King Charles. To his cause, the
Cause of the Cavaliees, he had vowed devotion
when a boy, and in that cause, unswervingly, he
lived and died.
After this decided rejection of the Emperor's
offers, the Prince found little difficulty in obtaining
his passport. His royal uncle of England had al
ready intimated to him " that in the event of warre
he should be verie wellcome to him ;" and the state
of affairs in England seemed to prove that the hour
of such "wellcome" was almost arrived. An invi
tation from King Charles had lately reached him,
and it came in good time. His career was now to
be begun ; and where under such favourable auspices
as in the fair fields of England, already well known
to him as the scene of many a daring feat in " war's
mimic game." Even his mother approved of his
devoting himself to a cause which he could not
question the justice of, and which gratitude as well
as inclination enjoined him to embrace.
His course being thus decided upon, Prince Ru
pert took leave of the Emperor, and received at
parting a friendly hint not to pass through the
dominions of Bavaria. He went first to Prague, to
revisit the scenes of his father's brief glory and last
ing sorrow, and then proceeded to Saxe, where the
Elector made him his guest, and treated him with
great ceremony. On the day of his arrival he was
welcomed by a banquet, which was followed by one

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 105
of those vehement drinking bouts in which the
Germans had attained such evil eminence.1
" Our Prince, alwaies temperate, soon left the
table, to the astonishment of the Germans. ' What
shall we do with him," said the Elector, ' if he won't
drink? let us make a hunting for him.'" So he
hunted ; and no doubt with much greater satisfac
tion. From Saxe he proceeded to the Hague,
where he embraced his mother after three years'
absence and imprisonment.2

1 Howell thus describes a state reception to the ambassador,
whom he accompanied :— " The King of Denmark feasted my
Lord Leycestre from eleven in the morning. He gave thirty-five
healths ; the first to the Emperor, the second to the King of
England (his nephew) ; then all the Kings and Queens of Christen
dom, but omitted the King of Bohemia [in whose cause the am
bassador had come to his Court]. The King was taken away in
his chair, but when two of the guards came to carry my
Lord Leycestre, he shook them off, and walked away stoutly." —
p. 236.
2 His brother Charles, who had been so indifferent about his
brother's fate, had lately shared it. We subjoin his story,
to have done with it: — "In the month of July, 1639, the
Prince Elector Palatine of the Rhine came into England, de
signing, by his Majesty's assistance, to obtain the command of the
army of Duke Bernard of Saxe Weimar, then lately deceased.
The King was very willing to serve the interest of that Prince, in
order to the regaining of his ancient patrimony, and moved it to
the French ambassador, proposing a perpetual league between
Prance and the Prince, in consideration of the French assistance.
The ambassador was pleased with this proposition, and assured
the King that his master and Cardinal Richelieu would approve
it ; but the latter becoming suspected in the English court as a
fomenter of the Scotch rebellion, it was thought more advisable
for the Prince to go incognito through France to the army, who,
upon his appearance, it was thought, would receive him as their
general, than to trust to the sincerity of Richelieu, or the delays
of a treaty. Accordingly, he took his journey, and passed dis
guised through France to Lyons, where he was discovered and

106 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
The Prince of Orange, too, welcomed his old
favourite warmly, and entered into his views with
respect to England zealously and kindly. The
aspect of affairs there was very gloomy ; the King
had been for years in negotiation, as it were, with
his parliament ; each party had now reached what
it considered the utmost limits of forbearance, and
nothing remained but the first act of hostility to
serve instead of the mere form of declaring war.
The King was at Dover, (Feb. 23rd, 1642,) escort
ing his queen so far on her way to Holland, whither
she had in fact escaped from the Parliament, who
wanted an excuse to prevent her departure. Her real
object — that of seeking foreign assistance, and
raising money on the crown jewels to support the
crown — was well known. Every thought of hers,
indeed, was transparent to her enemies by means
of tbe political ladies of her Court ; especially by
means of the arch-traitress Lady Carlisle, whom she
trusted with implicit infatuation. Her ostensible
object in visiting Holland, was to introduce her
daughter Mary to her affianced husband, William,
the young and gallant Prince of Orange.1
When Prince Rupert reached Dover,2 he found

made prisoner, a strict guard being for some time put upon him
by the French King, who interpreted this proceeding, whilst he
was in" treaty with him, to be some ill design against his crown
and dominion." — Nalson's Collection, vol. i. p. 57. London, 1682.
1 Already distinguished at Hulst : he was seventeen years
old ; his affianced bride only twelve, afterwards our Queen.
3 The MS. says, " He did then very ill brook the sea."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 107
that the King, if not still hopeful to prevent the
war, had at least taken no steps to meet it : he
was therefore very desirous to avoid any appear
ances that might be construed into such a design.
Every man in England, nevertheless, knew that
civil war was lurking at his threshold, however
startled afterwards to find himself in the actual
presence of the demon.
Prince Rupert found an affectionate welcome from
his uncle; nevertheless, as pacific professions were
still maintained, he deemed it advisable to return
to Holland under the appearance of escorting the
queen.1 Her majesty waited some days for a fair
wind, during which time intrigue was busy, and
place-hunters were making desperate efforts.2 On
the 25th of February the Queen embarked on board
the " Lyon," commanded by Captain Fox ; the States
having sent the gallant Van Tromp with twenty
ships of war to escort her to their shores ; on the
28th she landed at Helvoetsluys, and proceeded to
the Court of Prince Frederic Henry, whence Rupert
returned to the Plague.

1 There is a curious passage in one of my MSS. concerning a
" person of greate quallity," which allusion is explained in another
MS. to apply to the Duke of Hamilton. It runs thus : — " A
person of greate quallity and much interest with the King askt
his Highnesse what he intended to do. To whom the Prince
made answer that he would only return to Holland with ye
Queene. ' Tou are the wiser,' saies the other, discoursing the
matter so suspiciously with the King, that his Highnesse gave the
King a necessary caution concerning him." — Benett MS.
2 Clar. Reb. ii. 263.

108 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
If Henrietta Maria had hitherto displayed the
hereditary wilfulness and levity of Mary of Me-
dicis, she now emulated the energy and talent of
Henry of Navarre. In all England the King could
not have found a man capable of performing what
this unassisted woman accomplished. France stood
aloof, not sorry to see the power of England divided
against itself, and Richelieu left the sister of his
sovereign to beg from strangers, and to feel herself
an exile from her native land. Papist and Royal
as she was, the Queen found a Protestant republic
very slow to listen to the voice of her charming; the
public sympathies of the Dutch were all with the Par
liament, and though their private interests induced
them to deal with the Queen, they satisfied their
consciences by "bargaining like Turks1'1 for every
thing they gave.2 Notwithstanding all these diffi
culties, the Queen succeeded in raising considerable
sums, and a good supply of arms for the King. And
it was full time. The King had left London for
the north, and was only hesitating where he should
1 Lilly's "Life and Times;" Masere's "Tracts." What Mr.
Canning calls "the irrepressible energies of commerce" have never
been so energetically displayed as by the Dutch. King Louis
Napoleon found it impossible to please his Imperial brother by
enforcing the Berlin decree in Holland : — " Empechez done la
peau de transpirer," was his excuse. The most whimsical result
of this commercial instinct was exhibited in the siege of one of
their own seaports by the French ; when the Dutch actually sup
plied ships to carry stores to their enemies !
2 The Prince of Orange gave his best assistance and his sym
pathies ; but his own power in Holland was by no means well
secured, and he could not afford to use compulsion towards the
States.

164'2.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 109
raise that standard, which he had as yet scarcely an
armed soldier to defend.
The Queen sent for Prince Rupert to the Hague,
announced to him that the King designed for him
the " Generalship of his Horse," and enjoined him
to proceed to England instantly with such supplies
as she had then prepared. These were placed in a
small vessel belonging to the King, and the Prince
himself embarked in the " Lyon," but had scarcely
put to sea when a gale of wind drove him back to
the Texel, and at the same time sent the store-ship
ashore, where her cargo was saved with difficulty.
Prince Rupert hastened to lay his condition before
the stadtholder, who generously gave him a frigate
of forty-six guns for his own conveyance, and a
galliot for his stores. During the delay thus caused,
Prince Maurice obtained permission to join his
brother, and henceforth affectionately followed him
during the remainder of his brief existence.
At length the Princes sailed for England, Lord
Digby being on board the galliot.1 The wind was
fair, and the " seas contributed to the designes of the
Prince, yet his mind went faster than his vessell, and
the zeale he had speedily to serve his majestye, made
him think diligence itself was lazy."2 Having nar-

1 This clever and unlucky man, one of Charles' chief favourites,
had been some time in England : he spread a report (which de
ceived the MS. writer) that he had come in this store-ship. — Clar.
Reb. iii. 168.
2 Lans. MS., which here breaks off, having done our story at
intervals good service. It was evidently written by some person

110 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
rowly escaped the Parliamentary cruizers off Flam-
borough Head, they reached Tynemouth in safety.
Hence they rode post for Nottingham, Daniel
O'Neale, Somerset, Fox, and others being of their
company. It was evening when they landed, but
Rupert was not a man to wait upon the morning,
and immediately calling for horses, he set forth. It
was in the month of August, but as his evil destiny
would have it, there came on a sharp frost, and his
horse slipping in the dark, the Prince was thrown
with violence and dislocated his shoulder. There
happened to be a "bone-setter" living within half a
mile of where he fell, and the limb was set, but it
was three days1 before Prince Rupert was able to
resume his journey.2 When he reached Nottingham
he found that the King had gone to Coventry;5 so,
mounting again, he followed him. Before -he had
gone far, however, he learned that the King was at
intimate with, or attendant on the Prince, and seems to have been
written from time to time, as conversation brought old facts to
light. 1 Three hours, one MS. says.
2 The " bone-setter" refused to take more than half the fee
the Prince offered him. It is pleasant to trace back this trait
of humble honour through two hundred years.
3 An occurrence is here related by the MSS. which, as it gives
a striking picture of the poverty of the King's resources, ought
not to be omitted. Prince Rupert had scarcely arrived at Not
tingham, when " Lord Digby, the governor, came to him, saying
he had received a dispatch from the King (who was then before
Coventry), asking for two petards, a word which he could not un
derstand. The Prince hastily proceeded to examine ' the arsenal'
[as it was called by courtesy], but no petard was to be found.
At length Colonel Legge got two apothecaries' mortars, which
they adapted to that purpose, and sent off post to the King."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. Ill
Leicester Abbey,1 where the Prince joined him, and
received charge of the royal cavalry, consisting of
eight hundred horse ! The next day, being the
22nd day of August, they proceeded to Nottingham,
where the Royal Standard was then set up.2 3
It was a dismal ceremony : * all external ap-
1 Holling's " History of Leicester."
2 Here the Benett MS. breaks off until "our Prince" leaves
England in 1646 : then, resuming its details, it follows him
through all his privateering and corsair career, until he returns
to England at the Restoration. There it ends.
3 It is remarkable that this memorable epoch is uncertain : Lord
Clarendon (who witnessed the ceremony), and May, the Par
liamentary historian, say the standard was set up on the 25th of
August. Ludlow and Bulstrode say it was on the 24th ; M.
Guizot says the 23rd ; and Rushworth and Lilly maintain it was
on the 22nd. I have assigned the latter date on the following
grounds. In the Journal of the House of Commons of the 24th,
we find that intelligence had already been received that the
standard was set up, that there had been deliberations founded
on that transaction, and in which it was agreed that Essex was
to take the command of the Parliamentary forces ; secondly,
there is a curious pamphlet, belonging to Dr. Bandinel, of the
Bodleian Library, which purports to furnish a " likenesse" of the
standard, and was published at the time ; it gives the 22nd as
the date : thirdly, my own MS., which I may be allowed to trust
to in some degree, gives this same date. The probability is, that
the standard was first raised on the 22nd, and continued to
wave over Nottingham until the 26th.
* The first standard that was ever raised within the bowels
of this kingdom [for Scotland and Wales were of old considered
"aliens"] was in the third year of King Richard III., 1483, at
a place called Redmore, near Bosworth, where he pitched his tents
in the open fields, called all his soldiers together, and declaring
the cause of his taking up arms and the setting up of his
standard, which was against Henry Earl of Richmond, encou
raging them to stand to him now or else never. Then King
Richard, having set up his standard, which was formerly sent him
out of the Tower of London, and brought to him by Sir Thomas
Braokenbury, Lieutenant of the Tower, whom he appointed his
chief standard-bearer, together with Sir T. Bouchier and Sir
Walter Hungerford, knights and gentlemen in whom the King

112 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
pearances contributed to deepen the gloom that
pervaded every mind,. — every mind except young
Rupert's, whose daring spirit found in difficulties
only fresh sources of excitement. His presence at
the little Court of Nottingham infused new life and
confidence among the drooping followers of the
King. Charles himself, harassed by timorous and
conflicting counsels, found relief in the prompt,
vigorous, and decisive character of his nephew.
Young as he was, he alone of the royal counsellors
had experience in military affairs; his youth and
natural daring made him reckless of the obstacles
so formidable to cabinet men : they only knew that
the Parliament had money at command, and all the
munitions of war, — the King, nothing but a doubtful
cause. Prince Rupert not only then, but throughout
the war, was most useful to that cause, by inspiring
had a good affiance and trust. The standard being set up in
great state, and well guarded, the whole country, being much dis
pleased because the King would make it the seat of war, brake
out and declared by certain papers which were scattered and
thrown about the army, what they had heard of by ancient
records, that if any King doth proclaim war and set up his stand
ard within his owne kingdom, and against his owne people and
nation, not having any just occasion, but only a rash humour and
desire for vengeance, and not having any affront given by foreign
Princes, nor his land invaded by any foreign forces, upon the
setting up of any such standard, 1st, that the lawe itself seases
to be of any force ; 2nd, that all prisoners whatsoever, that lay
in custody upon any suit of war or execution, contempt or any
other decree, were presently freed, and the doores of the prison
thrown open ; 3rd, that such a King ought to be dispossessed and
his throne_ bestowed upon an other; 4th, neither he, nor any of
his posterity, should have any right or succession to the crown
and dignity.— Pamphlet in possession of Dr. Bandinel, Bodleian,
Oxford.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 113
the confidence that he felt, and by a soldierlike
simplicity of purpose, more difficult to baffle or to
cope with, than all the wiles of Machiavelli.
Prince Rupert was now nearly twenty-three.
His portraits present to us the ideal of a gallant
cavalier. His figure, tall, vigorous, and symmetri
cal, would have been somewhat stately, but for its
graceful bearing and noble ease. A vehement, yet
firm, character predominates in the countenance,
combined with a certain gentleness, apparent only
in the thoughtful, but not pensive, eyes. Large,
dark, and well-formed eyebrows, overarch a high
bred, Norman nose : the upper lip is finely cut
but somewhat supercilious in expression ; the lower
part of the mouth and chin have a very different
meaning, and impart a tone of iron resolution to the
whole countenance. Long flowing hair (through
which, doubtless, curled the romantic "love-lock")
flowed over the wide embroidered collar, or the scar
let cloak: he wore neither beard nor moustaches,
then almost universal ; and his cheek, though
bronzed by exposure, was marked by a womanly
dimple. On the whole, our Cavalier must have
presented an appearance as attractive in a lady's
eye, and as unlovely in a Puritan's, as Vandyke
ever immortalized.1 Such was the aspect of the
De Grammont, or rather Hamilton, has left us a lively portrait
of this prince, but dark and satirical as gall could make it. The
witty and sensual coxcomb had probably an instinctive antipathy
to the uncompromising and almost ascetic soldier. I have tran
scribed his words in the third volume. At the time it was drawn,
VOL. I. I

114 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
young Palatine, who won for himself a name so re
nowned in the tradition of our Civil Wars, yet so
uncertain in their history. He is now riding side
by side with his royal kinsman to Nottingham, on
the way to the opening scene of the great tragedy.
By the aid of old writings, and still more by the aid
of old prints and pictures, we may bring the group
of warlike travellers before our eyes, and behold the
scenes they saw. A strong wind was sweeping over
the wide valley of the Trent, then unenclosed by
fences, and only marked at wide intervals by some
low, strong farm-houses, with innumerable gables. In
the distance, boldly relieved againsfr the stormy sky,
rose the stern old castle of Nottingham ; a flag-staff,
as yet innocent of the fatal standard, was visible on
its highest tower. Long peace and security had
invested the country round with a very different
aspect from that which Rupert had lately seen in
Germany. A prosperous peasantry were gathering
in a plentiful harvest : l there were no symptoms
Prince Rupert had had experience of nearly half a century of
such perils, privations, and vicissitudes on land and sea, as have
seldom been concentrated in a single life. The best portraits of
the Prince that I am acquainted with are in the possession of Lord
Kinnaird at Rossie Priory, Lord Craven at Combe Abbey, and Sir
Robert Bromley at Stoke Park. The first, by Vandyke, was taken
apparently at the Hague, when he was about eleven years of age;
the second, also by Vandyke, about the period of his first visit to
England, and the last (as in the frontispiece) was painted by
Sir Peter Lely after the Restoration.
1 There was a " very bountiful harvest" this year (Clarendon),
and, indeed, a succession of them, until 1673. The labourer must
have lived in comfort, as he received (at least in 1661), a shilling
a day, with food, or one shilling and eightpence without it, for

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 115
anywhere of the approaching war, until the royal
cavalcade passed by. The greater part of the
Prince's cavalry was there, endeavouring to make
an imposing appearance ; but they were scantily
furnished with the bas'net (or steel cap), and the
back and breast plate, over leathern doublet, that
then formed the essential harness of a trooper ; for
arms, they had nothing but their swords.1 The
equipment of their King and their young general
was almost as simple : the plumed hat of the time
was only laid aside on the day of battle, and not
always then, by the reckless Rupert : 2 a short
cloak (the Prince's was of scarlet cloth) and large
cavalry boots almost enveloped the remainder of
the person : a slender train of heralds and pur
suivants, and some gentlemen-at-arms, complete the
cavalcade. Such was the royal progress to the
head-quarters ofthe Cavaliers.
Never had the King's destiny appeared so dark.
On the preceding day Coventry had closed her gates
against him, and fired upon his flag : Leicester was
reaping, and nearly as much for mowing. — Eccleston's Antiq.
Evelyn says, the peasants were " so saucy that they would eat
nothing but the finest wheaten flour. Baillie tells us that in
Northumberland, and on the Borders, the Covenanters could buy
a quarter of lamb for fourpence, wheat was under forty-four shil
lings a quarter : in 1 685 it was only twenty-seven shillings and
sevenpence. I find two bulls and three heifers valued at 8/.
See vol. ii. i Clar. Reb. iii. 194.
2 The subject of armour and costume, no inconsiderable items
m military history, are spoken of more fully at the muster of the
King's army in Shrewsbury, Volume II. The great Sutherland
edition of Clarendon, in the Bodleian Library, is rich in the cos
tumes and even landscapes of that time. i 2

116 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
only held to his cause by Wilmot's cavalry : his
appeal to his people had been hitherto made in
vain. Some few of the chief Cavaliers, indeed, had
obeyed his summons ; but the peasants, the yeomen,
and even the soldiers of fortune, still stood aloof, or
looked wistfully towards the Parliament. Notting
ham as yet afforded a rallying point for his few ad
herents, and a shelter to his council, but the very coun
try he was passing through was hostile, and the High-
sheriff Digby could scarcelyassemble sufficient "trayn-
bands " to furnish the appearance of a royal guard.
Yet the day was come, the eventful day appointed
for the Raising of the Standard, and Charles did
not hesitate in his purpose. His character henceforth
displayed far more firmness than hitherto : his better
nature, although reserved, was dauntless, enduring,
and even sanguine. He believed himself to be an
injured and outraged King, and that he was about
to appeal most righteously to the God of battles.
Meanwhile the little town of Nottingham was
filled with thousands of curious spectators from the
country round about. The day passed on without
tidings of the King, or any token of the approaching
ceremony: only that from time to time some Cava
liers arrived, their armour and gay caparison dimmed
and disfigured by the storm. The foremost of these de
voted men had already bidden a long farewell to the
homes now desolate, yet glorying in their departure.
At length the royal banner was seen advancing
across the plain. As the King drew near, a pro-

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 117
found melancholy was observed upon his counte
nance ; Hyde and his brother counsellors of peace
watched it anxiously, but were soon disabused of the
hope that such sadness betokened any altered
purpose. The Council immediately assembled in
the dilapidated hall of the old castle, and the
King's determination was declared by his own lips,
in such terms as precluded all remonstrance. The
standard was to be raised forthwith ; that irrevoc
able challenge to a powerful people in their wrath !
and the challenger was a powerless King, without
troops, revenue, or apparent resources. ITis only
hope lay in the national loyalty he had once so
severely tried, and in the chivalry of the few faith
ful Cavaliers who then surrounded him.
All matter of debate was now postponed, and the
King proceeded to the momentous ceremony of the
day. At once the fatal Standard was unfurled from
a high eminence within the park ; its broad folds
waving over the warlike group below. The King
stood upon a grassy knoll ; a herald by his side
then read the proclamation, with a voice almost
inaudible in the storm ; but that officer had scarcely
begun, when the King, with characteristic inde
cision, took the paper from his hand, and made such
alterations that the herald blundered inauspiciously
through the remainder of his task. The few specta
tors shouted "God save the King!" and, night
coming on, put an end to the dismal ceremony.1
1 The standard was then removed to the highest tower in the castle.

118 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
The next morning no standard was to be seen ;
it had been blown down during the night; the
King ordered it to be removed to a commanding
station in the park, observing that " before, it look
ed as if imprisoned." But a fatality seemed still to
attend upon that standard ; the ground was so hard
that the heralds were obliged to use their daggers
in order to plant it in the unwilling soil, and even
then, four men were compelled to support it through
the ceremony.1 Again the proclamation was read,
and for four successive days the broad standard
of England streamed out upon an unceasing storm,
with the blood-red battle-flag above.2
The signal caught the eye of many a group of
gallant men, who were then advancing across the
valley to join that standard, and to live or die be-
1 The likeness of King Charles I.'s standard : — " It is
much of the fashion of the City streamers, used at the Lord
Mayor's show, having about twenty supporters, and is to be carried
after the same way ; on the top of it hangs a bloody flag. The
King's arms, quartered with a bloody hand pointing to the
crowne, which stands above with this motto, — ' Give Ceasar his
due.' The names of those Knights Bannerets who were ap
pointed to bear the standard, viz. the cheefe was Sir Thomas
Brookes, Sir A. Hopton, Sir Francis Wortley, and Sir Robert
Doddington. Likewise there was three troope of horse ap
pointed to waite upon the standard, and to beare the same back
wards and forwards, with about six hundred foot soldiers, beside
great number of horse and foot, in all to the number of two thou
sand, who came more to see the manner of the thing than any
ways to offer assistance to his Majesty, as did afterward too evi
dently appear."' — Setting up ofthe Royal Standard, 1642.
2 At first the expectation of the Parliament that the King
would never be able to raise an army, seemed likely to be veri
fied. During four days the standard was displayed at Notting
ham, and almost in vain. Only thirty of the " trayned bands"

164-J.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 119
neath its shadow. Few they were, but they repre
sented tens of thousands who lingered in blessed
peace among their homes as long as peace was pos
sible, yet started forth in battle armour as soon as
the summons of the trumpet reached them. Their
hearts might not be all at ease as to the clear justice
of their cause, but it seemed, doubtless, the less
evil alternative : old and honourable prejudices, an
cient associations, chivalrous honour, reckless aud
desperate loyalty, drew them to their King. How
mournful that such devotion should have been so
tried — and so rewarded !
In illustration of the romantic sentiments then
prevalent among the Cavaliers, I cannot refrain from
quoting the following letter. It 'was written about
this time by the heroic Sir Beville Grenville, and
expresses in his own brave words the thought of
thousands.

came forward to offer themselves, and they were ungraciously re
jected for their absent comrades' fault. At this time the enemy
might, Sir Jacob Astley said, have seized the King at any hour ;
but the enemy was far too subtle to do so.
The above details are taken from old pamphlets in Dr.
Bandinel's Collect. Bodleian Library; Clar. "Reb." vol. iii. pp.
188, <fcc. ; and "Life," i. 134; Bulstrode, p. 71, &c. ; Lilly's
" Life and Times," in Maseres' " Tracts," p. 176 ; Lord Nugent's
"Life of Hampden," vol. ii. p. 160; Forster's "Statesmen of
the Commonwealth," and M. Guizot's " Revolution d'Angieterre,"
1. 1, p. 256. Lord Clarendon's account differs in many respects
from the pamphlets and publications that enter into the parti
culars of the transaction : but these last, however ephemeral,
are more likely to be accurate than Lord Clarendon, on trifling
points, concerning which he did not write until years after. The
subject is resumed at the end of the following chapter.

120 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
FROM SIR BEVILL GRENVIL TO SIR JOHN TRELAWNEY.
M° Hon. Sr,
I have in many kinds had trial of your nobleness,
but in none more than in this singular expression of your
kind care and love. I give also your excellent lady humble
thankes for respect unto my poor woman, who hath been
long a faithful much obliged servant of your Lady's. Rut
Sir, for my journey, it is fixed. I cannot contain myself
within my doors when the King of England's standard waves
in the field upon so just occasion— the cause being such as
must make all those who die in it little inferior to martyrs.
And, for mine own, I desire to acquire an honest name
or an honourable grave. I never loved my life or ease so
much as to shun such an occasion, which if I should, I
were unworthy of the profession I have held, or to suc
ceed those ancestors of mine, who have so many of them
in several ages sacrificed their lives for their country. Sir,
the barbarous and implacable enemy (notwithstanding His
Majesty's gracious proceedings with them), do continue
their insolencies and rebellion in the highest degree, and
are united in a body of great strength ; so as you must
expect, if they be not prevented and mastered near their
own homes, they will be troublesome in yours and in the re
motest places ere long. I am not without the consideration
(as you lovingly advise) of my wife and family ; and as for
her, I must acknowledge she hath ever drawn so evenly
in her yoke with me, as she hath never prest before or
hung behind, nor ever opposed or resisted my will. And
yet truly I in this or any thing else endeavoured to walk
in no way of power with her but of reason ; and though her
love will submit to either, yet truly my respect will not
suffer me to urge her with power, unless I can convince
with reason. So much for that, whereof I am willing to
be accountable unto so good a friend. I have no suit
unto you in mine own behalf but for your prayers and
good wishes, and that, if I live to come home again, you

1215-1455.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 121
would please to continue me in the number of your servants.
And so I beseech God to send you and your noble family
allhealth and happiness, and while I hve I am, Sir,
Yr unfay. lov and fai. serv. B. G.1
As a pendant to this, I subjoin Lord Clarendon's
memorable conversation with Sir Edmund Varney :
between these two different, yet not discordant tes
timonies, we may understand the state of feeling in
the King's small camp.
Mr. Hyde was often wont to relate a passage in that
melancholick time, when the standard was set up at Not
tingham, with which he was much affected. Sir Edmund
Varney, Knight Marshal, who was mentioned before as
standard-bearer, with whom he had great familiarity, who
was a man of great courage and generally beloved, came
one day to him and told him, " He was very glad to see
him, in so universal a damp under which the spirits of
most men were oppressed, retain still his natural vivacity
and cheerfulness ; that he knew that the condition of the
King, and the power of the Parliament was not better
known to any man than to him, and therefore he hoped
that he was able to administer some comfort to his friends,
that might raise their spirits, as well as it supported his
own. * * * * He (Sir Edmund Varney) replied smil
ing, " I will willingly join with you the best I can, but I
shall act it very scurvily. My condition," said he, " is
much worse than yours, and different I believe from any
other man's, and will very well justify the melancholick
that I confess to you possesses me. You have satis
faction in your conscience that you are in the right ; that
the King ought not to grant what is required of him ;
and so you do your duty and your business together.
1 Among Lord Carteret's papers, discovered by the Bishop of
Llaadaff : quoted by Lord Nugent.

122 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
But for my part, I do not like the quarrel, and do heartily
wish that the King would yield and consent to what they
desire ; so that my conscience is only concerned in honour
and in gratitude to follow my master. I have eaten his
bread, and served him near thirty years, and will not do
so base a thing as to forsake him, and choose rather to
lose my life (which I am sure I shall do) to preserve and
defend those things, which are against my conscience to
preserve and defend. For I will deal freely with you, I
have no reverence for the Bishops for whom this quarrel
subsists." It was not a time to dispute ; and his affection
to the Church had never been suspected. He was as
good as his word, and was killed in the battle of Edge-
hill, within two months after this discourse.1
Before entering into the details of the Civil War,
it seems necessary to take a brief review of the
events that produced it ; of the means by which the
Parliament attained to its exorbitant power ; of the
origin of the Cavaliers, and the formation of the
armies that are about to engage. The course of
these events was guided by the best and ablest men
in England of that period, and has been illustrated
by the greatest historians of our own. I do not
think that a brief summary of the most important
historical events will be importunate, especially as
it seems indispensable to the elucidation of these
Memoirs, and their far more valuable letters.

1 " Life of Edward Earl of Clarendon," vol. i. p. 134. Oxford
1761. F

1501)

] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 123

CHAPTER III.
SUMMARY OF EVENTS PRECEDING THE WAR.

PROGRESS OF THE PEOPLE. ROYAL ENCROACHMENTS ; THEIR RESULT.
PARLIAMENTARY ENCROACHMENTS J THEIR RESULT. SCOTCH CAMPAIGNS.
LONG PARLIAMENT. ARMY PLOT. CAVALIER AND ROUNDHEAD DENOMI
NATION. FINAL BREACH BETWEEN THE KING AND PARLIAMENT.

Our mercy moved us to write our laws in milk and equity ;
how are ye blinded to ask them in blood 1
Reply to the Six Articles by Edward VI.
0 blessed Peace !
To thy soft arms through death itself we flee ;
Battles and camps and fields and victorie
Are but the rugged steps that lead to thee ! — Lovelace,
The King's standard is set up ! The announce
ment spread abroad like lightning, shot into every
village nook, and thrilled through every heart of
the great empire that it menaced with distraction
and despair. The people had long been accustomed
to look to their Parliament as the sole champion of
their rights and liberties, yet their instinct of loyal
ty was still strong, and the King's Majesty was still
held sacred. They now found themselves precipi
tated into a war, and suddenly compelled to em
brace one or other of the two great parties that
were each disqualified to claim undivided allegiance

124 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
by their very severance. The following chapter
attempts to relate how that severance took place,
and how the Cavalier and Roundhead came into
existence in nature and in name.
From the great compromise at Runnymede, to
the War of the Roses, the people had been slowly
rising into consideration ; not so much by any effort
of their own, as heaved upward by the convulsions
that so often shook the State. But parliamentary
is by no means identical with popular progress:
the people had acquired fresh importance as often
as the Crown required support against the nobles ;
but they had not yet produced such material as to
form a firm and fearless House of Commons. In the
reign of Henry VII., the Parliaments were still un
conscious of their power, though the people had fre
quently exhibited theirs, in significantly successful
insurrections, which were then the awkward but
only mode of expressing public opinion.
With Warwick died the old baronial power, that
oligarchical aristocracy which, with all its faults,
did good service in its generation, and " offended
the subject more by insolence of demeanour than
by abuse of administration."1 Thenceforth it began
at once to improve and to degenerate into the mo
dern species of nobility. Out of the former body,
Henry VII. could only find twenty-eight temporal

1 Lord John Russell on the French Revolution. Sir Edward
Bulwer Lytton's noble historical novel, " The Last of the Barons."

1553-8.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 125
peers for his Upper House, so fiercely had the old
baron stock fought before it fell. Here and hereafter,
we shall have occasion to note how much more
freely flowed gentle than other blood on the battle
field, yet it availed not. Henceforth, the Upper
House has ever been tbe weaker when the two
Estates have come into collision.1
The courage and capacity of Henry VIII. enabled
him to control the feeble liberties of England.
His servile Parliament2 tamely registered his ty
rannical decrees, aud permitted to his proclama
tions the force of law.3 There was but one point
on which they were sensitive ; not religion, for that
they changed at the despot's bidding ; nor the mat
ter of his murderous lust, for to that they pandered;
nor his despotism, for to that they bowed like
Egyptian slaves : but, when he attempted to levy
taxes (in the form of a " Benevolence") without

1 Yet by no means to be the less valued. The House of Lords
has shewn wonderful "hereditary" tact in preserving its position
as a counterbalancing power to the Commons. One source,
doubtless, of that power consists in its temperateness, and high
bred self-possession. If it has never originated great measures,
or successfully stemmed great changes, it has rarely been be
trayed into violent measures, and has often prevented political
changes from assuming a revolutionary complexion. It has sel
dom, even in earlier days, compromised its character for respec
tability, or risen beyond it, like its more wayward brother House.
2 The judges were as vile and venal as any of those of later
days ; they justified the exaction of " Benevolence," and sent Read,
the Hampden of his time, to serve as a soldier. — Herbert, p. 152 ;
Prof. Smyth, i. 345.
3 31 Hen. VIII. i. 8 ; Burnet, i. 263, quoted by Hallam (C.
H. ii. 35).

126 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
their consent, Mammon was aggrieved, and in
spired them to resist where patriotism had failed
to do so.1
The brief and gentle reign of Edward VI. was yet
lono- enough to prove the continued subserviency of
the Commons, who accepted as law the proclama
tions of his unscrupulous regency. Under Mary the
Parliament took courage, emboldened by the hatred
that her tyranny and sanguinary disposition had
inspired :2 at the same time the controversies of
religion, for which men died daily, exercised the
public mind, and accustomed the people to think
for themselves. The name of " bishop," associated
with the persecution of which they suffered them
selves to be the chief agents, assumed an unpo
pularity it long retained, even in Protestant times.3
To us this reign is chiefly remarkable for the re
tribution that Marian bigotry entailed on England
in the shape of Puritanism. The fiery persecution
1 Thus also in the Netherlands, the insulted people saw their
best patriots executed, their religion outraged, their wives and
daughters dishonoured, and they bore it : but, when the Duke of
Alva attempted to lay a tax of 10 per cent, upon their properties,
they rose with indignant pride, and commenced their struggle for
liberty. — Hist, of Netherlands.
- Yet Mary sent a knight to the Tower for his free speaking
in Parliament, and thought the measure mild, compared with her
father's threat to cut off the heads of those who used them to
speak against his prerogative. — Benett, ii. 35.
3 It would seem, however, that bishops were misliked even be
fore the Reformation, where we find one of their lordships com
plaining, in a legal case, that he could expect no justice from a
London jury, "who so hated the Church, that they would bring
in Abel guilty of Cain's murder." — C. Hist. Hallam, i. 58.

1553-8.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 127
that forced many of her best subjects to leave
their country, drove them into Switzerland and
Frankfort, the strongholds of Calvinism : there they
first sought to attach themselves to the Lutheran
Communion, but its ministers, with implacable
bigotry, rejected them, and so they found refuge
in the Calvinistic churches. Then came Knox
among them, declaring King Edward's Liturgy to
be a " Masse-book," and prelacy a popish invention.
The name of Queen Mary was naturally an abomi
nation ; and, not only as Mary, but as Queen, the
hearts of the exiles were hardened against her.
When these converts and their children returned
to England, they had become estranged, as well
from their loyalty as from their ancient faith.
The reign of Elizabeth proves more convincingly
how arbitrary the power of the Sovereign still con
tinued. The affections of the people, which she
knew so well how to conciliate, blinded them to the
despotic nature of her rule : the Star Chamber and
High Commission Courts rendered the caprice of
the Sovereign and her favourites virtually para
mount to all law. Yet, even then, — while Elizabeth
pretended to shield under the broad mantle of pre
rogative every matter relating to State or ecclesi
astical affairs from parliamentary discussion, — even
then, a brave voice was heard asserting, " that,
without freedom of speech, it was a mockery to
call that a Parliament House ; it is but a school of
flattery and dissimulation, and so a fit place to serve

128 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
the divell and his angells, and not to glorify God
or benefit the Commonwealth." This was but a
solitary voice, however, soon hushed in prison,
though not forgotten. The nobles feared, and the
people loved their Queen : loyalty was enthusiastic,1
the nation thrived at home, and was respected, or, at
least, respectable, abroad. The ability of Cecil and
the honesty of Walsingham controlled in some mea
sure the ineptitudes and corruptions of the favour
ites ; and Elizabeth had sufficient tact to yield to
necessity before it assumed that dangerous appear
ance in the eyes of others. Many years elapsed
before any opposition to the Crown was attempted
in Parliament, and then it was on ecclesiastical mat
ters ; the Puritan spirit had entered into the House
of Commons,2 and at once acquired strength from
1 When poor Strype had his right hand cut off for writing a
political pamphlet, he took off his hat with the hand that was
left, and shouted "God save the Queen!" Barrow and Green
wood were executed at Bury for spreading " seditious" pam
phlets, and they died with such expressions of loyalty and piety,
that even Elizabeth was touched with sorrow. — Neat's Puritans.
This reign had little to boast of in toleration : the Protestant
martyrs under Mary numbered about three hundred ; the Roman
Catholic martyrs under Elizabeth, about two hundred ; the latter
chiefly concerning supremacy. — Hallam.
2 And out of the House the Puritans grew still more vehement
and busy, reviling the "Popish rags" and "conjuring robes" of
the clergy, and calling Elizabeth to account for not more bloodily
persecuting the Roman Catholics. They admitted she had done
something toward the abolition of Popery, but affirmed she was
" still but an idle slut, who swept the middle of the room, but
left dirt in the corners." There is no limit to the vituperative
indulgence, when once people betake themselves to calling names,
whether at Billingsgate or in the pulpit. " The untamed heifer"
was one of the mildest and most decent epithets applied to Eliza-

1602.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 129
its associating the civil with the religious liberty it
claimed. A sense of independence began to awaken,
and it slumbered not henceforth.1 Elizabeth lived
to hear it remonstrate very audibly through the so
lemn silence of the once acclaiming people. She
died, despotic and despairing ; full of years and glory,
and all but a suicide through sorrow and remorse.2
James I. was seated quietly on the throne of
England, unquestioned, the world scarce knew why
concerning his right to that glorious inheritance.3
The people welcomed him, rejoicing, as a people
always does, in any change, and hoping great things
from the consolidation4 of Scotland with their
Crown. Therefore they accepted what was under
stood to be the will of their " good Queen Bess."
And, therefore, the first of the Stuarts was a tacitly
elected King, a title, though his best,3 that his

beth, who used to say " she knew what would content the Catho
lics, but never what would content the Puritans." D 'Israeli's
Commentaries. 1 The Queen must have perceived the rising aspirations of the
Commons, when she thus dissolved them : — " I discharge you
from presuming to meddle with matters of State, which are mat
ters above your comprehension."
2 She is said to have starved herself to death.
3 There were many competitors : he was only great-great-
grandson of Henry VII. by the female line.
4 James, for the first time, assumed the title of " King of Great
Britain/'quartering St. Andrew's cross with that of St. George.
The iron gates of the frontier towns were melted into plough
shares \—Mod. Eur. Russell, iii. 176.
5 If not the best, it was to, best. Although the blood of our
Saxon and Norman kings was in his veins, " no private man in En
gland could have recovered an acre of land without proving a better
title than he could make to the Crown." — Hallam, C. Hist. i. 283.
VOL. I. K

130 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
imperious vanity would have utterly disdained.
The English people were little acquainted with the
character of their new sovereign;1 he was known
only as a shrewd, sensible, peace-loving man, who
had been very tractable to his former refractory
subjects. The Parliamentary party had probably
hope from his weakness ; the Episcopal party, from
reasons well-known to themselves; the Puritans,
from his Presbyterian education ; the masses, from
his novelty. These motives procured for him a
peaceable, and even triumphant welcome in his new
dominions; his progress to London occupied no
considerable time, though passed in hunting, amuse
ment, and debauchery ; but it lasted long enough
to "turn the admiration of the intelligent world
into contempt."2 No sense of the great and solemn
duties that had devolved upon him ever visited his
ignoble mind : each day of his progress through his
new kingdom he violated every rule of taste, feel
ing, and policy,3 affording thus a type of his pro
gress through life. Sordid, selfish, false, cowardly,

1 Clarendon says the English at this time knew (and cared) less
about Scotland than they did about Poland.
2 Carte, " Life of Ormond."
3 He published proclamations forbidding loyal demonstrations,
he received women on their knees, he drove away the crowds that
came to see him and rode rudely through them with curses, and
he actually ordered a man to be hanged on the spot, for picking
a pocket. — Carte's Ormond. He had succeeded to powers that he
was quite unaware of until he had them in his grasp. After a
first interview with his English councillors, he exclaimed, " Do I
mak the judges 1 do I mak the bishops ? Then God's wouns ! I
mak what likes me law and gospel." — Forster's Statesmen, i. 182.

1602.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 131
and tyrannical, no meaner King ever weaned a loyal
people from the strong instinct of allegiance.
The courtly Bishops who then disgraced our
Church, alone were not disappointed in the new
sovereign i1 they, and many of them no doubt con
scientiously, were quite in accord with their supreme
head on matters of Divine right and non-conformity.
These Prelates, unfortunately for themselves and
their successors, were invested with large judicial as
well as spiritual authority.2 Not only in their High
Commission Court, but in the Star Chamber, they
lent themselves to much sanguinary and oppressive
work;3 ear-cropping, nose-slitting, ruinous fining,
and long imprisonment. For heresy was growing
apace, under the stimulus of persecution. There were
then no other houses of prayer than tbe parish-

1 We do not of course include the mere courtiers, and those
with whom his profusion passed for generosity. Pensions were
enormously increased, and two hundred and thirty-seven knight
hoods conferred in six weeks ! Cecil, who had brought Mary
Queen of Scots to the block, was flattered and promoted.
2 Lord Clarendon confesses that Laud found the Church in a
healthy and united state ; he left it a prey to every spirit of dis
sent that ever distracted the repose of men's minds. — See Appen
dix B., at the end of the volume.
3 Archbishop Bancroft and others were at once accusers and
judges in the Star Chamber and High Commission Court. As if
in mockery of her tenderness in this matter, Scotland had no less
than nine bishops engaged in her government ! It was character
istic of this King that his persecution of the Roman Catholics was
soon and easily checked ; not by any humane or enlightened con
sideration, but through fear. The Jesuits, who knew his coward
ly nature well, had intimated to him that his life was endangered
by their hostility : henceforth, especially after the Gunpowder
Hot, "he never acted against them, though he wrote against
them all his life." k 2

132 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
churches ;J but many of the clergy preached doc
trines therein very subversive of their old rituals.
Indeed, it would seem that the inferior clergy
had much ground for dissatisfaction, and that the
organization of the Church required reformation:
its ministers were, for the most part, miserably
poor ;2 its hierarchy, many of them, iniquitously
rich;3 the monstrous and simoniacal abuse of
pluralities was unbounded ; non-residents were as
1 The term " Conventicle" was applied to assemblies (so early
as the time of Wicliffe), not to buildings. Conventicles were
suppressed by the 12 Car. II. — Haydn.
2 The following picture was drawn so late as 1678, but would
have been, in James's time, still less exaggerated : — " We must
now look for a labouring clergy that is mortified to a horse and
all such vanities, that can foot it in the dark five or six miles,
and preach unto starlight for as many shillings. As also a sober
and temperate clergy, that will not so much as the laity, but that
the least pig, and the least sheaf, and the least of everything may
satisfy. Oh ! how prettily and temperately may half a score
children be maintained with almost twenty pounds per annum.
What a becoming thing it is for him that serves at the altar to
fill the dung-cart in dry weather, and to heat the oven and pull
the hemp in wet. And what a pleasant sight it is to see the man
of God fetching up his single melancholy cow from a small rib of
land that is scarce to be found without a guide, or going to
market planted on a pannier, with a pair of geese or turkies
bobbing out their head from his canonicals." — Eachard's Grounds
ofthe Contempt ofthe Clergy, published 1678.
The position that the clergy occupied even in Fielding and
Smollett's time, is too evident: "Hudibras" bears testimony to
their poverty, and even Goldsmith's Vicar, so " passing rich on
407. a-year," was in no unusual state of preferment.
3 Bishop Williams kept such state that noblemen sent their
sons to be educated in his household ; even such men as the
Marquis of Hertford, the Earls of Pembroke, Salisbury, and Lei
cester, &c. — Amb. Phils. Life of Archbishop Williams. He was
said to be a diocese in himself, being " bishop, dean, prebend,
residentiary, and parson, all in one." In his petition to the King,
he offers to give up some of his commendams.

1604.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 133
numerous as unscrupulous consciences ; Romish in
novation was very incontestable.1 In the first Par
liament of this reign (a. d. 1604), the term Puritan
was not a political distinction, but it was unhappily
already associated with the idea of patriotism, and
therefore found great favour in the people's eyes.
It was proportionably unpalatable to the King, who
had no pleasant memory of the stern and factious
presbytery of Scotland,2 especially as contrasted
with the smooth and obsequious prelacy of Eng
land. On the latter model he would fain have
moulded the Parliamentary manners ; but he found
such material far from plastic even then.
The Commons exhibited great patience indeed,
and listened to very strange doctrines from the
royal lips ; but they had already on the very hustings
questioned the King's power to pack a parliament3
and, by vindicating the freedom of tbe voter, esta
blished a firm foundation for their own indepen
dence. With this Parliament James fairly entered
into controversy, and openly pitted the prerogative
against privilege. The doctrines held by the King
1 Fuller's " Church History ;" Wilson's " Life of James I. ;"
Russell's "Modern Europe," iii. 175.
2 It was affirmed (in 1596), by some ofthe Scottish ministers,
that " all kings were the devil's children, and that Satan had now
the guidance of the Court." Others asserted that the King him
self was possessed " of a verie divell," and that his subjects ought
consequently to " take the sword out of his hands." — Robertson's
Scotland, ii. These ravings might be in themselves only ludi
crous, but the pleased people gave assent to them by their silence.
3 Sir Francis Goodwyn's case. — Jour. House of Commons,
March 30, 1606.

134 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
and the King's party sound strangely now : he an
nounced that " he was an absolute King," and his
manner of asking for supplies was as peculiar as his
constitutional dogma: he informed the Commons
" that he expected loving contribution ; but, to ac
count with them, how and what, was too base for
his quality ! "
Such was the tone of the first Stuart to his Par
liaments : the Parliament's retort came slowly, but
very strongly, some forty years afterwards. At this
time they answered meekly, almost pathetically,
— " What cause," said they, " we, your poor Com
mons, have to watch over our privileges is manifest
in itself to all men. The prerogatives of princes
may easily and do daily grow. The privileges of the
subject are for the most part at an everlasting
stand. They may, by good providence and care, be
preserved, but, being once lost, are not recovered
but with much disquiet."1 Much disquiet indeed,
with heart-burnings and heart-breakings, fire, and
sword, and bitter strife, in order to rescue " those
privileges of the subject " from this vain man and
his unteachable son ! But tbe Stuarts appear never
to have understood the English constitution, or the
temper of the English people. Even the manly
and moderate " apology" of the House of Com
mons2 touching their privileges, was utterly disre-

1 Pari. Hist. vol. ii. col. 1030.
2 Supposed to have been written by Bacon, and worthy of him,

1607.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 135
garded by King James ; and, afterwards, when they
had entered on their records a protestation against
the Crown's interference with these privileges, he
sent for the journal of the House, and tore out the
presumptuous page with his own hand.1
Nor were his dealings with the Law less remark
able than those with the Constitution : the twelve
judges having heard a case argued concerning the
simoniacal and dishonest abuse of commendams,2 in
which the royal power to bestow them at will was
questioned as a point of law, the King sent for the
judges, and represented their offence to them in
such a light that they fell upon their knees, retracted
their error, and implored pardon for having done their
duty. No wonder that the heart of the " British
Solomon "3 was hardened: servile judges, parasitical
bishops, even the dread House of Commons obse-

1 The marks of this outrage on the old book are still to be
seen, — a little bit of visible history that is very impressive !
The following episcopal advice is worth notice for many
reasons : — " The King was very much concerned how his grand
children (Rupert and Maurice) would be able to subsist without
being very chargeable. ' Sir,' says the Lord Keeper (Bishop Wil
liams), ' I will shew you how you shall maintain them so that it
shall cost you nothing. Design them for the Bishoprics of Dur
ham and Winchester. If they become vacant in their nonage,
appoint commendatories at a laudable allowance ; but gather the
fruits for the support of your grandchildren till they come to viri
lity to be consecrated.'" — Life of Williams, by Phillips, p. 117.
3 " The Court clergy told the poor King that he was Solomon,
and that his sloth and cowardice, by which he had betrayed the
cause of God and the honour of the nation, was gospel meekness
and peaceableness ; for which they raised him up above the very
Heavens, while he lay wallowing like a swine in the mire of his
lust." — Mrs. Hutchinson's Memoirs, 80.

136 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
quious, and Divine right but whisperingly ques
tioned.1 Before we pass from the consideration of this
reign, we must refer to some of its more im
portant features that bore strongly upon future
times. The Parliament, however submissive in
general, gave several signs of awakening life. It
dared to postpone supplies to the consideration of
grievances, which the King was obliged to listen to.
It considered, but unhappily decided not, the mo
mentous question of allowing the Crown a certain
annual income for the support of state ; and this was
to be substituted for the precarious revenue derived
from outworn feudal claims and offensive exercises
of prerogative. Even the terms of this " great con
tract " were agreed upon ; by the mediation of the
Lords, the Commons were contented to vote 200,000/.
per annum, in lieu of all the vexatious and unprofit
able claims of the Crown. During the conferences,
however, as to the manner in which this sum was to
be secured, the King, " for good reasons known to
himself, utterly dissolved the Parliament."2 The
journals of the House of Commons are here wanting,
and it is difficult to ascertain on what grounds the

1 It is not necessary here to speak of James's private charac
ter, grossly offensive as it was ; nor to conjure up the Banquo line
of victims to his prejudices, passions, or state-craft. The death
of Raleigh, and the pardon of Somerset, are sufficient to exem
plify the manner in which he exercised the power of life and
death, and to prove how despotically he did so.
2 May.

1620-5.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 137
contract was broken off.1 The King and Commons
parted for the last time, in mutual disfavour and
distrust. The foreign relations of England were equally
disastrous. Spain, the hereditary enemy of Eng
land, had obtained a peace on her own terms from
our timid King: even her preposterous claims to
America, and the exclusive navigation of the South
ern hemisphere2 were tolerated. But, though James
could enter into official treaties at his will, there
was no real peace beyond the narrow seas. The
Spanish Main was then, as it continued to be in
Rupert's time, the resort of adventurers of despe
rate fortunes and courage ; the buccaneers of Eng
land, especially, carried on a well-sustained piratical
warfare there, and the Prince found that the Eng
lish flag was but too well known upon those distant
seas. It is unnecessary to enter into details of
James's foreign policy ; how he was out-manoeuvred
by Austria, cozened by Spain, mocked by France,
despised by the Protestant princes, over-reached by
the Dutch,3 and baffled in all his imbecile measures

1 Smyth, Hist. Dis.
2 The English adventurers scarcely questioned this large mo
nopoly, for, lying in wait for the homeward-bound Spanish fleets,
they brought their merchandize into England far more cheaply
than if they had procured it commercially on its distant native
shore. 3 The States of Holland had given Queen Elizabeth the towns
of Brill and Flushing, and the fort of Ramekins, in pledge of debt
amounting to 8,000,000 florins. Barneveldt contrived to liqui
date this debt by the payment of one-third of the above sum to

138 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
to recover the Palatinate for his son-in-law, and to
champion the Protestant faith. Yet, his gross
vanity, nourished by the yet grosser flattery of his
courtiers, from Bacon down to Whitgift, triumphed
over every disgrace, and left him only on his death
bed. There, the cheat and delusions of his life
stood confessed; remorse rendered his last hours
as terrible as those of his predecessors. " No
man could die less lamented or esteemed. He
was despised by all as a pedant without judgment,
courage, or steadiness; subject to his favourites,
and delivered up to the counsels, or rather the
corruption, of Spain."1 He had mortgaged not
only the finances but the honour of the Crown, and
he bequeathed to his unhappy son the expiation of
his vices, perversity, and incapacity.
Charles I. was heartily welcomed to the throne
by the people of England. Had he understood their
true position and his own, he might have been
indeed the "noblest King in Christendom." But
where then was Charles to learn the great constitu
tional truths that were yet latent in the most pa
triotic minds, and were only slowly evolved by the
heat of discussion and of desperate strife ?

our needy King, who looked upon the finances of the country as
his own. The produce furnished pratmia pudoris for his followers.
— Burnet, Own Times, i. 26.
1 Burnet : " He broke the power of the Crown by selling "
[with the wise consent of Parliament, however,] " the quit-rent of
vast possessions, and thus lost influence over many tenants of the
Crown, and over many boroughs." — Burnet, Own Times, i. 28.

1625.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 139
Almost all Europe was blindly loyal then ; the
great nobles, who had so long interposed their
feudal shadow between the people and the throne,
were swept away,1 and despotism itself was wel
comed as a boon by subjects who knew no better,
and had known much worse. Although England
was further advanced in political intelligence than
the continental kingdoms, it was only a portion of
her people who had begun to aspire after constitu
tional privileges ; and those who represent Charles
as opposed to the country at large on the question
of prerogative, are at least premature in their
assertion. The Puritans constituted a minority
even in the House of Commons on this occa
sion; and, with the loving regard of English
hearts for ancient institutions, the people at large
dreamed of no sweeping change. The wars of the
Roses, our Thirty Years' War, had removed much
of the real tyranny that wasted England; still
more that disentailing Act,2 by which a profligate
and fiercely emulous nobility were allowed to ruin
themselves, scattering, with suicidal hands, their
ancestral property abroad among the people :3 as,
when the rich waters of some stagnant lake are

1 Guizot, Revol. d' Angle., i. 23.
Richard III. and Henry VII. — Reeve's Hist. English Law,
ii. 113. Quoted by Hallam, i. 13.
3 " The luxury and pomp with which they strove to vie against
the enormous wealth of the London merchants, were as fatal to the
fortunes of the nobility of Elizabeth's time, as wars and confisca
tions had been to those of Henry VII." — Blackstone.

140 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
spread abroad over the thirsty soil, so did the coun
try thrive and prosper on the former sources of
oppression. The Commons grew powerful, trade
received a stimulus; new classes arose, who had
leisure, and knowledge, and inducement sufficient
to set about bettering their political estate. The
long and inglorious, but useful tranquillity of
James's reign afforded shelter to their impercep
tible advances ; and, when Charles first attempted
to assert the old prerogative, he found a new and for
midable power in existence, an unforeseen strength
exhibited, that would have made a more timid man
pause, a wiser one endeavour to retrace his steps.
In considering the character of Charles I., we
must endeavour to distinguish between the sove
reign and the man : the latter was what heaven and
a thoughtful youth had made him, grave, temperate,
kind-hearted, learned, and brave ;l the former, what

1 I have no wish, as will be evident, to be the panegyrist of
Charles ; but he has been so unsparingly abused of late, that I
am tempted to offer to my younger readers the following tributes
to his character from cotemporary opponents, who must have
known something about him. Mrs. Hutchinson, one of the severest
Puritans, says, " He was temperate, chaste, and serious : the de
bauched nobility and courtiers who could not abandon their de
baucheries, yet so reverenced the King as to retire into corners to
practise them. All the fools of the former Court, were banished,
and men of learning and ingenuity encouraged by the King, who
was a most excellent judge," &c. — p. 84. May, a disappointed
courtier and deserter from his cause, says, that " Love and esteem
followed him to the throne ; hope and fair presages of his future
government, while they considered how clear he had lived from
vice, how untainted of those licentious extravagancies which were
thought almost excusable." — 1 Pari. Hist. p. 7. And, " He lived

1625.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 141
King James and his vile Court, had rendered him
despotic, wilful, subtle, and insincere. Even for
Charles as a sovereign, there is much allowance to
be made : we must judge him, not by the light we
have now, but by that which glimmered through
the prejudices of his time and place. Be it remem
bered that Divine right and irresponsible power
were not innovations arrogated by Charles Stuart,
but long established and prescriptive abuses, hi
therto scarcely questioned attributes of each Eng
lish King. When a few great and daring men
stood up for the higher privileges of man, they
had to contend, at first, not only with the go
vernment, but with the governed.1 We find our
selves living in an age of mature and enlightened
liberty, thinking the thoughts of ancient patriots

more conformably to the rules of the Protestant religion than any
of his cotemporary Princes in Europe." — Ibid. p. 11. Lilly, who
stops at no imputation, in his " Observations," says, " he had
many singular parts in nature ;" moreover, " that he was ever a
perfect friend," " an indulgent father," and " (before the wars) a
great enemy to bloodshed." Henry Martyn, the regicide, said in
the House of Commons, " If we must have a King, I would rather
have the last gentleman than any other." Even the libellous Sir
Edward Peyton admits that he " gave good hope to his people of
a vertuous raigne." — Catastrophe of the Stuarts. And Baillie, a
stern Covenanter, speaks of him as " a most just, reasonable, and
sweet person." — Letters, i. 301.
1 See Hobbes, in his "Behemoth," pp. 565, 602-3, &c. Hey-
lin, in " Life of Laud," ubique, and all the royalist writers ; who
seem to have considered even the limitation of monarchy as a
treasonable design. " In Edward II.'s time, the two Spencers, in
order to cover their treason, held this damnable and damned
opinion, that ' liegeance was more by reason of the King's poli
tique capacity than of his person.' " — Somers' Tracts, p. 100.

142 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
as if they were our own, in daily and almost un
conscious enjoyment of privileges that were once
as debatable as sternly fought for. But we must
transport our thoughts to a period when all this was
but in embryo ; when only the most forward spirits
of the time (and they, too often, in prison or in
exile) dared figure to themselves such an England
as we have inherited from their conceptions and
their heroism.
I believe that Charles met his first Parliament
with a sincere desire to conciliate their affection,
apart from all interested motives. As Prince of
Wales, he had already tasted the sweet but fickle
breath of popular applause : he had even led a
popular movement in the ominous impeachment of
Lord Middlesex ;x and who that has ever known
the genial and heart-stirring favour of the people
would willingly forego its triumphs for the cold
and cheerless grasp of mere official power? But,
unhappily, the young monarch wished for the for
mer merely as a graceful appendage to the latter ;
and, yet more unfortunately, the new Parliament
came to its arena with as insatiable a thirst of
power as its King.2 Nobly patriotic in most of its
resolves, the Parliament felt the strength such
1 James I. had vainly resisted this dangerous precedent. At
length his weak resolution gave way to his greater weakness to
wards his favourite, for it was Buckingham who really moved
the measure. " Be it so," exclaimed the state-crafty old King ;
" you will yet have your fill of Parliamentary impeachment."
2 M. Guizot's Revol. d'Anglet. i. 32.

1625.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 143
motives give, but, exulting in that strength, pro
ceeded to use it like a conqueror.
The first measures that Charles adopted shewed
confidence in his Parliament, and a generous trust
in its generosity. His opening speech was gracious
and judicious ; he would not allow his ministers, in
asking for a supply, to state any sum as the amount
desired, relying on the readiness of the people, who
called for a war with Spain, to give him the means
of carrying it on. They gave but 140,000^., and that
accompanied with almost as many grievances. Once
entered on this theme, there seemed no end to it ;
and each matter of discussion was father of another.
All the wrongs and iniquities of the past reign
were marshalled in eloquent array as against the pre
sent ; nothing was beyond the reach of this search
ing spirit, nothing too old or too recent, or too high
or too low, for its inquisition. They deplored the
state of the navy, and deprecated the sermons of
Dr. Montagu ;J they denounced the contraction of
their privileges, and the expansion of popery ; they
arraigned the foreign negotiations, alliances, and
disgraces, and grumbled over Charles's letter to the
Pope.2 They inquired into the disposal of subsidies

1 Afterwards, as if qualified by his unpopularity for that func
tion, he was made a Bishop of Lichfield. His most unpopular
works were, " A Gag for an old Goose," and " Appello Caesarem."
- In reference to recent debates in our own Parliament with
respect to communication with the Pope, I quote Lilly, a Parlia
mentarian's opinion on the subject of Charles's letter when woo
ing the Infanta : — " Why he might not as well in a civil way

144 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
past and revenues to come, and put forth innu
merable grievances. In fine, the King was to have
the redressing of all their complaints, and in return
they promised earnestly to interfere in every de
partment of the government, by inquisition, by
petition, and by advice.1
The King, though little grateful for all these
labours, as yet preserved his temper ; while the Par
liament held him still fettered in the bonds of debt,
and clipped the wings of his young ambition by
keeping the fleet "money-bound" at Portsmouth.2
When, on account of the plague raging in London,
the Houses were removed to Oxford, the King
made another appeal to the liberality of the Com
mons : he frankly laid before them the state of the
finances, withholding no document, offering every
explanation. In vain ; the Commons not only
mocked the King's necessities by one of its small
est subsidies, but limited the grant of tonnage
and poundage to a single year.3
It is necessary to bear in mind all this, because

write unto the Pope, as write and send his ambassador to the
Great Turk, I know not ; and for his mercy to the priests, truly,
charity bids me to make rather a good than a bad construction of
it." — Observations, &c. Maseres, 146.
1 Guizot's Revol. d'Anglet. i. 32.
2 Buckingham and the Treasurer of the Navy had advanced
100,000Z. towards the equipment of this expedition against
Spain.— Pari. Hist. vol. vi. p. 390.
3 Instead of for the King's life, as had been the custom for
two centuries. — Constitutional Hist. i. 370. The Upper House
resented this insult to the young King by rejecting the bill.—
Pari. Hist. vol. ii. p. 6.

1625-6.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 145
the King and his party endeavoured to justify their
future measures on the plea of necessity ; they
maintained, and with some justice, that the
Commons3 had causelessly displayed a suspicious
and distrustful temper towards their young Sove
reign ; and, so far from meeting his overtures
with cordiality and frankness, had spoken and
acted in a manner calculated to estrange and to dis
gust him. As there was nothing more to be had
from it, the Parliament was dissolved (12th August,
1625): that first momentous Parliament, the only
one in which a right understanding between Charles
and the Commons was ever practicable.
The Duke of Buckingham, at this time, played
the role of the King's evil genius, an office never
vacant to those who are easily led.2 He was de
scribed, in the language of the time, as " an un
wholesome cloud, drawn up from the earth by the
rays of majesty, which darkened the setting, and
obscured the rising, sun."3 For the sole gratifica-

1 It has been asserted as a cause that Lord Bristol had " ex
posed" such conduct on the part of Charles, or at least of Buck
ingham, in the Spanish marriage treaty, as justified this suspi
ciousness ! Moreover, that the toleration granted to Roman
Catholics in honour of Henrietta Maria, was a very formidable
crime. 2 Milton thus describes this fatal peculiarity of the King's : —
"Whether with his enemies or friends, in the court or camp, he
was always in the hands of another : now of his wife, then of the
bishops ; now of the peers, then of the soldiery ; and lastly, of his
enemies : for the most part, too, he followed the worse counsel,
and almost always, of the worser men." — Iconoclastes.
3 James I. took a fancy to Buckingham's handsome person as he
VOL. I. L

146 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
tion of this favourite the war with Spain was de
clared and carried on. The people, disgusted with
the issue of Mansfeldt's expedition,1 had lost all
interest in foreign invasion, and Charles and Buck
ingham had to conduct it as best they might.2 No
soldier served under the incapable and arrogant fa
vourite from choice ; no chivalry followed his dis
honoured banner ; the Cavaliers (as yet unnamed as
such) were seeking honour in the Palatinate, or in
tbe camp of Prince Maurice ; many of them were
still mere coxcombs of the street, or honest coun
try-gentlemen ; and many a man who followed the
royal standard afterwards, now wished the Parlia
ment God speed, and a little more generosity.
was acting in the play of "Ignoramus." The intriguing nobles
of the Court brought him forward to supplant Somerset, as those
of France used to speculate on a new mistress for Louis XV.
In 1614 we see him at Cambridge races, "in ragged clothes,"
subsisting on 501. a-year. — {Sir S. D'Ewes). A few years after
wards at Court with 300,000?. worth of diamonds. The King
compared his appearance to that of St. Stephen, " Acts," vi. 15,
" whose face was as the face of an angel." Hence the name of
" Steenie," so familiar in the letters and history of the time. —
Court of the Stuarts, ii. 282. The most outrageous appli
cations of Scripture were common at this time. Lord Bacon,
asking for Prince Charles's intercession with King James, says,
"As I have been created by the father, let me be redeemed by the
son." — Life of Abp. Williams.
1 Mansfeldt had sailed with twelve thousand troops for the
rescue of the Palatinate, just before James's death. The French
had sent no orders for his admission at Calais, so he sailed on to
Zealand. Here, also, he was disappointed in permission to land.
Half his forces perished by pestilence, and their dead bodies,
washed on shore, were eaten by hogs.
2 Orders from the Council were sent to the Lord-lieutenants
of counties, requiring them to levy, by way of loan, the sums
required by the King.

1625-6.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 147
In the absence of chivalric volunteers, however,
the Court had abundance of a meaner sort : soldiers
of fortune were plentifully engendered by the great
war upon the continent ; some creatures of Buck
ingham's were contented to follow his chief favou
rite, Lord Wimbledon;1 and officered by these,
were about ten thousand unhappy conscripts, raised
by " press." This unpromising expedition sailed for
Cadiz, but soon returned, disgraced, and thinned
by sickness. It appears to have had rather a sort
of buccaneering purpose than any organized plan of
war ; its principal object was the capture of some
rich ships, whose spoil was calculated on to defray
the expenses of the expedition, and to make up the
balance by which the late Parliamentary grant fell
short of the King's necessities. The Chancellor of
Exchequer in those days had an unenviable budget ;
the Cadiz expedition had only increased its defi
ciencies, and the State was in fact insolvent.
The only and last resource was a second Parlia
ment;2 it assembled,3 firm in the same purpose of
redressing wrongs and bringing to justice those
who were considered as the enemies of the people.
They voted, indeed, a grant for the King's neces-

1 Edward Cecil.
2 " Privy Seals do fail, contributions are but mockeries, so that
there is no way left but Parliament, although his Majesty hath
wished the Lords to think of all other waies saving that one, and
the Duke will keep off that as long as he can." — Court and Times
of Charles I. Lond. 1848.
3 Feb. 6, 1626. l 2

148 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
sities, but reserved the order,1 which was never
made. An impeachment of Buckingham followed,
the lords assenting " as if they had been twins ;" it
was conducted by Sir John Eliot, Sir Dudley Digges,
and others, with an eloquence and energy that fore
boded darkly for their enemies.2 The King inter
posed his authority, sent Eliot and Digges to the
Tower, and dissolved his second Parliament.
He now ordered the collection of the moneys
which the Parliament had voted yet withheld. Lord
Strafford (then Sir Thomas Wentworth and speak
ing on the patriot side) has given us a dark picture
of the cruelties by which this loan was enforced.3
In truth it was of the last consequence, for the
situation of tbe Court was desperate.
The war with Spain still smouldered on ; the
King's shrunken and ill-disciplined army was a
jest to all but his own subjects, on whom they were
quartered. The sailors were disgusted at the uses
to which they had lately been betrayed against the
Protestants of France,4 and were not to be relied on;

1 Of three subsidies and three fifteenths.
2 The reader may consult Mr. Forster's " British Statesmen,"
i. 43, and D'Israeli's " Commentaries," i. 326, for the quaint but
powerful speech of Sir John Eliot on this occasion. The death
and burial of this eloquent and heroic man is one of the saddest
features in this sad time, and most prejudicial to Charles's me
mory. He was imprisoned, but not to the death, for this speech ;
subsequently he became the first martyr of liberty ; imprisoned in
March 1630, he died of it in November, 1632.
3 Pari. Hist. vii. 370, quoted by Mr. Forster.
* For this extraordinary measure of lending ships to France

1626.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 149
the militia, composed of the angry people themselves,
could not be thought of. Charles seemed utterly
powerless, when, to the astonishment of his own
and all succeeding times, he declared war with
France ! Nothing appears more inexplicable than
the influence of the profligate and volatile Buck
ingham over his grave and decorous King ; there
seems no doubt that the favourite's passion for
Anne of Austria, and his vain-glorious boast,1 com
mitted Charles to this war, the conduct of which
was as disgraceful as its cause. The nominal object

see an explanation, such as it is, in D'Israeli's " Comment
aries."* i Guizot's "Revol. d'Anglet." i. 42; " Clar. Reb." i. 71. It
was Buckingham's egregious folly to quarrel personally with the
two great ministers of Europe, Olivarez and Richelieu, in the
course of his diplomacy. Olivarez hated him for his insolence to
himself and his civility to his wife ; Richelieu, for his daring ad
dresses to the Queen of France, whom his Eminence probably
made love to at the time, if he married her afterwards. + When
he was refused admission into France as ambassador, he swore
" he would see and speak with that lady in spite of all the strength
and power of France." The pretext of the war was the favour
shewn to Austria in the affairs of the Palatinate, and preventing
Mansfeldt from landing. — Nani, Hist, of Varum ; quoted by Mr.
Jesse. — Harris, ii. 158.
* That most ingenious apologist has only shewn, after all, that
Charles and Buckingham were outwitted in this matter, Protes
tant Rochelle being substituted by Richelieu for Popish Genoa
as the scene of use for these ships and their indignant sailors.
Lilly tells us (Maseres' " Tracts," p. 151) that Charles had much
ado to recover these prostituted vessels, Admiral Pennington
being obliged to keep one hundred French vessels in embargo to
obtain restitution of his own.
t He was only a lay cardinal, and therefore free to marry. Nani
is the only authority, however, for this marriage, which is at least
doubtful.

150 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
was to assist the Protestants besieged in Rochelle
by the cardinal, and it was hoped that the popularity
of the cause would affect the English favourably
towards its leader. In vain: the people thought
more of the great interests at stake in their own
land ; the security of every humble fireside was in
question there, and they were too sensitive of the
severities they had just experienced in raising war-
supplies, to feel very favourably towards the author
of them.
Buckingham, nevertheless, went forth upon his
war, his ships hung with velvet and resounding with
sweet music ; his " jewels accompanied him, and his
gilt coach," and the ill wishes of every man he had
left behind him. He appeared before Rochelle with
one hundred vessels and about seven thousand troops,
but the Huguenots, in the absence of any previous
arrangement, and distracted by internal discord, re
fused to admit him. Finding it necessary to land
his forces during the delay thus caused, he se
lected the Isle of Rlie" for this purpose, though well
garrisoned and fortified, while the fertile island of
Oleron lay close at hand, defenceless. It is need
less to dwell upon the utter incapacity he displayed
in his heedless attacks and disorderly retreat.1 He
1 "Strafford's Papers," vol. i. p. 41; Rohan's "Memoirs,"
quoted by Harris, ii. 1 62. There is an interesting and vivid account
of this expedition in D'Israeli's " Commentaries, ii. 64." During
four months the Duke had full opportunity to display the sort of
chivalry that Cervantes laughed to death in Spain (was Spam
the better for it ?). There seems to have been much hard fighting,

1627.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 151
lost two-thirds of his men, and the remnant were
hardly saved by the gallantry of eight hundred
Irish under Sir Pierce Crosby, who kept their ranks
until they reached the shore.1 Buckingham, too,
displayed that courage which was almost his only
redeeming virtue : he was the last man who em
barked. The king weakly but generously welcomed and
consoled his favourite. The people envenomed their
hatred with contempt ; they arraigned the arrogant
and incapable leader of the expedition as the cause
of the slaughter of their fellow-countrymen, of the
dishonour of the English name, of the despair of
their Protestant brethren in France. Public hatred
in every form, religious, political, legal, and com
mercial, assailed the duke, and, indirectly, his
protector. The soldiers and sailors, rendered
reckless by their disgraces, and starving for want
of pay, besieged the Court : while the debts of the
expedition remained unpaid, the duke was still
lavish and magnificent : the country groaned under
illegal taxation ; the cities saw their commerce
ruined by the wars, their ships rotting in the docks,
their merchandize uncalled for; all England was
upon the point of insurrection, when the King sum
moned his third Parliament.2 (17th March, 1628.)
for we find in one affair that thirty French noblemen perished.
The English fought desperately ; Monk was amongst them.
1 Maseres' " Tracts," 150, and Lilly, who excuses the Duke as
to the retreat.
2 By the advice of Sir Robert Cotton, who also advised a very

152 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
This was a memorable session : the patriots,
as yet uncorrupted by power, shew very grandly
on the stage ; Eliot, Hampden, Coke, Selden, Glan-
vil, Pym, Rudyard, Seymour, Philips — all these are
great names, urging fearlessly forward the great
work they had to do. There was another man
who sat among them then for the first time,
so meanly clad, so coarse and repulsive1 in his
appearance, as to attract attention for that alone2
— Oliver Cromwell. Wentworth (Lord Strafford)
too, was there, exercising his vast power on the
people's side. And against all these, with their
wrongs, was Charles with his favourite and his
divine right !
This Parliament3 not only listened with strange
important but (now) impossible precept, in the words of Lord Bur
leigh to Queen Elizabeth, " Win the heart of your people, and you
will have their purse and arm at your disposal." With such a view,
seventy-eight prisoners for enforced-loan debt were enlarged. Of
these, twenty-seven were elected to serve in the new Parliament,
and they carried with them to the House the thoughts con
cerning liberty and prerogative that had visited them in
prison. 1 " He was very ordinarily apparelled  by an ill country
taylor : his linen plain, and not very clean, with a speck of blood
on his little band, his sword stuck close to his side : his voice
sharp and untunable, and his eloquence very full of fervor." — Sir
P. Warwick, p. 247. — Carlyle.
2 Dr. South, in the sermon that made him a bishop, thus
describes the first appearance of the man he had panegyrized
while living : — " A bankrupt beggarly fellow, with a threadbare
torn coat, and a greasy hat." Quoted by Mr. Forster. Brit.
States, iv. 43.
3 The property of its Commons was said to be three times as
great as that of the Lords. — Rushworth. Yet, Davenant says in
his Memoirs that the income of no House of Commons, up to his
time, amounted to 400,000i?.

1628.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 153
patience and gravity to a very imperious opening
speech from the King, but it abstained for the
moment from all mention of the Duke of Buck
ingham, voted a liberal supply1 and then presented
the great Petition of Right.2 Charles assented
to its provisions very readily at first, not compre
hending the extensive meaning they contained.
As soon as he discovered their real strength, he en
deavoured to qualify his assent, but it was too late ;3
his hesitation only gave the Commons ground for
suspicion and discontent, and the bill received
the royal assent on the 7th of June. The Com
mons stopped not here ; they again took up the

1 Five subsidies, about 350,000/.  When Sir John Coke,
the secretary, brought up the report of this grant to the King, he
declared he was happier in so doing than any of his predecessors.
The King asked by how many voices he had carried it 1 Coke
replied, "But by one." At which the King seemed appalled, and
asked how many were against him ? " None, Sire ! the unani
mity of the House made all but one voice." The King was so
strongly affected as to weep ; a strange emotion for one so used
to self-control. — D' Israeli's Commentaries, ii. 94; Rush. 525.
30,000/. would have paid the mutinous soldiers and sailors, but
was not to be had.
2 This was founded on the four following grievances : — Exac
tion of money under the name of loans ; the imprisonment of
those refusing to pay, and the suspension of the habeas corpus ;
the billetting of soldiers on private persons ; and the exercise of
martial law. — Hallam's Const. Hist. i. 382.
3 The King addressed a letter to the Lords, in which he stated,
that he could not part with the power of imprisoning, but pro
mised not to use that power for compelling loans, or without
good cause. The Lords sent the bill for the petition of right to
the Lower House, with an amendment to the clause forbidding
arrests, " saving the King's sovereign power." " Let us take
heed," said old Coke (upon Littleton), " what we yield to.
Magna Charta is such a fellow that he will have no sovereign."

154 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
subject of their grievances, and at length named
Buckingham as the "grievance of grievances," as
an " evil adviser of the King." Then follow fast the
prorogation of this bold Parliament (26th of June,
1628) ; the unhappy expedition of Lord Denbigh, the
duke's brother-in-law, to relieve Rochelle, another
disgraceful failure; and another preparation to be
headed by the duke himself, who had sworn to
relieve Rochelle, " or leave his body on the dyke."
The knife of Felton1 saved him from all future dis
graces.2 Rochelle, after a gallant defence,3 surren
dered, and its catastrophe yet further exasperated
the people, so heavily and vainly taxed for its relief.
Again Parliament met (20th of January, 1629).
During the recess, tonnage and poundage4 had been
1 Harris, in his insidious book " after the manner of Bayle,"
calls him "a well meaning assassin." He who could apply such
a term only wanted courage and a motive to exercise the same
well-meaning function himself.
- Never died a man in England less regretted than this vain
and dishonoured favourite. Ambition's dreary confession is ut
tered in these, his words : — " I have long lived in pain, sleep hath
given me no rest, fortune and favours no content." His speech
at the Commons' table, given by Rush/worth, i. 525. Quoted by
D'Israeli. The punishment of his assassin makes an era in our
civilization : it shews also the unknown nobleness of our ancient
laws : the Judges discovered that " Felton must not be tortured by
the rack, for no such punishment is known or allowed by our
law." — Blackstone. When Lord Dorset* had threatened this tor
ture, to compel him to name his accomplices, Felton declared that
" he would accuse none but his lordship," and so escaped. He
died in deep remorse.
3 See an eloquent account in D'Israeli's " Commentaries."
4 Synonymous with Custom-house duties.

* Laud's enemies falsely attribute the threat and the rebuff to
the archbishop.

1628.] PRINCE RUPERT AND TI1E CAVALIERS. 155
levied without its consent, notwithstanding the Pe
tition of Right : merchants had been imprisoned for
refusing to pay it ; papistic clergymen, as they were
esteemed, had been made bishops ; and " Dr. Ala
baster had been preaching flat popery at Paul's
Cross."1 These were ample materials for very fiery
debates, carried on with many tears and even per
sonal struggles,2 all ending in another dissolution
and the disuse of Parliaments for eleven long years.
The King now ruled at will, as despotically as
any sovereign in Europe ; the more so, since he had
relinquished the warlike schemes of his youthful
ambition, and was freed from the all-tainting curse
of favouritism.3 Spain and France were too happy
to accept the proffered peace, and " there quickly
followed so excellent a composure throughout the
whole kingdom, that the like peace and plenty
and tranquillity for ten years was never enjoyed by
any nation."*
But the repose was only such as ensues when
mortification has supervened upon some deadly

1 "Cromwell," Carlyle, i. 85.
2 The Speaker refused, " by his Majesty's command," to put
the question, and left the chair. Hollis and Valentine dragged
him back, swearing, " God's wounds, he should stay there as long
as the House chose." Sir Thomas Esmond and his friends strove
to rescue the Speaker. Coriton and others drew their swords,
and amid tears, groans, imprecations, and shouts, Sir Michael
Hobart locked the door. — Hume, Forster, D'Israeli.
3 D'Israeli, in his " Commentaries," says " the King now cor
rected two great vices, war and favouritism ;" he had still insin
cerity, the most fatal and difficult to correct.
* Clar. "Reb." : May "Pari. Hist." says differently.

156 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
wound : the disease that inwardly consumed the
nation was fast increasing under the hectic mask
of health : the stern Parliamentary physicians1
watched its progress patiently from afar or from
prison, biding their time.2 While the constitutional
struggle lasted, the courtiers were under strong con
straint, the King anxious, the Queen intimidated, and
the Court at large very gloomy. But now, all was
changed ; holiday times returned, pomp and luxury
increased : the young and thoughtless Queen intro
duced the social life of Paris as successfully as her
husband imitated its political regime. Despotism
had all its own way: the King practised it; the
Star Chamber and High Commission Courts pam
pered it ; the pulpit preached it ; the judges pan
dered to it ; and the people cursed it in their deep
hearts. The King's real ministers at this time were Arch
bishop Laud, Lord Strafford, and the Marquis of
Hamilton : the Archbishop, as treasurer, had dis
charged his difficult trust with integrity, ability, and
even justice, where his religious convictions were
not concerned : he looked at life only professionally,
and conceived his highest temporal duty consisted
in advancing the supremacy of his Church : with
this, the strength of royal prerogative was so closely
1 " The House is the Physician of our maladies." — Pym.
2 Sir John Eliot, Sir Miles Hobart, Holies, Hayman, Selden,
Coriton, Long, Strode, and Valentine, were sent to the Tower, to
be imprisoned " during the King's pleasure," which, said the
caitiff judges, prevented bail being taken.

1638.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 157
united as to make its champion very useful and
acceptable to the King's present position.1 Strafford
was then Lord Deputy, or Viceroy of Ireland : an
office from all time the most difficult in the world
to discharge. He found that extraordinary island
luxuriating in the feuds and factions that seemed
to be its dearest privilege, and that utter discord
between every man and thing that only hostility
to England could even for a moment reconcile.
Endowed apparently with every gift, and every
capability except the art of making use of either,
Ireland and its people lay prostrate at the feet of
England. It was a fine field for the exercise of
Wentworth's commanding genius : he dealt with it
as a conquered country, and by the stern simplicity
of martial law, he at once repressed the chronic in
surrectionary spirit, and crushed the petty system of
legislation that only served to irritate the people,
and disgust them with English laws. His imperious
nature disdained the bondage of precedent; he
turned his searching glance on the fiscal abuses
that had prevailed and been tolerated by his pre
decessors : by this inquisition he quadrupled the
King's revenue in a few years ;2 he stimulated com-
1 The conscientiousness and good intentions of Laud seem
incontestible ; exorbitant in his ambitious views for his Order,
he seems to have had none for himself ; fiercely cruel and intole
rant, he was himself a patient and noble martyr; abrupt and
offensive in his manner, he was gentle and humble in his heart.
See an interesting conversation between him and " Mr. Hyde." —
Clarendon's Life, i. 62 ; Heylin ubique. Appendix B.
2 From 10,000/. to 40,000/.

158 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
merce ;J he promoted agriculture ; he disciplined,
paid, and recruited the army; suppressed its dis
orders, and elevated its character. The govern
ment of Strafford2 was arbitrary, and even ty
rannical ; but it stayed and absorbed that minor
and universal licence of oppression that had so
long worried and degraded Ireland. The people
of that unintelligible country grew wealthier in
the midst of exactions, and happier by oppression.3
Strafford knew the effect of appearances on the
impressible minds of his new vassals and (for the
first time that it had been so done in Ireland) he
assumed almost royal state.4 But such outward
pageants were only symbolic of the more than
royal power within, which for the first time in
history brought Ireland utterly and confessedly
under English rule : the King was there absolute.5
In Scotland the Marquis of Hamilton was the
1 He crushed the woollen trade, it is true, but he created that
of linens.
2 There is a very able and interesting life of Strafford in Mr.
Forster's "Statesmen of the Commonwealth." M. Guizot also
has done justice to the power and energy of his character. (Rev.
d'Angl. i. 72.) His own letters in the " Strafford Papers," vol. i.
pp. 61, 79, 81, &c, form the best commentary on his extraordi
nary career, — extraordinary in his having done so much as a
man, and yet more extraordinary in his not having done more,
being such a man.
3 Hallam, i. 454. [He oppressed the oppressors, and protected
the Irish from themselves, — a great desideratum.]
* Howell (p. 274), writes thus from Dublin, 1639 :— "Here is a
most splendid Court kept at the Castle, and except that of the
Viceroy of Naples, I have not seen the like in Christendom."
5 See Strafford's Letter to Laud, Dec. 16, 1634, " Memoirs of
Lord Clanricarde."

1638.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 159
Royal minister. The King selected him for that
most important post with his usual want of discern
ment, and adhered to him throughout all his mis
doings with his usual infatuated affection. " In
politics a mistake is worse than a crime,"1 and the
Marquis was never innocent in this respect. His
whole public career, from his inglorious service in
the Swede's glorious campaigns, to his discomfiture
at Utoxeter, was one succession of ignominious
failures. His official life was equally marked by
the absence of straightforwardness, honesty and
success, and he had his reward : mistrusted by all
parties, the people of England hated him;2 the
people of Scotland refused even to treat with him f
Montrose denounced his treachery ;* Essex was
hostile to him ;5 the Covenanters loathed, the King
imprisoned, and the Parliament beheaded him.6
To this personage was confided the management
of Scotland, whilst a good understanding was prac
ticable ; the invasion, when his tampering and faith
less policy had rendered such an understanding im
possible. For the intriguing favourite had endea
voured to advance the Covenanters' as well as the
1 Talleyrand.
2 Clar. Rebel, i. 268 ; Warwick's Memoirs.
3 At Ripon. — Lodge.
1 For transmitting the King's secrets to the Covenanters. —
Napier's Montrose. 5 Clar. Rebel, i. 212.
6 Bishop Burnet and Mr. Lodge are his eulogists : the former,
a time-serving dissembler, was well adapted to be the biographer
of such a patron : the latter, useful as are his meritorious labours,
is necessarily unequal, and often very favourably prejudiced.

160 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Royal cause, and to render himself the arbiter
of each: to this end he unscrupulously betrayed
both, and ultimately left himself powerless to serve
either.1 The contrast between Lords Hamilton
and Strafford was complete, and exemplified in the
result of their respective governments. The former,
out of a country, whose interests had been pam
pered by two native sovereigns,2 distilled the cove
nanting element of evil that first and last was most
fatal to the Sovereign's cause : the latter, out of a
rebellious, neglected, and ill-used nation, raised up,
with one terrible exception a constant and unvary
ing support for his Royal master.
Whilst these two ministers thus ruled Scotland
and Ireland, Laud was equally dominant in Eng
land. By this Triumvirate and the King were mo
nopolised those powers that the King and Parlia
ment only were competent to discharge.
And all this time the people submitted peacefully
to the usurpation that had converted their free
constitution into a despotism, their bishops into sa
tellites, their judges into slaves — that had assumed
the disposal of life and property, had abolished
1 Doubtless this unhappy nobleman had some affection for the
King (of which indeed none of the ill-chosen royal friends could
ever divest themselves), but his first devotion was to self. He
afterwards repented bitterly of his errors, and died bravely in their
expiation, fie was nearly related to the King by blood, and
shared his passion for paintings ; of the latter he seems rather
to have been an enthusiastic collector than enlightened lover.
2 The phrase " Scott-free," in James his tyme ye Scotts escaped
for crimes that hanged Englishmen. — Ward, 1668.

1630-9.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 161
parliament, and suppressed all liberty of con
science. They submitted peacefully, for they still
cherished affection and respect for the throne, and
reverenced their government, even in its per
versions. But, another spirit was gaining ground : men did
not know at first that they were enslaved, no more
than Charles knew that he was become a despot. It
is interesting to observe, when the fact at length
became too flagrant, how awkwardly and reluctantly
the Parliament set themselves to oppose despotism,
how naively Charles appealed to his people, as if his
cause were theirs. The first symptom, indeed, of
defection was exhibited not in resistance, but in
flight. The New World offered a boundless and
secure asylum to the persecuted victims of the Old ;
amongst her broad savannahs and vast rivers there
was room for the exercise of all energy and all
hope. Thither numbers of the more enterprising
and zealous dissenters from Church and State be
took themselves ; they carried with them consider
able treasure, and the better wealth of industry
and resolution.1 Even this refuge, however, was
1 Such were the sources of prosperity of the greatest colony
the world ever saw. The emigrants were, for the most part, men
of education and strong political and religious affections : "the
hands that wielded the axe or guided the canoe in the morning,
opened the page of history and philosophy in the evening." No
wonder the descendants of such men were prompt to remember at
Boston the free principles of their Pilgrim Fathers. Amongst
these was the younger Sir Henry Vane, who transported to Mas
sachusetts the wild religious and political theories that England
VOL. I. M

162 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
soon denied to " the disaffected ; " instead of
"building a golden bridge" for their flying ene
mies, the infatuated Council of the King laid an
embargo on outward-bound vessels containing emi
grants, and thus brought many desperate and
solute men to bay.1
But the endurance of the men of England was
daily put to a more trying test ; every successful
invasion of their rights was taken as a proof that
they would bear still more. Cruel expedients to
raise revenue were put in practice ; odious monopo
lies invaded the comfort of every man's fireside,
and there was no redress, or any prospect thereof.2

refused to listen to ; there, however, they found no resting-place :
" solum non animum," the emigrants had changed nothing but
their soil ; they were as fiercely controversial and intolerant as
any of those they had left behind. Vane was, indeed, elected
governor, but soon displaced. " Even New England," says his
zealous friend Sikes, " could not bear all his words, though there
was no King's court or King's chapel." He returned to England
in time to give a death-blow to Strafford, by means of papers
purloined from his worthless father. Those who wish to know
all that can be said in favour of this shrewd fanatic, may consult
Forster, iii. 28, <fec. ; Hochelaga, ii. pp. 150, 249, 290.
1 Among these were not Cromwell and Hampden, however, as
Miss Aikin was the first to prove. It was on occasion of the
" Remonstrance " passing the House of Commons (if at all) that
Cromwell said, " If it had failed he would have sold all that he
had the next morning, and never seen England more." — Clar.
Rebel. Lords Brooke, and Say and Sele, had arranged for them
selves a refuge beyond seas. — See Walpole's Royal and Noble
Authors, ii. 352. Cowley, too, thought of emigrating.
2 A list of some of the articles made subjects of monopoly may
be surprising : (it is to be remembered that all these were not
only rendered scarce and dear, but abominably adulterated ; and
all to enrich some courtier by the fee that the speculator paid for
his patent :) salt, soap [very grievous], coal, iron, [the Marquis

1637.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 163
The extension of the royal forests,1 the inquisi
tion into titles of estates,2 and, last of all, " for a
spring and magazine that should have no bottom,
and for an everlasting supply of all occasions," 3 the
impost of ship-money, " a word of lasting sound in
the memory of this kingdom." Had the produce of
this tax even prevented pirates from infesting St.
George's Channel, it might have been tolerated ; had
it even been in the shape of a loan, contracted under
urgent circumstances, and for an occasion, it might
have been borne ; but, when it was found that the
judges, "to their reproach and infamy,"4 adjudged
this impost to be legal, " they discovered that no
man had any longer anything that he could truly
call his own ; they felt, moreover, that this tax was
laid upon them by the judges, and not by the King,"
and that therefore its payment was no longer a

of Hamilton's monopoly] leather, linen, feathers, cards and dice,
lace, tobacco, barrels, beer, distilled liquors, salt herrings, butter,
potash, catgut, spectacles, combs, saltpetre, gunpowder, paper rags,
hops, buttons, &c. — Guizoi, Rev. d'Angl. i. 83. " Nothing too mean
or foul for Vespasian." " These," said Sir John Culpepper, " like
the frogs of Egypt, have gotten possession of our dwellings, and
we have scarcely a room free from them : they sip in our cup,
they dip in our dish, they sit by our fire ; we find them in the
dye-vat, washing-bowl, and powdering-box. They share with the
butler in his pantry ; they have marked us from head to foot ;
they will not bate us a pin." — May's Hist, of the Parliament.
1 The forest of Rockingham was enlarged from six to sixty
miles in circuit. The New Forest was enlarged almost to the
ruin of Lord Southampton, and Richmond Park was created out
of private property. — Hallam. See p. 76 of this work
2 Hume, ch. 52.
3 Clar. " Reb." i. 120. * Ib. i. 124. m 2

164 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
test of loyalty.1 It was then that Hampden stood up
and struck at this keystone ofthe tyranny that over
arched the land, and, with St. John and Holborne
for his advocates, and justice for his cause, turned
the eyes of the whole nation upon his great question.
After twenty-four days' trial the legality of the tax
was affirmed by a base majority of the judges, and
thenceforth it continued for some time to produce
200,000^. per annum to the Crown.
This, and other disgraceful contrivances for rais
ing money, was scarcely sufficient to support the
ordinary expenses of the Court; but, Avhen (a.d.
1639) the Scots betook themselves to arms, such
sources proved quite unequal to the new emergency.
Then Laud shewed his sincerity, and proved the
zeal of the clergy by raising from his own order,
from the Roman Catholics, and from other " extra-
parliamentary"2 sources, sufficient sums to enable
the King to lead an unwilling army against those
men ofthe "League and Covenant."3
1 Lord Clarendon remarks that " in former times, even when the
prerogative went highest, never any court of law was called upon
to assist in an act of [arbitrary] power ; the Crown well knowing
the moment of keeping those the objects of reverence and venera
tion with the people ... as the asylum for their liberties and
security." 2 Carlyle, i. 131.
3 Charles endeavoured to conciliate the Scots through the
Marquis of Hamilton, provided they would give up their Cove
nant. They replied, "they would sooner renounce their bap
tism," and coolly advised his Majesty " to tak it himsel."
The first resistance to Laud's canons and liturgy broke out
among the mob, who were compared to Balaam's ass by the di
vines, " stupid in themselves, but inspired for the occasion to
utter truth." When the dean, proceeding with the service, said,

1639.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 165
Our principal concern with this army is the re
lation that it bore to the King's future forces, and
the development of the characters that appear
more permanently afterwards in the English wars.
Miserably provided for, ill-disciplined, discouraged,
and disgraced, the soldiers were little calculated to
impart a high tone to future armaments. They were
officered with characteristic ill-judgment : the King
had a fond woman's confidence in the prowess of
those whom he loved, and gave his favourites credit
for statesmanship, strategy, and even seamanship,
according as he had use for those qualities. The
Marquis of Hamilton was sent to the Frith of Forth
with a stout fleet and 5000 troops : he passed his
time there in his usual intrigues, without landing a
man or drawing a trigger.1 Lord Arundel com
manded the main army : he was a man of honour,
it is true, and had some taste for diplomacy and the
fine arts, but was utterly unqualified to command
even this pageant of an army.2 Lord Holland, a man
without virtue, valour, honesty, or experience, com-

" Let us read the collect of the day," Jenny Geddes started up,
and flinging a folding stool at the dean's head, exclaimed, " De'il
colic the wame o' thee ! Thou foul thief ! wilt thou say mass at
my lug 1 "—Carlyle's Life of Cromwell, i. 123.
1 The Covenanting chiefs were in constant communication with
him, and the Scotch were agreeably surprised at his quiescence.
— Napier's Montrose, i. 249. Warwick. Baillie says, " It was evi
dent he eschewed all odcasion of beginning the war ; he did not
trouble a man on shore with a shot."
2 " The soldiers were the least part of the army, and the least
consulted with." — Clar. Reb. i. 206.

166 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
manded the cavalry ; and if the brave Essex1 was
associated with these two incapable men, it was in a
capacity that rendered his high qualities of no avail.
The army itself was composed of equally incon
gruous materials ; the leading gentlemen of the
country were expected — each to furnish, and many
to maintain — their own men.2 It may be easily

1 Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, was born in 1592, and in the
twelfth year of his age was restored by James I. to the dignities
(as he was afterwards to the estates,) forfeited by his father's
attainder. In 1620 he was prevailed on by Lord Oxford to join
him in raising troops to serve in the Palatinate. In the follow
ing year he served as volunteer under Prince Maurice of Nassau.
On the close of this campaign he returned to England, and ap
peared in opposition to the measures of the Court. He afterwards
retired for some years to private life, reappeared as vice-admiral
of a squadron appointed for the defence of the coast, and received
from Charles the commission of lieutenant-general, under the
Earl of Arundel, in 1639. The Pacification of Berwick caused
him much chagrin, which was heightened by some personal slights.
The King afterwards endeavoured to conciliate him by the gift of
various offices and honours ; whilst, on the other hand, the Par
liament endeavoured (and with success) to bespeak his services on
their side. When the King, on quitting London, January, 1642,
demanded his attendance, he declined, alleging his duties in Par
liament. The King then dismissed him from his office of cham
berlain, and from this moment Essex publicly threw himself into
the hands of the Puritans, who, in the following July, appointed
him general-in-chief of their army, the Parliament adding to their
vote the singular declaration that " they would live and die with
him." Lord Essex was married in 1 606 to Lady Frances Howard ;
the unhappy result of which alliance, and their subsequent sepa
ration, are well known ; nor was his second marriage with a
daughter of Sir William Pawlett much more fortunate.
2 Clar. Rebel, i. 205. Among these were Ferdinando, Lord
Fairfax, who commanded one thousand of the Yorkshire "trayned
bands," and his son Thomas, who had a troop in the same
regiment. See Fairfax Correspondence, i. 355 and 372, for this
and a melancholy account of the sufferings and privations en-

1639.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 167
imagined how variously these forces were equipped
and provided for. One coxcomb troop, raised by Sir
John Suckling, was clothed in white doublets, with
scarlet coats, breeches, feathers, and hats : others
came as they had left the plough, and many grim
old veterans bore arms and armour that had seen
service under the Swede. The whole amounted
(on paper) to about 17,000 foot and 3,500 horse,1
independently of those who were cooped up on
board the Hamilton fleet off Leith. Little was
feared from this ill-disciplined and demoralized
army by the blythe and stubborn Scots, who were
comfortably housed, daintily fed, and well paid for
doing their own will.2 They were well assured,
moreover, of the indisposition of the English to
oppose them, and were well acquainted with their
pitiable condition : without pay, rations, or even
tents, without a cause to care for, or a leader in
whom to trust, the dispirited Royalists exhibited a
sad contrast to their exulting antagonists.3
tailed upon men and officers by the extraordinary want of arrange
ment on the part of the authorities.
1 Ferdinando Fairfax's letter. — Fairfax Cor. i. 359.
2 Baillie says chucklingly, " We were better ' answered ' than
we could have been at home : our meanest soldiers were always
served in wheat bread, and a groat would have gotten them a
lamb leg, which was a dainty world to the most of them ....
Harry Rollock by his sermons moved them (in Edinburgh) to
shake out their purses, and the garners of non-Covenanters gave
us plenty of wheat." He adds, " that he found the favour of God
shining upon him, and a sweet, meek, (!) humble, yet strong and
vehement spirit leading him all along." — Letters, i. 200.
3 "Our army," says Baillie, "was not more than 12,000
raen, but it would have done your heart good to have cast your

168 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
However, as Lord Clarendon relates, " the King
had more intended the pomp of his preparations
than the strength of them, and did still believe that
one would save the labour of the other," and so he
advanced to the very borders of Scotland, "and
encamped in an open field, called the Berkes, near
Berwick." It was on the 3rd of June1 that Lord
Holland set forward to meet the advancing Scots :
he commanded a force sufficient, under a Mon
trose, to have conquered Scotland : it consisted of

eyes athwart our brave and rich hill . . well garnished on the
top with our mounted cannon, near to the number of forty, great
and small ... It was thought the county of England was more
afraid for the barbarity of his (Argyle's, who as usual was out
of harm's way, plotting darkly) Highlanders than for any other
terror. Those of the English that came to visit our camp, did
gaze with much admiration upon those souple fellows with their
plaids, targes, and dorlachs (or skenes). Our captains, for the
most part barons or gentlemen of good note ; our lieutenants,
almost all soldiers who had served over the sea in good charges ;
every company had flying at the captain's tent-door, a brave new
colour, stamped with the Scotch arms, and this ditton, ' For
Christ's crown and covenant,' in golden letters. Our soldiers
were all lusty and full of courage, the most of them stout young
ploughmen . . great cheerfulness in the face of all. The sight of
the nobles and their pastors daily raised their hearts ; the good
sermons and prayers daily under the roof of heaven, to which
their drums did call them for bells (true there was cursing and
brawling in some quarters, whereat we were grieved) ; the remon
strance very frequent of the goodness of their cause, of their con
duct hitherto by a hand clearly divine. Also Leslie, his skill
and fortune made them all resolute for battle as could be wished.
Such was the wisdom and valour of that old, little, crooked
soldier, that all with incredible submission gave themselves over
to be guided by him as if he had been great Solomon." — Baillie's
Letters. 1 Baker's Chronicle, 486. Baillie's Letters. Clarendon says
August, confounding this disgrace with Lord Conway's in the
next campaign.

1639.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 169
" 3,000 foot, 2,000 horse, and a fit train of
artillery." When the Earl came with his horse to
Dunce,1 he found old Leslie there, with about
3,000 ill-armed but well-commanded Scotsmen,2
whom he had placed in a fine position on a com
manding hill-side. Holland halted irresolutely ; he
had neither heart to make a forward dash with his
cavalry, nor sense enough to form, and wait for his
infantry and artillery. The Scots, observing his
perplexity, increased it by sending a " trumpet" to
inquire, " Wha be ye, who come in warlike array
into our land ?" Holland seems to have thought
the question required no answer, for he made in
return his only further demonstration, by sending
his trumpet to request the Scots would "go away!"
Meanwhile he sent orders to his foot to halt until
he had received their answer: it was brief, and
contemptuously significant, " It were best for Lord
Holland to be gone." Whereupon " this courtier3
lord, with a sword by bis side, and a King's honour

1 Heath, p. 10, says it was Dunslo, evidently meaning Dunsie-
law. Baker {Chronicle) calls it Dunse.
2 Clar. Reb. i. 210.
3 Rushw. ii. 936 ; Nalson i. 231 ; Fairfax Corres. i. 375. I
would not be suspected of false and vulgar imputation against
court-bred men : they have almost always fought with gallantry.
Holland would have been a poltroon anywhere, as he was a coxcomb
and traitor everywhere. Soon afterwards he escaped from a duel
with Lord Newcastle under rather discreditable circumstances, by
allowing time for the King to interfere. Not that this fearful
mode of atonement is to be defended for a moment when refused
on moral or religious grounds : but where the challenged professes
neither, he must be differently judged. — Clar. Reb., i. 221.

170 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
in his keeping, wheeled about from his ragged
enemy, retreated to the King, and fled away from
the Thermopylae of the cause."
This was the only approach to action, after all the
pompous preparation for this war ; but not the only
time that the enemy were in sight : the King him
self caught a glimpse of his Scotch subjects " all
plaided and plumed, in their tartan array;" and so
negligent were his officers, that he alone did see
them, with the exception of Sir John Biron, who
called attention to their warlike array as his Ma
jesty was coming off parade.
The Scotch leaders having now discovered that
their King had as little intention, as power to make
war upon them, became more decided in their ad
vances. They sent letters to each of the three
generals, Arundel, Essex, and Holland. Essex
received the communication as a soldier should, re
fusing to see the messenger, and transmitting his
papers, unopened, to the King; Lord Arundel
grasped at a chance of feeling himself at home on
diplomatic ground, and negotiated ; Holland re
ceived the messenger with open arms, and at once
entered into his dangerous opponents' views. The
deputies ofthe two nations at length came together;
the Scotch were Lords Rothes, Dunfermline, and
Loudon, Sir William Douglas, Alexander Hender
son (the divine), and Archibald Johnston : the En
glish were Lords Essex, Salisbury, Holland, and
Berkshire, Sir Harry Vane, and Secretary Coke.

1639.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 171
They had assembled in Lord Arundel's tent (June
11th 1639),1 and, were about to enter upon busi
ness, when the King unexpectedly entering, took
his seat at the council-table. He then addressed
the Scotch lords with courtesy, in these wise words,
" You have complained, my lords, that your desires
are not heard ; therefore I have come myself, that
you may be certain of an audience." The deputies
seem to have been taken by surprise at this straight
forward and manly address. They made a reply
which seems moderate indeed, considering their po
sition, — " Asking only for a general amnesty ; for
a determination in all civil affairs by their Parlia
ment ; in all ecclesiastical, by their Kirk."
In a word, the Pacification of Berwick professed to
be complete,2 but " it said peace, where there was no
peace :" the tide of war, however, retired for the pre
sent from the field into the haunts of private life.
There, " nursing their wrath to keep it warm," the
cunning Scots indulged their animosities in a quiet
way, prepared for future rebellion, and cherished
their soldiery as if they had not quite done with

1 Rushworth, iii. 960. Lord Hamilton arrived after the treaty
was concluded, " just in time," says Lord Clarendon, " to be able
to find fault with it."
2 Clarendon thinks, and apparently with some reason, that the
King never intended to strike a blow, as he sent orders to Holland
not to engage (who, however, was in full retreat before he received
them); but, how then could he have written to Hamilton " to let
him loose upon the rebels to do what injury he could?" To make
a demonstration without being prepared to follow it up is the
weakest and worst form of political gambling.

172 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
them.1 The King of England, on the other hand,
dismissed his army ungraciously,2 parted from the
noble Essex without one kindly expression, and
soon afterwards refused him the rangership of Need-
wood Forest, which lay close to his own park, and
was anxiously desired by him. With almost equal
want of judgment he declined meeting the Scotch
Parliament in person, as he had promised3 to do,
and retired precipitately into England.
Much harm had been done by this mock-war
like demonstration; yet, if the King had done
what was to be done, upon the spot, he might have
had cause to rejoice in the expedition: he had
favourably impressed the better spirits among the
Covenanters ; he had placed the factions in a false
position, by assenting to all the honest demands
with which they masked their ulterior projects;
and, if he had done nothing else, he had won the
1 Baillie says for himself and fellows, " even if the Prince give
way to our supplications [' Charity, for the honour of God !' said
the beggar with the cocked pistol,] we wot not where to stand...
whatever the Prince grants, I fear we press more than he can
grant, and when we are fully satisfied, it is likely England will
begin where we have left off." Quoted by Mr. Napier {Montrose,
i. 298), who adds, "how accurately in this sentence has Baillie
epitomized the history of his party."
2 Clarendon's Rebellion, i. 220.
3 For this he had some excuse, however, as of fourteen Cove
nanting peers, whom he had invited to attend his progress to Edin
burgh, only three, Montrose, Rothes, and Lothian, obeyed his
summons, and "his majesty was so disgusted with the insulting
excuses sent by the rest, as to return to London (on the 29th
June), and forego his intention of trusting himself in the hands
of this faithless and unprincipled faction." — Bishop Guthrie,
quoted by Mr. Napier, Montrose, &c, i. 229.

1639.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 173
chivalrous Montrose to his cause for ever. That
flower of Cavaliers was at once converted by the
fascination that had " thawed even the cold heart "
of a Covenanter ;J and, surely, the Monarch who
had such inevitable influence upon all heroic na
tures that he suffered to approach him, must have
had something heroic in his own.
But the moral disadvantages that the King in
curred by the expedition, infinitely outweighed all
else : his reputation had suffered in the eyes of
Europe, and his own subjects had learned a danger
ous lesson : the most warlike spirits of England had
been too long in the contagious neighbourhood of
the Covenanters not to imbibe something of their
feverish temper, and they then formed those asso
ciations which they afterwards so fatally renewed.2

1 Baillie says, referring to the conference at Berwick, " His
Majesty was much delighted with Henderson's discourses, but not
so with Johnston's. It is likely his Majesty's ear had never been
tickled with such discourses, yet he was the most patient of them
all, and loving of clear reason. His majesty was ever the longer
the better loved of all them that heard him, as one of the most
just, reasonable, sweet persons they had ever seen." — Letters, i.
301. 2 Among the evils of this failure, one of the least was not the
appointment of the worthless Sir Harry Vane as secretary, " by
the dark contrivances of the Marquis of Hamilton, and by the
open and visible power of the Queen." — Clar. Rebel, i. 222. It
seems that some one was necessary as a scape-goat for the dis
graces ofthe expedition, and poor Mr. Secretary Coke ("for whom
nobody cared"), and who was fourscore years of age, was made the
victim. Strafford violently opposed Vane's appointment to the
vacancy; but the Queen at last prevailed. Vane remembered
Strafford's opposition at his trial, when his son traitorously and
dishonourably brought about his doom.

174 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Every one felt, too, that the war had only been
postponed ; a capital mistake, by which the elements
of future success were mortgaged to present ease.1
The Scottish Parliament soon behaved itself after
such a fashion that Charles adjourned it on pain of
treason ; a penalty little feared by men who had
braved their King in the field, and been plotting,
even with France, against him ever since.
The King now found that he had laid aside the
sword too soon : the army he had ungraciously dis
missed was again summoned to attend him to the
war. It was found necessary, however, at the same
time, to summon the great paymaster, a Parliament,
for every " extra-Parliamentary " source had been
drained dry. They met (on the 13th of April) ; the
King asked for money, the Commons for redress;
neither party obtained its desires. The Short Par
liament was dissolved (on the 5th of May).2
Meanwhile the Convocation, a sort of clerical
parliament, was still left sitting : its principal acts
were a vote of money " from the spirituality " to
wards the Scotch war, and an oath3 only limited by
1 "Non si debbe mai lasciar una disordine per fuggire una
guerra, perche ella non si fuggi ma si differisce a tuo disavantag-
gio." — // Principe. Charles always consulted Machiavelli in the
wrong place.
2 " Moche said and little mended,
The treasury in pawne and the Parliament ended,"
a brief but comprehensive epitaph, in Black Tom's Garland.
3 This celebrated oath ran thus : " Nor will I ever give my
consent to alter the government of this Church by archbishops,
bishops, deans, and archdeacons, &c." — Neal's Puritans, ii. 203.

1640.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 175
an et ccetera, to maintain everything belonging to the
Church within that somewhat vague limitation. To
aid the supplies furnished by the Church, the Court
party liberally contributed : 300,000/., a large sum
in those days, was furnished by private individuals,
and it proves the affection in which Charles was
held by his own party.1 Nevertheless, it fell far
short of his necessities, and an attempt was made
to raise money by a forced loan on the city : this
was found to be impracticable ; a few Spanish mer
chants, who had unfortunately trusted some bullion
to the royal protection, alone suffered ; they paid
40,000£ for their credulity.
Another reluctant and wavering army was in the
field, another incapable general to lead them, another
and a worse disgrace ensued. The army this time
amounted to 19,000 foot and 2,000 horse. The
Earl of Northumberland nominally general-in-chief,
Lord Strafford lieutenant-general, and Lord Con
way general of the horse. The latter was sent for
ward, with 4,500 men, to dispute the passage of the
Tyne: where old Leslie2 with bis Covenanters was
The infliction of this oath upon all ecclesiastical and academical
persons was a fruitful source of triumph and anathema to the Dis
senters. Vicars, in his Jehovah Jireh, thus indulges himself upon
it : — " that monstrous et cetera oath ! that prodigious hydra, that
bottomless abyss !"
1 Lord Strafford gave 20,000/., the Duke of Richmond
40,000/., Laud, 18,000/., others 5,000/., and the rest according to
their estates. The clergy gave 4s. in the pound." — Heath's Chro
nicle, p. 11. Sir P. Warwick's Memoirs, p. 144.
2 " The little crooked Felt marshal, who had engaged to fight
in the leading-strings of a Covenanting committee, now again saw

176 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
already arrived. The latter sent a most civil mes
sage to his lordship, stating that they were only
proceeding to York, as loyal subjects, to wait upon
their King. Lord Conway held his ground against
all their messengers, but gave way at once to their
artillery. Wilmot, with a few Cavaliers, shewed
some fight ; for the rest, all dissolved into utter and
ignominious rout; Conway was the first to reach
York !
Then followed the Treaty of Ripon (Oct. 1), con
summating in council the disgraces of the field.
The Scotch reformers were to occupy the coun
ties of Northumberland, Westmoreland, the bishop
rick (as they loved to call it) of Durham, and the
town of Newcastle, until the February following;
holding the north of England in pawn, as it were,
for the pay which they allotted to themselves.
Baillie, one of their preachers, thus sums up their
gains: " 300,000/. sterling— 5,408,000 merits Scots!
— is a pretty sum in our land, besides the 25,000/.
sterling for the fifth month coming ! Yet the
hearty giving of it to us, as to their brethren, re
freshed us as much as the money itself."1 The En
glish Parliament, in fact, were subsidizing these
Scotchmen to do their work, and they did it hand-
himself surrounded by that motley host of black gowns and blue
bonnets which composed the fantastic ranks of the kirk-militant,
and not a man of them with a certain or sane view of their pre
cise plan or purpose." — Montrose and the Covenanters, i. 317.
1 Letters and Journals. This money was charged by the Par
liament to the King's account. — IJobbes.

1640.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 177
somely. The Presbyterian commissioners were
now invited to London, where they were enthusi
astically welcomed by the Puritans : the movement
against Church as well as State had already set
powerfully in.1
The Earl of Northumberland's illness or ill af
fection for the royal cause had left Lord Strafford
in command of the Northern army. His genius
was soon not only felt but manifested. Regardless
of the uncompleted armistice, contemptuous of the
mutinous spirit of the troops, be was resolved to
strike one blow at the Scots before his arm was para
lyzed. A body of horse of Holland's (Conway's horse)
was paraded; marched away on the moment; led
against the enemy, cheerily, manfully, and with a
resolution that carried all before it. In a single
hour the spirit of the English army was restored ; the
confidence that had forsaken the young soldiers at
Newburn, returned in full tide as they dashed through
the streets of Durham after the flying Scots.
1 " The King retires to London, and Scotch commissioners are
sent up thither, and they, both by the Parliament and city, are
looked upon as angells of light ; and they frequent the congrega
tions of the chief dissenting presbyters, who from all quarters of
the kingdom flow up to this city ; as if they mene to convert an
unsanctified heathen nation, and Timothy and Titus are upon all
occasions proved not to have been bishops, as a distinct order from
Presbyters, and the rites of the Church of no better appellation
than superstitions ; and the bowing at the name of Jesus hath a
book written against it with no less title than ' Jesus- worship
confuted ;' so as if a Mahometan had heard it cryed in the streets
to be sold, as it was (as I heard a gentleman say passing by), sure
ly he might justly have thought, this nation at that time was
denying their Saviour." — by Sir P. Warwick's Memoirs, p. 152.
VOL. I. N

178 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
But vain were the deeds as the words of a
Strafford against the weak wilfulness of a Stuart.
Well was it for us and for our liberties that Charles
knew neither how to conquer or to yield ! He
endeavoured to atone for the brief triumph of his
arms by making more abject concessions to the
Scots, who met with no further opposition from
sword or pen : when the Treaty of Ripon was
signed, there was an end to the King's authority
among the Covenanters: and thenceforward they
pleased themselves as best they might, in the midst
of feuds, and factions, and the fiercest controversies.
It was their own fault if Scotland did not now ex
hibit the perfection of political and religious hap
piness. The result of this last campaign had left
the King entirely without resource. He sum
moned a Council of his Peers to York, but even
they had advised the summons of the greater coun
cil of the nation, the long insulted and now aveng
ing Parliament. Charles once more reluctantly
assented ; he invited all that was most able, most
dangerous, and most hostile in his kingdom, to meet
together — to demand from him, their King, an
account of his stewardship.
The Long Parliament met on the 3rd of No
vember.1 The King approached the House privately,

1 Laud was advised to defer the day as being one of evil omen.
On this day Wolsey's parliament was opened, which was fatal to
the minister and ultimately to the Roman Church in England.
Laud, of whom it might be said, as Lord Morton said of John

1640.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 179
going thither by water in his barge, instead of with
the usual state and ceremony. He encountered
an array in that Parliament more awful than ever
confronted him on the battle-field : not only the
" hip and thigh," and " root and branch" reformers
stood lowering there; but the wiser, though less
subtle statesmen, whose hearts only yearned for an
honorable peace, — these were also the King's oppo
nents in his Parliament. Pym and Hampden had
been " riding a circuit" of all England to collect
and to distribute statistics of the people's wrongs ;
St. John and Holies had digested and arranged a
record of these wrongs, Fiennes and Vane had
dilated on them. Falkland, Hyde, Rudyard,1 Sel-
den, were also there, pleading the people's wrongs ;
— Wrongs ! — that word rang through all England,
and the real rights of the oppressor were for a time
overwhelmed and silenced in the sound.
The Reforming party at once displayed so for
midable a strength in Parliament as to be able to
dictate terms to the King. Their plans were well

Knox, " he never feared the face of mortal man,'' disregarded the
omen, — "he cared not for these things" (!)* — Whitelocke.
1 The strong and stirring eloquence of this time is fairly repre
sented in Sir Benjamin Rudyard's honest and manly speeches. I
take them to be the best specimens of the practical eloquence
of the time ; earnest, yet playful at due seasons, — full of the
shrewdest sense and keenest sarcasm, — free and chivalrous and
high-spirited, reverential of the king, scornful of the tyrant.

* This seems strange : but he was only imaginative about
omens ; he was superior to their influence.
n 2

180 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
matured, their confidence in their cause unbounded.
Almost every member bore in his hand a petition
from his constituents, which but served him as a
text whereon to preach about their grievances. At
once, forty committees were appointed for the con
sideration of these wrongs, and five Grand Com
mittees (consisting of the whole House) for trade,
religion, Ireland, courts of justice, and general
grievances. These Grand Committees thenceforth
assumed virtually a jurisdiction over all the affairs
of the empire ; they summoned whom they chose,
imprisoned or released whom they would,1 appointed
a day for a general fast, and fraternised with the
" traitorous Scots."2
This Parliament was but a week old, when it
proceeded to impeach Lord Strafford. Often as his
memorable trial has been described, it seems impos
sible to omit all mention of it in a record of the
Cavaliers, the doomed and devoted supporters of
the House of Stuart. On the 11th of November,
the doors were closed, strangers Mere excluded, and
Pym assailed his great adversary in a speech of con
summate artifice and power. The House was carried
away by the fervour and passion of his eloquence;
1 Amongst the first of these were Prynne, Bastwick, Burton,
Leighton, and Lilburne, then suffering under sentence of the
High Court of Commission and the Star Chamber.
2 This epithet was scarcely misapplied to men who were at this
moment proved to have solicited (through Loudon and Richelieu)
the aid of France against the King. True patriotism never yet
sought foreign assistance : the Scots probably only wished for
subsidies.

1640.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 181
the accuser had given utterance to thoughts that
struggled in every breast : there was but one dis
sentient voice, it was that of Lord Falkland. Pym
straightway appeared at the bar of the House of
Lords with the impeachment.
"As soon as Mr. Pym withdrew, the Lords began
to consult on that strange and unexpected motion.1
The word goes in haste to the Lord Lieutenant
where he was with the King. With speed he
comes to the House, he calls rudely at the door ;
James Maxwell, Keeper of the Black Rod, opens.
His Lordship, with a proud, gloomy countenance,
makes towards his place at the board head ;2 but at
once many bade him quit the House, so he is forced,
in confusion, to go to the door until he was called.
After consultation, being called in, he stands, but is
commanded to kneel, and on his knees to hear the
sentence. Being on his knees, he is delivered to
the Keeper of the Black Rod, to be prisoner till he
was cleared of those crimes the House of Commons
had charged him with. He offered to speak, but was
commanded to be gone without a word. This done,
he makes through a number of people towards his

1 Baillie, in his " Letters," says this, and what follows ; but,
surely, Lords Bedford and Essex, Kimbolton, Say, and others, knew
as well as Pym what to expect. The sudden manifestation of the
lords towards Strafford shews that the feeling was general.
2 According to Lord Clarendon, Strafford had heard nothing
of the matter until he reached the House of Lords, whither he
went on ordinary business, " but he was scarcely entered into the
House of Peers, when the message from the Commons was called
in."— Hist. Rebel, i. 350.

182 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
coach ; all gazing, no man capping to him, before
whom, that morning, the greatest of England would
have stood uncovered." '
This is a graphic description ; the more so as it
leaves the circumstances to speak for themselves
to the reader's mind. That proud, tyrannical man,
struck down in a moment from the height of power;
humbled and insulted in the face of all England;
silenced and put away into prison like one of his
own victims ! So reasoned and exulted his enemies,
who knew that in him they had also humbled his
sovereign. The sudden and fearful change came upon Straf
ford in a moment, from the quarter in which he had
least feared it ; the talent, energy, and unacknow
ledged authority of a demagogue hurled him at once
from his " pride of place " into helpless and forlorn
captivity. But Strafford was ever superior to cir
cumstances ; he now compelled even his evil destiny
to do him honour, by encountering it with lofty
self-possession and magnanimity. Henceforth, until
"that wisest head in England"2 was bowed upon
the scaffold, the whole interest of the time was con
centrated on his fate and the principles with which
it was associated. Strafford's impeachment, defence,
1 Baillie's "Letters," vol. i. p. 217.
- "On this 12th of May, I beheld on Tower Hill the fatal
stroke which severed the wisest head in England from the shoul
ders of the Earl of Strafford ; whose crime coming under the cog
nizance of no human law, a new one was made, not to be a prece
dent, but his destruction." — Evelyn's Diary.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 183
betrayal by the King, and dying scene contain
one of the sublimest tragedies to be found in
history. This first great offering at the shrine of English
freedom was soon followed by that of his friend and
coadjutor Laud. The former was doomed as the
great pillar of the misgoverned State, the latter
of the Church. Yet even here " the terrible Re
formers"1 paused not — the meaner ministers,2 and
lawyers, and even judges, were next assailed ; Sir
Robert Berkely " was taken off the bench where he
sate,"3 and committed to prison.
Thus far, no doubt, the Commons proceeded in
full conviction of purely patriotic and protective
views for the kingdom and posterity.* If any hesi
tation for a moment interrupted their proceedings,
it was instantly overborne by the passionate and
irresistible eloquence of the Reformers.
Now it was that the negotiation to commit the
affairs of the kingdom to a patriot ministry was set

1 Clarendon.
2 Wren and Pierce, Bishops of Ely and Bath and Wells,
Judges Bramston, Davenport, &c, Secretary Windebank, and
Lord Keeper Finch.
3 Whitelocke, "Memorials," p. 39.
4 " The powee op fttture presebvation is now in us," said
Pym, — " 'et qui non servat patriam cum potest, idem tradit destru-
enti patriam.' What though we cannot restore the damage of
the Commonwealth, we may yet repair the breaches in the bounds
of monarchy ; though it be with our loss and charge, we shall so
leave our children's children fenced as with a wall of safety, by the
restoration of our laws to their ancient vigour and lustre." — See
Forster, Statesmen, ii. 145.

184 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
on foot:1 the proposed Ministers, however, were
either unwilling or unable to save Strafford and the
Church, and were therefore rejected. Well had it
been for them, for their fame, and for their country,
had they accepted the conditions, even had they
declined the office !
Meanwhile the day of Strafford's trial is arrived.
Westminster Hall is set out in all its solemn magni
ficence as a Court of Justice ; the Commons of
England, the Lords of Ireland, the Commissioners
of Scotland, are the accusers; the House of Peers
the judges;2 the chief men (and women too) ofthe
time are the audience ; and, amongst them, the King
for whom the prisoner is to die !3

1 The Earl of Bedford was to be Lord Treasurer; Pym, Chan
cellor of the Exchequer ; Hampden, Governor of the Prince of
Wales ; Hollis, Secretary of State ; St. John, Solicitor-General.
2 The bishops had, by the advice of Williams, withdrawn from
attendance " in agitatione causes sanguinis,"- — cautiously waiving
their right, under "the Constitutions of Clarendon," of attending
in capital trials up to the stage of judgment. — Forster.
3 "It was daily the most glorious assembly the isle could
afford," says Baillie ("Letters"). In the magnificent Sutherland
copy of Clarendon, in the Bodleian library at Oxford, there is a
remarkable print of this "high solemnitie." Lord Arundel, as
High Steward of England, sits on an enormous woolsack ; the
clerks kneel as they write at a sort of ottoman in the middle of
the court ; the peers sit with their wide-brimmed hats on their
heads,* clothed in their robes of state ; Lord Strafford wears a
black velvet doublet, and a cloak with a hood attached to it;
the Prince of Wales occupies one of the thrones, the King a sort
of opera-box with a lattice (which he tore away with his own
hands, Whitelock says).

* Coronets were only conferred on them by Charles II. — Burke,
Introduction to Peerage.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 185
The Accused was equal to the great encoun
ter: he was arraigned by the representatives of
the three kingdoms ; he was accused by the most
eloquent and able men of that great intellectual
period; all his actions, even the most private, for
fourteen years of arduous office were investigated :
yet he proudly and successfully confronted his as
sailants; refuted them with an eloquence more
powerful than their own ; and finally, before that
highest tribunal, he proved that no law was ever
made in England that could find him guilty !
Then came his prosecutor's crime : when Pym
discovered that his prejudged victim was protected
by the law,1 he and his associates feloniously con
sulted how to evade that law. They succeeded ; a
bill of attainder accomplished their design ; but so
murderous was its nature that its very makers de
nounced it as a precedent,2 and declared it null and
void for ever after !
And so the matter ended ; and Strafford met his
1 Mr. Forster, in his " Lives of Pym and Strafford," has ably
argued against the latter, though irresistibly impressed by that
noble bearing and eloquence which " moved the hearts of all his
hearers (some few excepted) to remorse and pity." He admits
that "Pym had reason to believe that the proofs he advanced
did not amount to a substantial treason under the statute ....
he wisely judged it was better to fix the guilt of Strafford on
higher and grander considerations ! !" — Statesmen ofthe Common
wealth, ii. 165.
2 Thus it bears for ever its own brand of blood-guiltiness.
Among the comparisons between old and more recent times
on which we can congratulate ourselves, is that between the
strikingly similar trials, and far different results, of Strafford and
Hastings.

186 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
death as heroically as he had pleaded for his life.
The city swarmed with people who crowded even
within sight of the scaffold to see him die; the
Lieutenant of the Tower feared they would tear
him in pieces, and advised him to enter a carriage
at the gate, "No, Mr. Lieutenant," said he, "I
can face danger and the people too : I die to please
them, and will die how they please." But there
was nobleness of nature in the people also : they
allowed him to pass in silence, many respectfully
saluting him; and he moved to the scaffold, "his
bearing resembling that of a general marching
at the head of an army to breathe victory, rather
than that of a condemned man."1 And so he died
in triumph.2

i Rushworth, viii. 761. Clarend. Reb. i. 382, 397, 428, 450-4.
Forster, i. 409; ii. 180, &c.
2 On Wednesday the 12 th of May, 1641. His last words to
his brother on the scaffold are worthy of being deeply laid to
heart by those who love ambition and fear death : — " Brother,"
said the dying statesman, " what see you in me to cause those
tears 1 Does any fear betray in me guilt, or any innocent bold
ness want of religion 1 Think that you are now accompanying
me once to my marriage-bed. That block must be my pillow, and
here I must rest from all my labours. No thoughts of envy, no
dreams of treason, no jealousies or cares for the King, the State,
or myself, shall interrupt this easy sleep  Brother, we must
part  One stroke will make my wife husbandless, my dear
children fatherless, and my poor servants masterless, and separate
me from my dear brother and all my friends : but may God be to
you and them all in all." Whilst undressing for the executioner,
he said, " I do as cheerfully put off my doublet at this time as
ever I did when I went to bed I " And no doubt he spoke the
truth. His letters breathe a strangely happy spirit of resignation
even in his triumphant days : their tenderness to those he lov6s
is exquisitely contrasted with the stern and fearless tone of com-

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 187
" Certainly," confesses the honest chairman of his
accuser's committee, " never man acted such a part
on such a theatre with more wisdom, constancy, and
eloquence, with greater reason, judgment, and tem
per, and with a better grace in all his words and
gestures, than this great man did. And he moved
the hearts of all his auditors (some few excepted) to
remorse and pity."1
But the highest tribute to Strafford's genius is
the dread that he inspired among the Puritan lead-

mand or indignation to others ; and through many there is visible
a yearning after higher, holier things than King or Puritan could
offer. In one instance he speaks as if longing for retirement :
" the height of my ambition would be to be brought home to
enjoy myself and my friends, to leave a free estate to my little
boy, and, which is more than all this, quietly and in secret to
serve my Maker, to commune with him more frequently and
more profitably, I trust, for my soul, than formerly." — Strafford
Papers, i. 61. His last letter to his son, beginning with, "Dear
est Will, these are the last lines you are ever to receive from one
who tenderly loves you," ends thus, " be sure to avoid as much as
you can to inquire after those that have been sharp in their judg
ment towards me, and I charge you never to suffer thought of
revenge to enter your heart  May God Almighty of his infi
nite goodness bless you and your children's children, perfect you
in every good work, and give you a right understanding in all
things. Tour most loving father, Thomas Wentwokth." — Straff.
Papers, ii. 416.
1 Whitelocke," Memorials," p. 44. Laud, too, bears his testimony
(he had given the Earl his blessing through the prison window on
his way to the scaffold) : — " Thus ended the wisest, the stoutest,
and every way the ablest subject that this nation hath bred these
many years." — Diary. Base intrigue cut off his last chance of
safety : Holies had so gained the House, that a respite would
have been allowed to Strafford to settle his affairs ; the King was
to go with a petition to both Houses, and a majority was calcu
lated on to support the prayer. Meanwhile the Puritans inspired
the ever-mischievous Queen with a belief that Strafford would ac
cuse her, and she prevailed on the King to send, not to go to the

188 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
ers ; such dread as drove them to pervert the laws
and hound on the passions of the mob to accom
plish his destruction. The base and unworthy plea
of expediency, the justifying of the means by the
importance of the end, was more worthy of mere
Italian politicians than of English gentlemen.
But the chief guilt of Strafford's death does not
lie with the Commons; his blood lies at the door
of the unfaithful Lords,1 of the wavering King. In
the vain and coward hope of postponing a struggle
that was inevitable, the craven Lords yielded to the
vulgar thirst for blood, time-serving Bishops2 coun-

Houses. He wrote, and invalidated the appeal by the incredibly
mean, surrendering postscript, " if he must die, it were a charity
to reprieve him until Saturday."* — Burnet, i. 44; King Charles's
Works, p. 138.
1 The Lords might and would have saved him if they had
dared. The following letter will shew that his cause was by no
means desperate at first : —
" OAPT. DANIEL o'NEILLEf TO CAPT. W. LEGGE.
"London, 23rd Feb., 1641.
" The last week has produced nothing but distractions and
jealousies between the Houses. The Commons ready to protest
against the Lords for giving a week longer to my Lord Strafford
to put in his answer, the Lords mad to see them so presump
tive, question their authority  The Commons yesterday in
conference reproached, in a manner, the Lords, for dealing so
meekly with my Lord Lieutenant. ... I attended, the whole de
bate, and find he will escape tlie House, for all the privy Council,
except Essex and honest Mandeville, were most vehemently for
him." — Earl of Dartmouth's Family Papers.
2 Juxon alone denounced the crime.

* " Qui timide rogat, docet negare," was afterwards scornfully
quoted by Pym.
f Groom of the King's bedchamber.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 189
gelled the sacrifice, and the King — in unimaginable
disregard of all duty, truth, honour, friendship,
gratitude, — yielded up his heroic servant to the exe
cutioner.1 "Degenerate King!" — as the eloquent
and fearless Irving once exclaimed, — " degenerate
King — degenerate Nobles ! ye have been cowards
before the people, ye have been brave only against
the Lord your God."2

1 The King himself condemned this most unkingly act of his
as much as his bitterest enemy could ever do. The victim of his
weakness had received a promise from Pym as well as from his
master : the former said to him, " You are going to leave us, but
I will never leave you while your head is on your shoulders :" the
latter had sworn, " While there is a king in England not a hair of
your head shall be touched by Parliament." The demagogue kept
his promise, the King broke his oath. Afterwards, also, when
Strafford lay in prison, the King wrote to him this further as
surance : — " I cannot satisfy myself in honour or in conscience
without assuring you, on the word of a king, that you shall not
suffer in life, honour, or fortune."
2 I have been led on to speak of this trial at greater length
than I anticipated ; no writer who approaches the subject can
escape from it with brevity. I have not mentioned even now
that when the impeachment was changed into a bill of attainder,
Strafford was not allowed to speak again on this new assault ;
that Selden, the most sterling of patriots, and most profound of
lawyers, eloquently and indignantly denounced such injustice, but
all in vain. The best and ablest account of Strafford is to be found
in Mr. Forster's " Lives of Pym and Strafford." I am compelled to
differ very widely from this writer on many points ; but I believe
that his " statesmen," if consolidated into a History of the Civil
War, would be invaluable. M. Guizot's account of this trial is
given with his usual perspicacity and point ; but it is singularly
reserved as regards expression of opinion on the merits of the case.
The reader will easily supply a parallel between the fortunes of
the great English minister and those of a recent French one. The
former, when his arm was paralysed in the north by the King's
want of nerve to carry out measures of which lie had already
reaped all the odium and danger, and only required courage to
grasp at the success for which he had so dearly paid : the latter,

190 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
It was during this trial that the royalist army first
appeared as an element of royal — as opposed to
popular — power. The latter had grown to an alarm
ing height in the opinion of the Court: not only
did the Commons arrogate supreme authority, but
the people began to consider themselves endowed
with the same rights as their representatives ; and
the mob, that mock personification of the people,
took it upon themselves to act as its executive. In
this capacity the Houses of Parliament were con
stantly surrounded by its petitions, the Palace be
sieged by its insults. In such a state of things, the
King naturally desired some protection, but he
rashly admitted to this delicate office some worth
less and intemperate officers from the Northern
army, whom he " entertained about his palace at
Whitehall." They were selected with that extra
ordinary perversity of tact, which intuitively per
ceived what office men were least qualified for, and
immediately employed them therein. Lords Con
way and Holland had been selected for the frontier
war as if for their military incapacity; and now
Goring,1 Ashburnham,2 and Lunsford3 were selected

when his labours, long directed towards the transmutation of the
baser elements of France, were ruined " in the very moment of
projection " by the timidity of his master, and those elements let
loose to desolate the empire.
1 Whose whole life was a tissue of treason against God and
man. — Clarendon.
2 " Who never was engaged on any cause that he did not help
to ruin by his indiscretion." — Sir P. Warwick.
3 A letter from Lord Dorset, written in the early part of 163b

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 191
as body-guards, and at least countenanced as di
rectors of a plot requiring the utmost discretion
and fidelity.
What that plot was is still very debatable;
whether to crush the Parliament and restore des
potism, or simply to rescue Strafford from death
and the King from the daily insults of the mob.
It signifies little what was the assigned object,1 but
it is certain that Charles was not at this time a safe
person to entrust with unlimited military power.
The chief conspirators were the men already named,
with Percy, the Earl of Northumberland's bro
ther; Henry Jermyn, the Queen's chief favourite;

is published in Ellis's Collection, in which Thomas Lunsford is
spoken of as " a young outlaw, who neither fears God nor man,
and who, having given himself over unto all lewdness and dis
soluteness only studies to affront justice," and again, as " de
generate from all genteel birth or education, and takes a glory
to be esteemed rather a swaggering ruffian than the issue of
that ancient and honest family " (his father having been high-
sheriff for the county of Sussex). Lunsford's petitions to the
King, preserved among Sir William Burrell's Collection, allude
to some of these offences, which consisted of killing Sir Tho
mas Pelham's deer, and assaulting himself and his keeper : for
this the Star Chamber visited him with heavy fines, and in de
fault of payment imprisoned him eighteen months in the Fleet :
the remainder of his sentence was remitted by the King, April
1639, in consideration of his employment in the army. This
act of leniency seems to have influenced his choice of a party
rather than the remembrance of former severity from his royal
master. 1 Lord Clarendon says, " there never was the least intention of
working farther upon the affections of the army than to preserve
them from being corrupted .... and all that the King consented
to was, that as petitions were being framed by seditious persons
to the Parliament, so the officers and soldiers might sign this
petition."— Hist. Rebel., i. 429.

192 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Wilmot, father of the Rochester of later days;
Sir Hugh Pollard, M.P.; Daniel O'Neille, an Irish
Roman Catholic, whose letter I have just quoted;
Suckling and Davenant, the poets.1 Lord Holland2
was fitly selected as their chief, to Goring's great

1 Rushw. v.256. Warwick's "Memoirs," p. 178. LordNugent's
" Hampden," ii. 70. " Fairfax Corr.," ii. 121. Clar. "Rebel," i.
428. 2 Henry Rich, Earl of Holland, younger brother of Robert,
second Earl of Warwick, was created Baron Kensington in 1622,
and Earl of Holland in 1624. He was captain of the King's
Guard, and much in favour with James I., who made him a
Knight of the Bath ; and with Charles I., who made him a
Knight of the Garter. Granger speaks of him as " a distinguish
ed favourite with Henrietta Maria, upon whose heart his hand
some person, gallant behaviour, and courtly address, are thought
to have made an early impression when he was sent ambassador
to France, to negotiate the treaty of marriage for the King of
England." " The Earl of Holland," says Clarendon, " was a
younger son of a noble house ; but the reputation of his family
gave him no great advantage in the world. After some time
spent in France, he betook himself to the war in Holland, where,
after he had made two or three campaigns, according to the cus
tom of the English volunteers, he came in the leisure of the winter
to visit England, about the time of the infancy of the Duke of
Buckingham's favours, to whom he grew in a short time very
acceptable. He was a very handsome man, of a lovely and win
ning presence, and gentle conversation, by which he had got so
easy an admission to the Court and grace of King James, that he
gave over the life of a soldier. He took all the ways he could to
endear himself to the Duke, and wisely declined receiving any
grace or favour but as his donation ; above all, avoided the suspi
cion that the King had any kindness for him upon any account
but of the Duke, whose creature he desired to be esteemed,
though the Earl of Carlisle's friend. And he prospered so well
in that pretence, that the King scarcely made more haste to ad
vance the Duke, than the Duke did to promote the other. Under
this protection he received every day new obligations from the
King and great bounties; and continued to flourish above any
man in the Court while the weather was fair ; but the storm did
no sooner arise than he declined fast in the favour he was said to
be master of."— Clar. Rebel.; Lodge's Portraits.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 193
disgust, and to the ruin of the plot. Their cele
brated petition was to the following effect : —
"To the King's Most Excellent Majesty, the Lords
Spiritual and Temporal, the Knights, Citizens,
and Burgesses, now assembled in the High Court
of Parliament,
"The humble petition of the Officers and Soldiers
of the Army, humbly sheweth, &c." They proceed
to state that their wants [of pay and all necessaries]
have become very grievous, yet that they have been
very exemplary in conduct ; " a temper not usual in
armies, especially in one destitute of pay and mar
tial discipline, and many of its principal officers °
[who were hanging about the Court, the only place
they were fit for]. They proceed to speak com-
mendably of the Parliament's doings, of the King's
co-operation therewith, and " condescending " to the
Scots. They praise the Triennial Bill, and pray that
all men may " enjoy in their own homes " the peace
and quietness that is so prized by them, the officers
and soldiers. But they learn " with grief and anguish
that there are certain persons, stirring and pragma
tical, who, instead of rendering glory to God, thanks
to his Majesty, and acknowledgment to the Parlia
ment, remain as unsatisfied and mutinous as ever."
That these pragmatical persons are attempting the
diminution of " his Majesty's just regalities, which
must be ever dear to all honest men as their own
freedoms," subjecting the kingdom to their private
vol. I. o

194 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
fancies, and subverting the whole government. "But
that which most urges the trouble and disquiet of
[their] loyal hearts is that they hear these pragmati
cal persons are backed in their violence by the mul
titude and tumult" in a manner dangerous to his
Majesty and the free counsels of Parliament. Their
humble petition therefore is that " the ringleaders
of such tumults may be punished and his Majesty
and the Parliament secured from such insolences
hereafter." For the suppressing of all disorders, in
fine, they offer themselves to " wait upon his Majes
ty," hoping they are as well able to defend, as others
to assail " the established laws of the kingdom."
This was all very natural and well expressed ; the
King said he had no objection to any number of
officers assenting to so very reasonable a document.
On being pressed to do so, he even subscribed his
own initials to the Petition, one of the few signa
tures1 it ever received. Colonel Goring2 (the most

1 Clar. Reb., i. 434. It is, however, probably the only instance
on record of the signature of the person petitioned heading the
list of his petitioners !
2 George, Lord Goring, was descended from a junior branch of
the family of that name, which still maintains its importance in
the county of Sussex. Of the date and place of his birth no in
telligence remains. His wife, a daughter of Lord Corke's, had
previously been offered in marriage to Lord Strafford, who in
1633 writes, — " Young Goring is gone to travel, having run him
self out of 8,000/. which he proposes to redeem by his frugality
abroad ;" and later in this year again alludes to him, — " Young
Mr. Goring hath compounded with my Lord Vere for his colonel's
place in the Low Countries. Twenty-two companies he hath
under his command, and his troop of horse." At the head of this
force he distinguished himself by the most determined bravery,

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 195
infamous person that ever disgraced, while permitted
to retain, the title of gentleman) nursed, matured,
and betrayed this plot for placing London in a state
of siege.
It became known to Pym while Strafford's fate
was yet in suspense, and that most politic statesman
made the most of it. He held its revelations sus
pended over the head of the King for months,
economising its terrors, and turning every alarm it
afforded to good account. And doubtless it might
have been a formidable conspiracy had there been
either head or heart in its organization. But the
King was at the very "dead lift" of his statesman
ship : the able servants of his extra-parliamentary
career were slain, exiled, or imprisoned ; his future
constitutional advisers, Hyde, Falkland, Culpepper,
were still neutral or opposed to him. He had no
counsellor but his Queen.
One branch of the Army Plot alone was likely to
succeed. Sir William Balfour, Lieutenant of the
Tower, received orders from the King to receive
Captain Billingsby and one hundred soldiers as an
additional protection to the Tower. At the same
time Strafford offered the Lieutenant 20,000^., and
an indemnity from the King, if he would connive
at the introduction of this " guard," and its conse-
and received a wound at the famous siege of Breda, 1637. In
1641 we find him in the office of governor of Portsmouth, as
above. Utterly debauched, cruel, and unprincipled, he was the
worst of the bad men who brought reproach on the name of
Cavalier. o 2

196 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
quences. But Sir William knew the power of
Parliament, and he also knew that his prisoner had
been overheard by some women, as he was arranging
his escape. " His fidelity proved inviolable," Straf
ford was killed, and soon afterwards the Lieutenant
officially " resigned " his post to the King, and
received 3000/. for doing so.
Ultimately the Army Plot proved useful to al
most every one but the unhappy monarch whom it
had professed to serve. The army itself was soothed
and complimented with a polite letter from Speaker
Lenthall, and considerable arrears of pay. The
Scotch army (as an additional precaution) was voted
300,000/.; Goring received the thanks of Parlia
ment. Some of the other conspirators fled or were
imprisoned, but the whole matter was soon forgot
ten except by history.
This " Northern army " consisted of the remains
of the armament originally destined to overawe
Scotland : it constituted at the same time the only
strength on which the King could rely for bis own
emergencies, and on which the Parliament calcu
lated for keeping in check the Scotch army that
remained in occupation of the Northern counties.
For this last reason, as well as from the difficulty of
finding money to disband them, the Parliament had
allowed this force to continue in existence. All
the sums hitherto raised for its subsistence had been
perverted to our dangerous allies the Scotch.1 This

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, i. 425.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 197
fact no doubt contributed to increase the English
army's anxiety to approach London and assist the
King and Parliament against the "pragmatical"
paymasters of the Scots.
Meanwhile this army of the King's lay billeted
and quartered as best they might, about Borough-
bridge and Ripon.1 It was thoroughly demoralized
by want or pay, and (as they confess in their peti
tion) by want of discipline also ; still more by the
disgraces it had undergone, and the want of oppor
tunity to redeem its character. Its officers were
generally Soldiers of Fortune,2 for the most part the
1 Fairfax Correspondence, ii.
2 This was in itself far from being a term of reproach. They
frequently subscribed themselves as such, and were proud of the
distinction : it seems to have conferred carte blanche to the soldier
to follow what side he pleased without reproach. Evelyn in his
Diary (ii. 370), says that he " must confess the Earl of Sand
wich served the tyrant Cromwell when a young man, but 'twas
without malice, as a soldier of fortune'.' The following cha
racter of this singular class is extracted from M. Guizot's " Life
of Monk," ably edited by Mr. Stewart Wortley: — " Germany
and the Low Countries were at this period (before the Civil Wars)
the resort of those young Englishmen whose taste or neces
sities drove them to the profession of arms. Thus was formed a
race of men inured to danger, careful of their interest, at all
times obedient to those habits of calculation which made a traffic
of their lives ; blending brilliant action with low sentiment, in
different to right, yet attached to certain duties, and trained by
their condition to dispense with many virtues, though at the same
time exempt from many vices. Destitute of principle, they were
not wanting in a certain sense of honour; and when fate launched
them among the vicissitudes of party, they were not easily found
to break the engagement which they had at first contracted.
They were bound only slightly to their fatherland ; but animated
with a lively sentiment of fellowship for the men whose dangers
they had shared, and they thus formed doubtful citizens, but ad
mirable comrades. Indifferent to the sufferings of a population,

198 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
refuse of that class. " Felt-Marshal " Lesley had
long since secured the best of them for his own
countrymen, by whom they were cherished and yet
they knew how to share those of the soldiers, and were so orderly
even in their violence that they did not aggravate it by their
violence. They were rough and severe, but not ferocious ; even
their avarice submitted to the laws of discipline."
Chief among these soldiers of fortune was George Monk. He
was descended from an old Devonshire family, and had royal
blood in his veins from the Plantagenets. He was born in De
cember, 1608, and at the age of seventeen he served as volunteer
in Lord Wimbledon's expedition against Spain : the following
year he was engaged in the equally unfortunate affair at the Isle
of Rhe. Subsequently he served in the Low Countries under
Lord Oxford and George Goring. He returned to England in
time for the campaigns against Scotland, wherein he held a com
mand in the royal service. Lord Leicester appointed him colonel
to his own regiment when he was lord-lieutenant of Ireland.
After assisting to suppress rebellion in that country, he was
ordered to England to join the King with the brigade of the Irish
army that was defeated at Nantwich under Lord Byron. In the
latter part of these Memoirs I shall have frequent occasion to
refer to his future career. I shall here only subjoin Lord Or-
ford's carelessly penned, but shrewd observations on this memo
rable man, " who raised himself by his personal merit within
reach of a crown, which he had the prudence or the virtue to
wave ; whose being able to place it on the head of the heir is
imputed to astonishing art or secrecy, when in reality he only
furnished a hand to the heart of a nation ; and who, after the
greatest services that a subject could perform, either wanted the
sense, or had the sense, to distinguish himself no farther (for, per
haps, he was singularly fortunate in always embracing the mo
ment of propriety) ; this man was an author, a light in which he
is by no means known. After his death was published a treatise
which he composed while a prisoner in the Tower ; it is called
' Observations upon Military and Political Affairs ;' there remain,
besides, some of his speeches and letters."—" The remarks," adds
this author, " are short, sensible, and pointed, though his friend
Clarendon denies to him the gift of eloquence or volubility." I
doubt whether the witty biographer ever read these " Observa
tions ;" I have endeavoured to make use of them ; but they are
singularly barren of interest or novelty, considering the place and
occupation of their author.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 199
restrained, while those of the royalist party were
neglected and ungoverned. The latter were now
under the command of Sir Jacob Astley and Sir
John Conyers, who were both brave and honest
men, but they could not prevent the demoralization
of forces without pay, employment, or encourage
ment. The Plot was conducted, apparently, without
their knowledge or connivance, though, doubtless,
if commanded to make a bonfire of Westminster
and all that it contained, as old soldiers they would
implicitly have obeyed their orders. Nothing was
done, however ; the army starved and grumbled,
and lay quiet in its quarters until September, when
it was disbanded on the withdrawal of the Scotch
Covenanters with their prize-money.
For the purpose of disbanding them, Lord Hol
land" was made general by the infatuated King.
Lord Essex, who had hitherto served the royal
cause with talent and fidelity, was thus sacrificed to
the most worthless of the Queen's favourites. The
King's bitterest enemies could not have made a
better appointment for their purposes : Holland was
already a traitor to the King,2 and not only be
trayed all his counsels to the Parliament, but alien
ated the minds of the soldiery from the royal cause.
The King's difficulty in raising troops a few months

1 " Who," says Bishop Warburton, " lived a knave, and died a
fool." 2 Having been refused by the King " the making of a baron "
(worth to him, 10,000/.)— Clar. Reb., i. 2.

200 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
later, when his very existence was at stake, is thus
chiefly to be accounted for. In the army now un
graciously dismissed were the greater number of
those who had been similarly treated after the " Pa
cification of Berwick," yet they had rallied again at
the King's summons. After this dismissal, few ever
found their way back to the royal standard; they
were either absorbed into the Parliamentary levies
or abandoned military service altogether. When
the royal standard was set up at Nottingham only
eight hundred troopers were collected, and these
formed the whole force of cavalry, over which
Prince Rupert was appointed as General of the
Royal Horse.
Simultaneously with the dismissal of the English
army, that of Ireland was also disbanded, and driven
by a fatal edict of the Commons to associate them
selves with the disturbing elements of that country.
It was ordered that none of these men should be
allowed to leave Ireland, or enter into the foreign
service that eagerly sought their aid : thus, eight
thousand well disciplined men were let loose upon
the country to find subsistence where they could
— even among the rebels.1
Meanwhile, the King was on his way to Scot
land, leaving London, but not its cares or even its
Parliament, behind him.2 The Commons were
1 Clar. Rebel., i. 493.
2 The King left London for Edinburgh on the 9th of August,
1641, and returned on the 25th of November following. The fol-

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 201
determined not to lose sight of him, and three of
their most pertinacious members tracked his steps,

lowing letter contains allusions to some matters of interest. Its
only date is 1641, and the signature seems to have been destroyed :
the writer gives a graphic picture of the feuds the King found
prevailing among his covenanting subjects : —
"FOR MY FRIEND CAPTAIN LEGG* AT MR. JONSON'S HOUSE IN
YORK.
"Dear William, — Palmer coming from Edinburgh, found
this enclosed paper in the hands of Lieutenant Roughton, or
Wroughton, lieutenant to the Lord Wentworths at Berwick ; he
did conceive it might concern you, which if it do, you may make
use of it ; if not, he desires you return it back to me. When he
came away, the King did hold his resolution to come away upon
Monday next, if no business did interfere ; if it prove so, I con
ceive Porter will be here to-morrow or Monday. There is no
small contention at Edinburgh about the chief places of the
kingdom ; his Majesty would have the Lord Aumount to be
treasurer, which theParliament absolutely did refuse ; Aumount
saith it belongs to the King's prerogative to choose his own officers,
and he will make it good with his life. Montrose is still detain
ed in prison, and is conceived will be until these great places be
* This gentleman is remarkable in these Memoirs, as having
been the warm and faithful friend of Prince Rupert, and a gallant
Cavalier. He was godson to Henry, Earl of Danby, who sent
him to serve as a volunteer under Gustavus Adolphus in 1630.
Afterwards he served in the Low Countries under Maurice, Prince
of Orange. On his return to England he was made " keeper of
the King's wardrobe during life," and soon afterwards became
groom of the bedchamber. In the rank of colonel he served the
royal cause with zeal and talent throughout the Civil Wars, and
after the destruction of the King he devoted himself to the ser
vice of his son with the same energy and gallantry. At the
battle of Worcester he was wounded, made prisoner, and would
have been executed, but that his wife contrived his escape from
Coventry gaol in her clothes. This brave lady was daughter of
Sir W. Washington, and niece of the Duke of Buckingham. After
the Restoration he was received into high favour at Court, yet he
bore the name of " Honest Will Legge " to his dying day. He
was succeeded, in 1 672, by his son George, who was raised to the
peerage, inherited lineally by the present Earl of Dartmouth.

202 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
controlling all his public acts, and spying out every
secret purpose. They had also to keep their vi
gilant eyes on the Scots themselves, who were he-
ginning to feel some qualms of returning loyalty,
now that their money and their Kirk were well
secured. In fact, these parliamentary deputies
returned the visit of the Scotch commissioners, and
with much the same object.1
Even in London, the fiery zeal against the King
was , beginning to languish in his absence, and ulti
mately suffered some reaction. When Charles re
turned to England, he was greeted by demonstra
tions of loyalty to which he had been long a
stranger, — a dangerous and delusive pleasure. At
York, especially, he was enthusiastically received,

bestowed. When these are past, it is supposed he will be set at
liberty; but, being held as a delinquent, he is incapable of any
place. The Earl of Roxburgh doth hold his place still, and will
do so long as his Majesty pleaseth, and will make it good with
his life. There hath been some ruffle betwixt his son, the Lord
Carr, and the marquess : Carr sent the marquess word he was a
juggler and a traitor. The Hamiltons and the Carrs form sepa
rate parties, and it was conceived that there would be a deadly
feud amongst them ; but his Majesty reconciled the business be
twixt them, and Carr did acknowledge he spake it inconsiderately,
and could not prove it. The marquess had. it spoken of after in
open Parliament, and there was cleared by vote of the whole House,
nullo contradicente, that he was free from these aspersions, so it
may be supposed that these words were no way prejudicial to him.
Thus much for foreign matters  " — From the Earl of Dart
mouth's Family Papers.
1 The Parliamentary deputies were Lord Howard of Escnc,
to represent the Peers ; Fiennes (who governed the Peer) ;
Hampden, and Sir Wrilliam Armyn. Vainly, thenceforth, even
to the scaffold, the King attempted to flee, even for an hour,
from the Nemesis he had roused.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 203
and the mayor, in a set speech, assured his Majesty
that " our hearts are so gladdened, our wives con
ceive with joy, our wintry woods assume spring
leaves to welcome home so indulgent a soveraigne."
At Stamford he was met by similar rejoicings, and
apparently by a similar mayor; for this dignitary,
after alluding in his address to the Irish Rebellion
as the " work of Papishes," assures his Majesty,
nevertheless, that " Athough Rome's hens should
daily hatch of its preposterous eggs crocodiliferous
chickens, yet under our Royal Soveraigne we should
not fear." 1 Even in London the popular feeling had
undergone reaction, and in the absence of exciting
causes, had gravitated towards the old standard of
their fathers. A Lord Mayor of strong Royalist prin
ciples had been elected,2 and his great, though ephe
meral power stimulated most zealous demonstrations
of returning loyalty. Tbe City displayed all its
quaint and gorgeous pomp to receive its King, es
corting him in triumph through its lately hostile
bosom. This was the last pageant made for Charles I. ;
and it wanted nothing that a "contented people
could furnish to a contented King." Even the
Queen and her courtiers shared in his reflected

1 Evelyn, p. 112, n.
2 Richard (afterwards Sir Richard) Gourney, " a man of wis
dom and courage, attended on his Majesty at his entrance into
the City, with all the lustre and countenance it could shew, and
as great professions of duty as it could make or the King expect."
— Clar. Reb. ii. 62.

204 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
popularity, and accompanied him in triumph to
Guildhall, where they were magnificently enter
tained.1 Afterwards they were escorted with all
civic pomp to Whitehall Palace along the Strand.3
All these things gave not a little confidence to
the Court and some alarm to the Parliament,3 which
had reassembled, after a brief recess, on the 20th of
October, in a fiercer and sterner spirit than ever:
they were now prepared to adopt all the plans of
the committee which they had left sitting. Then
was proposed that memorable remonstrance,4 which
i 25 Nov.
2 London at that period lay within (or beyond) Temple Bar,
where the City still claims her ancient privileges : (great these
are now, as then, but not so conspicuous, all England sharing in
them too.) The Strand then existed as a one-sided street, open
(except for some palaces and gardens) to the water on the south,
and commanding " a fine view of the Hampstead and Highgate
hills towards the north." Drury Lane was then a quiet place,
where there were more primroses than pockets to be picked;
and Covent Garden was open to the country, though colonnaded
on the north. In the admirably written " Petition for Peace of
the London Apprentices " in 1642, mention is made of their meet
ing being held under the piazza in Covent Garden.
3 Whose self-chosen guards the King removed on his arrival
from Scotland. These consisted of the train-bands of Westminster,
which Essex (on the motion of Pym) had ordered to do duty for
the Parliament " by night and by day." This measure was taken
on the noise of the " Incident " * reaching London, and the in
formation received from Edinburgh that the King had plotted
with Montrose to crush the Covenant, and to convict the Parlia
mentary leaders of a treasonable correspondence with the Scots. —
Rushw. iv. 392.
* The comprehensive accusation ran thus : — 1. The dissolution

* The " Incident," as it was called, was the sudden departure
of Argyle and Hamilton from Edinburgh, on the plea that the
King had intended to arrest them as a first step towards crushing
the Covenant.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 205
arraigned the King of every ill-judged and criminal
act of his whole reign. This was in effect the Par
liamentary declaration of war ; it was addressed not
to the King so much as to the people ; it evidenced
a spirit of hostility that nothing could mitigate, a
sense of wrong that no reparation could mollify,
and a determination that no after-thought could
ever shake. But even the Commons were not
yet prepared to adopt this measure, and its pro
posers for the present fell back upon less formidable

of his first Parliament at Oxford. 2. The dissolution of his second
Parliament, being in the second year of his reign. 3. The disso
lution of his Parliament in the fourth year of his reign. 4. The
fruitless expedition against Calais. 5. The peace made with Spain,
whereby the Palatine's cause was deserted, and left to changeable
and hopeless treaties. 6. The sending of Commissioners to raise
money by way of loan. 7. Raising of ship-money. 8. Enlargement
of forests, contrary to Magna Charta. 9. The design of engrossing
all the gunpowder into one hand, and keeping it in the Tower of
London. 10. A design to bring in the use of brass money. 1 1.
The fines, imprisonments, stigmatizings, mutilations, whippings,
pillories, gags, confinements, and banishments by sentence in the
Court of Star Chamber. 12. The displacing of judges. 13. Illegal
acts of the Council Table. 14. The arbitrary and illegal power of
the Earl Marshal's Court. 15. The abuses in Chancery, Exche
quer Chamber, and Court of Wards. 16. The selling of titles of
honour, of judges' and Serjeants' places, and other offices. 17.
The insolence of bishops and other clerks, in suspensions, excom
munications, deprivations, and degradations of divers painful and
learned and pious ministers. 18. The excess of severity of the
High Commission Court. 19. The preaching before the King
against the property of the subject, and for the prerogative of the
King above the law. 20. The dissolution of the Parliament,
May 5th, 1640 ; the imprisoning some members of both Houses •
a forced loan of money attempted in London ; the continuance of
the Convocation when the Parliament was ended, and the favour
shewed to Papists.
Thus condensed in Behemoth, a work worthy of Machiavelli, by
Tliomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury, p. 536.

206 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
propositions, knowing well that men's minds would
soon become sufficiently heated to digest the former
or any other proposition they could make. The Irish
Rebellion, or rather massacre, now broke out,1 and
1 In Oct. 1641. The attributing to Charles a connivance with
the Irish rebellion is one of the most ungenerous falsehoods in the
long list of Puritan calumnies against him. Nothing could be so
fatally inopportune for his cause ; nothing more clear than that
it resulted from the measures of the opposite party. The Irish
Parliament, hastily but awkwardly following the example of those
of England and Scotland, virtually revolted from the King. In
the excess of its liberality, it declared proclamations and acts of
state to be of no authority ; it abolished martial law, denied
the jurisdiction of the Privy Council, and thus paralyzed the
executive. The Irish, with that keen intelligence which distin
guishes them, at once saw their advantage. Roger More, O'Neal,
and Macguire, called on their countrymen to rise while they
could do so without rebellion against the King and Parliament of
England. If ever they had a chance of returning to their own
ideal of liberty, it was now. The Earl of Leicester, the Lord
Deputy, was absent ; the Chief Justices, Parsons and Borlase,
were men of very doubtful capacity; there were not English
troops enough to garrison Dublin ; winter was approaching ; the
plot undiscovered. But practice does not make perfect in Ire
land : experienced as the Irish are in insurrection, gallant as
they are in action and intelligent in council, they are the worst
conspirators in Europe. The cause was betrayed by O'Connolly,
Dublin secured, Maguire and Macmahon (of whom more here
after) arrested, and the proposed fight for freedom turned into a
most foul and atrocious massacre. Men, women, and children
were put to death under circumstances of horrible cruelty. Such
horror was inspired by the sanguinary and barbarous men and
women who disgraced their country and their faith, that the
Puritans justified themselves in all their cruelties by retaliation.
(Even in the comparatively chivalrous rules of the civil war, quar
ter was denied to " Irish Papists ;" and at Naseby three hundred
women were put to the sword under the name of Irish.) In this
massacre from forty thousand to two hundred thousand people
perished, — a vague calculation. Lord Clarendon says forty thou
sand ; May (Pari. Hist. i. 326) says two hundred thousand in one
month ; Milton (Iconoclastes) one hundred and fifty-four thou
sand in Ulster alone ; Sir John Temple (Hist. Irish Rebel.) says
three hundred thousand from Oct. 1641 to Sept. 1643, besides

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 207
increased the amount of Parliamentary accusations
against the King, and " papacy, and prelacy." The
spiritual peers were the most defenceless adversa
ries the popular leader could encounter, compared
with the resolute front that they shewed to innova
tions. " And now," says the blunt yet courtly Sir
Philip Warwick, " now the bishops' seat in Parlia
ment must be taken away, though ancienter than
Parliament themselves, for no Saxon gemotes ever
met without them. And records shew that some of
them have through all ages been as good instruments
for the subject's liberty, and procuring even Magna
Charta, as any of the Commons or secular Lords."
Ultimately they were swept away, with all the other
bulwarks of the old constitution ; the same royal
hand, at the same instigation that had consigned
Strafford to the block, now subscribed to the humi
liation of those who had forsaken their high trust at
his trial.1 This inroad on the constitution, however,
was not effected for some time after, and then only
by great exertion and repeated efforts of the demo
crats.2

those who fell in fight ; i. e. 35,000 beyond the number of Pro
testants then in Ireland, according to Sir W. Petty's calculation.
See English Misrule and Irish Misdeeds by Aubrey de Vere.
1 Again we find the Queen's dishonouring and evil influences
exerted here : Lord Clarendon confesses that men were more in
different about the bishops, because they had shrunk from the
unpopularity and danger of sitting on Lord Strafford's trial. —
Clar. Reb. ii. 228.
2 Warwick's Memoirs. Mr. Godwin calls him " a grave autho
rity :" he is a very important one for the Cavaliers.

208 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
The first time the bishops were assailed, many
petitions from the country besought the Parliament
to spare that once venerated order: Cheshire, So
mersetshire, eleven other English, and four Welsh
counties petitioned against Sir Edward Deering's
bill. Many who wished well to episcopacy, however,
objected to prelacy, as they called it; and even
the candid and fearless Falkland hoped to render
ultimate service to the Church by disarming those
who had done so much disservice to her cause.1

1 I give an extract from Lord Falkland's speech, as embodying
the opinions of many conscientious men of his time ; opinions
which Falkland afterwards retracted, on conviction of his mistake
in attempting to reform functions on account of functionaries : —
" Master Speaker, we shall find them to have tithed mint and
anise, and to have left undone the weightier matters of the law ;
to have been less eager against those who damn our Church, than
against those who, upon weak conscience and perhaps as weak
reason (the dislike of some commanded garment or some uncom-
manded posture), only abstained from our Church. The con
forming to ceremonies hath more been insisted on than the con
forming to Christianity. The most frequent subjects of their
preaching being the jus divinum of Bishops and tithes, the sacred
ness of tithes, the building of the prerogative, the introduction of
such doctrines as (admitting them true) the truth would not
recompense the scandal. And some have evidently laboured to
bring in an English, though not a Roman Popery : nay, common
fame is more than ordinarily false if none of them have found a
way to reconcile the opinions of Rome with the preferment of
England, being yet so cordially Papist that it is all £1500 a-year
can do to prevent them from confessing it. . . . They appeared
ever forward for monopolies and ship-money, and if any were
backward to comply, they blasted both them and their prefer
ment with the utmost expression of their hatred — the title of
Puritan. . . . They had done us far more mischief, if, by the
grace of God, their share had not been as small in the subtlety
of serpents as in the innoceucy of doves. — Lord Falkland's Speech
concerning Episcopacy, London, 1641.
The chief papistical innovations charged against these bishops

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 209
Meanwhile, the rebellion in Ireland was gather
ing strength ; the lord-lieutenant (Leicester) would
not go without troops ; the levies went on but
slowly ; volunteers for such a service were not to
be found ; and the Commons passed a bill enabling
themselves, but not the King, to raise forces by con
scription. Soon afterwards, a bill to place the power
of raising the militia in the hands of unnamed com
missioners was introduced by the King's own Soli
citor-General, St. John, read the first time, and
left until wanted. Every day the power of the
Commons became " more firmly conglutinated into
one bodie,"1 more grasping and unconscionable.
Nor was the King behindhand in the race towards
the final breach. He bad returned, at the request
of the Lord-mayor and aldermen, to Whitehall, which
was soon assailed by the same tumultuous assem
blages of people that infested the Houses of Parlia
ment, to encourage the Commons and intimidate
the Lords : as a defence against these insults, the
King encouraged the attendance of many officers of
were, the setting up of pictures, images, crucifixes, and wax
candles in the churches, " insomuch that many Papists and
strangers coming there knew no better but they had been Popish
churches." No one might approach the " altar without bowing
three times, and falling on his knees ;" they caused the holidays
to be more observed than the Sabbath ; they prayed over the
dead ; " and " it was preached at Paul's Cross that the Pope is not
that Antichrist." With all these the Puritans objected also to the
Bishops wearing gowns and " tippets," to the sign of the cross in
baptism, the administering of the Sacrament kneeling at the
communion-table, and bowing at the name of Jesus. — Somers'
Tracts. 1 Vicar's " Jehovah Jireh."
VOL. I. P

210 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
the disbanded army, who were still kept in suspense
for their pay : these men rejoiced to signalize their
loyal zeal by retaliating on the mob, and they were not
discountenanced even when several of the latter were
severely wounded. There was at this time, one
Samuel Barnardiston, a noted leader of the rabble,
who appeared conspicuous in a tumult, near White
hall, for his tall stature, and hair most closely
clipped.1 The Queen was attracted to the window
by the noise, and observing the democrat, she ex
claimed, "What a handsome young Roundhead!"2
1 This latter peculiarity had already become a party distinc
tion, and was carried, among the vulgar, to a fanatical excess. At
the same time, the Royalists adopted the opposite extreme, as con
ferring grace and dignity, in contrast to the puritanical primness
of their opponents. Among the higher classes of both sides, how
ever, there were many exceptions. Strafford wore his hair as short
as if he lived in our days ; Pym and Colonel Hutchinson wore
locks of courtly length. — Mrs. Hutchinson's Mems. 120. In
Ward's very curious diary, 1668, 1 find this conceit : — " Pair hair,
the poets say, is the prison of Cupid ; and that is the cause, I
suppose, the ladies make love brooches and lockets for their lovers,
and why men curl and powder their hair, and prune their picka-
tevants" [the Vandyke peaked beard].
2 The above is told by Miss Strickland, on the authority of
Madame de Motteville. I subjoin another account from a singu
lar little book called " The 29th of May."—" Even before the
Parliament had opposed the King in the field, so formidable
were the apprentices of London, that they petitioned the King
against the bishops, and, assembling in a riotous manner, pro
ceeded to Westminster, crying, ' No bishops — no bishops.' This
so irritated the Bishop of Lincoln, who was then passing to the
House, that he seized one of the most active of the mob. The
others, however, on rescuing their comrade, laid not violent hands
on him, but followed still crying, ' No bishops — no popish lords !'
when Captain Hyde, with some few friends, roused to indignation
on witnessing this insult upon a dignitary of the Church, with
more resolution than prudence drew his sword, threatening to
cut the throats of the ' roundheaded dogs' On saying which he

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 211
The epithet was caught up by her attendants, and
became immortal in our history. About the same
time the democrats retorted on their opponents the
name of Cavaliers ; as if it were un-English to
oppose the people for a French Queen's cause, and
the word entered into our language for ever.1
The first men who assumed that title, associated
it with reproach. The Cavaliers, who were bred on
the Continent, now introduced too much of the
habits of the " free companions" into their own
country:2 they had no public, and little national
spirit: their mode of life exhibited the licence and
morality of a barrack-yard, without its discipline and
self-control. Swaggering, imperious, and blindly
rash, they were at the same time the most offensive

was seized by the apprentices, and carried before the House of
Commons, who not only immediately committed the captain to
prison, but declared him incapable of serving his Majesty after."
1 The expression is only twice, I believe, used by the King, viz.
once in his reply to the Parliament remonstrance concerning Sir
Thomas Fairfax's petition : he there says, " for the courage and be
haviour of the Cavaliers (a word by what mistake soever, it seems
in much disfavour here) there hath not been the least complaint."
— Clar. Reb. ii. 585, and in his speech to the troops at Edgehill.
2 The town was full of soldiers, and of young gentlemen who
intended to be soldiers, or as like them as they could : great
licence used of all kinds, in cloaths, in diet, in gaming, and all
kind of expenses equally carried on by men who had fortunes of
their own to support it ; and by others, who, having nothing of
their own, cared not what they spent whilst they could find
credit. So that there was scarce an age in which, in so short a
time, so many young gentlemen, who had not experience or some
tutelar angel to protect them, were insensibly and suddenly over
whelmed in that sea of wine and women, and quarrels, and
gaming, which almost overspread the whole kingdom, and tlie
nobility and gentry thereof." — Clarendon's Life, p. 68.
r 2

212 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
and dangerous instruments that the King could have
employed. The very worst, perhaps, of these guards
was Lunsford, and he was appointed Lieutenant ofthe
Tower as soon as Sir William Balfour was bought off.
Such a measure not only created, but justified sus
picion on the part of the Parliament, and once more
the King was compelled to retract his appointment.
Such men as Lunsford and his fellows were
mere gladiators : brutal hirelings, as free from
scruples as from fear, they would have better suited,
and more willingly served, the cause of an Italian
tyrant than of an English King. But there was
another and a very different class of men who bore
the same name, and who now began to side with the
Crown in the hour of its danger, as they had once
opposed it in its triumph and encroachments. There
is a witness in the breast of every Englishman for
the value and nobleness of the true old English Cava
lier : his genial and generous nature ; his desperate
daring; his proud aspirations and his devoted loyalty,
derived from those who once owed all they were
possessed of to the Crown. Such was Lucius Carey,
Lord Falkland, as a Cavalier; but he was much more
as a patriot and a philosopher.1 He had opposed
1 I cannot omit Lord Clarendon's highly finished portrait of
his most valued friend. He seems to have turned with delight
from the ordinarily painful (as it was to him) experience of human
character, to dwell upon this beautiful exception : — " Lord Falk
land was born about 1610. Before he came to be twenty years
of age, he was master of a noble fortune, which descended to him
by the gift of a grandfather, without passing through his father
or mother, who were both then alive. In this time, his house

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 213
the King, and even voted against the Bishops in
Parliament ; but it was with a sense of self-sacrifice
that he did so, preferring to the one, nothing but
being within little more than ten miles of Oxford, he contracted
familiarity and friendship with the most polite and accurate
men of the university, who found such an immenseness of wit,
and such a solidity of judgment in him, ' so infinite a fancy bound
in by a most logical ratiocination,' such a vast knowledge, that he
was not ignorant in anything, yet such an excessive humility,
as if he had known nothing ; that they frequently resorted and
dwelt with him, as in a college situated in a purer air. * * He
was superior to all those passions and affections which attend
vulgar minds, and was guilty of no other ambition than of know
ledge, and to be reputed a lover of all good men, and that made
him too much a contemner of those acts which must be indulged
in the transactions of human affairs. In the last short Parlia
ment he was a burgess in the House of Commons, and from the
debates, which were there managed with all imaginable gravity
and sobriety, he contracted such a reverence to Parliaments,
that he thought it really impossible they could ever produce
mischief or inconvenience to the kingdom, or that the kingdom
could be tolerably happy in the intermission of them. * * The
great opinion he had of the uprightness and integrity of those
persons who appeared most active, especially of Mr. Hampden,
kept him longer from suspecting any design against the peace of
the kingdom ; and though he differed from them commonly in
conclusions, he believed long their purposes were honest. When
he grew better informed what was law, and discerned in them a
desire to control that law by a vote of one or both Houses, no
man more opposed those attempts, and gave the adverse party
more trouble by reason and argumentation, insomuch as he was
by degrees looked upon as an advocate for the Court, to which he
contributed so little, that he declined those addresses and even
those invitations which he was obliged almost by civility to en
tertain ; he was so jealous of the least imagination that he did
incline to preferment, that he affected even a moroseness to the
Court and the courtiers, and left nothing undone which might
prevent and divert the King's or Queen's favour towards him,
but the deserving it. * * For this reason, when he heard it first
whispered that the King had a purpose to make him a Privy
Councillor — for which at the beginning there was no other ground
but his being known sufficient — he resolved to decline it, and at
last suffered himself only to be overruled by the advice and per-

214 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
his country ; to the other, nothing but his Church.
His high courage enabled him to despise the epi
thet of apostate, when his chivalrous feeling, if not
his conviction, called him to the dangerous coun
cils of the King. And surely never did any man
make a more loyal or disinterested sacrifice: he
flung into the gulf that yawned between the King
and People all that was most dear to him, — his
peace of mind, his richly cultivated leisure, and his
independence. The Puritans were doubtless patriotic,
some for their own, and some for their country's
sake ; but their great cause was forwarded by many
mean devices, and they worked under the spur of am
bition and the goading of popular applause. Falk
land had only a sense of duty for his inspiration,
and even that was chequered with most painful
doubts. His character, however, stands clear even
from calumny ; without one stain on his faith to his
country, or loyalty to his King, he lived and died a
true gentleman, sans peur et sans reproche.
suasions of his friends to submit to it. Afterwards, when he
found that the King intended to make him Secretary of State, he
was positive to refuse it, declaring to his friends that he was most
unfit for it. * * Two reasons prevailed with him to receive the
seals, and but for those he had resolutely avoided them ; the first,
the consideration that his refusal might bring some blemish upon
the King's affairs. * * The other was, lest he should be thought
to avoid it out of fear to do an ungracious thing to the House of
Commons. * * For these reasons he submitted to the King's
commands, and became his secretary." Horace Walpole's anim
adversions " have been overthrown by Sir Egerton Bridges
(Biographical Peerage, vol. iii.) with a force and candour, and
closeness of argument, before which all doubt on the subject
must vanish." — {Lodge.)

1641. J PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 215
It seems doubtful whether any human power
could at this time have checked the revolutionary
fever without blood. The passionate desire, rather
than the hope to do so, influenced Falkland, and
perhaps Hyde and Culpepper, in accepting office
at such a time. They formed, in effect, the third
ministry (with many interregnums of mere cour
tiers), that the King had chosen, and marked another
stage in his moral progress. The first had been
Buckingham, whom he chose for his own pleasure's
sake ; the second Laud and Strafford, whom he
chose for his power's sake ; this last of Falkland,
Culpepper, and Hyde,1 for his character's, and, per
haps, his conscience' sake.
Mr. Hyde2 was a person of very different character :
from the moment that he entered the royal service,
he gave himself up not only to the King, but to

1 Lord Falkland was Private Secretary, Sir John Culpepper
Chancellor of the Exchequer, for life ; Hyde refused as yet to fill
any acknowledged office. — Clar. ii. 99.
2 Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, was born at Denton, near
Salisbury, on the 18th of February 1609. His family belonged
originally to Cheshire, and was one of those that have preserved
in that great county possessions received by their ancestors from
William the Conqueror. Being the younger son of a younger brother
he had the destiny, and soon imbibed the power, of making his own
way through the tough world. He was so forwarded in his learn
ing by his own learned father, and a village schoolmaster, that he
was received as an undergraduate of Magdalen, at Oxford, when he
was only thirteen years of age. His elder brother dying, Hyde was
removed by his father to the Temple, in order to study for the
law ; having been rather dissipated at the University. His uncle,
Lord Chief Justice Hyde, died in 1628, but the young lawyer
finding himself without patronage to forward him in the world
resolved to make Industry his patroness, and in order to promote

216 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Charles, without reservation. He was far better
adapted to win and to keep the royal favour than
either the scrupulous and blunt Lord Falkland, or
the hot-headed and positive Colepepper. His
character assimilated more to that of his master :
he was very dexterous in resources, and very much
preferred to " turn the flank " of a difficulty, than to
charge it in front. His standard of honour and
principle was very high, and no one could better
appreciate the glory of uncompromising truth and
stainless integrity; nevertheless, the corrupting know
ledge of the world, which he had learned to consider
as wisdom, made him doubt the expediency, if not

his resolution married.* His wife was a beautiful Miss Ayliffe,
who died soon after. In three years' time he married Miss Ayles
bury, the mother of the future Queen of England, and with her
he " lived comfortably in the most uncomfortable times." In
1632 he experienced the greatest of all losses, "not only the best
father, but the best friend and the best companion he ever had, or
ever could have." t He seems to have been a wise, devout, and
learned man, who used life as a dangerous acquaintance, and met
death as an assured friend. Hyde struggled bravely on in his
profession enjoying the acquaintance of the wiser and best men
of his time, and learning those constitutional principles of rational
liberty it required many a year of popular licence to blunt. He
was chosen Member for Wotton Basset to the Short Parliament in
April 1640. He supported Pym, and addressed himself energeti
cally to promote the redress of the Grievances. At this time he
had the confidence of Archbishop Laud, and he earnestly endea
voured, through him, to persuade the King against dissolving this
important Parliament, but in vain. He was again returned to the
Long Parliament, and soon found the public business so pressing,

* As he says of himself, " in order to call home all straggling
and wandering thoughts, which naturally produce irresolution
and inconstancy in the mind." — Life, p. 19.
t Ibid. p. 18.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 217
the possibility of acting up to that ideal which he
dreamed of, and which Falkland always strove to
realize. The great history which has made his
name immortal, unconsciously displays his character
more faithfully than his professed autobiography
represents it. It reveals a vast knowledge of men,
more analytical, perhaps, than practical ; a vivid
perception of the difficulties of the time, rather than
a knowledge of their nature, or a power to control
them. He had the fault of many lawyers, that of
judging too much by precedents, and that, too,
in an unprecedented era. His eloquence is very
graceful; full of the happiest epithets and most

that he abandoned the bar and devoted himself altogether to the
House of Commons. He was chairman in many Committees, in
one of which he sharply reprehended Oliver Cromwell, and, as he
conceived, laid the foundation of all his future enmity. Amongst
other Committees, to that concerning Episcopacy he was chairman ;
and Pym, Hampden, and Hazlerigg, who kept a " stock-table,"
often invited him to dine with them (the House then kept such dis
orderly hours that it oftimes did not rise until four o'clock p. m. !)
These leading men paid much attention to him, endeavouring to
win him wholly to their party ; as also did Fiennes and Henry
Martyn. At the same time, however, the King made overtures to
a man who had displayed much talent and great zeal for the
Church, and Hyde was soon deep in the royal confidence. He
drew up the answer to the Remonstrance, but refused the office
of Solicitor-General. He soon became very " unbeloved " by the
Parliamentary party, and at length openly professed his ad
herence to the Court, Henceforth his history is told in the
events of the times : thus far I have copied from himself. The
character in the text is taken principally from his own drawing.
He paints character so strongly con amore, that he may even be
entrusted with his own ; as a celebrated critic is said to have been
entrusted by " The Quarterly" with the judgment on one of his
own works, which he cut up with such instinctive severity that
it died of the paternal discipline.

218 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
felicitous phrases; but it wants terseness, arrange
ment, and that earnestness which would have
supplied both. In his history, as in his life, we can
trace the gradual transformation of the patriot into
the courtier ; and the progress is so marked that we
can almost trace the gradual absorption ofthe " inde
pendent member's " manlier and more catholic feel
ing into that condition which fitted him for even
brief honour at the Court of the Second Charles.
Sir John Colepepper "had spent some years of
his youth in foreign parts, and especially in armies,
where he had seen good service, and might have
been a good officer if he had intended it. He was
of a rough nature, a hot head, and of great courage.
His estate was very moderate,"1 but sufficed to a
man whose habits of life required little luxury and
no refinement. He was very economical, moreover,
and always kept in view the improvement of his
fortune. He had great energy, and a strong per
suasive eloquence, which gave him influence in the
House of Commons. This he seems only to have
used sufficiently to make himself worth winning over
by the King: he left the Parliamentary party at
his first summons. He was very indifferent on
matters of religion, and only desired that it should
be uniform, in order that the State might not be
troubled with its disputes. He was very uncourtly,
and yet prevailed more with the King and Queen
1 Clarendon's Life, p. 93, &c.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 219
than the most refined sycophants : his flattery was
so rugged, it appeared as if it must be natural. His
confident and imperious manner carried with it great
authority in the vacillating councils of the King,
and for secret agency he had the address to make
use of another person, John Ashburnham, who in
sinuated all his designs to the royal ear, in private,
as if they were his own. This minister was made
Chancellor of the Exchequer for life, contrary to
all precedent, but was soon afterwards made Master
of the Rolls, which he continued to be until his
death. This new ministry was of the greater importance
to the King, as they had seceded from the popular
party, and had come to his counsels well experi
enced in all the tactics of the Opposition. The
King was quick to perceive this advantage, and
grateful to those who brought such an accession of
strength to his failing throne. He promised his ad
visers thenceforth to hold no communication with
the dangerous House of Commons, except with their
knowledge and advice.
Scarcely had he made the promise to these able
and honourable men, when he broke it ! Truly his
flexible character required annealing in the fire of
misfortune, and outraged truth deserved the bitter ex
piation that future want of confidence imposed upon
him. The rash and dangerous Digby1 had persuaded
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, 11.

220 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
his unhappy master that the five leading members
of the Commons1 were his only dangerous oppo
nents ; that by one bold stroke these rebellious men
might be made away with, and a strong monarchy
re-established for ever ; that it was necessary to act
with promptitude and secrecy ; and, above all, with
out the knowledge of his new advisers ; their calm
and calculating judgment would certainly disap
prove the measure, — a measure which, if successful,
would enable the king to dispense with such timid
counsellors, and to rely solely upon men like Digby.
By such advice the doomed King committed the
crowning error of his whole disastrous reign. He
proceeded suddenly to the House of Commons,
attended " by four hundred cavaliers and servants."
The tramp of armed men was for the first time

1 Pym, Hampden, Haslerig, Hollis, and Strode : Lord Kim
bolton (afterwards Mandeville) in the Upper House was similarly
threatened, but stood his ground, and was safe.* Lady Carlisle
served Pym better for love (such as it was) than his other Court
spies did for pay. The Queen, eager to retail the news, an
nounced that the King was gone to the Commons to execute his
purpose ; Lady Carlisle's messenger anticipated him.t Lilly gives
a different account. — Maseres Tr. p. 171.

* He had been with Charles in his Spanish expedition : he
was one of the Commissioners to Scotland in 1640 ; an honest
and brave man, who strove to save the monarchy by changing the
ministry. His brother was a bigoted priest, Abbot of Pontoise.
— Evelyn, v. n. p. 36.
t Lady Lucy Percy, Dowager Countess of Carlisle ; one of the
few traitresses in history (except, of course, in love affairs). She
was the second wife (now widow) of James, first Earl of Carlisle,
celebrated by Waller, and mistress to Strafford ; afterwards, by
no very unintelligible change, to his destroyer. — See back, p. 74.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 221
audible in that always revered and now awful as
sembly ; and the royal voice was heard above their
clamour " commanding, on their lives, his eager fol
lowers to stand back." And the King entered. He
took off his hat and bowed in respect to the Senate,
whose honour he so outraged, and then he advanced
to the Speaker's chair. The Elector Palatine1 alone
accompanied him through the numbers who had
risen, and stood uncovered to receive his Majesty.
The solemn silence with which he was received,
confused the irresolute and wavering King; the
Speaker left the chair for him ; but he stood hesi
tating on the step, as he looked round for the Five
who had so long set his power at defiance. His
glance encountered a sight to make a firmer spirit
quail ; the representatives of England and its wrongs
stood there ; made strong through the King's former
weakness, stronger than ever now! His present
accusers, his future judges, with quiet and stern ob
servance noted down every act and word of their
invader and their future victim. It was a trying
ordeal : a Cromwell might have braved it, as after
wards he did, with unflinching hardihood ; but
Charles was unequal to the task. Suddenly his

1 A little before this time Charles Louis had been released from
his imprisonment at Moulins, and had returned into England to
intrigue for the reversion of his uncle's crown. " The Parliament
assigned to him 8000/. a-year out of the King's revenue, until
after his murther, when he departed home upon the articles of
the Munster Treaty, by which he was restored to his dignities
and sovereignty."-— Heath's Chronicle, p. 10.

222 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
false position became apparent to him ; he faltered
in his demand for his enemies' arrest, and then
broke down into the exclamation, " The birds are
flown !" A few hurried words, desiring that the
accused members " might be sent to him," was all
he added, and then he left the House as abruptly as
he had entered. Sounds of " Privilege ! privilege !"
followed him as he passed from the House; and
Cavalier shouts of " For a King ! for a King !" :
received him in the street.
The " birds had indeed flown ;" information of
the King's purpose had been promptly conveyed to
Pym by Lady Carlisle's emissary, and a little later
to the Speaker, by Captain Langrish, who an
nounced that his Majesty was on his way. Here
upon the Five accused Members were prevailed
upon to leave the House and retire into the City;
Strode alone objected, and was pulled out by force.2
1 For the King's act no excuse whatever can be made ; but his
armed followers' attendance, which seems much to aggravate the
offence, may be explained. When the Houses had declined the
guard that the King appointed, instead of that of Essex, removed
by his command, the Commons had ordered that any member might
bring his own servants armed to protect them, and thus we find
in the stormy debate on the Remonstrance, when, Sir Philip War
wick says, they were near " sheathing their swords in each others'
bowels," that a young Welsh page insisted on being let in to join
the fight. Beside these armed retainers belonging to the mem
bers, there were always tumultuous assemblages of mobs about
the Houses of Parliament. But for these considerations, doubt
less, the King would have gone to the House unattended, as he
did the next day into the heart of the angry City.
2 Hallam, ii. 172 ; Forster, ii. 246 ; Sir R. Varney's Notes,
and Rushw. Coll. iv. 477 ; Mad. de Motteville, quoted by Miss
Strickland. The delay that allowed these various movements to

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 223
The King returned to Whitehall palace baffled
and disgraced, having placed himself exactly in the
position his worst enemies desired, and justified
almost any measures they could devise. In the
vain attempt to justify his fault by consistency, he
published a proclamation against the accused mem
bers, "forbidding any person to harbour them, and
closing all the ports to prevent their escape !"
This was done by the advice of Lord Digby, who,
at the same time, offered to go with Sir Thomas
Lunsford to the City, " to seize upon the delinquents,
and bring them away alive, or else leave them dead
upon the spot."1 The offer of the Cavaliers was
declined ; but, like every other incident in this ill-
managed Court, it soon transpired, and threw the
City into a paroxysm of anger and alarm.
On the following day the King, with character
istic courage, proceeded to the City without a
guard, demanded the accused members, and de
clared his inviolable attachment to the Constitu
tion. He passed through the crowded streets
without any welcome, however ; but sometimes
a shout of " Privilege !" was sounded in his

take place, is accounted for one of those traits that often occur to
soften the worst points in the career of Charles I. Hurried and
excited as he must have been with such a momentous and doubt
ful task before him, he waited to receive petitions, " according to
his wont," from several applicants who pressed around him on his
approach to the House. The delay thus created, fortunately for
himself, rendered his expedition nugatory. — Mad. de Motteville
quoted in Miss Strickland?s " Henrietta Maria."
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 130.

224 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
ears, and on his return to the palace he first
heard the ominous exclamation, "To your tents,
O Israel !"
With the King's abasement the Parliament's
aggrandizement increased ; a committee was ap
pointed to meet in the City, with the accused mem
bers, at Merchant Tailors' Hall. Thenceforth the
regular routine of revolutions was gone through.
Business was suspended, shops were closed, and the
streets swarmed with excited people, swaggering
with unaccustomed weapons, and mouthing heroic
sentences. There was a " banquet" too, and count
less petitioners waited on the Parliament, instigated
and instigating to the most decisive measures.
Buckinghamshire yeomen, city porters to the num
ber of 15,000, apprentices, beggars, and legions
of women, " like those of Tekoah," as they called
themselves, presented their separate petitions against
the King. Pym came forth to receive and answer
the latter deputation, and assured them that their
petition " was very seasonable, and very thankfully
accepted."1

1 The paramour of Lady Carlisle concluded by requesting the
prayers of the petitioners for the success of their petition. Here,
in a few months, we may read a change : "In the year 1643,
several thousand women signed a petition to the Parliament,
entitled, ' The Humble Petition of many civilly-disposed women,
inhabiting the cities of London and Westminster.' It was carried
on the 9 th of August, by a multitude of the meaner sort of
women, with white ribbons in their hats. They remained in
Palace-yard, and raved ' Peace ! peace ! give us those traitors ;
give us that dog Pym.'" — The 29th of May.

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 225
On the 11th of January, the Five Members were
brought back in triumph to Westminster by water,
rowed up the Thames by volunteer sailors, and
escorted by armed vessels, with cannon loaded and
matches lighted. Banners, and standards, and thou
sands of spectators, lined the river-banks ; while
loud music played, and guns thundered, and shouts
of triumph hailed the champions of the people. In
this dangerous fashion the Members returned to
their House of Commons "altered and fiercer
men." The night before their ovation the King and
Court had gone away in silence to Hampton Court.
They left London unnoticed, and attended only by
forty Cavaliers. Charles was long and urgently
requested to return ; but he never saw Whitehall
again until he was brought thither to be slain.
A Democracy1 had now virtually replaced the
ancient Monarchy of England, and sat in its high
places, self-invested with unlimited power. The
King was, however, still nominally acknowledged
by the Commons ; and so dear to the country was
still the name of Royalty, that every Roundhead
edict assailing it still ran in the name of " the King
and Parliament." 1 Hume.

VOL. I. Q

226 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF

CHAPTER IV.
PRELIMINARIES OF THE WAR.
STATE OF LONDON AND ITS CONTROVERSIES.  THE KING'S COURT AT
YORK.  ATTEMPT ON HULL.  SPEECHES IN PARLIAMENT. — GENERAL
ARMING.  ATTEMPT UPON COVENTRY. — RETURN TO THE STANDARD.

Lament — lament,
And let thy tears run down,
To see the rent
Between the robe and crown ;
Yet both do strive to make it more
Than 'twas before :
War, like a serpent, has its head got in,
And will not end so soon as't did begin. Old Song.
The London of the Cavaliers differed as much
socially as architecturally from its gigantic successor
in our time. It then j)ossessed so formidable an
influence in the affairs of the empire, that, to any
enemy but the enemy of the King its occupation
would probably have decided the contest. The vast
wealth, and power, and intelligence, that now ren
der all England vital, were then very much concen
trated in the narrow and dirty, yet picturesque
streets of the old capital.1 At that period one
1 I subjoin below an account of those streets from the most pic
turesque writer that ever surveyed them ; but doubtless much

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 227
bridge, eight hundred feet long, with a drawbridge
in the middle, sufficed to connect the fields and vil
lages on the southern bank of the Thames with the
dense city, that in 1600 was composed entirely of
wood. The streets, as we find them in old prints,
and paintings, were as narrow at the basement as
those that now bid defiance to an omnibus, and far
narrower above ; for the black and white half-
wooden houses beetled over the lower stories, till
they sometimes almost encountered their neighbours
over the way. The facade of each street — broken,
confused, and picturesque as those of part of Chester
— were still further varied by the numerous sign-

that was too familiar in his eyes to notice, would now seem infi
nitely strange to a modern Cockney.
" I find London to be a town so nobly situated, and upon a
river such as Europe certainly shews not a more usefull and agree
able, yet a city consisting of a wooden, northern, and inartificial
congestion of houses ; some of the principall streets so narrow, as
there is nothing so unlike as its prospect from a distance, and its
asymmetrie within the walls. Their fountains, the pride and grace
of our streets, are here immured, which does greatly detract from
the beauty of the Carrefours, and intercepts the view. Amongst
the pieces of modern architecture, I have observed but two which
were remarkable, the portico of St. Paul's church and the banquet-
house at Whitehall." — [Evelyn now speaks of the Puritan time.]
" You would be amazed at the genius of the age that should
suffer this Godly and venerable fabric [of St. Paul's] to be built
upon, converted into raskally warehouses, and so sordidly ob
scured and defaced, that an argument of greater avarice and
meanness, malice and deformity of mind, cannot possibly be ex
pressed. England is the sole spot in all the world where, among
Christians, their churches are made jakes or tables, markets and
tippling houses, and where there were more need of scorpions
than thongs to drive out the publicans and money-changers ; in
sum, where these excellent uses are pretended to be the marks of
piety and reformation." — Evelyn, p. 149.
q 2

228 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
boards that swung above each doorway. These
were considered necessary appendages of every shop
and lodging-house, in order to catch the eyes ofthe
illiterate passenger, and rivet it when caught.1 A
long street on a windy day looked like a great
fluttering picture-gallery, in which all animated
nature, and many monsters, were depicted : lions
and swans of every colour, dragons and unicorns of
every shape, flaunted in the air. In the warehouses
beneath, and the eating-houses, very curious articles
of apparel and luxury shewed dimly through the dull
and narrow panes, or appealed to the appetite with
very different luxuries from ours. On the outspread
board, though devoid of linen or of three-pronged
forks, were often to be seen the flesh of wild beeves
and bustards, and sometimes even of that royal
favourite, the boar ; cygnets and herons, too, had
no business there, being rigidly preserved, but there
they were ; " marinated " fish, carp and tench, and
roasted chubbs ; and there were manchets and
marchpane, ollas and dishes of haugou, flanked by
large flasks and " choppins " of canary and sherries-
sack, but no tea, coffee, or chocolate, asparagus,

1 It affords a curious proof of the watchful and unscrupulous
zeal of the Parliamentary party to inflame the minds of the illite
rate people, that pamphlets, consisting entirely of prints, were
circulated to describe the Irish rebellion. Every sort of cruelty
and horror is represented in these curious picture-books, which at
once addressed themselves to the eyes and passions of their spec
tators. ^ Thus, also, sign-boards were used, as hieroglyphics were
in ancient days, for those to whom names and numbers in print
would have been an "ogum."

1641.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 229
lettuce, or cauliflower, until 1660. The customers,
too, were very different in externals from those who
now throng the same streets, with the same passions
and desires. The high-crowned hat, with coat, or
rather doublet, of the Greenwich pensioner's cut,
were common to almost all ; the boys may be seen
any day perpetuated in the scholars of the Blue-coat
School, and their species of cap, or " demi-hat," as
it was called, was worn by the apprentices and the
labouring classes : there was one peculiarity common
to all that were, or would be thought Puritans, dark
garments and dark looks.1 London had of late years
" incredibly encreased by the trade and the great
resort that the distractions of other countries "z had

1 These Londoners died at the rate of 250 a-week {i. e. 13,000
a-year) ; the mortality at Amsterdam was only fifty during the
same period. — Howell's "Letters;" who says, that during the
plague in 1625, 5200 persons died in one week. These seem very
uncertain statistics, yet Ward (writing in 1668) seems to assimilate
with this calculation, allowing for the increase of population : he
says, that " 15,000 died annually when there was no plague."
This, even allowing twenty-five years to be the value of a life —
probably too much — would, only give 375,000 as the population
of London at that time.
2 " It only, of any place of this realm, is able to furnish the
sudden necessity with a strong army. It availeth the Prince in
tonnage, poundage, and other his customs, much more than all
the rest of the realme."  "It yieldeth a greater subsidy ;
I mean not for the proportion of the value of the goods onely,
but also for the faithfull service there used in making the assize,
for no where else be men taxed so near to their just value as in
London, yea, many are found there, that for their countenance
and credit sake, refuse not to bee rated above their ability." —
Stowe's "Survey" p. 700. London, 1633. The Excise comes
to about 12,000/. a-year, the fourth part of what all England
pays : there were 150,000 houses in London before the great
fire.— Ward's " Diary." 1668.

230 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
guided to its peaceful haven ;x and " suburbs " began
to extend towards St. Giles's, and even so far as to
the Haymarket. Lord Clarendon deplored this
extention, which Elizabeth2 and James in vain
attempted by proclamation to prevent.
Proportionate improvements had also taken place
in its internal arrangements : water from the New
River flowed in leaden pipes, and was attainable to
the citizens in shapeless fountains let into the dead
walls ; and the streets, though dirty, were paved
throughout. The city walls were little more than two miles in
circumference, and "pierced" with six actual gates ;3
but new streets were rapidly branching away in all
directions, feeling their way by such "garden
houses" as Milton lived in near Aldersgate, and
such palaces as Lord Craven's in Drury Lane, which
afforded an asylum for the Queen of Bohemia. On
the " Reading Road," also, there was a memorable
garden-house for gambling and public entertain
ments, called Piccadilly;4 and thus has since given
name to the whole street. Hyde Park5 was even
1 Clarendon, ii. 150.
2 It was forbidden to erect any new buildings where none had
before existed in the memory of man.
3 Aldsgate, Bishopgate, Cripplegate, Newgate, and Ludgate.—
Stow's " Survey," p. 8.
* Here Hyde endeavoured to induce Lord Essex to spare the
life of Strafford, and received the brutal proverb for an answer,
" stone dead hath no fellow."
5 " The Hyde Park was used by the late King and nobility
for the freshness of the air and the goodly prospect, that which
now they pay for here in England, though it be free in all the

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 231
then a place of pleasantness for its air and beauty.
Ladies of fashion were accustomed to drive there in
tawdrily gilt and painted square coaches, drawn by
large Flemish horses; their footmen running by
their side, and cavaliers riding in their company.1
Returning from the park, they passed through
the open space then intervening,2 to the Spring
Gardens, whose crystal well was the least of their
attractions; or sauntered on to Whitehall Stairs,
and took boat upon the Thames, where the " swans
swam round them in flocks, and the oars were
often tangled in the water-lilies." Prince Rupert
in later times had a house in Spring Gardens, look
ing over St. James's Park ; he afterwards exchanged
it for one in the Barbican, a very different and distant
locality. From Spring Gardens, the Palace of
Whitehall spread its wide precincts along St. James's

world besides. Every coach and horse which enters buying his
mouthful [of air] and permission from the publican who has bought
it, and causes the entrance to be guarded with porters and long
staves. (N. B. — Every coach was made to pay Is., and horses
6c/.) The manner is, as the company returns, to alight at the
Spring Gardens, the inclosure not disagreeable, for the solemness
of the grove, the warbling of the birds, as it opens into the spa
cious walks of St. James's Park." — Evelyn. ,
1 I believe there was not any Arab blood in the horse of
England yet. As in the old days of knight-errantry, officers of
distinction had large powerful horses (anciently from Germany
and afterwards from Flanders) for field or battle-service ; (hence,
" riding the great horse" was martial exercise,) but they ordi
narily rode lighter horses, called " amblers." — Howell, Duke of
Newcastle, on Horsemanship, 1668.
2 I have heard an aged lady, lately deceased, say that, in her
youth, she lived in a suburban villa, in Berkeley Square, whither
men " used to come out to shoot snipes."

232 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Park, and across thence over an archway, to White
hall Gardens, along the Thames as far as Scotland
Yard.1 The tilting -yard occupied the present
parade-ground of the Horse-guards, and the " cock
pit," over which the younger members of the Royal
Family had apartments, was close by. From Charing
Cross a one-sided street ran eastward toward Covent
Garden, commanding a view of the Hampstead hills
from its back windows, and of the river in front,
with some few interruptions from the Duke of Buck
ingham's Palace, Somerset House, and others.
The principal Cavaliers lived, for the most part,
at some distance from the Court, about Great
Queen Street, Covent Garden, and Lincoln's Inn
Fields ; but they had at this time almost entirely
abandoned London to their enemies. Many of
the leading citizens, inclined to the King's party;
but, their great interests and only homes being then
in the very heart of the City, they perforce remain
ed, to watch over them. Our merchant-princes
vied in magnificence and wealth with the Flo
rentine and Venetian nobles,2 and their commerce
1 Until James's time it was appropriated as the residence of
the Scotch Kings who came to pay their court.
- Half a century of profound peace had rendered England an
asylum and a depot for distracted Europe, and her alliance the
first object of desire ; even the proud Spaniard made a proverb
of " Guerra con todo il mondo, y paz con Inghil terra" (War with
all the world and peace with England). And Prince Maurice, of
Nassau, used to say, " If the English were devils, Holland must
have, or make, a peace with them." — Howell. It was nearly two
centuries (1414) since our nursery hero, Whittington, had really
given Henry V. the most agreeable entertainment that subject

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 233
had spread over the whole world. There was a
chivalry in the very commerce of those times : gal
lant daring pioneered its progress ; a good faith that
was proverbial, secured its conquests, and British
energy maintained them. Yet its great ministers, the
merchants, were content to live, and love, and toil,
and die in the heart of the unlighted, ill-paved, and
over-crowded city.1 From them there was a regu
lar gradation downward in the order of their state ;
and this gradation was observed with a strict regard
to authority, precedence, and even dress. Public
opinion, concentrated on so small a space, had an
almost omniscient supervision, and an esprit de corps
prevailed that tended to actuate the whole City by a
common impulse, and gave to the City a character
of a State, as distinct from the country as that of
Venice. The " trades " or " crafts " of that period
had something the effect of clans in the Highlands ;
the " master " represented the chieftain, the " ap
prentice," the clansman. The latter was as zealous
for the honour and the party of the former, as if he
stood kilted on the heather, instead of wearing a
cropped head and woollen hose, behind a counter.
ever offered monarch, at Guildhall : all that wealth could gather
from the wide world was there, and the hearth blazed with a fire
made of cinnamon. When the King's health was drunk, the Lord
Mayor threw a scroll of parchment into the fragrant fire ; it was
the King's bond for 60,000/.
1 Many palaces of these old merchants now lie perdus, in the
midst of dark and noisy thoroughfares. They are at present in
habited only by clerks and porters, or else they are mere ware
houses. In " Coningsby," we have a bright picture of one of these
mansions restored to its old glories, by Sidonia.

234 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
And now this once-loyal people of London-
merchants, trades, masters, and apprentices, — ap
peared violently Roundhead as one man : political,
like elemental fire, burns most fiercely in most
crowded thoroughfares, and every man, woman, and
child seemed to have caught the flame. The meek
and portly grocer, as well as the hot-headed young
apprentice, the burly coal-heaver as well as the City
knight, all donned the " buff and bandolier " J and
swaggered proudly before the City dames. For the
metropolis a war seemed rather a favourable as well
as very exciting event. There was a hectic impulse
given to trade ; the inns were well filled ; monied
men got good interest for their money, and poor
men were bettered by its circulation. Taxing had
not yet begun ; coals still came from Newcastle at
twenty-five shillings a chaldron ; and the citizens
found themselves not only very resolute, but very
prosperous patriots. They eagerly enrolled them
selves in ranks ; they even contributed plate and
money to pay their fellow-soldiers. They grew very
wrathful against the King for the constitutional
offences to which he had succeeded, and which he
had removed ; as well as for those for which he was
himself too truly responsible : the " Remonstrance "
had succeeded in reminding them what ill-used
people they had ever been. They slaked their thirst
1 The buff doublet was a sort of leathern shooting-jacket, laced
in front ; the bandolier was a broad belt worn crosswise, and hung
with cartridges.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 235
for excitement at the inexhaustible fountain of
Puritan preaching, and their party rage assumed a
professedly religious guise. They persecuted Papists
to the death, broke painted windows, and made
great mockery of altars and once holy things : the
Old Testament came very much into fashion and
misuse : " Love your enemies," appeared a doctrine
very inapplicable to the present emergency; and
"Curse ye Meroz, curse ye bitterly," was a style
much more adapted to the Puritan pulpits, and
much more congenial to the natural heart of man.
If they did not make use of the same imprecations
as the Cavaliers, they dealt freely in all the impre
cations of Isaiah ; and if the King's men appealed to
the case of David, the Roundheads retorted bitterly
with Ahab. Thus the old City, yearning after some
vague and unimaginable good, ranted, and raged,
and fermented into such heat as the leaders of the
great movement required for their ends.1
The Commons were now absolute, and they pro
ceeded to exercise their power as energetically as
they had acquired it. Major-General Skippon2 was

1 I have not given references for each of the foregoing de
scriptions, and assertions, for I have endeavoured to digest them
out of many notes : some are advanced from memory, and many
from such unquotable sources as prints (especially those in the
grand Sutherland Collection in the Bodleian), and songs ; besides
Evelyn, Isaac Walton, Howell, Pepys, Ward, ("Diary") Peck's
" Desiderata," and Sir Walter Scott, as good an authority as any
of them.2 " Captain of the artillery garden," now general of the Train
Bands, a new office. He had served long in Holland, and had

236 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
placed over the Tower. At the same time, Sir
John Byron,1 lieutenant of the Tower, and Lord
Newport, master-general of the Ordnance, received
orders couched in memorable terms : they were to
allow no munition of war to be removed from their
charge, without " the King's authority signified by
both Houses of Parliament."

risen from the ranks : he was a good officer, sober, orderly, illi
terate, and opposed to the Church. — Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 160.
1 This gallant officer and his brave brothers will often appear
in our history. He was member of Parliament for the town of
Nottingham in the reign of James I., and for the county of Not
tingham in that of Charles I. Sir John commanded the corps
of reserve at the battle of Edgehill : the victory of Roundway
Down, July 5, 1643, wherein Sir William Waller was routed, was
chiefly owing to his skill and valour, having, at the head of his
regiment, charged Sir Arthur Haselrigg's cuirassiers, and, after a
sharp conflict, in which Sir Arthur received many wounds, com
pelled that impenetrable regiment (as Lord Clarendon writes) to
fly. Sir John having given such proofs of his courage, and his
six valiant brothers at that time following his loyal example, he
was, in consideration thereof, in October 24, 1643, created Lord
Byron, of Bochdale, in the county palatine of Lancaster, with
limitation, in default of his own male issue, to each of his brave
brothers. He married thrice, but dying in 1652 issueless, his
barony devolved upon his brother, Richard, as second baron.
This gallant Cavalier had received the honour of knighthood
from Charles I. He was one of the " valiant colonels " at the
battle of Edgehill, and subsequently governor of Appultz Castle,
county Westmoreland. Lloyd, in his " Loyalists," says, he " de
serves to be chronicled for his government of Newark, and many
surprises of the enemy." He married Elizabeth, daughter of
George Bussell, Esq. of Ratcliffe, in Nottinghamshire, and died
in 1679. Robert (Sir), colonel of foot on the royal side during
the Civil Wars ; Philip (Sir), who, after many signal services in
Yorkshire, was killed at the head of his regiment, in the general
storm of York by the Parliamentary army, 1644 ; Thomas (Sir),
who commanded the Prince of Wales's regiment, under the Earl
of Northampton, at the battle of Hopton Heath, March 19, 1642,
and received a wound in the thigh, by which he was put hors de
combat; he died December 9, 1 643, at Oxford.— Clarendon; Burke.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 237
" King Pym," as he was now popularly called, in
satire or in earnest, was far more energetic, far-
sighted, and powerful, than ever his " predecessor "
was. " The most popular man in England," as Lord
Clarendon confesses him to have been, he was, like
wise, the most despotic. His great eloquence col
lected and controlled the electric passions with
which the people were now fraught, and bade it
gather and burst in whatsoever direction it pleased
him. In all revolutions, by the very necessity and
instinct of the case, there must be some supreme
chief, as in more settled governments, and at this
moment Pym culminated high over his associate
democrats. Nevertheless, there was one matter in
which this new potentate found as much difficulty
as his royal rival had ever done ; this was the want
of money. The City was looked upon by all parties
as an inexhaustible resource ; but it refused to lend
its money, except on certain conditions. These con
ditions, however, were very pleasing to the Parlia
ment,1 and were soon afterwards complied with.
While the sinews of war were being raised, the
public attention was amused, and warlike prepara
tions masked, by remonstrances with the King, and
by royal declarations in return. Newspapers, also,
now rapidly multiplied, and pamphlets, like autumn
leaves, were whirled about in every direction by
1 One was the expulsion of bishops from the House, the last
concession the King made, and one which thus facilitated a great
loan to his enemies.

238 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
the "storms ofthe State;" some pregnant with the
noblest sentiments, and winged with the most ener
getic eloquence ; others, full of the lowest ribaldry
and grossest obscenity. These publications were
pressed with an ingenuity worthy of modern adver
tisement-offices on the notice of the public. The
opinion of the People was thus applied to for the
first time ; they accepted (and for ever) the invita
tion to think for themselves. The loyal principle
was the easiest to comprehend, they were so used
to it ; but the republican was the most attractive,
from its novelty and enormous (theoretic) ad
vantages. In these writings the rights and wrongs
of either side are eloquently and powerfully
pleaded. Tbe greatest stake in this life was
at issue, and the contest had already lasted long
enough to bring forward the ablest minds into the
most responsible places. Intellect assumed the
lead, that in more tranquil times had been, and was
to be again, the perquisite of courtly favourites :
those who had only genius or virtue to recommend
them were eagerly listened to, and invested with a
certain consideration, which was power. We are
deeply indebted to these eloquent advocates of the
Crown as well as to those of the People for de
veloping, not only our constitutional privileges, but
our conceptions concerning them. We have uncon
sciously formed much of our political judgment as
to what we should bear, and what we should for
bear, from the teaching and the reputation of the

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 239
revolutionary leaders of 1642 ; the political patriarchs
who led our fathers out of the house of bondage,
though but to wander through a wilderness. We
could not, perhaps, derive our knowledge from a
better source; every writer was then passionately
in earnest, and uttered freely his strong convictions ;
every sentiment then expressed by the contending
orators was severely combated and of lofty tone ;
rising after every collision like heron and falcon,
each striving to assume a higher and less assailable
position. The popular side of the question is na
turally distinguished by its greater breadth and
grasp, and consequent vagueness ; and there is some
thing sublime in the constant appeal to the future
that marked the eloquence of orators ; in the con
templation (which they professed), of posterity being
a party to all their legislation. There is admirable
art, too, in their leading the people gradually to
consider monarchy as superior to the monarch ;
loyalty, as not exclusively dependent on King
Charles : they conciliated the old, deep-seated pre
judices of the nation by upholding the former, while
they shewed no mercy to the latter : — " The passive
loyalty of this suffering nation," Pym told them,
"had outdone the active loyalty of all times and
stories." *
"The House of Commons having thus deeply
fixt their root, it is no marvel they raise their top
1 Porster's " Statesmen."

240 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
to that height, that, ere long, it shadowed the
Lords' House ; and by dripping upon them, in some
few years caused them to be voted useless." 1 Even
now, the Lords were so panic-stricken that they
quietly accepted as law every edict that the Com
mons pleased to transmit to them ; whilst in the
Lower House, " no man durst " question the limita
tions of that privilege which now embraced all
things.2 All this time the King had by no means escaped
from the general troubles of the State; petitions,
remonstrances, and committees, had pursued him
to Hampton Court, and afterwards to Windsor,
whither he retired (on January the 12th), in a vain
hope of security and repose. The tone of his re
plies is now sensibly altered ; his fallen estate dic
tates conciliatory, if not humbled, expressions ; and
Lord Clarendon's tact is substituted for Lord
Digby's arrogant and imperious style. Indeed, the
royal communications to the Commons, as given in
Clarendon's History, are scarcely to be distinguished
from the history itself, either in manner or matter.
Nevertheless, the accusation against the Five Mem
bers was still persisted in, though the King pro
mised that their trial should be conducted " in an
unquestionable way."3 This powerless threat was
scarcely wanting to confirm the accused in the
most strenuous measures of resistance: as far as

1 Sir P. Warwick, 182. 2 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 172.
3 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 175. Ibid. ii. 179.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 241
regarded themselves, they knew that henceforth
there was no peace, no alternative but their de
struction, or the King's ; and on this pretence Lord
Digby had been detected, they said, in an attempt
to organise a new Army Plot at Hampton Court.
The Parliament thereupon proceeded to pass the
"Militia Bill," conferring on themselves the ex
clusive power over tbe military force of the king
dom ; and they now added to the former provisions
of the bill, " that- all forts, castles, and garrisons
should be placed in the hands of such persons as
they could confide in."
Hull at this time contained the chief magazine
in the kingdom for arms and ammunition, except
that which was in the Tower. All the artillery and
stores belonging to the disbanded northern army,
and to the dismantled towns of Berwick and Car
lisle, had been laid up in Hull for future emer
gencies, and now an emergency indeed was come.
The King sent the Earl of Newcastle1 to the north,
1 William Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle, is said, by Cibber, to
have been one of the most finished gentlemen, the most distin
guished patriot, general, and statesman of his age. He was born
in 1592; and his father (Sir Charles Cavendish) instructed him
by the best masters in every science. This course of education
being early completed, the reputation of his abilities attracted the
attention of King James, who made him a Knight of the Bath in
1610, and, in 1620, Baron Ogle and Viscount Mansfield. Re
taining the same favour under Charles I., he received the addi
tional title of Lord Cavendish of Ballsover and Earl of Newcastle.
In 1638 he was appointed governor to the Prince of Wales, and
in 1639, when the troubles in Scotland broke out, he commanded
a volunteer troop of horse, incorporated under the name of the
Prince's troop. During this command he had a contest with
VOL. I. R

242 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
with private instructions, to possess himself of this
town and magazine and to raise forces for protect-

Lord Holland, to whom he sent a challenge ; but the affair hav
ing been disclosed to the King, it was made up, not without
leaving an imputation on Lord Holland's courage. After the
battle of Marston Moor, he embarked for Hamburgh, and resided,
during the interregnum, at Paris and Antwerp, where he under
went a variety of misfortunes for sixteen years. He then returned
to England with his Sovereign, who raised him to the dukedom.
He ended his days in retirement, devoting himself to those lite
rary pursuits which had attracted him in youth. He died in
1676. " He was a man" (writes Lord Oxford) " extremely known
from the course of life into which he was forced, and who would
soon have been forgotten in the walk of fame which he chose for
himself. Yet, as an author, he is familiar to those who scarce
know any author, from his book on horsemanship. Though
' amorous in poetry and musick,' he was fitter to break Pegasus
for a menage, than to mount him on the steeps of Parnassus." * *
Lord Clarendon declares, " that nothing could have tempted him
out of those paths of pleasure, which he enjoyed in a full and
ample fortune, but honour and ambition to serve the King when
he saw him in distress, and abandoned by most of those who were
in the highest degree obliged to him." One of the noble histo
rian's finest portraits is of this duke : his duchess (a sister of
Lord Lucas) has left another more diffuse, but not less entertain
ing. The following is an extract : " My lord is a person whose
humour is neither extravagantly merry nor unnecessarily sad ;
his mind is above his fortune, as his generosity is above his
purse ; his courage above danger, his justice above bribes, his
friendship above self-interest, his truth too firm for falsehood, his
temperance beyond temptation ; his conversation is pleasing and
affable, his wit is quick and his judgment strong, distinguishing
clearly, without clouds of mistakes ; his discourse is always new
upon the occasion, without troubling the hearers with old histo
rical relations, nor stuft with useless sentences ; his behaviour is
manly without formality, and free without constraint, and his
mind hath the same freedom ; his nature is noble, and his dispo
sition sweet ; his loyalty is proved by his publick service to his
King and country, by his after hazarding of his life, by the losse
of his estate and banishment of his person ; his necessitated con
dition, and his constant and patient suffering." The duchess
computes his losses from the Civil Wars rather over than under
the sum of 733,579/.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 243
ing it, as soon as occasion should arise. The Com
mons, however, received immediate notice of this
arrangement through their spies; and, almost as
soon as the destined governor arrived in Hull, he
received orders to attend the Parliament, which,
after communicating with the King, he obeyed.
The Houses then requested the King that the
magazine might be transferred from Hull to Lon
don; the King hesitated to reply, and they sent
Sir John Hotham,1 on their own authority, to be
governor of the town, and to raise forces for the
protection of the magazine. This was the first exercise
of their power over the " Militia;" tbe bill intended
to confer it had not yet even passed the Lords.
The King still lingered on at Windsor, hoping to
observe the returning tide of popular feeling, which
was said to extend to the Lords, and to give them
courage to stand upon their defence.2 The Par
liament still fanned the flame of the country's
discontent. Vehement speeches, fiery pamphlets,
furious sermons, were still uttered, and constant

1 Sir John Hotham had some property, and, therefore, it was
presumed, some popularity in the neighbourhood of Hull. His
son was sent by the Commons as a spy upon his father, the first of
many instances in this war of political intrigue dividing families
against themselves ; (there seems little doubt that Sir Harry Vane
was privy to his son's conduct.) Clarendon says of the elder
Hotham, that he was a "rough, rude, covetous, proud, and
ambitious man ;" devoid of generosity, crafty, shrewd, judicious,
and self-possessed. Yet he was " cozened" by Digby.
2 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 191, who says, that the tumult
against the King, and the driving him out of London, " began to
be more spoken of than the accusing of the Piye Members." This
b 2

244 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
remonstrances were addressed to the King, but
intended for the people ; all these means were
exerted to the uttermost, to infuse into the multi
tude the same passions that animated the hearts
of the resolute — the now desperate — Five. The
King had raised these men to the height of that
power from which he had himself so fallen.
" Fallen, in ten short days," says his own historian,
"to such a lowness, that his own servants durst
hardly avow the waiting on him."1 Compelled, in
his royal palace of Windsor, to sell his plate " for
his more necessary occasions,"5 beset daily with
mobs and insults under the appearance of petitioners
and petitions ; the wife that he loved too well,
threatened with accusation of treason ; every effort
to recover himself denounced ; and every secret
betrayed. Such was the result of sixteen years of
statecraft, neutralized, in the crimes essential to its
success, by a naturally gentle and noble heart.
At length his situation became too irksome, if

seems borne out, if not by cotemporary authority, by the nature
of the case, and by him who is cotemporary with all mankind : —
" Then will they mourn,
And wish they had not so accused him,
No, though they thought their accusation true."
All's Well that Ends Well.
The King humbled, exiled, and missed from his palace, no longer
offered an object for hate or fear, but pity, which is akin to love.
i Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 182. See also Bulstrode, "Me
moirs," p. 64, who makes use of the very same words.
2 Ibid. 233, who adds, " the officers of customs — out of which
no allowance for the weekly support of their Majesties' household
had been made — being enjoined by the Commons not to issue out
any money without their particular consent."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 245
not too dangerous, to be longer borne : it was
resolved that the terrified Queen should go to Ports
mouth (whence Goring had secretly communicated
his desertion of the Parliament), and the King
betake himself to Hull. In these two strongholds
they hoped to find security, and to afford a rallying
point for those who still adhered to their cause.
These plans, as usual, were betrayed as soon as
formed.1 The King's departure was postponed,
and the Queen's destination altered to Dover and
the Continent. On the 14th of February the King
received Commissioners from Parliament, at Canter
bury, and made his last concessions to them in form
of law.2 At the Queen's earnest intercession, he
gave his sanction to the expulsion of Bishops from
their seats in Parliament ; and at the same time he
signed away his right to impress soldiers for his
service. " He perceived then," says Sir Richard
Bulstrode,3 "when it was too late, that his granting
more than King had ever done, had encouraged the
people to ask more than subjects had ever demanded.
And yet the King declared that if he knew the
particular and true grounds of his subjects' fears, he
would most gladly apply [even further] remedies
... in order to restore felicity both to King and
people. But whatsoever the King said or promised
1 Apparently without Goring's being involved in the discovery,
however. The Parliament continued to place confidence in him.
2 According to the " Iter Carolinum," and Somers' " Tracts,"
p. 203, Charles was at Canterbury on this occasion.
3 " Memoirs of the Reign of King Charles the First," p. 64.

246 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
signified little to the Parliament, for then both
Houses declared that they were the supreme judica
ture of the kingdom ; and when they had once
declared what the law of the land was, to have it
contradicted was a breach of privilege, and not to
be allowed."
During the lull caused by these two great conces
sions, the Queen escaped to Holland [Feb. 25], and
the King went to Greenwich1 [on the 26th]. Here
he was met by the Lord Hertford, with the Prince of
Wales, whom he had brought thither in defiance of
the Parliamentary order to the contrary.2 On the
28th, 3 the royal party proceeded to Theobald's,

1 A curious circumstance is related by Sir Kichard Bulstrode,
as being " very ominous" to the King whilst at Greenwich. The
King was " setting his house in order," and ordered his statue to
be removed to the Magazine. As it was being " carried from
Greenwich Garden to the Magazine," a swallow marked on it "a
stain like blood, which was wiped off immediately, but could
never be gotten out." This statue was made by Bernini from a
picture of King Charles, wThose name was carefully concealed from
the sculptor. Signor Bernini, after looking for sometime sted
fastly upon it, said, " that he had never seen a face which shewed
so much greatness, and, withal, such marks of sadness and mis
fortune," which proved too true, for never King kept up greater
state, or was more majestic in keeping up his dignity, till at last
he was made a spectacle both to man and angels before his own
palace. — Memoirs, p. 66.
2 That great and good man (as Sir P. Warwick calls the Earl
of Newcastle,) for the King's sake, had resigned to Lord Hertford
his post as governor to the Prince, knowing himself to be un
popular with the Commons ; at the same time, Sir John Byron
had requested to be removed from the command of the Tower :
he was replaced by another brave and honest man, Sir John
Coniers, who, however, was besieged by Skippon, under the pre
tence of acting as his guard.
3 " Iter Carolinum."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 247
escorted by a troop of horse, and forty or fifty
gentlemen. " A train fit for him only on the higl-
waies," says Sir Philip Warwick. "Yet this was
disclaimed against, as levying a war." The King
rested for some days at this, his favourite home ;
and was there waited on by a Committee of both
Houses, to remonstrate with him in favour of giving
his assent to their Militia Bill. They also requested
the King to leave the Prince of Wales [as a host
age, it would seem] " at St. James', or any other of
his houses near London f1 and they complained
much of "the jealousies and fears" his Majesty's
conduct in general inspired. There is something
almost absurd in the Parliament making such re
quests, even to such a king; but they probably
presumed, all along, on the facility he had so cruelly
displayed in his most faithful servant's death. " Has
he given us the life of Strafford ?" exclaimed Pym,
almost incredulous when he first heard the strange
tidings, "then he will refuse us nothing hereafter !"2
And to do the unhappy Monarch justice, this one
weak act against " the one supremely able minister
he had,"3 seems to have unnerved him for resistance
to all measures against himself. " In the agony of
the moment," at the same time that he abandoned
Strafford to his enemies, he had abandoned the very
palladium of his prerogative — the right of dissolving

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 270.
2 Forster's " Life of Pym." 3 Carlyle.

248 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Parliament. From that time forward he never made
a stand until now, upon this Bill of the Militia. He
seems to have become almost reckless of all power
when once his high prerogative was invaded, and
threw himself on the influence of chance to restore
him to all, or nothing of what he had lost.
Upon this Militia Bill, however, he did make a
stand. He felt that he was already virtually at war
with the Parliament : unprepared as he was, he
desired to gain time, but not at such a price as the
surrender of his right and power to defend himself.
As soon as the " petition " had been read, the King
replied, thus pathetically, to those who had presented
it : " You speak of fears and jealousies ! Lay your
hand on your hearts and ask yourselves whether
I may not likewise be disturbed with fears
and jealousies ? If so, be assured that this your
message hath nothing lessened them." For the
militia, he said he had already given his reply ; for
his residence near them, he wished he had had no
reason to absent himself, and appealed to their own
consciences whether he had or not ? " For his son,
he should take that care of him which would justify
him to God, as a father ; and to his dominions, as
a king ; and, finally, that he had no thought but of
peace and justice to his people, which he would by
all fair means seek to preserve and to maintain,
relying on the goodness and providence of God for
the preservation of himself and of his rights."1
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 272.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 249
This was a brave and manly speech, with one
exception r when he declared that he had no thought
but of " peace," he made a mental reservation. These
reservations were his curse through life, and were
now as useless as they were at all times unworthy.
Nor is it any excuse for our King that the Commons
were guilty of the same duplicity : they never pro
fessed to be magnanimous. The Parliament, on the
receipt of this reply, made a virtual declaration of
war.1 Both Houses immediately resolved, upon
debate — " That the kingdom be forthwith put in a
posture of defence," cancelling, at the same time,
all the commissions for Lords Lieutenancies of
counties that had been granted by the King. At
the same time, with greater falsehood than the
King's, they assured the King that his fears con
cerning their preparations were perfectly groundless.2
They next sent to the Earl of Northumberland,3 as

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 272. 2 Ibid.
3 This illustrious House was of yore singularly disloyal : it
shed more of its blood on the scaffold than on the field, though
there are as few battles as conspiracies in which a Percy is not to
be found. The nobleman here mentioned, Algernon Percy, Earl
of Northumberland, was the third son of Henry, ninth earl of that
family. He was born in 1602, and educated at Christ Church,
Oxford. On the accession of Charles I. he was called by writ to
the House of Peers, under the title of Baron Percy, and in 1632
came into possession of the estates and title of his ancestors.
Having passed through the forms of some minor naval commands,
he was, in 1637, made Lord High Admiral. He became, two
years later, Commander-in-Chief of the army, at that time raised
to march against the Scottish Covenanters ; but he soon betrayed
his lukewarmness in the royal cause, and made excuse of illness
to resign that trust. In 1642, he was tempted by his brother's
share in the Army Plot to save him by coalescing with the

250 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
High-Admiral of England, to desire him to put the
fleet in a state of defence, " for the honour, peace,
and safety of his Majesty and his kingdom." " To
which order the Earl returned an answer full of
submission and obedience."
From Theobald's the King proceeded [on the 3rd
March] to another of his palaces, at Royston, only
twenty-one miles ; thence, after five days' stay, to
Newmarket, a distance of twenty miles. Here he
remained five days also. He seems to have visited his
different country seats as leisurely as if there was no
war or any trouble tracking his footsteps. Probably
each house that he thus visited for the last time, was
left on a footing better suited to his altered fortunes.
The royal progress seems seldom to have exceeded
twenty-four miles a-day, which was about as much
as his cavalcade could maintain for a continuance.
There was indeed no occasion for haste ; there was
" no one waiting for him ;" he was time enough
wherever and whenever he arrived. Even on the

revolutionary leaders. From this time he gave himself wholly
up to the popular party, and supported the extreme measures
of Parliament : in obedience to them he equipped the fleet and
placed it (1642) under the command of Lord Warwick, in de
fiance of the expressed desire of the King, to whom he quietly
resigned his commission when it was demanded. In 1643, his
name appears as an accessory to Waller's plot ; again, as a commis
sioner from Parliament in the treaties of Oxford, Uxbridge, and
Newport. In 1648, the royal children were committed to his
charge. Upon the death of the King he retired to his estates in
Sussex; and in 1660, concerted with Monk the means ofthe
Restoration. He was appointed by Charles II. Lord Lieutenant
of the counties of Sussex and Northumberland, and died in October
13,1668. — Clarendon; Lord Orford ; Lodge; Warwick.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 251
Parliamentary side, the leaders were far from suffi
ciently prepared, either with motives (for the people)
or munitions of war : the King was still more weak
in both the latter perhaps, on the whole. On the
14th of March the King ,reached Huntingdon ; on
the 15th, Stamford ; and four days afterwards he
arrived at York.
Meanwhile the Parliament continued to thrive
in strength and confidence, and began to betray
symptoms of that arbitrariness which is too much
the nature of all corporations that unite irrespon
sibility to power. "They commanded all judges '
and justices of the peace, and other officers," to
execute all the old savage laws against Roman
Catholics with full rigour : they found great fault
with the sheriffs of London for not having executed
seven priests confined in Newgate for exercising
their vocation ; and they demanded from the King
that they should die.1 They made a sale of the
lands of Ireland belonging to the rebels there,
and received one hundred pounds for every five
hundred acres of land that they pretended to con
fer."2 This measure drove many neutral Irishmen

1 This Parliament approved of eighteen witches being burnt at
Chelmsford : they were found guilty by Lord Warwick and other
Justices of the Peace. — See Peek's Desiderata Curiosa.
2 It is curious to mark the antiquity of proverbs. Charles
observed on this occasion that the Parliament was " Selling the
bear's skin before he was killed." (Clar.) " Man proposes, God
disposes." (Lord Wrottesley's MSS.) Many other expressions
familiar to these days were so to those : " Going tick ;" " See
ing 's believing" (Lilly); "Cocksure;" " Down upon the nail "

252 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
into rebellion, by rendering them desperate; they
conceived the utter suppression of their creed, and
the extirpation of their nation, to be resolved
upon.1 And in this fear they only anticipated a
future bill brought into Parliament, which was
barely rejected. Those democrats who stood up so
stoutly for their own freedom, would acknowledge
none other: "toleration" was held to be a weak
subterfuge of the devil's, and was denominated
" soul-murder." Nor were they more lenient to
political than to religious dissent : all candid ex
pression of opinion was virtually suppressed. Sir
Ralph Hopton, Godolphin, and Trelawny, were com
mitted to prison ; the first for dissenting to the de
claration at Theobald's ; tbe second for too wise and
witty a retort.2 The power of the City- Militia was
transferred from the Lord Mayor, to persons only
qualified for such a charge by their hostility to the
King, and when the merchants drew up a petition
against this breach of their charter and ancient
custom, the Roundheads examined and committed
to prison such citizens as had subscribed it.
Nevertheless, the power of the Roundheads
(Heath); "Were not his eyes open at that time of day 1" (Howell)
and other slang expresssion are as old as " Paradise Lost."
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 229.
2 When the Lords had rejected one of their bills, it was moved
in the Commons that the majority of the latter should coalesce
with the minority of the Lords, and thus form a preponderance.
Godolphin remarked, " that the majority of the Lords might
coalesce with the minority of the Commons, and so neutralize the
former plan."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 253
continued to increase with its exercise: the great
ruling intellects of the House wielded bravely what
they had bravely won, and in many respects there
was what Baillie called " a most sweete unanimitie"
between them and the Lords, — at least, Lords
enough for their purpose. The militia, though not
formally called out, was ordered everywhere to be
in readiness ; in many places the " trayne bands "
were actually exercised.1 Thus, provided with
1 I here insert the Ordinance, in which was assigned this
royal authority ; its terms and powers must be borne in mind.
" The ordinance of both Houses of Parliament for ordering
the militia of the kingdom of England and dominion of Wales "
it was framed in February and ordained in March ensuing, to
be a law whether the King should assent or no].* " Whereas
there hath been of late a most dangerous and desperate design
upon the House of Commons, which we have just cause to believe
to be an effect of the bloodie counsels of Papists and other
ill-affected persons who have already raised a rebellion in the
kingdom of Ireland, and by reason of many discoveries, we
cannot but fear they will proceed not onely to stir up the
like rebellions and insurrections in this kingdom of England,
but also to back them with forces from abroad ; — It is ordained
by the Lords and Commons, now in Parliament assembled,
that ***** shall have power to assemble and call
together all and singular his Majestie's subjects within the county
of * * # * as well within liberties as without, that are meet
and fit for the wars, and them to train, exercise, and put in
readiness, and them after their abilities and faculties well and
sufficientlie, from time to time to cause to be arrayed and wea-
poned, and to take the muster of them in places most fit for that
purpose; and shall have power within the said countie to nominate
and appoint such persons of quality as to him shall seem meet,
to be his deputie-lieutenants, to be approved of by both Houses
of Parliament ; and that any one or more of the said deputies so
assigned and approved of, shall, in the absence or by command of
the same * * * , have power and authoritie to do and execute
within the countie * * * all such power and authoritie before
* Heath's " Chronicle," p. 29.

254 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
money, men, military stores, naval arsenals, the
militia on shore, the fleets on the sea ; with indu
bitably the most able minds in England to direct
these vast means; possessing, moreover, as they
asserted, the hearts of all the people, and the great
City of London itself, they ought to be omnipotent.
We now return to the King, who, with his
slender cavalcade has been travelling towards the
north, to escape as far as possible from Parliament
and its influences. His fugitive march presented a
sad and striking contrast to his former magnificent
" progress :" he was then attended by a gorgeous
Court, with all its pomp and flattery, and many a
servile follower, who was now cringing to the Par
liament. But the King was still strong in the loyalty
of English nature, and the chivalrous sentiment

in this present ordinance ordained, and so shall have power to
make colonels and captains and other officers, and to remove out
of their places, and to make others from time to time, as he shall
think fit for that purpose ; and his deputies, colonels, captains,
and other officers, shall have further power and authoritie to lead,
conduct, and employ the persons aforesaid arrayed and weaponed,
as well within the countie of * * * as within any other part of
this realme of England or dominion of Wales, for the suppression
of all rebellions, insurrections, and invasions that may happen,
according as they, from time to time, shall receive directions by
his Majestie's authoritie, signified to them by the Lords and Com
mons assembled in Parliament : And it is further ordained, that
such persons as shall not obey in any of the premises, shall an
swer their neglect to tlie Lords and Commons in a Parliamentary
way, and not otherwise nor elsewhere ; and that every the powers
granted as aforesaid, shall continue until it shall be otherwise
ordered or declared by both Houses of Parliament, and no longer.
" John Bkown, Clerk, Pari."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 255
awakened by his misfortunes. No sooner was his
arrival at York made known, than almost every
gentleman in the great northern county hastened to
pay his honest court to his humbled sovereign. The
sanguine spirit of the King instantly revived under
this cheering testimony to the love his people still
bore to his name: he found himself possessed of
resources he had scarcely ventured to hope for.
The aristocracy of the North had promptly and
proudly raised itself up against the democracy of
the South: the patriarchal sentiment was then
strong amongst the tenants of the nobility and
gentry; the delicate relations of reverence, and
family and local associations, that we now too rarely
find existing, were then strong, and gave great
strength to their possessors : old feudal feelings
were more permanent than feudal laws, and not
only the numerous retainers and followers of great
families, but whole districts, were moved as one
man by the influence of their lord.1 Thus, the great
1 It is remarkable that the Commons first selected Peers to
lead their forces ; probably in deprecation of democratic aims.
But, indeed, up to this time of stern trial, command seems to
have been considered among the exclusive privileges of the aristo
cracy. It is curious, however, to find the people in the first exer
cise of their power selecting the Earls of Essex, Northumberland,
and Warwick to direct that power for them. Thus when after
hard contests the plebeians of Rome were allowed to be tribunes,
they elected none but patricians. There is a vulgar worship of
the titled great which in a revolution only gives way to a still
more vulgar hatred of them. Doubtless those who are born to
command do so with a better grace ; if instead of those who are
of gentle blood and gentle manners — to whom power is no novelty
and therefore no plaything — pomp no novelty, and therefore no

256 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
families of Cavendish, Stanley, and Wentworth,
drew after them, and truly represented, half the
north. The presence of the King appeared to light
a train already well prepared, a demonstration of
loyalty blazed up which had been little calculated
on by his enemies, or even by his friends. His own
manner was become much more gracious, and there
seems to be no exaggeration in the favourable
influence attributed by Sir Philip Warwick to his
actual presence and example. Already chastened
by misfortune, rendered cautious by experience, and
emancipated from the enervating influence of the
Queen, his character began to assume a loftier
tone. Sir Philip says, that " being arrived at
York, and cheerfully entertained by all there, his
.eminent virtues, his rational knowledge, his tem
perate course of life, his just mind and pious soul^
were so conspicuous, that he found a loyalty when
he had nothing of majesty or power to attract any
persons to him."
Not only, however, were the loyal people of the
north " attracted " round him, but the greater
number of both Houses of Parliament at length
gathered to his Court.1 Hyde, Falkland, and Cole-

temptation; — if, instead of these, we were to have Chartists in
the Executive, and Socialists in the Privy Council — ranter
bishops and Billingsgate admirals — the populace would not be
one whit more docile, or even popular sympathies more con
ciliated. 1 Clarendon, in his "Life," where he says that there "was a
great conflux to York," insomuch that there remained not in

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 257
pepper still remained in London, and messengers1
were constantly passing between them and the King,
and Parliament and its travelling committee. 2
On the 26th of March, we hear that " the King's
press is arrived, which is set to work to print his
Majesty's answer to the Declaration at Newmarket.
It is rumoured that the King will stay long in these
parts; at least till St. George's day be past."3 Some
of the Liberal party, it would seem, proposed to
petition the King to leave them, fearing that his
presence would involve them in expense and danger.
Thereupon the people assailed the petitioners, call
ing them Roundheads, and comparing them to the
Gadarenes, who " desired Christ to depart out of
their coasts."*
This notice of the printing-press is interesting : it
was already accepted as the great engine of moral
warfare. The King performed his momentous march
without artillery, or any other force except this —
the mightiest of all. By means of the press he
London a fifth part of the House of Commons, and of the Lords
not twenty. P. 106, fol. ed. p. 66.
1 In such furious haste did these men ride, that the letters dis
patched by Hyde on Saturday night at twelve o'clock, were an
swered by the King at York, and the reply in Hyde's hands, by
ten o'clock on Monday morning. — Clarendon's Life, p. 116.
2 This committee now, as before, consisted of Lord Howard and
Sir Philip Stapelton, but Hampden being wanted at head-quar
ters, had been replaced by Sir Hugh Cholmely : they reported to
the Parliament the King's most secret actions, and they seem to
have been on a social footing with the royal friends. — Clarendon's
Life, p. 126.
3 Mr. Stockdale's letter to Lord Fairfax.
4 Fairfax Correspondence, ii. 390.
VOL. I. S

258 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
pleaded his cause to all England, to the world : the
best reasons he had to shew, the most powerful appeal
his cause admitted of, were thus presented to each man
and woman — to each member ofthe great jury of his
subjects who tried his cause at their own firesides.
This press was busily and ably worked. Now that
the King broke silence with his subjects, he had
much to say to them, in explanation, refutation, and
virtually in abjuration. Lord Clarendon asserts that
" at that time [a remarkable expression] the king's
resolution was to shelter himself wholly under the
law, and to grant anything which by law he was
obliged to grant." Before Charles had arrived at
this resolution he had many a proud claim to forego,
and many a despotic aspiration to abjure. He
probably first learned the true nature of his sove
reignty, from the same controversy that so much
enlightened his people ; by it were, for the first
time, freely canvassed and defined, the origin and
extent of royal prerogative, and parliamentary privi
lege. The same controversy gradually ascended
to the first principles of social order, popular rights,
and divine institutions ; in those wide regions it lost
its meaning. It was not only by Royal and Parlia
mentary messages, declarations, and replies that this
controversy was maintained, but by innumerable
pamphlets, journals, and sermons, that took the
State papers for their texts.1
1 Amongst these early writings were, " Mercurius Britanni-
cus," (by Marchmont Needham, or " foul-mouthed Ned," as the

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 259
The King found his Court at York increasing
daily ; and, as favourable circumstances, like mis
fortunes, are gregarious, each exhibition of loyalty
encouraged others.1 Charles once more felt strong
enough to be indiscreet : he sent to Lords Essex and
Holland, to demand from them the surrender of their
offices, the one as Chamberlain, tbe other as Groom
ofthe Stole. The latter deprivation seemed natural
enough, as Lord Holland had openly withdrawn
himself from the Court to consort with its enemies ;
but the former was at least impolitic. Essex had
not hitherto committed himself with the Parliament,
and it was well known that whilst he held office
under the King, his soldier-like nature would have
disdained to do so, whatever the temptation. 2 This

Royalists called him,) " M. Rusticus," " M. Pragmaticus," " M.
Politicus," "M. Publicus," "M. Aulicus," by Dr. Heylin; "Diurnal
Paper," " Diurnal Occurrences," " London Intelligencer," and at
least seventy others : some ephemeral papers had very quaint and
expressive titles ; there were the " Scots Dove," and the " Secret
Owl ;" the " Weekly Discoverer, " and its opposition journal,
" The Discoverer stript naked ;" " News for Hull," and " Truths
from York," <fec. — See Porster's Statesmen, ii. 275.
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 334.
2 One of the most important defections from the Parliament
was that of Lord-Keeper Littleton, who sent the great seal one
day, and followed it the next. Such great importance was at
tached to this talismanic seal, that it was long before the people
believed any instrument to be legal without its impression at
tached. At length the Parliament was obliged to make a great
seal of its own. The King thereupon sent a Mr. Kniveton to re
monstrate with the Parliament, and to forbid the Term to take
place under the pseudo seal. The Parliament punished the mes
senger in proportion to the message, and had him hanged as a
spy at the Royal Exchange on November 27, 1643. — Heath's
Chronicle, p. 56. s 2

260 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
and other dissuasive reasons were represented to his
Majesty by Clarendon, Lord Keeper Littleton, and
Lord Falkland ; but in vain : " the King had
promised the Queen that he would act thus," and
her influence, though absent, thus gave to the Par
liament the best general in England.
On hearing of this measure, the Parliament voted
that " whosoever should accept of these offices should
be reputed an enemy to his country." They next
ordered that the Earl of Northumberland "should
appoint the Earl of Warwick1 his admiral for that
1 Robert Rich, second Earl of Warwick, was born 1587. He
is spoken of in 1625 as commanding the militia to defend the
coast of Essex, where his estates lay. The following summary of
his life and character is drawn from Clarendon : — " He was looked
upon [by the Puritans] as their greatest patron, because of much
the greatest estate of all who favoured them, and so was esteemed
by them with great application and veneration, though he was of
a life very licentious, and unconformable to their professed rigour,
which they rather dispensed with than they would withdraw from
a house where they received so eminent a protection and such
notable bounty." . . . . " The Earl of Warwick was of the King's
Council, but was not wondered at for leaving the King, whom he
had never well served, nor did he look upon himself as obliged by
that honour, which he knew was conferred on him in the crowd of
those whom his Majesty had no esteem of, or ever proposed to
trust ; so his business was to join with those to whom he owed his
promotion. He was a man of a pleasant and companionable wit
and conversation, of an universal jollity ; and such a licence in
his words and in his actions, that a man of less virtue could not
be found : so that one might reasonably have believed that a man
so qualified would not have been able to have contributed much
to the overthrow of a nation and kingdom. But, with all these
faults, he had great authority and credit with that people, who in
the beginning of the troubles did all the mischief ; and, by open
ing his doors and making his house, the rendezvous of all the
silenced ministers, at the time when there was an authority to
silence them, and spending a good part of his. estate, of which he
was very prodigal, upon them ; and by being present at their

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 261
year." This they did, in the first instance without
any communication to the King; and afterwards,
contrary to his express desire that Sir John Pen
nington should be continued in that office. At the
same time a determined anti-royalist, named Batten,
was appointed Vice-admiral, instead of Cartwright,
who was a man much attached to the King, and of
great reputation and influence among the seamen.
Cartwright might have had this appointment but for
an ill-considered intimation of the King's ; that no
person, well affected to his cause, should accept
or occupy any office under Parliament. He thus
weeded the Roundhead forces of all those who could
have neutralized their interests, and done service
to his own cause.
The next great move in the national game was
made by the King who made an offer, on the 8th of
April, to the Parliament, of going in person to Ireland,
in order to suppress the rebellion there ; he stated, at
the same time, that, in order to spare his subjects,
he would pawn or sell his own parks and palaces to

devotions, and making himself merry with them, and at them,
which they dispensed with, he became the head of that party and
got the style of a godly man. When the King revoked the Earl
of Northumberland's commission of admiral, he presently accepted
the office from the Parliament, and never quitted their. service ;
and when Cromwell disbanded that Parliament, he betook him
self to the protection of the Protector, married his heir to his
daughter, and lived in so entire a confidence and friendship with
him, that when he died he had the honour to be exceedingly
lamented by him. He left his estate, which before was subject to
a vast debt, more improved and repaired than any man who
trafficked in that desperate commodity of rebellion."

262 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
raise funds for the expedition. To this the Parlia
ment anxiously and earnestly objected : they felt that
such an enterprize would afford a dangerous oppor
tunity of raising an army, and of quieting at least
one kingdom. They said that they could not con
sent to his Majesty's risking his person, and inter
rupting the business of the country. After this
proposition, and its rejection, had done their in
tended work, there was some farther discussion on
the old matter of the militia, and then the first
decided step towards war was taken — and by the
King. The town of Hull was the most important place
in the kingdom, next to London (and, perhaps,
Bristol) ; it was the great seaport of the north,
where supplies could be received from the Continent
with the greatest convenience and security. But
the chief importance of the place consisted in the
magazine of arms and ammunition that it contained.
Of this the Parliament had determined to possess
themselves, and Sir John Hotham had already re
ceived an order to deliver it to Lord Warwick. He
was on his way with the fleet to receive the military
stores, and transport them to the Tower. The King
was equally determined to recover what he conceived
to be "his own property" in the strictest sense of
the word, for it had been purchased, not by Parlia
mentary grants, but by private contributions to
him from the clergy, courtiers and others, for the
Scottish war. When it was known at York that

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 263
the Parliamentary fleet was preparing for Hull,
not only the King but the northern gentry felt
themselves aggrieved,1 and Sir Francis Wortley,
Sir W. Wentworth and other Cavaliers, petitioned
the King that he would take measures " for the
better security of the magazine, and of those
northern parts."
The King availed himself of this petition, and
at once endeavoured to comply with it ; so little
hostility was then declared that he sent his son, the
Duke of York, and the Elector Palatine 2 on a visit
to Hotham, the day previous to his own arrival.
They arrived there under a pretence of seeing the
town, and were entertained by the Governor without
any apparent expectation of the visit that was to
follow. For once, the King had kept his council,
or had only communicated it to those who were
trustworthy. On the following day, the 23rd of
April, the King set forth from York, attended by
about three hundred gentlemen of the county, and
other cavaliers, with their servants :"3 at eleven
o'clock he was at the Beverley Gate. All was confu
sion within ; Sir John Hotham had no definite orders

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 382.
2 Not Prince Rupert, as Lord Nugent, following Heath's
" Chronicle," states. See Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 382, and p.
109 of this volume, Had Rupert been there instead of Charles
Louis, the result would probably have been very different : the
hesitating garrison only wanted one man of energy to turn them
to the King.
3 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 383. Servants is a vague word,
but if interpreted trooper, it would not be far wrong.

264 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
from Parliament in case of such an emergency, and
had only his instinctive knowledge of their designs
to guide him in his conduct. Habit and former
feelings induced him to listen to the King's demand;
fear of the Parliament held'him back. Whilst he
hesitated, the Mayor and other officers of the town
moved towards the gates to admit their sovereign.
Sir John was then decided ; he ordered the citizens
to retire, and summoned courage to ascend the
ramparts and hold parley with the King. Charles
was waiting patiently below, receiving the first
lesson of actual rebellion from this hostile town,
whose gates were barred, its drawbridge raised, and
its walls manned as if against an enemy. The King
demanded admittance in person into his town
of Hull. The Governor fell on his knees, and,
" with agony," entreated to be excused, pleading his
oath to Parliament, and at the same time calling
" God to witness that he was his Majesty's most
faithful and loyal subject."1 The Cavaliers of the
King's company, raised a shout of execration against
the " traitor." " Kill him !" they cried to the
officers who accompanied him ; " fling the traitor
down here to us, and have done with him !" But
those officers had goaded on Sir John to resistance,
and they now only advised him to retire from his

_ 1 In any other time this epithet would seem absurd under the
Circumstances, but in this peculiar war, the people were always
called upon in the name " of the King and Parliament," to oppose
or to destroy the King.

1642.J PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 265
trying position. During the next two hours, many
messages passed between the King and the Gover
nor : the Duke of York and the Prince Palatine
took advantage of the temporary loyalty that was
professed in the negotiations, and left the town.
Some more vain messages ensued. The King
formally proclaimed Sir John a traitor, and retired,
indignant and discomfited, but not disheartened, to
the town of Beverley.1
" There a large body of gentlemen met him with
a tender of their utmost services," and escorted
him, on the following day, to York. The fate of
the nation was now decided : the war had begun.
The King, indeed, made a formal communication to
the Parliament, accusing Sir John Hotham as a
traitor. The Parliament replied (at first only to
the people) by declaring that Sir John Hotham had
done nothing but his duty, and that to proclaim
him a traitor was a high " breach of privilege : ''
they complained also that the King's soldiers had
intercepted a letter to the Houses from Hull
(making, at the same time, an accusation against
the King of matters contained in a letter inter
cepted by them from Lord Digby, long before) :
they announced also that they had given orders
to the sheriffs and others to suppress all forces
that should be gathered together or raised in
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 384, and appendix L ; Rushworth,
i. 367 ; Pari. Hist. ii. col. 1197 (for Hotham's letter to the Par
liament) ; Guizot's Rev. i. 238 ; Heath, p. 36.

266 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
the counties of York or Lincoln. A committee
from Parliament brought this declaration to the
King, after it had reached him through the public
prints ; and this committee continued not only to
reside in York, but to frequent the King's presence
for a month afterwards. This circumstance presents
us with a curious aspect of peace striving to preserve
its decent appearances in the very midst of hostili
ties. The King had plainly told his unwelcome
visitors that "he liked not such supervisors near
him ;" * but they replied, " with a sullen confidence,"
that they would stay and do the bidding of the Par
liament. The Court felt itself obliged to tolerate
their presence and their espionage.
The whole nation was now thoroughly roused,
and sought more eagerly than ever for the publica
tions, which were as eagerly pressed on its attention
by each of the great discordant parties. It is re
markable that in these constant and stirring appeals
to the people, the writers, preachers and orators
never attempted to inculcate, like the French revo
lutionists, any new doctrines. They knew that the
affections of the English people clung fondly and
faithfully to their Past ; it was ever in the name of
the law — of the constitution — that the most oppo
site parties sought to canvass their hearers for the
most opposite undertakings. On the one side, the
reforming part of the nation saw nothing very fear-
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 403.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 267
ful in the name of war ; they had never had any
experience of its horrors, and they dwelt with pride
on the memories of ancient strife, that had won for
them their ancient liberties : they and their leaders
thought that one great battle would decide the
question. On the other side, it was felt that no
thing but a war could repress the " overweening
insolency," and extravagant claims of the Parlia
ment, who, from the hour they had proclaimed
themselves indissoluble, exercised an authority as
arbitrary and intemperate as the King had ever
done. Both parties set about their warfare with a
grave and stern determination, that was very na
tional, and strengthened by religious feeling. Each
thought they fought not only for their country
but their God.
Every day the people of England and their repre
sentatives now ranged themselves more definitely in
the ranks of the King or of his opponents. The
Parliament in London shrank to dimensions that
were at once more wieldy and more powerful. All
the Cavaliers were gone to the King, or to their
own estates, to prepare their servants for his ser
vice : all the doubting and neutral men, who waited
for circumstances to decide their consciences, had
withdrawn into retirement. A few of the most
sterling patriots, such as Sir Benjamin Rudyard,
remained fearlessly at their posts in Parliament;
faithful to a sense of duty that soared above all
party feelings.

268 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
The preparations for war kept pace with the rapid
progress of political events. The Parliamentary
fleet, under Lord Warwick, had transported all the
arms from Hull to the Tower. On the 10th of
May the train-bands of London were mustered,
under General Skippon, in Finsbury Square, where
a great banquet was given by the City to the mem
bers of both Houses of Parliament : and, finally,
orders were sent to their lord-lieutenants and de
puty-lieutenants of counties, to seize on all maga
zines in their chief towns, and to "provide all
well-affected persons with such arms as they might
require for the service of their country."
Even the King now saw the storm approaching,
and felt that the time was come when appearances
and statecraft must be laid aside for realities and
action. For these last, strange to say, he was far
better qualified than for the former, to which he
had sacrificed so much of his life and honour. He
now displayed energy, activity, and resolution. A
troop of horse, called the Prince of Wales's, was
immediately raised ; it consisted entirely of volun
teer gentlemen. A regiment of trained-bands,
amounting to about six hundred men, was appointed
for the King's guard, and paid regularly every
Saturday, even when the King had not sufficient to
defray the expenses of his own table. On hearing
of this guard, the Parliament declared it to be a
" levying of war, and a breach of trust against his
people :" on the 23rd of May they sent a petition,

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 269
beseeching him to disband such forces as evil coun
sellors had persuaded him to raise.
In proportion as the crisis approaches, the
speeches and petitions of the Parliament, and the
declarations and replies of the King become more
verbose. These elaborate compositions, every word
of which was eagerly dwelt upon and earnestly
investigated then, are wholly without interest now.
We must follow our Cavaliers in their deeds, not
their words. On the 1st of June the royal Com
mission of Array was published in Yorkshire; and
on the same day tbe Nineteen Propositions of the
Parliament were published in London, and trans
mitted to the King. These are both very remark
able documents : the former displays a manly, tem
perate, but firm and soldier-like spirit : the latter
will ever remain a monument of the over-reaching
nature of the Parliamentary demands : demands
which they well knew could never be complied with,
and which at once display their unreasonableness,
and the strength of party that they could calculate
with confidence upon. This ultimation is subjoined.1

1 1. That all the King's Privy Council, Great Officers, and
Ministers of State may be put out, excepting such as the Parlia
ment shall approve, and to assign them an oath.
2. That all affairs of State be managed by the Parliament, ex
cept such matters as are transferred by them to the Privy
Council, and to be conducted by the major part of them under
their hands ; the full number not to exceed five-and-twenty, nor
under fifteen ; and if any place fall vacant in the interval of
Parliament, then the major part of the Council to choose one, to
be confirmed at the next session of Parliament.

270 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
The Parliamentary leaders had now triumphed
beyond their highest hopes, and far beyond what
was good for them, either as reformers or as

3. That all the Great Officers of the kingdom shall be chosen
with the approbation of Parliament, &c. as before said.
4. That the government and the education of the King's chil
dren be directed by Parliament, &o. ut supra.
5. Their marriages to be treated and conducted by Parlia
ment, &c.
6. That the laws against Papists, priests, and others be exe
cuted without toleration or dispensation, except by Parliament.
7. No Papish lord or peer to have vote in Parliament, and their
children to be educated in the Protestant faith.
8. To reform Church-government, and as the Parliament shall
advise. 9. To settle the Militia, as the Parliament hath ordered, and
the King to recall all his Declarations publisht against their
Ordinances therein.
10. All Privy Councillors and Judges to take the oaths for
maintenance of the Petition of Right, and other statutes which
shall be made this Parliament : so to swear in present unto
things in future.
11. All officers placed by Parliament to hold their places,
quamdiu benb se gesserint.
12. All Members of Parliament put out during this time are
to be restored again.
13. The justice of Parliament to pass upon all delinquents,
and they to appear or abide their censure.
14. The general pardon to pass with exceptions, as the Par
liament shall advise.
15. All forts and castles of the kingdom to be disposed of by
Parliament, ut supra.
16. The King to discharge all his guards and forces now in
being, and not to raise any other but in case of actual rebellion.
17. The King to enter into a strict alliance with all Reformed
States, for their assistance to recover the rights of his Royal
Sister, and her princely issue to those dignities and dominions
which belong unto them.
18. To clear the Lord Kimbolton and the Five Members by
act of Parliament.
19. No Peer hereafter to be made shall sit in Parliament
without their consent.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 271
men.1 Having put forth violent strength against an
obstacle that unexpectedly gave way, they were pre
cipitated into a false position, from which they never
extricated themselves until a republic was confessed.
They had virtually dethroned the King, and many
honest persons thought that his abuse of power
and want of faith had justly incurred that penalty :
few thinking men, however, could reconcile tbe
Parliamentary actions with their perpetual profes
sion of devotion for the King's person and his ho
nour.2 The Reformers had been gradually led into
falsehood, sophistry, and exaggeration. No longer
the voice of England spoke through their counsels ;
they had degenerated into a mere club — the great
cause they had pleaded, into a party question. They

1 Lord Spencer and Lord Paget, who had been appointed lords-
lieutenants of Northamptonshire and Buckingham by the Par
liament, now left them, "in fear or detestation of their future
designs" to which they had been made privy. These noblemen
hastened to the King at York, confessed all they knew, received
pardon, and served the royal cause faithfully thenceforth.* It
is to be remembered that the King was formerly persuaded that
the Parliamentary leaders meditated the most extreme measures
(short of death) towards him, ¦ and, without that reservation,
towards all his friends.
2 M. Guizot, (" Revolution d'Angleterre,") who discusses, con
amore, the Reformers' question : dissecting, with a hand and
head deeply skilled in revolutionary tactics, every phase of popu
lar feeling and passion. " Dans cet etat," he says, " des esprits,
la situation morale du Parlement etait fausse, car c'ltait par lui
et a son profit que s'accomplissait la revolution ; contraint de la
faire et de la nier a la fois, ses actes et sa langage se dehnentaient
tour a tour, et il flottait peniblement entre l'audace et la sub-
tilit6, la violence et l'hypocrisie." — Tom. ii. p. 233.

* Clarendon's Rebel, iii. 65.

272 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
had already imitated the worst acts of kingly
despotism and intolerance : x and after declaring
themselves indissoluble, they had voted themselves
an allowance of Al. per week for " their subsistence."
Nevertheless, this faction was still supported by great
masses of the people ; the better part of whom were
grateful for the great things the Parliament had done,
and as yet believed that those who had done so
well could do no evil ; the worse part rejoiced, like
the canaille of all times and nations, at any change
that broke up the old game of life, and called for a
new deal. If Charles the First, and most of his
ministers, and many of his bishops, bad acted very
weakly and wickedly, they had still left sufficient
virtue in the old laws of the land to bring them
selves to justice, and to enable the nation to defend
itself. But, when the Parliament and Cromwell
unchained the elements of anarchy and committed
tyranny against the people, who dared to call them
to account? What champion had the people then
— their old and venerable Law being replaced by
the passionate " ordinance," or " the military order "
of the hour ?
From the period of their first aberration from
pure and perfect truthfulness, — from disinterested
and dispassionate public duty, the reign of cant
began, — political, sentimental, and religious cant.
Not that Hampden was a hypocrite, or that Pym
1 See Hallam, Const. Hist. i. 551.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 273
was necessarily profane in using the Scriptural lan
guage he so much delighted in; but their govern
ment, based upon the passions of the people, was
obliged to gratify those passions, at first in words,
and afterwards in deeds that their nobler natures
would individually have condemned. This is the
great danger of an oligarchy ; that having no per
sonality, the leading virtue of each member may be
lost to its collective capacity, and the whole appear
devoid of that which dignifies or redeems each part.1
The one, or two, or three men of greater energy
inevitably, though unconfessedly, dictate to their
colleagues, who only add by their numbers an osten
sible but unreal authority to the resolutions of the
former. The Long Parliament acquired and main
tained its vast power through the eloquence and
practical agency of about a dozen men ; the rest
were contented to furnish their contingent autho
rity and votes, for the sake of the reflected glory
that shone on them from their great leaders. It
may be said that allowances must be made for the
human failings of these men : I have not learned
that any such allowances were made by them for
King Charles whilst he lived, nor should they be by
us now that he and they are dead ; otherwise we

1 " It may be said, I think, with not greater severity than
truth, that scarce two or three public acts of justice, humanity,
or generosity, and very few of political wisdom or courage, are
recorded of them, from their quarrel with the King, to their ex
pulsion by Cromwell." — Hallam, Constitutional History, i. 562.
VOL. I. T

274 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
read history in vain, and only learn how large allow
ances we might arrogate under the same circum
stances for ourselves.1
At this time (June 1st) many members, as I have
mentioned, seceded from the Houses of Parliament,
and of these the greater part betook themselves to
the Court of York.2 But, while they shrank from
the impetuous measures of the Commons, they were
by no means prepared to adopt unreservedly the
royal cause. Having once presented themselves to
the King, and made a great merit of doing so, many
of them endeavoured to remain neutral, half dis
senting from every measure of the Court, and still,
apparently, under the spell of the great council at
Westminster.3 These lukewarm waverers were more
useful to the Roundheads at York than they would
have been at Westminster ; cushioning every ener
getic measure of the King's, and acting at the same
time as conductors of the Parliamentary influences
1 Mr. Hallam, whose noble impartiality has invested his great
work with all the authority of judicial dictum, says of the
Parliament's present position, that, "After every allowance has
been made, he must bring very heated passions to the records of
those times, who does not perceive in the conduct of that body a
series of glaring violations, not only of positive and constituti
onal, but of those higher principles which are paramount to all
policy'!" — Const. Hist, i. 551.
2 The House of Lords consisted of only seventy-four members,
of these forty were at York ; sixty-five members of the House
of Commons were also at the northern metropolis.
3 Charles asked them for a declaration of their motives in
leaving London, in order to prove that the remaining Parliament
was no longer lawful : they signed this declaration, but withdrew
their consent next day, " being most passionate against its pub
lishing." — Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 69.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 275
against the Crown. The King was now sincerely,
because interestedly anxious to base all his mea
sures upon law, and the counsel of its interpreters ;
the judges, the magistracy, and that section of the
Parliament which adhered to him. These were all
men who could not, or would not, separate the
King's interest from their own ; they counselled
only passive measures, and advised that the Par
liament should be left to take the initiative in every
aggressive movement. On the other hand, the
Cavaliers looked upon the matter in a more mili
tary point of view ; they denounced delay as ruin
ous, and insisted that it was absolutely necessary to
be beforehand with their enemies. The unhappy
King was alternately convinced of the truth and
error of each argument, and could not afford to dis
pense with either party of his advisers : he took
that middle course which never yet led its follower
to honour or success.
Thus, when Charles found that, so far from being
likely to obtain possession of Hull, that town was
more likely to get possession of him, he felt that
embodying the guard I have mentioned was justified
by the danger incident to his undefended state. He
was anxious, however, to have the nominal counte
nance of the People in this measure, and to that
effect he summoned a meeting of such gentlemen as
he knew were most favourable to his views.1 They
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. The Parliamentary committee
was enjoined not to attend, and they obeyed ; but the leaders
t 2

276 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
met, (on the 15th May, 1 642, )l with loud and vehe
ment demonstrations of loyalty ; shouting praises on
the King, and execration on the Parliament, more
especially on that part of it acting as a Roundhead
committee at York. This was but a brief and
delusive triumph for the King, a deceitful gleam
of sunshine, that brought on the storm. No sooner
was the meeting announced than Sir Thomas Fair
fax, and some other gentlemen of the Parliamentary
party, set themselves energetically to work to coun
teract its object : riding post through the country,
they stirred up the non-summoned freeholders and
farmers to avenge the slight at once to themselves,
and to the Parliament, by attending uninvited.
The yeomen answered the call by thousands, filling
the square in front of the hall where the Royalists
were assembled, and exclaiming that they had as
good a right as the gentlemen to be consulted on
the affairs of their country. The King strove to
parley with his unwelcome visitors, assured them
that no slight was meant, and requested them to
meet him on the 3rd of June on Heyworth Moor.
That day arrived, and with it from eighty to one
hundred thousand men: "The like appearance was
never seen in Yorkshire." No shouts of loyalty
arose from that vast assemblage ; they looked upon
their King as an invader, and only desired his

of the meeting went backwards and forwards to them constantly,
for direction and advice.
1 May's Hist, ofthe Pari. iii. 532, &o.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 277
departure from amongst them. The King was
there, however ; surrounded by a strong party of
Cavaliers, and many a man besides, who would have
died for him, though he would have scorned to bend
under his former despotic rule. There was no
movement to meet his Majesty ; there was no great
gathered mass even to receive his address ; there
wa§ evidently something more interesting on the
people's mind. Some gathered together in groups ;
others hastily dispersed themselves over the Moor,
to converse with, and to rally friends. At length it
was discovered that a petition was in circulation,
beseeching the King to come to a good understand
ing with his Parliament, and this, in reply to his .
appeal to them to arm in his cause.1 The Cavaliers,
without further provocation, rushed amongst the
crowd, and tore the petition from the hands of those
who read or signed. Lord Savile " rode at" Sir John
Bouchier, and forced him to give up a copy that he
held in his hand.2 Charles, in the meantime, found
some difficulty in obtaining sufficient attention to
deliver a long and elaborate address, assuring the
people of many things, but committing himself to
none. Having hastily concluded, he turned his
horse in order to escape from the presence of his
Roundhead audience, and to avoid any chance of

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. M. Guizot, ii. 241, who only
estimates the meeting at 40,000 men. Fairfax Cor. ii. 407.
Nugent's Hampden. Pari. Hist.ii. 1348-53.
2 See Sir John's letter, Pari. Hist. ii. 1353.

278 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
receiving their petition. Young Fairfax,1 however,
pressed courageously through the royal guard, and
reaching the King, forced the petition on his notice.
The King turned away, but Sir Thomas laid his
charge on his saddle bow, and, in doing so, was
nearly ridden over by the insulted and angry
monarch.2 While Charles was thus assailed by petitions' for
peace with Parliament, on its own terms, in the
north ; the Parliament was similarly besieged with
petitions for a peace with the King, from the
south. The counties of Kent and Somerset, espe
cially, put forward their unwelcome opinions on
this matter ; but the Commons refused to hearken
to, or even to receive or notice such petitions.3
" Their voice [and preparations, too] were still for
war." The King now made a formal Declaration to his
supporters at York, defining the cause for which he
held them to be engaged, and limiting their service
to the support of the lawful institutions of their
country.4 1 Afterwards Sir Thomas Shand Fairfax.
2 Carte, Life of Ormond, i. 327. Fairfax Cor.
3 Pari. Hist. ii. 1366.
* It ran as follows :
THE KING'S DECLARATION AT TORK.*
" We do declare, that we will require no obedience from you
but what is warranted by the known laws, as we expect that you

* Made public on the 13th of June, 1642. (From Warwick's
Memoirs, p. 210.)

1642.J PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 279
The Parliament, it is to be observed, had made
their levies of troops extensively and without dis
guise, appointing the 10th of June as their day of

should not yield unto any commands not legally grounded or
imposed by any other. We will defend you all, and all such,
as shall refuse any such commands, whether they proceed from
any votes and orders of both Houses, or any other way, from all
danger whatsoever. We will defend the true Protestant reli
gion established by the laws, the lawful liberties of the subjects
of England, and the just privileges of all the three Estates of
Parliament ; and shall require no further obedience from you
than as we accordingly shall perform the same. And we will
not (as is falsely pretended) engage you in any war against the
Parliament ; except it be for our necessary defence against such
as do insolently invade or attempt against us and our adherents.
(Signed) " Charles R."
In reply to this declaration, the following engagement was
signed by the Peers and Privy Council, and afterwards by many
others :
ENGAGEMENT BY THE PEERS AND OTHERS ASSEMBLED IN THE
CAUSE OF THE KING AT TORK.
" We do engage ourselves not to obey any orders or com
mands whatsoever not warranted by the known laws of the land.
We engage ourselves to defend your Majesty's person, crown,
and dignity, with your just and legal prerogatives, against all
persons and power whatsoever. We will defend the true Pro
testant religion established by the laws of the land, the lawful
liberties of the subjects of England, and the just privileges of
your Majesty and both Houses of Parliament. Lastly, we en
gage ourselves not to obey any rule, order, or ordinance what
soever concerning the Militia that hath not the royal assent."
The following is a list of the subscribers : * in their biogra
phies, with some few exceptions, would be comprised the best
history of the true Cavalier.
Lord Littleton, Lord-keeper. Earl of Cumberland.
Duke of Richmond. Earl of Salisbury.t
* Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. Appendix A. referred to in p. 71.
t " But," adds Sir P. Warwick, " Salisbury stole away a few
days after to London."

280 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
muster.1 Lord Clarendon draws attention to this
fact, as proof that the Parliament first took up
arms ; the King's guard at York not being to be
considered in any other light than protective.
There was still much money required to fit out the
Roundhead troopers,2 and the Parliament appealed at
once to the sympathies and the speculation of their
City friends. They published a proclamation, in
viting all " well-affected" persons to bring their plate
and money to Guildhall, for the use of Parliament;
engaging to pay 8 per cent, interest on the money,
and that the plate, &c, should be liberally valued,
and the same interest allowed upon the valuation."3

Earl of Bristol. Earl of Westmoreland.
Earl of Monmouth. Earl of Dover.
Earl of Newport. Lord Willoughby of Eresby.
Lord Howard of Charlton. Lord Paulett.
Lord Rich. Lord Mohun.
Lord Dunsmore. Lord Capell.
Earl of Bath. Earl of Lindsey.
Earl of Northampton. Earl of Dorset.
Earl of Clare. Earl of Cambridge.
Earl of Rivers. Earl of Berkshire.
Lord Mowbray and Matna. Earl of Carnarvon.
Lord Newark. Lord Grey of Ruthen.
Lord Savil. Lord Lovelace.
Lord Seymour. Lord Coventry.
Marquis of Hertford. Secretary Nicholas.
Earl of Southampton. Lord-chief- justice Bankes.
Earl of Devonshire. Sir P. Wich, Controller.
Lord Falkland, (Secretary.) Sir John Culpepper, C. Exch.
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 60.
2 The infantry were of small expense, being for the most part
already armed as " train-bands."
3 " This money was borrowed (and the sum to which it
amounted is almost incredible) upon the credit of the Pdblique
Faith, by an ordinance of Parliament, a name much adored then,

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 281
If there are sometimes strange panics in the money-
market, there are also still more unaccountable
contrasts, for which there is no name : South Sea
Bubbles, Lotteries, Railways, and other stimulants
to stagnant wealth ; but none of these ever produced
such an effect — because none were ever backed by
the excitement of party and religious zeal — as this
proclamation of the Parliament. The streets be
came choked with crowds hurrying to the Roundhead
receiving-office. Capacious as were the apartments
destined to contain the spoil, they were soon glutted :
sufficient men could not be found to receive the
deposits, and many were obliged to return repeatedly
to the hall before they could disengage themselves
of their wealth. Not only bullion, plate, and
jewels were poured in on the astonished collectors,
but the sole wealth of the poorest, especially
amongst the women — marriage-rings, thimbles, silver
hair-pins, ear-rings ; every one wished to identify
themselves with the cause.1 The golden calf of
Aaron never received contributions more various
and profuse.2 Whatever temporal return the citi-

and as much contemned and hated afterwards." — Heath's Chron
icle, 37.
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, ii. 60. May, Hist. Pari. ii. 196.
Guizot, Revolut. ii. 240.
2 " Fuller, (the preacher,) knowing there was no living where
the Presbyterian calf was not worshipped, deserted London." —
Wynstanley (in his Life of Fuller). If the reader thinks this
enthusiasm was altogether inspired by an elevated sense of pa
triotism, he will probably as much err on one side, as he would
err on the other, if he supposed it all arose from sordid feelings.

282 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
zens expected for their money and their goods,
which were taken as coin, no doubt it was con
sidered very secondary to the triumphant sense of
helping the " good cause," and promoting the object
nearest to their hearts. Violent declamations in
Parliament ; eager and vehement appeals from the
pulpit, and an amazing outpouring of pamphlet
eloquence,1 sustained this enthusiastic liberality.
Charles immediately attempted to follow this
example ; but the imitation was far from success
ful ; so Loyal Oxford, however, at the first requisi
tion, sent all her plate, and Cambridge attempted to
do so some time afterwards.2 Many, also, of the
gentry of the north sent their plate, with such con
tributions of money as they could, or could not afford.
All this, however, and all other means of raising
money, scarcely sufficed to pay the King's small
guard and the expenses of his table. The Queen
had not yet been able to transmit any of the money
she had raised in Holland, so vigilant were the
Parliamentary restraints upon her movements.3

A few months later these very citizens were clamouring for Pym's
death. 1 " Acres of typography thrillingly alive in every fibre of
them." — Carlyle, Cromwell, i. 152.
2 Aug. 15, but was anticipated by Cromwell, who made plun
der of it, " to the value of 20,000/. or thereabouts." — Carlyle,
i. 154. 3 We have no estimate, I believe, of what these jewels were
worth in money to the King, but they must have been of great
value. Charles seems to have had a passion for gems in his
more prosperous days. In the Atlienceum, No. 573, there is a
formidable list of expenses incurred by him for jewellery, —

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 283
It is difficult to fill up the time, between this
and the 22nd of August, by any connected details
of action^ so minute and numerous were the yet
isolated events. Words there were in plenty, but
I cannot attempt to introduce the voluminous con
troversy1 into these already crowded pages. Never
theless, it is well that the men of the time should
speak for themselves, and I gladly offer the two
following speeches delivered in Parliament instead
of any further comment of my own. The first was
spoken by Sir Benjamin Rudyard, Surveyor of his
Majesty's Court of Ward and Liveries : yet, on the
opening of the Session, he had been the first to
denounce the crimes of the Court party, and to
expatiate, in his own manly and vigorous style, upon
the wrongs of the long-suffering people. He was
a type of what an English senator of that, or any
50,0001. worth, or thereabouts, in eighteen months ! The greater
part of this was for gifts, however. See Forster's Statesmen, iv.
77. Howell tells us, in one of his " Letters " (p. 86), that " Queen
Anne hath left a world of brave jewels behind; and though one
Piers, an outlandish man, hath run away with many, she has left
all to the Prince (Charles the First), and none to the Queen of
Bohemia." It seems from Evelyn (v. 28), that "a great col
lar of rubies " had been disposed of in Holland for the King's
necessities so early as 10th September, 1641. The Queen raised
Miss Strickland informs us, 2,000,000/. in one year : but the
jewels only sold or were pledged for 253,000 guilders (nearly the
same as florins) ; their " High Mightinesses at Rotterdam " lent
her 40,000, and their bank 25,000 florins, the Bank of Amster
dam lent 845,000, and two English merchants at the Hague
166,000. All this only amounts to 1,329,000, guilders, or about
106,000/. 1 " Those [publications] on the King's side were temperate and
constitutional, and as superior to those on the opposite side in
argument as they were in eloquence." — Hallam, Const. Hist.

284 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
other age, should be; calm, wise, dispassionate,
benevolent; possessed of a lofty sense of courage
and honour that never required exhibition, and that
never suffered doubt. Thus he spake on the 9th of
July 1642, and his words are well worthy to be laid
to heart after two hundred years.
Mr. Speaker,
In the way we are, we have gone as far as words can
carry us : we have voted our own rights, and the King's
duty. No doubt there is a relative duty between a king
and his subjects ; obedience from a subject to a king, pro
tection from a king to his people. The present unhappy
distance between his Majesty and the Parliament makes
the whole kingdom stand amazed, in a fearful expectation
of dismal calamities to fall upon it. It deeply and con-
scionably concerns this House to compose and settle these
threatening, ruining distractions. Mr. Speaker, I am
touched, I am pierced with an apprehension of the honour
of the House, and success of this Parliament. The best
way to give a stop to these desperate imminent mischiefs
is, to make a fair way, for the King's return hither, it will
likewise give best satisfaction to the people, and will be our
best justification. Mr. Speaker, that we may better con
sider the condition we are now in, let us set ourselves
three years back. If any man then could have credibly
told us that, within three years, the Queen shall be gone
out of England into the Low Countries for any cause
whatsoever ; the King shall remove from his Parliament,
from London to York, declaring himself not to be safe
here ; that there shall be a total rebellion in Ireland, such
discords and distempers both in Church and State here, as
now we find ; certainly we should have trembled at the
thought of it : wherefore it is fit we should be sensible
now we are in it. On the other side, if a man then could

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 285
have credibly told us that within three years ye shall have
a Parliament, it would have been good news ; that ship-
money shall be taken away by an Act of Parliament, the
reasons and grounds of it so rooted out, as that neither it,
nor anything like it, can ever grow up again ; that mono
polies, the High-Commission Courts, the Star Chamber,
the bishops' votes, shall be taken away ; the council-table
regulated and restrained, the forests bounded and limited ;
that ye shall have a triennial Parliament, and, more than
that, a perpetual Parliament, which none shall have power
to dissolve without yourselves, we should have thought
this a dream of happiness : yet, now we are in the real
possession of it, we do not enjoy it, although his majesty
hath promised and published he will make all this good to
us. We stand chiefly upon further security, whereas the
very having these things is a convenient, fair security,
mutually securing one another ; there is more security
offered even in this last answer of the King's, by re
moving the personal votes of popish lords, and by the
better education of papists' children, by supplying the de
fects of laws against recusants, besides what else may be
enlarged and improved by a select committee of both
Houses, named for that purpose. Wherefore, sir, let us
beware we do not contend for such a hazardous, unsafe
security, as may endanger the loss of what we have
already; let us not think we have nothing, because we
have not all we desire, and though we had, yet we cannot
make a mathematical security. All human caution is
susceptible of corruption and failing. God's providence
will not be bound : success must be his. He that ob
serves the wind and rain shall neither sow nor reap ; if he
do nothing till he can secure the weather, he will have
but an ill harvest. Mr. Speaker, it now behoves us to call
up all the wisdom we have about us, for we are at the
very brink of combustion and confusion. If blood once
begin to touch blood, we shall presently fall into a certain

286 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
misery, and must attend an uncertain success, God knows
when, and God knows what. Every man here is bound in
conscience to employ his uttermost endeavours to prevent
the effusion of blood. Blood is a crying sin ; it pollutes
a land. Let us save our liberties and our estates, as we
may save our souls too. Now I have clearly delivered
mine own conscience, I leave every man freely to his.1
These were bold words to utter in such a Parlia
ment, and their purport was thus taken up by
Whitelock2 in a higher, and too truly prophetic
strain. After some prefatory remarks, he solemnly
proceeds to affirm that, —
" God blessed us with a long and flourishing peace, and
we turned his grace into wantonness, and peace would not
satisfy us without luxury, nor our plenty without de
bauchery ; instead of sobriety and thankfulness for our
mercies, we provoked the Giver of them by our sins and
wickedness to punish us, as we may fear, by a civil war,
to make us executioners of Divine vengeance on our
selves. "It is strange to note how we have insensibly slid into
this beginning of a civil war, by one unexpected accident
following after another, as waves of the sea, which have
1 Harleian Miscellany, vol. v. p. 216.
2 Bulstrode Whitelock : he held fast to the Parliament not
withstanding the above speech ; he was one of the Commissioners
to treat with the King at Oxford, and afterwards at Uxbridge.
He was ambassador to Sweden under Cromwell, and Keeper of the
Great Seal under the Committee of Public Safety. The following
quaint epitaph rather jars with the speech as given above, but it
is too characteristic to omit.
" To limn thy merits, and heroick meedes
Illustrious Whitlock ! is a task that needes
A nobler draught, for who dares be so bold
To cut in brass what should be graved in gold ?
Or with one poor hexastick raise the colummes
Of his vast merit which deserveth volumnes."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 287
brought us to this point. But what may be the progress
of it, the poet tells you : —
' Jusque datum sceleri canimus, populumque potentem
In sua victrici conversum viscera dextra.'
We must surrender up our lives into the hands of insolent
mercenaries, whose rage and violence will command us and
all we have ; and reason, honour, and justice will quit our
land. The ignoble will rule the noble ; baseness will be
preferred before virtue, profaneness before piety. Of a
potent people we shall make ourselves weak, and be the
instruments of our own ruin ; we shall burn our own
houses, lay waste our own fields, pillage our own goods, open
our own veins, devour our own bowels. You will hear other
sounds besides those of drums and trumpets [that now only
pleasure you], the clattering of armour, the roaring of
guns, the groans of wounded and dying men, the shrieks
of deflowered women, the cries of widows and orphans ;
and all on your account, and which makes it to be the
most lamented. Pardon the warmth of my expressions ;
I would prevent a flame which I see kindled hi the midst
of us that may consume us to ashes.
" The sum of the progress of civil war is the rage of
fire and sword, and (which is worse) of brutish men. What
the issue of it will be no man alive can tell ; probably few
of us now here may live to see the end of it. It has been
said, ' He that draws his sword against his prince, must
throw away the scabbard.' Those differences are scarce to
he reconciled. Those commotions are like the deep seas,
being once stirred, they are not soon appeased. I wish
the observation of the Duke de Rohan may prove a cau
tion and not a prophecy. He saith of England, that it is
'a great creature, which cannot be destroyed but by its
own hand.' And there is not a more likely hand than
that of civil war to do it. The best issue that can be ex
pected of a civil war is, ' Ubi victor fiet, et victus perit ;'

288 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
which of these will be our portion is uncertain, and the
choice should be avoided," iVc.
These pathetic speeches availed nothing : still less
the brave and defiant reply of Sir Henry Killigrew,
who, when called upon to declare his views of ad
herence to the " Good Cause," spoke out boldly thus :
— " When I see occasion, I will provide a good
horse, a good buff coat, and a good pair of pistols,
and then I make no question but I shall find a " good
Cause." (And straightway this bold Cavalier found
it necessary for his safety to act as he had spoken:
he took horse for his native Cornwall, and was
among the first to declare there for the King.)
Forty-five members1 voted with the peace-makers,
one hundred and twenty-five voted for war. One
member after another rose, and swore to " live and
die " with their general, and to raise and maintain
such and such a number of men and horse, accord
ing to their ability or zeal. One hundred thousand
pounds was voted to be raised by loan from the
City (already heavily involved in the Parliament's
securities), and one hundred thousand pounds more
was diverted from the Irish army, and ordered to be
applied in equipping forces for the Lord General
Essex's new army. A levy of ten thousand volun
teers was to be made in London, and the counties

1 To these should be added the sixty-five members at York
and others ; yet this Parliament was elected in all the anger of
1640. Strange to say, in the Lords, even such as were left, the
Earl of Portland alone protested against the war-vote of the
Commons.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 289
again received orders, through their representatives,
or lord-lieutenants, to arm, and be ready at the first
signal. Five Peers, and Ten commoners had already
(on the 4th of July) been appointed to act as a
Committee of Public Safety ; a title of terrible
irony in modern days, and even then not free from
the same mockery. The following oligarchy, under
that name, ruled the Roundhead part of England
for the future : Northumberland, Essex, Pem
broke,1 Holland, and Say, of the Peers ; Hampden,

1 Lords Northumberland, Essex, and Holland, have been
spoken of before in these pages ; Philip Herbert, Earl of Pem
broke, is thus described by Rowland White, in a letter of 1620 :
— " The young worthy Sir Philip grows great in his Majesty's
(James I.) favor and carries it without envy ; for he is very
humble to the great lords ; is desirous to do all men good and
hurts no man." So far his real character was dissembled ; there
are, indeed, few men of whom so many instances of " brutal in
temperance," united with craven puerility are recorded. Never
theless he was the recipient of many honours from King Charles,
who, however, took occasion from his violent conduct in the
House of Peers towards Lord Mowbray to deprive him of the
chamberlain's staff: thenceforth he became one of the bitterest
enemies of the Crown. His brilliant nuptials in 1614, with a
daughter of the Earl of Oxford, are frequently alluded to by
writers of the day ; his second marriage with " the high-born and
high-spirited heiress of the Cliffords," widow of the Earl of Dor- '
set, ended after nearly twenty years of bitter thraldom on her
part in a separation. Yet she has dealt more leniently with his
character than the rest of his biographers. She thus describes
her lord, — " He was no scholar, having been but three or four
months at Oxford when he was taken thence, after his father's
death, in the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's reign to follow the
Court; judging himself fit for that kind of life when not passing
sixteen years old. Yet he was of quick apprehension, sharp
understanding, very crafty withal, of a discerning spirit but a
choleric nature, increased by the office he held of Chamberlain to
the King." Viscount Say and Sele was now about sixty-four
years of age, of ancient family and liberal education, yet a Repub-
VOL. I. U

290 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Pym, Hollis, Martyn, Fiennes, Pierpoint, Glynn, Sir
William Waller, Sir Philip Stapleton, and Sir
John Meyrick, of the Commons.1
The Parliamentary army was to consist of twenty
regiments of infantry, of about one thousand men
each ; and seventy-five troops of horse, each of sixty
horses. Lords Kimbolton (afterwards Manchester)
and Brook, with Hampden, Meyrick, Hollis, and
Cromwell,2 presided in the camp. Lord Essex was
named general-in-chief.3
" The like " [preparation], says Mr. Carlyle,4
" was going on in all shires of England ; wherever
the Parliament had a zealous member, it sent him
down to his shire in these critical months, to make

lican in principle. He was engaged in some transactions con
cerning the Palatinate in King James's reign, that sent him to
prison. This, however, in arbitrary times, was no proof of guilt.
He was made Master of the Court of Wards by Charles I., for
which he received ten thousand pounds a year (equivalent to
more than thirty thousand pounds now) compensation from the
Parliament. He was, as an Independent, a great admirer of
Cromwell; afterwards his bitter enemy. Echard (p. 716) says
that he retired in disgust from the protectorate to the loneliest
and most unapproachable spot in England, the island of Lundy.
After the Restoration he was made Lord Privy Seal, and Cham
berlain by Charles II.
1 This Committee had been formed on the 4th of July. The
best of the Peers, and the majority of the Commons, Essex, Hollis,
Hampden, Fiennes, Waller, Stapleton, were almost always in the
field : so that Pym had but few associates, and none of much
power, to control.
2 There is a " List of the Army under the Earl of Essex," in
the British Museum (King's Coll. No. 73). I have not found (to
my great privation) any similar list of the royal army.
3 Guizot, " Revolution d'Angleterre," i. 251.
* Cromwell's Letters, <fcc. i. 154.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 291
what management he could or durst. The most
confused months that England ever saw. In every
shire, in every parish ; in court-houses, alehouses,
churches, markets, wheresoever men were gathered
together, England, with sorrowful confusion in
every fibre, is tearing itself into hostile halves, to
carry on the voting by pike and bullet hence
forth."1 The King was now freed from all motives of
reserve : at the same time he shook off the vacil
lating and divided counsels that had hitherto para
lyzed every movement of his party. He proceeded
to immediate action, with a vigour that gave sym
pathetic life to every Cavalier. Their trumpets
now rang out fearlessly through the half of England,
and thrilled with a new spirit the heart of every
loyal man. Old armour came down from a thou
sand old walls, and clanked upon the anvils of every
smithy. " Boot and saddle " was the order of the
day and night ; horses rose in price,2 and every buff-
coat, and piece of steel, that could turn or deal a
blow, became of value ; even " the long-bow," the

1 If Parliament had inspired its followers with its own hardy
and daring spirit, neither did the King want for brave and fear
less champions, even in the City : Sir Richard Gurney published
the royal Commission of Array in the face of day, and of his
enemies. He was, thereupon, sent to the Tower, deposed from
his Lord Mayoralty by an illegal assumption of authority, and
Alderman Pennington was appointed to his place by Parliament.
2 Horses were, in 1643, valued at 41.; see a letter hereafter
from Lord Wrottesley's Collection ; they had been as cheap as
30s. and 50s. — Eccleston.

292 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
" brown-bill," and the cross-bow,1 resumed their al
most-forgotten use; rude spears, and common staves,
and Danish clubs, assumed the rank of weapons.
Such of the country gentlemen as had neglected or
refused to obey the Parliament " militia ordinance "
had already been branded as " delinquents," and not a
few had suffered more than mere nominal insult : now
their turn was come ; many helped themselves free
ly to such Roundhead stores as they were strong
enough to spoil, and blood had been shed in many
nameless skirmishes before History took cognizance
of the fact. A local, but wide-spread, warfare, of
the most exciting nature to the young and ardent,
of the most painful to the old and grave, set in.
We may imagine the case of England now, if all her
yeomanry troops were mustered, and prompted to
assail and circumvent one another in every manner
that daring, ingenuity, and knowledge of the coun
try could devise; every deputy-lieutenant a com
manding officer, every labourer a militia-man, and
every tradesman a volunteer : inspire these con
fused masses with such a temper as a well-contested
election can call forth, and set them all free to
work their will. Such was the condition into which
the England of 1642 was at once plunged, from a
state of profound repose, enjoyed for nearly one
hundred years. The spirit of war stalked abroad

1 Mr. Grenvil's returns, quoted by Lord Nugent, Life of Hamp
den, ii. 171.

1642.J PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 293
confessed, and also cowered by many a household
hearth : father and son, brother and brother, — each
was too often divided against the other ; and they
of the same household were found in hostile camps.
More than once in the following pages we shall
have to speak of men who slew an enemy, and
found a parent in the corpse they were about to
spoil. Even the face of nature became changed ;
old familiar scenes assumed a strange, rough, hostile
look. Once peaceful homesteads, and quiet vil
lages, rang with the fatal but fascinating sounds of
war: every strong house became a fortress; every
household, a garrison.
It is a difficult and unprofitable task to discover
where the first blood was shed. By some1 it is
said to have been in Somersetshire, by Sir John
Stowell ; by others, in Manchester, by Lord Strange*
where " one Richard Percival, a linen-webster, was
killed;"2 by others, to have been in Yorkshire, by
a body of " Northumberland Royal Horse,"3 who
were passing through the county, and heard that
Sir Edward Rodes was in the act of obeying the
Parliamentary ordinance of militia. The Northum
brian Officers " fell upon the latter, seized their
arms, burned a barn which they had attempted to
defend, and rode on with their spoil, leaving death
behind them." This skirmish took place about the

1 Clarendon and Warwick. 2 In July, Heath's Chron. 38.
3 MSS. entitled " Northern Intelligence, " in Fairfax Cor
respondence, ii. p. 413.

294 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
21st of July, when his Majesty began his progress
to the south. On the 21st of June previously,
there had been a severe trial of strength, but
without actual loss of life, in Leicester. The pro
clamations, at the same time, of the King's Com
mission of Array, and the Parliamentary Ordinance,
occasioned, as may be supposed, a violent clashing
between the rival recruiting officers. The King's
Commission of Array, as below,1 had been sent to
1 his majesty's commission of array.
" Charles, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland,
&c, to our most dear cousins Henry Earl of Huntingdon and
William Earl of Devonshire, and also to our beloved and trusty
Henry Plastings, Esquire, son of the said Earl of Huntingdon,
Henry Barklay, George Villiers, Thomas Hartopp, Baronets ;
Henry Shipwith, &c. Knights ; Henry Hasting of Humberton,
&c. Esquires, and the Sheriff of our County of &c. for the time
being, greeting. Know ye, that we, willing to take care and
provide for the safety and defence of our self and kingdome, and
our lieges thereof, according as our duty is, and by God's good
favourresolving to resist the malice of our enemies, if they shall
presume to invade this our realm of England, have appointed
you, or any three or more of you, to array and train all and every
person and persons in arms, bowmen, &c. dwelling within your
said county, within liberties and without ; and that you cause to
be armed all such as are able of body, and fit to bear them, who
have of their own wherewith to arm themselves, viz. every one
according to his estate or condition, to rate and proportion ac
cording to your advice and discretion, or of any three of you ; and
to distrain all those who have lands and possessions, and through
debility of body are unable for service, causing them to find
according to the quality of their lands and goods, what arms
conveniently and reasonably (saving their condition) they can
bear : and to promote men-at-arms, armed but with bows and
arrows, so that they who shall stay and continue at their own
home in their county for the defence of this our kingdom against
our enemies, shall receive no wages nor expenses for this their
stay at home aforesaid : and that you likewise dispose and cause
to be disposed the said men, armed and arrayed, into regiments,

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 295
the Lord Lieutenant of the county, and was the
first ever published by the King. It gave great
offence to the Parliament ; although they had, a few

troops, and companies, or other division as you shall see conve
nient : and we have assigned you, or any three or more of you,
whereof you the said Earl of Huntingdon, and in your absence you
the said Earl of Devonshire, or you Henry Hastings, son of the
said Earl of Huntingdon, to be one of the said men-at-arms and
bowmen, so arrayed and trained, as well to the sea-coasts, as to
any other places, where and as often and as need shall require, to
expel, overcome, and destroy our said enemies, from time to time
in any eminent peril to command and lead ; and we have like
wise commissioned you, or any three or more of you, to cause
muster or musters of the said men so armed and arrayed to be
made, and to supervise them as oft as occasion shall require.
And also to proclaim, ordain, and diligently examine, and see
that all and every such men-at-arms, armed men, and bowmen,
in such musters, be armed with their own and not others' wea
pons, upon penalty of losing them ; those only excepted who are
to be armed at the charge of others. And to arrest, take, and in
our prisons to put all and every of those who in this behalf you
shall find enemies or rebels, and to continue them in such pri
sons until they shall be thence delivered by law. And therefore,
as straightly as we can, upon your faith and allegiance which
you owe us, we enjoin and command you, that forthwith, upon
the sight of these presents, that in the best and safest manner
you can you arm and array yourselves ; and that before you, at
certain days and places which you shall judge most expedient
and convenient, and of least hindrance to our people, you cause
all men dwelling in your county by whom the array and arming
may be best effected and completed, to be called and come to
gether there and then to be arrayed and armed, and thence so
arrayed and armed to keep in the same array. And furthermore,
that you cause beacons to be set up in the usual places, by which
the several counties may in fit time be forearmed against the
coming of our enemies. * * *
" In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be
made patents. Witness ourself the 11th day of June, in
the eighteenth year of reign, " Per ipsum Regem." *

* History of Leicester.

296 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
days previously, sent a like Commission of their own
to the "Earl of Stamford, Lord Grey of Groby,
Lord Ruth en, and Sir Arthur Haselrig."1 The
latter had actually proceeded to muster the train
bands on the strength of it, when a royal messenger,
with a proclamation against such doings, galloped
into the town, and rode up to the place of meeting:
he there presented his message, and forbade, on
pain of treason, one man to stir in that affair. The
Roundheads then adjourned to Melton Mowbray,
and other adjacent towns, where they gathered
about five hundred men. Meanwhile, the gallant
Hastings2 had sent to Leicester, and commanded
the High Sheriff to assemble the train-bands, at the
" Rawdykes," on the 22nd of June. On the 21st,
Hastings arrived, from the royal head- quarters at
York, at Loughborough. He there collected about
one hundred of his father's tenants, whom he
armed with pikes and muskets, and then boldly
proclaimed the Royal Commission " at the Market-
cross." It was expected that Lord Stamford would

1 Lord Stamford (in whose title that of Grey of Groby is in
volved) still has a residence near Leicester. Sir Arthur Haselrig,
too, still represents the name and place of his ancestors : so also
Sir Edmund. Hartopp, and several others. These families, in keep
ing the old names alive, seem to bring history more near, and
associate our sympathies with other days.
2 A younger son of Lord Huntingdon, created Lord Lough
borough by patent, of Oct. 29th, 1643 : an indefatigable and
heroic partizan. The Parliamentary papers call him " a notable
thief and robber : " the device upon his banner was not concilia
tory — " Quasi ignis confiatoris." — Ilollings' History of Leicester.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 297
have interrupted the march to Leicester, as he had
raised a guard of one hundred and twenty mus
keteers, and twenty horse, for the protection of his
house at Bradgate ; but Hastings advanced without
molestation. He entered the town on the 22nd of
June, with " banners displayed and matches burn
ing."1 He then proceeded to the Horse-Fair-Leas,
then outside the walls, and read the King's Com
mission. The High Sheriff (Archdale Palmer), who
was also there with a guard, immediately read the
Parliamentary decree against this Commission, and
two messengers from the Commons attempted to seize
Colonel Hastings where he stood. Then his fol
lowers rushed forward to the rescue, and were
encountered by the Sheriff's Guard : the towns
people joined the tumult on one side and the other,
and some of them fairly carried Hastings off to his
own inn, where be barricaded himself against the
opposing mob. He left Leicester that night with
reduced forces, for the Roundhead citizens had
risen upon his men, as they lay dispersed in quarters,
and deprived most of them of their arms. The up
roar had been great, and much bitter language and
many blows had passed, in this affair, but no lives
were lost. I have recorded it at length, as exem-

1 Few readers need to be informed that matchlocks were prin
cipally used at this time. Each had a long coil of twisted tow
steeped in saltpetre attached to it. This was only lighted in the
time of action : a cock brought it down to the touchhole of the
piece.

298 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
plifying, together with the note below, the manner
in which these things were done.1
Whilst Hastings thus took the initiative at
Leicester, the Marquis of Hertford in Somerset
shire,2 the Earl of Northampton in Warwickshire,

1 " Then the Cavaliers and the rest of the soldiers joining with
the rude multitude, and about twenty-four parsons in canonicals,
well horsed, rode all towards the town with loud exclamations,
' A King ! a King ! ' and others, ' For a King ! for a King ! ' in
a strange and unheard of manner, Captain Worsley giving the
word of command to the soldiers, ' Make ready, make ready,'
which, as they were proceeding to do, a sudden and extraordinary
abundance of rain falling, hindered the soldiers from firing." . . .
"Then they followed Master Sheriff Chambers and Stanfbrth,
crying out, ' At the cap ! at the cap !' which was at that time on
Chambers' head, and Master Hastings gave fire at Chambers with
one of his petronels, but the same did not discharge," &c. —
(Prom the depositions made by Stanforth and Chambers, the two
Parliamentary messengers above alluded to, as attempting to
execute a writ of arrest against Colonel Hastings.) See Mr.
Hollings' " History of Leicester," a work of considerable research,
and in every way creditable to the talent, candour, and good
feeling of the author. Being published in a country town, it is
too little known.
2 Then made Lieutenant-General of the west. Lord Hertford
was one of the most heroic of the Cavaliers, and in every respect
a nobleman. He was descended from Henry VII., and had pro
voked James I.'s jealousy, by attempting to marry Arabella
Stuart. For this he was forced to fly from England, but soon
afterwards returned, and lived in well-employed retirement for
many years. As I have before quoted from Lloyd, " those who
live under a Court-cloud are generally in the people's sunshine,"
and Lord Hertford's popularity became unbounded. He took
part with his friends in their great quarrel against despotism,
but as soon as he found that tyranny had changed sides, he did
so too. He became governor to the Prince of Wales, and at great
peril conveyed him to Greenwich to the King. When he retired
to the west to raise forces for the King, such was his popularity,
that he raised an army by his own summons (one of the best,
truest, and faithfulest that the King possessed) ; and such was his
disinterestedness, that he yielded the command of it to another
without a murmur. " He lay ever close within himself," says

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 299
Lord Strange (afterwards Earl of Derby1) in Lan-

Lloyd, " armed with those two master-pieces, resolution and duty,
wherewith he mated the blackest events, that did rather exercise
than dismay that spirit [of his] that was above them, and that
mind that looked beyond them." . . . . " He offered his life for
his Prince's service in the field, and his person for his ransom at
the Court ; and when many wished they might die for that ex
cellent King, he, with the Earls of Lindsay and Southampton,
offered, ' That since his Majesty was presumed by the law to do
no harm himself, and since he did all by them, his ministers, as
they had the honour to act under him, so they prayed they
might have the happiness to suffer instead of him upon the
scaffold." — Lloyd's Loyalist, 288 ; Hume, vi. 433.
1 James Stanley, first Earl of Derby, was said, with his an
cestors, to have been " so eminent for their loyalty and hospi
tality, as made them kings of hearts as well as of Man." — [Lloyd's
Loyalist, 453.] The latter title was conferred by Henry IV. on
Sir John Stanley. This gallant race was "never tainted by
treason or disloyalty ; beloved both by Prince and people, being
such good landlords that people thrived better on their tene
ments than they did on their own freeholds." The subject of this
note married Charlotte, daughter of Claude Due de la Tre-
mouille, and Charlotte of Nassau, daughter of William Prince of
Orange. Of this heroic lady we shall have to speak presently.
Lord Derby was made K.C.B. at Charles I.'s coronation, and was
soon afterwards summoned to Parliament. During his father's
lifetime, he devoted himself to the (then rare) task of cultivating
the morals and improving the comforts of his tenantry. He had
scarcely become the head of his ancient House, when his energies
were called forth, and were devoted to the service of the King.
He " mustered the county" (on the occasion alluded to in the
text) on the three heaths of Berry, Ormskirk, and Preston, and
at each place of rendezvous, 20,000 men are said to have an
swered his summons. — [Heath, 454.] Whilst he was thus en
gaged, the setting up of the standard was changed from War
rington to Nottingham, with the King's usual wavering and
consequent misfortune. The earl then raised three regiments of
foot and three troops of horse, whom he clothed and armed at
his own expense : with these he defeated the Roundheads at
Houghton Common, took Preston by storm, as related in his own
letter in the second volume of this work. He was called sudden
ly away from the fortifying of Lathom House, by intelligence of
a design of the enemy upon the Isle of Man. He rallied his
men three times at Marston Moor : he took refuge after that de-

300 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
cashire and Cheshire, and Sir Ralph Hopton1 on the
Welsh Border, were similarly engaged, and with
better success.2 Sir John Byron raised levies in
Oxfordshire, but was set upon and driven thence by
the Roundheads. He then occupied Worcester for
the King.
It is now necessary to return to the head-quarters
of the Cavaliers at York. The King found that
his welcome there was nearly worn out, his cause
making little progress, and complaints of outrages
committed in his name came in from many quar
ters. He therefore determined to make a tour
through the neighbouring counties,3 in the hope of
feat in the Isle of Man, which he held against the Parliament,
for Charles IL, until the battle of Worcester. Here he joined
the King after a fight at Wigan, in which he received seven
shots on his breastplate, thirteen cuts upon his beaver, five or
six wounds, and he had two horses killed under him. After
the defeat at Worcester, he led the King to Boscobel, and was
soon afterwards taken prisoner, under promise of quarter. A
Roundhead court-martial, however, never displayed much honour,
and he was sentenced to be beheaded. He died as heroically as
he had lived, and this epitaph was thrown into his coffin by some
daring hand : —
" Beauty, wit, courage, all here in one lie dead :
A Stanley's hand, Vere's heart, and Cecil's head."
Even Horace Walpole is touched by this chivalrous earl's
character : he says, " the conduct and brave death of this lord
were but the conclusion of a life of virtue, accomplishment,
and humanity." — Clarendon, Heath, Lloyd's Loyalist, Lodge,
Walpole. 1 Whom we have met before in Bohemia, p. 38.
2 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. appendix E.
3 One cause of the King's delay at York seems to have been his
want of money : he had scarcely enough to furnish himself and
the two princes with provisions. About this time the Queen dis
patched the " Providence," of twenty-eight guns, with some money,

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 301
correcting abuses, and conciliating popularity. He
had another more powerful inducement in moving
upon Hull. Lord Digby having been taken prisoner
on the sea, disguised as a Frenchman, was commit
ted under that character to Sir John Hotham's
keeping. Sir John was Lord Digby's bitter enemy ;
yet this daring and eloquent courtier not only con
fessed his disguise, but so far wrought upon the
fear and hopes of the governor, that he was permit
ted to escape from Hull ; carrying with him Ho
tham's promise to render the town on the first royal
summons. On the 7th of July,1 accompanied by his
newly-raised guard, and all his Court, the King pro
ceeded to Beverley, in pursuance of Digby's devices :
that town being only four miles from Hull. It is
not easy to understand what was the nature of his
demonstration here ; we have only a proclamation
against Hotham and the town as long as it should
remain rebellious. This proclamation was sent to
both Houses of Parliament on the 12th of July,
with an intimation that on the 27th the King would

about two hundred barrels of powder, two or three thousand stand
of arms, and seven or eight field-pieces. The Parliament was
well informed of the freighting and destination of the " Provi
dence," and no sooner had she left the coast of Holland than she
found herself pursued by three or four Parliamentary ships. They
pressed upon her in a long and eager chase until she entered the
Humber, and then they conceived she was their own. Suddenly
she disappeared ; a small creek that led towards Burlington was
well known to her gallant captain (Stroughan). The chasers
were baffled, the cargo saved, and the ship abandoned. — Clar
endon's Rebellion, iii. 104.
1 Iter Carolinum.

302 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
return to Hull to enforce its obedience, if not pre
viously delivered to him ! While this strange mes
sage and delay were enabling the Parliament, and
the object of his attack, to resist him, the King
made a tour through Doncaster, Newark, Lincoln,
and so back to Beverley on the 17th. Here he
found Lord Holland and a committee, with another
" high message " from the Parliament : to this the
King replied at very great length, publishing the
Parliamentary document with his own, as was al
ways his wise practice ; he then proceeded on an
other tour to Nottingham on the 21st of July, and
Leicester on the 22nd of July, when he was very
loyally received.1 The assizes were then about
being held, and the grand jury were assembled, as
in the most tranquil times. The King made a good
speech to the town authorities, and attempted to
get possession of their magazine. In their reply,
seconded by the whole of the grand jury, they pray
that the magazine may be broken up, and the
arms distributed through the several hundreds of
the county, which was consented to as a gracious
compromise.2 According to his appointment for the 27th, the
King returned towards Hull, and reached Doncaster
on the 26th of July. The Hothams, meanwhile,
had not been idle ; the elder, in endeavouring to

1 On the 22nd July, Iter Carol. ; Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 145.
2 Hollings' " History of Leicester."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 303
conciliate the King, without betraying himself to
the Parliament ; and the younger, in contravening
all his father's plans, and rendering himself con
spicuous in his disloyal zeal. The former, a Cava
lier in heart, had only been induced to adopt the
opposite party out of personal hatred to Lord Straf
ford, who had slighted him ; the latter, at first a
fierce Roundhead, was soon seized with a similar
jealousy of Fairfax, and engaged in a correspond
ence with Lord Newcastle, which led to his own
and his father's execution by the unforgiving Par
liament. Up to this period, however, young Hotham had
acted so as to gratify the most resolute Round
heads : the King had scarcely retired from Hull on
the first occasion, when he determined to make the
first use of his new power by gratifying the Parlia
ment and his own revenge. Archbishop Williams1

1 This prelate was one of the most singular men of his time,
and was only prevented by the jealousy of Parliament, and his
own inconsistency, from vying in political power with Richelieu
and Mazarine. He had all the boldness of the one and the unscru-
pulousness and subtlety of the other ; magnificent, magnanimous,
and yet mean, he presents the warning spectacle of a noble spirit
degraded by ignoble actions, to which, intending only to lend him
self, the Devil took care that he should be sold. In his, as in
Bacon's case, "mere worms had eaten into a heart of oak.'' He
was the churchman whose ambition, avarice, and courtiership
was most fatal to the Church. Laud spiritually, Williams tem
porally, drew down the attention and enmity of the Parliament
upon their order. Williams, then Bishop of Lincoln, was base
enough to counsel the King to violate his conscience as a matter
of political expediency on Strafford's trial, but he was at the same
moment wise enough to conjure him not to sign the bill for per-

304 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
was then residing at Cawood Castle, near York. He
had been lately very active in raising funds for the
King's service, which afforded a sufficient excuse for
Hotham's revenge. The Archbishop, it appears, had
denounced the young Puritan for disloyalty, and so
far injured him (as he considered) that he swore he
would cut off his Grace's head. News of the attack
was brought to the Archbishop at midnight ; " the
castle was ruinous and unfortified," and but few

petual parliaments : the unhappy King thought, that when he
yielded up Strafford, he could with an ill grace withhold ought
else, and he signed the bill that unkinged him " with the same
drop of ink that he had used for Strafford's execution." When
the King was about to proceed to Scotland in 1641, he conjured
him to abandon such a purpose as would give the Parliament and
their party time and opportunity to strengthen their position.
" Rather," said he, " stay here at all risks, and endeavour to
mitigate the popular leaders by giving them preferment : the
Scots will only take your courtesy as a sign of fear." He was the
last bishop who made a visitation to his diocese before "the
troubles," for which he had to defend himself " before a conference
of both Houses in the Painted Chamber." Early in 1642 he was
made Archbishop of York. He was afterwards, with eleven
bishops, imprisoned in the Tower for protesting against any bill
that should pass the Lords during the enforced absence of him and
his brethren : whilst in prison he became reconciled to Laud.
These two great churchmen in the Tower, and the King a fugi
tive, present a striking proof of parliamentary power. At length
the King, as Williams said, " sacrificed the Church to the Parlia
ment at Canterbury" [Hackett], which shocked Williams far more
than the consent to Strafford's death. The bishops were expelled
the House of Lords on the 14th of February, and thereupon re
leased from the Tower. The archbishop left London never to
return. He fortified and defended Conway Castle, not only
against the Parliament, but the King. — Philips, Heylin, Lloyd.
In the Ashmolean Museum, at Oxford, I find this pithy epitaph
upon this prelate : —
" Lo ! here York's metropolitan is laid,
Wlio God's anointed and the Church betrayed."

1042.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 305
men left to guard it, so his Grace was fain to flee,
without " even a change of apparel." When Hotham
arrived, at five o'clock in the morning, he found his
intended victim was gone, and with him every pre
text for spoiling the old castle. The Archbishop met
the King on his way to Beverley, and informed him
of what he might expect on his arrival before Hull :
then, " leaving with his Majesty the stoutest of his
own followers to serve him, and weeping many
tears," he fled on to Conway, in North Wales*
where we shall soon find him, "arrayed with buff
and bandolier," very conspicuously among the mili
tants of both parties.
Notwithstanding this demonstration on the part
of the younger Hotham, the King was reassured of
the father's desire to surrender Hull ; Lord Digby
had once more risked his life by venturing thither
in disguise. The character of the eccentric and
highly-gifted cavalier, who was Prince Rupert's
bitterest enemy, and the cause of many of his
errors, requires some observation. He was one of
the chief promoters of the war : he advised the
King worse, and acted for him more zealously, than
any of his councillors : he was one of the many
who deserted from the Parliament party to the King,
when they conceived that the cause of their country
or their own interests had also changed : he elo
quently denounced Strafford for his crimes, and still
more eloquently opposed his unconstitutional at
tainder : he was principally instrumental in bringing
VOL. I. x

306 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
over Falkland, Hyde, and Colepepper to the
King's party: yet, almost at the same time, he
turned the scale, by advising the King to seize
the Five Members, and afterwards by his rash
demonstration at Kingston-upon-Thames. Even
when he exiled himself from England, his influence
was no less fatal : his intercepted letters to the
Queen precipitated the final and irrevocable breach
between her Majesty and the Parliament. The
King was fascinated by his address, his eloquence,
his daring, and his devotion : he always prevailed in
his purposes, however wild, if he could only obtain
the ear of Charles : he promised all things, and
succeeded in none ; yet the easy and kindly nature
peculiar to his hapless race, induced the King to
pardon every impetuous error of his favourite.
Digby was the last of the King's fatal list of evil
advisers, and he united in himself almost all their
gifts and errors ; the grace and recklessness of
Buckingham, the eloquence and imperiousness of
Strafford, the love of intrigue and the military
incompetence of Hamilton. We shall frequently
meet with his name in the course of the following
events, and always recognise in him the same gay
and gifted and good-for-nothing character : able and
willing to undertake everything ; unable to accom
plish the slightest of his undertakings, whether it
was a political intrigue or a charge of cavalry. 1
1 George Digby, second Earl of Bristol, was born at Madrid in

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 307
, And now, at the risk of his life, he placed the
King once more in a false and dangerous position :

1612, during one of his father's embassies thither.* In the be
ginning of the Long Parliament (as he says in his ingenious
"Apologie, published at Oxford in January 1642-3," and to be
found in the King's Collection of Pamphlets at the British Mu
seum), he " was passionate against the pressures [grievances] and
those who begot those pressures," but he revolted from his party
when they determined, per fas and nefas, to take Strafford's life.
In his " Apologie " he says, that he first incurred the popular
displeasure " on the first debate of episcopacy." He soon after
wards joined the Court party, and devoted himself to its ends
with characteristic vehemence. He drew down Parliamentary
vengeance on himself, after the King had left London in disgust
or fear for Hampton Court, by heading a meeting of Royalist
officers and others at Kingston-upon-Thames : here it was as
serted that he appeared with six-score horsemen : he says in his
"Apologie," he went thither in his "coach with six posting
horses, with one man in the coach with him, and one servant
riding by ; and he thought it utterly impossible for the most
romancy malice to raise scandal thereout." After this he fled
from Holland, to avoid Strafford's fate, and thence wrote letters
to the Queen and Sir Lewis Dives, his brother-in-law, which were
betrayed by the bearer to the Parliament. They were consi
dered very treasonable, especially that in which he " welcomed
the Queen from a country not worthy of her." On the King's
disappointment, for the first time, before Hull, Digby volun
teered to return to the governor and confirm his loyalty. Having

* This father, John first Earl of Bristol, performed a very con
spicuous part in the politics of James I. and the early part of his
son's reign. His conduct at Madrid seems ambiguous, but not so
his noble reply to the King of Spain, when offered by him a
valuable jewel with the assurance that James should never know
of the gift : " There is one, sire," he replied, " who would tell
him — the Earl of Bristol." Lloyd pays him this doubtful com
pliment, " Whatever was at the bottom of his actions, there was
resolution and nobleness a-top." That his spirit was great abroad
was his honour ; that it was too great at home was his unhappi-
ness. Fuller ("Worthies of Warwickshire," p. 124) says "that
he did ken [as well he might, he was ambassador twenty-three
several times] the ambassador's craft as well as any in his age."
x 2

308 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
he had written from his concealment in Hull that
Sir John Hotham only sought for an opportunity to
surrender, and he persuaded the sanguine King once
more to appear before those forbidding walls, and
once more to be dishonoured.1

" shaved his beard, and assumed the dress and talk of a French
man," he had heretofore remained unknown even in the King's
quarters, and so returned to Hull. There he found his friend,
Sir John, in great trepidation, overawed by his son and other
Parliamentary spies : all he could do was to set his disguised
prisoner free once more (with Jack Ashburnham), and allow him
to return to the King. Swift describes Lord Digby as "the
prototype of Lord Bolingbroke ;" Lord Oxford, as " a singular
person, whose life was one contradiction. He wrote against
Papacy, and embraced it ; he was a zealous opposer of the Court,
and a sacrifice for it ; was conscientiously converted in the midst
of his prosecution of Lord Strafford, and was most unconscien-
tiously a prosecutor of Lord Clarendon. With great parts, he
always hurt himself and his friends ; with romantic bravery, he
was always an unsuccessful commander. He spoke for the test
act, though a Roman Catholic, and addicted himself to astrology
on the birthday of true philosophy." " The great genius of Lord
Clarendon," says Bishop Warburton, "in drawing character is
never more happily exerted than when this very extraordinary
nobleman comes across his pen  He was generous towards
this mortal enemy, and superior to him in all senses." — Bishop
Warburton's Notes to Clarendon, vii. 348. The following is a
cotemporary's lampoon upon him : —
" Next enters a gentleman in disguise, newly landed out of the
ship called Providence ; Ahitophel junior, with store of Samp
son's foxes and firebrands ; pull off his vizard, and his name is
George Digby. This is the beardless Solon ; Lycurgus newly
whipped out of long-coats into the privy-council ; Treachery's
son, and Machiavel's concubine ; for by him were spawned those
desperate aphorisms and positions of his Majesty's wandering
from his Parliament. What we wonder at in the last is natural
to him, being a native Spaniard (born at Madrid), to have
antipathy to the weal of our nation ; for an atheist that hath
neither religion nor conscience to sway him, follows the constitu
tion and engrafted principles of his climate." — Harleian Mixed.
Vols. 216.
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 171.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 309
The town had, in the mean time, been strengthened
by the Parliament with five hundred men from
Boston, under Sir John Meldrum. They arrived
punctually to the King's appointment for the 27th,
and were quite ready to resist him. On the morn
ing of that day, the King proceeded towards his
rebellious town, with banners flying over his little
army,1 and drums and trumpets sounding among
them. When he arrived within sight of the place,
however, he found an unexpected obstacle; the
country had been widely flooded by the enemy, and
only a narrow causeway was left uncovered, along
which the temporary Governor came trooping with
five hundred townsmen, and drove back a recon
noitring party of the King's. Charles, however,
advanced with the main body of his force, and sat
down before the town. The old Earl of Lindsey
had a few days before received the commission of
" General-in-Chief of the Army," and was somewhat
" put out of countenance," as Lord Clarendon, who
was watching that countenance at the time, observes,
" on finding himself without an army, and commit
ted in such an expedition." Officers and their ser
vants were there in abundance ; but cavalry can
avail nothing against stone walls, and the infantry

1 Mrs. Hutchinson, in her "Memoirs," p. 113, overrates this
army at three thousand foot and one thousand horse. She also
states that the King " beleaguered the town," which seems inap
plicable, as he left Beverley on the 27th, and returned to York
on the 30th.

310 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
was composed entirely of train-bands : upon these
reluctant and ill-disciplined troops the veteran Lind
sey placed no dependance- — and the event justified
his judgment.1 The King's whole artillery at this
time consisted of a few light field-pieces; these
were ostentatiously advanced against the strong
walls of the town, and a barn, that lay near, was
converted into an arsenal. This hostile attitude
was maintained for two anxious days, Charles cal
culating rather on the strength of his cause within,
than of his force without the walls. He reckoned
in vain : men who fight with halters round their
necks, are watchful and desperate: vSir John Ho
tham, closely watched by the emissaries of the Par
liament, and by his own son,2 was forced to appear
and to act like the most vehement of Roundheads.
A sortie was made by the garrison the second night
of the siege ; they slew some few cavaliers and
sluggish train-bands, and took others prisoners:
they pushed on to the magazine-barn, carried off
the ammunition, and lighted themselves back to

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 170.
2 There is something horrible in the last hours of these two
men. When tried for treason each endeavoured to inculpate the
other, the son endeavouring to save his own life by taking away
that of his father, and the father retorting the same endeavour on
the parricide. As soon as the Parliament, by means of the atro
cious Hugh Peters, had done with the son, they beheaded him ;
and then they encouraged the father with hope of life, until they
had drained him of all the information in his power to give, when
they beheaded him also ; " he died full of horror in his disap
pointment." — Heath's Chronicle ; Ludlow, i. 83.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 311
the town by the conflagration of the rustic arsenal. 1
The next morning [the 30th of July], the King, by
the urgent advice of his council of war, broke up
from his position, and returned to York.2
Another heavy disappointment succeeded to the
discomfiture at Hull. It was well known that
the captains of the fleet served with reluctance
under Lord Warwick and the Parliament. The
King proposed to Sir John Pennington to go
straight to the fleet, and there summon all the
sailors to their allegiance. Even that brave man
hesitated to undertake such an enterprise, and the
better counsel was then devised of writing to each
captain individually, to sail away with his ship and
repair to Burlington Bay, to receive his Majesty's
commands. Scarcely were these letters despatched,
when Pennington made up his mind to act upon the
original suggestion, and other letters were forwarded
requiring the captains to obey only such orders as
they should receive from Sir John. The worthy old
admiral seems to have been bewildered by the
complexity of these land manoeuvres ; he waited for
a certain Sir Henry Palmer (who had been also
written to),3 and the captains waited for Sir John,
1 Mrs. Hutchinson's "Memoirs," p. 114.
2 The King made what his Chronicler calls " one attempt neer
it, to shew his just indignation, and to satisfie his honor, when he
lost unhappily some twenty men." — Heath's Chronicle, p. 38.
3 For no apparent good reason. But a " cacoethes scribendi "
seems to have possessed Charles and his council at this time ; an
unfortunate passion, as the majority of their despatches only
reached their enemies.

312 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
and the opportunity was lost. Lord Warwick had
been amusing himself on shore in a very unpuri-
tanical manner,1 but he got on board before his
intended successor ; and when the latter at length
arrived, he was placed under arrest, and sent back
to London to be tried for treason.2
The King remained for about a fortnight longer
at York,3 continuing to hold his Court at the
Deanery, and urging on, with newly - developed
vigour and talents, such preparations as his slender
resources admitted of. Another bright and delusive
gleam of good fortune had broken in upon his
gloomy prospects : it revived his party, but induced
him to raise his standard prematurely.
Ever since his betrayal of the Army Plot, Lord4
Goring had been Governor of Portsmouth, in the

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 113.
2 The navy had never been disloyal before or since, though oc
casionally a little mutinous against thievish pursers and sangui
nary captains. But some ungracious and unguarded words are
said to have lost the King the childlike affections of the seamen :
when he heard that the sailors took part with the Five Mem
bers, he exclaimed, " How have I lost the hearts of those water-
rats !"
3 " From the King's leaving his Court at York," says Heath, in
his quaint manner, " with an intent to encourage his party in the
Commission of Array, we cannot call his removes a progress, but
an expedition ; and, indeed, it was a perfect war levied, though
at such distances, that the twilight of peace was preserved only by
his hovering near the solstice of his kingdom, the midland ; with
out engaging the confines of their association ; which, if lie had
done speedily, it is probable we had not seen that night of confu
sion that followed in his setting and declination." — Heath's Chro
nicle, p. 37.
* His father had lately been made Earl of Norwich.

OttsTU?.,

EAIEIL. ©F W@IEWIIC1EL

FROU THE ORLG-IUAL IU THE COLLE CTION" OF THE EARL OE EG-E.EMONT.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 313
name of the Parliament: his matchless powers of
dissimulation had so far imposed on the new self-
constituted authorities, that they gave him four
thousand pounds1 to strengthen the fortifications,
while at the same time the Queen gave him three
thousand pounds, and some valuable jewels, to gain
over the garrison. With the King he had so far
succeeded, as to induce his adherence to the royal
service, believing the King's favour would render it
the more profitable career : while, with the Parlia
ment, he had obtained such influence, that he was
appointed Lieutenant-General of their horse, under
Essex.2 In this capacity he continued at Ports-

1 Bulstrode, "Memoirs." p. 69.
2 Lord Clarendon's character of this extraordinarily gifted and
unprincipled man, is one of his most successful and exquisite
compositions. [See note to "History of Rebellion," iii. 173.]
As hereafter little will be recorded of him except his villanies
and his brute courage, I subjoin an extract from the above, in
order to account in some degree for his position in the royal
army. " He was, in truth, a person very powerful to get esteem,
having a person very winning and graceful in all his motions.
He had a civility which shed itself over all his countenance, and
gathered all the eyes and applications in view : his courage was
notorious and confessed ; his wit equal to the best, and in the
most universal conceptions : his language and expression natural,
sharp, and flowing, adorned with a wonderful seeming modesty,
and with such a constant and perpetual sprightliness and plea
santness of humour, that no man had reason to be ashamed of
being disposed to love him, or even of being deceived by him."
In a pamphlet of 1643, reprinted in the Harl. Miscellany, are
sketches of the principal Cavaliers under the head of " An Oxford
Incendiary." Some of the characters are very cleverly lampooned.
I only give Goring's as illustrating this jewel transaction, which
Clarendon says was in money: "I had almost forgotten Goring
and her Majesty's jeweller; she plundered the crown [of its
jewels] and he conveyed all away, converting all into arms and

314 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
mouth, notwithstanding several requisitions from
Parliament to attend the House. While storms were
gathering all round him, he was carousing at Ports
mouth with all the recklessness of a common trooper :
and yet, when compelled for a moment to attend
to business, he often displayed a genius that only
required firmness and honour to be supreme.
At length Lord Kimbolton wrote peremptorily,
requiring his attendance in Parliament to answer
many accusations, and the governor of Portsmouth
was obliged to unmask himself. This he did in a
characteristically "jolly " letter, as Lord Clarendon
terms it ; informing Lord Kimbolton that he was in
structed that the Parliamentary arrangements were
not altogether legal, and that, in fact, he might run
some danger in obeying their orders : that he felt,
moreover, that, as Portsmouth was the King's, he
could not well be absent thence without his Ma
jesty's permission. In conclusion, he gave Lord
Kimbolton much good and loyal advice concerning
politics, and the part it behoved a gentleman to
take. This important acquisition of the great southern
seaport gave confidence to the royal council. And
some such encouragement was much needed ; for,
the failure before Hull, and other disasters, had

gunpowder — rare transmutation ! But this is the least part of
his skill, for in times of peace he was so expert an alchemist that
he turned his own rags, and worse things too, into gold and
silver." — Harl. Misc. v. 346.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 315
alienated the feelings and service of many waverers.
The assertion of Pym and Hampden, that he would
never be able to raise an army, appeared likely to
prove true.1 That question was now or never to be
decided. The Parliamentary forces already muster
ed strongly ; the King had not above three hundred
horse, and about as many infantry of all arms, at
his disposal. Sir William Waller was marching
to invest Portsmouth on the land side, while Lord
Warwick prepared to blockade it by the sea. The
various levies that had been made through England
in the royal name required some central point to
rally on, if only in imagination. There was no longer
time for hesitation ; the standard was to be raised
at once, and the place for the ceremony alone
remained to be decided on. Many of the King's
council proposed York, as being furthest from the
Parliament, and the centre of a rich and fertile
country: others suggested Warrington, as being
more central, and in the midst of a population that
had rallied by tens of thousands at the summons of
Lord Derby.2 The former was objected to by the
" Gadarenes," whose feelings in this respect were
1 When the " good and true" Sir Benjamin Rudyard was on
his death-bed in 1643 [he was one of the many whose lives
(strange as it may seem in these unearnest times) were shortened
by grief for England's wars and woes], "he declared that Hamp
den and Pym had assured him that the King was so ill-beloved by
his subjects that he never could raise an army against them ; a
mistake that cost many thousand lives." — Heath's Chronicle,
p. 36, and May's Pari. Hist.
2 Then Lord Strange.

316 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
shared by many persons professing loyalty, but
anxious to see the King depart, and the scene of
war transferred from their neighbourhood. The
King himself objected to the northern metropolis,
owing to its distance from Portsmouth, and the
demonstration that had taken place on Heyworth
Moor. Warrington was, unfortunately for the
King, also rejected, and Nottingham, being one
of the worst places in England for the purpose, was
finally selected by the royal council.1
As soon as this decision was arrived at, (12th
August, 1642,) the King published a declaration,
dated the 12th of August, 1642, recapitulating the
wrongs he had suffered, the concessions he had
made, and the hard necessity he was reduced to of
taking up arms to defend his honour, and his very
existence. It concluded by declaring the two
Houses guilty of many rebellious actions against
him, and " forbid all his subjects to yield any obedi
ence unto them." Finally, he issued an accom
panying proclamation, requiring " all his subjects
who could bear arms, northward of the Trent, and
twenty miles to the southward,"2 to repair to him at
Nottingham on the 22nd of August 3 following ; on

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 183, and Appendix E.
2 Heath's Chronicle, p. 38.
3 In Clarendon's text the 25th of August is named ; but in the
Appendix (to the Oxford edit. 1826) it is written 22nd. Strange
to say, that in this Oxford edition the Appendix alone gives the
original. See back in this work, p. Ill, note.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 317
which day he should set up his royal standard
there, which all good subjects were required to
attend." 1
It was always the fate or fault of Charles to com
promise his most energetic acts by some half mea
sure, that paralysed their strength: he was now
persuaded to accompany the summons to his stan
dard by a proclamation forbidding Roman Catholics,
to resort to his army, and disclaiming their services.
Neither Charles, nor any one of his council (except
Hyde, and some of the old soldiers) could bring
themselves to understand that it was no longer a
war of words, but of weapons, that it behoved them
to make ; and that every loyal heart and stout arm
was needed, and should be welcomed by the King.
It was hopeless to compete with the Parliament in

1 The following letter, written scarcely a month later, forms
the best commentary on this declaration : —
THE KING TO THE EAEL OF NEWCASTLE.
[In his own handwriting.]
Newcastle, This is to tell you that the rebellion is grown to that height,
that I must not look what opinion men are who at this time are
willing and able to serve me. Therefore I do not only permit,
but command you, to make use of all my loving subjects' services,
without examining their consciences (more than their loyalty to
us), as you shall find most to conduce to the upholding of my
just regal power. So I rest
Your most assured faithful friend, Charles R.*
Shrewsbury, 23rd Sept. 1642.

* Harl. MSS. 6988 and Ellis' Orig. Letters, iii. 291.

318 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
bigotry and intolerance, it would have been more
politic to assume the opposite course ; under the
Crown should have been found shelter for the vic
tims of persecution.1 Lord Clarendon says " that
this measure was one of those impositions which the
spirit and temper of the times obliged his Majesty
to submit to ;" but the imposition was perfectly
unsuccessful ; the minds of men had been long be
fore made up, and it only disclosed to the Parlia
ment a weakness of which they took immediate ad
vantage. From that day forth the royal forces were
termed not only " malignant," but "popish."2
The King now prepared to leave York, to the
great joy of its inhabitants, and even of the neigh-

1 See Clarendon's Rebellion, iii., Appendix, E. The Roman
Catholics had been rendered desperate by the Parliament and
their party ; their houses had been pulled down, their property
spoiled, and themselves insulted by the self-styled champions of
freedom : they fought with proportionate zeal for the King
throughout the war. At a later day, when George II. saw his
best troops forced at Dettingen to give way before a brigade of
Irish exiles whose services were forbidden to be used by England,
he exclaimed, " Curst be the laws that compel such men to serve
my enemies !"
2 This demonstration was as false as vain : already some of
the most important posts on the royal staff were held by Roman
Catholics : Sir Arthur Aston, Sir Troilus Turberville, captain of
the King's life-guard ; Captain (afterwards Sir John) Smith, who
rescued the royal standard at Edgehill ; Sir Thomas Tildesley,
Sir M. (afterwards Lord) Langdale, Lord Dunbar, Endymion
Porter, Sir William Vavasour, and others. These names are
to be found in a pamphlet of two years later, entitled, "The
humble Apology of the English Catholics," wherein it was also
said, to the great and groundless triumph of the Roundheads,
that " There never was a Papist that was not deemed a Cavalier."
See also a rare old book, entitled, " Clarendon and Whitelock
Compared. London, 1727," in the London Library.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 319
bouring gentry, who besought him, however, to take
measures for their protection before his departure.
In compliance with their request, the Earl of Cum
berland1 was appointed to command them in the
King's absence, and Sir Thomas Glenham 2 was to
exercise the practical duties of command, under the
Earl's nominal control. In return for these courte
sies, the Yorkshire gentry supplied the King with
four or five hundred stand of arms, and furnished
" two or three troops of good horse for the Prince
[of Wales's] regiment, to be commanded by Sir
Thomas Byron."
When the King was fairly departed from among
them, it must be stated, to the honour of these
" Gadarenes," that they stood stoutly by his cause,
for which they shed their blood freely in after years,
at Marston Moor, and other deadly fields, under the
Marquis of Newcastle.
The- King proceeded to Nottingham on the 14th
of September,3 at the head of his small cavalcade ; it

1 George, Earl of Cumberland, the last of his name, was popu
lar, and " a man of honour, but not in any degree active or of a
martial nature : his father had been privy counsellor to Queen
Elizabeth, and was famous for five great voyages he made at his
own expense, one of which was against the Armada. They,
father and son, are buried at Skipton." — Heath.
2 Sir Thomas was a gentleman of noble extraction and a fair
fortune, though he had much impaired it : he had spent many
years in armies beyond the sea : he had been an officer of very
good esteem in the King's service, and of courage and integrity
unquestionable.... Clar. Reb. iii. 185. It was his singular for
tune to surrender, honourably, York, Carlisle, and Oxford.
3 Before leaving Yorkshire, it was proposed to arrest Lord

320 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
could scarcely be called an army. The infantry con
sisted of three hundred train-bands, under Sir John
Digby, the cavalry mustered about 600, which soon
afterwards increased to the number of 800 horse.
Of this cavalry, one troop consisted of Life Guards,
under Lord Bernard Stuart : it was composed en
tirely of nobility and gentry, whose estates and
revenues were equal to those of all the members of
Parliament who voted for the war.1 Another troop,
under Sir William Killigrew, was composed of the
servants of the former: they always accompanied
their masters in camp, or in the field.2 The very
slight train of royal artillery, for want of horses, had
been left at York, under Sir John Hey don ; Sir Ar
thur Aston commanded the few dragoons, Sir Jacob
Astley the foot ; the general command ofthe cavalry,
retained for Prince Rupert, was at present held by
Lord Wilmot,3 and that of the whole army was
allotted to the Earl of Lindsey.* This distinguished

Pairfax and his son Sir Thomas Fairfax. This was objected to
by the loyal gentry, who did not believe them seriously disaf
fected. It was perhaps well for the King ; Pairfax and Essex
were his noblest enemies.
1 Clarendon ; Hume. 2 Warwick.
3 Clarendon's Rebellion, iv. 188, n.
4 Robert Bertie, first Earl of Lindsey, was born in London,
December 16, 1582. Queen Elizabeth was his godmother. Im
mediately after leaving Cambridge he set out on a foreign tour.
On his return he joined Lord Essex's expedition to Cadiz. He
was more or less engaged in most of the campaigns in the Low
Countries, and he afterwards embarked in several predatory
cruizes against the Spaniards. On his marriage with the daugh
ter of the first Lord Montagu he renounced this wandering life.
Soon after Charles the First's accession, he was created Earl of

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 321
veteran was soon afterwards joined by a large force
of loyal gentlemen from Lincolnshire, led by his
son, Lord Willoughby.1 But the important rein
forcement did not arrive for some time after the
march, and the whole force attending the King,
when he raised his standard, with their attendants,
did not amount to one thousand men.
The journey from York, about fifty-five miles,2
occupied two days : on the evening of the 16th of
August, the King arrived at Nottingham, and took

Lindsey and a Knight of the Garter. In 1636 he was appointed
Lord High Admiral of England ; and on the rising of the Scots
in 1639 he was made Governor of Berwick.
Clarendon says of Lord Lindsey, "He was a man of great
honour, and spent his youth and vigour of his age in military
actions and commands abroad ; and albeit he indulged to himself
great liberties of life, yet he still preserved a very good reputation
with all men and a very great interest in his country, as appeared
by the supplies he and his son brought to the King's army ; the
several companies of his own regiment of foot being commanded
by the principal knights and gentlemen of Lincolnshire, who
engaged themselves in the service principally out of their personal
affection for him. He was of a very generous nature, and punctual
in what he undertook and in exacting what was due to him,
which made him bear so heavily that restriction that was put
upon him by the commission granted to Prince Rupert, and by
the King's preferring the Prince's opinion, in all matters relating
to the war, before his, nor did he conceal his resentment : the
day before the battle [of Edgehill] he said to some friends with
whom he had used freedom, that he did not look upon himself as
general ; and therefore he was resolved, when the day of battle
should come, that he would act at the head of his regiment as a
private colonel, where he should die. He had very many friends
and very few enemies, and died generally lamented." — Lloyd's
Loyalists. Lodge's III. Pers. Clarendon.
1 Clarendon ; Lloyd. Hume, confounding the father and son,
says that the Earl of Lindsey was at this time Lord Willoughby.
2 Iter Carolinum.
VOL. I. Y

322 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
up his quarters at the Earl of Clare's,1 who was then
recorder of the town. From the time that he left
Newmarket, the King seldom slept in a house that
he could call his own, until be was taken, as a pri
soner, to his palace of Holdenby. Henceforth his
days, few and evil, were past in pilgrimage; its
shrines were battle-fields, its goal a bloody grave !
With a natural restlessness, Charles then set out,
upon the 18th of August, for Warwickshire, to use
what power there yet was in his name, in the fur
therance of his levies there. Lord Northampton2
had made vigorous efforts in that direction, but had
been much obstructed in his task by Lord Brooke
and his party. Whilst on his march, the King re
ceived a despatch from Lord Northampton, stating
that a strong force of Roundhead troops was on
its way to occupy Coventry, but that he, the Earl,
had good interest there, having been, for a long

1 " Who was often of both parties, and never advantaged
either." — Mrs. Hutchinson, 117.
2 Spencer Compton, second Earl of Northampton, was born in
May, 1601. Little is known of his early life, but that it was
passed amidst the luxury and gaiety of Courts, and yet that he
then was sans reproche, as ever afterwards sans peur. He accom
panied Charles I., when Prince of Wales, to Madrid, being then
" Master of the Robes," as he continued to be after Charles's acces
sion to the throne. In 1639 he attended the King, with a great
train of his own dependants, against the Scottish Covenanters ;
and afterwards throughout the Civil War he supported the royal
cause with the most active zeal, until his brief and brave career
was ended nobly on Hopton Heath (in 1643). He was married
to a daughter of Sir Francis Beaumont, by whom he had six
sons, five of whom displayed all their father's valour and devotion
to the King, and with better fortune.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 323
time, recorder of the town.1 He therefore be
sought the King to take possession of it, and un
dertook to prepare the inhabitants for his entrance.
He knew not how strong a spirit of resistance
had already possessed the townsmen : holding very
dear their little local authority, the civic poten
tates, almost everywhere, were flattered by the
prospect of increasing their power, under the Par
liamentary regime; and the preaching of Puritan
ministers had more strongly influenced men in
masses, as other contagions do, than those in the
country.2 Accordingly, when the loyal Earl arrived,
he found Coventry in a very excited state. The
King had arrived the night before (19th August),
at Stoneleigh Abbey, within four miles of their city,
and had just announced to the mayor and corpora
tion that he should dine with them on that day.3
The Earl vainly endeavoured to inspire the citizens
with a loyalty that was out of fashion ; he was
treated so roughly by the people, that he was fain
to escape, and rejoin his forces at Southam, where
he hoped to make a juncture with the royal cavalry
under Wilmot.
Meanwhile the King set forth from Stoneleigh
Abbey with a very slender escort, and rode towards

1 Coventry Archives. 2 Baxter's Works, 40, 42.
3 This appeal to the hospitality of corporations the King
seems to have placed great reliance on : he had tried it in Lon
don, on the occasion of attempting to seize the Five Members ;
again he had invited himself to dinner at Hull, and finally at
Coventry.
t 2

324 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Coventry. This famous old city contained 9500
souls, a population which then entitled it to rank,
at least, in the third class of English towns :J it
was surrounded by a wall, three miles in length, and
strengthened by twenty-six towers :2 a large park
extended for a mile and a half towards Warwick,
and a fine old elm-tree, that once stood within its
bounds, is still called " Rupert's tree." 3 When the
King approached the city, he learned that its gates
were closed, and walls manned, as against an
enemy. Some cavaliers spurred on, and demanded
admission in the King's name : a discharge of artil
lery was the reply, and half-a-dozen of the chal
lengers' horses were knocked over, their riders being
severely wounded. It was now determined to force
an entrance, and a despatch was sent hastily to

1 The present population is estimated at 35,000 [31,230 in
census of 1841], presenting probably an equal ratio with the
increased population of England since the visit of the King. I
am indebted for this and other information to the MSS. annals,
in the archives of Coventry, and to the courtesy and kindness of
friends residing in its neighbourhood.
2 These defences were levelled by order of Charles II.
3 Under its shade, according to tradition, the Prince stood
whilst he summoned old Coventry in the following year. Mr.
Thomas Forest was then mayor, and Richard Baxter the chief
preacher : he there took the covenant to his great repentance.
This_ divine gives us the following account of the garrison : — " It
consisted half of citizens and half of countrymen. One or two
persons came among us of Sir Henry Vane's party, and one Ana
baptist tailor, who had almost troubled all the garrison by in
fecting all the soldiers with their opinions." — Life, p. 46. Coven
try was very proud of a Parliament (called the " indoctum," from
having no lawyers,) which was held here by Henry IV.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 325
Nottingham for petards :x meanwhile, the King
returned to Stoneleigh Abbey for the night.2
Whilst awaiting the arrival of his dispatch, the
King received intelligence that Colonel Ballard and
the dreaded Hampden were marching, at the head of
three thousand men, to relieve Coventry. At the
same time, Lord Northampton requested that Wil-
mot, with his eight hundred horse, might join his
forces under Sir Nicholas Byron, and harass, if not
cut off, the Roundheads on their march. Wilmot
was accordingly dispatched to form the desired
junction ; but his unwillingness to receive orders
from Byron, although his senior in command, proved
fatal to the expedition. The King, from a rising
ground in the old Park, could trace the march of

1 See olim, p. 110, note.
2 Sir Thomas Lee* was then the proprietor of this grand old
abbey. Sir Thomas was a gallant and faithful Loyalist, and suf
fered accordingly in after times. Lord Leigh has a fine portrait
of King Charles, which was discovered by Sir G. Hayter, under a
painting of a group of flowers. The painter's penetrating eye
detected that this was a mere mask, and, by careful rubbing, he
released the King's portrait from long imprisonment. The dan
ger must have been great, when the old proprietor, justly proud
of his monarch's visit, was thus obliged to conceal such a memo
rial. At Stoneleigh there is also a fine picture of the King's
host himself; he is dressed in a "sad-coloured" robe, and points
with his finger to a skull. Both these pictures seem to date
themselves ; the one, by its concealment, proves that Sir Tho
mas died before the Restoration ; the other, that his own por
trait was taken about 1649.

* Bulstrode, " Memoirs," p. 72. The name should be spel
Leigh. Sir Thomas was created a baron by Charles in July
1643, by letters patent. — Collins' Peerage, vii. 116.

326 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
his enemies across the open "campania." They
amounted only to one thousand two hundred in
fantry, and a troop of horse ; yet they moved on
with impunity. Every moment the King expected
to see his horse bearing down on their unprotected
flank, but in vain, Oh ! where was [Rupert] then 1

One blast of his brave trumpet
Were worth a thousand men !"
Wilmot hovered round the enemy only long
enough to suffer a semblance of repulse, and to lose
the gallant Legge, who probably approached the
enemy much nearer than his colonel thought ad
visable to do. He was taken prisoner, and carried
in triumph into Coventry, where the Roundheads
were welcomed with loud triumph ; while Wilmot
drew off his cavalry under many insults and some
firing from the citizens. The King retired to
Leicester, and there he found his long-absent
nephew, Rupert.
The Prince had hastened from Nottingham almost
as soon as he had arrived, on hearing that his
Horse were on service, and hoping to overtake the
King at Coventry.1 On his way, however, he
learned that his Majesty was expected at Leicester,
and so he had turned aside to meet him. He en
tered at one street, just as Wilmot arrived by an-
1 See page 110 ; Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 188, note.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 327
other,1 after having afforded a signal proof how
much the "impetuosity" of the Palatine was re
quired in the royal army. The young General of
Horse must have gazed ruefully at the handful
of ill-equipped and undisciplined troopers that
represented the royal cavalry of England, and con
stituted his high-sounding command. Some of
them had only buff coats and hats ; some only the
cuirass and the steel-cap ; none had any weapons
but the sword. Rupert, however, was not of an
age or of a nature to despair : his own proud young
confidence soon realized its daring dreams, and,
by the sympathy of brave natures, soon actuated
every man of that devoted band that now defiled
before him to their quarters. They Avere soon to
find themselves resistless under his command, and
were most of them to die beneath his banner.
The meeting between the King and his nephew
was as happy as the circumstances attending it were
unpromising.2 The Prince, unless he had been in
time to charge with Wilmot's horse, could not have
arrived more opportunely. His royal uncle was
grievously cast down by the events of the day
before,3 and the joyous and daring spirit of his
nephew helped to inspire him with new hopes.
That night they were the guests of the Countess
of Devon, who sorely suffered afterwards for the

1 See page 110 ; Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 188, note.
2 Benett MSS. 3 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 190.

328 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
hospitality she had shewn her King at Leicester
Abbey. J
The next day (the 22nd August) being appointed
for raising the standard, the King rode towards
Nottingham, " very melancholy," as his own historian
relates. He felt that he was about to make the
great effort of his life ; that he was about to make
war upon his own subjects, and that, too, under the
most inauspicious circumstances. His affront be
fore Coventry appeared not only to the country but
to himself like a defeat, and yet the approaching
forces of the Parliament forbade him to wait for a
more favourable moment. The standard must be
raised without further delay, and with the natural
impulse of precipitating an inevitable catastrophe,
the doomed King pressed forward resolutely, how-
ever sadly, to his fate.
Well might he be " very melancholy ;" well might
the shadow of his soul's misfortune be dark upon that
brow — that lofty brow, so familiar to our memory !
How many of us can recollect our childish sympathy
for the first time touched by the power of art, as
we gazed upon the portrait of that mournful face :
the innocent boyish enthusiasm that kindled within
us as we heard from loyal lips of the wrongs and
sufferings for which so many of our fathers died.
It was only in after-years, when reluctantly forced
to abandon the once literal creed of " kings can
1 History of Leicester, Hollings.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 329
do no wrong," that we detected other characteristics
besides those of nobleness and truth in the martyr
monarch of Vandyke and the Cavaliers. Yet even
then, when better read in the dark facts and
darker calumnies that history reveals, we trace in
those sad features the characters of weakness rather
than of wickedness ; the unerring signs of a vacil
lating mind are visible ; and that high-arched brow
and uncertain lip, the delicate soft hand that droops
by his side with all the helpless grace of a girl, the
very attitude in which he stands — all bespeak a
spirit ill-calculated to encounter the storms of a
State. It is not only after misfortune and disap
pointment had done their work, that these charac
teristics become visible in the portraits of Charles.
From the very first, even when he sat to Velasquez
during his romantic visit to romantic Spain, buoyed
up by lusty youth and a bridegroom's hope — even
then his portrait wears a sad, doomed look, as if
he felt already destined to expiate the crimes and
the follies of his tyrant ancestors.
Having accompanied the King of the Cavaliers so
far towards his fatal goal — having endeavoured to
extenuate nothing, nor set down aught in prejudice,
it is time to consider what there was in this ill-fated
monarch that, notwithstanding all his faults, attached
so many of the best and bravest men of England,
not only to his cause, but to his person.
No human character has ever been so rigorously
scrutinized by cotemporaries and historians as that

330 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
of Charles the First. His public and private conduct
have been exposed to every test and inquisition that
the most malignant hatred could suggest, or the
most subtle genius could invent. The greatest
writers of our own day have exercised all their
ingenuity, and practised all the easy but imposing art
of denunciation upon this conspicuous theme. The
Milton, the Pym, and other leading minds of his own
time, sought out, as a matter of conscience and duty,
how they could most bitterly malign him. Every
sentence that admitted of a second meaning was
perverted to his reproach; every action was distorted,
exaggerated, exhibited in tbe darkest point of view,
and immortalized in sublime invective. The glory
of freedom was then the great theme of orator
and poet ; the crime of despotism was a necessary
antithesis, and its attributed author was magni
fied into proportionally colossal guilt. Charles I.
was identified with the principles that were then
most obnoxious ; he was driven forth, like the scape
goat of the Hebrews into the wilderness of reproba
tion, with the curses due to all others' crime heaped
thickly upon his devoted head.
The very scurrility and bitterness of the party
pamphlets of that unscrupulous and heated time
have been ever since sustained, enlarged upon, and
taken for truth by the anti-monarchical writers of a
later period. Yet how little, comparatively, has this
awful array of persecution and arraignment brought
home against their victim, setting aside his one

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 331
great and inexcusable vice of insincerity, which he
mistook for policy and state-craft necessity. Griev
ous and many wrongs indeed he wrought against the
liberties of England; fatally he persevered in the
prejudices instilled into his youth concerning king
craft, divine right, and royal prerogative ; and
terribly he atoned for these his errors. Neverthe
less, when we peruse, even as chronicled by his
enemies, his words, his letters, his expressions ;
when we observe his patience, his undaunted spirit,
his piety, his long-suffering, and his redeeming
death, we are forced to acknowledge that there was
somewhat of righteous and heroic in this much-
vilified monarch ; something, apart from the high
sentiment of loyalty, that justified the devotion of
his followers; and that, in the world of truth to
come, will confute the worst accusations of his ene
mies. Unhappy in his time, his reign, his circum
stances, his friends, his enemies, — he was still more
unhappy in that which gave evil power to them all
— the fatal facility and weakness so often and so
pertinaciously misconstrued into perfidy and crime.
I have hitherto in these pages spoken of Charles
as a king whose errors were almost equal in number
to his political acts, and whose insincerity rendered
all those errors irretrievable. My history hence
forth will be almost purely personal and military,
relating only to the Cavaliers, and to the King as
their chief head and nominal leader. Henceforth I
' have only to detail his transient triumphs and

332 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
defeats, his patient "pilgrimage," as one of his
enemies expressed it,1 " through a labyrinth of sor
rows whose issue was the grave."
Therefore, in resuming my narrative, I only see
in that " melancholy " man who is now before us a
brave, and pious, and most unfortunate prince : who
has an arduous but brief career to run before he
obtains his final rest upon the scaffold, to which
fanatics, hypocrites, and traitors have consigned
him. No wonder that his look was now sadder
" than was usual :" his feet had never been swift to
shed blood,2 and he was now about to wage war
(to use the words of his fondly-prized and noble
liturgy) upon the people " whom God had commit
ted to his charge." The raising of the standard was
no mere ceremony, like that of a coronation or a
lord-mayor's show ; it at once let loose the spirit of
war to ravage and lay waste the household hearths
and fertile fields of merry England. From that time
forward the whole nation was to be either Cavalier
or Roundhead for life or death : there was to be no
neutral ground, no peace, no compromise.
The sadness of the King is said to have extended
to all his followers, though gaiety is associated in
our minds with the very name of Cavalier. In
truth they had from first to last but little cause for
gaiety : all the peril of the war, save that of life
and limb, was theirs ; they had nothing to gain by
1 Lilly, Life and Times, before quoted.
2 Even Lilly says of him " that he was averse to blood."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 333
victory, and everything to lose by defeat. With the
Roundhead party the case was very different : the
better and more honest sort, the patriots and
fanatics, believed that on them devolved the high
mission of ennobling this kingdom of England, and
fashioning it into the likeness of a kingdom not
made with hands; the worst part, the f men of des
perate fortunes, and the hypocrites, rejoiced in the
hope of spoiling the rich mansions of the nobles and
the " steeple-houses of the priests of Baal." Not
withstanding these different causes of hope and fear,
the Cavalier was ever distinguished by his brave
cheerfulness or giddy gaiety ; the Puritan, by his
sour looks and ungracious demeanour. At first the
Cavalier had only the natural high spirit of his
caste to sustain his heartiness, a tide of unexpected
and brief success made it a fashion or a habit, and
afterwards the very desperation of his circumstances
promoted a recklessness which wore the same ap
pearance. The different temper of the two parties
was displayed in everything : although identical, for
the most part, in race, language, and apparel, it was
impossible for a moment to mistake a Roundhead
for a Cavalier. Each wore the short cloak, the
doublet, the high shoe, or the heavy boot ; each
cultivated the beard and the mustachio ; yet,
so distinctly did the inward man impress the
character of his party upon his exterior, that Ca
valiers, assuming the style of dress and demeanour
of Puritans, could wear them as disguise, and

334 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
vice versa. The Puritan, while he abhorred the
very name of a steeple, adopted its peculiarity of
form in his hat ; deeply impressed with the unlove-
liness of lovelocks, he cropped his own as closely
as possible ; a fashion, however, which soon expired.
The face of the Roundhead was unnaturally
elongated by his elaborate gravity, and a scarcely-
visible collar, such as the Roman Catholic priests
wear now, promoted the lengthiness of the phy
siognomy surmounting it. The rest of his dress
was square and prim, not unlike that of our old-
fashioned Quakers, except that linen was nowhere
visible; their small-clothes were worn short, and
fitted tightly to tbe knee ; and their very swords
seemed more stiff and straight than ordinary. At
first, when these quaint and precise personages were
almost invariably routed by the gay Royalists, their
appearance as fugitives must have been eminently
ludicrous ; but afterwards, when, by acquiring the
discipline that the Cavaliers disdained, they became
the conquerors, there was something terrible in the
formal and ceremonious manner in which these
dark fanatics carried on the work of death.
Very different in dress, manner, and general bear
ing, are those now approaching Nottingham, with
their pensive King. However unfavourable the
aspect of their affairs, no one could doubt that hope,
or at least a high purpose, predominated in the
hearts of those whose plumed hats were set on with
such a defiant air. Long flowing locks descended

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 335
from beneath their hats, or helmets, and one long
tress especially, waved over the left shoulder. Lace
collars, curiously rich, and of wide extent, spread
over the buff-coat or bright cuirass; a brilliant
scarf, embroidered by some fair, inspiring hand, was
sashed across the breast; fringed trousers descend
ed far below the knee, and merged into large
cavalry boots, armed with formidable spurs. A
straight and narrow sword, with basket-hilt, hung
from an ornamented belt worn over the shoulder,
and one or two pistols, or a petronel, completed
their equipment.1
Such was the ordinary costume of the Cavaliers
at the outbreak of the war ; there was no preten
sion to uniformity beyond the general style of
dress; and more or less armour appears to have
been used, according to the fancy of each wearer.
As the use of fire-arms became more general and
perfect, armour fell proportionably into disuse. We
find, indeed, that Charles himself appeared at the
battle of Edg'ehill " sheathed from head to heel in
a panoply of steel,"2 and many portraits of the time
have come down to us in the same chivalric garb :
it appears, however, to have been used rather in
ceremony and parade than for active service in the
field.3 The common trooper wore generally the
1 The military equipment of this era is spoken of more fully
in the second volume, in describing the general muster at Shrews
bury. 2 Trials of the Regicides.
3 Munro (in his "Discipline of the Swede") says truly, that
" men wear not armour because they are afraid of danger, but

336 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
basnet, or steel cap, with breast and back-piece
forming a cuirass ; but the officers of note for the
most part wore the plumed hat throughout the
war. Thus the array that now followed the King
into Nottingham was as wanting in uniformity of
appearance as in discipline : but the same mind
was in the breast of most of them. In that extreme
hour of trial few waverers were with their King.
Loyalty was then no tame instinct ; it was stimu
lated into a passion, such as afterwards, perhaps,
was only found among the Pretender's followers.
Whatever it was, it was ennobling to all but the
reptiles of the Court, who engendered the corrup
tion that they thrived on.
But among those awaiting the King's arrival,
at Nottingham, and forming his council there, were
grave and thoughtful men, who contemplated the
raising of the standard with very different feelings.
Such men as Falkland, Southampton, Sunderland,1

because they would not fear it." Sir Philip Sidney owed his
death at Zutphen to laying aside " his cuisses because he saw the
Mareschal de Camp do the like." I believe the Cavaliers wore
armour less than the Roundheads, but it is only from incidental
circumstances that I know even of the latter. Ludlow says, in
his "'Memoirs," that he had a wonderful escape, because he got
into a melee without his " sute of arms," and. he says he was
obliged to " walk about ail night at Edgehill to keep him warm,
having nothing but his ' sute of iron ' to cover him " (Basil),
Lord Denbigh's papers contain his armourer's bill, in which he is
charged for a " complete sute." At Worcester fight and Round-
way Down the Puritans' armour is spoken of as " impenetrable."
1 Henry Spencer, first Earl of Sunderland, was the first born
son of William, second Lord Spencer, and was born at Althorpe,

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 337
and probably even Mr. Hyde at that period,
looked upon the King's cause only as a less bitter
alternative than that of the Parliament. They still

in Northamptonshire, 1620. In 1639, he was married at Pens-
hurst, in Kent, to Lady Dorothy Sidney, the Sacharissa of
Waller. His talents and his character were such, that each of
the great parties which at this time divided the kingdom, de
sired to secure his support. At first he espoused the popular
side, but soon took leave of the Parliament, and followed the
King to York. His correspondence with his wife, as given in
Sydney's " State Papers," throws a bright light on his own and
her character, too much contrasted, as both were, with those who
formed the royal Court in general. Lloyd describes him as " a
good patriot * * standing by his Majesty as he evidently saw him
stand for his kingdom ; saying, by a foresight and prospect that
he had of things suitable to the eminence of his place, that ' one
seven years would shew that the King was the true Common's
wealth's-man.' * * A true nobleman that was virtuous, because it
became him, as well as because it was enjoined him ; being above
all vice as well as without it ; looking upon it as his shame and
dishonour, as weU as sin and offence ; a good neighbour ; the
country about him, when he had occasion to make use of it,
being his friend that loved him, rather than his slave that
feared him ; a discreet landlord, finding ways to improve his
land rather than rack his tenants ; a noble housekeeper, wherein
that ingenuity he was master of himself was welcome in others ;
an honest patron, seldom furnishing a church with an incumbent
till he had consulted the college he had been of, and the bishop
he lived under ; an exemplary master of a family, observing
exactly the rules he so strictly enjoined ; consecrating his house
as a temple, where he ordered his followers to wrestle with God
in prayer, while he wrestled with the enemy in fight."
The following remarkable letter belongs to a later date, but
may well be inserted here.
LETTER FROM THE EAEL OE SUNDERLAND TO HIS WIFE.*
Dated "Shrewsbury, Sept. 21, 1642.
" My dearest Heart,
" The King's condition is much improved of late : his force
increaseth daily, which increaseth the insolency of the Papists.

* Sydney's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 667.
VOL. I.

338 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
clung to the hope that the prospects appalling in
the eyes of each party, might be resolved into one,
hopeful for both ; and so, no doubt, they might
have been, had the Parliamentary leaders been
temperate, dispassionate, honest, and jiatriotic. As
regarded the Lords, the King's party might well
compare the moral, intellectual, and heroic natures,
of those we have just mentioned ; together with those
of Richmond, Hertford, and Northampton, as
contrasted with the debauched and sanctimonious

How much I am unsatisfied with the proceedings here, I have at
large expressed in several letters ; neither is there wanting daily
handsome occasion to retire, were it not for gaining honour ; for,
let occasion be never so handsome, unless a man were resolved to
fight on the Parliament side, which (for my part I had rather be
hanged) it will be said, without doubt, that a man is afraid to
fight. If there could be an expedient found to salve the punc
tilio of honour, I would not continue here an hour. The dis
content that I and other honest men receive daily, is beyond ex
pression. People are much divided. The King is of late very
much averse to peace, by the persuasions of 202 and 111.* It is
likewise conceived that the King has taken a resolution not to
do anything that way before the Queen comes, for people ad
dressing the King to agree with the Parliament, was the reason
of the Queen's return. Till that time no advice will be received ;
nevertheless the honest men will take all occasions to procure
an accommodation, which the King, when he sent those messages,
did heartily desire, and would still make offers in that way, but
for 202, 111, and the expectation of the Queen, and the fear of
the Papists, who threaten people of 342. I fear Papists have a
much greater influence upon the King than upon 343. What
the King's intentions are to those that I converse with, are
utterly unknown. Some say he will hazard a battle very
quickly ; others say he thinks of 104, as it is suspected, so if it
were generally believed, Sunderland and many others would make
no scruple to retire, for I think it as far from gallant either to
starve with the King, or to do worse, as to avoid fighting."

* Cyphers, I believe, for Rupert and Digby.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 339
Warwick, the coxcomb Holland, the coward Whar
ton, and the lukewarm Northumberland and Bed
ford.1 With respect to the Commons, we have,
unfortunately, little means of comparison, as those
who went over to the King, were not, it seems, with
the exception of Hyde and Culpepper, of sufficient
rank to approach his person, or his councils. But
the men who belonged to the peace-party in the
Parliament, at Westminster, may proudly challenge
a comparison with any of their " root and branch "
antagonists: the wise and eloquent Sir Benjamin
Rudyard, the venerable Selden whose name is iden
tified with constitutional law, the impetuous but
honest Holies ; add to these, Pierpoint, Philips, and
the candid Whitelocke. These men might oppose
and refute the reasonings of Pym and Vane, and
their associates, but they could not render them
magnanimous ; they could not calm the stormy ele
ments of fanaticism, of rabble rout and revolution,
that the democrats had conjured up, to assist their
power.2 Gradually the tone, and conduct, and

1 Essex, Kimbolton, Brooke, and Fielding, it is true, were
better men : the first two recoiled from their party ; the third
did not live to see their real character, and the last deplored it.
2 " They had per mitted thepopulace to mingle in their discus
sions, testifying pleasure at its paltry applause, and encouraging
its tumultuous aggressions on the minority of the legislature." So
speaks Mr. Hallam. It is curious and instructive to observe the
sameness of revolutionary incident, of which this present year of
grace, 1848, has witnessed more than the whole history of Europe
can supply. The first able demagogues (in some instances starting
with noble and honest views) are shot up by the popular explosion
into the height of power ; they are then forced to pander to the pas-
z 2

340 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
character of the Parliamentary leaders degenerated
from the high standard that uncompromising truth
and honour had formed ; they became daily more
assimilated to that of the popular passions whereon
they thrived.1 They were resolved to have no
King. It is too true, that Charles had proved a
dangerous one; and that when, "all measures of
precaution had been taken against the Sovereign, it
was necessary to take new precautions against King
Charles." 2 But Charles was no longer dangerous ;
he was even now manacled by such constitutional re
strictions as Europe had seen no example of; still
more so by the necessity of preserving the goodwill
of those who had opposed him before they became
his supporters, and who were ready to do so again, if

sions that have sent them there, and can only maintain or increase
their perilous power by the same means with which Michael Scott
obtained a respite from the demons he had conjured up : the mo
ment they can no longer engross the attention of their slaves they
are destroyed by them. Pym and Hampden died while the dupes
of their glorious promises were still dreaming of glory ; but their
associates were obliged, as Mr. Hallam remarks, " to submit to
that physical strength which is the ultimate arbiter of political
contentions." Yet even Pym lived to hear the very voices he had once wel
comed, when he spoke of vengeance on the King, come howling
for his own sacrifice. A number of the wives of substantial citi
zens came clamouring to the door of the House of Commons with
an oft-repeated petition for peace : " Give us the traitor Pym ! "
shouted the revolution-taught viragoes ; " Give us the dog Pym,
that we may tear him in pieces ! " — Rushworth. He was then on
his death-bed. — Forster, ii. 294.
1 Pym confessed the sources of his power when he quoted
against Sir Edward Deering, " Flectere si Superos nequeo, Aclie-
ronta movebo."
2 Lord John Russell.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 341
occasion required.1 It is my task to speak of the
now Royal party as men of common sense, at least ;
and it seems necessary to account for their dislike
and opposition to those who claimed to themselves
all championship of religion, patriotism, and law. I
shall guard myself, however, from the charge of
adopting their biassed views, by quoting only from
their own authorities, as to the light in which the
characters of their chief leaders might be made to
appear even in that day. I do not speak of the
great and good and heroic efforts by which the
Constitution was restored and strengthened : the
men who undertook and accomplished that task,
have a fame that will live for ever, and that even
their after errors can scarcely darken. But when
they made themselves an absolute oligarchy, pos
sessed of an all-grasping power, until they chose to
abdicate it ; when they proceeded to prostitute the
name of freedom to the most tyrannical and arbitrary
acts, and that of religion to the most cruel intole
rance : 2 — when we consider these manifold offences,

1 But it was kingship, not the King, that the Roundheads
were about to fight against : Henry Marten, himself a regicide,
declared that " if he must have a king, he had as lief have the
last gentleman as any one he knew."
2 " Witness," says Mr. Hallam, " the ordinance for disarming
recusants passed by both Houses in August, 1641, and that in
November, authorising the Earl of Leicester to raise men for the
defence of Ireland without warrant under the great seal, both
manifest encroachments on the executive power ; and the enor
mous extension of privilege, under which every person accused on
the slightest testimony of disparaging their proceedings, or even
of introducing new-fangled ceremonies in the Church, a matter

342 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
it is not as Whig, Tory, Loyalist, or Roundhead, but
as men and Englishmen, that we denounce their pre
tensions and their guilt. That dispassionate men
of the same party, in these remoter days, are obliged
to admit many of the charges brought by Royal
partizans in that excited time, is, in itself, remark-

wholly out of their cognizance, was dragged before them as a
delinquent and lodged in their prison. Witness the outrageous
attempts to intimidate the minority of their own body in the
commitment of Mr. Palmer, and afterwards of Sir Ralph Hopton,
to the Tower, for such language used in debate as would not have
excited any observation in ordinary times ; their continual en
croachments on the rights and privileges of the Lords, as in their
intimation that, if bills thought by them necessary for the public
good should fall in the Upper House, they must join with the mi
nority of the Lords in representing the same to the King ; or in
the impeachment of the Duke of Richmond for words, and those
of the most trifling nature, spoken in the Upper House ; their
despotic violation of the rights of the people, in imprisoning those
who presented or prepared respectful petitions in behalf of the
established Constitution, while they encouraged those of a tu
multuous multitude at their bar in favour of innovation ; their
usurpation at once of the judicial and legislative powers in all
that related to the Church, particularly by their committee for
scandalous ministers, under which denomination, adding reproach
to injury, they subjected all who did not reach the standard of
Puritan perfection to contumely and vexation, and ultimately to
expulsion from their lawful property. Witness the impeachment
of the twelve bishops for treason, on account of their protestation
against all that should be done in the House of Lords during
their compelled absence through fear of the populace ; a protest
not perhaps entirely well expressed, but abundantly justifiable in
its argument by the plainest principles of law. These great abuses-
of power, becoming daily more frequent as they became less ex
cusable, would make a sober man hesitate to support them in a
civil war wherein their success must not only consummate the
destruction of the Crown, the Church, and the Peerage, but
expose all who had dissented from their proceedings, as it ulti
mately happened, to an oppression less severe, perhaps, but far
more sweeping, than that which had rendered the Star-Chamber
odious." — Hallam's Const. Host. vol. i. p. 551.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 343
able; but that such charges are confirmed against
the democratic party, by their own associates, is still
more so. I give the following quotations, from
the latter, with the less reluctance, as Hampden's
honourable name is not assailed; he had long since
found shelter in the quiet bosom of the land he
served so well. We shall suppose the Cavaliers all
crushed or slain, their King slaughtered, their
Church and ritual replaced by conventicles, rant,
and cant,1 in every variety, with every strange form
of dissent : 2 the Roundheads, in short, triumphant,
and dividing the spoil of the " sons of Belial," and

1 This word was unknown, it seems to me, before the Civil
Wars : one of the most hateful in our vocabulary, it was the
name of one of the Scotch Presbyterian divines, who visited
London on a political and proselytizing mission. Andrew Cant
and his son Alexander made their names sufficiently notorious, I
presume, to create the epithet. It is not used by Clarendon,
Warwick, or, I believe, by any writer of this date ; but Hudibras,
who has everything, says, —
" And till they first began to cant
And sprinkle down the covenant."
2 " Never were there so many different sects and religions in
any nation," says Dr. Gray, "as were then in England." Mr.
Case told the Parliament, in his thanksgiving-sermon for the
taking of Chester, " That there was such a numerous increase of
errors and heresies, that he blushed to repeat what some had
affirmed, namely, ' That there were no less than an hundred and
fourscore several heresies propagated and spread in the neigh
bouring city (London);' and many of such a nature," adds this
distinguished Presbyterian minister, "as I may truly say, in
Calvin's language, ' The errors and innovations under which they
groaned of late years were but tolerable trifles, children's play,
compared with these damnable doctrines of devils."
Mr. Ford, also a Parliamentary preacher, in the year 1653, in
his assize sermon at Reading, said, " That in the little town of
Reading, he was verily persuaded, if Augustin's and Epiphanius's

344 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
the " priests of Baal." Then it was they began to
discover that there were other enemies to the Com
monwealth (that is to say, to themselves) than the
" malignants," and, in short, that each fellow-
conqueror was, more or less, of an impostor. Then
they began to accuse one another, in more bitter
and severe terms than the Cavaliers had ever used
against them ; and the latter require from their
candid biographer the justice of mentioning some
of these published opinions. The Presbyterians
will accept the authority of Fairfax, of Holies,
and their champion, Clement Walker ; the Repub
licans, that of Vane and Ludlow ; and the Crom-
wellists, that of their great apostle, concerning
this long Parliament, and the character of its chief
leaders. To these testimonies, in the note below,
I shall add Mr. Macaulay's picture of those whom
our Cavaliers are about to contend with.1

catalogues of heresies were lost, and all their modern and ancient
records of that kind, yet it would be no hard matter to restore
them, with considerable enlargements, from that place : that they
have Anabaptism, Familism, Socinianism, Pelagianism, Ranting,
and what not ; and that the devil was served in heterodox assem
blies as frequently as God in theirs ; and that one of the most
eminent Church livings in that county [the Church of England
clergy had been ejected] was possessed by a blasphemer, one in
whose house, he believed some there could testify, that the devil
was visibly familiar as any one of the family."
1 I do not pretend or wish to bring a railing accusation against
the Parliamentary leaders, still less do I pretend to arraign their
conduct by all the authority of their own party that could be
brought to bear against them. I only quote a few sentences to
prove that the character of those whose pretensions soared so
high was as open to attack and as fallible as that of the Cavaliers,
whom the revolutionists and their supporters have fallen foul of,

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 345
If these were the qualities that the Puritan party
discovered in each other when brought to maturity,

with much of the rancorous party-spirit of their own bitter
time. Thus the brave and honest Fairfax writes concerning his asso
ciates : "Alas ! when I bring to mind the sad consequences that
crafty and designing men have brought to pass since those first
innocent undertakings, I am ready to let go that confidence I
once had with God .... and say with Job, ' Why did I not die ? '
. . . The mercies that we received were soon clouded with abomin
able hypocrisies, even in those men who had been instrumental in
bringing that war to a conclusion  The factious carried on
their design of raising their own fortunes upon the public ruin."
— A short Memorial of Thomas Lord Fairfax, Maseres, 42 1-2 .
Denzil Holies thus speaks of his former associates, when they
became possessed exclusively of the power from which he was
exiled : " The wisest of men saw it to be a great evil, ' that ser
vants should ride on horses ;' an evil now both seen and felt in
this unhappy kingdom. The meanest of men, the basest and
vilest of the nation, have got the power into their hands ; tram
pled upon the Crown ; baffled and misused the Parliament [i. e.
Holles's part of it] ; violated the laws ; destroyed or suppressed
the nobility and gentry of the kingdom ; oppressed the liberties of
the people in general ; broke in sunder all bands and ties of reli
gion, conscience, faith, duty, loyalty, and good manners ; cast off
all fear of God and man ; and now lord it over the persons and
estates of all sorts and ranks of men, from the King upon his
throne to the beggar in his cottage : making their wills their
law ; their power their rule ; their hair-brained, giddy, and fana
tical, and the setting up of a Babel of confusion, the end of all
their actions  As the devil can transform himself into an
angel of light, so they pretended zeal in religion and to the public
spirit, as if none were so holy and self-denying as they, and so
they insinuated themselves into the good opinion of men." This
was written by Holies within six short years of the opening of the
war. I have taken the first paragraph of his memoirs. — Memoirs
of Denzil Lord Holies, 1648, p. 1.
A few months later, Clement Walker, " a gentleman of great
learning and ability, and a zealous defender of the Presbyterian
party " (in the Long Parliament), thus writes :* — " This incen-

* The Mysteries of the Two Juntoes; London, 1648. Re
printed in Maseres' Tracts, p. 323.

346 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
it may be supposed that the Cavaliers did not hold
them in much better estimation even before the

tive, working upon the human frailty of the leading and speak
ing members of the Houses, caused them, first, to interweave
their particular interests and ambitions with the public welfare,
and, lastly, to prefer them" before the public welfare .... They
began to advance their projects of monopolizing the profits, pre
ferments, and powers of the kingdom in themselves ... to which
end [though seeming to maintain a hot opposition], when any
profit or preferment is to be reached at, it is observed that some
powerful Independent will move for it for a Presbyterian, or a
leading Presbyterian for an Independent  By such artifices
the grandees of each side share the commonwealth between them.
.... There hath been lately given away to members openly
(besides innumerable and inestimable private cheats mutually
connived at), at least 300,000?. in money, besides such offices."
So speaks gravely, in 1648, one of the able men who were urging
forward the revolution in 1642, and cheering on to the work the
very men he here speaks of. Ludlow, at a much earlier period in
the war, speaks of his " own party, every one striving to enlarge
his own power in a factious and ambitious way, not caring how
much they thereby obstructed and ruined the cause itself."*
Vane, in his own shrouded and cautious manner, implies that
latterly " God [whose great name, he says a little before, was
concerned in the cause] seemed to have stood still, and be as a
looker on,"t but that He could still revive it " when secondary
instruments fail[ed] or prove[d] deceitful." He proceeds to
lament that the "compacted body [of the Parliament, amongst
whom were most, if not all, his old associates] was now falling
asunder into many dissenting parts, .... something rising up

* Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, Esq., Lieutenant-General of the
Horse, one of the Council of State, and a Member of the Parlia
ment which began on the Nov. 3, 1640. Switzerland, 1698.
t The Deity was very irreverently used in these men's lan
guage ; after a defeat one of these preachers said, " That God
had spit in their faces.'' Mr. Bond, one of these presumptuous
saints, preaching at the Savoy, told his auditors, " That they ought
to contribute and pray, and do all they were able to bring about
their brethren of Scotland, for settling of God's cause : I say this
is God's cause, and if our God hath any cause this is it ; and if
this be not God's cause, then God is no God for me ; but the devil
is got up into heaven."— Vide Sir W. Dugdale.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 347
war. The Cavaliers were reproached by the Round
heads with the vices of their basest comrades —

that seems rather accommodated to the private and selfish inter
est of a particular part, " than to the common good." But of
all others, " Cromwell was the Achan who had taken of the
accursed thing."* Cromwell, on the other hand, had asserted
that " the Lord had done with Sir Harry, and chosen honester
and worthier instruments for carrying on his work ;" for that,
in fact, this Sir Harry " was a juggler, and had not common
honesty." Henry Cromwell, moreover, whom all agree to have
been an honest and able man, describes Vane " as one of the most
rotten members of the community." — Thurloe, iv. 509. But on
the memorable 20th of April, 1653, when this Long Parliament
suffered the fate collectively that almost all the demagogues of
history have suffered individually, when they were overmastered
by the spirit they had themselves conjured up ; — on that day the
chief destroyers of the Church and King of England received
their brief but pithy characters from their great master. " Be
gone!" said he, as he kicked the Rump out of the seats they
had usurped from the people for at least a dozen years : " Be
gone ! and give place to honester men ! " Then, as they passed
out, he designated each reformer whose talent or influence was
worth immortalizing : there was Henry Marten, licentious
amongst women ; Peter Wentworth, an adulterer ; Alderman
Allen, an embezzler of public monies ; Challoner, a drunkard ;
Whitelocke, grossly unjust ; and as for Sir Harry Vane, whose
subtle character evaded even his active grasp, he could only pray
to be saved from him. " The Lord deliver me from Sir Harry
Vane!" is an ejaculation more descriptive than volumes could
define, of the vague and uncertain dangerousness of that man
who proposed to substitute the dreamy republic that even Boston
had rejected with contempt, for the ancient constitution of our
England.

* " A Healing Question propounded and resolved, upon Occa
sion of the late public and seasonable Call to Humiliation, in
order to Love and Union among the honest Party, and with a De
sire to apply Balm to the Wound before it become incurable.
By Henry Vane, Knight ; London, 1656." Mr. Forster has, with
his usual candour, quoted the above and similar passages, and with
his usual ingenuity endeavoured to prove Sir Harry a lucid and
luminous speaker.

348 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
such as Goring and Lunsford ; while the Puritans
claimed for themselves the exclusive worship
and protection of heaven. Pym was as fond of
wine and its concomitants as the freest Cavalier
amongst them all ; and his intrigue with Lady
Carlisle was notorious. Henry Marten was a free
thinker and a libertine ; Warwick, Wharton, and
Pembroke, were notorious evil-livers ; and Holland
and others were little better.1 No wonder that the
Cavaliers refused to accept the monopoly of vice,
faction, and irreligion. Those among them who had
not belonged to the Patriot side had been sup
pressed and cautious as long as the Parliament pre
served its purity and nobleness ; but when the ruling
portion of the Commons sank into a party, contract
ing all the vices and meanness that follow upon false
hood, they left the Parliament for the least tyranni
cal party of the two. Or, if they had always belong
ed to it, they then held up their heads and triumphed
in their former principles. With the blood of the
old barons of Runnymede still flowing in their veins ;
with the chivalry of the " Arcadia " still kindling in
their imagination ; with all the proud prejudices of

1 Nor were the soldierly vices, as well as violences, confined to
the officers and leading men among the Puritans : one of them
selves, in a paian over the sack of Winchester by the Round
heads, thus relates some of the events : —
" There many black coats got a desperate fall,
But chiefly those men styled canonicall,
They made such work with them and with their wives
As made them weary of their livus."
Kw's Collect. Brit. Mus. vi. 14.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 349
their ancestors, now strengthened by their own,
concerning the ancient monarchy of England, the
nobler Cavaliers were in no mood to bow their
proud heads at the footstool of "King Pym."1
Among them were many earnest and devout men,2
to whom their Church was as dear as ever conven
ticle was to Puritan, and these Cavaliers were by
no means content to see their venerable Cathedrals
demolished or profaned, their churches desecrated,3
their hierarchy reviled and outcast, their clergy
replaced by ferocious and ignorant " divines. "
They were proud of their country, even as she
1 This term, applied in mockery by the Royalists, was not
offensive in the Roundheads' ears : in the rhymed petition of the
players on not being allowed to act, they promise not
" To personate King Pym with his state fleet."
Forster, ii. 275.
Robert Browning, in his noble tragedy of " Strafford," has applied
to Pym the same term.
2 Witness the solemn and religious tone of every State paper
issued from the Court at this time : no hierarchy could have
spoken in more solemn and " God-fearing " language.
3 Already many painted windows and much exquisite archi
tecture had been destroyed by fanaticism : we shall soon find the
Roundheads at Lichfield and elsewhere hunting cats through
cathedrals with hounds to mimic the choristers ; stabling their
horses and defiling the venerable walls with the utmost degree of
brutal ingenuity. Among the bishops and clergy of this time
were Usher, Jeremy Taylor, Hall, Prideaux,, and other still
venerated names. Milton says of the Puritanical divines : " They
who so lately preached and cried down with great show of zeal the
avarice and pluralities of bishops and prelates, now set sail to all
the winds that might blow gain into their covetous bosoms." —
Prose Works, ii. 896. They, too, established a Ritual, meagre and
cold it may be well conceived, as it was to please, or rather not to
displease, so many passions : the " Assembly of Divines " was
chosen, each man according to the fancy of some Member of
Parliament.

350 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
stood then among the nations ; they were not
willing to sacrifice the gentle and chivalric prin
ciples that had made her so, to a democratic spirit
abhorring every quality that rose above its own
low level.
Moreover, there was little to conciliate or attract
in the gloomy and severe deportment or affectation
of the Puritans. There was as little of Christian
charity as of grace in their sentiments. x They held
toleration to be " soul-murder," and they looked
upon Roman Catholics as in a far worse state than
Mahometans : and with all this stern and repellent
profession and demeanour, there was something so
ludicrous combined, as utterly to destroy its sub
limity to the outward sense. " The ostentatious
simplicity of their dress," said the ablest of their
defenders, long ago, " their sour aspect, their nasal
twang, their stiff posture, their long graces, their
Hebrew names, the Scriptural phrases which they
introduced on every occasion, their contempt of
human learning, their detestation of public amuse
ments, were indeed fair game for the laughers."2
I shall conclude this long digression with referring
to a quotation already made from a great libe
ral historian, whose impartiality is beyond imputa
tion.3 1 " An intemperate heat scorches up charity in one Church as
well as in another; it everywhere lays waste the most amiable
duties of Christianity." — Hoadly, fol. ed. ii. 622.
2 Macaulay 's Essays, i. 49.
3 Hallam, Const. Hist. i. 363.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 351
Such was the party1 with whom our Cavaliers
were about to contend for the great question as
to whether the kingdom was to be ruled from
above or from below ; the former sanctioned by
ancient precedent, under which England had grown
great; the latter desired by a temporary enthu
siasm, that soon reacted and contemptuously dashed
down its ' once idolized Parliament from power.
And yet, as I have before remarked, so righteously
dear to many of the King's party was the nation's
peace, that they were prepared to make any sacri
fices for its preservation, short of that which would
have made its preservation useless. These were
the men whose well-meaning counsels obstructed
the first military measures, and neutralized the
effects of that energy which the King was now
ready to display.
Such was the posture of affairs when the King
rode into Nottingham with Prince Rupert by his
side. The weather was wild and rough, and it was
with difficulty the royal cavalcade made way against
it : " he had before him the sad presage of his ill-
success, as of a dark and dangerous storm, which
never admitted his return to the port from whence

1 I have only quoted a few reproofs of them from their own
most respectable authorities : it would be easy to fill volumes
with abuse of them from the papers of their own time. Even
Lilburn, the hater and victim of royalty, styles the Parliament
"a company of pick-pockets," "robbers," "thieves," "brother
beasts of Nebuchadnezzar," &c.

352 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
he had set out." These are his own solemn and
touching words.1
The dismantled old castle of Nottingham re
ceived its King with appropriate gloom ;2 its dreary
hall was filled with statesmen, courtiers, officers;
all more or less armed, and all anxious for the
momentous question to be decided — whether
the Standard should be raised at once, or the
ceremony postponed until it could be performed
under more favourable auspices ? The graver coun
sellors who still yearned for peace and trusted in
some future chance, proposed delay; but the King,
unable to bear longer suspense, refused it. Straight
way the fatal Standard was then unfurled.
Lord Clarendon was there, and thus describes the
event he witnessed : " There was little other cere
mony than the sound of a few drums and trumpets ;
melancholy men observed many ill presages about
that time. There was but one regiment of foot yet
brought thither ; so that the train-bands, which the
sheriff had drawn together, were all the strength the
King had for his person and the guard of his

1 Which Milton triumphs bitterly over in his " Eiconoclastes,"
vol. ii. p. 436, Lond. ed. 1806. In the preceding page, this man,
so sublime as a poet, so meanly rancorous as a partizan, asserts
that Charles was " much more criminal than Herod who was
eaten of worms," because that the English King " likened his acts
of grace to God's grace." The expression that so excites his ire
is in the " Eikon Basilicon," wherein Charles (as Milton believed)
says, "that the tumults threatened to abuse all [his] acts of
grace ! " The sentence above quoted is in the Eikon.
2 Clarendon, iii.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 353
Standard. There appeared no conflux of men in
obedience to the proclamation ; the arms and ammu
nition were not yet come from York, and a general
sadness covered the whole town. The Standard was
blown down the same night by a very strong and
unruly wind, and could not be fixed again for a day
or two, until the tempest was allayed. This was
the melancholy state of the King's affairs when the
Standard was set up."1
The next day, however, the same ceremony was
performed, although six men were obliged to support
the flag-staff while the herald read the proclamation,
and so again for the three days following. Indeed
there was little else to be done ; news came in but
slowly of the levies in the west and south : the
artillery was not yet arrived from York, and yet the
King's position was not a little perilous. The Par
liamentary forces, " horse, foot, and cannon," lay at
Northampton, well-appointed and eager to be doing ;
and Sir Jacob Astley was in much fear lest the King
should be taken prisoner as he slept. 2 To occupy
the minds of his followers, probably, rather than for
any other motive, the King then held a Chapter of
the Order of the Garter, with such state as was prac
ticable under the circumstances. This was to do
honour to his young kinsman, Prince Rupert, and
was well calculated to impart a chivalric character
to the ceremony of the Standard. Charles, Prince
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 192. 2 Ibid. p. 194.
VOL. I. A A

354 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
of Wales, at the same time received the honour
ofthe Garter.1
In the midst of the festival consequent on this
installation, a messenger arrived in hot haste from
Portsmouth, bearing a despatch from Goring. Its
purport "almost struck the King to the heart;"2
his worthless and unprincipled servant announced
that he must surrender his all-important post in
" very few days, except it were relieved :" and well
he knew that relief was impossible. Lord Hertford,
who alone could have afforded it, had been driven
into Dorsetshire, and was himself besieged in Sher
borne Castle.3 Meanwhile the double traitor con
tinued to wallow in debauchery, without making one
effort to oppose the enemy. Lord Clarendon as
serted that Goring had intended originally to hold
out with firmness, "but when the King's power

1 This was the only Chapter ever held out of Windsor, and
there were some informalities attending it, which required to be
righted afterwards by the College of Heralds ! — King's Coll.
Brit. Mus.
2 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 191, note.
3 Lord Hertford's brave and active service must not be passed
over in a paragraph. He had left the King at Beverley, and
been ever since occupied in raising levies by the strength of his
own popularity in Somersetshire. He was well received in that
great county, all the " gentlemen of quality therein, except Pop-
ham and Horner," being favourable to him. Wells, "being a
pleasant city and in the heart of the county," was recommended
by them for his " lordship's residence." From hence he strove in
a gentle and conciliatory manner to win favour for the Royal
cause : he was sorely thwarted in his efforts by the enemy, who
" taking advantage of the King's commission being in Lahn,
translated it as they pleased," and persuaded the wealthy but
illiterate yeomen and tradespeople that the proclamation was

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 355
abated, the edge of his zeal was taken off, and he
thought Portsmouth was too low a sphere for him
to move in ; and so he cared not to lose what he
did not care to keep."1
It was, indeed, a heavy blow to Charles. He
had precipitately raised the Standard, lured into that
rash measure by his confidence in Goring's strength.
Until he had so declared his purpose beyond recall,

a most tyrannical and embezzling document. Their secret
machinations were too powerful for the formal and open pro
ceedings of the marquis, who had only three troops of horse
and a company of foot to defend himself.* Unfortunately
for him, Lord Pacolet and some twenty-five gentlemen soon
came to his head-quarters, and controlled him in every active
measure he undertook. So far Lord Clarendon. Soon after
wards, Sir John Stowell and others, with eighty horse and
fourteen dragoons, charged and attacked Captain Preston, who
had a hundred horse and six hundred foot, and routed them,
killing seven and taking many prisoners. — Ludlow, p. 37 ; Clar.
iii. 207. This skirmish is remarkable, as it is said to have fur
nished the first blood shed on the field during the war. Lord
Hertford meanwhile, "with his great-spirited little army," had
retired before the Earl of Bedford, Holies, and about seven thou
sand foot to the strong castle of Sherborne, where we leave him
and them in a transient state of siege, waiting for the progress
of events elsewhere.
1 I must not omit the remainder of Lord Clarendon's obser
vation. He continues : " And it were to be wished that there
might be no more occasion to mention him after this repeated
treachery ; and that his incomparable dexterity and sagacity
had not prevailed so far over those whom he had so often deceived,
as to make it absolutely necessary to speak at large of him more
than once before this discourse comes to an end."

* Two of these troops were commanded by John Digby (Lord
Bristol's son) and Sir Francis Hawley ; the third, with which
were a few dragoons, had been raised and equipped by Sir Ralph
Hopton at his own charge. Colonel Henry Lunsford had raised
the company of foot, amounting to 600 men. A a 2

356 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
the Parliament could scarcely have begun to act on
the offensive, and every day of preparation, unmo
lested, was of the utmost importance to his cause.
But now the die was cast ; " the beginning of strife
is as the letting out of waters ;" he was well nigh
overwhelmed. His council, less sanguine than him
self, were less astounded by this blow; perhaps,
secretly, scarcely regretted it. At all events they
insisted, and with reason, that the most important
object now was to recover the ground they had lost.
They proposed, therefore, to open a new negotiation
for an amicable arrangement with the Parliament ;
arguing that under any circumstances they should
gain time ; that they should cast the odium of
refusing peace upon the Parliament ; and that, after
all, it was not utterly hopeless that the Parliament
might accept their propositions. The King at
length reluctantly consented. Lords Dorset, South
ampton, with Sir John Colepepper, and Sir William
Uvedale, undertook the dangerous office of am
bassadors. They left Nottingham on the afternoon
of the 25th, and reached London early the next
morning. 2
They were received haughtily by both Houses.
Lord Southampton was not allowed to take his seat
among the Peers, but was ordered to deliver his
message to the Usher, and leave London forthwith.
Sir John Colepepper met a similar reception from
1 Sir P. Warwick, 213 ; Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 204.

1642.]. PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 357
the Commons ; and the ambassadors returned to
Nottingham with such an answer as the King had
foreseen.1 Three days later, Lord Falkland was sent
with another — an explanatory message, in which the
King declared that " being desirous to avoid the
diffusion of blood, he was willing to decline all

1 The following is the substance of the message and the reply.
The King expressed himself to this effect : — " That he had with
unspeakable grief of heart long beheld the distractions of the
kingdom ; that his very soul was full of anguish, until he could
find some remedy to prevent the miseries which were ready to
overwhelm this whole nation by a Civil War ; that though all his
endeavours tending to the composing of these unhappy difficulties
had hitherto failed, he would not be discouraged from using any
expedient which might lay a firm foundation of peace and hap
piness to all his good subjects. And in order to prevent the
mistakes which had hitherto arisen in treating between himself
and the Parliament, he had thought fit to propound that an
equal number of fit persons might on each side be enabled to
treat with such freedom of debate as might best tend to that
happy conclusion, which all good men desire — the peace of the
kingdom : that he promised every protection to such as might be
sent, in case the place where he was should be chosen for the
treaty, and presumed on the same care being shewn to those he
should send, if they chose another place : that everything should
be done on his part to advance the Protestant religion and secure
the law of the land. If this proposition should be rejected, he
had done his duty so amply, that God would absolve him from
the guilt of any of the blood that should be spilt : that nothing
but his desire to prevent the effusion of blood had begat this
motion, as he was well provided with men, arms, and money to
secure him from farther violence." The reply of Parliament was
to the following effect : — " That they, with much grief, resented
the dangerous and distracted state of the kingdom, which they
had by all means endeavoured to prevent, but that, exceeding the
ill counsels of any former age, the King had issued several pro
clamations against both Houses of Parliament, declaring their
actions treasonable and their persons traitors, and had thereupon
set up his Standard ; and that until those proclamations were re
called and the Standard taken down, they could not, by the fun
damental privileges of Parliament, or with the general good and

358 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
memory of former bitterness ;" that he never in
tended to declare the Parliament traitors, or to set
up his Standard against them, much less to put them
and the kingdom out of his protection. [What all
this meant is not easy to conceive, yet it was pro
bably suggested by Falkland, as he bore the message.]
"And that if they would recall their declarations
against all persons as traitors for assisting him [the
King], he would with all cheerfulness do the same,
and take down his Standard." : The document
concluded by expressing his desire for a treaty.
The Parliament echoed the King's demand, insisting
that the royal declarations, traitor epithets, and
obnoxious Standard, should be suppressed before
they would enter into any terms. With this reply
Lord Falkland returned to the King.
Prince Rupert and the more warlike Cavaliers
triumphed in these replies, the purport of which
they had prophesied.2 But those who had advised
the negotiation also triumphed in the favour that
the royal cause had gained by the exhibition of so
anxious a desire on the King's part for peace.
Henceforth the levies Avent on rapidly, and the
wavering gentry, seeing that all hope of compromise
was at an end, displayed their national firm (when
once formed) resolution. The King, after many
years of error and impolicy, had latterly been sorely
safety of the kingdom, give his Majesty any other answer to his
message." » Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 213. - Ibid. p. 217.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 359
tried : he had gone through the ordeal with courage
and magnanimity, and now his cause was, at all
events, the least objectionable. From that time
forth, nineteen-twentieths of the gentlemen of Eng
land were Cavaliers.
At Nottingham all was now changed : the energy
of desperation succeeded to the restless indolence
of suspense. The tide had begun to turn for the
King; every trooper that now entered the castle
brought some better news, on which still better
hopes were founded ; the artillery arrived from
York; preparations were made to advance towards the
south ; the King appeared in a new character, dis
playing extraordinary talents for business, prompt
ness, energy, and resolution. Essex, meanwhile, had
reached Northampton, and now lay, in considerable
force, within reach of his royal enemy. The Council
at Nottingham were in hourly fear for the King's
safety, but their fears were causeless. Nothing can
be conceived more awkward than for the Parliament
at this moment to have made the King a prisoner.
He had granted infinitely more than they had pre
sumed even to ask for, twelve months before ; his
desire for peace, his offer for a treaty was published
to all England : the Roundheads dared not have
touched him. They knew well that they must wait
until the public reason was lost in the public passion,
and the strong instinct of allegiance merged in the
still stronger instinct of hatred towards an enemy.
The King was not yet that enemy ; the Parliament

360 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
were determined to make him so ; to steep his hands
in blood, and then, and not till then, to call him to
an account.

The mass of Prince Rupert's correspondence presents
itself to us at this conjuncture. Until the first hurried
arrangements for the campaign were made, the Prince
probably had no secretary, and none of the correspondence
seems to have been preserved. A Mr. Blake, I believe,
now filled that office, and seems to have been very careful
in his guardianship of his Highness's letters. Unfortu
nately, however, this gentleman never made any memo
randa upon them, and we have the letters in the same state
that they left the hands of the messengers who conveyed
them. Some possess but little interest, except as they afford
the means of verifying (or falsifying) historical records by
their dates, their quaint language, and the eager spirit
that breathes through them. The most matter-of-fact of
them all, however, may be useful to the future historian ;
especially to him who shall write the " Military History
of the Civil War," in full ; a task which I found incom
patible with the other objects of my work.1 In writing
such a history, many of these letters will be omitted and
their contents and information appropriated and condensed.
I do not feel myself justified in omitting any that possess
any historical or other interest, or that those who come
after me might glean any information from. I have
selected those that appeared to me of the most importance,
and if they succeed in awakening interest, probably the
1 I believe, however, that I have as nearly approached it as most
others have done. I have not left any (to me) attainable sources
of information unexamined, and as the dwarf on the giants
shoulders, the most inefficient writer may see more than his more
gifted predecessor. Before Mr. Carlyle's great work on Cromwell,
M. Guizot's " Revolution d'Angleterre," Mr. Forster's " Statesmen
of the Commonwealth," Mr. Brodie and Mr. Godwin, to which I

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 361
remainder will be presented to the public by their pro
prietor. The letters (now first published) from the King,
from the Ladies, and from Princes Rupert and Maurice,
I have generally inserted in the text ; the more interesting
of the Cavaliers' correspondence in smaller print, and the
rest, more or less important, in the notes. For the reader's
convenience I have spelt them right : there is no informa
tion to be gained from the villanous orthography of our
ancestors, however heroic they may have been ; the forms
of expression I have left untouched.
I have a few observations to make concerning the fol
lowing correspondence ; first, it proves Prince Rupert to
have been the director of the whole war, and the sole re
feree of the King upon every point connected with their
military affairs. This, at first, considering the issue of the
war, may appear to be an unfortunate admission for the
Prince; but, it is to be recollected, that at the first, the
state of the King's affairs was well-nigh desperate, that
nothing but the most able and vehement exertions could
have raised up his depressed and destitute army to a state
of strength and service ; and that through all the widely
scattered quarters of this army, wherever there was a
courtier, there was a wayward and jealous opponent of
the young general. At head-quarters especially, every
obstacle was thrown in his way that the King's partiality
would allow; and all the responsibility being thrown
upon the Prince, all the many failures were visited upon
him also. It is remarkable, that all those who were
under his orders express themselves with devotedness and

may add Lord Nugent's " Hampden," the " Fairfax Oorrespond-
ance," Miss Strickland's " Henrietta Maria," and Miss Aikin's
"Court of Charles I.," there was a vast amount of labour to be
undergone to arrive at even the sources of information which
their industry or talent have discovered. With respect to the
political history of this period, Mr. Hallam has scarcely left any
thing to be desired that was attainable by genius and research.

362 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
affection towards his service, and that every brave man
only seems to desire to serve under the eyes of the most
daring leader of that brave time.
The first letter in Prince Rupert's collection is from
Charlotte de la Tremouille, the heroic Countess of Derby.1
It is superscribed " for the Prince," but is without any place
of address. Rupert was probably at Oueneborough, near

1 This illustrious lady was the third daughter of Claude, Duke
of Thouars, Prince of Palmont, and a Peer of France, by Char
lotte, daughter of William first Prince of Orange, whose wife was
of the Royal House of Montpensier. She was married when very
young to James Stanley, seventh Earl of Derby,* with whom she
lived in peaceful happiness till civil strife called him to the
defence of the Isle of Man, leaving to his countess the manage
ment of all his English affairs. How gallantly she acquitted
herself of this trust will appear later in our history. After the
relief of Lathom House by Rupert, Lady Derby accompanied her
lord on his return to their island territory : this he continued to
hold for the King after it was confiscated by Parliament,
which revenged itself by detaining his children in the harshest
captivity, when they were sent to solicit relief in England on the
faith of a pass from Fairfax, for eighteen months. The earl and
countess remained amongst the simple islanders, who adored
them, till 1651, when Lord Derby returned to England and died
heroically in the cause of Charles II. His widow continued to
rule their former kingdom in dignified poverty, until it was dis
gracefully betrayed to the enemy by a man named Christian, who
owed everything to her lord. She and her children endured a
cruel imprisonment after this, and such extreme poverty, that
they were driven to accept of alms from their friends. The
estates were restored to her eldest son upon King Charles's
accession, and the countess ended her days at the family hall of
Knowsley in Lancashire, March, 1663. I have taken this account
principally from Mr. Lodge. In Lord Dartmouth's collection of

* I find the following piece of gossip concerning this lady
in the correspondence of Father Cyprian (" Court and Times
of Charles I."). He says (writing in 1636), "The Duchess de la
Tremaille is just come [to London] with her daughter, married
lately to Lord Strange. She hath down upon the nail 24,000Z., he
making her but 2000£. a year jointure."

Jos Brown, SC.

CU^CO/ <£^A^r/7fMuZ/&,

©©UraTESS ©IF 3©IEIElB"jr.

FROM THE OE.IGINAI, BY HONTHOB.ST, IN THE COUjECTION OF THE

.TH HOUSE.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 363
Leicester, when it reached him ; it is easier to know even
now, than it was then, where the fiery young Palatine was to
be found at any given time. The Countess congratulates
him on having escaped from Warwick, who was cruizing
with the Parliamentary fleet to intercept all communica
tion with the Continent. She then solicits from the King
some protection for her neighbourhood, little knowing his
inability to furnish a single company. 1

family papers, admirably arranged by Lord Bagot, there is a fine
print of this heroic lady. It bears that stamp of faithfulness to
the original that seldom deceives. The Countess of Derby is
there represented, not very refined and noble-looking, as we should
expect from her illustrious blood, but her portrait bespeaks her
far better — brave, and kind, and good.
1 It needs not to be told how nobly the countess, when thrown
upon her own resources, proved that she was able to defend her
self, but the following letter will shew how much her character
and conduct enlisted the sympathies of her neighbours. As I
have many other papers relating to Lathom House, I subjoin this
here, although anticipating its date.
from the cavaliers keeping garrison in chester,
to prince rupert.
"Mat it please your Highness,
" We have thought it worthy your Highness' knowledge and
this express, to inform you, that since your Highness' departure
from these parts, the house of Lathom (wherein your very heroic
kinswoman, the Countess of Derby, is) hath, by Sir Thomas
Pairfax (who is yet there), been very straitly besieged, and, as
we hear, assaulted (notwithstanding any rumours which were to
the contrary), yet so defended by her admirable courage, as from
the house there hath been killed divers of the assailants, some
prisoners taken, and many arms. By these means she hath oc
casioned the enemy to strengthen the leaguer, and exasperated
their malice. But she hath wasted much of her ammunition and
victual, which must needs hasten the sadness of her ladyship's
condition, or render her captive to a barbarous enemy, if your
Highness' forces do not speedily relieve her ; in contemplation
whereof, as also of the happy effects of her gallantry, who, by
this defence, hath not only diverted a strong party of the Lanca
shire forces from joining with those who would endeavour to in-

364 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF

" THE COUNTESS OF DERBY TO PRINCE RUPERT.
" MONSEIGNEUR, "II n'y a personne qui ait eu plus de joie de
votre arriv^e en ce pays que moi, et qui a plus craint
les dangers que vous pourriez courir par le conte de
Warwick, dont Dieu vous a delivrd: j'espere pour
le service du roy, et le bien de ce royaume qui sera
bien miserable depuis l'approche de la revolte, et
que Ton fait courir les bruits de quelque retraite

terrupt your Highness' march and retreat, or otherwise might
have joined in one body to have annoyed us here in the division
of our forces. We are therefore all bold (with an humble repre
sentation) to become suitors to your Highness for your princely
consideration of the noble lady's seasonable and speedy relief, in
which (besides her particular) we conceive the infinite good of all
these northern parts will be most concerned, and his Majesty's
service very much advanced. The happy success of your High
ness is now our principal hope and prayers, which, and all your
Highness' designs, shall be promoted with the lives and utmost
services of " Your Highness' most faithful servants,
" Caryll Molyneux. J. Mainwaring.
Tho. Tyldesley. Richard Greene.
Richard Grosvenor. James Anderton.
Henry Legh. Will. Walton.
Rich. Molynetjx. John Berimigham.''
Ab. Shipman.
" Chester, March the 23rd, 1643." *
About the same time the Prince seems to have received the
following letter, without date. It is so short that I give it in its

Prince Rupert's Correspondence.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 365
des gens de sa Majeste. Cela a enfle le courage des
seditieux tellement que je ne crois pas que Ton
les puisse desarmer s'il ne plaisoit au roy d'envoyer
quelques compagnies de cavalerie en cette province
qui seroit un grand avantage pour le service de sa
M"°. Par ce moyen, Ton n'aura besoin de retenir ces
compagnies de cavalerie que pour fort peu de temps ;
et Ton pourroit lever et armer des gens de pied pour
le service du roy, ce que je crains ne se pourra faire
sans cela, car Ton n'aura assez affaire de se defendre
de nos ennemis de dedans notre pays, et je ne sais
comment s'y peut demeurer avec surete sans cette
assistance qui pourra servir assurer toutes les pro
vinces & sa Majeste, ce qui ne sera pas de peu de
consequence. Pardonnez a ma liberte, et a la har-
diesse que je prends. Mais l'honneur que j'ai de
vous appartenir l la donne, et j'espere tout en votre

original spelling. The fair writer does not even spell her own
name right.
" Monsieur, " Je prends la hardiesse de faire ce mot a vostre altesse pour
la supplier tres humblement de ce donner la penne d'entre ce
porteur sur estat de ce pays qui auroit bien besoing de sa pre
sence comme vostre altesse le poure mieux juger elle maime par
son dixcours augnez je me remais et la supplice de me croire plus
que personne. " Monsieur,
" De vostre Altesse la tres humble et tres obeysente
et tres fidelle servant " C. De Tremaille."
" A Monsieur
Monsieur le Prince Rupert.
No date except 1642.
Countesse of Darby."
1 The Prince was related to her.

366 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
generosite que vous avancerez cette affaire avec le
plus de diligence que ce pourroit etre.
" Monseigneur,
" Votre tres humble et tres obeissante servante,
" CHARLOTE DE LA TltEMAILLE." '
"a Ladhom,2 ce 31 d'Oust, 1641.
"A Monseigneur,
"Monseigneur le Prince Ruper."
At this period, as all the following correspond
ence will prove, Prince Rupert was not only the
King's chief dependence and main stay ; but he
exercised, in fact, the chief command. In that
camp of courtiers, it would have been difficult for
any man, of less resolute character, or less exalted
station, to have assured a lead : etiquette, and the
sensitive jealousies of almost all the volunteers,
circumscribed every man's capacity of action to
the precise spot that the heralds would have
assigned it.3
On the Roundhead side, that man was held the

1 This letter is very difficult indeed to decypher, and yery
strangely spelt.
2 Lathom House, six miles from Wigan.
3 Of these officials there was a prodigious train : they were the
only attaches of the King whom the Parliament left entirely to
their own duties. Their gorgeous dresses must have contrasted
strangely with the "ragged array" of the King's soldiers at Co
ventry. Leigh Hunt, in his well-peopled " Town," gives a plea
sant anecdote of a herald waiting on a bishop about this time to
summon him to the House of Lords. The herald appeared, as
was customary, in full dress, arrayed with tabard and other in
signia of his office : his bishop was an Irish one (Killaloe), and
had an Irish servant, to whom he gave his titles, kmg-at-arms,
&c. &c, to announce him by ; the bewildered Celt forgot every-

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 367
best who could do the most. Hampden, Pym,
Brooke, Cromwell, were everywhere, doing every
thing, and inspiring, instead of jealousy, a zeal to
follow in their steps. Rupert was the only man of
rank, in the Royal camp, who was exclusively a
soldier, and entirely free from patriotic scruples,
diplomatic subtleties, and respect of persons. His
affection to King Charles was devoted, and chival
rously single-minded ; he allowed no other consider
ation to interfere with it for a moment. He set at
nought the bitter rivalries and local jealousies of
the nobles, yet he seems to have inspired them, for
the most part, not only with respect or fear, but
with the warmest regard for him. Lord Digby,
however, was his enemy from the first, and Sir
Edward Hyde seems always to have held him in
dislike and fear.1 This enmity was productive of
thing but the wonderful appearance of the official, and scared the
bishop by the assurance that the king of trumps was come to
wait upon his lordship.
1 Sir Philip Warwick, the Eroissart of the Cavaliers, takes a
very different view of Prince Rupert from Lord Clarendon. So
little has been said in favour of this Prince by historians, that I
may be excused for quoting the words of this candid and " grave
authority :" — " That brave Prince and hopeful soldier, Rupert,
.... who, though a young man, had in martial affairs some ex
perience and good skill, and who was of such intrepid courage
and activity, as that, clean contrary to former practice, when the
King had great armies, but no commanders forward to fight, he
so soon ranged and disciplined this small body of men, that, &c.
.... Of so great virtue is the personal courage and example of
our great commander ; and indeed (to do him right) he put that
spirit into the King's army, that all men seemed resolved : and
had he been as cautious as he was a forward fighter and a know
ing person in all parts of a soldier, he had most probably been
a very fortunate one." — Memoirs, p. 227.

368 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
many evil consequences, and at last drove Rupert
from the kingdom. The following letter is the first
proof of the misunderstanding. It appears, that
Digby had objected to the King's shewing such
favour to the Prince, and that the latter had re
sented his interference with frank displeasure. On
the 10th of September, Lord Digby wrote the fol
lowing letter to him : it affords a good specimen, at
once, of the style and character of one of the most
clever, yet most affected and least practically able
men engaged in the King's affairs.
from lord digby to prince rupert.
May it please your Highness,
I am told by Mr. O'Neal that your Highness hath not
so right an understanding of me, as my affection to your
person and service made me hope. ' Tis true, Sir, that to
persons so much above me as you are, my nature is not
apt to those insinuations and recherches which others
perhaps, that love them much less, are dextrous and
industrious in ; but this I will say to your Highness, with
confidence and truth, that ever since I have had the honour
to know you, I have not omitted any occasion wherein
I thought I might either serve your Highness, or express
how much I honoured you, of which I am sure I have the
greatest and best witnesses.
I am told, likewise, that your Highness takes ill some
expression of mine concerning you, to a person whom
your Highness esteems, and I honour much. You
will not think it fit for me to discourse upon that subject
in a letter, and therefore I will refer the enlargement to
Mr. O'Neal. But thus much I assure your Highness,
that if I have deserved well in anything, it hath been of

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 369
your Highness even towards that person, and in that very
expression ; being wholly used in this sense, to tell that
party that where there was a friendship of honour with so
gallant a Prince as yourself, les petits gens should be kept
at a greater distance, as I am sure the party will have the
nobleness to avow, in case you think it worthy the
reviving. In the mean time I shall study to serve your
Highness with affection and industry in all things, wherein
you shall think me worthy your trust. If these professions
were not very real, I would not have troubled neither your
Highness nor myself with them, for I have no other end
upon you but this, that beheving you a gallant and
generous Prince, I should esteem myself happy to have
with you the place of
Your Highness's most affectionate
Humble Servant,
George Digby.
10. 7bris, at Nottingham, 1642.
A temporary reconciliation seems to have followed
this epistle, for, a few days later, Digby is fighting
bravely by the Prince's side, at Powick Bridge ; and
for the next year, we find his letters expressing the
utmost cordiality and respect towards his dangerous
correspondent.1 The war is now fairly ushered in ; the next chapter
will commence a series of almost uninterrupted ac
tion, illustrated by an almost daily correspondence.
1 I have somewhat anticipated this letter as to date, but not as
to matter : other correspondence fills up the period to which
it chronologically belongs. — Emtor.

VOL. I. B B

370 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF

CHAPTER V.
THE FIRST BLOW.

the kino and the cavaliers leave nottingham.  the roundhead
army. — rupeht's levies. — general rendezvous at Stafford. —
rattle of worcester.

" This was but the hand of that cloud, which was soon after to
overspread the whole kingdome, and cast all into disorder and
darknesse." Icon Basilicon, Chakles I.
" Warre is an appeal to Heaven, when Justice cannot be had
on earth." Ward.
Two great parties — the one desiring to extend,
the other to contract, the democratic principle in
our Constitution — have long and irreconcilably
divided England, while mutually advancing her
great destinies. These two parties were now arrayed
in arms against each other. Before, and since
that terrible strife, this antagonism has no doubt
produced progression, and the more rapid de
velopment of our constitutional character : each
party, alternately in the ascendant, moving forward
as best it can, stimulated by the rivalry, yet ren
dered cautious by the vigilant enmity of its oppo
nents. But, now, the great question was to be
resolved by arms ; each party had been driven to

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 371
extremes, and the original conflict of opinion was
soon embittered and inflamed by personal animosity.
Religion itself was distorted into an additional ele
ment of discord, imparting to the excited minds
of political combatants all the characteristics of a
Holy War. Religious controversy, at all times a
bitter strife, never improves the temper or the
truthfulness of men ; political controversy is in
itself a war, without weapon or bloodshed, but
scarcely less fierce and cruel : the evil genius of
the Court had had the ingenuity to raise each of
these controversies into red heat, and then fuse
them into one. Each party now claimed to wield
the sword of the Lord, as well as of Gideon, and
hence, the internecine nature of the war and its
persistency : no battle could decide, no treaty heal
the difference; destruction alone could still the
opposition. The King continued to hold his Court at Not
tingham, until the 13th of September; inclined to
peace,1 but preparing diligently for war. Prince
Rupert, and his principal officers, strongly objected
1 I think I am justified in saying so by the assertion of one
who very much disapproved of the Zing's cause, though he
adhered to it as preferable to that of the Parliamentary faction.
In Lord Sunderland's melancholy letter to his wife, quoted a few
pages back, he thus explains the reason of his being found in the
Royal camp ; but he says that the " King, when he sent those
messages, did heartily desire peace, though now [two months
after] averse to it." Indeed, the attitude of the Parliamentary
army, and the condition of his own may well vouch for his
sincerity, and must have rendered him anxious to postpone any
trial of physical strength with his sinewy opponents. b b 2

372 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
to the treaties negotiated with Parliament. They
were unlearned in, and, probably, contemptuous of
" moral force " doctrines ; they only recognized the
indubitable fact, that such temporizing materially
interfered with the progress of the levies, and en
dangered such as were already made.1 On the
return of Lord Falkland from London, however,
the war-party was fully satisfied : his mission had
been contemptuously frustrated. Following on his
steps, in a few days came Essex, " with great
solemnitie," to take command of the army against
his King. His instructions were brief, simple, and
momentous : the Lord - General was to transmit
terms of unconditional submission to the King
[under the name of a petition] ; and, that failing, he
was, " by battle, or otherwise," to bring back to the
Parliament, the King and his two sons.2 Lord
Essex was a discontented and disappointed man;
his career, as a courtier and a lover, had been
equally unfortunate; but he was a high-minded,
chivalrous soldier, and held many scruples and
sympathies in common with the Cavaliers : the
former bias prompted him to undertake his pre
sent office;3 the latter disqualified him from fulfilling
it with the unscrupulous zeal that it required. Im
portant as he was to his new Roundhead masters,
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 217.
2 Pari. Hist. ii. Whitelocke's.
3 " If the Earl [of Essex] had refused that command, our cause
in all likelihood had sunk, we having never a nobleman either
willing or capable of it." — Observations, &c, Lilly.

1G42.J PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 373
from his military character and his high caste, they
were too keen-sighted not to have discovered the
drawbacks to such high qualities. For his nominal
assistance, therefore, and, virtually, for his control,
he was accompanied by a committee of Parliament ;
it consisted of twelve lords and twenty-four com
moners, a heavy and unwelcome incumbrance on a
general's staff.
On the 9th of September, 1642, the Lord-Gene
ral set forth from London, to enter on his com
mand. The hope of the " cause " was centred in his
person, and the City escorted him, by guilds and
companies, with all honour beyond its boundaries.
A large company of armed gentlemen formed his
body-guard ; applauding crowds accompanied his
progress, with the most extravagant exclamations j1
every window was filled with his countrywomen,
and the grim old streets were adorned, as if for a
triumph. Orange scarfs and shawls, and ribbons,
abounded everywhere, and became thenceforth the
badge of party.2 On his arrival at Northampton,
the Lord-General found about 14,000 men, of all

1 On September 9, 1642, sets forth the Earl of Essex out of
London towards St. Albans and his army ; in way of triumph he
went out waited on by Parliament, and millions of people lining
the highways, throughout attended with the gallantry of his great
commanders, with such of the nobility and gentry as favoured
his design, the multitude crying out " Hosanna 1" Others said
" that even so was said and done to his father in his expedition
towards Ireland, who returned back a traitor and lost his head
at last." — Sanderson's Charles L, p. 577.
2 May, Long Pari., ii. 57 ; Whitelocke, p. 50. " Because the

374 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
arms, mustered under his banner.1 These troops
were well equipped with the Royal stores from
Hull ; and with arms last taken from the Tower
when the Armada was approaching : much of this
antique armour resumed its old place in the Tower,
and may be there at this day. The bright orange
scarf, and steel cuirass, however, enveloped a different
stamp of men, from those who gathered round the
King at Nottingham, unarmed and ill-provided as
the latter were. No Norman chivalry swelled the
ranks of the Roundheads, and those of gentle blood
among them were so few, as to be summed up in
half a column of our histories.2 " Your troops," said
the great spirit of that age, " your troops are, most
of them, decayed serving men and tapsters, and such
kind of fellows ; and the King's troops are gentle
men's sons, younger sons, and persons of quality.
Do you think, that the spirit of such base and mean
fellows will be ever able to encounter gentlemen, that
have honour, and courage and resolution in them." 3
Thus spoke Cromwell, but he soon proved that he

Earl of Essex gave a deep yellow for his colours, every citizen's
dame, to the draggletail of her kitchen, had got up that colour of
the cause." — Sandersons Charles I.
1 May, Hist. Pari., lib. iii. 5. The "cornet" or standard of
Essex's own regiment bore on one side the Parliamentary motto,
" God with us," on the other, "Cave adsum /" — Life of Hampden,
ii. 200. The latter afforded sometimes abundant subject to the
witty Cavaliers when it was seen in retreat, or warning the terrified
farmers of approaching contributions.
2 Lord Nugent's Life of Hampden, ii. 203. — Clarendon and
Whitelocke, compared, 1727.
3 Porster's Statesmen, iv. 92.

1642.J PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 375
could himself evoke a more fierce and enduring
spirit from among the People than even that which
he here magnifies. His " Ironsides " are the most
fearless and successful body of troops on record,
even in our annals : these fellows may have been, and
I believe were, for the most part, fanatics, but they
were not all hypocrites : hypocrites never fought as
they fought. " At first," says Sir Philip Warwick,
" they chose rather to die than fly, and custom re
moved fear of danger : afterwards, finding the sweet
of good pay, and of opulent plunder and preferment,
the lucrative part made gain seem to them a
native part of godliness." ]
These masses were officered by old "Gustavus
Adolphus men," who soon made them feel the
iron discipline of the Swede, and transmuted the
raw levies into steady soldiers. Engineering and
artillery science was not to be learnt on the
moment, and native, French, and German officers
were employed in those services. Hampden's
green coats were among the best of this young
army. Lord Say and Lord Mandeville dressed their
men in blue f Lord Brooke, in purple ; and the Lon
doners, under Denzil Holies, wore the red, that

] Warwick's Memoirs, p. 252.
- Probably in imitation of the Covenanters, who introduced the
military badge and phrase of " true blue." Lesley and Montrose
assumed blue ribbons, &c, in 1639, in contrast to the scarlet
scarfs and plumes of the King's party. The colour was assumed
by the Covenanters on the strength of Numbers, xv. 38. — Napier's
Montrose, Chambers.

376 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
already had long distinguished them.1 The officers
wore armour, and were scarcely distinguishable from
those of the King's party,2 except by an orange or
"tawney" scarf. The Parliamentary standard was
"black, with one or five buff bibles,"3 and the motto,
" God with us," written beneath in gold. The Earl
of Bedford was General of the Horse, in the Round
head army, and the Earl of Peterborough, General of
the Ordnance. The common soldiers of this army,
and, no doubt, many of its officers, had little inten
tion of making war upon their King : they had been
elaborately taught, that their Sovereign was beset
and, in some sort, imprisoned by evil counsellors,
from whom it was their duty to rescue his Majesty.4

1 Lord Nugent's Life of Hampden, ii. 200.
2 There were instances innumerable of mistakes occurring on
this account, vide Ludlow, i. 48, 49 ; and, hereafter, the rescue of
the King's standard at Edgehill.
3 Buff and tawny being both varieties of Essex's orange. I quote
in the text from the Sutherland Collection, Bodleian Library.
4 " 'Tis to preserve his Majesty,
That we against him fight,
Nor are we ever beaten back,
Because our cause is right ;
If any make a scruple at
Our declaration, say,
Who fight for us, fight for the King
The clean contrary way.
Chorus — Who fight for us," &c.
" 'Tis for religion that you fight,
And for the kingdom's good,
By robbing churches, plundering them,
And shedding guiltless blood," <fcc.
Collection of Loyal Songs, 1 660.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 377
It was not until all other feelings and passions
had been merged in that of the mere combatant,
that Cromwell confided to his Ironsides " that he
would pistol the King in fight as soon as any other
man." It is probable that Essex encouraged the
feeling of loyalty that as yet tempered the passion
for revolution among the soldiers ; and he may have
hoped, that a demonstration would be the chief, if
not the only, duty of his army.1
1 The marching orders of this gallant, able, and honest soldier
belong too much to our period to be omitted. They bespeak the
spirit which he intended and believed should actuate the pro
ceedings in this war, and may be studied with advantage in any
other. " I do promise, in the sight of Almighty Grod, to undertake
nothing but what shall tend to the advancement of the true Pro
testant religion, the securing of his Majesty's royal person, the
maintenance of the just privileges of Parliament, and the liberty
and property of the subject. Neither will I engage any of you
into any danger, but I will, in my own person, run an equal
hazard with you, and either bring you off with honour or, if God
have so decreed, fall with you, and willingly become a sacrifice
for the preservation of my country. Likewise I do promise, that
my ear shall be open to hear the complaint of the poorest of my
soldiers, though against the chiefest of my officers, neither shall
his greatness (if justly taxed) gain any privilege ; but I shall be
ready to execute justice against from the greatest to the least.
Your pay shall be constantly delivered to your commanders, and if
default be made by any officer, give me timely notice and you
shall find speedy redress. I shall now declare what is your duty
towards me, — which must likewise be carefully performed by
you. I shall desire all and every officer to endeavour by love and
affable carriage to commend his soldiers ; since what is done for
fear is done unwillingly, and what is unwillingly attempted can
never prosper. Likewise, it is my request that you be very careful
in the exercising of your men, and bring them to use their arms
readily and expertly, and not busy them in practising the cere
monious forms of military discipline ; only let them be well
instructed in the necessary rudiments of war, that they may fall
on with discretion and retreat with care ; how maintain their

378 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Meanwhile the King still held his Court at
Nottingham ; debarred from the London road by
the formidable force at Northampton, and uncertain
whither to direct his course. His forces continued
to augment : the brave old Lord Lindsey and his son,
Lord Willoughby, each brought a regiment six hun-

order and make good their ground. Also, I do expect that all
those that voluntarily engaged themselves in this service should
answer my expectation in the performance of these ensuing
articles : —
" 1. That you willingly and cheerfully obey such as by your
own election you have made commanders over you.
" 2. That you take special care to keep your arms at all times
fit for service, that upon all occasions you may be ready, when
the signal shall be given by sound of drum or trumpet, to repair
to your colours, and so to march upon any service, where and
when occasion shall require.
" 3. That you bear yourselves like soldiers, without doing any
spoil to the inhabitants of the country ; so doing, you shall
obtain love and friendship, where otherwise you will be hated
and complained of, and I, that should protect you, shall be
forced to punish you according to the severity of law.
" 4. That you accept and rest satisfied with such quarters as
shall fall to your lot or be appointed you by your quarter
master. " 5. That you shall, if appointed for sentries or perdues, faith
fully discharge that duty ; for upon fail hereof you shall be sure
to undergo a very severe censure.
" 6. You shall forbear to profane the Sabbath, either by being
drunk or by unlawful games ; for whosoever shall be found faulty
must not expect to pass unpunished.
" 7. Whosoever shall be known to neglect the feeding of his
horse with necessary provender, so that his horse be disabled or
unfit for service, the party for the said default shall suffer a
month's imprisonment, and be afterwards cashiered as unworthy
the name of a soldier.
" 8. That no trooper, or other of his soldiers, shall suffer his
paddee* to feed his horse in the corn or to steal other men's hay,

* The groom or horse-boy allowed to these favoured troopers.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 379
dred strong out of Lincolnshire ; Sir William Pen-
niman and John Bellasis,1 arrived at the head of six
hundred foot and a troop of horse from Yorkshire ;
and the artillery, such as it was, had now arrived.
Confidence had returned, and every one desired to
leave Nottingham and its dismal old castle, with
its more dismal associations. They now only wait
until Mr. Hyde's negotiations with the Mayor of
Shrewsbury shall decide whether that " ancient and
loyal city " or Chester shall be their next destina
tion.2 Meanwhile a hurried messenger arrives ; the
King learns that Portsmouth, his chief reliance in
the south, is lost, that Goring has again abandoned
or betrayed him. Having possessed himself of all
that was to be had from both King and Parliament,
that reprobate had given himself up to reckless
debauchery, and blindly neglected all the duties of
his post. As soon as Sir William Waller appeared
before the walls, he received offers from Goring to
surrender, merely on the stipulation of being himself
spared and sent to Holland. ' He threatened, at the
same time, " to destroy the town with wild-fire if he

but shall pay every man for hay 6d. day and night, and for oats
2s. per bushel.
" Lastly, that you avoid cruelty. For it is my desire rather to
save the lives of thousands than to kill one, so that it may be done
without prejudice.
"These things faithfully performed, and the justice of our
cause truly considered, let us advance with a religious courage,
and willingly adventure our lives in defence of the King and
Parliament." — King's Pamphlets, British Mus.
1 A son of Lord Ealconbridge.
2 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. note to p. 251.

380 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
were not granted his own terms."1 He then stole
away from his charge and departed for Holland, leav
ing his garrison to find its way to Lord Hertford's
standard or to perish. " This blow struck the King
to the very heart," says Clarendon, who was probably
with him when he received and read the news ; it
seemed to bring back the tide of all his misfortunes.
But the character of Charles was ever buoyant under
disappointment; he had a fatal confidence in his
destiny, which though it ennobled him in adversity,
long prevented him from profiting by its lessons.
And there were many of his Court ready to en
courage him in perseverance : Prince Rupert's fire,
Wilmot's wit, Digby's reckless daring, all tended
to the same point: even Hyde and Colepepper
were become fearless of war, because despairing
of peace ; and the magnanimous Falkland was now
as firm for the Crown as he had before been for
the People.2

1 May, Pari. Hist., lib. iii. p. 4.
2 The following letter occurring at this date, though somewhat
lengthy for the matter it contains, is too characteristic of the
pliant and cunning Elector Palatine, Charles Louis, to be passed
over. As a specimen of wordy and involved writing it can
scarcely be surpassed. It is amongst Rupert's papers, without
address or signature, and bears date September 15, 1642 : —
" It being your lordship's desire to have that in writing which I
propounded by word of mouth, I make bold to represent unto you,
that since his Highness, the Prince Elector, my gracious master,
followed, as duty bound him, the King's Majesty, his uncle, and
during these present troubles his presence with his Majesty grow
suspect unto the Parliament, and notwithstanding he never med
dled with any matter that might be prejudicial unto the Parlia
ment, but rather (as much as was suitable to due respect) did

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 381
On the 13th of September, the King proceeded
to Derby : his army marched early on the same day,
and was joined on the march by the repentant Lord
Paget, with a regiment raised on his estates in Staf
fordshire. When the King's banner was seen in the
distance, Lord Lindsey halted his men, formed them

advise and intreat his Majesty for a good correspondency with his
Parliament, as whereon his Highness's particular interest so much
depended. The Parliament, for all this, conceived and entertained
such jealousies of his continuing with his Majesty, that they did
not only refuse to accept of his offers, whereby he might have
evidenced his zeal and desire to do the kingdom service, but
rather increased and multiplied their suspicions, which went very
near to his heart indeed, but yet he remained in good hope still
the Parliament would consider once more ripely of this well-
intended offer, and afford him the means and opportunities
whereby he might yet further manifest his faithful affection and
serious desire to do good service to this kingdom. But whereas
the misunderstandings grew on still between his Majesty and his
Parliament, and were brought to that pass that matters came to
action, his Highness then fearing the Parliament's jealousies
would be yet more incensed and with more show of ground by
any longer stay and abode there, resolved thereupon, for the
respect he bore unto the Parliament, and that he might give no
manner of distaste unto the land, to intreat his Majesty's leave
for to withdraw himself (until these differences between his Ma
jesty and Parliament might happily be accommodated) over unto
Holland, which being obtained, was performed forthwith accord
ingly ; his Highness, nothing doubting but the Parliament would
thereby be assured and satisfied of the respect he bears them, and
how really he endeavoureth to entertain and conserve their good
affection. " Now, although his Highness was confident the means ap
pointed by his Majesty for his entertainment, which by reason of
these jealousies for following his Majesty were kept back, would
now be furthered and facilitated so much the more readily, yet
hitherto is no appearance yet of any. And considering there are
almost two full years now in arrear, that there are no other
means left him for his support, the entertainment also itself being
so proportioned as that he is not able to save or to lay up any
thing of it from one year to another, and that within these two

382 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
into line, and the whole array presented an unex
pectedly imposing appearance. The King then saw
his forces together for the first time, and was agree
ably surprised at their strength : thenceforth all
apprehension vanished, and it even became an
object of desire to meet Lord Essex.1
Amongst the detached forces that now joined the
royal rendezvous, was the active corps of Lord
Northampton, which had for some time past been
harassing the Roundheads about the town and
neighbourhood of Northampton. They had pro
ceeded as far as Banbury, and possessed themselves
years last past he hath been at such great and extraordinary
charges, by reason of his detainment in Prance, his journey in
Denmark, and the dispatches and entertainments of his deputies
to the Court of the Emperor, besides that he has been necessitated
to make such a long and chargeable stay here in England, it may
easily be conceived that his Highness must needs have run far
into debts ; and since there follows nothing yet, and the troubles
are so ripe here, the credit will extend no further neither ; whence
any one may readily guess and conclude to what condition of
extremity his Highness is thereby reduced. And whereas his
Majesty ordered £2000 for his Electoral Highness since May
last, whereof the assignment was obtained but a few weeks
ago to the royal commissioners, but the payments fall not, some
until the latter end of October, and the rest not till March
ensuing ; his Highness, in the meanwhile, not being able to
subsist, it is- humbly desired whether there might not £2000
forthwith be issued and advanced for his Highness's present ne
cessity out of the Parliament treasury, upon the delivering up
unto them the aforesaid assignments, whereupon they may be
repaid again at the time appointed. This would be a means
whereby his Highness might be somewhat relieved in his present
extremity, and I am assured his Highness will not be unmindful
of acquitting this good procurement of your lordship's, as a
singular benefit, upon all occasions."
" September 15, 1642." — Benett Papers.
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 252, note.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 383
of some guns and ammunition collected there. They
then proceeded to besiege Warwick Castle, in the
absence of Lord Brooke, but Sir Edward Peto
hoisted on the flag-staff of Guy's Tower a Bible and
a Winding-sheet, implying by this singular tele
graph that he would occupy the latter before he
would betray the former. Lord Compton tried to
change this determination by a battery he erected
on the Church - tower, and Lord Dunsmore by
another on the Park-hill, but they were repulsed ;
and soon afterwards Lord Northampton raised the
siege, and proceeded to join the King.1
About the same time, Prince Rupert was on his
march to the same rendezvous with the Royal
Horse ; 2 making various excursions in search of men
and arms, and the sinews of war. The Parliamentary
historian says that " this Prince, like a perpetual
motion, with those horse that he commanded, was
in a short time heard of in many places at great
distances."3

1 From tracts in the possession of Mr. Staunton, quoted by
Lord Nugent.
2 Mrs. Hutchinson tells us, in page 125 of her pleasant " Me
moirs," that when the Prince broke up his quarters, " the neigh
bouring ladies" not only went to see him march out of the town,
but some of them were actually gone along with him !" Mrs.
Hutchinson also mentions that a letter from her husband, the
afterwards celebrated governor of Nottingham, was intercepted
by Prince Rupert's troopers, and forwarded (when read) to his
wife. A Captain Welch, it appears, soon afterwards attempted to
arrest her husband, though he at first assured her that " he was
in sanctuary being in her presence." — pp. 124, 125.
3 May, lib. iii. 9.

384 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
On the 17th of September, the King moved on
to Stafford, passing by Chartley Park, the seat of
the Earl of Essex. The Cavaliers looked with angry
eyes on that fine mansion, peacefully embosomed
among sheltering woods, whilst many of their own
dwellings had already been laid waste and pillaged ;x
but the King protected the enemy whom, too late,
he had learned to value, and Chartley was passed
by untouched. At Stafford, an intimation was
received that Shrewsbury would welcome the Cava
liers, and that the Mayor, " though a humorous old
fellow, had prepared all things for his Majesty's
reception." Shrewsbury, upon this, was at once
designated as head-quarters for the Royal army : its
situation on the confines of loyal Wales, its com
mand of the river Severn, and its neighbourhood to
Chester,2 rendered it most eligible. Prince Rupert,
with a strong detachment of cavalry, "eighteen
troop of horse and dragoons,"3 was dispatched from
Stafford with orders to occupy Worcester, and thus
form along the Severn a line of communication,

1 See hereafter in notes to " Prince Rupert's Declaration. "
2 The latter city was of great importance, as being then the
key to Ireland, yet for that reason its actual occupation by the
King might have caused greater jealousy. — Clarendon.
3 Rupert Papers. I suspect Lord Clarendon is mistaken in not
assigning Stafford as the place where the little army was assembled.
At the latter place the "Iter Carolinum" (which I have never
found in error, comparing it with the dates of cotemporary letters)
proves that the King remained two days : at Wellington he only
remained one night. From Stafford, Prince Rupert and a strong
body of horse were detached to Worcester, and much other business
was transacted.

1642.J PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 385
intended ultimately to extend to Bristol. This
plan, but for Gloucester fatally intervening, would
have been accomplished.
On the 19th September, the King reached Well
ington, where he had appointed a general rendez
vous for all the forces levied in that neighbourhood,
as well as for his own army. The troops being
paraded, the military orders were read at the head
of each regiment ; and then the King, placing him
self in the midst of them, made a spirited speech.1
He also circulated a solemn protestation, which
1 THE KING'8 SPEECH TO HIS ARMY.
" Gentlemen, — You have heard those orders read : it is your
part in your several places to observe them exactly. The time
cannot be long before we come to action, therefore you have the
more reason to be careful ; and I must tell you I shall be very
severe in the punishing of those, of what condition soever, who
transgress these instructions. I cannot suspect your courage and
resolution ; your conscience and your loyalty hath brought you
hither, to fight for your religion, your king, and the laws of the
land. You shall meet with no enemies but traitors, most of them
Brownists, Anabaptists, and Atheists ; such who desire to betray
both Church and State, and who have already condemned you to
ruin for being loyal to us. That you may see what use I mean
to make of your valour — if it please God to bless it with success
—I have thought to publish my resolution to you in a protesta
tion ; when you have heard me make it, you will believe you can
not fight in a better quarrel, in which I promise to live and die
with you." THE KING'S PROTESTATION.
"I do promise, in the presence of Almighty God, and as I
tope for His blessing and protection, that I will, to the utmost of
my power, defend and maintain the true Reformed Protestant
religion, established in the Church of England : and, by the
grace of God, in the same will I live and die.
" I desire to govern by all the known laws of the land, and
that the liberty and property of the subject may be by them pre-
VOL. I. C C

386 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
infused much " courage into the soldiery, and much
confidence and comfort amongst the gentry and
inhabitants of those parts." The following day, the
King marched into Shrewsbury, where we shall
leave him for the present ; and follow the fortunes
of our Prince and his Cavaliers until they joined
the general rendezvous at the same place.
Prince Rupert had soon become weary of the
long speeches and procrastinating councils of the
men of peace at Nottingham. Doubtless, to them
it was an equal relief as to him, when he rode away
in exercise of his own more active and congenial
functions. He was now a Gartered Knight and
General of the Royal Horse of England; a force
consisting of about eight hundred men, ill-equipped,
ill-mounted, undisciplined, and unpaid. However
much we condemn the means (and it is no defence
to say that they were imitated by the Roundhead

served with the same care as my own just rights. And if it
please God, by His blessing upon this army, raised for my neces
sary defence, to preserve me from this rebellion, I do solemnly
and faithfully promise, in the sight of God, to maintain the just
privileges and freedom of Parliament, and to govern by the known
laws of the land, to my utmost power, and particularly, to pre
serve inviolably the laws consented to by this Parliament. In
the meanwhile, if this time of war and the great necessity and
straits I am now driven to, beget any violation of those, I hope
it shall be imputed by God and men to the authors of this war,
and not to me, who have so earnestly laboured for the preserva
tion of the peace of this kingdom. When I willingly fail in these
particulars, I will expect no aid or relief from any man, or pro
tection from heaven. But in this resolution I hope for the cheer
ful assistance of all good men, and am confident of God's bless
ing." — Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. p. 7.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 387
party), we cannot help admiring the energy and
skill with which, in a few days, in a strange country,
he supplied his men with every necessary, largely
recruited their ranks, and infused into them a spirit
of high and devoted daring. It is evident that all
this was accomplished without much offence, at
least to the King's loyal subjects. Even the Mayor
of Leicester, by a single remonstrance to his Majesty,
for which he had ample time given him, was able to
obtain remittance of the moderate subsidy imposed
upon his town : and yet money was raised, horses
found, and harness too, and many a sturdy trooper
attracted by the very style of proceedings so un
palatable to the Roundheads.
For the Prince flew like wildfire — as Parlia
ment writers affirmed — from place to place ; breath
ing and inspiring ardour, astonishing country gentle
men, and giving a momentum to corporate bodies,
incredible till then. Restrained by no local influ
ence or patriotic misgivings, he only saw in the
anti-Royalist a foe : wherever he found a Round
head horse, he clapped a cavalier-trooper on its
back ; and with equal decision, when be dashed into
a Puritan town, he levied a contribution. The good
people who had been quietly debating about abstract
rights and wrongs, were taken by surprise at
these practical acts. Now here, now there, a gal
lant troop of Cavaliers would come cantering up,
swaggering, and, I fear, swearing not a little, but
comporting themselves in a good-humoured off-hand
c c 2

388 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
sort of way, that gave less offence than injury,
especially to the women.1 Now some peaceful
village had to furnish a day's creature-comforts for
a squadron of these merry " malignants,"2 and now
some respectable assize-town was called upon to pay
them for a week. Saddles too, for their horses, were
very often required ; spurs for their boots, feathers
for their hats ; iron for armour, cloth for doublets :
it was wonderful how much they wanted, and how
much they got. Throughout the wide north and
west no place was secure from their visitation ;
reckless of danger and setting all odds at defiance,
their merry foraging parties seemed indeed to make
a game of war. The fiery and impetuous daring of
Prince Rupert, his perfect indifference to danger,
moral and physical ; his fertility of resource, his
promptitude and zeal for the cause, had endeared
him to the young Cavalier ; while the old soldiers
respected his experience in havoc, and knew that
his terrible prestige was well-founded. Wherever
the flutter of a cavalier- scarf was seen, Prince

1 " But some young plants of Grace they looked couthie and slee,
Thinking, ' Luck to thy bonnet,' thou bonnie Dundee !"
Sir W. Scott.
2 If the Cavaliers helped themselves, it must be confessed that
the Roundheads were not to be outdone even in this respect,
though their exactions were more formal : I have already quoted
some instances of this ; take the following order as another speci
men : " It is ordered that Major Medhope, now at or about Leake,
shall have power to take so many horses of papish or malignants"
[comprising nearly the whole population of that country] " as to
horse his troopers." — MS. Journal of the Stafford Committee in
possession of Mr. Burns Floyer of Aldershaw.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 389
Rupert was there, or believed to be there : by his
name contributions were levied at the unscrupulous
will of the trooper ; by his name villages were
conquered and cities menaced and children stilled.
And, in truth, he was seldom far off or over-
indulgent when he came : his sleepless vigour, his
untiring energy, were everywhere felt, dreaded, and
admired. With such a leader, and in such a time,
his forces rapidly increased. He rode forth from
Leicester on the 26th of August, at the head of
eight hundred horse, ill-equipped and almost undisci
plined : he paraded at Shrewsbury, on the 28th of
September, with upwards of three thousand troopers
and dragoons, well-fed, well-horsed, and laden with
Puritan plunder and execrations. x
To return to the 26th of August : arms were the
supplies most wanted; while the Parliamentary
troops were furnished with the spoils of Hull and of
the Tower; they had also appropriated almost all
the "County Magazines."2 That of Leicester had
been removed to Bradgate, by Lord Grey of Groby
[Lord Stamford's son], and Prince Rupert determined
to commence operations by an attempt to recover
these arms — the abstraction of which he looked upon
1 "The two young Princes, Rupert especially, the elder and
fiercer of the two, flew with great fury through divers counties,
raising men for the King in a rigorous way, .... whereupon the
Parliament declared him and his brother "traitors." — May.
Mas. 52.
• Anciently the " trayn-bands," only occasionally called upon
to assemble and exercise, returned their arms to the depot, or
magazine, as it was called, in each county town.

390 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
as downright robbery from the King. Young Hastings
had been long considered as Lord Grey's rival, in the
county wherein he and Lord Huntingdon were as
popular as Lord Stamford and his son were disliked.1
Hastings had already distinguished himself boldly in
the King's service, and he now joined the Prince
with a chosen detachment of cavalry. On the 26th
of August they galloped up to the old house, over
threw all opposition, and had all the arms and
ammunition ready for transportation before the carts
destined to receive them had arrived. They shewed
little regard to the furniture or other property of
the rebel lord, but it is confessed that they abstained,
in this instance, from plundering. They also dis
armed several houses of lesser note, and I fear they
were then less scrupulous about private property.2
They looked upon all their victims as enemies to
their King ; and probably their conscience felt still
fewer scruples than their conduct displayed.3
With the spoils of Bradgate, and other Round
head stores, the Royal cavalry were now armed and

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii.
2 Hollings' Hist, of Leicester, p. 21, <fcc.
3 I do not stop here or hereafter to denounce the outrages of
the Cavaliers or their opponents : the calm reader's mind will
denounce such conduct according to his own temper : but to
prove (impartially) that the above and similar transactions were
not confined to the Prince or his party, I quote, for the present,
only one sentence from republican Ludlow. He says, that " Sir
Edward Hungerford having raised a troop of horse for the Par
liament, seized some quantity of arms and horses from persons
disaffected, and with them mounted and armed some of his men."
— Memoirs, i. 57.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 391
equipped. Soon after this exploit, a detachment
of about five hundred troopers, accompanying the
Prince, happened to take the road that led toCaldecot
Manor-house, in the north of Warwickshire. It be
longed to a Member ofthe Parliament, a Mr. Purefoy,
who was then commanding a body of troops against
the King in Warwick Castle. Every country-house
at this period was strongly built, and capable of more
or less resistance ; moreover, the scarcity of means
of communication caused every establishment to be
well supplied, from its internal resources, with large
store of provisions, and generally with arms also :
these last then formed the chief ornament of every
hall. The Prince summoned Caldecot as an enemy's
garrison, and, as a garrison, it refused to surrender.
It was defended only by a Mr. Abbott and eight
serving-men ; but the heroic spirit of an English
woman infused a strength and courage here, as at
Lathom and Wardour Castle, that set odds at
defiance. Mrs. Purefoy having refused to admit
him, the Prince ordered an assault; some dis
mounted troopers soon forced the gate of the outer
court, but at the same moment a cool and well-
directed volley from the defenders slew three officers
and several common soldiers. The attack was
renewed during some hours, with heavy loss to the
Cavaliers, who had nothing but pistols and perhaps
a few dragoon's carbines to oppose to an enemy
firing with deadly certainty from behind impregnable
stone walls. There were only twelve muskets in the

392 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
house, but these ladies and their maid-servants loaded
as fast as they were discharged, melting down
the pewter-plates for bullets when the ammunition
began to fail. At length even Rupert consented to
retire his men under shelter ; but finding a strong
wind blowing from the farm -yard, he fired the
barns, and advancing under cover of the smoke,
assailed the very doors. Then at last the brave
lady came forth, and claimed protection for the
lives of her little garrison. When the Prince
ascertained their number, his anger was changed
into admiration ; he complimented Mr. Abbott on
his gallant defence, and offered him a good command
in his regiment, which was declined. The Prince
then respectfully saluted Mrs. Purefoy and drew off
his troops ; nor did he allow a man of the garrison,
or any property whatever to be injured.1
Such conduct, on the Prince's part, will probably
appear very natural to the reader, but it argues at
least no small degree of influence over the unpaid
and angry soldier, that they submitted to see the
prey so dearly purchased thus rescued from their
grasp. After this unprofitable but honourable incident,
Rupert resumed his march to join the King on his
route from Derby, and was there rejoined by the
remainder of his cavalry.

1 Prince Rupert's Diary (Benett MSS), Life of Hampden,
ii. p. 255.

1642.J PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 393
On the 5th of September they moved to Quene-
borough, to the number of nearly two thousand
mounted men. Here, among the rich meadows
of Leicestershire, forage was abundant, but accom
modation for the men was scarce ; and as for pay,
the Prince had none to give. However, he had
been trained in the Continental wars, where the
chiefs held it to be a matter of course that " war
should support itself;"1 he therefore considered
it was perfectly natural that Royalists should con
tribute to the cause they professed to follow, and
that the Roundheads should pay for their immunity
from this hardship and that of serving the King.
Leicester was the first town he tried his powers of
persuasion upon : its merchants were even then men
of substance, and its citizen -gentry very wealthy.
The very day of his arrival in the neighbourhood,
the Prince requested the Mayor to call upon him,
and the next morning he despatched the following
unpalatable epistle to his Worship [it appears that
his Highness's correspondent had professed attach
ment to the Royal cause] : —
PRINCE RUPERT TO THE MAYOR OF LEICESTER.
Queneborough, this 6th day of Sept. 1642.
Mr. Mayor,
His Majesty, being confident of your fidelity to do
him all possible service, willed me this day to send for you
to my quarters, and there to deliver to you his pleasure.
1 Napoleon's dogma was a plagiarism from Wallenstein.

394 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
But I, perceiving you are dissuaded from coming (by
whom or on what pretences I know not), have here sent
you his Majesty's demand. His Majesty being now some
what necessitated by the vast expenses he hath been this
long time enforced to, for the safeguard of his Royal person
against the rebellious insurrection of the true malignant
party, who are now too well known, and their irrehgious
intentions too plainly discovered by all his loving and
obedient servants, doth earnestly require and desire you
and his good subjects of the City of Leicester, forthwith
to furnish him with two thousand pounds sterling, which
he with much care will take order to see repaid in con
venient time, and that his Majesty's gracious promise,
I hope, will seem much better security than " The Pubhc
Faith," which is the usual assurance that the party which
call themselves the Parliament do give. And you must
trust them on it, if you assist not his Majesty hereby to
defend you against them. You must do no less than your
former expressions have spoken you, which induces me
not to doubt of receiving the demanded sum to-morrow by
ten of the clock in the forenoon, that I may be
Your friend, Rupert.
P.S. — If any disaffected persons with you shall refuse
themselves, or persuade you to neglect the command, I
shall to-morrow appear before your town, in such a posture,
with horse, foot, and cannon, as shall make you know it is
more safe to obey than to resist his Majesty's command.1
I cannot find the Mayor's reply to this unwel
come message, but £500 was sent at the appointed
hour, probably with some excuses to gain time.2

1 This letter may be seen among the archives of Leicester;
and in Mr. Hollings' excellent little history of that town.
2 The Corporation of Leicester are yet in possession of this
receipt ; it runs as follows : — " Sept. 7, 1642. — Received by me,

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 395
The shrewd citizens wisely concluded that the
King would not officially lend his countenance
to such unceremonious demands ; and no sooner had
Prince Rupert's "trumpet" left the town in one
direction than a citizen rode forth in another, with
a letter of remonstrance to his Majesty. On the 8th
of September the following reply was received,
written by Charles's own hand.
to our trusty and well - beloved the mayor
and aldermen of leicester.
Trusty and well -beloved,
"We greet you well. We have seen a warrant, under
our nephew Rupert's hand, requiring from you and other
the inhabitants of Leicester, the loan of £2,000, which, as
we do utterly disavow and dislike, as being written without
our privity or consent, so we do hereby absolutely free and
discharge you from yielding any obedience to the same,
and by our own letters to our said nephew, we have written
to him to revoke the same, as being an act very displeasing
to us.1 We indeed gave him direction to disarm such
persons there as appeared to be disaffected to our person
and government, or the peace of this our kingdom, and
should have taken it well from any of our subjects that
should voluntarily assist us with the loan of arms and

Prince Rupert, Prince Palatine of the Rhine, and General of all
his Majesty's cavalry in this present expedition, the full sum of
five hundred pounds, for his Majesty's use, of the mayor, bailiffs,
and burgesses of the borough of Leicester, to be repaid again by
his Majesty. I say, received five hundred pounds " Rupert."
1 Prince Rupert did not think it necessary to keep this letter,
if ever it was written to him. At all events I do not find it
amongst his correspondence. — Editor.

396 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
money ; but it is so far from our heart or intention, by
menaces to compel any to it, as we abhor the thoughts of
it, and of this truth our actions shall bear testimony.
Given at our Court at Nottingham, 8th Septr. 1642.
I have given these proceedings at Bradgate and
Leicester, at length, as being the first of their kind,
and as affording a specimen of many others, in which
Rupert was less scrupulously controlled by his
Royal uncle.
The next trace that I find of the young Palatine,
is at Stafford, where the King assembled and re
viewed his army. Intelligence was there received
of Essex being about to seize Worcester, and
occupy it as his head-quarters. Thereupon, it was
ordered : — " That eight troop of horse, and ten of
dragoons " [as better adapted for garrison duty, pro
bably] " march immediately to our City of Worces
ter, we having received further intelligence of more
of the rebel's forces that are there expected. Staf
ford, September 17th, 1642.1 C. R." While the
troops rested here, tradition says, that Prince Rupert
and the King were riding by St. Mary's Church,
when the former, for amusement or to shew his
skill, sent a pistol ball through the weather-cock on
the steeple, and followed it by a second, to the great
marvel of the spectators.2 The Prince moved on
towards Worcester on the 19th, and took up his

1 Rupert Papers.
2 I believe the hole is still to be seen there. Plot's " History
of Staffordshire."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 397
quarters, for the present, at Bridgenorth, in order to
maintain the communication between Shrewsbury
and Worcester, and to protect the latter. The
Prince was here a guest of Mr. Holland's, at Carm
Hall,1 on the 20th and 21st, the latter day happened
to be the "charter-day," on which, town-bailiffs for
the following year were appointed. Probably at the
instigation of some anxious loyalist, the Prince ad
dressed the following letter to the "jury " appointed
to select these important officers : —
" You, gentlemen of the jury, who are to have
voices in this election ; these are to entreat you, Out
of a tender care, both of his Majesty's service, and of
your own happiness and welfare, that, in this present

1 Lord Digby joined Prince Rupert on the morning of the 20th
September, with the following communication from his father : —
the. earl oe bristol to prince rupert.
"Mat it please your Highness,
" I have moved his Majesty according to your Highness'
command, that the horse you desire may be reserved for your
Highness' guard, which the King doth willingly condescend unto,
and will give order they shall not be otherwise disposed of, which
he saith he hath more particularly signified unto you by my son.
His Majesty hath commanded me to send the enclosed letter unto
your Highness, which I do, together with my most humble ser
vice, with assurance that I shall be most ready to obey all your
Highness' commandments.
" Tour Highness' most humble servant, " Bristol."
" Shrewsbury, 20th Sept. 1642.

* Rupert Papers.

398 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
election, you make choice of such men for your
bailiffs as ye are sure are well affected for his Ma
jesty's service, by which, you shall oblige me to
remain " Your loving friend,
" Rupert." x
On the same day the Prince received an order
from the King to protect Worcester, and support
Sir John Byron there : this able officer, with great
difficulty, had conveyed, so far, some treasure contri
buted secretly in London. The Prince requested
leave to engage, if possible, the advanced cavalry of
Essex, and to this we have the King's rescript, in
which he " complyes with the Prince, his desire to
fight a battle if hee sees fit."2 On the following day
the King writes thus : —
" the king to prince rupert.
" Dear Nephew,
" We conceive now that Worcester is suffi
ciently secured, and therefore our pleasure is, that
you retire to Bridgenorth, if you be at Brandly, or
continue at Bridgenorth, if you be there ; to the end
that if my Lord of Essex should attempt to cut off
our return from Chester, and get between us there,

1 For the above letter I am indebted to Mr. Morris's (of
Shrewsbury) collection, and to the Rev. Henry Burton's kind
offices. 2 This is dated from Shrewsbury, Sept. 21, 1642. — Rupert
Papers.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 399
and our forces here, you may be the readier to in
terrupt his passage and assist our return with those
foot, which, in a very considerable number, we shall
bring from thence : our pleasure likewise is, that
such asms as you have taken or shall take, from the
ill-affected in those parts, be sent to Sir John Byron,
to Worcester, to be there employed for the arming
of our present levies for the defence of that place.
Given at our Court, at Shrewsbury, this 22nd of
September, in the eighteenth of our reign.
" Your loving uncle and faithful friend,
" Charles R."
Again on the 23rd, the King " discharges Rupert
of yesterday's orders, and leaves him to steer his own
course."1 The Prince had not waited for this per
mission; on receiving leave to fight, he at once
mounted and set out for Worcester, which was
hourly threatened by the enemy. About this time,
he forwarded the following characteristic letter, with
"a trumpet,"2 to the Lord-General : —

1 I have only the memoranda of these letters, the originals
were lost. They are all dated from Shrewsbury : the King left
that town on the 23rd for Chester, whence the next letter is dated :
All the dates of his letters confirm the accuracy of the valuable
" Iter Carolinum " beyond a question.
s In communicating between the hostile armies, the aide-de
camp, or other messenger, was preceded by a trumpeter with a
flag : in later times the former was dispensed with. The propo
sition to fight out the quarrel by duel was far more natural at
that time, especially as coming from a renowned leader and a
Prince of the blood, than in our own grave days. Yet in the

400 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
" from prince rupert to the earl of essex.
" My Lord,
" I hear you are General of an army, sent by
the agreement of both Houses of Parliament (under
the pretence of subduing some malignant persons)
unto these parts, but we greatly fear you aim at
some higher power, namely, your own sovereignty.
If your intents are such, give but the least notice
thereof, and I shall be ready, on bis [Majesty's] be
half, to give you an encounter in a pitched field, at
Dunsmore Heath, 10th October next. Or, if you
think it too much labour and expense to draw your
forces thither, I shall as willingly, on my own part,
expect private satisfaction as willingly at your hands
for the same, and that performed by a single duel ;
which proffer, if you please to accept, you shall not
find me backward in performing what I have said or
promised. I know my cause to be so just that I
need not fear ; for what I do is agreeable both to the
laws of God and man, in the defence of true religion,
a King's prerogative,3 an Uncle's right, a Kingdom's
safety.

latter, Sir Sidney Smith challenged Napoleon to decide the cause
of France with pistols, before Acre. The following paper bears no
date, except that of its being printed the 6th of October : yet it
is likely from the second note, as well as from its tone, that it was
written soon after the affair at Powick Bridge. It will be seen
that Essex replies to this singular challenge very gravely, and in
much the same spirit.
1 Here the Roundhead commentator remarks — " There is no

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 401
" Now have I said all, and what more you expect
of me to be said, shall be delivered in a larger field
than a small sheet of paper ; and that by my sword
and not my pen. In the interim I am your friend,
till I meet you next, " Rupert." '
The advanced guard of the Lord-General's army
was now approaching Worcester under Fiennes, who
expected to find the gates opened for him by his
correspondents within the town. No demonstration
being manifested in his favour, he took alarm and

prerogative for him allotted in this realm for the pillaging of
towns and firing of houses."
1 Before this message was delivered to his Excellency, news was
brought that Prince Rupert had received a dangerous wound in
the head by Colonel Sandys,* in a skirmish near Worcester, so that
this matter is left off for the present, and remains for further con
sideration. Whereupon his Excellency returned answer, " that the
manner of his raising those forces that were now with him to
march under his command, was a thing not now to be disputed on
between them, the occasion and legality thereof being already
determined by both Houses of Parliament ; neither had he under
taken that command with any intent for to levy forces or to make
war upon his Majesty's royal person, but to obtain a peace be
tween his sacred Majesty and his great Council of Parliament,
and all the rest of his Majesty's faithful, loyal, and most dutiful
subjects, against any person whatsoever that should oppose and
resist the same ; and that he feared not to meet the Prince
in any place that he should appoint or make choice of." I
have taken this reply from Lord Nugent's " Life of Hampden ;"
the pamphlet from which I have taken the challenge contain
ing no reply. " Prince Rupert's Message to my Lord of Essex,"
printed in London, October 6, 1642. — King's Collection, British

* The report mistook Prince Maurice for Rupert, vide
page 409.
VOL. I. D D

402 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
hastily retreated,1 believing that Rupert must have
arrived. It appears, however, that the Parlia
mentary leader only withdrew as far as Pershore, and
was then persuaded, in an evil hour, to return and
try an encounter with the Royal horse. The brave
Sandys gave this advice, and proceeded to put it
into execution ; advancing over Powick Bridge,
along a narrow road that opened on a wide meadow,
called the Brickfield. He was at the head of one
thousand horse and dragoons,2 the flower of the
Roundhead cavalry,3 impenetrably cased in steel,*
and well mounted. With this powerful force, Sandys
hoped to fall upon the Cavaliers while they
were unprepared and wearied with their long and
hurried march : he knew the powerful effect of
a first victory, and the honour to be won by the
conqueror. Meanwhile, Rupert had arrived in Worcester ; he
found the town utterly indefensible,5 and arranged
with Byron to retire that night towards Shrewsbury.
Whilst preparations for the march were being made,
in order to rest his cavalry and at the same time
to keep watch upon the neighbouring enemy, the
Prince led his troops into the Brickfield, a little
distance from the town, upon the Pershore road.

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 233. 2 Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 44.
3 Lord Falkland's Letter, Sept. 28.
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 235.
3 " Walls broken down, gates rotten, without bolt or bar," &c.
— Clarendon's Rebellion.

1042.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 403
Prince Maurice, Lord Crawford, Lord Digby, Wil
mot, Charles Lucas, Lewis Dives, and Byron, ac
companied him, and he was soon afterwards joined
by Lord Northampton's troop of gentlemen.1 There
was no appearance, however, of any enemy in the rich
and quiet harvest fields : so the young Cavaliers had
laid aside their armour, and flung themselves down to
rest their wearied limbs upon the grass. As they lay
thus, both officers and men, scattered and dismounted,
they suddenly caught sight of a strong column
of the enemy advancing rapidly along the Pershore
road, and forming into line as fast as they debouched
upon the open space. Rupert sprang to his feet,
leaped upon the nearest horse, and called to his
comrades to charge, "For the honour of God and
of their country !" Not one who heard him paused
or waited for his men to follow him ; in gallant
rivalry, each only strove to be first upon the enemy ;
unarmed as they were, they spurred forward with the
cheering war-cry, " For a king !" and so charged their
iron-clad enemies, and charged them home. The
Roundheads met them stoutly, too, though scarcely
disengaged from the narrow lane. They were mailed
all over and well commanded, nevertheless, they could
not stand before that furious charge. Rupert was ever
resistless when first he came upon his enemy, and
now he and his comrade Cavaliers not only dashed
1 Among whom was Sir Richard Bulstrode, who describes this
battle very briefly, except as concerns his own adventure with a
runaway horse. — Bulstrode' s Memoirs, p. 73. n d 2

404 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
through, but rode down the hostile ranks. At the
same time Lord Crawford was ordered by the Prince
to fall upon the right flank of the enemy, which he
did with severe effect. Swords, however, struck
almost vainly upon the impenetrable armour of the
Roundheads; they seemed unwounded, yet they were
shaken, routed, driven into the river and drowned,
or utterly dispersed. The brave Sandys, their
colonel, did not share their flight; he fell in the
first shock, as did his major, Gunter. The survivors
never drew rein for four miles, when they were
espied by Essex's Life Guards, galloping into Per
shore with swords drawn ; many unhelmeted, and all
filled with such fear that they frightened the Life
Guards too ; then they galloped altogether to the
head-quarters of the Lord - General, where they
received but " a cold welcome," which one of them
candidly confesses, was their due.1 As the Cavaliers

1 Ludlow's Memoirs, i. 45, &c. I have used the word unhel
meted instead of unpotted, "pot" being the correct term for the
iron head-piece used by the troopers. Ludlow calls them " hats"
here and elsewhere ; but, it would seem, they were completely
covered, and " their arms were so good that they were not easily
killed. — {Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 235, who also says, " there was
not on the Prince's side one piece of armour worn that day.") The
number of the enemy was, by Ludlow's confession, about a thou-
tha h tit'at 0:f tlle Cavaliers could not have amounted to much more
mast to aS many> only eighteen troop of horse (sixty at the ut-
wifcb Run *f°°P) and dragoons we have seen were despatched
tad been left iT ,Staff°rd (p. 27), and more than half of them
d<a, cautious ab^T In,Worcester. It is remarkable that Claren-
numberof the euemv • v?P.cin8 Rupert's credit, only gives the
own historian, Ludlow ni, a-ction M five hundred, though their
' alI°W8 ** t0 have been one thousand.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 405
returned from the pursuit, they found, to their sur
prise, that but four or five of their troopers had
fallen, whilst of the officers, who formed the front
rank in the irregular and chivalrous charge, all had
received some wound, except Prince Rupert. On
the other side, four hundred are said, by Lord
Falkland, to have been slain; few were taken
prisoners, but five or six standards were won,
and many good horses, which proved far more
valuable. '
1 Among those who fought most bravely, and fell upon the
field, were Colonel Sandys, Serjeant-major Douglas, Major Gunter,
Captains Austin, Burrill, Berrey, Cornets Hamond and West.
Colonel Sandys survived to see his own comrades enter Worces
ter, for the Prince allowed him to stay behind, to die in peace,
and also sent his own chaplain, Lacy,* to attend and comfort
him. The dying soldier remembered he had wounded Wilmot in
the fight, and inquired anxiously how he fared : when told the
wound was but a trifle, he expressed his gratitude that " he had
not that blood to answer for." .... I have taken these details
from Prince Rupert's Diary; from Clarendon, from Ludlow
(almost an eye-witness, for the Parliament), from a letter by
Colonel Fiennes, and from two pamphlets of the time, in Mr.
Bentley's possession, and from a very interesting letter from Lord
Falkland, whose testimony is beyond doubt. This letter was
addressed by him to the Earl of Cumberland, then at York, and
printed first at York, on the 28th of September, and afterwards
in London, on the 2nd of October, 1642.

* William Lacy, chaplain to Prince Rupert during the war : by
virtue of a letter of Lord Manchester's, dated August 27, 1660, to
the fellows of St. John's College, Cambridge, he was restored to his
fellowship in that house, from whence he had been ejected. This
most upright and excellent divine was taken prisoner in the war,
confined in a foul prison, and very barbarously treated ; after
wards, he was reduced to great want. After the Restoration, he
became doctor of divinity, and was preferred to the rich living of
Thomhill, in Yorkshire, by some of the Savile family. — See Ken-
net's Chronicle of the Reign of Charles IL, p. 239. 1728.

406 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
The moral effect of this skirmish was very great.
That the best Parliamentary cavalry, fully armed and
well mounted, should have been put to sudden and
utter rout by half their number of Cavaliers, with
out armour, and on wearied horses, appeared very
ominous. The defeated troops magnified their
opponents' valour in order to mitigate their own
disgrace; many wandered altogether away from
the Roundhead standard, and spread abroad the
" terror of Prince Rupert's name ; his irresistible
courage, and that of the King's horse." ]
On the same night Prince Rupert, with his
own forces and those of Sir John Byron, escorting
the treasure, fell back upon Ludlow, by the Welsh
side of the river, in order to join the King.
They took with them all their prisoners, among
whom was Captain Wingate.2 Whilst halting here,
the Prince determined to examine the state of the

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 237 ; Rush wood (who dates the
fight on the 24th) 532 ; Mercur. Rusticus, Sept., 1642.
2 Of him Vicars, the Rabshekah of his party, said " It was
credibly reported" [a safe medium for a falsehood] "that he was
most barbarously and basely made to ride naked, though a mem
ber of Parliament and a pious worthy gentleman." I am sur
prised to find that such a writer as Lord Nugent premises the
truth of this atrocious charge to be not " worth serious inquiry •"
yet he fairly adds a solemn refutation from one of their own
party pamphlets, " Special Passages." That paper confesses that
" Captain Wingate is used like a gentleman by the Cavaliers ;
and the printed pamphlets do much injury that express any
hard usage of him by them. Give the devil his due, and do so
to the Cavaliers in this thing." Lord Nugent says that the fol
lowing day the Cavaliers " retired towards Shrewsbury, though
the King was advancing to their relief." This appears to be a

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 407
Roundhead army with his own eyes. I give the
account of his enterprise from a Parliamentary
pamphlet of the day. It states that —
" Some two days after the skirmish of Worcester,
Prince Rupert came to an old woman's house —
being a widow — within a mile of the City, and
asked her what victuals she had in the house. He
was not dressed in the habit he wore in the field,
but like a country gentleman. The old woman told
him she had nothing but collops and eggs; if he
pleased to have any of them, he should be welcome.
Ready they were made, and he fell to roundly.
Afterwards, he called for some drink ; and she told
him she had none but small drink ; she was a very
poor widow, and had none but herself and her son.
He asked her where her son was ? She told him :
' Gone to Worcester, to hear what news of the
Cavaliers ; for she heard say (thank God for it),
that his Excellency [i. e. Essex] had made them fly
the City: a company of rude knaves they were.'
He asked her what she thought of ' Prince Rupert V
' A plague choke Prince Rupert,' said she ; ' he might
have kept himself where he was born ; this kingdom
has been the worse ever since he landed.' ' There 's

very unfounded imputation on the Cavaliers for abandoning their
post, and that, too, after the brilliant affair at Powick Bridge.
It so happens, as the " Iter Carolinum" and the archives of
Chester can prove, that the King was on his way to the latter
town on that very day, his intentions being very far from seeking
a battle at this time, when his troops were not even regimented
or armed. — Editor,

408 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
three pieces for that word,' said the disguised Prince ;
' for I'm of thy mind.' With that lie took pen,
ink and paper, and wrote to the Mayor of Worcester
to this effect : ' he had given unto the bearer hereof,
three pieces, to conceal him from their search,'
which note he did enjoin her to present with her
own hand, for she should be nobly rewarded.
" The General's army lying on Dunsmore Heath,
his yeomen not being far off, he, riding as near the
army as he durst, overtook a fellow driving a horse
laden with apples. He asked the fellow what he
had got there ? who told him ' he was about to sell
his ware to his Excellency's soldiers.' ' Why dost
thou not go to the King's army ? ' inquired the
Prince ; ' I hear they are generous sparks, and will
pay double ! ' ' O,' said the fellow, ' they are
Cavaliers, and have a mad Prince among them ;
and the devil a penny could I get in the whole
army.' The Prince asked him what he would take
for the load ? and the fellow answering ten shillings :
' Hold thy hand,' said tbe Prince ; ' there is a piece
for thee : now hold my horse, change habit with
me, and stay here while I sell thy apples, — only for
a merry humour that I have — and at my coming
back, I '11 give thee a piece more.' The fellow
willingly lent him his long coat and hat, and away
went the Prince, selling the apples through the
army, at any rate ; viewing their strength, and in
what kind they lay ; and, returning to the fellow,
gave him another piece, with this charge: — 'Go to

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 409
the Army, and ask the commanders how they liked
the fruit Prince Rupert, in his own person, did but
this morning sell them.' " '
The Cavaliers reached Shrewsbury on the 26th
of September; but Mr. Crane, Prince Rupert's
messenger, had brought the news of their victory
to the King,2 at Chester, on the day previous,
and presented him with the colours taken from
the enemy. On his Majesty's return to the
City, on the 26th, all the prisoners, except Win
gate, were discharged under a promise not to
bear arms again against the King.3 About this
time the Parliament, in sovereign style, proffered
pardon to all the misguided persons in tbe realm,
who had hitherto opposed them, with the ex
ception of some of the wisest and best among the
King's ministers. Those for whom there was to be
1 Prince Rupert's Disguises, London, 1643. A pamphlet in
the King's College, British Museum.
2 On his route, the Prince received a letter which is thus doc
keted [Worcester had been found quite untenable against the
army of Essex] : — " The King advises the Prince to take care of
Worcester, and principally to preserve his forces for a battle :
commends his courage and conduct in the skirmish on Friday
last, and promises him a considerable strength from Chester. —
Chester, Sept. 25, 1642."
3 Lord Falkland's letter, before quoted : he adds, " Prince
Maurice hath received two or three scars of honour on his head,
but is abroad and merry : divers of our party hath received
slight wounds, as Wilmot, Byron, Dives, Sir Charles Lucas"
[who was afterwards inhumanly put to death at Colchester],
" and some others  Most of the prisoners were men of mean
quality, and so raw soldiers, that they understood not the word
'quarter,' but cried for 'mercy :' they said they were tailors,
embroiderers, and the like."

410 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
no pardon, were, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl
of Carnarvon, the Earl of Newcastle, the Earl of
Bristol, the Earl of Cumberland, the Earl of
Rivers, Lord Newark, Lord Falkland, Mr. Hyde,
Endymion Porter, and Secretary Nicholas : Prince
Rupert and Prince Maurice had been declared
traitors long before.
On the 25th of the same month, Essex had en
tered Worcester with his army, and there he lay
passive, notwithstanding his six; and thirty Parlia
mentary councillors, for three weeks, while the King
grew strong. When he moved at last, he was by
no means eager in his demonstrations, ever lingering
in pursuit, and advancing almost regretfully. The
object of the King's journey to Chester had been to
support Lord Strange [" now become Earl of Derby,
by his father's death, this week"] : that Cavalier
had been making such active efforts for the Royal
cause, in Cheshire and Lancashire, as to draw upon
himself the appellation of traitor from the Parlia
ment. The latter had, also, exerted themselves
vigorously, and with some success, to counteract the
loyal movement, but the King's opportune arrival in
the ancient City at once turned the tide of public
feeling in his favour. " His gracious and princely
demeanour won incredibly upon tbe people," and
Lord Clarendon has preserved to us enough of his
public speeches, to prove the eloquence and even
tact with which he could render his royal prestige
irresistible. But his expedition to time-honoured

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 411
Chester was not without some very solid advantages.
He there found waggons and carriage-horses, with
other stores which the Parliament had prepared for
Lord Leicester's destined expedition, as Viceroy to
Ireland. That nobleman 1 was not a personage of
much importance or much affection to either party,
but his equipment of horses was very important for
the King's ill-furnished and cumbrous artillery, and
was, accordingly, appropriated without ceremony.
Lord Grandison had, at the same time, possessed
himself of some very necessary arms for the Shrews
bury levies, by a dash at the town of Nantwich,
which he rode into after a single volley from the
citizens.

1 Lord Leicester was so disgusted by the loss of his " outfit,"
that he deferred undertaking the mission to Ireland, and ulti
mately lost or abandoned it, perhaps diplomatically. I am
tempted to give the following letter from Lady Leicester to this
nobleman, whilst ambassador at Paris ; it is so graceful and
pretty, and does so much credit to the sentiment of the time. It
exists in Lord de L'Isle's very valuable collection of papers at
Penshurst ; some part of these papers are published in Collins's
Memorials, but a great part remains unknown ; letters, armour,
and even tresses of hair belonging to the chivalrous Sir Philip, and
the philosophic Algernon Sidney, remain still in the possession
of their descendant, Lord de L'Isle, to whose kindness I am in
debted for their perusal and inspection.
" Mr. Seladine comes in with your letter, whom I am engaged
to entertain a little ; besides, it is supper-time, or else I should
bestow one side of this paper in making love to you ; and since
I may with modesty express it, I will say that if it be love to
think on you, sleeping and waking ; to discourse of nothing with
pleasure but what concerns you ; to wish myself every hour with
you ; and to pray for you with as much devotion as for my own
soul, then certainly it may be said that I am in love." — Conclu
sion of a letter from the Countess of Leicester to her husband, then
¦ambassador at Paris, 1636.

412 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
We must now take a survey of the Royal arma
ment at Shrewsbury, and prepare to march to the
battle-field of Keinton or Edgehill.
It is difficult, perhaps, for quiet people, in the
nineteenth century, living under a powerful and
prosperous sovereign, to imagine the enthusiastic
sentiment, the passionate loyalty that was excited
by the misfortunes of Charles I. To all the devoted
affection with which in after times the Pretender's
cause was cherished, there was now added the solemn
sense of religious duty, and an intense conviction
that in their King's safety, all the glory and pros
perity of England was involved. Loyalty was, then,
to the Cavaliers' politics, what religion was to
morals, a rule, a cause, and a foundation. Therefore
it was that fathers, and mothers, too, sent their only
sons, with joy and pride, to fight for the fatal
standard ; loving wives embroidered for their hus
bands the scarlet scarf that was soon to be more
deeply dyed : man, woman, and child, wherever
loyalty was professed, gave their heart's first wish,
their soul's most fervent prayer ; for that they freely
offered up their wealth, their nearest affections, and
their lives, to the advancement of the Royal cause.
The King's array at Shrewsbury, where his little
army was assembled, is not to be regarded coldly, as
a mere mass of men collected to do a master's bid
ding for a master's wages. Almost every gentleman
and many a poor soldier there, represented some
home left unprotected, and household goods endan-

1042.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 413
gered. No love of lucre or prospect of ambition
had filled up those doomed ranks : the better, and
the greater part, were not only volunteers, but self-
despoiled, in order to promote the Royal cause. Every
gentleman brought with him a retinue, according to
his means, together with money, plate, and arms, to
furnish which, many a household was stripped bare
and many a comfort sacrificed for ever. But it was
all for their King ! And that, to their brave old-
fashioned hearts, was a sacred word and an irresisti
ble appeal.
Not that the Royal army was altogether com
posed of such materials ; had it been so, that King
had never died a felon's death upon a scaffold. But
that such true-hearted men abounded in his ranks,
is proved by the long and desperate struggle they
maintained against all the power of Parliament. In
our future pages, we shall find some traces of this
nobler, purer spirit to the end, but they are far
too few, and gradually become still more so. Men
of evil and violent passions always work their way
into foremost places in troublous times, and leave
the stain of their own characters upon their cause :
thus, Falkland, Hopton, Carnarvon, are pushed aside
by Goring, Digby, and even Lunsford, in the path of
notoriety, if not of fame, — as they were but too
often, even in the Royal favour.
To the latter the King's preacher, Dr. Symmons,
thus addressed himself, in a sermon he preached
before the Royal army : —

414 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
" Alas ! gallant gentlemen and Christian people,
you all know there are too many and too great occa
sions given by some amongst you to our enemies to
report evil of us, I beseech you, therefore, in the
fear of God, to walk worthy of your employment.
You that be commanders I beg of you, that you
would more strictly punish sin according to those
military orders set forth by his sacred Majesty, your
religious master."
To the former, also, he addresses himself in these
noble words: —
" A complete Cavalier is a child of honour. He
is the only reserve of English gentility and ancient
valour, and hath rather chosen to bury himself in
the tomb of honour, than to see the nobility [noble
ness ?] of his nation vassalaged ; the dignity of his
country captivated or obscured by any base, domes
tic enemy, or by any foreign fore-conquered foe."
" Perhaps you now expect, that by way of use, I
should stir you up to be cruel, but, noble gentlemen
and soldiers, if I should do so, I should forget my
self to be a minister of the Prince of Mercy, and to
be a subject of a most merciful King, whose meek
and gentle nature, as we all love and admire, so
should we strive to imitate. And I bless God for
it, I could never yet speak that language of hill,
slay, and destroy,1 which the ministers of the rebel
1 The Puritan pulpits at this time rang with anathemas, and
were filled by men whose popularity and influence depended on
their vehemence. These " Boanerges," as they delighted to be

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 415
side are so skilful in : I durst never incite men to
fight up to the back in blood. The spirit of the
Gospel is an unbloody spirit — ' We,' says the Apos
tle, speaking of himself and all true ministers of
Christ, 'have the mind of Christ which endeavoureth
the salvation, not the destruction of men '"....
The preacher then exhorts his soldier-hearers to
spare and to be very merciful : to live temperately
and in brotherly love ; and, in conclusion, he entreats
them to fine every one for swearing, according to
statute ; and of the proceeds, to purchase comforts
for the poor rebel prisoners. Jeremy Taylor was
also, I believe, one of the Royal Chaplains at this
time, and many other eminent Churchmen attended
the King's army throughout their service.1
It is unnecessary to say there were many noble
and excellent persons, " divines " as well as lay
men, ranged also on the Parliamentary side :

called, preached largely from the Pentateuch, and, indeed, many
of their doctrines seem better suited for the other side of Jordan
than for the banks of the Thames, or for any people whom Chris
tianity has blessed. —
" Those Roundhead saints of blessed memory,
Cut throats in Godly pure sincerity ;
So they with lifted hands and eyes devout,
Said grace, and carv'd a slaughter'd monarch out."
Oldham's Satyre.
1 Four of the most eminent of English theologians were
brought into scenes of difficulty, that put their nerve as well as
their piety to the proof. Pearson was chaplain to the King's troops
at Exeter, under Lord Goring ; and Chillingworth acted as
engineer at the siege of Gloucester, in 1 643 ; and was only prevented
from trying on English fortifications the implements of Roman
science by the sudden advance of the Parliamentary army.

416 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
their eulogy has been so often and so eloquently
proclaimed, that they can well dispense with
any testimony from these pages.1 One admirable
letter, however, from Sir William Waller, I cannot
refrain from quoting here ; it does equal honour to
the brave writer, and to his constant and unflinching
antagonist, to whom it is addressed, and illustrates
the magnanimous spirit in which this great war was
carried on by its worthier warriors. With it I shall
conclude this long digression, and return to more
practical details.
FROM SIR WILLIAM WALLER TO SIR RALPH HOPTON.2
" My affections to you are so unchangeable, that hos
tility itself cannot violate my friendship to your person ;
1 The Cavaliers, in common opinion, are only recognized as a
gallant, dashing, swaggering, swearing, reprobate race, whose
example, in all but loyalty and bravery, should be carefully
eschewed. It may surprise some of my younger readers to know
that prayers were regularly put up af the head of most good
regiments, even when paraded on the day of battle ; and that each
had its own chaplain.
2 Sir Ralph, afterwards Lord Hopton, heir to one of the most
powerful and ancient families in Somersetshire, was born in 1598.
He was, early in life, distinguished by an aptness for study and
for the attainment of languages, to which he joined an ardent and
enterprising spirit. We have seen him at the battle of Prague,
and afterwards carrying off the poor Queen of Bohemia from her
dangers. He was devoted to her as fervently, and after as pure
a fashion, as the other heroes whom she fascinated. For her sake
he passed five years of his youth in the wars of the Low Coun
tries and the Palatinate. He was knighted at the coronation of
King Charles, and was elected to serve in Parliament for the City
of Wells. Like most men of his disposition, he inclined at first
towards the popular party, and was selected to read before the
King the "Remonstrance" of November, 1641. He, however,
soon came to an opposite opinion, and henceforth applied himself

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 417
but I must be true to the cause wherein I serve. The
old limitation of usque ad aras holds still. . . . The great
God who is the searcher of my heart, knows with what
reluctance I go upon this service, and with what perfect
hatred I look upon a war without an enemy. But I look
upon it as opus Domini, and that is enough to silence all
passion in me. The God of peace, in his good time, send
us peace, and, in the meantime, fit us to receive it ! We
are both on the stage, and we must act the parts that are
assigned us in this tragedy. Let us do it in the way of
honour, and without personal animosities." 1
The forces now assembled at Shrewsbury2 were
unlike any that had ever before, under the Royal
standard, assembled at a King of England's sum
mons. The militia, trainbands, or defensive force
of the kingdom, were subject to the King's summons
by a law, as old as the great Alfred. The Thanes,
Ealdormen, the magistrates of boroughs, were bound
to keep arms sufficient to arm the men of their

vigorously to promote the interests of the Crown in his own
county. He was almost constantly opposed to Sir W. Waller.
After the war he was ambassador to Spain. He married the
widow of Sir Justinian Lewen, and, dying childless, the title
became extinct. (He had been made a peer in 1643.)
1 For this letter I am indebted to Mr. Forster's Statesmen.
2 About this time the Parliament made a sort of overture,
through the Earl of Essex, to the King : " He sent a gentleman
(Fleetwood, the same who had afterwards so great power in the
army, but then a trooper in his guards) to Shrewsbury, without a
trumpet, or any other ceremony than a letter to the Earl of Dor
set ; in which he said, ' he was appointed by the Parliament to
cause a petition then in his hands to be presented to his Majesty;
and therefore desired his lordship to know his Majesty's pleasure
when he should be pleased to receive it, from such persons as he
should send over with it.' This petition was received with the
same professions that accompanied it, but it came to nothing.
VOL. I. K R

418 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
shire ; each in proportion to his possessions.1 These
local chiefs were subordinate to the Duke or Here-
toch of their county, who, in turn, received orders
from the King's Lieutenant. This was the only
defence and army provided for the State. When an
enemy approached, it rose up suddenly from field
and forest to encounter him : when the enemy re
tired, the patriot force retired also, ebbing away to
hut or hamlet till the King was left alone, and
powerless against any but a foreign foe. From the
time of Alfred, this local force had continued in
being, until the day when some few of them were
assembled to raise the standard of one Charles,
at Nottingham. The organization of this militia
throughout that time, and, indeed, until our day,
had little changed in principle. The high sounding
Duke of the shire, was modified into a Lord-Lieu
tenant ; the Thane into a country squire, and the
weapons for the militia are procured by taxation
from all subjects of the empire, as well as from
sheriff and aldermen, instead of being directly fur-

1 In Charles II.'s time such as possessed a real estate of 5007.
per annum, or personal property or goods to the value of 6000?.
were required to provide a horse-soldier, fully equipped and
mounted ; such as had not less than 501. rental of real property,
or 6001. personal, were bound to provide a foot-soldier. Above
and below these incomes, the proprietors thereof were bound to
furnish more or less force in proportion. The appointment of
officers to these troops was vested in the Lords-Lieutenants of
counties, the King having power to confirm or annul all such
commissions. — Gleig's Military History. Under Charles I. it
would have been impossible to follow out this system with con
sistency : the summons of array seems to have been arbitrary.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 419
nished by Shire, Reeve, and Ealdormen.1 But this,
the natural resource of an English King, had failed
King Charles. His Royal prerogative had been too
deeply and skilfully sapped by the Parliamentary
leaders to leave him this important power. When
they strove so hard to obtain his sanction to their
monopoly of the militia power, they only asked a
formal acknowledgment of that which they already
virtually possessed.2 The King's endeavour to turn
the trainbands to account had failed ; they were not
obliged, by law, to serve out of their own counties,
beyond whose boundaries their officer, the High-
Sheriff, had, of course, no jurisdiction. A striking
instance of this is related in Prince Rupert's Diary.
It appears that the Leicestershire trainbands had
assembled at the Sheriff's (Hastings) summons, and
professed their readiness to march with the King.
On arriving at the confines of the county, however,
one man stood still, and refused to proceed : the
1 The militia force of England, on paper, consists at this
hour to 113 battalions,* but its gallant substitutes ofthe regular
force have long saved it from active service, or even enrolment.
Nevertheless, should occasion come, the latent strength of our
nation, the untalked of force of our "landwehr," would sud
denly be manifested in a manner to strike both friend and foe
with wonder. It would probably prove also (by the time the
men were fit to fight), that the exigencies of private life required
their presence elsewhere, at the loom, the plough, the counter :
and that no tax was ever so economical as that which paid a sub
stitute army, to exempt a local militia.
2 For an account of the City and other trainbands, see Ap
pendix B. vol. i.
* Viz. : for England 76, Ireland 38, Scotland 58— about 800
men in each. E E 2

420 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
spirit of resistance immediately spread, and the
whole regiment declared they would proceed no
further. Prince Rupert, accompanied by Prince
Maurice and the Sheriff, with a troop of dragoons,
rode up to the recusants, and demanded whether
they would march. "They said nay: whereupon
the Prince clapped his pistol to the head of the
man that spoke, and then they all laid down their
arms ; and, after their example, Nottinghamshire and
Derbyshire did the like." The men of the " arrays,"
therefore, were useless to the King except as volun
teers, and in that capacity few of the trainbands
had offered themselves. The Royal council had
suggested the most cautious conduct towards the
people, and no impressments had, as yet, taken
place on the King's part.1 The Royal force, such
1 Clarendon's Rebellion. Musterings were going on also in
the north and south, and elsewhere, and less scrupulously as
regarded free-will. From Lord Newcastle and Sir Bevill Gren-
vil we have especial testimony. The former I shall quote
hereafter from the " Rupert Papers ;" for the latter 1 am again
indebted to Mr. Forster. Sir Bevill thus writes to his wife,
" to his best friend, the Lady Grace Grenvil," on the 12th of
October, from Bodmin, in Cornwall (he has grown more earnest
and somewhat stern since we last heard from him) : —
"Deah Love,
" I will detain Sam. Cottle no longer, nor can he bring you
much more news than I sent you yesterday. We found men
enough at the place appointed, well armed" [the Parliamentary
edict had not much force in those remote parts], " and I am im
patient (as all my honest friends else are) that we did not march
presently to fetch those traitors out of their nest at Launceston,
or else fire them in it ; but some of our fainter brethren have
prevailed so far with the sheriff, that there is to be a conference
this day — six of a side — to see if they can compose matters.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 421
as it was, consisted of free men : the King, how
ever, had not observed the same scruples with re
spect to the arms of the trainbands as he did
towards their possessors. These were his most vital
want ; he " borrowed " them wherever he passed,
and wherever his warrants possessed authority
throughout the north: it was observed then, as
now in Ireland, that weapons seemed to be the
most illusory of all calculated possessions : where
they had been distributed by tens of thousands they
could scarcely be collected by dozens, and even these
appeared to have suddenly grown old-fashioned,
rusty, and worthless.
When the King mustered his forces, therefore, in
the park at Shrewsbury, they presented a most
heterogeneous appearance as to arms and equip
ment. Arms were still the great deficiency ; for the
rest, the men were of the same sort as those whose

My neighbours did ill that they came not out, and are punish
able by the law in high degree ; and though I will do the best I
can to save some of the honester sort, yet others shall smart.
They were not in this to have commands from me : it is a legal
course which the sheriff is directed in by the statute, and not the
colonels : but the sheriff may take to his assistance whom he
pleases  The gallant Prince Rupert goes on gloriously in
his uncle's service ; he hath given another blow to the enemy,
greater than the former, and hath well nigh cut off all their ca
valry with his, so the great cuckold [Essex] is forced to shut him
self up with his foot within the walls of Worcester, not being
able to keep the field, whitherward the King is marching with
his army to give the last blow, and his army is mightily in
creased  I hope we shall shortly see good days again. My
noble friend, the brave Wilmot, had a shrewd wound, and the
Prince himself slightly hurt, but they killed 2000 of the enemy,
with little loss. Your own, " B. Grenvil."

422 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF,
fathers fought at Hastings and Agincourt, and whose
sons won Ramilies and Waterloo. Now, that uncon
querable island race was about to contend against
its own kind, in the sternest strife that even kindred
blood has ever known. As yet unwieldy and un
couth, these devoted men were soon moulded into a
fit form to deal or suffer slaughter unflinchingly, by
the energy and discipline of the continental Cava
liers. On parade, the front line already presented
an imposing appearance, but the rear ranks stood
up in warlike attitude with the same garments and
weapons, too, as when they left their native fields.
Many, especially the Welsh, were only furnished
with such instruments as might better have suited
a pastoral pageant; scythes, pitchforks, and even
sickles : yet with such implements as these they
cheerfully take the field, and literally, " like reapers
descend to the harvest of death."
Contrasted with these rough, hardy, and defence
less peasants, "rode" the brilliant troop of Guards,
commanded by Lord Bernard Stuart, and composed
of all the noble and wealthy Cavaliers who had
no separate command.1 With them, as amateurs,
armour had, probably, attained its perfection, though
it had begun to fall into disuse among the old sol-

1 Lord Clarendon computes the amount of income possessed by
this single troop as at least equal to that of all the Lords and
Commons [in London] who made and maintained that war. Sir
Philip Warwick, who tells us he himself " rode therein," com
putes this income at 100,000?. per annum, equal, perhaps, to
three times that sum according to our present standard.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 423
diers on the Continent.1 The casque and plume of
the knightly old barons were still worn by their de
scendants; the glittering cuirass, with a broad and
ornamented sword-belt worn across it and over the
shoulder, the tassets or " garde de reine " protect
ing the wearer from " the waist to the saddle
crooch ; 2 steel pouldrons, vambraces, mailed gaunt
lets, and cuisses,3 sheathed the Cavalier Cuirassier,"
in every respect, like the knights of Agincourt, but
for the boots, which were now almost universally of
leather, large, square-toed, and capable of covering
half the thigh, though ordinarily worn doubled
down below the knee. Over the cuirass was some
times worn the gorget, in shape resembling its
diminutive imitation now carried by our " officers of
the day," but far larger. A richly-embroidered lace
collar sometimes fell broadly, and in curious con
trast, over the steel cuirass, and the hair floated long
and loosely over all. For arms, our Cuirassier had
a long, but rather slight straight sword, half basket-
hilted, * and a brace of pistols : some carried a short

1 Tilly. — Marechal Grammont found him at the head of his
army, mounted on a small Croatian pad, in a green satin doublet
with slashed sleeves, and trowsers of the same stuff; a little
cocked hat, with a red ostrich plume in it, which reached down
to his reins, and a belt round his waist of two inches' breadth, to
which hung his fighting sword, with a single pistol in one of his
holsters. — Heath's Life of Gustavus Adolphus, Pref. 32.
2 Markham's Souldier's Accidence.
3 Pouldron, for the shoulder, from epaule; vambrace, for the
front arm, from avantbras ; cuisses, for the thighs.
4 Mr. Ormsby Gore has a very interesting relic at Porkington,
it is the sword of Sir Charles Lucas, presented by that gallant

424 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
battle-axe besides, at their saddle-bow.1 Such was
the equipment of the King's body Guards, who so
fatally for his cause at Edgehill, resented the epithet
of "the show troop" and extorted permission to
make a too successful charge. The ordinary cavalry
troops were not very dissimilarly appointed ; most of
them were sturdy yeomen, able to bring their own
horses into the field : they were generally equipped
by their landlords or great neighbours, from the
well-stored armouries that were then the pride of
every English gentleman's ancestral hall. Harque-
busier was a common term for this yeoman-trooper :
he wore a lighter head-piece than the Cavalier, with
bars of iron to protect the face, instead of a vizor,

Cavalier, a short time before his execution, to the brave Sir John
Owen, an ancestor of Mr. Ormsby Gore's : it is such as I have
described, and such as many ancient armouries can shew, but it
is distinguished by the following inscription (as well as I re
collect, for I quote from memory), " To my honoured friend, Sir
John Owen, by whom it will always be carried with honour."
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, 266, &c. I have taken the above
and the following detail principally from Markham's " Souldier's
Accidence," published 1645 ; Munroe's "Art of War;" Orrery's
" Art of War ;" " Observations," <fcc. by the Duke of Albemarle ;
Scott's notes to " Rokeby ;" Grose's " Military Antiquities ;" and
Meyrick's adaptation of that work to his own armoury, under
another name, and Gleig's " Military History." After all, I only
profess to offer an approximation to these costumes, &c, for
almost every old picture and print differs from its fellow. This
armour must have been sufficiently cumbrous to justify James
I.'s sneer : " Such armour is an excellent and Christian invention,
for it not only protects the wearer, but hinders him from doing
much harm to any body else." Munroe, a sensible and well
experienced Scotch veteran in the " wars of the Swede," says,
" that armour ought to be worn not because men are afraid, but
that they should not be afraid."

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 425
and only a haquetin, (or back and breast piece) of
steel : his harquebuss or carbine, three feet long,
was generally his only weapon, except his long
straight sword. The dragoon was the third class of
cavalry, and considered a most indispensable arm of
the service ; x he wore a buff coat, cut somewhat
in the shape of a shooting jacket, with long skirts :
his head-piece was an iron skull-cap, with cheek-
pieces of the same metal : his musket (" fair
dragons," Markham calls them) is fitted to be
slung by a leathern belt across the right shoulder ;
another belt had attached to it a string of " carter-
lages," with powder flask and " priming-box," and a
good sword.2 There were some few lancers but they
were soon abandoned, and we never hear of them
except at Marston Moor. The cavalry in general was
considered by far the most effective branch of the
service, and indeed there were so many men of gen-

1 They were evidently originally so called from dragon, as they
fought in air or on the ground, mounted or on foot. Except in
cases of surprise, however, they seldom fired on horseback, and
never charged : they were, in fact, infantry with horses, to en
able them to make more rapid movements : they were thrown
forward to feel the way, skirmishing from behind ditches as they
advanced, or covering a retreat in the same fashion : one man
held ten horses in the rear, while his comrades, their riders,
fought. Their long carbines were called dragons, from the cock
being made in that shape. — Orrery's Art of War.
2 Such was the cavalry supposed to be. Their general array,
however, was probably much more simple : a " pot" (iron skull
cap), "back and breast-piece," any fire-arms they could get, car
bine, pistol, or " petronel ;" the horse was furnished with " a
great saddle or pad, having bars and straps for affixing the hol
sters, a bit and bridle, with a pectoral and crupper, also, a sack
of carriage " (or haversack). — Munroe ; Orrery.

426 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
tie blood who served in the saddle, that their order
was almost as equestrian as of old. They were at
once the most fatal to the King and to his enemies ;
their first charge was terrible, and for the most part,
irresistible, but the mettle that spurred them into
desperate daring, ran away with them afterwards:
they never could be taught discipline ; jealous and
proud of their independence, and fiercely chary of
their fancied personal importance, control over these
wild and dashing troops was unattainable even by
the stern Rupert.
The firmest strength of the army lay, of course, in
the infantry : although a great part of their ranks
were merely pikemen, even these were happily
termed by Orrery, " the moving fortress of the
field." Gustavus Adolphus was the first who re
cognized and increased the importance of infantry.
In his time and during at least the earlier part of
the civil war, the pikemen held the post of honour.1
His pikemen, as well as the musqueteer, wore a
leathern doublet,2 steel cap, cloth hose, and square-
toed shoes, with a large rosette. The pikeman,
when he could get it, wore a back and breast piece

1 The first place of honour in marching is at the head of the
pikes ; the second is at the rear of the pikes. — Munroe.
2 The simplest, safest, cheapest, most economical, and most
lasting dress a soldier ever took the field in : it was for the most
part bullet-proof, impervious to rain, and, if well made, would
serve successive generations ; being laid aside after Cressy, pro
bably, to be resumed unimpaired at Naseby. I have seen many
leathern doublets that have, perhaps, covered stout hearts in both

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 427
of steel, with an iron hook on the former, whereon
to hang his steel cap while marching. The musque-
teer wore a " bandolier " l over the left shoulder, a
sword belt over the right : his matchlock-rest 2 was
sometimes attached to his left wrist, while not in
use, and sometimes he had a boy allowed him to
carry this cumbrous piece of artillery for him.
It must not be supposed that the Royal army,
now on parade in Shrewsbury, was thus furnished.
But they soon supplied themselves with the habili
ments of the well-appointed Roundheads ; and the
poor fellows who hung back, or were put away in
the rear, because they had only cudgels in their
horny fists, had the greater satisfaction in contem
plating the much-desired collision that was to clothe
them not only with honour, but with accoutrements.3
those battles, and that at this moment would be a far more satis
factory garment than could be made from coarse cloth, saturated
by the first shower, and torn by the first scramble through bush
or over wall.
1 A broad belt with charges of powder, hung by little cords :
the bullets were carried in a little bag, or in the mouth for imme
diate use.
2 There were locks to the pistols and petronels of the cavalry,
but none, I think, to the infantry musket ; the former were
wound up like a watch, by an instrument called a spanner, and
when let off by the trigger the flint was brought against a rough
surface, that gave the spark by friction ; these were called
snaphaunces. 3 This heterogeneous army had a still more heterogeneous fol- i
lowing of not only noble ladies and devoted wives, but a widely
contrasted description of women, with horse-boys (or paddees),
and all the human scum that necessarily gathers round fermented
masses. For these the following orders apply : —
" Women who follow an army may be ordered, if they can be
ordered, into three classes. 1st, Shall be those who are ladies,

428 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
The Parliamentary regiments, as I have said, were
for the most part, already regimented and dressed
according to the livery of their colonels ; the orange
scarf over buff or steel distinguished those who had
no other uniform.1 But the Cavalier infantry had

wives of the general and other principal commanders of the army,
who for the most part are carried in coaches, but those coaches
must drive according to the quality of their husbands, and as
appointed by the waggon-master-general. The second class is of
those who ride on horseback, and these must ride in no other
place than where the baggage of the regiment to which they be
long marches ; but they are very often extravagant, i. e. gadding
here and there, and therefore are sometimes put in companies
with one to command and oversee them, called in Germany
" Hureweibles." I have seen these ride, keep troop, rank and
file very well after their captain, and a banner which one of the
women carried. The third class is of those who walk a foot ;
they must abide by the baggage of the regiment to which their
husbands belong, and over them the several regiment-marshals
have inspection. They are very useful, they wash their husbands
linen, provide fuel, &c. At the siege of Breda, by Spinola, it was
observed that the married men were able to do more duty than
the single ones. In well-ordered armies there are, or ought to
be, none but married women, if there be any others they should
be put away by the minister or priest with ignominy conformable
to all articles of war." — Harl. Coll. No. 6844. In the campaign
of the Duke of Alva in the Low Countries there were with the
army troops of courtezans, commanded by captainesses and other
officeresses, with banners of their own and strict discipline. For
merly one boy was allowed to each two soldiers to procure fuel,
water, &c. They were found in Henry V.'s army. — Grose, Mil.
Ant. vol. i. 261.
1 Besides those regiments I have before mentioned on Lord
Nugent's authority, the Parliamentary army had Sir William
Constable's " blue coats," Lord Robarts' " red coats," Colonel Mey-
rick's " grey coats," and Lord Saye's " blue coats." In later times
we find, on the Royalist side, the Marquis of Newcastle's " white
coats" (the Lambs), Lord Northampton's "green coats," and
Prince Rupert's "black coats." Colonel Legge was taken prisoner
(often his fate !) by mistaking Hampden's " green coats" for those
of Lord Northampton. The Cavaliers now wore scarlet scarves

(SOIL ©'WEE* It, Iff W§ IF ©IRE),

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 429
little to attract the eye ; every man was dressed at
his own cost and according to his own fancy, as far
as he could afford to indulge it. His pay was consi
derable, and now regular ; the contributions of the
wealthier Cavaliers, the neighbouring gentry, and
the universities, enabling the King to be punctual
in his payments. As almost all the circulating me
dium was silver, however, the mint that was now
set up could coin but slowly, only 1000?. a- week by
the utmost exertions. The troops, however, were
well contented, and, as yet, well conducted ; provi
sions were plentiful and cheap, and their cause was
favoured by the country round.1

as a badge, as we shall see at Chalgrove fight, as they did in
the Scotch campaign of 1639 and 1640. The various uniforms
that British troops have worn are curious to trace, even since
the era of standing armies, but much more in former times :
for instance, when the Earl of Leicester, accompanied by Sir
Philip Sidney, landed at Flushing to support the Protestant cause ;
out of six thousand, four thousand Londoners accompanied him
in red, the Queen's troops being generally grey. The troops
gathered to oppose the Armada carried lances, spears, bills, and
bows, but very few muskets. The Queen's infantry was " sadd
greene," the cavalry grey with scarlet cloaks. " Henry VIII. had
"blew coats guarded with redde clothe :" the right hose was to
be red, the left blue, with a strip of red down the side." — Gleig's
Military History.
1 The pay of a general commanding was enormous for those
times, 10?. a-day, as I find from Lord Denbigh's, and others,
papers : but then these generals were generally men of high
rank and great local influence, whom it was necessary to keep in
good humour. Lord Denbigh, as general-in-chief for the Parlia
ment and the associated counties of Staffordshire, Warwickshire,
&c, received his salary regularly, equal to about 18,000Z. a-year
now ; while his subordinates complain bitterly of want, and some
of his cavalry pawned their horses and accoutrements in order to
buy food. — Earl of Denbigh's MS. Collect; also May, Par. Hist.

430 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
Prince Rupert was General of the Royal horse,
General Lord Ruthven acted as his Lieutenant-
General from choice, though he was made field-
marshal before the army left Shrewsbury. Sir
Arthur Aston, " of whose soldiery there was a very
great esteem,"1 commanded the dragoons, and Sir
John Heydon the small park of artillery. Lord
Grandison commanded one regiment of horse which
he had himself raised ; Sir John Byron another, paid
for by Lord Worcester. Lord Digby had some two or
three troops ; and there were others attached to dif
ferent infantry regiments from Wales, Cheshire, and
Lancashire. These last were, probably, brigaded
according to circumstances in the field. One re
markable troop I had nearly forgotten, though it
fought well; it was composed of the servants of
Lord Bernard's aristocratic troop, and was com
manded by Sir William Killigrew.2
The infantry was formed into three brigades, un
der Sir Nicholas Byron, Colonel Harry Wentworth,
and Colonel Fielding; Sir Jacob Astley being
Major-General under the Earl of Lindsey, as Com
mander-in-Chief. Unfortunately, we have no ac-

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, iii. 266, who says elsewhere, that " He
was the only Papist officer, if he was a Papist ;" and that " there
were very few common soldiers of that religion, though the Par
liament, while too wise to refuse any stout volunteer themselves,
denounced the entire Royal army by their declarations and their
pulpits, which they kept ' tuned to the same key, ' as Popish."
2 The subjoined order from the King, proves that there was
some armour still remaining in the King's scanty stores : they

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 431
count less vague than this, which Lord Clarendon,
a most unmilitary-minded man, has furnished : but
the army increases in interest as it rolls along, and
acquires individuality. By the time the King was
prepared to march, his forces were almost all armed,
more or less, except three or four hundred who still
marched without any weapons except cudgels. On
the 12th of October the Royal trumpets " sounded
to the Standard," and the King began his march
towards London.

The Roundheads had promised their friends and,
perhaps, themselves, that they should only require a
demonstration of physical force against the King ;
that he would never be able to raise an army, or
prevail on a single town to declare in his favour.

had probably been reserved until the actual wants of each regi
ment were ascertained ; but now no time remained for further
arrangement : THE KING TO PKINCE RUPERT.
"Charles, R.
" Whereas there are sundry quantities of horsemen's arms,
as backs and pots, remaining in our magazine here at Shrews
bury, which we have appointed for the arming of our regiments
of horse, but the same are not sent for by the colonels of the
same, which we conceive proceeds from their want of knowing
our pleasure therein, we do therefore hereby pray and require
you to signify unto our said colonels, our will and pleasure to be,
that carts should be impressed, by your warrant, for fetching the
said arms, and that such colonels, who first shall send, shall first
be furnished ; and herein the more diligence is to be used, be
cause of the sudden march of our army. — Given under our sign
manual, at our Court at Shrewsbury, this 9th of October, 1642."
" To our dear nephew, — Prince Rupert, Captain-
General of all our Forces of Horse."

432 MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
In less than three weeks, such predictions were sig
nally falsified : not only had the King found friends,
but an army had started up from among the people
at his call ; a battle already had been fought and
won, and now half the kingdom had arrayed itself
against the power, the wealth, the resources, and the
plausibilities of the Parliament.
In the west, Sir Ralph Hopton and Sir Bevill
Grenvil held Barnstaple, Pendennis, and Dart
mouth, for the King; Ashburnham guarded Wey
mouth ; and Lord Hertford still shewed a bold front
in Somersetshire. The King occupied the Welsh
borders as far as Bridgenorth, with all the Princi
pality at his back, and a loyal region connecting
Shrewsbury with the north. In Yorkshire, the Earl
of Newcastle * was in prevailing force, though the
Fairfaxes were there energetically striving for the
Parliament. Scotland was quiet for the present, ruminating on
future raids, and chewing the cud of the Covenant.
1 About this time the Prince received the following letter
from the Earl of Newcastle : it betrays none of the jealous, if not
angry feeling attributed to his lordship towards the Prince.
Lord Newcastle was at this time employed in raising forces;
amongst others, those " lambs," that so heroically distinguished
themselves and fell at Marston Moor :
the earl of newcastle to prince rupert.
" May it please your Highness,
" I as heartily congratulate your safety as your victory,* for
your person, sir, is to be valued above a kingdom, since you value

* At Powick Bridge.

1642.] PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. 433
Ireland rested from her slaughters, and yearned with
her Roman Catholic heart towards any party that
opposed the intolerant Roundheads. The Conti
nental powers of Europe were well contented to
look on, and contemplate our indomitable Islanders
cutting their own throats.

it so little in respect of your honour and love to his Majesty.
Tour Highness hath not brought us, but made us good fortune,
and let us all see how weak the ordinance of two Houses of Par
liament is. God prosper your Highness so to the end.
" Your Highness' most faithful obliged servant,
"W. Newcastle."
"Newcastle, the 7th of October, 1642."

VOL. I. F F

435

APPENDIX.

LAUD.
It is only just to the memory of this amiable, able, and
unfortunate prelate, to speak of his private character, for
the sake of the few who have not made themselves
acquainted with it, or have only done so through the medium
of his enemies. It seems also necessary to substantiate
the often repelled, but not refuted charge I have brought
against him. Laud's public administration and large
share in producing the troubles of the king and kingdom,
have been alluded to in the text (pp. 165, 166). In page
131 I have stated that he found the Church in a healthy
state, and left it a prey to dissent, owing to the persecuting
rigour with which he strove incessantly to force his
peculiar views of church-discipline down the throats of
those who could ill digest it. Lord Clarendon, the Arch
bishop's zealous and unflinching friend, says that the year
1633 {i. e. the period of Laud's accession to the Primacy)
" was a period of great ease and tranquillity." . . " The
general temper and humour of the kingdom were little
inclined to the Papist, and less to the Puritan." . . " The
Church was not repined at, nor [was there] the least
inclination to alter the government and discipline thereof,
or to change the doctrine."1 I conceive that no assertion
can be more decisive than this is ; coming, as it does, from
the most unexceptionable authority on this particular
1 Clarendon's Rebellion, i. 162-3. F F 2

436 APPENDIX.
point. When Laud's career was ended, the rampant con
dition of schism and dissent is notorious. Lord Clarendon
also asserts, in the same page, that there was a jealous
feeling concerning Popery, and anything " of innovation
calculated to please the Papists." Laud was one among
the many who had not perceived the growth of the power
of Public Opinion, and probably if he had recognized
that power, his nature would have delighted the more
in braving it. The People were especially jealous of
Signior Con, the Pope's nuncio, and of Price, the
Superior of the Benedictine Convent; yet these two
" great politicians and statesmen were so great with
the Bishop of Canterbury, that they had free access to
him at all times."1 The fact of Laud's being offered a
cardinal's hat argues that the Pope held the same opinion
of him that the English people did, and he does not him
self deny that he listened to the temptation ; he only says
(in his own diary) "there was something within him which
would not let him accept the cardinal's hat, until Rome
were other than she was." Doubtless there was much in
that great Church that attracted him, but he seems only to
have been guilty of want of tact, as regards the People, not
of apostasy, as regarded his own Church. The discipline of
Rome, the solemnity, the magnificence of her ritual, the
eloquence of her liturgy, fascinated a mind that yearned
to see his Church triumphant even in worldly show. But
her doctrines never reached his heart : there is no more
vehement or powerful declamation against Popery to be
found in ecclesiastical literature than he has left us. He
was even himself sensitive of some relics of Popery that
seem harmless to us : when he saw so many wooden images
of Christ at Oxford, he quaintly exclaimed : " Is not this
the Carpenter's Son ?" 2 When his death was compassed
by as foul means as ever Jeffries employed to assassinate
1 Somers' Tracts, p. 468. 2 Ward's Diary, 1656.

APPENDIX. 437
with safety and legal form, * Laud appeared in his true
light. About to leave the world, his worldly error fell
from him, like some travel-stained garment, and he stood
upon the scaffold as pure and noble a victim as the revo
lutionary furies ever claimed for their bloody altar. His
dying speech has never been surpassed in touching sim
plicity, nobleness, and eloquence. Let those who read it,
divest themselves of all prelatic and other prejudices ; and
only consider it as containing the last words of a Christian
minister, uttered in the bitter hour of trial, the moment
before a terrible death : his next thought was to be
uttered in another world. This conviction pledges to the
truth of these solemn words : solemn in their simplicity,
their circumstance, and their appeal to man, through God. 2
Lord Clarendon describes Archbishop Laud as " a
scholar of the most sublime parts."3 He had attained his
high place "without the least condescension to the arts
and stratagems of the Court, and without any other friend
ship or support than what the splendour of a pious and
unpolished integrity would reconcile to him. . . . He
was only too secure in a good conscience, and a most
sincere worthy intention, . . . which exposed him to such
a torrent of adversity and misery as we shall have too
natural occasion to lament in the following discourse, in
which it will be more seasonable to enlarge upon his
1 " Nor did I wrong Mr. Pryn when I say, ' that for all the haste to
put in my answer, January 22, he could not make this broken business
so soon ready against me. For 'tis well known he kept a kind of school
of instruction for such of the witnesses as he durst trust, that they might
be sure to speak home to the purpose he would have them. And this an
utter barrister, a man of good credit, knows ; who, in the hearing of men
beyond exception, said, ' The archbishop is a stranger to me, but Mr.
Pryn's tampering about the witnesses is so palpable and foul, that I can
not but pity him and cry shame for it.' " — Laud's Diary, p. 216.
2 Since the above was printed, an article in tbe Quarterly Review, on
the Duke of Argyle's lucid and enlightened essay on Presbytery, has
expressed some very original and able opinions concerning this great
Churchman : especially in pp. 98 and 99 (No. 167).
3 Rebellion, i. 160.

438 APPENDIX.
singular abilities and immense virtue." 1 " In short," says
Archbishop Williams' biographer, " Laud was a man fit
for primitive times, but Williams to comply with the
weakness of his own ; the one being fit to govern saints,
the other to deal with man, the difficulter task by far."2
On the day that Laud was condemned to die, the Puritan
Directory was voted to replace the Liturgy. The former
was composed by an " assembly of Divines, neither chosen
by any rule or custom ecclesiastical, nor eminent for
either piety or knowledge, only elected as each member of
Parliament in his fancy thought fit."3
Then rushed forth Sectarianism triumphant — Ranters,
Independents, Anabaptists, Familists, Seekers, Brownists
— to the destruction of all public and all private peace.
Ecclesiastical intolerance is evil, but social intolerance far
more intolerable. Men of learning and grave responsi
bilities may be sometimes unworthy ministers, but sure not
better were the ignorant men, women, and children, the
preachers, prophets, and enthusiasts, who now entered upon
the presumptuous teaching of how to make men wise unto
salvation. B.
TRAINBANDS, OR MUNICIPAL GUARDS.
These city trainbands constituted then, as now, the
most unserviceable and yet dangerous force that could be
called upon. They answered to the Municipal Guards
that in Berlin, Paris, and Rome, have lately shewn them
selves, " so weak to save, so vigorous to destroy." They
appear to be the least national and the most partizan of all
troops ; the most ready instruments for revolution, the
least faithful to the cause that they espouse. They merge
their common sense and citizen character in the pseudo-
military spirit that only apes the vices and violence of the
1 Rebellion, i. 116. a Ambrose Philips. 3 Milton.

APPENDIX. 439
soldier, without the fidelity, simplicity, or heroism that
redeems him. 1 Why these peculiarities of character
should belong so much more to city than to rural militia,
it would not be difficult to explain ; the latter alone still
exists as a recognized force (in posse) amongst us now. 2
In Henry the Second's reign, it was enacted, with con
sent of Parliament, that every freeman, according to
the value of his estate or movables, should hold himself
constantly furnished with suitable arms and equipments.3
Under Edward the First, further enactments increased the
stringency of these martial obligations on the subject :
every man who possessed fifteen pounds a-year in rent, or
forty marks in goods, was obliged to provide for his own
use, or that of his substitute, a hauberk, a breastplate, a
knife, a sword, and a horse : his armour to be inspected
every six months by constables chosen for each Hundred.*
The sheriff, as chief conservator of the public peace, had
always possessed the right of summoning the " Posse
Comitatus," or the assistance of all the King's subjects
within his jurisdiction, in cases of rebellion, robbery, or
obstruction of legal process.5 In seasons of pubhc danger,
when France or Scotland was to be invaded or repelled, it
became customary to issue " Commissions of Array,"
empowering the Commissioners " to muster and train all
men capable of bearing arms within each county thus
1 To this class we have fortunately now no corresponding one in Eng
land, and to that is probably owing, in a great measure, our impunity
from modern revolution. The special constable is an admirable substi
tute, and peculiarly English : about him there is nothing assumed or
mock-military. Manly, spontaneous, and strong, he constitutes a force
invaluable in an emergency ; the moral influence of such a body is one
great source of its strength — it represents the true genius, will, and power
of the people as opposed to that of the mob.
* Lord Hervey, on occasion of the Porteous riots in Edinburgh, pro
posed to do away with that armed and disciplined part of the mob called
the Town-guard : " For what purpose," said he, "can tbe Court desire to
continue the use of a weapon which has always been blunt when em
ployed for you, and pointed when directed against you 1 " — Memoirs.
3 Lyttleton's Henry II., iii. 354.
* Stat. 13 Edw. I. 5 Hallam's Const. Hist. i. 543.

440 APPENDIX.
addressed, and to hold them in readiness to defend the
kingdom.1 These ancient provisions, however (but not
the spirit of them), were abrogated by James the First, in
his first Parliament : they had been principally useful, or
used against the Scots, and now that the succession of the
Scottish King had consolidated the two realms into one,
there were no more " borders," as Louis the Fourteenth
proclaimed of the Pyrenees.
The British monarch was determined to have no more
war, whatever might be sacrificed to that object, and the
weapons of offence that had been so widely distributed,
were now collected into "magazines."2 This measure, no
doubt, tended to civilization and humanity ; the people,
when thus disarmed, were induced to turn their thoughts
to the public laws, as a better security than private means
of vengeance or defence. Thenceforth the rural popula
tion, at least, fell into entire desuetude of war and warlike
discipline : on some few occasions, small and local levies
were made, as for the Palatinate, and for the expeditions
to Cadiz and Rochelle ; but these did not affect the king
dom at large. On the latter occasion I find, from the
archives of Coventry, that Coventry — and I presume other
similar towns, were ordered to muster and array their train
bands, " for the defence of the kingdom, during the absence
of the fleet."3 The citizens of London, indeed, mustered
their trainbands on holidays, and the "honourable artillery
company " even then was in high repute.4

• Mr. Hallam says, the earliest of these Commissions of Array to be
found in Rymer is in 1324, the latest in 1557.
2 At Hull, for instance, Newcastle, Leicester, and other chief towns of
counties, of which we have many things to relate hereafter.
3 This order may be seen in the Coventry archives, which contain a
good deal of interesting matter relating to earlier periods : there are few
documents relating to the Civil Wars in the public records of this or, I
believe, of any other town. An index or digest of tbe archives of our
chief towns would be a very valuable acquisition to our historical libraries,
and not very difficult of compilation.
1 " Artillery" was, at this time, applied to the long bow. — Grose, i. 150.

APPENDIX. 441

C.

I think it may be interesting to some of my readers to
peruse the manuscripts relating to Prince Rupert's life,
as it was intended to have been printed. It is evidently
made up from many loose notes and a diary, which I have
used as well as this in the text. In these notes are several
trifling circumstances omitted in this detailed relation ; but
they are so scattered and fragmentary it would be almost
impossible to print them : I imagine the history, in this
form, was written by Rupert's secretary, Colonel Benett,
during the Prince's lifetime.
" THE LIFE OF PRINCE RUPERT.1
" Prince Rupert was the third son of Frederick, King
of Bohemia, and Count Palatine of the Rhine, and of
Elizabeth, the only daughter of James I., monarch of
Great Britain, descended, on the father's side, from sove
reign princes, by a fair and known succession of above
twelve hundred years ; and on the mother's, from the most
ancient crown of Christendom : for the truth whereof we
shall here refer the reader to the genealogy itself.2
1 This must have been written about the year 1678. The internal evi
dences prove the date of its composition to have been previous to the
Elector Palatine's death, and subsequent to that of Monk in 1670.
In the notes for bis own instruction, the anonymous writer refers to an
edition of Baker's Chronicle, 1674, now in my possession. In order not
to detract from any interest that may be found in my relation, I have
only printed the Prince's early biography in this volume : the italics are
mine, and the modern spelling.
2 " THE GENEALOGY OF PRINCE RUPERT, THIRD SON TO THE
KING OF BOHEMIA.
" Taken out of Authentic Authors and Records.
" This Prince began to be illustrious many ages before his birth, and
we must look back into history above two thousand years, to discover
the first rays of his glory. We may consider him very great, being de
scended from the two most illustrious and ancient Houses of Europe,
that of England and the Palatines of the Rhine.
" It is true we find no certain succession of the Palatines of tbe
Rhine but for twelve, hundred years. The first of their ancestors that

442 APPENDIX.
" Being to take our rise to this history from a capital
disaster in Bohemia, it will be proper to say something of

is recorded in history is Adellaberen, whom the Bavarians chose King
of the Huns, immediately after the death of the famous Attila, about the
middle of the fifth century. The most famous account we read of him
was the battle he fought near Cologne, where he was killed by Clovis,
King of France, after having long disputed the victory with a courage
that put astonishment and fear in the very conqueror himself.
" So great a man, and chosen by tbe Germans for their King, and
after Attila, shews he was not tbe first renowned Prince of his race ;
and this reason alone is sufficient to persuade us that he was as consider
able in his blood as in his valour. Yet, in all appearance, he has been
more famous in bis successors than in his ancestors, and the Princes
which have descended from him are more glorious than those from whom
he himself descended.
" This we see in Charlemagne, the greatest Emperor since Constan
tine, who came in a direct line from Adellaheren, more than three hun
dred years after him ; during which time his ancestors were called
Dukes of Bavaria, and they rendered their name great in the world by
those eminent virtues which supported it.
" Charlemagne, who succeeded them, shined with so much honour,
that he obscured theirs, and the world was so filled with acclamations
of his glory, that they almost forgot to make mention of his predeces
sors. He had many children : the most considerable in story were Pe
pin, Louis, and Charles. Pepin, who was called Carloman, reigned in
Italy, and would have been Emperor had he lived four years longer, but
he died in the ninth century, and his father in the fourteenth : so the
empire came to the second son, who, from the excellence of his piety,
had the name given him of " Louis the Good." He wore the Imperial
Crown six-and-twenty years, and his children after him till the eleventh
year of the succeeding century. Charles died the same year his brother
Pepin did, and history reports him to have been a King.
" It had been doubtless a great honour to have descended from any
son of Charlemagne, although the youngest. But the Palatines of the
Rhine and Dukes of Bavaria, which were not then distinguished, have
this advantage, that they descended from the eldest, coming directly
from a King of Italy, called Wernard, or Bernard, who died in the year
eight hundred and eighteen, and was the son of Pepin, the eldest son of
Charlemagne. " Bernard had a son, named Pepin, as his grandfather, who was Count
of Longenfeilet and Duke of Nordgaw ; and it is by him that the blood
of Charlemagne comes to this Prince whose story we are writing. The
year this Pepin died is not known, nor the account that made him me
morable, but his posterity is known to have gained much honour in the
world. It had for nearly three centuries the principal charges of the
empire, and became so powerful about the end of the thirteenth century,
by the union of all Bavaria and the Palatinate, that the Emperors grew
jealous of their greatness.
" This was the state of this illustrious family under Otho, the first
Count Palatine and Duke of the Two Bavarias. He had two sons, Louis

APPENDIX. 443
the occasion of those troubles, by way of introduction to
this following discourse.

and Henry : the Lower Bavaria was allotted to the youngest ; the Upper
and the Palatinate to the eldest. Henry had no long posterity ; it
ended fifty years after him. Then the Lower Bavaria was joined again
to the Upper. Louis, the elder, was much happier in the succession of
his race, it continuing until this day in the two Houses of the Palatine
and Bavaria, which descended both directly from this Prince.
" He had three sons, Rodolpb, Frederic, and Louis ; but the second
having been killed in a tournament, very young, left his father's terri
tories to be divided between the other two. Rodolpb, the eldest, would
give only a maintenance to tbe youngest, and retained to himself the
Palatinate and tbe Upper Bavaria. But Louis, who had an ambitious
mind, not being contented with the allotment of bis eldest brother, pro
vided better for himself when his election to the empire had given him
power equal to his ambition . Then he made war upon his brother, and
forced him, for sanctuary, to fly into England, where he died about the
twentieth year of the fourteenth century. Louis was called " The
Bavarian," and it is from him that all the Dukes of Bavaria, by a conti
nual succession of eminent Princes, have to this day continued. The
Palatines of the Rhine come from Rodolph, being the eldest. He married
Melehtilde, the daughter of an Emperor of the same name with himself,
and had by her three sons. The youngest died without children. The
second had but one daughter, who married the Emperor Charles the
Fourth. The eldest, who was called Adolph, had a son called Rupert,
and this Rupert had another of the same name, but much more renown
ed. His virtue was equal to his birth, and he acquired so great esteem
and authority, that, notwithstanding all those illustrious competitors
which then were, he was chosen and crowned Emperor, with the uni
versal applause of Europe. He reigned from the first to the tenth or
eleventh year of the fifteenth century. His merit and his children ren
dered his memory as glorious as his life, and Germany would long have
lamented his death, had he not left six Princes to survive him. But the
race was preserved only in the youngest. The eldest was Prince Elector,
whose posterity ceased about one hundred years since. The second was
taken by the Turks. The third married Erigh, daughter to the King of
Denmark, by whom he had a son, called Christian, who was King of
Denmark and Sweden, and died without children in the tenth year of his
reign. The fourth died very young. The fifth lived to see his race
perish, and his children retiring themselves in a cloister. The sixth and
fast son and Emperor, Rupert, had the advantage over all his brothers, to
support alone, by his posterity, for these last hundred years, the name
and glory of all the family. He was called ' Prince of Cimmon,' and so
were all his successors, till the middle of tbe last century; then, the
eldest House being ended, be inherited the title and sovereignty of the
Palatinate. Frederic, the third of that name, was the first inheritor of it.
His son, Louis the Sixth, succeeded him ; and afterwards his grandchild,
Frederic the Fourth, who was the father of Frederic the Fifth, the
deceased Prince Elector, of famous memory, vicar ofthe empire, King of
Bohemia, and father of our Hero."— MS. Lansdown, 111)4, fol. 24.

444 APPENDIX.
" The Emperor, Rodulph II., finding himself in a great
strait betwixt the importunities of the Protestants for
the free exercise of their religion, on the one hand ; and
the violent practices and attempts of his brother, the Arch-
Duke Mathias, on the other ; was reduced, in the end, to
compound with both ; granting unto Mathias the kingdom
of Hungary, the Arch-Duchy of Austria, the Marquisate
of Moravia ; and also the right of succession to the king
dom of Bohemia (in case of the Emperor's decease without
issue male) ; and this clause inserted into his title, de
signed King of Bohemia. To the Protestants, in assem
bly, at Prague, May, 1608, he granted a toleration of re
ligion, and allowance of churches to preach in, with other
privileges, and justifying all their past proceedings ; de
claring, moreover, that whoever should presume to give
them any sort of molestation in the enjoyment of these
liberties, should be deemed and proceeded against as pub
lic enemies. In the year 1611, the Emperor propounded
to the States of Bohemia the crowning of his brother Ma
thias, King of Bohemia, and that he might forthwith take
possession of the government ; the States, in the mean
time, providing him with a competent revenue, for the
support of his kingly-dignity, whereupon the assembly
presented the Arch-Duke with several articles (previous to
his coronation) for him to swear unto, as the conditions of
his admittance. And this being done ; they proceeded to
the crowning of him ; but only as a titular sovereign, he
having divested himself of most of his regalia by that
capitulation. This was in the month of April : and upon
the 10th of January following, Rodulph departed this life ;
his brother Mathias succeeding him, who was crowned at
Frankfort, on the 14th of June, 1612. In the year 1617,
the Emperor Mathias, called an assembly at Prague ;
where he gave the States to understand that, having no
issue of his own, he had thought fit to adopt the Arch-
Duke Ferdinand (his cousin-german), out of a respect to

APPENDIX. 445
his abilities and virtues. And therefore desired that they
would choose him for their future King ; especially since
the whole House of Austria were consenting to that elec
tion. The States, after a formal debate, returned their
thanks to the Emperor ; with an account that they had
chosen him for their King ; and that he should be pro
claimed, upon certain conditions, exhibited together with
their answer : which being accorded on the 9th of June,
he was crowned upon the 29th. In the year following,
the Protestant States met at Prague, to deliberate upon
their grievances ; where, being opposed, they threw some
of the Emperor's council out of a window ; and then pub -
lished a remonstrance in justification of the proceeding,
laying the blame upon the Archbishop of Prague, and
other usurpers upon the liberties which both Randulphus
and the present Emperor himself had confirmed unto
them. The Bohemians immediately upon this sent to all
their confederates for aid, and betook themselves to their
arms : and the Emperor, on the other side, left no means
unattempted, either by treaty or force, to bring them to
terms of peace and obedience. The war being already
begun, was followed by the death of the Emperor, March
10, 1619 ; and upon the 10th of July following the elec
tors met at Frankfort, upon a new choice : the directors
of Bohemia sending three ambassadors also to assist at the
election ; but they were not admitted into the town,
whereupon they sent in their exceptions to the choice of
King Ferdinand, and insisted upon their own proprietary
right to an interest in the election. But this opposition
notwithstanding, Ferdinand was chosen King of the Ro
mans, August 18th ; and upon the 30th he was crowned.
" The States of Bohemia absolutely disclaiming him ;
and binding themselves by an oath never to acknowledge
him for their King. So that they proceeded thereupon to
a new election, and pitched upon Frederick V., Elector
Palatine of the Rhine.

446 APPENDIX.
" This election being in due form concluded and pro
claimed by the unanimous vote and consent of the States
of Bohemia, together with the deputies of the incorporated
provinces then assembled at Prague : the said States did
forthwith, by their ambassadors, advertise his electoral
highness at Heidelberg of their proceeding : who received
them with singular respect, and yet putting them off with
delays till he might consult his friends, and second
thoughts upon the matter. In the first place he advised
with the Princes and Protestant States in the union ; who
were all of them for his acceptance of this charge, as a
thing that might very much conduce to the common good
of the empire. And after this, he despatched away Baron
Dane, upon an embassy to his father-in-law, King James ;
desiring to have his Majesty's opinion along with him
upon the whole affair. But the condition of Bohemia
being then upon a pinch, and the Prince of Anhalt (his par
ticular confidant) pressing Prince Frederick to a speedy
and positive resolution, his Electoral Highness was pre
vailed upon, without staying for King James's answer, to
undertake the Government out of hand ; although with a
dangerous, and, as it proved, a fatal war, annexed to the
dignity. " This resolution being taken, the Elector Palatine fell
presently to the settling of all things in the Palatinate, —
committing the civil administration to the Duke of Deux-
Ponts, his kinsman, and matters of war to the Count of
Nassau ; and so put himself, with his family and retinue,
upon his journey. The ambassadors of Bohemia, and the
confederate provinces, met him upon the way at Wal-
sacken, where they presented him with the grounds they
had proceeded upon, and the conditions whereupon his
Highness was desired to accept of the Government. These
points being fully agreed on both parts, the new elect
King of Bohemia passed forward to Prague, where he
arrived on the last of October, in which city he was

APPENDIX. 447
crowned upon the 4th of November, and his princess the
Lady Elizabeth upon the 7th, with Royal pomp and
solemnity, and with the infinite joy and acclamation of the
people. " Now, to pass over the business of the war, and come
directly to our subject ; his Highness, Prince Rupert (not
Robert, according to the vulgar mistake), was born at
Prague, the capital city of Bohemia, on the 27th of De
cember, 1619. The solemnity of his baptism was very
extraordinary, there being present the King himself, his
brother, two princes of the House of Saxony, the Duke of
Ainault, Elector of Hohenloe, with many other persons
of eminent condition, — the Duchy of Silecia, Bethlem
Gabor, Prince of Transylvania, the Marquisates of Mora
via and Lusatia, with the several provinces of the King
dom of Bohemia, represented by their deputies, being his
sponsors. It was not many weeks after this that he himself
was within a very little of being chosen successor to his
father, — >his eldest brother, Prince Frederique, carrying it
from him upon the proposition of the States (as it appears
without contradiction) only by two or three voices.
" In October following, after several encounters, with
great loss of men on both sides, was fought upon the
Weyssenberg (a hill near Prague) that unhappy battle (to
this illustrious family) between the Imperialists and the
Bohemians, where the former had the victory, and followed
the advantage so close, that soon after they made them
selves masters ofthe City of Prague. The Bohemians had
posted themselves upon a place of great advantage ; beside
that the Imperialists had a bog and a bridge to pass, with
seven hundred musketeers, and three pieces of ordnance
to guard it ; but Count Hohenloe (the Bohemians' Lieu
tenant-General), calling off those musketeers, quitted that
pass to the enemy, — the Imperialists presently bringing
over their troops, and turning the guns upon the Bohe
mians themselves. What with this treachery (for so it was

448 APPENDIX.
reputed), and the cowardice (or worse) of the Hungarians,
that should have seconded the young Prince of Anhalt,
and ran away without striking a stroke, the right wing of
the army was totally lost. But the left behaved itself very
bravely, till it was so overborne with numbers that every
body shifted for hinself as well as he could. In this hurry
and consternation, the Baron of Dona, one of his Majesty's
Councillors, placed the infant Prince in an empty coach,
and there left him, while he provided some other way for
his own safety.
" The jolting of the coach tossed the child into the boot,
where he had certainly perished if some of the train had
not found him there and preserved him, by a special Pro
vidence not to be omitted in this relation. Their Majes
ties found great difficulty in this surprise to save them
selves and their Royal branches ; but having made their
escape, they repaired to the Court of the Elector of
Brandenburg, their cousin-german, at Custrein, in that
Marquisate, where they were entertained about a twelve
month with great humanity and honour, until the birth of
Prince Maurice, the next brother, of whom we shall have
occasion to speak more hereafter.
" Soon after the birth of this Prince, the King and
Queen, with Prince Frederick and Prince Rupert, re
moved into Holland, to the Hague, — leaving the second
son, Prince Charles Lodowick, the present Elector Palatine,
together with the Princess Elizabeth, his eldest sister, and
the new-born Prince Maurice, at Berlin ; under the care of
his generous Electoral Highness, tbe father of the present
Dean of Brandenburgh.
" The two Princes, Frederick and Rupert, continued
at the Hague till the birth of the Princess Louisa and
Prince Lodowick ; and they were then committed to the
University of Leyden, there to receive their first instruc
tion. " The first tutor that our Prince had at Leyden was Dr.

APPENDIX. 449
Alting, an eminent and a learned man, who being shortly
after admitted a professor at Groyning, one Hauseman
succeeded to his charge. His Highness also applying him
self to riding, fencing, vaulting, the exercise of the pike
and musket, and the study of geometry and fortification ;
wherein he had the assistance of the best masters ; beside
the inclination of a military genius, which shewed itself so
early, that at eight years of age he handled his arms with
the readiness and address of an experienced soldier.
" Having past his time at Leyden till the age of thir
teen ; partly upon his own desire, and in part upon the
instance of Henry Frederic, Prince of Orange, who
loved him very dearly, his Highness was permitted by the
Queen to follow that brave old General to the siege of
Keynberg. By the Queen, I say, for the King was now
dead of a pestilent fever at Mentz ; having very narrowly
escaped drowning before, upon Haerlam-Meere, in his
passage to Amsterdam, where Prince Frederic was unfor
tunately lost by the overturning of his boat, upon two
vessels running one athwart the other.
" His Highness had not been many weeks with the
Prince of Orange, before the Queen recalled him, upon
a suggestion that the army would corrupt and debauch
Mm; and so he returned to the Hague with extreme
regret, both to the Prince of Orange and to himself.
But upon second thoughts, and the Prince of Orange's
repeated intercession, her Majesty was prevailed upon, and
his Highness was sent back again to the army to the great
satisfaction both of the General and of himself.
"After that campaign was over, he returned to the
Hague ; and for some time during that recess was sent to
Leyden again : but his thoughts were so wholly taken up
with the love of arms, that he had no great passion for
any other study.
" The next campaign he repaired again to the Prince of
Orange, and rode a volunteer in his Highness's Guards,
VOL. I. G G

450 APPENDIX.
which were then commanded by Mr. Beringham, a very
brave officer, and afterwards Monsieur le Premier, or chief
equerry to the present French King. Our Prince being
now resolved to pass through the strictest methods of a
military order and discipline, delivered up himself to the
common duties and circumstances of a private soldier, in
all sorts of fatigues and hazards as at the siege of Tirele-
mont, Lovain, and the first year's siege of Skenken-Siams.
After which, the present Prince Elector Palatine cross
ing over into England, to try what assistance he could ob
tain from his Royal uncle Charles I., toward the recovery
of his lost countries, Prince Rupert soon after followed
him, where they continued about a-year. In which time
having prevailed for some small aid of money, the Prince
Elector departed, and his brother with him, though ex
ceedingly importuned to the contrary. There went over
at the same time the Earl of Northampton, the Lord
Grandison, with several others of the English nobility and
men of quality, who accompanied these Princes to the
siege of Breda ; the Prince of Orange being then set
down before it. General Morgan had the opening of the
trenches ; and Sir Jacob Astley commanded under him.
Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice put themselves upon
the perdu ; and crept up so close to the enemy's works,
that they could hear the soldiers discourse on the other
side, and made a discovery of their design to issue out,
waiting till they were just upon the point of a sally.
Whereupon the Princes instantly retired, and gave the be
siegers so seasonable notice of it, that they were presently
ready for them, and beat them in again with loss.
" The next action our Prince was engaged upon was an
attack upon a hornwork, where the late and famous
Duke of Albemarle, being Captain-Lieutenant to the
Lord Goring, commanded a stand of pikes. This attempt
was looked upon to be so dangerous that the Prince of
Orange would not, upon any terms, give way, that our

APPENDIX. 451
Prince should be exposed upon it. But he slipped himself,
nevertheless, as a volunteer into the party, and came off
untouched, leaving a great many of his companions behind
him. " There were two mines to be sprung : the French had
the right corner of the hornwork and the English the
left. The French mine played a little before the English,
and without effect ; but the English made a very great
breach, insomuch that the enemy bent all their force that
way ; looking upon the other only as a false mine. Sir
Jacob Astley took four-and-twenty musketeers, and run
ning all along up the curtain, first upon their flank, and
so broke their stand of pikes. There was a cutting off
within which the Prince of Orange was not willing to
have assaulted, but rather to lodge his men upon the
hornwork ; but yet the English beat them out of the cut
ting off also, where they posted themselves and maintained
it. There was one Mr. Apsly was shot in the mel6e, Mr.
Crofts killed, the Lords Willmot and Goring being hurt
before. There was one passage pleasant enough of a Bur-
gundian officer, that lay stripped among the dead upon the
hornwork, and starting up a good while after, seeing our
Prince with some other officers sitting by upon a hillock,
" Messieurs " (says he) " est-il point de quartier ici ?"
whereupon they gave him the name of Jack Falstaff,
which he carried to his dying day.
" The siege being now over, and the town reduced,
Prince Maurice and Prince Edward went into an academy
in France, Prince Rupert accompanying his brother the
Prince Elector to the Hague, who then fell to work upon
his intended levies ; and by the next spring found himself
in condition to march with a considerable body. The ren
dezvous was appointed at Mepping, in Stift-Munster,
upon the river Weyser, where they propounded to fix
awhile, and raise more troops ; having the Swedes and the
neighbourhood thereabouts to friend. This place did
G G 2

452 APPENDIX.
formerly belong to the King of Sweden, who bestowed it
upon Colonel Knipheusen (a Swedish officer), as a reward
for the eminent services he had done that crown. His
Electoral Highness, a Little before his return out of Eng
land, bought this place of Knipheusen, in prospect of the
advantageous condition and situation of it for his purpose.
When the Prince had well-nigh finished his levies, the Im
perialists made themselves masters of the place by sur
prise, through the neglect of Horneck, the governor, who
had notice of the design time enough to have prevented it.
The Prince Elector, notwithstanding this disappointment,
by the favour of the good Prince of Orange, went on
still with his levies ; and by connivance of the States
quartered his men about Wesel, having already paid them
their money in hand. The greater part of his troops were
raised about Hamburgh, Westphalia, and the confines of
Germany ; consisting of three regiments of horse, under
the command of Prince Rupert, Field-marshal Ference and
Loe ; our Prince being at that time but seventeen years of
age. The Lord Craven also commanded a regiment of
Guards, and two troops of horse, and there was a troop of
Guards whereof Captain Armstrong was Captain-Lieute
nant, with a small train of artillery.
" General King (a gentleman of the Scottish nation),
commanding at that time in Stift-Munster, under Ban-
yard [Banier], the Swedish General, gave the Prince
Elector to understand, that he had orders from the Crown
of Sweden to assist his Electoral Highness ; and that he
would march with him into Germany. He attended the
Prince accordingly, through the county of Bentheim,
where they joined their forces : and having a curiosity in
their passage, to take a view of the town of Rhennins (a
garrison belonging to the Emperor), Prince Rupert, the
Lord Craven, and Sir Richard Crane (who was afterwards
in the Civil Wars of England, Captain of his Highness's
Guards) accompanied him. They marched seven or eight

APPENDIX. 453
hundred horse ; and finding three troops of the garrison
ready drawn up before the town, his Electoral Highness
sent out three other troops to beat them in ; our Prince
going on upon the forlorn : and here he made his first
charge, which was so exemplary to all about him, that
notwithstanding their odds of number they beat them into
their garrison, and followed them so close that they
wanted very little of entering the town with the enemy.
We must not pass over one remarkable providence more
upon this adventure ; a soldier, with a screwed gun,
snapped at the Prince within ten yards of his body, but
happily missed fire. After this, his Highness and his com
pany having seen and alarmed the place, returned to the
Elector's troops, who continued their march till they came
to Lemgo, in Stift-Munster, and then sat down before it,
sending out a major for discovery ; who, by some prisoners
that he took, gained intelligence of the strength and mo
tions of the enemy, and that Count Hatsfield was drawing
toward the Wezer with a considerable army, to cut off
their passage. Whereupon they were forced to dislodge,
propounding to march from thence to Minden, a Swedish
garrison in Westphalia. But General King advised the
Prince Elector rather to take the way of Flota, then of
Rentelen, upon pretence that the Lunenburg troops would
interrupt his passage, though there could be no thought of
passing that way without falling into the very mouth of
Hatsfield. But this advice, however, was followed, to the
ruin of the Elector's interest, and the very great misfortune
of our Prince : beside the loss of time, for by the next
morning, they were not advanced above half-a-mile from
the town before they discovered the Count with eight re
giments of Cuirassiers, a regiment of Irish Dragoons, com
manded by Devereux (he that killed Wallenstein), and
eighteen hundred commanded foot. So soon as ever they
appeared, General King went before with a party of horse
to the top of a hill, and upon view of the ground gave his

454 APPENDIX.
judgment of it as a good place to draw up in, having al
ready sent away his baggage before, which received a very
ill construction. Field-marshal Ference, with the Prince's
troops drew up, and Coningsmark, with the Swedish
troops, came thither also ; but Coningsmark immediately
expressing a dislike of the post they had taken, and giving
his opinion of it to the Prince, his Highness told him that
he would take his directions, and follow him wherever he
pleased (he commanding then as eldest Colonel). Here
upon Coningsmark drew down all the horse into an en
closed piece of ground, and very courteously gave the
Prince Elector's horse the van, which was that day to have
been his place in course, promising also, which he never
performed, that he would do the part of a trusty second.
General King being gone away to bring up the foot and
cannon. The enemy then came up, and suddenly fell in
with their horse upon the Prince Electors, Colonel Loe
was the first that received their charge, and was beaten ;
Ference seconded him, and was beaten also ; and the next
shock fell upon Prince Rupert's regiment, where his High
ness beat the enemy from their ground, and made them
quit the enclosure without receiving any assistance from
Coningsmark, though Colonel Boy pressed him earnestly
to engage.
" The Lord Craven, who commanded two troops of the
Electors Guards (the Captains Armstrong and Elder),
shifted his station then, and came and posted himself with
our Prince : and then the enemy, with Field-marshal
Gbtz, made a fresh attempt, and entered the enclosure at
the same passage with the former ; but the Prince was
here successful also, beat the enemy off with a very great
loss, cleared the place once more of all but the slain of the
enemy (which was very considerable), and still maintained
his ground. The assailants would not give it over thus ;
but having a great advantage of number they advanced
with another regiment, under Colonel Lip ; and while he

APPENDIX. 455
pressed upon the Prince's front, Major-General Wester-
holder, at the same time, with eight hundred horse fell
upon the rear ; which put the Prince Elector's forces to
the rout; and our Prince seeing himself deserted would
have forced his horse upon a bold leap over the enclosure ;
but the horse refusing, Colonel Lip seized his bridle, the
Prince making him quickly let go his hold, and defending
himself with all possible obstinacy and resolution till at
last overpowered with numbers, he was made a prisoner,
and rendered himself to Lieutenant-Colonel Lip. The
Colonel having a curiosity to see his face, struck up his
helmet and looking earnestly at him, demanded of him
what he was, who answered that he was a Colonel ; ' Sacra-
met ! ' (says Lip) J ' it is a young one.' But there was one
Bamback, who was then a soldier of the enemy's party,
that knew the Prince, and told Lip that it was . the Pals
grave. This was very acceptable news to the victors, and
thereupon they delivered him to one Devereux, with whom
the Prince immediately treated about his escape, and gave
him five pieces in earnest of a further reward. But Hats
field coming in upon the nick spoiled that design, and the
Prince was carried from thence toward Warrendorp under
a stricter guard, and under the care of Hatsfield's Lieu
tenant-Colonel ; and with the Prince, the Lord Craven also
(wounded in the thigh and hand), and Field-marshal
Ference, who were soon afterward released ; but the
Prince could not get quit upon those terms. There was
one accident worth the noting; it happened that both
parties had white in their hats for the marque ; under
which mistake the Prince might probably have gotten off,
if it had not been for this chance ; a soldier of the enemy's
had laid hold of one of the Prince Elector's colours, and
our Prince shot him dead and redeemed the colours ; upon
which discovery they fell upon him and gave him two

Sacramet ! ein juger obrister.

456 APPENDIX.
shots upon his arms, through his cloak, which made them
say that he was shot free ; wearing a cloak over his arms.
The Prince Elector's party was not above two thousand
five hundred horse and dragoons, and about fifteen hun
dred foot.
" In his way to Warrendorp the Prince lay the first
night in a little house in the field, with Hatsfield's Lieu
tenant-Colonel, Lord Craven, and Ference. From thence
they carried him to Sansuffle, where a woman would have
assisted him in his escape : but there was no opportunity.
" From thence to Warrendorp, where Major-General
Veale commanded, who is since made a Count of the Em
pire ; some of his family had formerly served the Crown
of England. At Warrendorp the Prince stayed some
weeks, till the Lord Craven was tolerably well of his
wounds. His Highness had many designs there to make
his escape, but none succeeded ; however, he was very
civilly treated by the governor. He had obtained Hberty
before his coming to Warrendorp for Sir Richard Crane
to go for England ; by whom he wrote upon a piece of
a table-book (not being allowed pen and ink) to his Ma
jesty of Great Britain, to endeavour his enlargement.
The Prince was now committed to the charge of Colonel
Carazza (a reformado), who carried him away to Diling-
burg (a house of Count Nassau's), under the conduct of
Devereux's regiment ; where his Highness, understanding
that a certain Scot that had been governor of Hainault
was then a prisoner, he desired the governor to let him
see him, but it was refused. From thence they carried
him through the bishoprick of Wirtspruck, and so to
Bamburgh, where my Lord Craven and Ference were
separated from the Prince and put into Forchaem.
" They carried the Prince to Ratisbon, and from
thence to Lintz, where he was put into the castle. Lintz
was built by Rodolph the Emperor, a very fine building.
His Highness was three years a prisoner there, and two

APPENDIX. 457
years and-a-half of the time without any liberty at all ;
but sometimes to dine with Count Kuffstein, the governor,
and sometimes to walk in the garden. This governor was
first a Lutheran, and afterwards turned Roman Catholic ;
and very busy he was to get the Prince to change his reli
gion, or if he would engage against the French, he made
proposals to him of great rewards. He was very earnest
with him to go to the Jesuits ; but his Highness refused,
unless he might have the liberty also to go elsewhere : he
desired the Prince then to receive their visits ; which he
would not agree to neither, unless other persons might be
allowed to visit him too. In this confinement he diverted
himself sometimes with drawing and limning : and here it
was that his Highness perfected an instrument for the
drawing of anything into perspective, which he was
pleased afterward to present to the Royal Society. The
ground of it was the invention of Albert Durer, but it was
not at all practicable till the Prince put it into a way of
use. He accustomed himself to manly and military exer
cises also, so far as his condition would permit. He was a
great lover of the screwed gun ; and at last he got leave
to ride the great horse, and play at ballon.
" During his Highness's imprisonment, Jean de Wert
(an Imperial General), and Prince Casimire (son to Sigis-
mundus III., and brother to Vladislaus IV.), were taken
prisoners in France, and the Imperial Ministers pro
pounded to Sir Thomas Roe, his Majesty's Ambassador-
Extraordinary at Vienna, to exchange them two for
Prince Rupert, whose answer was that none but the Arch
duke Leopold (who was the Emperor's brother) could be
a fit exchange for his Majesty's nephew. It happened
that the Archduke Leopold being upon a design to beat
up the quarters of one Slong, a Swedish officer, who lay
in a town a good way remote from the Swedish army, he
passed through Lintz, where he desired to see the Prince,
and treated him with very great courtesy ; and upon his

458 APPENDIX.
letter to the Emperor, obtained liberty for the Prince that
he might sometimes divert himself at tennis. Whereupon
he was allowed upon his parole for three days to go abroad,
upon condition of returning still to the prison ; and after
this he received all the respects imaginable from the gen
try of that country ; especially from Count Kevenhiller,
at his house, at Kamur, in Upper Bavaria. It is a most
pleasant place, and the Prince went often thither, where
he was very generously entertained, and became ac
quainted with all the persons of condition thereabouts.
Upon the convention of a Diet at Ratisbon, his Impe
rial Majesty went thither, and Sir Thomas Roe was sent
thither also by his Majesty of Great Britain, to solicit his
Highness's enlargement, wherein he succeeded so well by
the interest and kind assistance of Count Lesley, that he
obtained a promise of it, but. when it was ready for the
seal the Elector of Bavaria's Lady (sister to the Emperor)
came and fell upon her knees to his Imperial Majesty, to
hinder it ; but the Empress kept the Emperor to his
word, and the Prince was discharged upon condition that
he should not fight against the Emperor, to which condi
tion the King of Great Britain required him to submit.
Count Lesley telling the Prince that the Emperor would
have it under his hand ; whose answer was, that they
should do well to look to the wording of it then, for he
should think himself no further bound than to the strict
ness of the letter, whereupon his Highness's word was
taken, and upon his parole, giving the Emperor his hand,
according to the usage of the country, he was set at liberty.
The Emperor returning now to Vienna, Sir Thomas Roe
carried the Prince thither, where he was entertained with
great joy and esteem. His Imperial Majesty having ap
pointed an extraordinary hunting in the Lower Austrian
country, the Prince was at the chase, and meeting with the
Emperor, as by chance (though it was looked upon to be
so designed by the Emperor), the Prince presented himself

APPENDIX. 459
to his Imperial Majesty, and having kissed his hand (which
signifies enlargement), he was thereupon finally released.
At this hunting it was his Highness's good hap to kill the
first boar with a spear, an exploit that is highly accounted
of in the empire. It must not be omitted that the Elector
of Bavaria would have had the Prince to have been his
prisoner ; and it was at his instance that his Highness was
treated with so much severity ; of which his Imperial Ma
jesty was so sensible, that he cautioned the Prince himself
not to go through Bavaria, though he went further about,
but rather to take the way of Bohemia. After a week he
took his leave and got his pass, with a very hearty recom
mendation to the Archduke Leopold, who was then in
Brunswick with an army against the Swedes ; the Emperor
being in hope that he might have continued with Leopold:
but he went to Prague, and so to Hamburgh, where he
found the grandfather of the present Danish King lying
before Hamburgh, upon the same pretensions as now, and
from thence to Bremen, and so to the Hague, where the
Queen of Bohemia was at that time, the Prince Elector
being with the King in England. Our Prince was always
temperate, even among the greatest examples of the con
trary. Being in his passage at the Elector of Saxe's, and
desiring to be excused from drinking up at the rate of the
company : what shall we do for him then (says the Elec
tor) if he cannot drink, and so invited him to the enter
tainment of a hunting.
" It was in the year 1641-2 that his Highness returned
to the Hague : where being informed of the troubles that
were like to be in England, and otherwise resolved also to
pay his duty and acknowledgments to his Majesty of
Great Britain for his goodness toward him in all his mis
fortunes ; he went immediately to Helvoet Sluys, to take
the first opportunity for England, and there stayed a
matter of three weeks for a fair wind. His Highness
landed not far from Margate, and from thence he went to

460 APPENDIX.
Dover, where he found the Queen upon her way for Hol
land ; the King himself there also, with the Princess Mary.
The Prince made a tender of his humble service to his
Majesty, in case there should be any occasion for it;
which offer his Majesty received with gracious acknowledg
ments, but it was not found proper at that time to make
any countenance of a war, matters not being as yet come
to that height, as to despair of an accommodation : so that
the Prince waited upon the Queen into Holland. His
Highness embarked at Dover on the Lyon, and arrived the
third day at Helvoet Sluys, from thence to the Brill, and
so to the Hague, where he continued till he heard that the
King was forced from London and gone to York. It must
not' be omitted, that while his Highness was at Dover, a
person of great quality and in much credit with the King,
asked his Highness (so as to sound him), what he intended
to do. To whom the Prince made answer that he would
back again for Holland with the Queen, You are the
wiser (says the other), discoursing the matter so sus
piciously with the Prince, that his Highness gave the
King a necessary caution concerning him. The Prince
manifestly perceiving that they had no mind he should
stay, and that in all probability they would have clapped
him up if he had.
" So soon as ever his Highness was assured that the
King found himself engaged upon a war in his own de
fence, he disposed himself forthwith to attend his Majesty,
understanding also from the Queen that the King had
written to her from York, his intentions of a commission
to his Highness for General of the Horse. His Highness
embarked in the Lyon, the same ship that brought over
the Queen, one Fox, commander ; and while he was aboard,
there came a letter to Fox to dissuade him from carrying
over the Prince. It was written by a person from whom
that illustrious family had deserved better things ; but the
footman that brought it being casually interrogated about

APPENDIX. 461
that letter, most innocently discovered the whole matter.
The Prince being aboard with Fox, and one Straughan in
his company (who commanded another small King's ship,
bound for the Humber), there blew so great a storm that
they were driven back again, and forced to run into the
Texel, the small ship getting into the Humber and there
run ashore, but the men saved, and the guns taken out of
the ship for his Majesty's use ; the Lord Digby taking his
passage also in the same ship with Straughan.
" Being come into the Texel, Fox would needs have
the Prince go ashore, promising that so soon as ever the
wind served be would meet him again at Goree : where
upon the Prince landed and went to the Hague, and Fox
went afterwards to Goree, where he set his Highness's
trunks and people ashore, but his Highness heard no
more of him after.
" Upon this disappointment, the Prince was now to pro
vide himself of another ship, and obtained one of forty-six
guns from the Prince of Orange (commanded by Captain
Colster), wherein his Highness embarked with Prince
Maurice and divers other persons of quality and honour ;
taking along with him a galiot with a provision of mus
kets, arms, and powder. For having heard of the affront
put upon the King at Hull, it was looked upon as a sea
sonable and necessary supply. And the Prince took along
with him also an engineer and a fire-worker (De Gomez
and La Roche), as fit instruments for his Majesty's service.
His Highness being uncertain where to find the King, pro
pounded to land either at Scarborough or Tynmouth ;
from whence he might the more commodiously come to
his Majesty. The first land he made was Flamborough-
head, where there was a ship called the London, that im
mediately made up toward him. The Prince put out the
Dunkirk colours upon the galiot, and the Captain de
manding what they were doing there; we are cruising
(says the other) : and asking what the galiot was, it was

462 APPENDIX.
answered a Dunkirk prize, whereupon the Captain of the
London would needs search her. The Prince was there in
a mariner's cap, and Colster by him, who said he would not
be searched ; whereupon they put out their guns, and the
London shot to the leeward to call for aid : so that the
Prince was forced to tow away his ship, and put for the
northward. This shooting brought out two ships that lay
before Tynmouth ; so that when the Prince came to the
height of Tynmouth (which stood then for the King), they
ran directly .in and anchored without the bar before the
harbour, and without any opposition. From thence they
got ashore in boats, the galiot being sent away in the
night, and got safe into Scarborough.
" From Tynmouth his Highness took post for Notting
ham, in company with Prince Maurice, Somerset Fox,
Daniel O'Neal, &c. It was a hard frost, and the Prince's
horse stumbling came quite over with him, and pitching
him upon his shoulder put it out of joint. This happened
within half-a-mile of a bonesetter's house, who by great
providence was just then returned home from a journey.
He set it in the highway, and in conscience took but one
half of what the Prince offered him for his pains ; within
three hours after he put him in condition of pursuing his
journey ; and so he went on for Nottingham.
" While the Prince was at Nottingham in bed, Lord
Digby, being then governor, came with an order from the
King, who was gone to Coventry for two petards out of
the arsenal. He knew not what it meant, and so came to
the Prince to inquire, and then went down into the
arsenal, where they found two great apothecaries' mortars,
which Colonel Legge made into a kind of petard ; and from
thence they were sent to the King : his Highness follow
ing after them, and finding his Majesty between Notting
ham and Leicester. The King taking the Prince back
with him to Nottingham where he set up his Royal
standard." [The MS. is here interrupted, and is only

APPENDIX. 463
resumed after the Civil War. Where there is any discre
pancy between it and my text, it has been altered from
scattered notes appended to the Prince's diary.]

D.
Captain Pyne seems to have commanded one of Prince
Rupert's ships in his corsairage. This biography of his is
very nautical ; but furnishes one or two anecdotes of in
terest, and seems to prove that this writer wrote down
memoranda and anecdote that he had heard the Prince or
his followers relate : it has no relation with the former or
any other MS. CAPTAIN PYNE'S MANUSCRIPTS.
" An abstract, as near as I can remember, of all such pas
sages and actions as hath happened unto, and been
achieved by the illustrious and high-born Prince, &c,
from the time of his birth unto the * * * *
" He was born in Prague, the capital city of Bohemia,
Anno Domini 1619, about half-a-year after his father had
been proclaimed King of that kingdom.
" At six months old he began his travels, that city be
ing then surprised (upon a Sunday, the . . . day of . . .
 3) by the Emperor's army, under tbe conduct of
 Here he was like to have
been taken prisoner, for the court and city being in a dis
traction, every one flying for their safety, leaving dinners
ready dressed, and his Highness's maid being extremely
frightened, running amongst the crowd, let him fall, but
with some difficulty he was recovered and thrown into a
coach. "Whither they then went, what happened in their

464 APPENDIX.
travels, and how long it was before they came into Hol
land, I am uncertain.
" Being a child b , was well grounded in his religion,
which the subtle Jesuits, with whom he hath been much
conversant, could never make him stagger in. Also, in the
mathematics and languages, but his chief delight was in
military discipline, wherein he perfected so much under
 , his tutor for the infantry, and
Monsieur  , his tutor for the cavalry, that at
the age of fourteen years he was judged capable of a regi
ment, which he commanded in Westphalia, at the battle of
 , against the  ,
where by the wilfulness of his brother, the Prince Elector,
the treachery of General King, who served him little bet
ter at Marston Moor, they lost the day, his Highness
Prince Rupert, the Lord Craven, and clivers others were
taken prisoners. My Lord and most of the rest were in a
short time ransomed. But his Highness Prince Rupert
was sent unto the city of Lintz, lying upon the banks of
the Danube, in the land of Trent, where he was kept close
prisoner above two years in that castle. The third year
he had some enlargement, being now and then permitted
to hunt both the stag, roe, wild boar, hare, fox, &c, but
always with a good guard ; in which time there happened
many remarkable passages, one amongst the rest, as it is
there curiously reported, was at the hunting of a fox,
which took the earth, a dog, which the Prince loved, fol
lowed him, but returning not presently, his Highness be
ing impatient of stay crept in after and got hold of his leg,
which he could not draw out by reason of the narrowness
of the hole, until Mr. Billingsby, who waited always on
him, took hold of his Highness's heels, so he drew out
tbe Prince, the Prince the dog, and the dog the fox. The
picture of this passage is yet to be seen there, of which
there have been divers copies taken and dispersed abroad.
" Another was of the chamois, of whose skins is

APPENDIX. 465
made the best chamois leather, he somewhat resembles
a goat in shape, but his horns are smaller and turn back
ward like a great fish-hook. He lives in the mountains
amongst the craggy rocks, with which he is so well ac
quainted, and withal so nimble and swift, that being
hunted, he skips from one to another in such a strange
manner that no dog is able to fetch him up, about the
hunting of whom there passed some remarkable things,
which at present I cannot well remember.
" At the end of three years and odd months, the Empe
ror was pleased to grant him liberty upon his parole, never
for the future to bear arms against his Imperial Majesty.
" After which, for the bettering of his understanding,
and gaining experience, he spent some years in travelling
into several countries,1 viz 
[A break occurs here.]
" And in anno 1642, a little before his Majesty's setting
up his standard at Nottingham, he returned the second
time into England, with his brother, Prince Maurice, and
was presently made General of his Majesty's horse. After
which he commanded in chief in several expeditions, and
performed divers remarkable services in the behalf of his
Majesty, as long as he had any army in the field, viz.
" At Worcester, where he defeated Colonel Sandys and
Douglas, both of whom were there slain, with most of their
party. There Prince Maurice received a dangerous wound
in his head.
" At Edge, 23rd of October, 1642, being Sunday.
" On Monday morning he profferred, if his Majesty
would give him leave, to march presently with three thou
sand horse, &c, to Westminster, and there dissolve the
Parliament, which he might easily have done before the
Earl of Essex's arrival, but the old Earl of Bristol was the
1 This must be a mistake of Captain Pynes. The Prince only ob
tained his release from prison in 1642.
VOL. I. H H

466 APPENDIX.
chief man who obstructed that design, which had he been
permitted, would, in all probability, have made an end of
the war.
" The next morning, with a good party of horse, he fell
upon the rear of the rebel's army, where, finding them in
some disorder, he did much execution, especially upon
their train and carriages.
" On Thursday following he marched with his Majesty
to Banbury, which we took in the same day, where we
found one regiment of foot and some horse, besides the
townsmen. " Then his Majesty returned for Oxford, his army being
quartered round about in the country, to refresh them
selves. " The 12th November, 1642, he defeated the rebels at
Brentford, where we took near five hundred prisoners, and
destroyed the remainder of two brave regiments, many of
whom ran into the Thames and drowned themselves.
" This service preserved his Majesty at that time ; for
it is probable, if he had not brought a considerable
strength to defend himself, they would then have betrayed
him, under pretence of giving him a treaty at Syon house.
" For, besides the two regiments which lay at Brentford
they had a strong party at Kingston and at Windsor, which
had order to fall upon his Majesty and surprise him un
awares. " Sunday, the 13th, having in the morning defeated
those forces that came down the river in barges from
Kingston, by blowing up their powder, from whom we
took thirteen handsome field-pieces of brass, besides a
good quantity of provisions, which was a great strengthen
ing unto our train of artillery, yet for want of harness we
were forced to sink some of our own iron guns in the
Thames. In the afternoon, while his Majesty marched to
Oatlands, his Highness Prince Rupert drew up his horse
upon Hounslow-heath to make good his Majesty's retreat,

APPENDIX. 467
if the Earl of Essex should have adventured to have hin
dered the same with his new-raised citizens.
" This winter I do not remember any considerable thing
that was done.
" At the spring of the year 1643, the Parliament, having
raised a great army, commanded the Earl of Essex to be
siege Oxford. In order to which, he marched down unto
Thame, where he took up his quarters, but before he ad
vanced over Wheatley-bridge his Highness Prince Rupert,
with three regiments of horse, viz., Prince Charles's, his
own, and my Lord Percy's, and a thousand dragoons fell
upon their quarters on Saturday night, the . . . day
of  And the next morning the enemy think
ing to intercept him upon his retreat, drew up their forces
together in Chalgrove field, the place where Hampden first
exercised his rebellious regiment, and where he this day
received his death-wound; but his Highness, perceiving
their drifts, sent part of his dragoons to make good the
passage at Wheatley-bridge, and with his horse gave them
battle, though they were double his number. Here God
was pleased to give him a great victory, which so much
disheartened their new-raised forces, that the Earl of Essex
durst not advance any further, but returned back to Lon
don with shame.

E.
MEMOIR OF SIR JACOB ASTLEY, FIRST BARON ASTLEY,
OF READING.
[For this memoir, which I obtained too late for insertion in the proper
place, I am indebted to the kindness of Lord Hastings, and of the
Rev. Charles Elwin, his lordship's chaplain, by whom it was drawn
up.]
Sir Jacob Astley, knight, was the second son of Isaac
Astley, of Hill Morton, in the county of Warwick, and of

468 APPENDIX.
Melton Constable, in the county of Norfolk, Esq., by
Mary, daughter of Sir Edward Walgrave, of Boreham, in
the county of Essex, knight, and was born at Melton Con
stable, March, 1579.
At the age of nineteen, he joined the troops sent out by
Queen Elizabeth, under the command of Sir Francis Vere,
to assist the States of Holland against the power of the
Spanish monarchy, where his valour at the celebrated
battle of Newport, 1599, and the subsequent siege of
Ostend, raised him so high in the estimation of Maurice,
Prince of Orange, that he immediately put him in commis
sion, and in the progress of the war, advanced him to the
highest rank in his profession. In 1621, he associated
himself with the honourable band of English nobility and
gentry, who, under the command of Sir Horatio Vere,
tendered their services to Frederic, Elector Palatine, the
son-in-law of James I., King of England, to assert his
right to the kingdom of Bohemia, to which he had been
elected; and in 1631 he accepted a commission under
James, Marquis of Hamilton, who, by the permission of
Charles I., had raised six hundred men, and joined the
league under the renowned Gustavus Adolphus, King of
Sweden, in defence of the Protestant liberties of Germany.
Having thus rendered himself and his country illus
trious among the first military characters of the age, he
was called home in 1641, to a command in the expedition
against Scotland, and upon the pacification between that
nation and England, he was promoted to the government
of Plymouth, as an honourable retreat in his declining age.
The Civil War which broke out in 1642, called him again
into active service, and he was further advanced to be
governor of the Royal garrisons of Reading and Oxford,
and appointed Serjeant-Major- General of his Majesty's
forces, having eminently contributed to the success of the
Royalists, at Edgehill, Newbury, Lestwithiel, and on
various other occasions. In recompense for such distin-

APPENDIX. 469
guished services, and in consideration of his noble descent
from Thomas Baron de Astley, who was slain at the battle
of Evesham, under Henry III., the King was pleased
to confer upon him and his male heirs, by letters patent,
bearing date November 4th, 1644, the title of Baron
Astley, of Reading, in the county of Berks. After the fatal
battle of Naseby, where he led the main body of the foot,
he was Lieutenant-General of all his Majesty's forces in
the West, and of the marches of Wales, at the request of
the Welch gentry. Having assembled at Worcester a
small body of two thousand men, he attempted to join the
King at Oxford, but his letters miscarried, and Sir Wil
liam Brereton and Colonel Morgan, having collected a
considerable force from the neighbouring garrisons, inter
cepted him near Stow-on-the-Wold, where, after a stout
resistance, his men being fatigued by forced marches, and
overpowered by numbers, Lord Astley and Sir Charles
Lucas, and all his followers who had not fallen in the en
gagement surrendered themselves, March 21st, 1646. In
the despatch of Colonel Morgan to the Parliament, he says,
he ordered a drum to be brought out that Lord Astley
might rest himself upon it, who, being sensible that this
defeat was a fatal blow to the Royal cause, observed,
" Now, gentlemen, your work is done, you may go play,
if you fall not out among yourselves." He was conveyed
prisoner to Warwick Castle, where be remained till June,
when upon the surrender of the garrison of Oxford to
Lord Fairfax, his release was included in the terms of the
capitulation. He retired to the house of his nephew and
son-in-law, Sir Edward Astley, knight, where he resided
till 1649, when he removed to Maidstone, in Kent, to the
estate bequeathed to him by his kinsman, Sir John Astley,
and died at his house at that town called the Palace, after
a short illness, March, 1651, aged 72 years, and was buried
in the church at Maidstone.
" Sir Jacob Astley was an honest brave plain man, and

470 APPENDIX.
as fit for the office he exercised, of Major-General of the
foot, as Christendom yielded, and was so generally es
teemed ; very discerning and prompt in giving orders, as
occasions required, and most cheerful and present in any
action ; in council he used few, but very pertinent words,
and was not at all pleased with the long speeches usually
made there, and which rather confounded than informed
his understanding, so that he rather collected the ends of
the debates, and what he was himself to do, than enlarged
them by his own discourses, though he forbore not to
deliver his own mind.1
" Sir Jacob Astley, Major-General of the army, under
the Earl of Lindsey, who, before the charge at the battle
of Edgehill, made a most pious, excellent, short, and sol
dierly prayer, for he lifted up his eyes and hands to
Heaven, saying, ' Oh ! Lord, thou knowest how busy I
must be this day ; if I forget thee, do not thou forget
me ;' and with that rose up, crying out, ' march on
boys!'"2 To these testimonials may be added, the respect and
esteem of Maurice, Prince of Orange, the ablest officer
and best patriot of his age, and the letters of his own
Sovereign, King Charles I., and his sister Elizabeth, Elec-
tress Palatin&-and Queen of Bohemia, expressing the great
confidence they justly placed in his military experience
and his zeal and fidelity in their service ; that he was not
deficient in the milder virtues of civil life may be collected
from the general goodwill he acquired at home and abroad,
and particularly from a letter written to him by command
of the King immediately after his defeat, in which, after
expressing his conviction that it was not to be attributed
to any want of zeal or conduct, and with the deepest sense
of the loss his cause had sustained by his capture ; " his

1 Clarendon's Rebellion, vol. ii. p. 373.
2 Sir Philip Warwick's Memoirs, p. 229.

APPENDIX. 471
Majesty hopes that your lordship, being a person of so
much honour in yourself, and having been upon all occa
sions of good service, so solicitous to use your prisoners
with much civility, that those in whose power you now
are, especially the Commander-in-Chief, will take care that
you shall be treated as a person of honour," &c; his
private letters afford abundant proof of his generosity,
prudence, and affection, in all his domestic relations, and
the deep affliction of his numerous family at his death is
honourable both to his memory and their own.
Lord Astley married Agnes Imple, a German lady, of
noble family, by whom he left Isaac Astley, who succeeded
him as Lord Astley ; Sir Bernard Astley, who was taken
prisoner at the siege of Bristol, and carried to Bath, where
he died of his wounds, September 16th, 1645 ; Thomas
Henry, and Edward, who all died unmarried in the life
time of their father; and an only daughter, Elizabeth,
married to Sir Edward Astley, knight, her cousin, son of
his eldest brother, Thomas Astley, of Melton Constable,
in Norfolk.
Isaac, second Lord Astley, succeeded bis father, 1651 :
he married Anne, daughter of Sir Francis Stydolf, of
Norbury, in Surrey, knight, and died 1662, leaving an
only son.
Jacob, third Lord Astley, who married his cousin
Frances, daughter of Sir Richard Stydolf, knight, and
died 1688, leaving no issue, the title of Baron Astley of
Reading became extinct, and his estate descended to Sir
Jacob Astley, of Melton Constable, baronet, the son of
Elizabeth, the only daughter of the first Lord Astley,
from whom Sir Jacob Astley, of Melton Constable, ba
ronet, and Baron Hastings, are lineally descended.

VOL. I.

I I

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF WRITERS.

ASHBUBNHAM
Astley or Ashley, Sir Jacob
Aston, Sir Arthur
Bagot, Colonel Richard
Belay se, or Bellasis, Sir John
Bell,' Thomas
Bellenden, Sir William
Bellow, Colonel John
Berkeley, Sir John
Berkshire, Earl of
Blagge, Colonel Thomas
Blaxton, Colonel William
Blount, Captain
Botteler, Henry
Boys, Sir John
Bradshaw, William
Brentford, Earl of
Bristol, Earl of
Broughton, Robert
Buckingham, Duke of
Burgess, Robert
Bynissy, Johnson
Byron, Lord
Byron, Sir Nicholas
Byron, Sir Richard
Byron, Sir Thomas
Capel, Lord
Carnarvon, Earl of
Cashill, Thomas
Cave, Charles
Cave, Richard
Cavendish, Charles
Charles, Kings, I. and II.
Cobbe, F.
Cochrane, John
Conyngsby, W.
Corbett, J.
Crafurd, Earl of
Craven, Earl of
Croft, E.
Culpepper, Sir John
Darell, Matthew
D'Aubigny, Kate, Lady
Davenant, Sir William
Derby, Countess of
Derby, Earl of

Digby, Lord
Dingley, T.
Dongan, William
Dunsmore, Lord
Dyves, Sir Lewis
Edwards, Thomas
Elyott, Thomas
Erm, George
Ernly, Sir Nicholas
Essex, Earl of
Fairfax, Sir Thomas
Falkland, Lord
Fane, Sir Francis
Fiennes, Col. Nat.
Fines, John
Forth, Earl of (Brentford)
Frahock, Henry
Fyton, Robert
Gage, Henry
Gerrard, Sir Gilbert
Glenham, Sir Thomas
Goring, George, Lord
Grandison, Lord
Grant, W.
Grenville, John
Hamilton, Duke of
Hastings, H. (Lord Loughborough)
Hawley, Sir Francis, and Lord
Heath, H.
Herbert, Lord (Glamorgan)
Herbert, Lord (of Cherbourg)
Hertford, Marquis
Hines, John
Hoghton, Gilbert
Hopton, Lord
Hullby, Mar.
Hutchinson, Colonel John
Hyde, Sir E. (Clarendon)
Jauffe , — .
Jermyn, Lord
Killigrew, Sir Wm.
Kirke, Sir Louis

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF WRITERS.

473

Langdale, Sir Marmaduke (Lord)
Legge, Colonel William
Lcveson, Colonel
Leweson, John
Lisle, Sir George
Lloyd, "Walter and Charles
Loughborough, Lord (Hastings)
Lunsford, H. and Sir Thomas
Lydisdale, — .
Manly, Roger
Massey, E.
Matirice, Prince
Maxwell, G.
Mayne, John
Mennes, Sir John
Mennes, John
Molesworth, Guy
Moody, George
Morgan, Louis
Morton, William
Mynne
Neille, D.
Newcastle, Marquis of
Newport, Lord
Nicholas, Secretary Edw.
Northampton, Earl of
Ormond, Marquis of
Osborne, Henry
Ottley, Sir Francis

Porter, Major-General George
Power, John
Preston, Richard
Pryce, Thomas and Herbert
Pym, Jobn, M.P.
Ridgway, W.
Robinson, J.
Rupert, Prince
Russell, John
Russell, Sir William
Sackville, Sir Thomas
Sheddercourt, Michael
Sloughter, —
Smith, Christopher
Sudford, — .
Tracy, Robert
Trevor, Arthur
Vavasour, Sir William
Wentworth, Lord Thomas
Whyte, A.
Widdrington, William
Willoughby, Philip
Wilmot, Lord H.
Winchester, — .
Wintour, Sir Henry
Woodhouse, Michael
Worcester, Marquis of

This list comprises only the writers in Prince Rupert's own Correspondence, as preserved
in the Benett Family : those that are not introduced in the accompanying volumes, are
still in Mr. Bentley's possession. There are upwards of one hundred Letters besides,
for which I am personally indebted to the descendants of the Cavaliers.
N.B. — The dates are given in the following Catalogue according to the old Chronology,
by which the year commenced on the 25th of March.

n2

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE
OF
Eettets tn Irtnce SUttpett'ss fflortespontfettce.

1642.

April
June

6 written
11

September

22

October

7

October

9

October

16

October

21

October

23

November

27

December

1

December

2 ,,

December

2

December

10

December

13 „

December

14

December

20

December

22

December

25

December

28

No date,

No date,

No date,

December

31 „

January
January February February March

2 written
4 1
28 8

March

2

March

6

March

7

March

19

March

22

March

24

December

31

March

26

March

26

March

26

March

27

March

27

March

27

March

30

April

1

by Neille.
Aston, dated from Bristol.
The King, dated from Bridgenorth, or Bewdley.
Newcastle.
The King.
Nicholas, or Newcastle.
Graunt, dated from Pendennis.
The King.
The King, dated from Reading.
Wilmot, dated from Abingdon.
Wilmot, dated from Wantage.
Winchester, dated from Basingstoke.
Byron, dated from Reading.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Blaxton, dated from Brill.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Northampton, dated from Dedington.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Carnarvon.
Cavendish. Digby, dated from Wantage.
Digby. 1643.
2 written by The King, dated from Oxford.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
The King, dated from Oxford.
The King.
The King, dated from Oxford.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Burgess, dated from Maimesbury.
Northampton, dated from Ragland.
Forth, dated from Brill.
Fines, dated from Cirencester.
Fines, dated from Cirencester.
Dives, dated from Bristol.
Capel, dated from Bridgenorth.
Wilmot, dated from Oxford.
Herbert, dated from Maimesbury.
Essex, dated from Lewisham.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Wilmot, dated from Oxford.
Mennes, dated from Ellesmere.
Countess of Derby, dated from Lathom.

1643.J CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE. 475
Two letters of same date,
April 4 written by Capel, dated from Shrewsbury.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
N. Byron, dated from. Chester.
Dated from EUesmere.
Capel, dated from Shrewsbury.
Capel, dated from Shrewsbury.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Cavendish, dated from Grantham.
Capel, dated from Whitchurch.
Capel, dated from Whitchurch.
Ridgway, dated from London.
The King, dated from Oxford.
The King, dated from Oxford.
Goring, dated from York.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Goring, dated from York.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Hines, dated from Farringdon.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Digby, dated from Oxford.
Trevor, dated from Oxford.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Crafurd, dated from Farringdon.
Crafurd, dated from Farringdon.
Willoughby, dated from Oxford.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Wilmot, dated from Oxford.
Blagge, dated from Wallingford.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Smith, dated from Churington.
Wentworth, dated from Buckingham.
Wentworth, dated from Buckingham.
Belasis, dated from York.
Crafurd, dated from Farringdon.
Crafurd, dated from Farringdon
Hastings, dated from Ashby.
Mennes, dated from EUesmere.
Blagge, dated from Wallingford.
Wilmot, dated from Bletchington.
Wilmot, dated from Bletchington.
Dives, dated from Abingdon.
Wilmot, dated from Bletchington.
Wilmot, dated from Bletchington.
Crafurd, dated from Farringdon,
Dingley, dated from the Hague.
Dives, dated from Abingdon.
Berkshire, dated from Emeline Lodge.

April

4

( ,

April

5

>»

Another of same

date,

April (?)

5

n

April

5

,,

April

6

,,

April

9

,,

April

10

»

April

11

,,

April

12

lt

April

13

April

14

>i

April

14

55

April

15

,,

April

16

>i

Two of same date.

April

18

'?

April

20

n

April

21

»

April

22

55

Three letters of this date,

April

23

51

April

24

95

April

25

i:

April

26

15

April

28

55

Palm Sunday

15

April

None

55

May

2

11

Two letters of this date.

May

5

SI

May

7

15

May

7

51

May

8

15

May

11

11

May

11

.,

May

12

„

May

12

55

May

15

11

May

15

H

May

16

15

May

17

55

May

19

11

May

26

51

May

29

11

May

30

11

June

1

55

June

4

11

June

6

15

June

6

June

8

51

June

12

11

June

14

55

June

14

15

June

15

11

June

21

15

476

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

[1043.

June

21 written

June

23

•>

June

23

11

June

24

11

June

25

55

July

1

91

July

4

9i

July

7

51

July

8

*5

July

10

15

July

11

,,

July

12

51

July

12

55

July

20

55

July

20

11

July-

20

19

July

21

)1

July

21

19

July

21

99

July

22

vt

July

23

55

July

25

51

July

25

99

July

26

55

July

27

„

July

29

51

July

30

95

July

31

*5

July

31

55

August

3

11

August

3

„

August

4

15

August

4

¦i

August

6

55

August

7

19

August

7

91

August

8

August

13

,,

August

15

15

August

21

August

22

,,

August

29

>}

August

31

September

1

,,

September

5

»

September

6

September
7
,,
September
7
»'
September
8
!•
September
10
1/
September
17
September
17
, ,
September
18
,,
September
22
55
September
24
f)
September
29
5 »
October
2
11
by Essex, dated from Tame.
' Aston, dated from Bletchington.
Dives, dated from Abingdon.
Aston, dated from Bletchington.
Aston, dated from Bletchington.
Ashburnham, dated from Oxford.
T. Biion, dated from Brackley.
The King, dated from Oxford.
(2) Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Falkland, dated from Ashby.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
The King, dated from Oxford.
Capel, dated from Shropshire.
The King, dated from Oxford.-
Prince Maurice.
Tracy, dated from Teddington.
Berkeley, dated from Topsham.
Herbert, dated from Worcester.
Hertford, dated from Farnham.
Falkland, dated from Oxford.
The King, dated from Oxford.
Herbert, dated from Ragland.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Vavasour, dated from Hereford.
T. Byron, dated from Brackley.
Herbert, dated from Ragland.
Vavasour, dated from Hereford.
The King dated from Oxford.
Sloughter, dated from Worcester.
Moreton, dated from Winchcombe.
Wilmot, dated from Bletchington.
Aston, dated from Wotton-under-Edge.
Vavasour, dated from Monmouth.
Vavasour, dated from Brompton.
Aston, dated from Painswick, near Gloucester.
Newcastle, dated from Lincoln.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Fiennes, dated from London.
Hertford, dated from Bristol.
Hertford, dated from Bristol.
Hastings, dated from Lichfield.
Newcastle, dated from Beverley.
Countess of Derby, dated from Lathom.
Hopton, dated from Bristol.
Charles Rex (2 letters), dated from Maison near
Gloucester.
Hopton, dated from Bristol.
Hopton, dated from Bristol.
Hastings, dated from Tutbury Castle.
Maxwell, dated from Berkeley Castle.
Bell, dated from London.
Ashburnham, dated from North Leach.
Digby, dated from Alnescott.
Newcastle, dated from Cottingham.
Charles Rex, dated from Newbury.
Widdrington, dated from Gainsborough.
Hyde, none.
Herbert, dated from Worcester.
1643.J

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

477

October

3 written

October

3

t>

October

10

October

15

lf

October

16

Jl

October

17

October

24

M

October

25

55

October

27

October

27

f (

October

28

( (

October

28

October
28
¦59
October
28
October
29
15
October
30
October
30
October
31
,T
October
31
,,
November
1
November
2
November
3
November
4
11
November
4
November
5
i)
November
6
November
7
November
7
November
8
(>
November
9
November
11
November
12
November
12
November
13
17
November
16
15
November
20
November
21
, j
November
22
5)
November
27
15
November
28
November
28
tf
November
29
5)
November
30
)>
November
none
9)
December
1
51
December
3
December
4
December
6
59
¦December
9
51
December
10
J J
December
12
51
December
12
December
13
f t
December
14
3)
December
16
J!
December
17
December
19
11
December
19
by Hopton, dated from Sudbury.
Newcastle, dated from Cottingham.
Moody, dated from Berry.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon.
Jauffe, dated from Dublin.
Cane, dated from Milton.
Londesdale, dated from Banbury.
Hopton, dated from Bristol.
Astley, dated from Reading.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon.
Astley, dated from Reading.
Dives (2), dated from Stoney Stratford.
Hastings, dated from Ashby.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon.
Wilmot, dated from Blackthorn Windmill.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon.
Wilmot, dated from Buckingham.
Wilmot, dated from Buckingham.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon.
N icholas, dated from Oxon.
Wentworth, dated from Braday.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon.
Cane, dated from Dartmouth.
Byron, dated from Brackley.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon.
Byron, dated from Brackley.
Hopton, dated from Winchester.
Byron, dated from Brackley.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxon.
Aston, dated from Reading.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon .
Charles Rex, dated from Oxon.
Nicholas, dated from Oxon.
Gerrard, dated from Bristol.
Aston, dated from Easton.
Aston, dated from Easton.
Aston, dated from Easton.
Aston, dated from Easton.
Dives, dated from Balesbury.
Loughborough, none.
Tudford, Bristol Castle.
Wilmot, dated from Brackley.
Wilmot, dated from Woodstock.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Vavasour, dated from Bristol.
Aston, dated from Easton.
Vavasour, dated from Bristol.
Newcastle, dated from Chesterfield.
N. Byron, dated from Chester.
Hopton, dated from Alresford.
Gerrard, dated from Frome.
Hawley, dated from Bristol.
Cocheran, dated from Towcester.
Culpepper, dated from Bristol.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Neille, dated from Abingdon.
478

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE. [1643-4.

December

20 written

December

21

December

21

December

22

December

23

December

24

December

25

December

27

December

30

January

1 written

January

1

January

1

January

2

January

None ,,

January

4 ,,

January

6

January

6 „

January

7

January

7 ,,

January

H

January

12

January

13 „

January

14

January-

14

January

15 or 11

January

17

January

17

January

21

January

21

January

25

January

26 „

J anuary

28

January

29

January

30

January

31

January

31

February

1

February

io) ::

February

2

February

2 „

February

2 ,.

February

3 .,

February

3

February

4 .,

February

5

February

6

February

6

February

8

February

8

February

9

February

9

February

9

February

10

February

10 „

n by Porter, dated from York.
Astley, dated from Reading.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Russell, dated from Bristol.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Wilmot, dated from Winchester.
Neille, dated from Abingdon.
Aston, dated from Easton.
Cocheran, dated from Towcester.
1643-4.
by Cocheran (2 of this date) from Towcester.
Hamilton, dated from Pershore.
Wilmot, dated from Stanford.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
N. Byron, dated from'Shrewsbury.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Sackville, dated from Bibury.
Vavasour, dated from Tewkesbury.
Vavasour, dated from Tewkesbury.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Astley, dated from Reading.
Hines, dated from Shortill.
Astley, dated from Reading.
Astley, dated from Reading.
Byron, dated from Wisterton.
Heath.
Darell, dated from Cirencester.
Hastings, dated from Ashby.
Dives, dated from Abingdon.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Ashburnham, dated from Oxford.
(3 same day.)
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Boys, dated from Donnington.
Ottley, dated from Shrewsbury.
Vavasour, dated from Tewkesbury.
Russell, dated from Worcester.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
O'Neille, dated from Shrewsbury.
Mennes, dated from Salop.
Newport, dated from Shrewsbury.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
T. Biron, dated from Banbury.
Newcastle, dated from Newcastle.
Hamilton, dated from Worcester.
Hamilton, dated from "Worcester.
Vavasour, dated from Worcester.
Leveson, dated from Dudley Castle.
Tracy. Woodhouse, dated from Shrewsbury.
Mennes, dated from Salop.
Hastings, dated from Ashby.
Bradshugh, dated from Bradford.
R. Byron, dated from Newark.

1643-4.] CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

479

February

10 written

February

H

February

11

February

11

February

H „

February

12

February

12

February

12

February

13 „

February

13 ,.

February

13 „

February

13

February

13

February

14 „

February

15

February

16 „

February

16 „

February

17 „

February

18

February

18 „

February

19

February

19

February

19

February

19

February

20

February

20 „

February

21

February

21

February

22

February

22 „

February

22

February

22 „

February

22

February

23

February

23 ,,

February

24

February

24

February

24 „

February

26

February

26

February

27

February

28 „

February

28

February

28 „

February

28

February

28

February

28 „

March

1

March

2

March

2

March

2

March

2

March

None „

March

2

March

4

March

5

March

7

March

7

by Mennes, dated from Salop.
Massey, dated from Gloucester.
Byron, dated from Chester.
Gerrard, dated from Brill.
Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
Digby, dated from Oxford.
Fane, dated from Doncaster.
O'Neille, dated from Shrewsbury.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxon.
Digby, dated from Oxford.
Edmonds, dated from Shrewsbury.
(2) Newcastle, dated from Newcastle.
O'Neille, dated from Bristol.
Belasis.Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
(2) Newcastle, dated from Newcastle.
(2) Trevor, dated from Oxford.
Vavasour, dated from Nement.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Sheddencourt, dated from Bristol.
Aston, dated from Reading.
Essex, dated from Essex House.
Trevor, dated from Oxford.
Forth, dated from Brill.
Byron, dated from Chester.
O'Neille, dated from Ragland.
(2) Byron, dated from Chester.
Dives, dated from Abingdon.
Broughton, dated from Ruthin.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
(2) Trevor, dated from Oxford.
Wilmot, dated from Oxford.
Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
Trevor, dated from Oxford.
Conyngsby, dated from Hereford.
Fairfax, dated from Manchester.
Trevor, dated from Oxford.
Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
Digby, dated from Oxford.
Herbert, dated from Montgomery.
Aston, dated from Reading.
Fyton, Wern.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Herbert, dated from Montgomery.
Northampton. Wintour, dated from Chepstow.
Aston, dated from Reading.
Byron. Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Northampton, dated from Banbury.
Newport, dated from Shrewsbury.
(2) Trevor.
Woodhouse, dated from Hopton.
Frohocke, dated from Oxon.
Trevor. Northampton, dated from Ragland.
Northampton, dated from Ragland.

480

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

[1643-4.

March

7

March

8

March

9

March

11

March

12

March

13

March

14

March

15

March

15

March

16

March

17

March

19

March

22

March

22

March

23

March

24

March

24

March

24

7 written by Derby, dated from Chester.
, Derby, dated from Chester.
, Loughborough, dated from Ashby.
, Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Newport, dated from Shrewsbury.
, Hynes, dated from Banbury.
, Pym, dated from Westminster.
, Lunsford, dated from Maimesbury.
, Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
, Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
Herbert, dated from Montgomery.
Culpepper, dated from Aylesbury.
Derby, dated from Preston.
Blagge, dated from Wallingford.
Derby, dated from Derby.
(2) Hynes, dated from Banbury.
Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
, Trevor.

MarchMarchMarchMarch
March
March Sept.Sept.Sept.Sept.Sept.Sept.
Sept. Sept.
Sept.Sept.

1643.
[Letters of this year, dates incomplete .*-

None written by
None „
Monday „
Monday „
at night „
None „
None „
None „
None „
Monday „
Saturday „
Sunday „
Sunday „
Sunday „
Sunday „
Sunday „

Astley, dated from Reading.
Bellow, dated from the North.
Blagge.
Blagge.Blagge.

Bristol. Byron.K. d'Aubigny.
Hastings. Hastings.
Hastings, dated from Tamwoith.
Jermyn, dated from Exeter.
Loughborough, dated from Belvoir.
Loughborough, dated from perhaps Belvoir.
Mennes.]

1644.
March 25 written by Charles Rex, dated from Oxon.
March 25 „ Digby, dated from Oxon.
March 25
March 25
March 26
March 26
March 26
March 26
March 26
March 27
March 27
March 27
March 28
March 29
March 29
March 30

Digby, dated from Oxon.
Kirke, dated from Bridgenorth.
Newcastle, dated from Durham.
Belasis, dated from York.
Cashill, dated from G alway.
Kirke, dated from Bridgenorth.
Hutchinson, dated from Nottingham.
Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
Belasis, dated from Yorke.
Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
Vavasour, dated from Painswick.
Cobbe, dated from Newark.
Belasis, dated from York.
Newcastle, dated from Durham.
Bellenden, dated from Salop.

1644.]

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

481

March

30 written

March

30

March

28

March

28

April

1

April

1

April

1 „

April

2

April

2

April

2

April

2

April

3

April

4

April

4

April

4 „

April

6

April

6

April

6

April

6

April

6

April

7 „

April

7

April

8

April

8

April

9

April

9

April

10

April

10

April

H

April

11

April

12

April

12

April

12

April

12

April

13 „

April

13

April

13

April

13

April

13

April

13

April

14

April

16

April

17

April

17

April

18

April

18

April

18

April

19

April

19

April

20

April

20

April

21

April

21

April

22

April

22

April

23

April

26

April

28

by Newcastle, dated from Durham.
Porter, dated from Lincoln.
Porter, dated from Newark.
Ormond, dated from Dublin.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Porter, dated from Lincoln.
Vavasour, dated from Oxford.
Herbert, dated from Oxford.
Killigrew, dated from Oxford.
Lloyd, dated from Insmaengwynee.
Wilmot, dated from Oxford.
Digby, dated from Oxford.
Byron, dated from Chester.
Digby, dated from Oxford.
Dunsmore, dated from Oxford.
Buckingham, dated from Oxford.
(2) Digby, dated from Oxford.
Fane, dated from Lincoln.
Vavasour, dated from Oxford.
Woodhouse, dated from Cranton.
Bagot, dated from Lichfield.
(2) Byron, dated from Chester.
Byron, dated from Chester.
Byron, dated from Abingdon.
ByroD, dated from Chester.
Kirke, dated from Bridgenorth.
Loughborough, dated from Tutbury.
Dunsmore, dated from Oxford.
Blaxton, dated from Monmouthshire.
Trevor, dated from Oxford.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Prise, dated from Brecon.
Woodhouse, dated from Cranton.
R. Biron, dated from Newark.
Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
Loughborough, dated from Tutbury.
Prise, dated from Brecon.
Redmayne, dated from Pontefract.
Vavasour, dated from Hereford.
Woodhouse, dated from Cranton.
Loughborough, dated from Lichfield.
(2) Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Woodhouse, dated from Cranton.
Kirke, dated from Bridgenorth.
Newcastle, dated from York.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Vavasour, dated from Hereford.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
Jermyn, dated from Oxford.
Gerrard, dated from Oxford.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Bagot, dated from Lichfield.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Goring, dated from Newark.
Fillice, dated from Shiffnall.

482

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

[1644.

April

28 written

May

1 -,

May

5

May

5

May

6

May

7

May

7

May

7

May

8

May

8

May

9

May

10

May

11

May

11

May

12

May

12

May

19

May

21

May

26

June

4

June

7 „

June

8

June

H

June

12

June

13

June

14

June

14

June

17

June

19

June

22

June

None „

June

25

July

None „

July

12

July

17 „

July

17

July

21 „

July

27

August

1 „

August

9 „

August

10

August

11

August

13

August

15 „

August

15

August

15 ,,

August

15 „

August

19

August

21

August

21 „

August

22 „

August

23

August

23 ,,

August

23

August

24 „

August

27

August

29 „

August

30

by Trevor, dated from Oxford.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Byron, dated from Chester.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Haltby, dated from Oxford.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Elyot, dated from Oxon.
Price, dated from Brecon.
N. Byron, dated from Newark.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Maurice, dated from Lyme.
Goring, dated from Brookesby.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Digby, dated from Oxford.
Newcastle, dated from Oxford.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Elyot, dated from Oxford.
Richmond, dated from Oxford.
Glenham, dated from York.
Charles Rex, dated from Worcester.
Digby, dated from Worcester.
Goring.Digby, dated from Worcester.
Davenant, dated from Haleford.
Digby, dated from Bewdley.
Richmond, dated from Bewdley.
Digby, dated from Bradbury Down.
Goring.Charles Rex, dated from Buckingham.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Goring, dated from Skipton.
Charles Rex, dated from Evesham.
Digby, dated from Evesham.
Digby, dated from Bath.
Charles Rex, dated from Bath.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Digby, dated from Exeter.
Croft, dated from Knaresborough.
Goring.
Byron, dated from Liverpool.
Prise, dated from Usk.
Cave, dated from Boconnock.
Bynissy, dated from Salop.
Digby, dated from Boconnock.
Goring, dated from Boconnock.
Richmond, dated from Boconnock.
Gerrard, dated from W orcester.
Kirke, dated from Bridgenorth.
Langdale, dated from Chester.
Legge, dated from Chester.
Byron, dated from Liverpool.
Corbett, dated from Moreton.
Herbert, dated from Montgomery.
Astley, dated from Oxford.
Ernly, dated from Shrewsbury.
Byron, dated from Liverpool.
Digby, dated from Boconnock.

1644.]

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

483

August 30 written by
September 4 , ,
September 4 ,,
September 4 ,,
September 5 „
September 5 „
September 5 ,,
September 6 , ,
September 7 , ,
September 7 ,,
September 7 ,
September 9 ,,
September 10 ,,
September 16
September 16 ,,
September 19 „
September 19 ,,
September 20
September 22 ,,
September 22 ,,
September 23 ,,
September 23 ,,
September 24
September 24 ,,
September 26 ,,
September 26 ,,
September 30 ,,
October 1 „
October 0
October 2
October 3 „
October 7
October 9 ,,
October 11 ,,
October 12
October 16 ,,
October 17
October 18 ,,
October 20
October 21 ,,
October 21 ,,
October 22 „
October 22 „
October 23 „
October 25 „
October 26 ,,
October 27 „
October 27 ,,
October 28 „
November 2 „
November 2 „
November 5 „
November 6 „
November 9 ,,
November 11 ,,
November 11 ,.
November 19 ,,
November 20 ,,

Charles Rex, dated from Boconnock.
Berkeley, dated from Exeter.
Digby, dated from Boconnock.
Dyne, dated from Boconnock.
Woodhouse, dated from Ludlow.
Goring, dated from Oakhampton.
Herbert, dated from Ludlow.
Charles Rex, dated from Tavistock.
Charles Rex, dated from Montgomery.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Wyndham, dated from Bridgenorth.
Cave, dated from Plymouth.
Gerrard, dated from Worcester.
Brainsford, dated from Exeter.
Charles Rex, dated from Oakhampton.
ErnU, dated from Shrewsbury.
T'uke, dated from Ushet.
Tuke, dated from St. Ran6.
Haltby, dated from Monmouth.
Tuke, dated from St. Rane.
Blaxton, dated from Monmouthshire.
Digby, dated from Exeter.
Loughborough, dated from Ashby.
Tuke, dated from St. Reeve.
Byron, dated from Chester.
Haoghton, dated from Chester.
Tuke, dated from St. Reeve.
Tuke, dated from Monmouth.
Woodhouse, dated from Newent.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Goring, dated from Bristol.
Glenham, dated from Carlisle.
Byron, dated from Chester.
Charles Rex, dated from Blandford.
Mayne, dated from Pontefract.
Elyot, dated from Salisbury.
Morgan, dated from Ragland.
Mennes, dated from Beaumaris.
Glenham, dated from Carlisle.
Digby, dated from Whitchurch.
Ernly, dated from Shrewsbury.
Langdale, dated from Monmouth.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Preston, dated from Newark.
Digby, dated from Newbury.
(2) Wintour, dated from St. Pierre.
Digby, dated from Newbury.
Cave, dated from Chester.
Glenham, dated from Carlisle.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Blagge, dated from Wallingford.
Hastings, dated from Derby.
Byron, dated from Newark.
Herbert, dated from Newport.
Billingsby, dated from Bridgenorth.
Kirke, dated fiom Bridgenorth.
Waller. Wintour, dated from Bristol.

484

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE. [1644-5.

November

21 written by Bagot, dated from Dudley Castle.

November

22

„ Hawley, dated from Bristol.

November

22

,, Gage, dated from Basing.

November

25-26

,, Astley, dated from Farringdon.

November

27

,, Haltby, dated from Bath.

November

29

„ Hawley, dated from Bristol.

December

1

,, Leveson, dated from Dudley Castle.

December

1

,, Lloyd, dated from Farringdon.

December

1

„ Northampton, dated from Swindon.

December

5

,, Blount, dated from Petworth.

December

8

„ Lloyd, dated from Farringdon.

December

10

,, Astley, dated from Cirencester.

December

13

„ Legge, dated from Farringdon.

December

13

,, Grenville, dated from Bristol.

December

14

,, Wyndham, dated from Bridgewater.

December

15

, Wyatt, dated from Salop.

December

17

,, Astley, dated from Cirencester.

December

18

, Astley, dated from Cirencester.

December

18

, Blount, dated from Petworth.

December

22

, Lloyd, dated from Highworth.

December

23

, Astley, dated from Cirencester.

December

23

, Dongan, dated from Camden.

December

25

, Legge, dated from Farringdon.

December

25

, Watts, dated from Chirke Castle.

December

26

, Legge, dated from Farringdon.

December

27

, Astley, dated from Cirencester.

December

29

, Goring, dated from Calne.
1644-5.

January

1 written by Legge, dated from Farringdon.

J anuary

3

, Ernly, dated from Shrewsbury.

January

4

, Lloyd, dated from Devizes.

January

4

, Astley.

January

6

Wyndham, dated from Chard.

January

7

, Willis, dated from Bath.

January

8

, Lloyd, dated from Devizes.

January

9

, Goring, dated from Lanam.

January

12

, Langdale, dated from Winchester.

January

15

, Wyatt, dated from Evesham.

January

16

, Scrope, dated from Oxford.

January

16

, Prince Maurice, dated from Evesham.

January

18

, Northampton, dated from Banbury.

January

19

, Byron, dated from Oxford.

January

20

, Charles Rex.

January

20

Northampton, dated from Banbury.

January

21 ,

, Campion, dated from Borstall.

January

22

, Goring, dated from Salisbury.

January

23

Molesworth, dated from Bridgenorth.

January

25

, Campion, dated from Borstall.

January

29

, Prince Maurice, dated from Worcester.

January

29

, Archbishop Yorke, dated from Conway

February

13

, Dyves, dated from Sherborne.

February

15

, Cave, dated from Ludlow.

February

19

, Powis, dated from Berkeley Castle.

February

19

, Sandys, dated from Worcester.

February

19

, Willis, dated from Worcester.

February

22 ,

, Kirke, dated from Bridgenorth.

1644-5.] CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

485

February

22 v

February

25

February

28

March

1

March

2

March

3

March

3

March

4

March

6

March

9

22 written by Sandys, dated from Worcester.
Kirke, dated from Bridgenorth.
Essex.Scudamore, dated from Hereford.
Weston, dated from Berkeley Castle.
Scudamore, dated from Hereford.
Byron, dated from Glemene.
, Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
, Langdale, dated from Bingham.
, Gams, dated from Bristol.

Wednesday

?,5a.m.

S5

April

2 written by

April

7

55

April

27

55

April

27

55

April

27

55

April

29

95

April

29

91

April

30

)5

April

30

11

April

30

91

May

1

„

May

3

55

May

5

55

May

5

51

May

12

>5

May

16

11

May

17

15

May

19

55

May

21

51

May

22

11

May

27

H

June

20

June

21

15

June

23

June

26

11

June

30

July

2

.5

July

3

51

July

6

55

July

6

11

July

7

15

July

7

15

July

9

11

July

11

11

July

11

„

Written by Ashburnham, dated from the West.
„ Bagot, dated from Lichfield.
„ Byron, dated from Newark.
Charles Rex (two.)
„ Goring (two.)
Goring, dated from Wigan.
Goring, dated from York.
Nicholas. 1645.
Digby, dated from Oxford.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford
Hyde, dated from Bridgenorth.
Digby, dated from Oxford.
Digby, dated from Oxford.
Digby, dated from Oxford.'
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
(2) Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Trevor, dated from Bristol.
Gerrard, dated from Burford.
Massey, dated from Sudley.
Digby, dated from Lichfield.
Jermyn, dated from Paris.
Goring, dated from Bristol.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Goring, dated from Mastock.
Goring, dated from Bristol.
Hyde, dated. from Exeter.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Hyde, dated from Bath.
Charles Rex, dated from Hereford.
Digby, dated from Hereford.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Legge.
Astley, dated from Ragley.
Charles Rex, dated from Abergavenny.
Charles Rex, dated from Abergavenny.
Charles Rex, dated from Abergavenny.
Charles Rex, dated from Ragland.
Prince Maurice, dated from Worcester.
Ashburnham, dated from Ragland.
Ashburnham, dated from Ragland.
Charles Rex, dated from Ragland.

486

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

July

1 1 written

July

12

July

12

July

13

July

16

July

17 „

July

20

July

22 „

July

23 „

July

24

July

25 „

July

25 „

July

26

July

28 „

July

28

July

28

July

28

July

30 „

July

30

August

2 „

August

3 „

August

4

August

4

August

5

August

H „

August

H „

August

13 „

August

15

August

27

August

29

September

None „

September

5

September

14 „

September

20

October

4

October

27

October

30 „

October

30

November

1

November

9

November

25 „

December

25 „

January

10

January

10 „

January

25 ,,

March

by Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Goring, dated from Dunster.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Digby, dated from Ragland.
Digby, dated from Ragland;
Astaley, dated from Cardiff.
Lucas, dated from Berkley.
Watson, dated from Bridgewater.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Charles Rex, dated from Newport.
Laughton, dated from Lichfield.
Lumsford, dated from Monmouth.
Charles Rex, dated from Ruperry.
Ashburnham, dated from Ragland.
Digby, dated from Ruperry.
Rupert, dated from Bristol.
Lucas, dated from'Barkby.
Asteley, dated from Newport.
Loughborough, dated from Lichfield.
Prince of Wales, dated from Launceston.
Richmond, dated from Cardiff.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.
Morton.
Culpepper, dated from Cardiff.
Ashburnham, dated from Lichfield.
Astley, dated from Cardiff.
Hawley, dated from Bristol.
Astley, dated from Cardiff'.
Digby, dated from Ascot.
Digby, dated from Ascot;
Prince Rupert.
Osborne, dated from Ludlow.
Charles Rex, dated from Ragland.
Charles Rex, dated from Newtown.
Osborne, dated from London.
Charles Rex, dated from Newark.
Charles Rex, dated from Newark.
Prince Rupert.
Osborne, dated from London.
Osborne, dated from London.
A poor servant.
Dorset, dated from Newport.
1645-6.
Leveson, dated from Dudley.
Nicholas, dated from Oxford.
Goring, dated from Pondesford.
1645.
Charles Rex, dated from Oxford.

Incompletely dated : —
Charles Rex.
Digby (two.)
Osborne, dated from London.
Therold, dated from Shrewsbury.

1648.]

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

487

1647.
May 4 written by W. B., dated from Edinburgh.
1648.
Rokeby, dated from Calais.
Neville, dated from London.
Rokeby, dated from Labassey.
Brampfylde, on board the Admiral.
Johnson, dated from Sandowne.
Long.O'Neile, dated from Havre.
Jermyn, dated from Paris.
Young, dated from Paris.
Wakie, dated from Castle Cornet.
Kent, dated from Vincenza.
Hyde, dated from Brill.
Hyde, dated from Brill.
Long, dated from Brill.
Montrose, dated from Brussels.
Vavasour, dated from Middleburg.
JermyD, dated from Paris.
Batten, dated from Rotterdam.
Craven, dated from the Hague.
Jaffat, dated from Paris.
Culpepper, dated from Frarrenhagh.
Berkley, dated from Teeling.
Jermyn, dated from Paris.
Moreton, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Semkener, dated from Rotterdam.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Montrose, dated from Brussels.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Dodington, dated from the Hague.
Montrose, dated from Brussels.
Katelbye.Ball, dated from Rotterdam.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Long, dated from Rotterdam.
Dodington, dated from Rotterdam.
Hopton, dated from Helvoetsluys.
Dodington, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Boswell, dated from the Hague.
Pitt, dated from Helvoetsluys.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.

May

6

May

16

June

24

July

18

August

6

August

12

August

31

September

5

September

14

September

14

September

30

October

1

October

2 ,

October

2 ,

October

7 ,

October

14 ,

October

16

November

3 ,

November

6 ,

November

7

November

12

November

13 ,

November

14 ,

November

15 ,

November

17 ,

November

19

November

24

November

26 ,

November

27

November

29

December

1

December

3 „

December

5 „

December

6 „

December

9

December

10

December

11 ',.

December

13

December

14

December

14 ,.

December

15

December

15

December

16

December

19 „

December

22

December

23

December

30 „

December

31 „

Date incom

plete, „'

VOL. I

K K

488

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE. [1648-50.

Date incomplete, 6 written by Hyde, dated from the Hague.
27 „ Hyde, dated from the Hague.
28 ,, Hyde, dated from the Hague.
August 26 ,, Nottingham.
[Here is a long break in the Correspondence.']
1648-9.
2 written by Hopton, dated from Helvoetsluys.
Hopton, dated from Helvoetsluys.
Mennes, dated from Helvoetsluys.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Bellenden, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
O'Sullivan, dated from Daventry.
Castlehaven, dated from Carrick.
Taaffe, dated from Carrick.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Bankes, dated from Rotterdam.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
Blake, dated from Galway.
Inchiquin, dated from Cork.
Inchiquin, dated from Cork.
Inchiquin, dated from Cork.
O'Sullivan, dated from Bantry.
Butler, dated from Carrick.
Sortingue, dated from  .
Tyers, dated from Galway.
1649.
Butler, dated from Carrick.
O'Neile, dated from Thurles.
Inchiquin, dated from Cork.
Jermyn, dated from Cork.
Jermyn, dated from Cork.
Nicholas, dated from Jersey.
1649-50.
Long, dated from
Hopton, dated from Hevoetsluys.
Montrose, dated from
Hopton, dated from Brill.
Dodington, dated from Rotterdam.
Long, dated from the Hague.
Hopton, dated from the Hague.
Craven, dated from the Hague.
Mennes, dated from Kinsale.
Montrose, dated from the Hague.
Montrose, dated from the Hague.
Long, dated from the Hague.
Hyde, dated from the Hague.
1650.
Gary and Legge, dated from Exeter Gaol.

January

2 writte

January

5 „

January

12 „

January

20

January

21

January

22

January

24 „

January

29

January

31 „

February

1 „

February

2

February

9 „

February

14 „

February

28

March

3 „

March

6 „

March

7 „

March

8 „

March

14

March

19 „

March

19

March

22

March

26

March

27

April

3

June

25 „

August

1 .,

November

30 ,.

January

3 ,

January

4

January

8 ,

January

10 ,

January

12

January

13

January

21

January

26

February

7

February

8 ,

February

27

February

28

March

18 ,

December 18

1652-8.]

CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE.

489

October

17 writte

November

4 .,

December

9 „

J a nuary
February February
March

15 6
18 17

March

17

March

17 ,

March

22 ,

April
April April
May MayMayMay MayJune

14
23 ,
24 3
12 ,
17 ,
19 ,
24 2

June

13

October

18

December

3

December

3 ,

July August
August
AugustSeptember October

25 1 8
26 1
7

October

14 ,

November

10 ,

March

H

Septembei

H

May

6

1652
17 written by Pitt, dated from Angra

Marshall, dated from ship, Honest Seaman.
Cushing, dated from Sam. Gullie's Town.
1652-3.
Prise, dated from
Jermyn, dated from Paris.
Jermyn, dated from Paris.
Nicholas, dated from the Hague.
J. M., dated from
Another, perhaps Paris.
1653.
Jermyn, dated from Paris.
Holmes, dated from his Majesty's ship Hopwell.
Mansell, dated from the Hague.
Cocke, dated from Lisbon.
Holmes, dated from Nantes.
De Vie M., dated from Brill.
Holmes, dated from Nantes.
Holmes, dated from Nantes.
Holmes, dated from Nantes.
Craven, dated from Nantes.
Holmes, dated from Port Lorey.
Kent, dated from Venice.
Holder, dated from Paris.
London, dated from the Hague.
1654.
Holder, dated from Heidelburg.
Holder, dated from Heidelburg.
Holder, dated from Heidelburg.
Holder, dated from Heidelburg.
Holder, dated from' Heidelburg.
Holder, dated from Heidelburg.
Holder, dated from Heidelburg.
Nicholas, dated from Cologne.
1654-5.
Langdale, dated from Antwerp.
1656.
Cary, dated from Hamburg.
1658
Nicholas, dated from Brussels.

K k2

SUNDRY DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1642-3-4.
Alchurch, to the third borough of, and the assessors of the monthly contributions, or
to pay to Worcester, March 8, 1 643. Signed J. Fox.
Barnstaple, offers of pardon to the mayor and corporation of. Signed Maurice.
Given at his quarter Polesloe, August 27.
Barnstaple, mayor and corporation's reply to Prince Maurice; thankful acceptation.
Barnstaple, Charles approves of articles ; extract dated September 5.
Balls, Captain, remonstrates against Sir J. Ashley taking away his horses from Read
ing, January 4 — addressed to Prince Rupert.
Bristol, council whether to assault or approach the city, July 22.
Evesham, instructions to Colonel Washington concerning it, by command of the King.
Signed by Robert Sanden, of Shrewsbury.
Gloucester, journal of the siege, August.
Lathom House, solicitation for the relief of, from gentlemen of Chester, to Prince
Rupert, March 23.
Newark, remonstrance concerning its 6tate, from counties of Leicester and Nottingham,
January 31, to the King.
Newark, another letter from the same, February 12.
Newark, from Nottingham gentry, February 19.
Newbury, relation of the battle, September 20.
North Wales, backwardness in raising levies.
Oxforh, resolution of the Committee to prepare a letter to the Lords and Commons, at
Westminster, treating of peace, February 14.
Oxforo, reply to complaints from Prince Maurice, March 12.
Worcester, address from, certifying that the enemy is driven out of Gloucester, March 25.
Humble petition of officers of northern horse to the King, 1644.
Petition of his Majesty's old horse to the King, August 8 ; reply to the same.
Declaration of Sir Marmaduke Langdale.
Representation from Colonel Tuke and the garrison of Cirencester to Prince Rupert.
Northern horse represents its condition to Prince Rupert.
March 29 — Commissioners of York implore aid of Prince Rupert.
April 1 — address from Commissioners of Lincolnshire to Prince. Rupert.
April 2 — second petition from Commissioners of York to Prince Rupert.
April 8 — paper of advice concerning enemy's designs. Signed H. L.
April 23 — commissions of Col . J. Digby, and Sir J. Barclay, to serve under Prince Maurice.
April 24 — affairs of the North, dated Newark, to Prince Rupert.
April 26 — affairs ofthe North.
May 6 — advertisements from Newark about York ; taking of Lincoln — to the King.
May 1 3 — concerning the Prince's going to Cornwall, dated Oxon — to Prince Rupert, &c.
May 27 — report of the Council of War at Oxford.
June 1 4 — letter, in cipher, from Carmarthen. Signed C. G.
June 27 — proclamation in favour of Scottish officers and soldiers of fortune. Signed
Lord Callendar.
July 16 — letter from captain of a Parliament frigate, demanding the surrender of Lundy
Island ; reply from Archibald Calke.
August 8 — (see above) petition of old horse to the King, and his reply.
Worcester, August 19 — apologies for not raising regiments of horse and foot. To
Prince Rupert.
Worcester, August 19 — prayer for the loan of six hundred horse from his Majesty.
Hereford, Aug. 29 — Commissioners concerninggovemment of the town, to Prince Rupert.
Exeter, September 4 — relation of his Majesty's success against the rebels in the West;
an express to the Duke of York and Earl of Bristol.
September 1 3 — Prince Elector's reasons for coming to England, presented to Parliament.
Caerleon, September. 30 — disquiets in Monmouthshire, addressed to Prince Rupert.
October 1 — Meldrum's summons to Liverpool.
October 21 — represents state of Shrewsbury to Prince Rupert.
Newark, Nov. 11 — letter from W. Warwick to Sir E. Nicholas ; another from Pomfret. ,
Cirencester, December 23 — state of the garrison.
Feb. 21, 1644-5 — London and Scots Commissioners ; proposals for seven years' militia.
March 5— Newark and northern proposition for the relief of Pontefract, addressed to ~
Prince Rupert.

INDEX AND ABSTRACT
OF
CORRESPONDENCE.

[The following Abstracts are taken directly from the letters that they
represent, without remarks.]
Ashburnham, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 1, — concerning the clothing of the troops
under Lord Wentworth's command.
Ashburnham, Northleach, to Prince Rupert, September 17, — his Majesty intends to
lodge that night at Lady Ashcomb's house, Alscott.
Ashburnham, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, January 25, 9 a.m. — advertises his Royal
Highness, by command of his Majesty, that the rebels from Aylesbury, with
as great strength as they can muster, are marching towards Northampton.
Ashburnham, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, same day, 9J a.m. — the strength that
followeth his Royal Highness is nine hundred dragoons and one regiment of
horse.
Ashburnham, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, same day, midnight — Essex has not marched
on his Royal Highness ; the King's forces have defeated the rebels in the West
under Lord Stamford, leaving twelve hundred dead on the field.
Astley, Sir Jacob, Reading, to Prince Rupert, October 27, — has received intelligence
that six regiments of trainbands from London are marching upon the town, is pre
paring " all that ever he can to entertain them."
Astley, Sir Jacob, Reading, to Prince Rupert, October 28 — laments the withdrawal
from the garrison of fifteen hundred men, by his Royal Highness's order, the enemy
being at hand, and leaving him only sixteen hundred and four armed and able men
to defend it.
Astley, Sir Jacob, Reading, to Prince Rupert, November 1 1 — commands to his Royal
Highness as lieutenant -colonel, " without whom the regiment would not be in such
good order as it is ;" continues to fortify the town, and asks for supplies, " the
garrison in ten weeks having got but five weeks' pay."
Astley, Sir Jacob, Reading, to Prince Rupert, December 21 — states, that unless his
regiment has an order for pay, or is allowed free quarter, it is impossible for it to
subsist ; has prepared for the retreat of his troops across the river, in case of being
overpowered by the enemy.
Astley, Sir Jacob, Reading, to Prince Rupert, January 11,— concerning Captain
Ball, who complains of his horses being taken from him, whereas he employs
them, under pretence of his Highness's warrant, to plunder the people.
Astley, Sir Jacob, Reading, to Prince Rupert, January 13— the mayor and aldermen of
the town petition to have certain contributions required of them remitted, " wherein
they plead great poverty and inability ;" continued complaints of ;Captain Ball; his
conduct.
Astley, Sir Jacob, Reading, to Prince Rupert, January 14— concerning levying
money for the payment of the troops ; concerning Mr. Pearse and Mr. Faucet, artil
lery officers.
Aston, Arthur, Reading, to Prince Rupert, June 11— concerning a French officer
of artillery ; warning against design.
Aston, Arthur, Bletchington, to Prince Rupert, June 23— reports that Essex mtends-
to march towards Aylesbury ; desires Rupert to take into consideration whether

492 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1643-4.
it were not beBt to march straight to Buckingham, to prevent his advancing to
Northampton, and raising the country.
Aston, Sir Arthur, Bletchington, to Prince Rupert, June 24 — concerning the quartering
of his Royal Highness's troops, and as to whether he is to keep his Royal Highness's
proposed rendezvous.
Aston, Sir Arthur, Bletchington, to Prince Rupert, June 25 — gives his opinion that
his Royal Highness's regiments will be " very hard put to it, by reason of the strait-
ness of their quarters."
Aston, Sir Arthur, Wootton-under-Wood, to Prince Rupert, August 4 — concerning
the order of march to the rendezvous at Painswick.
Aston, Sir Arthur, Painswick, three miles from Gloucester, to Prince Rupert, August
7 — conceives that summoning the city to surrender will be of little service, until they
can put it to some distress ; represents the difficulties of the country, and the dis
affection of the people.
Aston, Sir Arthur, Painswick, three miles from Gloucester, to Prince Rupert, same
day, 10 a.m. — doubts they shall have a hard business in reducing the city to sur
render, as it is fully as strong and better watered than Bristol ; is about to stop a
stream which supplies the city mill.
Aston, Sir Arthur, Reading, to Prince Rupert, November 12 — has to deal with such
people committed to his command, that " rather than be left with them, he wishes
Rupert had adjudged him to lose his head," for now he is like " to lose that and his
reputation at the same time."
Aston, Sir Arthur, Easton, to Prince Rupert, November 28 — had hoped to see his
Royal Highness here that day, but " sending for his servants and baggage does not
betoken any such thing."
Aston, Sir Arthur, Reading, to Prince Rupert, November 21 — the King having intel
ligence that the enemy is marching towards them, desires that all the troops under
Prince Rupert's command stir not from their quarters until further directions. Post
script from his Majesty's hand.
Aston, Sir Arthur, Easton, to Prince Rupert, November 22 — thanks Prince Rupert
for advertising him that he has "back friends "at Court; the rebels' horse lie
between Newport and St. Albans ; thinks " the Londoners would not stir this cold
weather."
Aston, Sir Arthur, Easton, to Prince Rupert, November 27 — reports that the works at
Towcester are in such forwardness, that it is more than time a governor should be
appointed ; has a mind to drive away what cattle he can round Northampton, and
to destroy what corn they cannot use.
Aston, Sir Arthur, Easton, to Prince Rupert, December 6 — should have received
his Royal Highness's orders for marching five or six days sooner, but Colonel
Cockran has kept them so long in his hands ; requests that a quartermaster be sent
him.
Aston, Sir Arthur, Easton, to Prince Rupert, December 27 — requests that Prince
Rupert will take into especial consideration the victualling of the town, " as it is
impossible to be done in the way that his Royal Highness propounded it," and
that he will order concerning the quartering of the regiments, and the command
in chief.
Aston, Sir Arthur, Reading, to Prince Rupert, February 19 — beseeches that one
thousand foot may be sent, otherwise all will go to nought, and that he " may be
rid of the unarmed men that trouble the town, and do no service."
Aston, Sir Arthur, to Prince Rupert, February 28 — concerts with Prince Rupert
measures for attacking the enemy's works near Henley.
Aston, Sir Arthur, Reading, to Prince Rupert, March 1 — thinks " some evil fate hangs
over all Prince Rupert's designs," for no sooner is a business spoken of " than either
by information or inspiration, the enemy hath notice thereof," they having doubled
their forces- in Henley.
Berkshire, Earl of, Emeline Lodge, to Prince Rupert, June 21 — had hoped to effect
an exchange for his son Harry, who is prisoner at Tame ; but William Sheffield,
Lord Musgrave's son, and another Scotch prisoner, left on parole by Prince Rupert
at Stodam, have been rescued by a troop from Lord Essex ; hopes Prince Rupert
will still devise " some way for him that is so willing to venture his life in this
cause, in which he has got five sons remaining."
Belasis, J., York, to Prince Rupert, May 17 — sends copies of two intercepted letters
from Sir Thomas Fairfax to Hall, " in which their design for Yorkshire is apparent;"

1643-4.] OF CORRESPONDENCE. 493
fears that, if father and son join, its safety will be much endangered ; will be able
to make two thousand foot and fifteen hundred horse (besides garrisons) to wait upon
Prince Rupert if he comes.
Belasis, J., to Lord Newcastle, Feb. 14 — " submits to his Excellency whether it
will not be of greater consequence to preserve Yorkshire certainly than employ all
that strength upon doubtful alarms elsewhere," Sir Charles Lucas having drawn his
troops away to look to Newark, threatened by rebels.
Bell, Thomas, London, to John Moody, at Bury, Sept. 1 0 (private letter) — relating
to traffic with Virginia, whither the writer is bound, and hopes on his return to give
a final account, "and will make it good out of his own, rather than procure a friend's
discontent, which hath not been in his power to help."
Bellow, Colonel John, the North, to Prince Rupert, (part of a letter) — has gained
some advantage over Sir Thomas Fairfax — caused them to move their quarters, and
enter conjunction with Lord Fairfax, at Hemdon Meldrum, whence he has one
thousand foot, one thousand horse, six pieces of artillery ; Sir Thomas Fairfax has
one thousand foot, fifteen hundred horse, and five hundred foot more, come out of the
Isle (Axholme).
Berkeley, John, Topsham, to Prince Rupert, July 21 — relates that the fleet, which
had been so long a great distraction, had come up in the night this side Powderham,
intending to batter the town, and land their army, but both their designs had been
prevented ; has taken Turpin, their leader, his man-of-war, and two more, and is
in hopes of " one of the whelps that sailed from them very sickly."
Blagge, Thomas, Wallingford, to Prince Rupert, May 12 — believes that the " enemy is
strengthening himself with design upon some of their quarters ;" for this place he
will take the best care he can to prevent a surprise, and " for a beleaguering he does
assure his Royal Highness, that this place, by God's grace, shall be maintained for
as long as it is provided for, which is fourteen days with victuals, and twenty
barrels of powder made, and bullets proportionable."
Blagge, Thomas, Wallingford, to Prince Rupert, June 1 — concerning assigning certain
villages to furnish support to the garrison, and that Prince Rupert " will be pleased
to free them from Captain Freshville, of General Wilmot's regiment, who claims con
tributions from them."
Blagge, Thomas, Wallingford, to Prince Rupert, March 2 — hears "with great
affliction from his lieutenant-colonel" that Prince Rupert " is angry with him,"
concerning some impositions laid by him on Harwell, &c, " to answer which, when
soever his Royal Highness please to summon the accusers, he will be ready to
wait on his Royal Highness, to make it appear they are a company of d — d
villains."
Blagge, Thomas, Wallingford, to Prince Rupert, this present Monday (no date)— the
hundreds assigned to him are " so oppressed by the rebels, besides the warrants
which are sent by Sir Lewis Dives and the sheriff," that they are unable to supply
the works, which comes to weekly one hundred and odd ; " hopes Prince Rupert will
cause the magazine to be furnished with one thousandweight of biscuit, eighteen
hundredweight of cheese, thirty barrels of powder, fiftyweight of meal, and thirty
of oakum; and then, let them come when they please, he will, upon his life, give his
Royal Highness such account as shall give satisfaction."
Blagge, Thomas, Wallingford, to Prince Rupert, at night— relates the movements of the
enemy, who marched out of Nettlebed, and are waiting till more join them before
they conceive themselves able to give his Majesty battle ; " the prate among them is
that Waller is to join them at Tame."
Biagge, Thomas, Wallingford, to Prince Rupert— hears that the rebels intend to fall
upon the town, but, if they come no stronger, he believes he shall make bold to
send them back at least as fast as they come ;" but, if his Royal Highness will send
a reasonable party of horse, he " is confident if they attempt it few shall cany news
of their adventure."
Biagge, Thomas, Wallingford, to Prince Rupert— had fallen in with a superior force m
Bostall of rebels, five thousand horse, which he engaged, and at first disordered ;
"but the reserve falling so strong upon their flanks at last, to tell truth, tbey were
routed, and, what is worse, beaten, yet not so but that we drew up again and
charged them before we came to Tame."
Buxton, W., Brill, to Lord  , December 14— enemy retreating from Aylesbury.
Boys, John, Dennington Castle, to Prince Rupert, January 30 —meeting amongst
Colonel Neville's regiment quartered in Newbury; rescuing a prisoner; endeavour-

494 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1643-4.
ing to drive the foot out of the town, and neglecting to mount guard; had set one
trooper " on the horse ;" prays Prince Rupert to take Bome speedy course to avoid
such for the future, " as he ought not to suffer anything to detract from the command
given him, it being an undervaluing of his Majesty who gives it."
Bradshogh, William, Bradford, to Sir F. Vane, Feb. 10 — concerning the enemy's
movements, who increase at Halifax, and are supposed to be for Leeds.
Bristol, Lord, to Prince Rupert, (no date) September — that the King grants "the
horse" asked for as his Highness's guard.
Broughton, Robert, Ruthin, to Colonel Lloyd, February 22 — enroute to Shrewsbury.
Burges, Robert, Maimesbury, to Prince Rupert, March 6 — sends, according to his
Royal Highness's command, all the ammunition he has; beseeches for more.
Byron, Lord, Reading, to Prince Rupert, December 10 — asks artillery.
Byron, John, Brackley, to Prince Rupert, July 4 — has quartered his brigade in the
town and neighbourhood; sent a party to draw such horses and cattle as it can
from round Southampton.
Byron, John, Brackley, to Prince Rupert, July 27 — soldiers in his brigade desert their
colours because they were not left to share the pillage of Bristol; prays for "autho
rity to assure them that though they be absent by his Royal Highness's command,
yet they shall have their parts as well as others."
Byron, John, Brackley, to Prince Rupert, November 4 — writes for Lord Wilmot, who
is fallen ill ; hears from Ashburnham that there is no pay for his regiment, as he
was promised ; " is certain it will be impossible for him to keep it longer
together."
Byron, John, Brackley, to Prince Rupert, November 7 — acknowledges great obliga
tions to Prince Rupert, particularly for the noble offer of command in Lancashire,
which, if the county agree to his conditions, and he has the sole command of horse
and foot, he would cheerfully and willingly undertake ; but wishes to make sure
first whether he will have the appointment of governor to the Prince of Wales,
" as that is an employment likely to continue to his advantage when this war is
ended."
Byron, John, to Prince Rupert, November 9 — a poor woman, employed to convey intel
ligence, has been sent to Lord Essex, and is probably hanged ; the quarters are so
eaten up, that it will be impossible to subsist more than three or four days; asks
pay for his regiment, lt otherwise he shall have none, and he must ride a volunteer
in his Royal Highness's troop ; the old tried regiments should have rest this winter,
and let the new levied troops learn their duty.
Byron, John, Chester, to Prince Rupert, February 11 — two regiments and three
hundred horse have landed from Ireland, Colonels Broughton, Tillier, General \V.
Vaughan ; because they are straitened, and to avoid rioting and disorder, he has
sent them to Shrewsbury.
Byron, John, Wisterton, to Prince Rupert, January 14 — congratulates Prince Rupert
on having chief command in these parts, and thanks him " for the great honour
done him in thinking him worthy of that next his Royal Highness ;" holds Chester
much safer and fitter for a magazine than Shrewsbury, " which is a disaffected town,
and hath only a garrison of burghers, and a doting old fool for their governor ;" had
gained an advantage over Fairfax at Newcastle, which he had requested lately for
Sir M. Willis, whom he sent to convey some ammunition from Shrewsbury ; was
surprised at Elsmere, and made prisoner with many more.
Byron, John, Chester, to Prince Rupert, February 20 — Lord Brenton, or Brereton, is
besieged in Bee Isle ; house can yet hold out six or seven days if Prince Rupert can
send relief from Shrewsbury: it will be a great service ; there are seven or eight
hundred arms in the house ; most of the cannon from Stafford, but slenderly guarded
chiefly by country people.
Byron, John, Chester, to Prince Rupert, February 21— remonstrates against Alderman
Gamall being appointed governor of the city; hopes Prince Rupert will "make a stop
of it : if this be admitted, the like will be attempted by all the corporations in Eng
land.
Byron, John, Chester, to Prince Rupert, same day, 10 p. m. — the Irish troops, sent to
Shrewsbury, will expect the same conditions as the first that landed, which was for
all the officers a monthly entertainment for every soldier, 2s. 6d., suit of clothes,
shoes, and stockings; since their landing, the officers have received nothing but
their week's pay, but the soldiers have had free quarters, 12<L in money every
week, which is more than ever they had in Ireland^ and to which he desires Prince

1643-4.J OF CORRESPONDENCE. 495
Rupert to keep them, else it will cause mutiny amongst them that are here, to which
they are as mchned as any soldierB in the world.
Bvron, John to Prince Rupert, March 2-difference's in the Isle of Anglesea between
Lord Bulkeley and Captain Charles ; "finds the charges against the latter cannot be
made good, being like most Welsh complaints, grounded upon malice of action •"
"and his greatest fault is that he is not a Welchman."
Bvron, John, to Prince Rupert, (no date)—" hopes soon to be called under his Royal
Highness's command ; dares assure him that the world hath not braver foot, nor fitter
for such a general : the horse he knows already."
Byron, N., Chester, to Prince Rupert, December 12— Hardinge Castle poorly sur
rendered, as it was basely betrayed by the rebels; this day the army marches
out of Chester; Lord Ormond in command; himself a volunteer till his Royal High
ness's pleasure.
Bvron, N., Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, January— relation of his proceedings;
county is in a manner cleared for Nantwich ; " is in very much pain, and frets un
derhand;" prays that at last he may be thought capable of a regiment of foot of his
own ; craves a commission to raise ten or twelve hundred foot.
Bvron, N., Chester, to Lord Capell, lieutenant-general to his Royal Highness, April 5,
12 p.m.: another date, Ellsau, April 5, 7 a.m.— the rebels have set afresh upon
Warrington; if the Royalists "hope to do anything, they must make a show now;"
therefore, his Royal Highness's forces must be drawn towards Whitechurch ; all the
art he has to keep Lord Derby up with hopes of Prince Rupert.
Biron, Richard, Newark, to Prince Rupert, February 10 — " the rebels take the boldness
(for want of force to repel them) to quarter in divers towns within three or four
miles of this garrison; they are twelve columns of foot and twenty troop of horse ;
if they should do no more than continue where they are, they shall hinder the money
and provisions that should maintain themselves ; great bodies of the enemy threaten
to unite to the hazard of this plan ;" leaves to his Royal Highness's care for its
"timely assistance."
Biron, Thomas, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, February 3 — professing willingness to
assault Warwick Castle, but stating difficulty, and asking for one gun and a
petard.
Capell, Lord, Shropshire, to Prince Rupert, July 12 — finds his forces very much
diminished, believes very few will march up with him, has drawn them to Bideford,
waiting Prince Rupert's further commands, upon the officers' and soldiers' earnest
desire, being without meat and drink in his quarter.
Capell, Lord, Bridgnorth, to Viscount Falkland, (private secretary to the King) March
26, — whether it might not be best for Prince Maurice to take Tewkesbury
and Worcester en route to Stafford, and thereby secure them from any of Waller's
motions ; had desired Colonel Plastings to draw his forces to Stowbridge from Wolver
hampton, to be ready to relieve Worcester.
Capell, Lord, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, April 4 — found much disorder in the
county; Sir W. Brereton, master of the field in Cheshire; only Chester and the coun
try under it of hjs Majesty's party; has disbanded the garrison at Whitchurch, as, if
tbe rebels take that place, they may gain Liverpool and all Lancashire ; whether his
Royal Highness might not himself look upon them; could meet him with fourteen
hundred horse and foot.
Capell, Lord, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, (no date) — Rebels have now possessed
themselves of Drayton ; Prince Rupert's regiment having been drawn away, pays
for an addition of fifteen hundred or two thousand musketeers, to drive the rebels
out of Hamptwich and Stafford, otherwise it will be almost impossible to preserve
these parts.
Capell, Lord, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, April 6— forwards advertisements to
Prince Rupert ; has ordered the forces to be drawn towards Whitchurch, accord
ing to Prince Rupert's order. " Lord Darby and his Majesty's servants in Lan
cashire have preserved their lands beyond expectation."
Capell, Lord, Whitchurch, to Prince Rupert, April 13— sends Prince Maurice a sup
ply of ammunition, if he wants more ; Lord Cavendish disbands some of his
troops; Brereton is returned, has pursued him "as fast as in this vile country
is fit."
ciWLL, Lord, Whitchurch, to Prince Rupert, April ] 4— has written to Lord Derby
about faihng upon Nantwich, who thinks it belongs to Lord Capell ; he has no
great confidence unless he attends on Prince Rupert.

496 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1643-4.
Carnarvon, Lord — according to Prince Rupert's commands, he will draw his regiment
to Banbury, upon an intimation to that effect from Lord Northampton.
Cavendish, Colonel, to Prince Rupert, — makes humble suit that he may be allowed to
recruit the Duke of York's troops, which Prince Rupert has graciously assigned
him, and which has but thirty men.
Cavendish, Colonel, Grantham, to Prince Rupert, April 12 — had yesterday the good
fortune to gain a great victory over the rebels ; beseeches to be favoured concerning
his troops, or be commanded away.
Cave, Richard, Milton, to Prince Rupert, October 17 — four physicians have seen Prince
Maurice, whose sickness they pronounce " the ordinary raging disease of the array,"
a slow fever, with great dejection of strength, and since Friday he hath talked idly ;
" last night shewed better symptoms," yet because the disease is very dangerous and
fraudulent, they dare not give credit to the alteration.
Cave, Richard, Dartmouth, to Prince Rupert, November 4 — is in favour of an imme
diate assault on Plymouth, but the council of war decided against- it. Prince
Maurice not able yet to write letters, but hath this day taken physic, and so intends '
to bid his physicians farewell.
The King, Oxford, to Lord Northampton, January 2 — warrant authorising Lord
Northampton to seize all the provision in the town, and remove it to Banbury ;
Castle for the use of his soldiers, and, on the approach of the enemy, to fire the town,
and remove his horse to a place of safety.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 1 — desires Prince Rupert to render
favourable assistance to his trusty and well-beloved Sir Bainham Throgmorton,1
who has his Majesty's commission for raising a troop of horse.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 8 — hopes that God may give him Bristol
(ciphers) ; Lord Hopton to have the same power (to grant commissions) that Goring'
had.
The King, Shrewsbury, September 22 — that Prince Rupert remain in readiness to;
prevent Essex from cutting off his Majesty's return from Chester; arms taken I
from the disaffected to be sent to Sir J. Biron at Worcester. i
The King, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, October 9 — that colonels of horse impress
carts to fetch away arms, such " as packs and patts," from the magazine at Shrews-^
bury ; "who first shall send shall first be furnished." :¦
The King to Prince Rupert, October 23 (4 a. m.), — has given orders for the foot and:
cannon to be at Edge Hill by times this morning, where Prince Rupert will alsoB
find his Majesty. v
The King, Reading, to Prince Rupert, November 27 — authorises Prince Rupert to orders:
all the colonels of horse to quarter and billet their regiments in the places assigned.n
and if they cannot then take up sufficient provision, to send forth their warrants to;
the villages and hundreds adjacent, for which a ticket is to be given to the amount:
of Is. 2d. each ; officer's pay per day for self and horse 1 s. 2d. ; soldier's pay for his-j
own diet ; " the horsemeat being supplied by the counties adjacent ;" this mannei s
to be observed till they agree on some other.
The King, Oxford, probably written to Lord Northampton, January 2 — seize all storei;
in Banbury for castle, and burn the town if rebels come.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 1 — notifying Sir B. Throgmorton';
authority to raise troops. ;
The King to Prince Rupert, (same date) — that at Cirencester, Stroud, &e. there is much
cloth, and much required by the soldiers to take it, and give security to ownerB fo,
repayment.
The King to Prince Rupert, February 3 — to send his Majesty all the arms he ha
taken.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, November 1 3 — to hasten the departure of Lor^
Biron, or " they will come too late." Prince Rupert to be supplied with othe£
forces in their place, with all possible expedition.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 13 — recommends Colonel Gamul;
Governor of Chester, to Prince Rupert's care and favour, that he suffer no wron :
and prejudice during his absence, as M. P. at Oxon, by his regiment being take
from him. _ .
The King, Oxford, (by hand of E. Nicholas, his Majesty's private secretary,) to Pnni
Rupert, February 1 8 — sends copy of remonstrance from Commissioners of Lnico.
and Nottingham, representing state of those counties and of Newark, whence Croo
well and Manchester are levying forces to fall upon Newark ; his Majesty recoL

1643-4.J OF CORRESPONDENCE. 497
mends to Prince Rupert's prudent decision and dispatch, making a proportionable
diversion of those their designs, and the succouring of Newark.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 2 — an enemy's convoy is on its move from
Warwick towards Gloucester ; desires Prince Rupert to march his regiment with all
possible speed towards Worcester, to intercept it ; to give notice to Sir W. Vava
sour of his movements, whom he is to obey in this service.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 16— Prince Rupert to leave in the county
of Stafford such competent forces as may secure the same, and use all possible
diligence to assist his Majesty's endeavours to repell the great forces of the rebels
now before Reading.
The King to Prince Rupert, (by Sir James Aurion, same date) — same subject ; Colonel
Hastings to be left with troops in Staffordshire ; hopes Prince Rupert will have done
his work about Lichfield before this can come to him.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 9— his Majesty approves Prince Rupert's
designs on Derby, but leaves it to him whether Nantwich is not better ; only in his
choice do that which shall conduce most to his Majesty's wife's coming hither ; he
sees no possibility of supplying Prince Rupert with ammunition ; regrets Lord
Derby's death ; will not dispose of his command till he see Prince Rupert.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 1 5 — not to raise the siege (Lichfield), but
lose no more time in it than he most needs, and then march northwards ; wants am
munition from Earl of Newcastle, to be sent.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 7 — to " trusty and well beloved," appointing
Prince Rupert commander-in-chief. He is to " repair with a part of his Majesty's
forces for the more secure coming of our dearest consort the Queen, in her passage
to us.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 12 — the motion his Majesty made yesterday
to his " wife," of her forces coming through Gloucestershire in order to Waller's
confusion, is so well approved of by his Lieutenant-General, that he sends the
bearer to Prince Rupert to enlarge upon it ; " he will not be too fond of his own
child, but is sure that the beating of Wales is first and chiefly to be intended."
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 20 — likes Prince Rupert's resolutions, only
" he must remember how fit it is to hinder Waller's recruiting," " it being of more
importance to his affairs to receive him, than the taking of any towns."
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 23 — an alarm last night ; a party of rebels'
horse, said to be three thousand, but found not above thirty at most, being the cause.
Essex is drawing towards Aylesbury, wherefore Prince Pupert must hasten all the
regiments he can spare, since his Majesty believes numbers of horse are not much
useful for a siege.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 24 — to second his former letter about hasten
ing hither horse, since Essex hath five hundred fresh horse come to him at Aylesbury;
Lord Grey has joined, and Sir W. Waller coming from London.
The King to Prince Rupert, (same date) — did not write last night, having other affairs
and knowing " that Prince Rupert does not expect" compliments from him, but
must not be so forgetful now, having time not only to congratulate with Prince
Rupert for this last happy success in the taking of Bristol, but to acknowledge the
chief thanks belongs to Prince Rupert, which he assures him adds to his con
tentment.
The King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 31 — signifies his intention of setting forth
on the morrow for Bristol ; will lie that night at Maimesbury; desires a troop
of horse be sent to attend him ; " the mayor and corporation have deserved so ill of
him that he will neither be reasoned by them nor admit them to his presence till
the businesses be settled."
The King, Matson, near Gloucester, to Prince Rupert, September 5, 10 a. m. — concurs
with his general in opinion that little good can be done with this town, as the
enemy begin to countermine it ; it would be better to fight Essex after they (the
Royalists) have got their forces together, " and that no time be lost."
The King to Prince Maurice, (same date) — (extract) approves of conditions with the
town (Barnstaple) ; offers formal pardon to any individual " who may think fit to
take it out."
TM King, Newbury, to Prince Rupert, September 22— signifies his will and pleasure
that Prince Rupert forthwith repair with his forces to the castle of Dennington (m
Berks) to keep the same, and command all the officers, &c, there.
'M King, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, November 11— that upon sight of this letter Prince

498 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1643-4.
Rupert order Lord Byron to march towards Chester, all the other Lancashire
regiments being ordered to join Lord Byron where he may appoint.
Cocheran, J., Towcester, to Prince Rupert, January 1 — reasons against marching out of
the town in a covert way, as had been proposed ; enemy's scouts every night; the
horse are few in number, and very poor.
Cocheran, J., Towcester, to Prince Rupert, December 11 — is much troubled with some
weak regiments quartered about the town by order of Sir A. Aston ; intreats his
Majesty to direct " that they remove to some convenient place, for he need not
expect any service from them."
Cocheran, J., Towcester, to Prince Rupert, December 16 — is reduced to greater per
plexities since the Hundreds intended for the maintenance of this garrison have
been assigned to Lord Northampton for Banbury, and those left to him are ruined by
the long abode of the horse amongst them ; requires a weekly supply of 300?.
Cocheran, J., Towcester, to Prince Rupert, December 30, 3 a.m. — two officers, Lieu
tenant-Colonel Hutchinson and Major Sibbald, went out of the town, and were seized
by the enemy, the major being left for dead ; it is so inexcusable for officers to go
without acquainting their superior officer " that, though it were his own brother, he
would think it well deserved what they got."
Cocheran, J., Towcester, to Prince Rupert, January 1 — what Prince Rupert wishes
will require time ; enemy very strong ; Essex, in Newport, is afraid nobody will
stay with him if money come not very suddenly.
Conyngsby, W. and others, Hereford, to Prince Rupert, February 24 — asking for arms
taken from them by Lord Stamford, if Gloucester Bhould be taken by the Prince.
Crafurd, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, May 5 — one that was prisoner with the enemy
brings intelligence that they are some fifteen miles off, towards Newbury, not above
one hundred and fifty in number; asks his Royal Highness's leave "to give an
account of them."
CRAFuRn, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, May 7 — confirms former account ; they lie along
the border of Hampshire ; with a few forces more all their quarters might he beaten '
up ; waits Prince Rupert's orders.
Crafurd, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, May 19 — hearing that the rebels were of con-'
siderable strength near their quarters, had conveyed the ammunition to Marlborough, -
with all the force he had, and delivered it safe into Lord Carnarvon's hands ; re-'
tur,rid so late that he did not receive in time Prince Rupert's orders to come to •'
T i, ntage.
Crafurd, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, May 26 — a party of rebels about Maimesbury"
have escaped him very nar nvly ; Waller is coming to Cirencester from Gloucester
and has sent out orders for bringing in contributions, but Lord Carnarvon " has givei
strict orders to the contrary, threatening fire and sword if they paid him a penny."
Crafurd, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, June 14 — has intelligence of two bundrei
rebels belonging to Bristol, and of the horse they have quartered in villages remoti
from the town ; asks leave to fight them.
Culpepper, J., Aylesbury, to Prince Rupert, March 19 — suggests quarter to Aylesbury i
they secure affection by mercy ; forwards intelligence that six waggons of ammunition
guarded by three hundred dragoons, are en route from London for the relief of Glou
cester, through Warwickshire, whilst a body from Gloucester are making a diversioi
to Prestbury.
Darell, Robert, Cirencester, to Sir B. Throgmorton, January 17 — touching some "hawk
ers' " cannon.
D'Aubigny, Kate, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, (no date) — concerning Vavasour, Lind
sey, and Essex, private, to Prince Rupert, seeking confidence — (very much erased.)
D'Aubigny, Kate, to Prince Rupert, March (no date) — concerning Vavasour an
Essex advancing.
Derby, Lord, Preston, to the King's Secretary, March, 22 — long account of burnin
Lancaster and ships ; repulse ; sack of Preston ; asks for ever so little of Princ
Rupert.
Derby, Lord, Chester, to Prince Rupert, March 7 — has received many advertisement
from the Countess of her great distress and imminent danger, unless she he relieve:
by Prince Rupert ; longs for his Royal Highness's arrival, which, more than an.
troops, " strikes terror to that wicked party, and gives life to the half-dead true onesj
Derby, Lord, Derby, to Prince Rupert, March 23 — assures his Royal Highness th;
Lathom House is in very great distress, although Prince Rupert has been told "th
the siege was but a flourish, and to shoot at deer." i

1643-4.J OF CORRESDONDENCE. 499
Deiiby, Countess of, Lathom, to Prince Rupert (in French)— entreats Prince Rupert
to consider the state of the place, and to judge by his own presence.
Derby, Countess of, Lathom, to Prince Rupert, August 31— asking for a regiment of
cavalry.
Derby, Countess of, Lathom, to Prince Rupert, (same date)— also to come to the North
to secure the Queen's march.

give them, on the morrow, a very warm breakfast.'
Digby, Lord, Wantage, to Prince Rupert, December 31 — troops in extreme necessity,
having neither clothes, nor shoes, nor money to pay for the shoeing of their horses-
asks Prince Rupert's opinion "which way, and to what place, it will be fit for
the King to march with his army."
DisBY, Lord, Alnescot, to Prince Rupert, September 17— professes continued faithfulness
to his Royal Highness.
Digby, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 13 — recommends to Prince Rupert the
especial care of defending Newark.
Digby, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 26— the rebels obstinately refuse
treaties of peace.
Digby, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, Palm Sunday — " congratulates Prince Rupert
on the good effect his reputation has had upon the rebels at Maimesbury ;" begs to
be allowed to attend his Royal Highness on his Northern expedition.
Dingley, T., the Hague, to Prince Rupert, June 14 — very amusing private letter from
a servant of the Queen of Bohemia to a friend to whom he proposes "a moral cor
respondence."
Dives, Lewis, Abingdon, to Prince Rupert, January 21— complains ofthe "caterpillars,"
or Royal soldiers, as worse than the enemy ; " will hang some of them."
Dives, Lewis, Abingdon, to Prince Rupert, February 21 — asks to enlarge his quarters
much straitened by the sheriff, who is keeping them for men he cannot raise ; county
gentlemen much dissatisfied.
Dives, Lewis, Abingdon, to Prince Rupert, June 6 — enemy move from Reading.
Dives, Lewis, Abingdon, to Prince Rupert, June 1 5 — horses coming in from country.
Dives, Lewis, Abingdon, to Prince Rupert, June 23 — enemy moves to Farrin' '"u.
Dives, Lewis, Stoney Stratford, to Prince Rupert, October 28, 3 a.m. — has re\ ,-ed in
telligence that Essex's army advances towards him ; intends to lead the foot 'towards
Buckinghamshire and wait Prince Rupert's further1 pleasure.
Dives, Lewis, Stoney Stratford, to Prince Rupert, October 28, 7. a.m. — his men are
drawn up, waiting Prince Rupert's commands, and " till daylight coming, will dis
cover what the enemy doth."
Dives, Lewis, Balesbury, to Prince Rupert, November 28 — presents his humble petition
that his regiment of foot and his troop of horse may return with Prince Rupert's
regiment, "and not remain longer in their bare and necessitous condition."
Digby, Lord George, Nottingham, to Prince Rupert, September 10 — professions of ser
vice, offers, <&c.
From  to  , no date, September 1 5 — apparently from Prince Rupert's secretary,
to Lord  , asking for 2000i. from Parliament, and pleading his good offices
with the King for them.
Bristol, Lord, to Prince Rupert, (no date) September — that the King grants " the
horse," asked for as his Highness's guard.
from  , Newcastle, to Prince Rupert, October 7 — congratulation on victory at 
 ?
Edwards, Thomas, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, February 13 — did call together the
gentry on Prince Rupert's first letter; thinks Prince Rupert does not know the con
ditions; the gentry undertook billeting three hundred of Lord Capell's horse for a
month, and that being expired, the greater part refused to subscribe farther; so
he and some others raised 4801. for the payment of officers and troopers, and so
continue.
Essex, Lewsham, to Colonel Fiennes, March 27 (intercepted) — enjoins punishment of
" Bristol traitors."
Essex, Tame, to Prince Rupert, June 21 — exchange of prisoners.
Fairfax, Sir T., Manchester, to Earl of Essex, February 24 (intercepted) — no great
return ; his chief aim has been to reduce small garrisons in Cheshire ; the county

500 INDEX AND ABSTRACT U643-4.
remiss in making levies; Prince Rupert raising forces in Salop; Irish troops landed
for him ; Sir Thomas must withdraw from these parts and join his horse to his
father's foot in Yorkshire.
Falkland, Ashby Lichfield, to Prince Rupert, July 10 — the Queen en route for King's
Norton, Worcestershire.
Falkland, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 22 — enclosing information of a trumpeter
deserted, who says people wont obey Parliament ; arms in Maimesbury.
Fane, Sir F., Doncaster, to Sir C. Lucas, February 12- — desiring intelligence and wishing
him success.
Fane, Sir F., Doncaster, to Prince Rupert, March — the enemy has quitted Hull
after demolishing some part of the works, &c. ; the people of Axhohne are in great
fear ; suggests that they be pardoned on laying down their arms.
Fines, John, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, March 17 — gives an account of the strength
of the garrison ; all mount arms.
Fiennes, Colonel, London, to Sir R. Hopton, August 13 — complains that the articles
of surrender of Bristol have been infringed ; expects " what belongs to honour and
justice," " as the faith and honour of the soldiers are the choicest jewels that he
carries about him."
Forth, Brill, to Prince Rupert, Feb. 19 — will meet his Royal Highness at Aylesbury.
Frohochie, Hen., Oxford, to Mr. Powell at Mr. Richard Lees, March 4 (private letter) —
his master is like to lose all the moneys Edward Powell paid to the Prince, and is
sufficiently laughed at by every gentleman that hears of it; Ashburnham will not pay ;
never had any money of the Prince's.
Fyton, Robert, Wem, to Sir Thomas Eyton, February 28 — asks to he exchanged
for some other prisoner.
Fines, John, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, March 22 — Sir W. Waller set upon Maimes
bury and very hard upon it ; sent help, but came two hours too late ; fears they
will attack us.
Fines, John, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, March 24 — Waller's army left garrison
in Maimesbury have had an engagement ; Lord Herbert in Gloucester.
Fortto, Brill, to General M., March 19 — will march before light and meet Prince Rupert ;
on Aylesbury field.
Gerrard, Genera], Brill, to Prince Rupert, February 11 — quaint.
Gerrard, General, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, December 3 — writes hastily to inform -
Prince Rupert that rebels, to the number of five hundred, have invested Boh House.
Gerrard, General, Esome, to Prince Rupert, December 13 — purposes to intercept "a
convoy of ammunition and moneys belonging to the rebels, on its way from
Warwick to Gloucester."
Gerrard, General, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, November 20 — acknowledges Prince
Rupert's favours in recommending him to the command ; " wishes that some good
occasion might present itself wherein he might be serviceable to Prince Rupert."
Gerrard, General, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, December 21 — acquaints Prince Ru
pert with the insufficiency of the garrison, and with the disaffected state of the
citizens, who seem disposed " to go back " of their promise of 20002. to the
King.
Gerrard, General, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, January 29 — Shrewsbury in ill con
dition through effects of blow received by Lord Byron ; asks for engines, as their
town is ill fortified.
Gerrard, General, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, February 22 — sends the names of
some persons able to lend Prince Rupert moneys.
Gerrard, General, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, February 28 — accounts for back
wardness in sending Prince Rupert the required contributions, because the Com
missioners must have it " after their wills."
Gerrard, General, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, March, 11 — desires to know what
course he is to pursue towards those who refuse to pay the contributions.
Goring, General, York, to Prince Rupert, April 18 — expression of affection, and desire
to serve Prince Rupert.
Goring, General, York, to Prince Rupert, April 22 — states that things are looking,
well ; two thousand six hundred men.
Goring, General, York, to Lord Digby, April 22— the Queen with them at York, very
" hearty."
Goring, General, York, to Mr. H. Percy, April 22 — " to sweep away the rubbish
(rebels) that obstruct."

1643-^.j u* CORRESPONDENCE. 501
Granbison, General, York, to Prince Rupert, July 17— suggests attack of Gloucester,
by boats, from Worcestershire.
GrANDIson, General, Cirencester, to the King, March 23— had drawn out his army to
meet the rebels, who " looked on and retired ;" despairs not on the morrow to meet
and vex the enemy."
Grant, W, Pendennis, in Cornwall, to Prince Rupert, October 21 — has sent a good
quantity of ammunition towards Bristol, for his Majesty's service ; has a suit to
Prince Rupert, that he will, on opportunity, exchange a kinsman of his, lieutenant
in Lord Northampton's regiment, made prisoner at Newbury, " and now confined
in Windsor Castle."
Hamilton, Duke of, Pershore, to Prince Rupert, January 1 — reports himself arrived
here.
Hamilton, Duke of, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, February 5 — will complete two regi
ments ; asks saddles, pistols, &c.
Hamilton, Duke of, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, February 6 — asks leave to appoint
garrison to Tewkesbury; surrendered.
Hastings, A., Ashby-de-la-Zouch, to Prince Rupert, January 17 — asks for troops to
' relieve Leicester, threatened by Lord Grey.
Hastings, H., Ashby-de-la-Zouch, to Prince Rupert, February 9 — congratulates (Ci
rencester) ; rebels threaten Stafford.
Hastings, H., Ashby-de-la-Zouch, to Prince Rupert, (no date, Monday) — Lord Grey
" drawing the water " hereabout ; few with him in fear of his Royal Highness's
approach ; would run away on the first noise of his coming across them.
Hastings, H., Ashby-de-la-Zouch, to Prince Rupert, May 29 — asks for Lord North
ampton's (Newark).
Hastings, H., Tamworth, to Prince Rupert, Saturday — has sent for " some " (perhaps
miners) such as Prince Rupert wished, of the most skilful he could get and could
procure one hundred more ; will be within one mile of Lichfield by 10 a.m. on the
morrow.
Hastings, H., Lichfield, to Prince Rupert, August 22 — will not fail to send the
waggons ; states the amount of Cromwell's forces and their movements.
Hastings, H., Tutbury Castle, to Prince Rupert, September 7 — reports movements of
enemy's forces.
Hastings, H., Tutbury Castle, to Prince Rupert, Sunday — gives an account of the re
capture of Tutbury Castle by the rebels.
Hastings, H., Ashby-Loughborough, to Prince Rupert, October 28 — wishes to mani
fest his " hearty desires to obey and serve Prince Rupert, by giving intelligence of
whatever comes to his knowledge."
Hawley, Sir F., Bristol, to Prince Rupert, December 14, the enemy, in great numbers,
have fallen upon Lyme and Taunton, and .driven out the garrisons ; Sir F.
Hawley entreats Prince Rupert to appoint him commander to all the horse and
foot in Somersetshire, " to avoid confusion."
Heath, R., to Prince Rupert, (no date) January 15 or 11 — complains that Mr. Curzon
took two horses.
Herbert, Lord, Ragland Castle, to Lord Glamorgan, February 7 — about to enter " the
forest " and master " the Sevearn."
Herbert, Lord, Worcester, to Lord Glamorgan, July 21— Cheshire and Lancashire
remain firm to royalty.
Herbert, Edw., Ragland Castle, to Lord Glamorgan, July 25— suggests that ships be
sent to reduce Milford Haven, which, " dissenting from aU Wales besides, only
remains refractory ;" offers forest miners to undermine Bristol Castle if required.
Herbert, Edw., Ragland Castle, to Lord Glamorgan, July 29— asks warrant for arms,
and reparation for property taken away by Waller's soldiers.
Herbert, Edw., Worcester, to Prince Rupert, October 2— reasons for Glamorgan's
going to Tewkesbury.
Herbert, Edw., Montgomery Castle, to Prince Rupert, February 27— requests either
to be left « to the defence of his own castle," or, if Prince Rupert will have a
garrison there, that he may be quartered in the town of Montgomery.
Herbert, Edw., Ludlow, to Prince Rupert, February 28— excuses himself for not at
tending on Prince Rupert until Friday or Saturday.
Herbert, Edw., Montgomery, to Prince Rupert, March 17— details the necessitous
state of his affairs and of his men ; reminds Prince Rupert about his commission for
the governorship of Montgomery Castle.

502 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [ 1643-4.
Herbert, Edw., Maimesbury, to Prince Rupert, March 26 — petitions for an independent
command, ammunition, &c.
Hertford, Marquis of, Keynsham, to Prince Rupert, July 21 — expect Rupert at Bristol.
Hopton, Lord, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, (no date) — complains of want of powder
(Oxford mills seem to have been destroyed), of money, and Colonel Long levying
in his quarters.
Hopton, Lord, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, August 15 — advertises the arrival of a store
frigate by his procurement.
Hopton, Lord, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, August 21— encloses Colonel Fienne's letter ¦
has examined into complaint ; asks for arms.
Hopton, Lord, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, September 1 — is repairing the works very
slowly for want of means; asks arms.
Hopton, Lord, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, September 6 — repeats substance of his former
letter, which, for his own safety, the servant " was forced to cast away."
Hopton, Lord, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, September 7 — asks for the assistance of a
lieutenant-governor ; recommends Sir F. Hawley for that post ; has received rein
forcements of horse and foot, " but, for arming and paying, they are out of his
reach."
Hopton, Lord, Sudbury, to Prince Rupert, October 3 — on his way to the relief of
Berkeley Castle, but heard, en route, of enemy's retreat.
Hopton, Lord, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, October 25 — reports the disaffected state of
the country, and measures adopted to separate the rebel's army.
Hopton, Lord, Winchester, to the King, November 8 — informs his Majesty of Essex's
whispered designs ; of his having conveyed men and ammunition into Aylesbury.
Hopton, Lord, Alresford, to Prince Rupert, December 22 — requests that Prince Ru
pert will send some other good regiments " in place of those which he resumes."
Hyde, Sir E., to Lord Falkland, October 29' — suggesting that Hampden and Goodwyn
be arrested.
Hynes, H., Banbury, to Prince Rupert, March 13 — apologises to Prince Rupert for
saving Lord Northampton's tenants from being plundered in Lord Northamp
ton's absence.
Hines, John, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, March 1 7 — a regiment of men he has not
armed.
Hines, John, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, March 22 — Maimesbury taken by the rebels.
Hines, John, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, March 24 — Waller is en route from
Maimesbury.
Hines, John, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, April 25 — has opened Prince Rupert's
letter to Lord Crauford.
Hines, John, Leachland (Wiltshire), to Prince Rupert, May 30 — one of the hundreds
assigned him is under contribution to the Government ; asks for a warrant to levy
there also some additional troops, for they are in arrears with men and officers ;
Waller is gone for Worcester.
Hines, John, Shartrall, to Prince Rupert, January 12 — protests that the late misfortune
befallen his regiment was no fault of his ; refers to the testimony of eye-witnesses.
Jermyn, H. Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 11 — gains a favourable report of|affairs
in his quarters ; some little quantities of arms have arrived from France ; " a httle
blow given in Dorsetshire to Colonel Wyndham's regiment."
Jermyn, H. Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 15 — concerning a demand for Messrs.
Fowler and Offley to go and come from Westminster with propositions for peace;
desires to be informed of Prince Rupert's march northward, in order to provide him
with arms and ammunition.
Jermyn, H. Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 22 — Lord Manchester marched strong:
to Northampton ; Lord Newcastle desires assistance ; Sir W. Vavasour here on a:
question between him and the gentry of Gloucester.
Jermyn, H. Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 23 — Lord Essex's answer to be con.;
sidered on the morrow.
Jermyn, H. Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 26 — by his Majesty's desire, givei-
account of affairs in the North ; King's party beaten in Yorkshire ; Newark an(,.;
Belvoir in some measure distressed. *;
Jermyn, H. Oxford,- to Prince Rupert, March 16 — letter marked as Prince Rupcr .
suggests ; caused supplies of ammunition to be sent to Dudley Castle for his Roya;
Highness's service; his Majesty thinks Lord Newcastle must fight the Scots, an,:,
prevent their advance into Yorkshire. :

1642-3.] OF CORRESPONDENCE. 503
Jermvn, H. Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 15— the Commissioners have voted six
thousand men to be raised in the counties under Prince Rupert's command ; Waller
at Lichfield in expectation " of slipping down to the West."
Jermvn, H., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 24— excuses the slackness of sending
stores for Prince Rupert's forces ; Irish agents arrived, but nothing yet known " of
what is like to be done."
Jermvn, H., Exeter, to Prince Maurice— letter in cypher ; believes Essex intends to set
down before this place ; " it can hold out six weeks or two months, and then be
taken if not relieved."
Jeuffe, Lord, Dublin, to Prince Rupert, October 16 — this kingdom in a likely way for
peace ; no fear of breach, except from the Scots, " from whom we cannot be secure
without we have liberty to destroy them ; " "if they were provided with shipinge,"
could furnish his Royal Highness with as many Irish, well armed, as Prince Rupert
pleases."
Kirke, L., Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, March 10 — proposes to stop the cattle which
at this season are driven out of the town into Staffordshire ; waits Prince Rupert's
further commands.
Londisbale, Edward, Banbury, to the Earl of Northampton, October 24 — an express
from a gentleman of quality, signifying that five columns of horse had marched out
of Warwick, that their troops were then rendezvoused at Hill Morton.
Leveson, Y. , Dudley Castle, to the King, February 8 — according to his Majesty's
command, had raised the country ; the poorer sort came in freely, but being unable
to buy arms, required a second appearance of better condition ; these were pre
vented by warrants from Loughborough and Colonel Bagot, besides those of the
rebels from Stafford and other places.
Lewesford, H., Maimesbury, to Prince Rupert, March 15 — asks for cannon.
Loughborough, Lord, Ashby, to Prince Rupert, March 9 — reiterates former complaints
of Colonel Leveson ; " if his Majesty does him not right in punishing him according
to merit, Lord Loughborough is the unhappiest of any ;" explains his position ; " if
by neglect or cowardice his Majesty's greatness suffered by him, his head, not his
reputation only deserved to suffer.
Loughborough, Lord, (perhaps) Belvoir, to Prince Rupert, (no date) — invites Prince
Rupert to take Leicester and Derby, which are ill defended ; offers to assist with
one thousand horse and one thousand foot, and asks for one thousand muskets.
Loughborough, Lord, Belvoir, to Prince Rupert, (no date) — Lord Derby's forces ex
pected at Leicester ; Cromwell to come thither suddenly ; Manchester at Hunting
don ; commissioners of Lincoln and Nottingham to prepare for an assault.
Loughborough, Lord, Belvoir, to Prince Rupert, November 29 — reports an advantage
gained by his Belvoir horse over Fairfax ; asks leave for Marquis of Ormond
to bring over his company from Ireland, and to furnish Serjeants and corporals for
the troops he desires to raise.
Massev, E., Gloucester, to Colonel Fiennes, February 11 — threatened by the Welch,
and Sir W. Russell's mob.
Maurice, Prince, Gloucester, to Colonel Fiennes, July 20— concerning attack on Bristol.
Maxwell, George, Berkeley Castle, to Prince Rupert, September 8— since the siege
kf of Gloucester raised, the people here have so increased their former baseness, that
1 he cannot get the castle victualled ; so httle trust in them, that though " he
should have enough to raise a troop of horse, he should almost fear to have his throat
cut."
Menkes, John, Berkeley Castle, to Prince Rupert, February 2— the commissioners con
sider the change more than the convenience, and the garrison is ready to disband for
want of pay and provision ; pray to be delivered from the power of commissioners ;
had rather be sent home from constable to constable.
Mennes, John, Berkeley Castle, to Prince Rupert, February 9— all are armed with pa
tience until Prince Rupert's arrival ; went to Oswestrie to meet a troop sent him
by Lord Byron, which were claimed by commissioners of array.
Mennes, John, Salop, to Prince Rupert, February 10— Lord Byron about to send hither
seventeen hundred foot (under Tillier and Broughton), just landed from Ireland :
ke will do his best in finding them provisions, but has no money; asks Pnnce Ku-
i, pert to command the sheriff to provide them shoes and hose.
jfcittEs, John, Elmere, to Prince Rupert, March 30— Lord Byron has taken four out-
| garrisons of the enemy in Flintshire. Some divisions in the army as to the chief
I command.
i VOL. I. L L

504 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1642-3.
Mennes, John, to Prince Rupert (no date) — no sooner was Prince Rupert gone, than
the rebels began to swarm ; took Wellington Castle, which was wrenched from them
soon after, and they themselves defeated by Sir W. Vaughton and Colonel Ellis.
Moody, George, Bury, to his brother, October 10 — sends him 100/., and promises more ;
desires him to borrow some from the drapers at Boston, which his father will repay ;
will send a horse for his lieutenant. ,
Morton, William, Winchcombe, to his brother, August 3 — concerning the presumed de
sertion of some officers and men ; most of the blue coats run away ; is very con
fident that Gloucester will yield if it is demanded, for the deserters say " that the-
town soldiers are resolved not to strike a stroke against the King."
Neille, D., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 6 — congratulates on victory.
Neille, D., Abingdon, to Prince Rupert, December 19 — complains of troopers, who live,;
at free quarters, and plead Prince Maurice's permission.
Neille, D., Abingdon, to Prince Rupert, December 25 — complaining of Colonel Blagge't
dragoons.
Newcastle, to Prince Rupert, October 7 — congratulation on victory.
Newcastle, to Prince Rupert — congratulates for victory.
Newcastle, Chesterfield, to Prince Rupert, December 10 — army threatened on all sides
so that if Prince Rupert cannot take Lancashire off his hands, he doubts it will b(
too late to hinder the great army of rebels coming from Scotland; five thousand art,
going to Hull to entertain the Duke of Newcastle there.
Newcastle, Pomfret, to Prince Rupert, January 16 — Prince Rupert has been tok
he has great force, which is not true ; Scots advanced as far as Morpeth, fqurteef
thousand, as report goes.
Newcastle, Pomfret, to Prince Rupert, January 21— excuses himself from obeying
orders to act, his troops being disorganized.
Newcastle, Newcastle, to Prince Rupert, February 4 — " Scots before the town with ,
very great army; his own not half that which was here when the town wa'
rendered," yet he holds the town; leaves particulars to the brave Sir William EV
lendine.
Newcastle to the King, Feb. 13 — marched his army from Yorkshire in the thaw an!
floods to Newcastle, the night before the Scots, attacked it ; the town's soldiers ver(
faithful, and drove them a mile from the town, where they remain raising the whoh
country ; fourteen hundred foot and two thousand horse to be joined by Fairfai"
whilst the Royal army cannot possibly bring into the field more than five thousand
foot and three thousand horse, and want arms and ammunition.
Newcastle to Lord Digby, February 16 — has signed a subscription, subscribed b
divers of the nobility of the kingdom; by means of a pass had forwarded Hint'
Scotland, and so his lordship's order therein shall be observed without delai"
account of his position (as above).
Newcastle to the Ring, February 1 6 — urges his Majesty to send more forces to be::l
the Scots, by which " his game will be absolutely won;" " if his Majesty think fi ¦¦:
they should be followed, while truly he thinks his Majesty' s crowns are hazan.
ed;" Sir Thomas Fairfax very strong in the West Riding; his father master -¦*
the East Riding.
Newcastle, Lincoln, to Prince Rupert, August 7 — congratulates on victories, "whic
as they are too big for anybody else, so they appear too little for his Royal Highness:
Newcastle, Beverly, to Prince Rupert, August 29 — Prince Rupert will not allr
himself to be told of his victories, but the world will " derive it to posterity to 1 :
Royal Highness's everlasting fame." ;^
Newcastle, Cottingham, to Mr. Hastings, September 18— Lord Willoughby and Cm--
well got abroad in great numbers, taking advantage of the army's engagement ehs
where; proposes to Mr. Hastings to meet them with all the horse and foot he i
spare, and join Sir T. Henderson.
Newcastle, Cottingham, to Prince Rupert, October 3 — wishes Prince Rupert joy of
late great victory, " which he is confident the rebels will never recover, so that t.
may salute the King King again, and only by his Royal Highness's hand." I
Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, December 13 — enemy threatens ; to sc
lord for assistance. >
Northampton, Banbury, to the King, December 20 — the rebels with three thous
horse, and peasants with pitchforks are coming.
Northampton, Dedington, to Prince Rupert, December 22 — pursued by the ener..
sends Colonel Wentworth for orders to the Prince.

1642-3.]

OF CORRESPONDENCE. 505

Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, December 26— asks for force to prevent the
rebels reassembling.
Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, December 28— asks for three hundred
dragoons to repel forties and fifties of rebels, and to inspirit the country.
Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, January 4 — asking to succeed to the com
mand upon his father's death.
Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, January 4 — arrests Colonel Wagstaff ; Lord
Grey threatens Banbury with troops.
Northampton, Banbury, to Sir J. Astley, February 28 — Lord Brooke on his march to
Stafford.
Northampton, Banbury, to the King's Secretary, March 2 — Lord Chesterfield besieged ;
Warwick Castle weak.
Northampton, Ragland, to Prince Rupert, March 7 — professes readiness to send troops
to Prince Rupert.
Newport, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, February 2 — sheriff has given notice that a
great magazine of powder is coming to the town, and that Prince Rupert intends to
make it his residence; makes known to Prince Rupert that there is no magazine of
victuals, and therefore Prince Rupert should not venture his person and army till
one is provided.
Newport, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 2 — occurrences from the north; Scots
defeated by Sir R. Langsdent; retreated to Alnwick ; Irish landed for the King ;
Essex come with five thousand to Warwick.
Newport, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 2 — transcript of a letter from Essex to Lord
Forth concerning Sir R. Crooke having escaped undressed on horseback and Sir F.
Nonys taken out of his house, both their houses being near Reading.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, 10 p. m. to Prince Rupert (no date) — his Majesty gives way
1 concerning the marching of the army, which he thought should not move till they
knew certainly where the Queen was ; waits till Prince Rupert sends him word.
<icholas, Sir Edward, to Prince Rupert, October 16 — money comes slowly to Parlia
ment ; said to be wrangling amongst themselves. Essex has marched from Windsor ;
.,, supposed to be falling on Brill; Prince Maurice about Upton, and Waller said to be
within half a mile.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 4 — King negotiates for a cessa
tion with Parliament, which grants four more days, during which there is to be
no plundering on either side; the King forbears to agree to any cessation north of
the Trent till he hears from the Earl of Newcastle the state of his army; seven
more days of cessation.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 6 — threats that Essex comes
with all his forces from Windsor, Oakingham, &c, Lord Grey from St. Albans with
those of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex, and Cromwell with those of Cambridge and
Huntingdonshire, Waller from Gloucester; but Prince Maurice at Tewkesbury keeps
them in check.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 10— the treaty goes on here, but
it is apparent " the omnipotent powers" have no desire to peace as yet; if the King
consent not to the two propositions, the Commissioners return to London, and " he
believes that, till they are gone, Essex will not come this way."
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 11— Essex cannot stir from
Windsor till his troops have pay; Maurice waits at Tewkesbury to meet Waller in
crossing the Severn; treaty goes on; nothing will content the Parliament but their
own demands; thinks it must come to nought; it is said that the two Houses have
desired Essex to deliver up his commission, and that they will make Hampden then-
general.
Nicholas, Sir Edward , Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 20 (partly cipher)— urges Pnnce
Rupert coming without delay; "it would be better the county of Stafford were
lost than the town of Reading;" the governor, Sir A. Aston, disabled by an accident;
rebels much encouraged thereby; almost environed by twelve thousand foot and
three thousand horse. . . c
"mows, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 21— reiterates arguments for
dispatch; "it is the opinion here that if Prince Rupert come not, Reading is lost;
Aston past hope of life. , _,. , . , .
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 23 (the Kings own cipher)
-the King himself goes to Wallingford, where all his forces are to meet him to
relieve Reading; the rebels repulsed the King's forces the last night; the town can-

506 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1642-3.
not hold out without succour beyond to-morrow ; if the rebels get Reading on any
terms, thew will grow very insolent in London ; if they fail, they will give ear to a
just and equal accommodation.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 24 (the King's own cipher-
recommends vigilance, for the rebels are in strong parties dispersed in all parts;
they have taken up a quarter of his Majesty's at Dorchester, and cut in pieces a
regiment and divers foot belonging to the Life Guard.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to the King, April 26 (the King's own cipher)—
has warned Northampton to be very vigilant of Waller's movements, who generally
marches by night; ammunition come to Newark for his Majesty; gives his opinion
against his Majesty drawing off his forces from before Reading.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to the King, April 28 (the King's own cipher)— the
Commissioners have sent forces to defend Brill; the King of France not dead,
though not thought likely to recover, and has received extreme unction.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, to Prince Rupert, May 11 — will communicate all he knows to
Prince Rupert, but, not being one of the close committee at Court, was never
thought worthy to be trusted with the affairs of the West, where Bamfield is to
attend Prince Rupert; disorders and jealousies amongst the officers.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, to Prince Rupert, May 1 7 — some gentleman, writing from Lon
don, thinks it would not be very difficult to intercept Essex on his way from London
to Reading.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, to Prince Rupert, May 12 — money very hard to he got in.
London for rebel army, notwithstanding their great boast of the taking of Reading;:
King ordered Prince Maurice to pursue Waller wheresoever he goeth. :
Nicholas, Sir Edward, to Prince Rupert, July 8 — letters from the Queen confirm good;
news from the North of Fairfax, father and son, being beaten, the latter valiantly
leaving his wife to be taken; the Queen, on her progress South, took Burton-upon-:
Trent by assault: postscript in his Majesty's autograph. ,-
Nicholas, Sir Edward, to Prince Rupert (same date) — long postscript from the King;*
Essex goes to Brackley, therefore his Majesty is confident the best way for his wife
will be Worcester, otherwise it will be impossible for her forces to eschew fightings:
and that before his Majesty can come up.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 11 — Prince Maurice and Marquis
of Hertford are at Devizes in very good heart, wanting only arms and ammunition:
the Queen to bring all Lord Capell's, Colonels Cavendish and Hastings', and the rest
of the horse and foot.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 25 — rebels beaten from beforc
Tutbury; Essex within two miles of Aylesbury ; Waller gone to London; "thej,
raise men apace for him."
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, (same date)— Waller at Warwick; ii
his passage thither beaten by Sir W. Russell; rebels stolen away from Chester wit];
loss. s
Nicholas, Sir Edward, to the King, August 8 — sends Captain Molineux to his Majesty,
he is an intimate friend of Massey, Governor of Gloucester, whose affections are witlj
his Majesty, and not having served, " but that he was refused the employment he d^,
sired, if Captain Molineux sees him, to persuade him to render himself and Gloo,,
cester to his Majesty's hands. *
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, October 30 (mostly in cipher)— six hut,',
dred musketeers are sent from Brill to Prince Rupert, and 501. worth of bread orderet^
in future, provisions should be taken from Buckingham or Bicester on account (^
the distance. k
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, October 15— rebel forces lately con,,
to Bedford, others to Newport Pagnell; certain that Waller hath delivered up b?
commission; that Waller's officers and soldiers are much disgusted, and some refuV
to march with Essex.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, October 27— Prince Rupert to decii:
a question of precedency between Colonels Gerrard and Bellasis.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, October 28 — Essex has come %
Hitchin; supposed that he draws to join the Earl of Manchester before approachii;
Newport; the King offers Prince Rupert more forces. . ;
Nicholas, Sir Edward, to Prince Rupert, Oxford, October 31— his Majesty desires Prir
Rupert to have one Tapper apprehended, and punished by martial or common la,1
under pretence of being a soldier (which he is not), he robs all men.

1642-3.] OF CORRESPONDENCE. 507
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, November 1—50/. worth more bread
ordered to Prince Rupert, which he is to send carts for; the provisions to be out of
the pay.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, November 3— Waller draws off his
forces from Basing House to Basingstoke ; sent for scaling-ladders.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, November 5— more provisions ordered
for Prince Rupert's army; Essex goes to St. Albans for winter quarters.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, November 6 — Waller gives out he in
tends to attempt Worcester ; Lord Hopton at Andover; Prince Maurice recovered, not
strong; report that the King's forces have driven rebels from Newark.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, November 7 and 8 — concerning
assigning regiments; the five hundred cattle taken by Prince Rupert to be sold
at Oxon, and the money sent back to be distributed by Prince Rupert.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, November 12 — intelligence in cipher.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, November 16— Lord Capell adver
tises that the rebels have taken Holt, by which Chester is sore straitened; that
Lord Biron must hasten away, for then Sir A. Aston will be sent to take his place
with Prince Rupert.
Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, May 2 — advertisements from London, where
by it appears Essex is not well pleased, nor in a good condition.
Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, May 2 — great complaints of Sir Henry
Huncks, the governor, on suspicion of his corresponding with the rebels; sends him
to render an account to his Royal Highness.
Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, May 8 — Captain Hopton, of Colonel Croker's
regiment, tore a warrant of his brother's, and said he would receive orders only from
his colonel ; Croker also threatens to drive away the cattle of his tenants if they do
not pay 47/. and strives to prejudice him (Northampton) in every way.
Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, December 19 and 23 — on the same subject;
prays for a protection under Prince Rupert's hand for his tenants in the constabulary
of Braiks and the town of Long Compton; will, according to Prince Rupert's com
mands, march on the morrow by daybreak to the relief of Graston.
Northampton, Shillington near Wolverhampton, to Prince Rupert, March 27 — rebels
now separated, some to Nantwich, others to Derby, therefore the less necessity for
Prince Rupert's presence in these parts, where provisions are all spent.
O'Neille, Dan, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, February 13 — waiting for ammunition
from Ireland for Prince Rupert ; complains of Prince Rupert taking his troops
with him ; if his Royal Highness does him not the favour to send it back, he must
sell his horse to buy the others meat.
O'Neille, Dan, Ragland Castle, to Prince Rupert, February 20 — has sent two hundred
horse-mails for the Irish Commissioners.
Ottley, Sir Francis, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, January 31 — prepares for his Royal
Highness's coming, " whereof the country is heartily glad."
Ottley, Sir Francis, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, February 2 — with the advice of the
Commissioners and town authorities, has provided a temporary magazine, " till the
castle be repaired ; some have been executed for being concerned in the plot of the
rebels against the town."
Ottley, Sir Francis, Shrewsbury, February 12 — a townsman that was condemned had
escaped to the rebels at Wem ; the Provost-Marshal in prison ; council of war hold
him guilty of Article III ; that there are troops at Longford in expectation of
Prince Rupert's march from Worcester.
Porter, George, York, to Prince Rupert, December 20,— excuses himself ^ of having
. merited " the frown which Prince Rupert was pleased to put upon him at his
coming away."
f!M, John, Westminster, to Sir W. Waller, March 14 (intercepted)— articles of peace
uncertain.
Robinson, T., Savoy, London, to his father, January 15— very witty private letter,
concerning parliamentary proceedings. _ .
Ebbgeway, W., Chester, to Lord Capell, April 14— has sent ammunition to Pnnce
Knpert, and writes express to announce.
'Howell, John, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, December 22— hears of the death of Captain
Ventris, and concerning the consequent promotion.
WSSELL, Sir W., Worcester, to Prince Rupert, July 19— Waller come with all his force
to Gloucester ; on his way took men from their houses, " and forced them to come

508 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1642-3.
with him," and drives men from their homes lest he should compel them ; asks
that Prince Rupert will send a convoy to Tewkesbury to meet the cannon and
boats.
Russell, Sir W., Tewkesbury, to Prince Rupert, August 8 — come hither to attend
Prince Rupert ; it is " imputed to him as a fault that he hath left Worcester, now
it is like to be in danger ;" beseeches Prince Rupert's orders whether he shall stay
or return to that part.
Russell, Sir W., Worcester, to Prince Rupert, February 1 — pleads that the city is hard
pressed.
Sackville, Thomas, Bybury, to Prince Rupert, January 6— excuses himself from service,
being sick ; sends his sons instead.
SaEnnENcouRT, Michael, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, February 18 — concerning thetaffety
for the colours which has been in the town this month, but Captain Deane, in whose
custody it is, will not distribute without ready money ; prays his Royal Highness
to give orders for them, as " it will give some content to the soldiers, though they
have no clothes."
Slaughter, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, July 31 — writes by Sir W. Vavasour's
desire to state the remissness of the country under his command; without Lord Her
bert's assistance from his private purse, he could never have seated himself in the
city of Hereford.
Smith, Christopher, Cheerington, to Mr. Spencer Lucy, May 15 — concerning "a diffe
rence between Colonel Croker and our town."
Sudford, Thomas, " My garrison in Bristol Castle," to Prince Rupert, November 30—
"is zealous in desire to wait on Prince Rupert ;" not advance of title he covets, but
his Royal Highness's commission to reduce him to his old duty.
Tracy, John, Taddington, to Prince Rupert, July 10 — gives notice that Waller has
marched by Evesham with seventeen colours of horse towards Warwick.
Trevor, Arthur, Taddington, to Prince Rupert, February 16— Lord Jermyn very active
in Prince Rupert's service, and hopes shortly to have a present from himself to Prince
Rupert ; two hundred barrels of powder, five hundred muskets, three hundred pair
of pistols.
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to Prince Rupert, February 1 9 — Barnstaple, which submitted to
Prince Maurice, and by his mediation received his Majesty's pardon, is now up in
arms for Parliament, as is conceived " by that son of perdition, Perd the Recorder."
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to Prince Rupert, February 22 — 200/. payable by theeounty of
Denbigh, to be assigned to Captain Wake, lying at Beaumaris, where his men are
in a high state of mutiny for want of pay; apologies for intermeddling within his
Royal Highness's charge.
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to Prince Rupert, February 23— clothing for his Royal Highness's
servants and pages, to be ready at Oxon ; asks his pleasure ; merchants solicitous
for payment, if Prince Rupert will not have his Majesty moved in it ; Lord Jermyn
and A. T. will pay all the sum down — 200/.
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to Prince Rupert, February 24 — Lord Newport is come ; Lord
Percy cries out for his waggons, which Prince Rupert has.
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to Prince Rupert, February 28 — The King, on hearing of Prince
Rupert's want of arms and ammunition, " after a deep sigh, said, s This will he more
terrible to me than the parting of flesh and bones ;' " Lord Jermyn hopes to secure to
Prince Rupert a good portion of that which has arrived at Dartmouth from Leeds,
till Prince Rupert's affairs of peace and war are settled to his desires, A. T. will
not cease to urge his Majesty ; an interview every morning in the garden.
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to Prince Rupert, March — amusing account of presenting Prince
Rupert's letters to M. de Lablache ; fears no men will fall to Prince Rupert from
Ireland ; the Commons engaged in reforming the army; twelve thousand foot fixed
for his Majesty's quarters, besides garrisons, and he presumes the proportion of four
thousand horse.
Tracy, Sir H., to Prince Rupert (no date) — Commons very hot on Lord Percy; King s
horse in Lord Wilmot's hands ; King is in all things Prince Rupert's advocate, and
lets nothing pass within his Royal Highness's circuit without special reference to
him.
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to Prince Rupert, March 8 — Prince Rupert's health and the
growth of his army so much the expectation of this place, that they reckon it as the
great reserve, or as Goliah's sword behind the door ; supposed that Essex's design
is for Basing house, whilst Waller slips into Kent.

1G42-3.J OF CORRESPONDENCE. 509
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to Prince Rupert, March 5 -concerning commissions granted for
levies in Worcestershire ; Pnnce Rupert passionately troubled lest Commissioners
he sent into his jurisdiction inconsistent with his.
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to Prince Rupert, March 7— enclosing papers from the Lord
Treasurer ; Newark besieged with eight thousand foot ; King pressed to send
Pnnce Rupert to its relief.
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to Prince Rupert, March 24— "all things pass for Lord Hopton,
and nothing for Prince Rupert ; and yet they expect Prince Rupert's powers equal,
if not exceed, his lordship's when they come to shew hands ; is in despair for money
unless some notable success open the purse-strings ;" congratulates on great victory;
" his Royal Highness absolutely the favourite at Court."
Tracy, Sir H., Oxon, to William Legge, April (no date)— sends ammunition ; Tewkes
bury retaken by rebels ; one hundred slain, most in their beds ; " so ever fatal hath
security and love of clean sheets been to the King's army."
Vavasour, Sir William, Presteigne, to Prince Rupert, July 26 — had been lost in the
opinion of the country, unless he had made an attempt on Brampton Castle; Sir
Robert Herlock's house ; asks Prince Rupert to give him three or four warnings
before his command to his rendezvous.
Vavasour, Sir William, Hereford, to Prince Rupert, July 30— large promises from the
gentry of these parts, though their performance for the present has been very little ;
Lord Herbert would supply funds, but moneys fail him ; beseeches Prince Rupert to
spare what ammunition he conveniently can.
Vavasour, Sir William, Monmouth, to Prince Rupert, August 4 — hopes to be master of
Brampton Castle before he marches to Prince Rupert ; has had much assistance from
Colonel Price and Sir Walter Pye ; little from the associated counties.
Vavasour, Sir William, Brampton Castle, to Prince Rupert, August 6 — intends to leave
sufficient force before the castle if it still holds out, and. to be within a day's march
of Gloucester by the 7th, with one thousand two hundre'd men, three hundred horse,
and sixty fine men ; recommends Sir John Winter to his Royal Highness's favour.
Vavasour, Sir William, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, December 4 — alludes to some sup
posed plot against Prince Rupert ; intends, this winter, to block up Gloucester, and
present his Royal Highness a handsome army by the spring.
Vavasour, Sir William, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, December 9 — his designs frustrated by
having the means withdrawn, "the King being made to believe that twelve hundred
foot and three hundred and twenty horse will do it."
Vavasour, Sir Wrilliam, Tewkesbury, to Prince Rupert, January 6, 1643-4 — not so
I strong in the town as he presumes is expected, as Lord Herbert will not allow his
regiment to join him ; the rebels approach as far as Clemden.
Vavasour, Sir William, Tewkesbury, to Prince Rupert, January 7, 4 a.m. —rebels ad
vance with their convoy, which way not known ; proposes that Prince Rupert send
some forces to assist in forcing them to retire.
Vavasour, Sir William, Tewkesbury, to Prince Rupert, Jan. 31 — has called upon Sir W.
Tracy concerning the chief command ; advised him to press his Royal Highness
to accept it and choose his own deputy ; prays Prince Rupert to order that his gar
rison at Berkeley Castle should not take contribution out of other parts of the county.
Vavasour, Sir William, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, February 6 — has given the rebels
a httle blow at Painswick; killed above one hundred on the place; took two lieu
tenants and twenty-eight soldiers; and only lost one man.
Vavasour, Worcester, to Prince Rupert— sends his Lieutenant-Colonel (Price) to
acquaint Prince Rupert that he has despatched a strong regiment to ensafe the gar
rison at Evesham and places adjacent ; himself is upon his march into the forest.
Vavasour, Sir William, Newent, to Prince Rupert, February 17— has freed the Forest
of Dean, so that the rebels have not one garrison left in it ; and has fortified the
houses ; hears that the enemy advances towards Gloucester.
Vavasour, Worcester, to Prince Rupert— fears that his hopeful designs will be ruined
through the uncertainties at Court ; more zealously inclined to serve Prince Rupert,
because some at Court seek to ruin its offices ; talk of hindering his Royal Highness
from the Presidency of Wales.
Wentworth, Lord Thomas, Buckingham, to Prince Rupert, May 15— his men not
verv governable ; fall extremely to the old kind of plundering ; Sir J. Byron and
himself have taken a few sheep and cattle from a knight notoriously ill-affected
towards his Majesty ; shall do the like with other such, but not so ill-natured as to
do it in other cases.

510 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1642-3.
Wintworth, Lord Thomas, Buckingham, to Prince Rupert, May 16 — reports
proceedings at the village of Horwood ; compounded with the people not to plunder,
for 100/.; at Swinburne the people got up into the church in arms ; after three
messages, inviting to come and lay down arms, fired the village and forced them
out.
Wentworth, Lord Thomas, Brackley, to Prince Rupert.November 2 — sends a letter from
his father, offering service ; would have presented it himself, but received orders to
march with Lord Wilmot.
Whyte, Andrew, Limerick, to Ingnatius Whyte, March 25 — Du Blanch sends France
nine hundred soldiers ; Ignatius is to go to Paris till he hears of their arrival ;
(secret instructions.)
Wiooington, William, Gainsborough, to Prince Rupert, September 24— marches
towards Sir J. Henderson with twenty troop of horse.
R. W. (a prisoner), Windsor Castle, to Prince Rupert, September 12 — chief design of
the rebels to stop the clamour of the hungry soldiers, for which purpose they intend
to force 2000/. from Reading ; warns Prince Rupert of the certain danger, and
beseeches him to provide against it ; cross them but in this design, and they will dis
band for want of means.
Willoughby, Philip, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 7 — account of Lord Northampton's
victory over the rebels, who came towards Banbury from Northampton, killed above
a hundred, took three hundred prisoners, with the cannon and ammunition ; Lord
Northampton lost only three men.
Wilmot, Lord H., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 11 — Sir Robert Welsh desires to win
a fortune in this expedition into the West; waits on Prince Rupert to know his
pleasure.
Wilmot, Lord H., Abingdon, to Prince Rupert, December 1, reluctantly obeys route
to Wantage.
Wilmot, Lord H. , Wantage, to Prince Rupert, December 2 — asks artillery.
Wilmot, Lord H., to Prince Rupert, (no date,) January 21, has given orders to Prince
Maurice to march to Brackley.
Wilmot, Lord H., Bicester, to Prince Rupert, January 22 — acknowledges orders that
the foot shall take what horse, or where, they can get.
Wilmot, Lord H., Bletchington, to Prince Rupert, June 4 — has had a guard all night at
Whitby Bridge to observe the enemy.
Wilmot, Lord H , Bletchington, to Prince Rupert, June 6 — only intelligence that the
enemy lie still, and it is believed will not stir suddenly.
Wilmot, Lord H„ Bletchington, to Prince Rupert, June 8 — last night the guard were
well nigh cut off ; asks more troops.
Wilmot, Lord H., Bletchington, to Prince Rupert, June 12— a Serjeant at 2 a.m. ven
tured within one mile of the enemy's quarters at Tame, but saw not so much as a
sentry stirring.
Wilmot, Lord H., Bletchington, to Prince Rupert, August 3 — Essex last night at Chil-
tern ; his horse at Walton ; to-day they rendezvous at Bicester.
Wilmot, Lord H., Bicester, to Prince Rupert, October 29 — according to his Royal
Highness's commands, has quartered near Brill.
Wilmot, Lord H., Blackthorn Windmill, to Prince Rupert, October 30— is marching to
Buckingham ; met Colonel Thelwall's force en route to Prince Rupert.
Wilmot, Lord H., Buckingham, to Prince Rupert, October 31 — has quartered six or
seven miles from the town ; will take care of the foot.
Wilmot, Lord H., Brackley, to Prince Rupert, November — prays Prince Rupert to take
order that their moneys be kept for their own brigade.
Wilmot, Lord H., Woodstock, to Prince Rupert, December 1 — enemy has marched
out of Bicester, and bend their march towards Gloucester ; will not fail to do all he
can to trouble their march.
Wilmot. Lord H., Winchester, to Prince Rupert, December 24 — the march towards
Waller delayed till Wednesday ; hopes it may not prove a day after the fair, and
that they may not despair of being relieved.
Wilmot, Lord H., Stamford, to Prince Rupert, January 1 — news that the castle is
lost ; wishes Prince Rupert to send for " his old horse and men, or they will be,
utterly ruined."
Wilmot, Lord H., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 22— gives an account left witb
him by Prince Rupert ; has met with great difficulty, but hopes the worst ii
passed.

1644.]

OF CORRESPONDENCE. 511

Wilmot, Lord H., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 27— congratulates on great victory,
which has relieved his quarters, on which the enemy pressed very strong ; hoped to
recruit Prince Rupert's regiment, but has not received one penny for that purpose.
Wilmot, Lord H., Basingstoke, to Prince Rupert, March 26— the King likes very well
his Royal Highness's plans for his journey into the North, and for the disposition
of Maimesbury and those parts ; leave it to his Royal Highness, only Colonel
Bamfield suggests if Prince Rupert thinks him a fit man.
Winchester, Earl of, Basingstoke, to the King, December 2 — cannot hold Basingstoke
without assistance.
Winter, Sir John, Chepstow, to Prince Rupert, February 28 — mutiny in his army,
which disbanded for want of pay.
Woodhouse, Michael, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, Febmary 9 — guards ill kept
by the townspeople ; has now ordered that thirty of his troops should watch
with as many of the townspeople ; a court martial condemned the town marshal to
suffer death in the place of one who was allowed to escape after being sentenced to
be hanged for betraying the place ; wait till Prince Rupert's arrival.
Woodhouse, Michael, Hopton, to Prince Rupert, March 2— had made an attempt on
the castle, and been beaten, with loss of one captain, two soldiers, and sixteen hurt ;
thinks it connot be taken without cannon.
Ashburnham, John, (West, no date) to Prince Rupert, in his Majesty's cipher; —
rebels marched at 3 a.m. from Shaftsbury towards Salisbury ; Manchester at New
berry; Sir R. Grenville has beaten the rebels out of Saltash, after returning God
thanks for victory ; he intends to hang three hundred rebels.
Asteley, Jacob, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, August 24 — " conveys his never decaying
duty and service ;" has been a long time blocked up by Waller's forces, who has
displeased the brethren in London, and Woodmonger Brown sent to supply his room.
Asteley, Jacob, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, November 25 — has been to Crickland,
and finds not the place fit to be fortified ; hears that Massey is ready to intercept
any convoy of money and clothes that might come to them from Bristol.
.Asteley, Jacob, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, November 26 — if Prince Rupert wishes
to fortify some place between Bristol and Oxford, men, money, and horses must be
provided, " otherwise to be watchful against an enemy without and within; disorders
of soldiers driven to distraction by want , ready to cut his throat; he had rather starve
in Oxford.
Asteley, Jacob, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, December 10 — came yesterday to this
town, which he finds very poor, and the best houses in ruins.
Asteley, Jacob, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, December 17 — has great trouble to get
in contributions to feed his men, as horse from other parts quarter in the hundreds
assigned to him ; Massey threatens to attack the town before fortifications are
finished ; asks for engineer to assist.
Asteley, Jacob, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, December 18 — complains of the horse
regiments, who are content with nothing allotted them ; the soldiers will not work ;
officers negligent.
Asteley, Jacob, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, December 23 — sends a deputation from
the chief officers of the garrison, to represent its necessities ; " officers for long seen
no money, and exceeding poor." Soldiers received only 9d. a piece for subsistence
in fourteen days ; town poorer still.
Asteley, Jacob, Cirencester, to Prince Rupert, December 27— sends his son to shew it
is impossible for the garrison to subsist ten days ; the hundreds assigned lie under
Gloucester, and Massey's other garrisons; therefore, he offers to resign his commis
sion to free himself from blame.
Asteley, Jacob, to Prince Rupert, January 4 — has granted a convoy to Sir H. Bond
and Colonel  , upon Prince Rupert's warrant ; fears they will keep them alto
gether, and his garrison will be totally disabled ; officers make long lists of their
men ; he has never seen three hundred horse together.
Bagot, Richard, Lichfield, to Prince Rupert, January— acquaints Prince Rupert that
Lord Denby is come to Tamworth with fifteen hundred horse and foot, eight
pieces, and forty carriages ; is waiting there for forces from ^Leicester; "thinks
Prince Rupert might have good sport in beating up his quarters."
Bagot, Richard, Lichfield, to Prince Rupert, April 7— will make provision according to
Prince Rupert's command; asks for two or three days' time to provide the teams,
which are very scarce ; Colonel Lane has taken forty packs from the rebels, con
taining good store of powder and match.

512 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1644.
Bagot, Richard, Lichfield, to Lord Loughborough, April 22 — Colonel Lane intends to
march with thirty horse ; Lord Loughborough cannot expect any horse from him ;
Prince Rupert brings one hundred and fifty " well armed and good men."
Bagot, Richard, Dudley Castle, to Prince Rupert, November 21 — consents to observe
a fair correspondence with Colonel Leveson in all things that regard Prince Rupert's
service ; refers his dispute with him to Prince Rupert.
Bellasyne, J., York, to Prince Rupert, March 26 — reports that Sir T. Fairfax is ready
at Bakewell with one thousand horse to fall on the West Riding, and join the rebels
at Hull. If Prince Rupert would look that way, he would give them a blow and
reputation to their affairs.
Belasyne, J., York, to General Porter, March 27 — confident in General Porter's coming
to his assistance ; refers to a late loss.
Bellasyne, J., York, to Prince Rupert, March 29 — expresses reluctance to obey Lord
Newcastle's orders to march to Durham, with all the forces in the county (except
York garrison,) and thus leave it to be overrun by Fairfax and his troops.
Bellenoen, W., Salop, to Prince Rupert, March 30, 1644 — congratulates on victory of
Newark ; by the advice of some officers has issued only Is. 10o!. per week for sub
sistence to each soldier, instead of 3s. allowed by Prince Rupert, which is sufficient
with the shilling appointed them in money.
Berkley, John, Exeter, to Prince Rupert, September 4 — is pursuing the rebel army,
after five hundred of them laid down their arms, and lost their cannon and ammu
nition ; passed over the ferry at Saltash, and are making for Taunton.
Billingsley, Francis, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, November 11 — the sheriff, com
missioners, and justices, have slighted his requisitions for mounting and recruiting
the regiments of trained bands for Salop, in consequence the soldiers, wanting pay,
have disbanded, to the endangerment of the town, and loss of great part of the
county, and the rebels take advantage to lay troops there.
Blagge, Thomas, Wallingford, to Prince Rupert, November 2 — reports that the rebel
army is in two parts, the one besieging Denningford Castle, the other marched to
wards Reading ; they are so strong that preserving his own is the best play for the
moment ; when Prince Rupert joins, he may beat them all to dirt.
Blaxton, William, Penelas, Monmouthshire, to Prince Rupert, September 23— asks
Prince Rupert to think of some speedy way for the army to pass the river, between
Monmouth and Chepstow, so as not to be cut off by Brereton's forces ; requests
Prince Rupert to command the services of boats, and assign quarters.
Battelu, Hugh, Hananndonery, to Colonel H. Rise, April 11— the rebels from Pem
broke purpose coming to Carmarthen, where the mayor invites the Royalists to take
possession ; garrison of the rebels in Carew Castle consists chiefly of his brother's
men ; offer to deliver it up to him.
Bags, Sir John, Dennington Castle, to William Sec. Nicholas, October 31 — Waller and
Manchester at Newberry with eight thousand men ; " this poor place much neg
lected ;" asks for relief, without which he cannot hold out six days.
Brainsford, Exeter, to Prince Rupert, September 16— entreats Prince Rupert to enforce
the payment of 90/. being a proportion due to him from the Mayor of Bristol ; Prince
Rupert's warrant.
Blount, Captain, Marston House, Petworth, to Prince Rupert, December 5— has pos
sessed himself of the house ; very well seated, and of much import, but cannot be
kept without two hundred more foot.
Blount, Captain, Marston House, Petworth, to Prince Rupert, December 18— the horse
that came to assist have left without his orders, not being able to maintain the house
has retreated to the church ; if Prince Rupert march not that way, or at least stay
not thereabouts, he must retreat to Worcester.
Buckingham, G., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 6, (another : no date.)— letters of
apology and compliment.
Byron, Lord, Glemaire, to Prince Rupert, March 31 — success of an expedition into
Flintshire, where he reduced several small garrisons between Bangor and Wem, and
took some arms and ammunition ; asks that some of the arms taken by Prince
Rupert may be assigned to Chester.
Byron, Lord, Chester, to Prince Rupert, April 4 — congratulates on happy victory, and
expected return safely ; a solemn thanksgiving amongst the Roundheads at Nant
wich and Middlewich, for u great overthrow his Royal Highness had received, in
which his horse was killed and he forced to swim over a great river.
Byron, Lord, Chester, to Prince Rupert, April 7 — urges Prince Rupert's accepting the

1644.] OF CORRESPONDENCE. 513
presidency of Wales, which he understands means are used underhand to persuade
him to decline.
Byron, Lord, Chester, to Prince Rupert, April 7— upon request ofthe Lancashire gentry,
renews request to Prince Rupert to look that way before Lathom be lost ; constant
intelligence that once his Royal Highness appears, the greatest part of the rebel
forces will desert and join with Prince Rupert ; enemy agrees to exchange, and those
are to be paid for, for whom there is no exchange.
Bvron, Lord, Chester, to Prince Rupert, April 8 — concerning the assigning quarters tb
Sir R. Wilmot's regiment, and the allotment of some proportion to Hawkins, the
man who makes the muskets and pikes at Wrexham.
Byron, Lord, Chester, to Prince Rupert, April 9— since these countries are not to be
made happy by Prince Rupert's returning to his former command, rejoices that
Prince Maurice has that appointment ; successful skirmish with the enemy.
Byron, Lord, Chester, to Prince Rupert, May 5 — has twenty-five thousand foot armed,
all old soldiers, and five hundred unarmed, new levied ; if Prince Rupert can but
look into Lancashire, it is all his own ; Lord Ormond insists on the taking of Liver
pool, otherwise Prince Rupert can receive no more Irish supplies.
Bvron, Lord, Liverpool, to Prince Rupert, August 10 — Langdale again beaten at Mal-
pas ; officers did as much as could be, but were deserted by the soldiers.
Byron, Lord, Liverpool, to Prince Rupert, August 23 — account of a defeat gained by
Royalists at Ormskirk, near Liverpool ; rebels commanded by Lord Molineux ; on
the other side Byron and Sir M. Langdale.
Bvron, Lord, Liverpool, to Prince Rupert, August 29 — rebels have marched out of
Manchester and Warrington, and threaten this town ; asks for horse from Chester.
Byron, Lord, Chester, to Prince Rupert, September 26 — despatches Mr. Trevor to give
a particular relation of the ill success of the obstinately fought battle of Montgomery,
and the necessity of some considerable force and ammunition in these parts.
Byron, Lord, Chester, to Prince Rupert, October 9 — urges the perilous state of Liver
pool, where the soldiers are mutinous for want of pay; the ill effects of the loss of
that town on Chester ; complains that in Prince Rupert's absence he has not as,
formerly, the sole command ; he stands now as a cipher only, to be made liable for
any errors committed.
Byron, Lord, Chester, to Prince Rupert, Jan. 19 — doubts not but that the importance
of this place being considered, some speedy means will be devised for its relief.
Byron, Richard, Newark, to Prince Rupert, April 1 3 — concerning the enlargement
and exchange of some prisoners of war.
Bvron, Richard, Newark, to Prince Rupert, May 8 — the rebels pursuing their good for
tune in the taking of Newark, threaten this town ; prays that Goring may have
Prince Rupert's orders to come to their relief.
Byron, Richard, Newark, to Prince Rupert, November 6 — presents to Prince Rupert
the reasons of four captains condemned to death by a council of war.
Byron, Richard, Newark, to the King, — has been superseded in the governorship ; prays
Prince Rupert that he may receive a charge ; if guilty, be punished, if not, be pub
licly acquitted, as his disgrace is now public.
Bynissy, John von, Round Aghton, Salop, to Prince Rupert, August 15— prevented from
entering Bridgenorth, where his quarters are assigned by Sir L. Kirke, through the
malignance of the citizens, who made many of the soldiers run away.
Campion, William, Borstall, to Prince Rupert, January 21 — concerning the enemy's
quarters near Aylesbury.
Campion, William, Borstall, to Prince Rupert, January 25— has reconnoitred Chiltern,
where the enemy intend to make a garrison; requires five hundred men to man it;
his fancy invited him to fire the house, but further consideration made him omit it."
Cashill, Thomas, Galway, to Prince Rupert, March 26— laments the inability of their
magazines to supply the arms demanded by Prince Rupert, " whose good offices on
behalf of this people has won so much on them."
Cave, Richard, Camp and Court of Baconnock, to Prince Rupert, August 13— the King
master here; he has so beset Essex that he will be forced to fight; three days ago he
refused a gracious message from his Majesty to treat for peace.
Cave, Richard, Plymouth, to Prince Rupert, September 9— desires to wait on Pnnce
Rupert concerning the choice and early, taking to winter quarters.
Cave, Richard, Ludlow, to Prince Rupert, February 15— on his way to Prince
Maurice with some regiments of horse, when he heard of the loss of Maimesbury
through the treachery of the townspeople; castle still holds out.

514 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1644
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 25 — affectionately congratulates on vic
tory; " earnestly entreats Prince Rupert to eschew Hannibal's error, as he imitates
him in getting victories."
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 1 and 4 — refers to some slight, supposed
by Prince Rupert to have been intended by him ; alludes to Hopton's retreat before
Waller; hopes in a few days to venture another blow, and wishes Prince Rupert to
be near.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 12 — refers him chiefly to his messenger,
Mr. W. Legge ; urges his hastening the levies out of Wales, and regrets former delays.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 1 7 — urgent commands to unite with
Porter and all the horse and foot he can collect, and advance into the West Riding
under Goring, so as to hinder the rebels.from advancing northwards, and especially
from falling upon Newcastle's rear.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Maurice, (same date) — concerning appointing a colonel-
general of Oxford, Monmouth, Glamorgan, Brecon, Radnor, and especially of Glou
cestershire.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 19 — desires to appoint a person of honour
and interest to the post of colonel-general of Gloucestershire, now held by Vavasour;
recommends Lord Chandos on Prince Rupert's approbation.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 18 — Prince Rupert to understand that
the Archbishop of York is about to reside in the remote part of Wales, and will be
ready, if Prince Rupert requires it, to give him counsel in all things concerning his
Majesty's supply.
Charles I., to Prince Rupert, (no date) — requires Prince Rupert to send two thousand
effective men to Evesham to defend those parts, and to march with the remainder of
his army whenever he pleases.
Chables I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 20 — complies with Prince Rupert's pro
positions so far as the state of affairs will permit ; without the assistance his Majesty
asks of Prince Rupert, he must relinquish these parts of the West, where Prince
Rupert must remember " his wife is gone."
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 21 — authorises Prince Rupert to press levies
for recruiting two thousand men to supply those now sent to his Majesty at Evesham.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 22 — recommends to Prince Rupert the relief
of Lord Newcastle, but leaves the affair to his judgment ; has sent Lord Byron for the
two thousand men, which he cannot do without, as Manchester marches towards him.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 23 — desires Prince Rupert to supply
Loughborough with power for his garrisons ; recommends to Prince Rupert's care
the county of Gloucester, now added to his command, and especially to look on Sir
J. Wintour and Colonel Reyer, who have employment therein.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 5 — encloses Lady Farnham's petitions for
her husband's exchange for another prisoner in Ludlow Castle under Prince Rupert's
command.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 8 — recommends to Prince Rupert the
desires of the committee of Lords and Commons that Hereford be fortified against
the rebels, and have a governor appointed.
Chables I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 11— concerning the replacing of fifty orsixty
men borrowed from Sir J. Beaumont's regiment for Col. Leveson at Headley Castle.
Charles I., to Prince Rupert, no date (part of letter) — thanks him for his freedom,
though not of his opinion in all particulars , " offers a fancy of his own " whether
Prince Maurice should not in his absence be declared general of horse.
Charles I., Worcester, to Prince Rupert, June 7 — his chief hope, under God, in
Prince Rupert ; " had he been with him, he might not have found himself in his
present strait."
Charles I., Buckingham, to Prince Rupert, June 22 — earnestly desires Prince Ru
pert, " as he loves his own safety and that of his Majesty," to send Goring with all
speed; will shortly explain the reasons.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, June — only adds to his former letter "that the
relief of York is most absolutely best for his affairs, therefore Prince Rupert must
march immediately, either north or hitherward.
Charles I., Evesham, to Prince Rupert, July (part in cipher) — refers to Lord Dives's
relation, which Prince Rupert is fully to believe.
Chari.es I., Bath, to Newcastle, July 17 — regrets the intention of his lordship and
General King to go beyond seas ; assures Newcastle that his late ill success shall (

1644.]

OF CORRESPONDENCE. 515

never lessen the memory of former services; if they persist, will appoint Goring and
Sir T. Glenham to hold his command in his absence.
Charles I., Boconnock, to Prince Rupert, August 30— requests that Digby, whom he
sends, may be taken again into favour- as a faithful servant to his Majesty; assures
Prince Rupert that he has full confidence in his affection and generosity.
Charles L, Tavistock, to Prince Rupert, September 6— sends powder for third time:
desires Prince Rupert to discover and punish former defaulters, and to bring all his
forces towards him " for another blow, which may end our business."
Charles I., Oakhampton, to Prince Rupert, September 16 — is making haste eastward;
his army must on Thursday be at Broadwicke, east of Exeter.
Charles I., Blandford, to Prince Rupert, October 11— the governor of Banbury,
Basing, and Dennington must, if not relieved, accommodate in a few days, therefore
desires Prince Rupert to meet him without loss of time at Salisbury with his army.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, January, 20 — desires the governor of Newark
to be ready to join Prince Rupert, who has a special service in Leicestershire, or to
obey his orders elsewhere.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 4 — refers the matter of two papers pre
sented by Lord Loughborough to Prince Rupert, and puts the governor of Belvoir
under Prince Rupert's command.
Corbett, J., Morton, to Colonel Broughton, August 23 — the enemy's strength not above
five hundred foot and four troops of horse, largest piece two thousandweight, of
which they brag much and threaten hard they will swallow us all up.
Cobbe, F., Newark, to Prince Rupert, March 28 — concerning Penniston in Yorkshire.
Croft, E., Knaresborough, to Prince Rupert, August 1 — the last fight had been Prince
Rupert's if he had daylight; York is still faithful; if Prince Rupert return into
Gloucestershire, his life for Prince Rupert's he would make the rebels tremble.
Davenant, William, Haleford, to Prince Rupert, June 13 — dissuades Prince Rupert
from joining the King in Lancashire instead of marching to York; will have a bad
effect on people there, and the landowners will not follow the army so far from home;
besides, the three great mines will thus be left to the rebels.
Derby, Countess of, Lathom, to Prince Rupert, April 1 — conjures Prince Rupert to have
pity and to re-conquer.
Dicbv, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, February 12 — concerning Colonel Gamell; re
commended by the King to Prince Rupert's care and favour in point of his regi
ment, and for the governorship of Chester Castle.
Digby, George, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 25— congratulates on victory at New
ark; offers propositions for Prince Rupert's further proceedings, whether to pursue
the enemy in Lincolnshire or to Lancashire.
Digby, George, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 3 — unwelcome tidings that the defeat
of Hopton and Forth by Waller has made the rebels triumphant, and his Majesty
requires all his forces to relieve Prince Maurice, who is at Lyme ; the Queen also in
peril at Bristol.
Digby, George, Oxford, April 4 — countermands former order; Prince Rupert to remain
where he is till further directions; that a good store of round shot and grenadines be
sent to Worcester from the forge at Leighton, six miles from Shrewsbury.
Digby, George, Oxford, April 4, (duplicate by another hand)— thanks Prince Rupert
for " so civil a return to a letter that he did conceive would so much displease him."
Digby, George, Oxford, April 6— acknowledges Prince Rupert's favour in giving his
brother the great work of blocking up Plymouth; requests that part may be trans
ferred to Sir J. Berkeley, and his brother have the horse under his Royal Highness.
Digby, George, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 6— three thousand of Essex's force
come to Beckonsfield; he expected with more; daily expectation that Lyme will fall
into Prince Maurice's hands. .
Digby, George, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 11— reasons for his uoajesty s retreat
from Abingdon upon the advance of Essex and Waller, not upon any disaster, but
upon mature advice not to put anything to the hazard until trainee Rupert s success
in the north or that of Prince Maurice at Lyme was heard of. _
Digby, George, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, June 8-retreat of the King s army be
fore the joint forces of Essex and Waller in sad condition; sole reliance of his Ma
jesty on Prince Rupert's happy and timely success.
Digby, George, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, June 12-mtercedes for his cousin Sir
John Digby, that he maybe exchanged with any prisoners made by Prince Ru
pert " in that late noble action" at Bolton.

516 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1644.
Digby, George, Bewdley, to Prince Rupert, June 14 — congratulates his Royal Highness
on the taking of Liverpool, which hath made a bridge with Ireland ; hath despatched
an order to Irish agents to supply his Royal Highness with two hundred barrels of
powder.
Digby, George, Bradbury Down, to Prince Rupert, July 1 2 — by jealousy or unskilful
ness of Essex, the two rebel armies have parted Essex west as far as Salisbury;
Waller pursuing the King towards Shrewsbury, by which his Majesty is able to
slip back to Worcester, and either rejoin Oxford's army or fall on the enemy
singly.
Digby, George, Evesham, to Prince Rupert, July 12 — overtaken by Waller near Ban
bury, who well nigh cut off the King's rear from the main body, but Cleveland's
horse rushed in so boldly as to put them to flight; King purposes to go west, and
join Prince Maurice against Essex.
Digby, George, Bath, to Prince Rupert, July 17 (another same date) — condoles on ill
success in Yorkshire ; the King laments that Newcastle and King should go away
discontented; approves of the appointment of Glenham and Goring in their place;
King's army so far on their way towards Prince Maurice.
Digby, George, Exeter, to Prince Rupert, July 27 — "Essex hoped by a swift march"
to clap between Prince Maurice and Exeter; Prince Maurice reached it first, and
Essex cannot now hinder his joining with the King.
Digby, Lord, Baconnock, to Prince Rupert, August 15 — Essex encourages his army
with hopes of being joined by Waller and Browne; the King invites them to make >
common cause ; but Essex " possessed of such a frenzy as nothing can cure;" -
last peace measures ventured upon ; Wilmot arrested at the head of the army; Goring
declared general ; Lord Percy has withdrawn himself, and Hopton " possessed of his
charge;" hopes the ill humours of the army will be allayed.
Digby, Lord, Baconnock, to Prince Rupert, August 15 — concerning the ammunition
from, and affairs in, Ireland.
Digby, Lord, Baconnock, to Prince Rupert, September 4 — rejoices at Prince Rupert's
arrival at Bristol as much as at his Majesty's late victory; Waller's and Essex's
horse now between us.
Digby, Lord, Exeter, to Prince Rupert, September 23 — welcomes Prince Rupert's ar
rival " to animate the army with his spirit, made more worthy of him by the removal
of those against whom Prince Rupert had too just a prejudice."
Digby, Lord, Whitchurch, to Prince Rupert, October 21 — the King surprised and de
feated near Andover the united forces of Essex and Waller, with eight troops of
Manchester; they dispersed in consequence.
Digby, Lord, Newbury, to Prince Rupert, October 23 — this considered the aptest sta
tion for his Majesty to relieve Banbury, to lie safe to accommodate ourselves, and
incommodate the enemy, and lastly to conjoin with his Royal Highness's forces in
case he is able to come.
Digby, Lord, field by Newbury, to Prince Rupert, October 25 — his Majesty will send
no peremptory orders, but acquaints Prince Rupert with his condition, by which '
Prince Rupert will judge what is necessary; " King's army drawn out under Don-
nington Castle, between that and the van so advantageously, that it is likely the
rebels may be held in play for a day or two."
Digby, Lord, Newbury, to Prince Rupert, October 27 — the enemy began to shoot "as
if to play at shall-I,-shall-I-not ;" appear very dastardly; urges Prince Rupert to :
make all haste to aid his Majesty. «
Digby, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 5 — recommends the care of Bristol :
garrison to Prince Rupert, and that Berkeley Castle be put under it; and that Sir
R. Weston be made governor.
Digby, Lord, Oxford/to Prince Rupert, March 8 — if Prince Rupert cannot immediately
relieve Lathom House, his Royal Highness is desired at least to express to the
Countess both his own and his Majesty's sense of her bravery, and to encourage s
her to continue her resolute defence. <
Dongan, William, Camden, (signed "Poor Firelock,") to Prince Rupert, December 23— •
has, according to Prince Rupert's command, taken possession of the house; does not j
himself think it tenable, but will labour in it at the hazard of me and mine; needs ',
not now to make professions of devotion to Prince Rupert; does not write, because ¦
he knows his secretaries impart to Prince Rupert whatever passes.
Dunsmore, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 4 — thanks Prince Rupert for favour shewn
to his nephew ; hopes he will serve diligently.

1644. j OF CORRESPONDENCE. 517
Dunsmore, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 10— the King has ordered Lord Digby to
draw up a warrant to secure Dunsmore's nephew the place of standard-bearer in lieu
of Edward Capell.
Dyne, Louis, Abingdon, to Prince Rupert, April 8— laments being doomed to live in a
place where he is incapable to do Prince Rupert service; wishes Prince Rupert would
give him leave to go and serve under him.
Dyne, Louis, Baconnock, West Cornwall, to Prince Rupert, September 4 — " if Prince
Rupert can draw his forces this way, it will be the most effectual means that can be
imagined for the establishment of his Majesty's affairs."
Dyne, Louis, Sherborne, to Prince Rupert, February 13 — has reduced Weymouth
again under his Majesty's obedience; has sent Sir Walter Hastings, who was the
foremost man that entered their works, to give an account of the action.
Essex, Lord, Sherborne, to Prince Rupert, February 28 — acknowledges receipt of a
letter from Prince Rupert, also the copy of Lord Hertford's; desires the original;
will grant a pass to Sir A. Aston and servants to go to Bath for his health.
Eam, George, Chester, to Prince Rupert, October 27 — the mayor of Conway had not
received any orders to provide for the troops, and those which were sent to Car
narvon were entertained one month, and then likewise disposed up and down the
country ; for that reason Lord Byron recalled him.
Elyott, Thomas, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 9 — King declared in council that he
thought it necessary to send Prince Charles into the West, but never meant to
recall Prince Maurice till Lyme were taken ; great dislike to the measure prevails.
Elyott, Thomas, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 21- — Prince Charles's message " that
he shall, by his good-will, enterprise nothing wherein he has not his Royal High
ness's approbation ; has heard of  being carried to the enemy, if he does,
he shall not fail to oppose it.
Elyott, Thomas, Salisbury, to Prince Rupert, October 16 — comes to Salisbury, where
there are five regiments of trainbands advancing upon them; beseeches Prince
Rupert to consider how necessary his presence will be in an engagement.
Ernly, Michael, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, August 27 — intelligence from Lord
Byron the enemy intends to march for Chester ; their garrison in much distemper
through rations of the Commissioners and the late governor.
Ernly, Michael, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, September 19 — upon the treacherous de
livery of Montgomery Castle by Lord Cherburg; he (Ernly) brought thither a con
siderable force, beat Middleton, and kept them in ten days, when Lord Byron
came with his army, but was beaten by the enemy advancing to the relief of the
castle.
Ernly, Michael, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, October 21—" since the disaster at Mont
gomery the edge of the gentry very much blunted ; the country's loyalty strangely
abated ; they begin to warp to the enemy's party.
Ernly, Michael, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert, January 3 — can get nothing paid for
the subsistence of the garrison ; wants arms and ammunition ; officers discontented ;
horse in the outskirts eat up all the provisions.
Ernly, Michael, Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert — disorders made by the gentry
under the pretence of raising levies, and carrying off the whole business contrary to
all authority, has drawn the enemy within four miles of the town; on Tuesday next
there will be a general meeting of all the gentry and freeholders of the county.
Essex, Essex-house, to Lord Forth, Feb. 19— touching a safe conduct for Mr. Fanshawe
and Mr. Offley to go to Westminster to the King, concerning a treaty of peace.
Fane, Francis, Lincoln, to Prince Rupert, April 6— is come hither by Newcastle^
order; place threatened by Cromwell and Manchester ; now at Burley; will do his
utmost to defend it, " but has only a handful of old soldiers, besides new leagued
men."
Larentz, Jacob, Bristol, to Prince Maurice, March 9— by Prince Maurice's order,
followed Sir J. Winter to his house with forty brave horse; found not there the
promised accommodation, and being led into action with a superior enemy, suffered
great loss ; himself severely woimded.
Grenville, John, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, December 1 3— Barnstaple can never
keep their fingers out of a rebellion ;" asks to be made governor of the town, having
interest in the county; offers to raise one thousand men for Pnnce Rupert at his
own expense, besides garrison.
Glenham, Thomas, York, to Prince Rupert, June 4— enemy s van marched this af
ternoon from Long Marston to Middlethorp ; three generals, by letter, summon

518 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [I644.
him to surrender, but he refuses, and " will keep it for the King as long as he
possibly can."
Glenham, Thomas, Carlisle, to Prince Rupert, October 23 — fears former letters have
miscarried; enemy's horse prevents provisions from entering the town ; difficulty in
raising money; report that Montrose had had happy success in Scotland, and beaten
Argyle.
Gage, Henry, Basing, to Prince Rupert, November 22 — arrived in the night, expecting
to be met by enemy, who had decamped ; well provided with provisions, but want
of clothes ; garrison insubordinate ; wants it changed.
Gerrard, Sir Gilbert, Worcester, no name, April 12 — to acquaint Prince Rupert that
the enemy is within five miles of Hereford, and is confident that his chief aim is to
raise the siege of Brompton Castle.
Gerrard, Sir Gilbert, Worcester, April 21 — has lately been coursing the Timberley;
killed fifty upon the place, took thirty-eight prisoners, with pillage, which became
free booty to the soldiers ; in sight of the rebels in Sturton Castle, who thereupon
abandoned it, and Sir Gilbert Gerrard has put in a garrison of sixty men for his
Majesty.
Gerrard, Sir Gilbert, Worcester, to  , May 1 — " certifies that Massey has marched
out of Gloucester with one thousand five hundred horse and foot, and two pieces of
cannon ; he plunders all places about him ; Lord Denbigh on the other side with
one thousand or one thousand two hundred horse."
Gerrard, Sir Gilbert, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, May 7 — Massey marches towards
Sudbury; spoke to Colonel Cary to be ready to give assistance ; his answer was,
that he cannot stir without his Royal Highness's order ; has spoken to some
clothiers in Worcester; lowest rate of cloth 13s. the piece, and thirty-six yards in
the piece.
Gerrard, Sir Gilbert, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, May 19 — want of money makes the
works go slowly; it were not amiss for his Royal Highness to send some discreet
person to take charge of these accounts with the excise and delinquents ; Lord
Denbigh's force lies sore upon the country.
Gerrarb, Sir Gilbert, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, August 1 9 — gentry of the country
very forward in raising supplies ; Lord Denbigh's force lies sore upon the country;
intend to make garrison at the  , which will be the greatest hindrance to his
Majesty's garrisons.
Gerrard, Sir Gilbert, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, September 10 — has assisted Colonel
Cooke and Sir William Blakestone with all the horse and foot he could make;
sends a letter from Loughborough concerning Manchester's march.
Gerrard, Sir Gilbert, Worcester to Prince Rupert, October 7 — rebels with Cromwell
before Banbury ; not very strong ; three thousand horse and foot.
Gerraru, Sir Gilbert, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, October 20 — has sent men and
cannon according to Prince Rupert's order ; Banbury in distress.
Goring, George, Newark, to Lord Loughborough, April 26 — is surprised that any
gentleman should dispute his Majesty's orders, therefore that Lord Loughborough
advances with all possible speed.
Goring, George, Brookesby, to Prince Rupert, May 10 — lets Prince Rupert know Lord
Newcastle's condition ; has advanced nearer to Prince Rupert, so that he cannot be
prevented from joining with him or Lord Loughborough ; recommends Prince Ru
pert to keep this side Trent.
Goring, George, Brookesby, to Prince Rupert, June 1 1 — differs from country gentle
men, who wish Prince Rupert to remain in Lancashire ; passionately beseeches his
hastening to relieve Lord Newcastle at York, and assumes that nothing can stand
in his way.
Goring, George, Brookesby, to Prince Rupert, June 19 — announces five thousand Scots
coming over the Tweed ; hopes they will receive interruption by the way; rejoices
in Prince Rupert's approach to York, which must tend to the increase of Prince
Rupert's glory.
Goring, George, to Prince Rupert, same date — informs them some loose troops are
about Skipton, but in such numbers, that he is confident that the Westmoreland
and Cumberland troops may advnce without hazard ; asks Prince Rupert to let
him know where he quarters every night.
Goring, George, Skipton, to Prince Rupert, June 25 — has got one thousand arms
out of the North, the rest are promised to follow ; no news from York ; profeBseB
devotion to his Royal Highness.

1044. j OF CORRESPONDENCE. 519
Goring, George, Skipton, to Prince Rupert, June 29— forced by enemy's approach to
draw off from Taunton, and endeavour to intercept their joining ; no way safe for
Prince Rupert but by sea, or this army; begs to know Prince Rupert's quarters
that he may wait on him.
Goring, George, Skipton, to Prince Rupert, August 9 — apologies for not writing
sooner.
Goring, George, to Prince Rupert, August 15— been in pursuit of some of Essex's
horse, but excuses himself for letting them get out of his reach, by reason of his
own being tired and disorderly.
Goring, George, Okehampton, to Prince Rupert, September 5— apologies for not hitherto
waiting on his Royal Highness.
Goring, George, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, October 3 — argues against the army pe
titioning the King to put Prince Rupert on the commission.
Goring, George, Calne, to Prince Rupert, December 29 — urges difficulty of obeying his
Majesty's orders, and his willingness to overcome them.
Goring, George, Sarum, to the King, January 9 — reasons for asking a separate command
from his Majesty.
Goring, George, Salisbury, to the King, January 22 — enemy spread almost from Alton
to Southampton; has beaten up their quarters; horse escaped, he believes, through
treachery ; foot most killed or taken, the foremost parties on each side Irish, who
shewed no quarter.
Goring, George, Winchester, to Lord Digby, January 29 — complains of his distance
from Prince Rupert's immediate command ; of his being removed from a place where
he could have rendered some service to the King, and of the mutinous state of his
army.
Goring, George, to Prince Rupert, (without date) — sends twenty-two prisoners and one
captain, taken yesternight ; beseeches Prince Rupert to send constable to assist
in detecting the men who violated Prince Rupert's orders and protection, that he
may become a suitor to his Royal Highness for justice upon them.
Goring, George, Wigan, to Prince Rupert, no date but 1 644 — Colonel Fenwick's
quarters at Alton beaten up this night by those of Warrington ; beseeches Prince
Rupert to send some musketeers, or to remove their quarters.
Ioring, George, to Prince Rupert, Wednesday, 5 a.m, (no date) — rebels have
this evening attempted passing over Holeford ; two of Goring's regiments, under
Blakestone, passing over the ford, they were beaten ; prisoners say they intend
to send this night one hundred men from Warrington to Liverpool.
Ierbert, Lord, Oxford, to the Earl of Glamorgan, April 2— recommends Colonel
Crowe, who will relate each particular of the late action.
Ierbert,  , Montgomery Castle, to Prince Rupert, August 23 — excuses himself
from indulging "his ambition to kiss his Royal Highness's most valorous and
princely hands," " because he has newly entered a course of physic."
Ierbert,  , Ludlow, to Prince Rupert, September 5— prays Prince Rupert to send
some relief to this castle ; in the mean time, writes to Sir W. Balantine and the
Commissioners of Salop, to that effect.
Ierbert,  , Montgomery, to Prince Rupert, September 7— his father has surrendered
his castle upon parley with Sir T. Middleton ; recommends that the garrison be
sent to Montgomery.
Herbert,  , Newport, Monmouthshire, to Prince Rupert, November 9— askB that
the sequestration of all forfeited estates may be conferred on him. _
Hastings, Sir H., Derby, to Prince Rupert, November 5— congratulates his Royal
Highness on success ; offers to assist him against Derby or Nottingham with one
thousand horse, eight hundred muskets, two hundred pikes, and one thousand weU-
affected subjects ; one piece of eighteen pound bullet, two of twelve, and eight
drakes, besides heavy garrisons provided.
HAwley, Lord Francis, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, November 22-has been very indus
trious to inquire into the reported " treachery against the town but can find nothing
of consequence in the business; the Priggs poor miserable people and Langton a. rich
; fellow, but of lethargic humour, not awake above once a week ;' Monmouth token
]¦ by surprise of the townsmen, with help of Lord Charles Somerset's garrison, and
f that of Abergavenny ; intends to be there on Sunday. rnin7,pi
Hawley, Lord Francis, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, November 29-asks that Colonel
I Chester may have the command of Devizes. ,
Hawley, Lord Francis, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, December 8-humbly desires that his
VOL. I. M M

520 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [leu.
Royal Highness will confer knighthood on Colonel Veale, whom he sends ; Colonel
St. Leger waits on Prince Rupert with papers from General Gerrard, who has some
dispute with Sir J. Winter.
Hoghton, Sir Gilbert, Chester, to Prince Rupert, September 26 — acquaints Prince
Rupert with passages between Sir R. Byron and him, who expresses himself in very
high language, and caused him to be arrested for 800/., which they accused himi '
retaining, of country money ; begs that if any information be given to his Majesty,
Prince Rupert will remove ill opinion against him.
Haltby, Marquis of, Monmouth, to Prince Rupert, September 22 — troops of horse and
four hundred foot of Lord Denbigh's have advanced within and joined the rebels of
Gloucester ; sent for the horse quartered near, which Sir William Blaxton, being
summoned to Prince Rupert, has recalled ; one troop remains.
Haltby, Marquis of, Bath, to Prince Rupert, October 27 — has received Prince Rupert's
orders to be at Chippenham on Tuesday; soldiers keep reasonably well together; offi
cers from Wales meeting for going home.
Haltby, Marquis of, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 6— sends the account of hundreds
appointed to supply 500/. to the garrison at Bristol.
Haltby, Marquis of, Bath, to Prince Rupert, December 25 — now that the enemy has
gone out of Somerset, will set to arrange affairs here.
Hutchinson, Colonel John, Nottingham, to Sir J. Digby and other gentlemen — March
26 — trusts that God, who already restrained the rage of their cruel hearts and the
power of devouring elements, " will still be the same for us."
Jermyn, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 26 — Prince Rupert's good success has
changed the face of the country, and so also of the Court, more than anything that
happened since the beginning of troubles.
Jermyn, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert (same date) — has had particular watch of Lord
Digby ; conjures Prince Rupert to believe that he has not failed in anything to
him ; Queen repeats congratulations of former letter.
Jermyn, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 27 — Queen's commands for the protec
tion of Sir R. Wynne's houses and estates.
Jermyn, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 13 — advertises Prince Rupert of the
probable removal of three or four bedchamber gentlemen ; may not be improper for
Prince Rupert once more to mention his desire in behalf of William Legge ; the
Queen removes on Monday.
Jermyn, Lord, Abergavenny, to Prince Rupert, April 20 — Queen has recommended
exchange of four prisoners to his Majesty ; Prince Rupert will see answer by Lord
Digby, for whose duty and respect Lord Jermyn is answerable.
Jermyn, Lord, Exeter, to Prince Rupert, June 1 4 — Essex's march this way has caused
Prince Maurice to draw his army (three thousand remaining) from before Lyme ; -
this place will hold out six weeks.
Killigrew, Thomas, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 2 — prays Prince Rupert to look,.
on bearer, Mr. Robinson, for a company ; calls himself " poor Tom."
Kirke, Sir Louis, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, March 25, 1644— public thanksgiving
here and at Shrewsbury, on Wednesday, for Prince Rupert's success at Newark the ,"
same day ; Apsley House retaken by Colonel Ellice. ,
Kirke, Sir Louis, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, March 26 — report enclosed of two,,
hundred killed and fifty taken at Longford.
Kirke, Sir Louis, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, April 9— asks for Sir Walter;;
Wrottesley's convoy for plate laid up in this garrison, with which he intends to pay,:
a privy Beal for 50/. sent from Oxford.
Kirke, Sir Louis, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, April 18 — has sent the shot and mater
to Shrewsbury, according to Prince Rupert's orders ; great want of pay and pro'
visions " makes soldiers mutter out their discontents ;" complains of resistance on th(
part of the collector of contributions at Shiffnal, who incited the parishioners ti
insult and wound the soldiers sent to demand it.
Kirke, Sir Louis, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, August 21 — has received no answer 6
former letters ; prays for order for men from Shrewsbury ; has written concernini
one Gardiner, whose goods he had seized according to his Majesty's proclamation ; i
he repairs to Prince Rupert, prays him to respite the business.
Kirke, Sir Louis, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, November 1 1 — since the taking c'
Salop, the enemy has grown so bold as to quarter within a mile of the town ; ha
asked for assistance from neighbouring garrisons, but receives none ; prays for relit
from his Royal Highness.

1644. j OF CORRESPONDENCE. 521
Kirke, Sir Louis, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, February 25-Shrewsbury yielded
up by treachery of the townspeople, which endangers this garrison, inhabitants and
county in general being rotten ashes ; for one thousand men ; trusts, by God's
assistance, to give good account.
Kirke, Sir Louis, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, February 22— come out of West
moreland and Cumberland into Lancashire, where he has had troublesome quarters ;
he and Lord Molineux received an alarm near Kirkham, and have withdrawn the
horse from the county.
Langdale, Marmaduke, Chester, to Prince Rupert, August 21— horse come slowly on,
owing to unseasonable weather.
Langdale, Marmaduke, Creke, Monmouth, to Prince Rupert, October 22— thinks Goring
might be spared for the North ; if Newark, Pontefract, and Belvoir, be lost, his
Majesty may account all North Trent an enemy's country.
Langdale, Marmaduke, Winchester, to Prince Rupert, January 12 — has had a
prosperous march, and beaten the enemy near Pontefract ; " a sharp contest, but
God gave them victory."
Langdale, Marmaduke, Bingham, to Prince Rupert, March 6— relates the defeat of Lord
Byron near Liverpool; Langdale stopped the progress of enemy, "and retreated
without the least disturbance; but of Tilsby, Molineux, and Lord Byron's regiment,
the account is very short."
Legge, William, Chester, to Prince Rupert, August 22 — asks for warrants to enable the
army to subsist.
Legge, William, Camden, to Prince Rupert, December 25 — is come here by Prince
Rupert's orders ; finds cattle and all manner of provisions eaten up, so that he
"rather fears a famine than an enemy."
Lisle, Sir George, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, December 6 — " that Prince Rupert be
pleased to give his commands unto the governors of Donnington Castle and Walling
ford, that they desist intermeddling at all in any of those quarters assigned him ; "
aBks for pay to officers and soldiers.
Lisle, Sir George, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, December 13 — just returns from
sounding enemy's horse ; quarters at Steneton Drayton ; horse tired and lame, but
sends two hundred musketeers, according to Prince Rupert's order.
Leveson, Dudley Castle, to Prince Rupert, December 1 — Colonel Bagot has most
contemptuously disobeyed his Majesty's order to pay the contribution (to Leveson),
and also to endeavour to get the contribution of Warwickshire ; prays Prince
Rupert that if Colonel Bagot rest not content, they may both appear before his
Majesty, Prince Rupert, and his council of war.
Lloyd, Walter, Innysmaengwyn, to Thomas Owen, April 2 — Pembrokeshire urged the
traitorous covenant also in Carmarthen and Glamorganshire.
Lloyd, Charles, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, December 1 — unfavourable report of
Ramsey as a proposed garrison ; requires three months to fortify it, seven hundred
men at least to man it, and the moat a cock might stride.
Lloyd, Charles, Farringdon, to Prince Rupert, December 8 — Prince of Wales's horse
taken from him by Colonel Lisle, under his Royal Highness's orders ; all his ammu
nition seized by Lord Ashley ; impossible to remain unless he is supplied.
Lloyd, Charles, Highworth, to" Prince Rupert, December 22— ventured to march with
Goring, that he may obey Prince Rupert's orders, seeing that he had his commission
to live instead of staying to starve.
Lloyd, Charles, Devizes, to Prince Rupert, January 8— has made Blagg's house unin
habitable ; the high sheriff of Maimesbury takes infinite pains to shew himself
obedient to Prince Rupert's commands.
htOYD, Charles, Devizes, to Prince Rupert, January 4— will demolish the house, which
he cannot maintain, after receiving Prince Rupert's letter ; asks for command of
Colonel Howard's regiment.
Loughborough, Lord, Tutbury, to Prince Rupert, April 10— concerning some horses tor
the army and sending soldiers to their colours.
Loughborough, Lord, Tutbury, to Prince Rupert, April 13 — Sir E. Osborne and
another Yorkshire gentleman gone to Hull to petition for those parts ; Goring cannot
get to the Lord Marquis with Ewing's regiment without sufficient force to beat Fair
fax by the way. , _ ,
Loughborough, Lord, Lichfield, to Prince Rupert, April 16— Colonel Bagot pursued
some rebels' horse into Stafford ; took the captain and sixteen prisoners ; difficult to
: fetch horses for Prince Rupert out of those parts, but will attempt it so soon as 1
can possibly. „

522 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1614.
Loughborough, Lord, Ashby, to Prince Rupert, September 24 — the Scots advancing
upon those parts of Lancashire where Sir T. Preston and Sir R. Pattison were,
they marched away to Pomfret, where they beat the rebels lying at Ferrybridge, and
so marched to Newcastle.
Loughborough, Lord, to Prince Rupert (no date) — reasons for abandoning some gar
rison ; town attacked by Gell.
Lunsford, Sir Thomas, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, August 26 — accepts command under
his Royal Highness, "honoured by a deep engagement to him whilst he was in
prison, and resolved to express it by all the faithful services he can fasten on."
Manley, Roger, Bala, to Lord Byron — gives an account of the enemy's taking Red-
castle, which was but meanly stored and ill manned ; all taken except himself, who
passed through their guard.
Maurice, Prince, Lyme, to the King, May 9 — complains that Sir J. Berkeley and
Colonel Digby have received commissions without any privity of his ; submits to
his Majesty whether this be not a lessening of the command which the King hath
given him.
Maurice, Prince, Evesham, to Prince Rupert, January 16 — Mr. Wyatt will give a
particular account of Salop affairs.
Maurice, Prince, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, January 29 — Staffordshire desires a
commission like that granted by Prince Rupert in Shropshire ; warns him to be
cautious in the business of the association.
Mayne, John, Pontefract, to Prince Rupert, October 12 — sends Captain Smith to ac
quaint him with the state of these parts ; asks him to bestow Captain Lister on him,
whom he took prisoner, in exchange for his intimate friend Sir Symon Fanshawe.
Mennes, John, Beaumaris, to Prince Rupert, October 1 8 — Merionethshire and Montgo
meryshire threatened ; Liverpool in sad condition ; Cumberland revolted ; White
haven only place of intelligence for the North ; has discovered some hidden plate of
Lord Leicester's, and begs it may be assigned to his charge.
Molesworth, Guy, Bridgewater, to Prince Rupert, January 23 —represents, as he
has already done, to Prince Maurice the miserable condition of this part of his Royal
Highness's regiment ; prays for some speedy course to be taken, such as men may
with justice expect after such long service.
Morgan, Lewis, Ragland Castle, to Prince Rupert, October 17 — relates an encounter
he and his men had with Colonel Price, who accused him of being privy to the
rising in Monmouthshire; prays for protection against this persecution.
Mynne, Nicholas, Newport, to William Skippe Ledberie, April 10 — gives him notice of
eleven troops of rebels under Colonel Bone being drawn up at Huntley Heath ; desires
him to furnish provisions, and as many saddles and bridles as he can to mount
dragoons.
Newcastle, Lord, Durham, to Prince Rupert, March 25 — for all the affairs of the North
refers to Sir J. Mayne; assures his Royal Highness that " the Scots are as big again
in foot as he is ; and their horse, he doubts, much better than theirs too ; if Prince
Rupert come not soon, the great game of his uncle's will be endangered if not
lost."
Newcastle, Lord, Durham, to Prince Rupert, March 29 — it is said that Sir J. Fairfax ;
is coming into Yorkshire ; if Prince Rupert could march that way, hopes it would ,
put a final end to their troubles.
Newcastle, Lord, Durham, to Prince Rupert, March 30— infinitely sorry that he shall ,.
not have the honour to wait on his Royal Highness ; if Prince Rupert order not
Byron to march after Fairfax, who is now at Leeds, these parts will be very shortly
in great distress ; Scots raising every eighth man.
Newcastle, Lord, York, to the King, April 18 — Colonel Bellasis defeated, being ^
taken prisoner with all his officers ; might have been prevented had Lord Lough
borough and Colonel Porter assisted according to order ; York will soon be ruined
unlesB speedily relieved.
Newcastle, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 12 — Queen's return from France;
great hopes from thence ; Ormond proceeds in his treaty with the Irish.
Nicholas, Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 12 — divisions in London parlia-~
ment ; his Majesty sits in council at Abingdon ; Prince Maurice repulsed at Lyme ;;>
Queen sick at Exeter ; Waller at Farnham ; advance of Essex and Manchester on J
York apprehended ; Essex gives out that he inarches not this se'nnight ; Lord ;
Denbigh raises forces in Warwick and Northampton.
Nicholas, Edward, Oxford, to Sir J. Gamall, Deputy Governor of Chester, July 21— Lord*

1844. j OF CORRESPONDENCE. 523
Hopton and Prince Maurice join against Essex in the West ; Taunton surrendered
to Essex ; Basing House still bravely defended.
Nicholas, Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, September 7— Banbury close begirt fears
not all the power of rebels for some months ; works have been made very
defensible, so nothing can hurt if vigilant.
Nicholas, Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, September 8 — garrison of rebels, 400
in Reading, 500 in Aylesbury, 1500 in Abingdon, 400 in Newbury, mostly pressed
men, who at any alarm are ready to be gone.
Nicholas, Edward, Oxford, to the King, October 2 — difference between Manchester
and Cromwell ; Sir R. Byron advertised by some of the most knowing men in
London, that if his Majesty marched suddenly towards London or into Kent, rebels
will be absolutely ruined ; but they had such good friends near Ids Majesty, they
would divert him from marching into Kent.
Nicholas, Edward, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, October 2 — chiefly in cipher; his
Majesty marched against Waller at Andover, who withdrew.
Nicholas, Edward, Oxon, to Prince Rupert, Nov. 2 — whilst Abingdon is a garrison of
rebels, they cannot spare his Majesty any forces from Oxon.
Nicholas, Sir E., to Prince Rupert, (no date) — encloses letter from Colonel Leveson,
concerning differences between Lord Loughborough, himself, and Colonel Bagot ; his
Majesty thinks the president necessary in Wales ; considers Sir T. Hannan a very
fit man ; a contagious disease amongst Waller's soldiers, so that they cannot get men
to recruit.
Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, January 18 — send bearer to inform Prince
Rupert that enemy hath planted themselves at Fazeley, where, if they be suffered,
they will much annoy his garrison.
Northampton, Banbury, to Prince Rupert, January 20 — enemy after " began to set
spade in ground, have left this intended garrison, and have marched away ;" will
make Faulsley House unfitting for their use.
Northampton, Swindon, to Lord George Digby, December 1 — prays him to intercede
that his troops be left with him and quartered at Trowbridge.
Ormond, Lord, Dublin Castle, to Prince Rupert, March 28 — recommends Captain Dun-
barre, who is going to command a company in his Majesty's service.
Ormond, Lord, Dublin Castle, to Prince Rupert, April 18 — is preparing three com
panies for North Wales under Colonel Trafford, whom he recommends to Prince
Rupert ; finds less willingness than he expected in Roman Catholic subjects of
Ireland in supplying arms and ammunition.
Ormonde, Lord, Dublin Castle, to Prince Rupert, April 29 — hopes to send with Cap
tain Bartlet three hundred men well armed, and could supply good bodies of men
" if he had means of conveyance for them."
Porter, G., Lincoln, to Prince Rupert, March 24 — finds some cannon, but no arms or
ammunition; enemy possessed with so strange a senseless fear, that they will not
believe any place tenable to which his Royal Highness will march.
Porter, G., Newark, to Prince Rupert, March 28 — excuses himself for not waiting on
his Royal Highness before he went ; asks him to give the command of those parts
to Major Hunks, and so leave him free to march into Yorkshire.
Porter, G., Lincoln, to Prince Rupert, March 30 — farther apologies and regret at
having displeased i his Royal Highness ; just received orders to march with all the
horse and foot he can get to meet Fairfax in York.
Porter, G., Lincoln, to Prince Rupert, April 1 — preparing to march, but thought fit
to represent in the interim to his Royal Highness the advantage of his remaining
|| here a short space, that he may add to his army.
|| Power, Richard, Barkley Castle, to Prince Rupert, February 19— Lord Hopton
endeavours to cross his Royal Highness's orders, conferring the subsistence of a
sufficient garrison to this castle ; represents its importance to Bristol.
Preston, John, Newark, to Prince Rupert, October 23— finds himself so dangerous
sick, that he desires his Royal Highness will bestow a grant of his forces to Sir
John Gillington, and make Francis Middleton lieutenant-governor.
Pricemacomes, Thomas, Aske, to Prince Rupert, September 1 1— backwardness of col
lectors in paying contribution, whereby the soldiers might be relieved and the
officers cherished.
Pmse, Herbert, Brecon, to Prince Rupert, April 12— invited into these parts by gentry
of Carmarthen and Cardigan, considering the impossibility of their receiving help
otherwise, has marched that way.

524 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [^1644.
Prise, Herbert, Brecon, to Prince Rupert, April 13 — withdraws from these parts to
Herefordshire, in obedience to his Royal Highness, but represents that this will
alienate the faithful subjects in these parts, and leave them a prey to the rebels.
Prise, Herbert, Brecon, to Prince Rupert, May 7 — misfortune at Carmarthen through
want of promised relief ; prays for forces from Glamorganshire, and orders to seize
arms in private men's hands.
Redmayne, John, Pontefract Castle, to Lady Jane Cavendish, April 13, — believes
the two arch-rebels will not be long asunder ; York, insolent in prosperity, is abject
and distracted in this time of adversity; some ships, forsaking their rebellion, have
come with provisions to Scarborough.
Rhodes, Joseph, Newark, to Prince Rupert, January 10 — Colonel Whichcote, bearing
a letter from Lady Byron to her son, Sir Nicholas, it came open, and related Prince
Rupert's intention of associating Rhodes with himself in government of Newark,
which he recommends him to resist ; prays that this garrison be better victualled,
otherwise enemy will take advantage of their nakedness.
Richmond, Duke of, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 26 (mostly cipher)— affairs in the
West.
Richmond, Duke of, Bewdly, to Prince Rupert, June 14 (cipher) — if York be lost,
greatest blow that can happen.
Richmond, Duke of, Baconnock, to Prince Rupert, August 15 — does not believe in plots
at Court against Prince Rupert; letter in cipher relates to.
Richmono, Duke of, Oxford, November to Prince Rupert, 12 — ambassador (French)
proposes mediation between King and rebels.
Richmond, Duke of, Tavistock, to Prince Rupert, November 14— cipher concerning
Prince Rupert's discontent.
Scrope, Adrian, Oxford, to Colonel Browne, Governor of Abingdon, January 16 — inter
cedes for a gentlewoman of Lady Rivers's ; sent to London to procure a pass for
her mistress from Paris.
Sandys, Samuel, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, February 19 — Prince Maurice took powder
from him which was never replaced ; Colonel Scudamore took Castleditch House,
Hereford ; took Colonel Hopton, nine officers and men prisoners.
Sandys, Samuel, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, February 22 — has heard that Shrewsbury
is lost through treachery ; if his Royal Highness take not order for the supply and
strength of these parts they will be speedily overran.
Scudamore, B., Hereford, to Sir E. Nicholas, March 1 — suggestions for raising men
and money, by distraining them to employ horse.
Scudamore, B., Hereford, to Prince Rupert, March 3 — concerning disturbances in
Shropshire and neighbouring counties.
Scudamore, B., Hereford, to Prince Rupert, October 16 — prays that Prince Rupert will
consider the distressed state of the county, and not quarter permanently upon it ;
also to supply one thousand muskets.
Tillier, Henry, Shiffnall, to Prince Rupert, April 28 — has reduced the rebel garrison
in Long Castle and College; the former worth the keeping, but the other it were ,
better to demolish.
Trevor, Arthur, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 1 1 — justice of Prince Rupert's demand :
for money, "but nothing will be done here but by the immediate finger of the King; ¦
professions were being written in this deceitful matter, that wears out in a httle r;
travail or motion." \
Trevor, Arthur, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 28 — compliments Prince Rupert on ;
" the strong magic of a seasonable victory ; Archimedes's cylinder, with which he >„
pretends to turn the earth, could not do more." x
Trevor, Arthur, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 23 — "joins with the courtier, the;,
scholar, indeed people of all ages, all sexes, all faculties, in bonfires, in congratu-^
lating Prince Rupert on his happy success in the aid of Newark, by attributing to ,,,
his so eminent courage and conduct all on this side idolatry." t,
Tuke, S., Uske, to Prince Rupert, September 19 — will expect boat6 from Bristol finv
their quick passage ; their broken condition was made so much the worse by un-,j
kind usage of Governor of Worcester. 1
Tuke, S., St. Peere, North Wales, to Prince Rupert, September 20— quartered near..
Chepstow; threatened by enemy; jealous of an affront from them.
Tuke, S., St. Reeves, to Prince Rupert, September 22 — must despair of waiting on,,.
Prince Rupert unless he commands a sufficient number of boats, and for the quartering^
of those horse who cannot now pass. ,i

H544.J ur CORRESPONDENCE. 525
Tuke, S., St. Reeves, to Prince Rupert, September 24— renews petition for transporting
and quartering the remains of his army.
Tuke, S., Lantermann, Monmouth, to Prince Rupert, September 30—" no trust in the
country gentry ; greater part nigling traitors ;" their tenants rise, disarm, and wound
their men for coming to quarters assigned them.
Tuke, S., Lantermann, Monmouth, to Prince Rupert, October 1 — proposes that a pro
portionable sum be raised from such of the rich gentry (of estates of 100/. per annum)
as shall be presented in a list to Prince Rupert for his maintenance of horse, and no
way hinder the contribution, privy seal, or otherwise.
Vavasour, William, near Painswick, to Prince Rupert, March 27 — the King proposed
to confer on Prince Maurice the command of all South Wales ; at first he would
only sign warrants for the three counties under Lord Carberry, but William Vavasour
assured his Majesty that Prince Rupert would not accept it, and his Majesty then
promised when Lord Herbert came he would do it.
Vavasour, William, near Painswick, to Prince Rupert, April 1 — in a good way to
clear the county of the enemy ; Herefordshire  may for the removal of regi
ment of horse under Sir M. Woodhouse.
Vavasour, William, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 6 — sent a relation of taking
Painswick ; prays Prince Rupert to protect him from receiving an affront which is
very much laboured here by Lord Herbert.
Vavasour, William, Hereford, to Prince Rupert, April 19 — extremely necessary for
Prince Rupert to meet commissioners on the morrow ; shall propose a way for in
creasing the army and to frame a handsome park of artillery.
Vavasour, William, Hereford, to Prince Rupert, April 13th (another, without date, on
same subject) — Colonel Mynne, through disobedience of three several orders, has
caused himself to be besieged in two untenable houses, which must be battered.
Watts, John, Chircke Castle, to Prince Rupert, December 25 — three days besieged
by rebels ; engineers attempted to work into the Castle under greater plankers and
tables, but stones from Royalists within beat them off.
Waller, Sir William, Chircke Castle, to Prince Rupert, November 19 — concerning
the exchange of prisoners.
Weston, Richard, Berkeley Castle, to Lord Corke, March 2 — prays Prince Rupert to
look on the officers of this garrison ; the foot have had no pay there twelve weeks ;
the latter none since the new governor, Sir C. Lucas, came in there.
White, Henry, Beaumaris, to Prince Rupert, December 21— prays for a warrant from
Prince Rupert for parting with Lord Leicester's plate left in his charge, if he is to
deliver it into other hands ; sought to be taken by force.
Willoughby, J., Lincoln, to Sir M. Byron, Governor of Newark, March 23 — desires
the favour of a " pass for a surgeon " to obey his " Cornell " made prisoner, and ill
wounded in the late action before Newark.
Willys, R., Bath, to Prince Rupert, January 7 — acknowledges the confirmation of his
Royal Highness's noble intentions towards him.
Willys, R., Worcester, to Prince Rupert, February 19 — notice from Newark that the
rebels are joined about Nottingham, from Grantham, Derby, and Leicester.
Wilmot, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 2— his Royal Highness will understand too
soon the defeat of Lord Hopton received by Waller; marches on the morrow
towards Newbury.
Winton, John, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, November 20— the enemy fortified near
Chepstow ; has prepared two frigates for defence of river.
Winton, John, St. Peere, to Prince Rupert, October 26— concerning forces at Chep
stow, which he is provisioning and fortifying ; meeting of commissioners more hke
a fair than a rendezvous where enemy is expected ; recommends his wife to care of
Prince Rupert, exposed at his house, and cling with her children to mercy of the
rebels ; her zeal for his Majesty's service. _
Wintour, John, St. Peere, to Prince Rupert, October 26— enemy stirs, but hopes they
are intent upon Abergavenny ; Colonel Genard marches upon the forest, Glou
cester, is to be given out to deceive the rebels.
Woodhouse, Mr., Cranton, to Prince Rupert, April 6-the rogues made a sally out of
the Castle ; both officers and men fled from the workers ; all deserve to be hanged ;
begs to know whence a woman taken up in man's clothes bearing a letter irom a
Castle to a man in the county. , , ,
Woodhouse, Mr., Cranton, to Prince Rupert, Apnl 12-cannot make good the place
without assistance.

526 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1645.
Woodhouse, Mr., Cranton, to Prince Rupert, April 1 4 — thanks to Prince Rupert for
sending more men ; hopes towards the latter end of the week to have the men
firing ; by Sir W. Vavasour order was sent to Colonel Harrie's horse for the suc
couring Hereford ; Colonel Minn is besieged in Newent.
Woodhouse, Mr., Clanlord Castle, to Prince Rupert, April 1 7th — place delivered up,
giving the rebels their lives.
Woodhouse, Mr., Ludlow Castle, to Prince Rupert, September 5 — enemy has beaten
up Sir T. Gardiner's quarters in Newtown ; the enemy very strong in Montgomery
and in Wornell.
Woodhouse, Mr., Ludlow Castle, to Prince Rupert, October 5 — continued misfortunes ;
Redd Castle delivered up to the enemy ; Vangries refuses his house ; prays his
Royal Highness to send ammunition.
Wyatt, Dudley, Salop, to Prince Rupert, December 15 — is in bad condition, having
a false people to deal with, — people in the town understanding nothing but
mutiny ; Prince Maurice about Ruthin to fetch in provisions ; God send him safe
hither !
Wyatt, Dudley, Evesham, to Prince Rupert, January 15 — had informed Prince Rupert
that the Archbishop of York had made Colonel Trafford Governor of Conway, but
was misinformed, it is Colonel Elmlys ; yet neither he nor any man's affection of the
people cooled by Prince Rupert's absence ; Prince Maurice expected.
Wyndham, Edmund, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, September 7 — Essex's horse joined
with Middleton's about Kyneton ; some of his Majesty's horse fell upon them and
beat them ; believe they intend to march into Dorsetshire and then join Waller ;
thinks Prince Rupert may be able to prevent it.
Wyndham, Edmund, Bridgewater, to Prince Rupert, December 14 — had remained
before Taunton till overpowered by enemy, and, unsupported by his friends, he had
withdrawn, pursued by enemy in his retreat ; " but they were so hungry they could
not come by any house, but they sought for bread, and by that means gave us the
better opportunity of coming off."
Wyndham, Edmund, Chard, to Prince Rupert, January 6 — complains of having Lord
Hopton, who did disoblige him (to oust him of all command), set over, when he
would have defended the county, having four thousand in the field.
York, Archbishop of, Conway, to Prince Rupert, January 29 — appeals to Prince
Rupert's princely wisdom and justice, and to the universal testimony of the three
counties, how good and faithful servant he has been, not Sir J. Minnes and
William Wyatt, who want some other person to bear their own aberrations.
Ashburnham, Lord, Ragland, to Prince Rupert, July 9 — concerning appointing
Colonel Broughton to a regiment ; his Majesty's care to give Prince Rupert con
tentment.
Ashburnham, Lord, Ragland, to Prince Rupert, July 11 — was proposed in debate to
add to Sir C. Lucas's foot and horse in order to hinder the rebels from provision
ing ; no farther steps taken without Prince Rupert's approbation.
Ashburnham, Lord, Ragland, to Prince Rupert, July 28 — troubled that two hundred
quarters of corn have been so long reaching Prince Rupert at Bristol.
Ashburnham, Lord, Lichfield, to Prince Rupert, August 11— certain intelligence of
Montrose's victory over Bagley, July 2.
Astley, Sir Jacob, Rugby, to Prince Rupert, July 2 — affairs of Hereford ; King has
associated for defence the counties of South Wales.
Astley, Sir Jacob, Cardiff, to Prince Rupert, July 17— King garrisons South Wales ;
he meets the Monmouth commissioners at Ragley.
Astley, Sir Jacob, Newport, to Prince Rupert, July 30 — the county refuse to assist
the King, unless they might have all unreasonable demands; his Majesty is at
Cardiff.
Astley, Sir Jacob, Cardiff, to Prince Rupert, August 11 — " county of Glamorgan so
unquiet, as there is no good to be expected ; shall strive as far as he can to put
things in order, which he despairs of, because it must be power to rule these
people, and not entreaties with cap in hand to such as deserve the halter."
Astley, Sir Jacob, Newport, to Prince Rupert, August 15 — that the gentlemen of the
associated counties of Brecknock, most of them inclined to be neutral, and to
join with the strongest party; wishes to engage them to join together to relieve
Hereford.
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, March 7 — desires Prince Rupert to tak<
command of horse and foot and endeavour to reduce Abingdon.

L640.J OF CORRESPONDENCE. 527
Charles I., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 7— Writes that Prince Rupert may not
think him too lazy, and to assure him that not a minute is lost in preparations.
Charles I., and Lord Digby, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 30 — King cannot
move unless Prince Rupert send draft-horses ; Cromwell before Farringdon, " makes
no doubt of its holding out till Prince Rupert releases it."
Charles I., Hereford, to Prince of Wales, June 20— commissions to Lord Goring
not intended as a lessening of Prince Rupert's authority.
Charles I., Abergavenny, to Prince Rupert, July 3— leaves him the full exercise of
it (in the West) by the advice of his council.
Charles I., Abergavenny, to Prince Rupert, July 5 — fully approves of Prince
Rupert's dispatches sent by Culpepper.
Charles L, Abergavenny, to Prince Rupert, July 6— asks Prince Rupert's opinion
on various matters.
Charles I., Ragland, to Prince Rupert, July 7— quartering of the horse in North
Wales, where Byron's are, will prejudice his Majesty's affairs ; prays they may be
ordered away.
Charles I., Ragland, to Prince Rupert, July 11 and 18— without Prince Maurice,
Worcester in great disorder, that he move not thence till the rebels' designs be
known.
Charles I., Newport, to Prince Rupert, July 24— consults Prince Rupert as to his
crossing the water at Black Rock, and other matters.
Charles I., Ruperry, to Prince Rupert, July 26— alludes to a letter on " affirmative
and negative by Lord Digby's hand ; if he knew not Prince Rupert's secret, would
not at this time impart it.
Charles I., Cardiff, to Prince Rupert, August 4 — better than his word, having
ordered two regiments to march to him with all possible speed ; has hastened sup
plies from Ireland by Lord Ormond.
Charles I., Ragland, to the army and navy, September 14 — "if it were not for
danger of passage, and that he knew not how Bristol could do without him, would
wish him with his son ; commends his conduct at this place.
Charles L, Newark, to the Army and Navy, October 27 — revokes Prince Rupert's
commissions, and gives him and his company a pass beyond seas.
Charles L, Newark, to Prince Rupert, October 30— signifies that Prince Rupert's
remaining in any garrison longer than necessary, will be a violation of his pass.
Charles I., to Prince Rupert, letter without date — surprised to hear that he had ap
pointed Adjutant Skimson governor of Lichfield without advising with him ;
knows that it proceeds merely of a hasty forgetfulness.
Charles I., Newton, to Prince Maurice, September 20— on the unpleasant subject
of his brother Rupert's present condition ; his unhandsome quitting the castle and
fort of Bristol ; " confident that this great error proceeded not from change of
affection, but merely by having his judgment seduced by some rotten-hearted villains."
Culpepper, John, Cardiff, to Prince Rupert, August 5 — concerning general state of
Devon and Cornwall under Lord Goring.
Digby, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 2 — will be ready to march five or six
days after the works come from Worcester.
Digby, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 27 — Cromwell threatens to beat up the
King's quarters, and prevent his joining Prince Rupert ; suggests whether Prince
Rupert should not march hither as strong as he can.
Digby, Lord, Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 29— all in cipher.
Digby, Lord, Lichfield, to Prince Rupert, May 5 — meeting of the Staffordshire
Commissioners ; his Majesty's commission joyfully and cheerfully received, except
by Colonel Leveson, who opposed the warrants.
Digby, Lord, Hereford, to Prince Rupert, June 21 — copy of a letter to the Prince of
Wales, explaining former one, which had been considered a lessening of the Prince
of Wales's authority ; is sent for Prince Rupert's approbation.
Digby, Lord, to W. Legge, no date — on the causes of the battle of Marston Moor
being lost ; criticism on Prince Rupert's conduct, " they have carried on with such
asperity and confidence of victory, as though he that should have said Consider, would
have been your foe."
Digby, Lord, Ragland Castle, to Lord Jermyn (extract), July 16— Prince Rupert's
coldness to him ; supposed cause, his advising his Royal Highness to go to Oxon
from Daintree, instead of going back to Harborough, and also to write to the Prince
of Wales.

OjiO INDEX a.vtx> iurjoiniivi I 1040.
Digby, Lord, Ragland Castle, to Prince Rupert, July 13 — King concurs in Prince
Rupert's resolutions concerning Bristol ; sends the debates of council ; if Prince
Rupert's opinion differs, his Majesty desires he will hasten over to him.
Digby, Lord, Ruperry, to Prince Rupert, July 28 — information of Montrose's victory
on the 2nd, against Bagley, who lost one thousand five hundred men ; Lord Gordon
killed on the Royalist side ; the King's stay here uncertain.
Digby, Lord, Ascot, to Lord  , August 27 — Protestant demands in Ireland;
prediction of the King's misfortunes ; he believes there are not four persons besides
themselves who would not purchase their own and (as they flatter themselves) the
kingdom's quiet at any price.
Digby, Lord, Oxford, to Captain Beckman, August 29 — much grief to hear that he is
still a prisoner at Abingdon, and used with great inhumanity.
Digby, Lord, to Prince Rupert, no date — -his Majesty's negative resolution to the
point of going to Bristol ; as to the affirmative point, what to do he is yet
uncertain.
Dorset, Lord, Newport, to Prince Rupert, December 25 — earnestly entreats Prince
Rupert not to leave his Majesty in these saddest times ; Massey drawn from
Ragland ; "knows not what to do;" many of the foe lie near Swansea, pelting him
with their ordnance ; Mitton encroaches on him ; gentry fly hither for aid ; " will be
a burden well nigh to break his neck."
Goodwin, Ralph, Bristol, to Barford, May 12 — sends an intercepted letter concerning
Massey.
Goring, George, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, May 19 — hears that he is to be rigged out
with the foot that were before Taunton, and a good body of horse, and either
attempt upon Fairfax on the edge of Wiltshire, or stand upon the defensive, if
Cromwell be joined with him.
Goring, George, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, May 19 — prays for Mr. O'Neille's restora
tion to Prince Rupert's service.
Goring, George, Ash near Mastock, to Prince Rupert, May 19 — fears that Fair
fax and Cromwell will disturb those parts before he can despatch these people
to attend them.
Goring, Lord, Dunster, to Lord Digby, July 12 — his troops defeated in passing the
river at Lamport, has caused great terror amongst the men ; Fairfax, with eighteen
thousand horse and foot, follow them.
Goring, Lord, Pondesford, supposed to Lord Digby, January 25 — opposite orders received
in the West, his commission under the Grand Seal being from Prince Rupert;
whereas, by the last instructions, he is desired to receive directions from the mrinee
of Wales, who remits all his business to his council ; assures Prince Rupert that
there is not one man in this army willing to obey it in preference to Prince Ru
pert's ; prefers to be laid aside altogether.
Hawley, H., Bristol, to Prince Rupert, August 13 — Fairfax continues siege of Sher
borne; Hereford sends word that " it must be speedily relieved, for they want rifles,
powder, and bullets."
Osborne, Henry, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, November 9 — concerning his pass to go be
yond seas; the King still at Ludlow; in cipher, relative to propositions laid before .
Parliament. ,
Hyde, Edward, Bridgenorth, to Prince Rupert, April 27 — Prince of Wales here, and truly ;;
hath spent his time very well ; is very confident that in a few days Taunton
will be taken. ;,
Hyde, Edward, Exeter, to Prince Rupert, May 21 — confident the King will have a very ,;
noble army from these parts ; the several garrisons the best conditioned and best ;
fortified in England.
Hyde, Edward, Bath, to Prince Rupert, May 27— Barnstaple the most miraculously ,
fortified place he knows ; troubled to find so much sadness and discontent at orders ^
from Court.
Jermyn, Lord, Paris, to Prince Rupert, May 5 — prays for Prince Rupert's speedy and
safe march to these parts, where he hopes Goring will be able to expect his coming ;
hears from Bridgewater that he is like to defend his quarters ; friendly letter by
Queen's order; a romance here in Prince Edward's private marriage to Princess Ann
of Nemours ; Queen is much offended ; he ordered to Holland.
Legge, Colonel, Paris, to Lord Digby, June 30 — remonstrates on his double dealing to- -
wards Prince Rupert. i
Legge, William, Paris, to Prince Rupert, November 21 — frequently moves his Majesty -

164«,.j Uf UUKKKSPONDENCE, 529
to recall Prince Rupert, who " swears that if Prince Charles had done as you did,
he would never see him without the same he desires from you."
Leveson, F., Dudley Castle, to Prince Rupert, January 10 — ill condition of the soldiers
since coming of new commissioners ; arrears withheld, very prejudicial to his Ma
jesty's affairs in the present distressed state of Chester.
Loughborough, Lord, Lichfield, to Prince Rupert, July 25 — his designs and reasons
against Skirmishaw's appointment, he being Colonel Bagot's chiefest assistance in
his opposition against himself ; and Colonel Syke takes the second command, as
granted to him.
Loughborough, Lord, Lichfield, to Prince Rupert, July 30 — his reasons for withdraw
ing from Leicester ; plague left at Ashby.
Lucas, Sir C, Barkby, to Prince Rupert, July 20 — excuses himself for not bringing his
horse to his Royal Highness at Lansdown, as ordered.
Lucas, Sir C, Barkby, to Prince Rupert, July 28 — disaffected state of the garrison ; as
many women and children as soldiers ; asks for threescore foot and a faithful officer,
with English soldiers.
Lunsford, Thomas, Monmouth, to Prince Rupert, July 25 — this the only garrison left
in Gloucester, important to protect Bristol ; the Scots are making up the bridge at
Rope ; if they storm him not till the promised help and the ammunition come, hopes
to give a good account.
Massey, Edward, Dudley Castle, to General Brown, Governor of Abingdon, (intercepted
letter), May 3 — advertises Prince Rupert's and Maurice's march from Broadway to
wards Oxon; desire that his Excellency may have timely notice, also Cromwell.
Maurice, Prince, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, July 7 — has appointed four regiments,
and Maxwell's troop of horse to attend Prince Rupert at Bristol ; would have come
himself, but this place threatened by the Scots.
Norton, William, Worcester, to Prince Rupert, August 4 — Gloucester summoned by
gentlemen of the county to surrender; after long debate they refused ; Major Turner
desirous to make his peace with Prince Rupert.
Nicholas, Sir E., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 29 — rebels' success in beating up the
quarters near this city; Cromwell with two thousand horse and dragoons destroy all
he can take.
Nicholas, Sir E., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, April 30 — vain boasting of the rebels for
petty victories ; Cromwell purposes replacing Massey at Gloucester ; Colonel Winde-
bach condemned to be shot for delivering up Blackington House ; reprieved for one
day.
Nicholas, Sir E., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 16— Cromwell, with about seven
thousand horse and foot, marches towards Coventry ; report that Goring met with
Fairfax's forces in the West, and dispersed them; others say that they never came
near but ran away by small numbers.
Nicholas, Sir E., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, May 22— Fairfax haB marched within three
miles of his town; designs to join Cromwell.
Nicholas, Sir E., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, June 23— Sir F. Fairfax has sent two
thousand horse with Massey to the relief of Taunton; London rebels very insolent
upon their late -victory, and extremely adverse to peace ; the King's soldiers taken
prisoners at Naseby ; turned upon the convoy at Barnet, and only six or seven hun
dred were conveyed to London.
Nicholas, Sir E., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, June 26— Fairfax's council designs his army
for Bristol, and by their leaving the ordnance behind, suspects they have a trea
cherous party in the town ; clubmen in Hampshire grow numerous and very stout.
Nicholas, Sir E., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 11— Scotch army marches south;
" he about Anster and Evesham; they plunder notably in their passage;" Sussex
hath brought in to the Tower; will often remain there.
Nicholas, Sir E., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 12— about one thousand men sent to
the Scots' army, with 30,000/. from London ; apprehension m London about the
clubmen; orders for the chiefs to be hanged.
Nicholas, Sir E., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, July 23— rebels rendezvous at Reading ;
one thousand to be sent every week to the aid of Fairfax as long as^ needed.
Nicholas, Sir E., Oxford, to Prince Rupert, January 10-dissuades Pnnce Rupert from
marching into the north, contrary to the advice of the King and council.
Osborne, Henry, London, to Prince Rupert, October 4- Colonel Rossiter approves of
the manner of Prince Rupert's direction, but cannot answer to Parliament forgiving
him a convoy to Banbury.

530 INDEX AIMD ADS1KAUT

[1648.

Osborne, Henry, London, to Prince Rupert, November 1 — he presents Prince Rupert's
letter to Parliament; they will consent to anything to draw Prince Rupert from join
ing again with Prince Maurice; Queen spreads report at Paris that Prince Rupert
sold Bristol for money.
Osborne, Henry, London, to Prince Rupert, November 9 — Parliament grants him a
pass to embark at Dover, Rye, Southampton, or Yarmouth ; rebels insolent on their
late success, and quarrel of his Majesty and Prince Rupert.
Osborne, Henry, London, to Prince Rupert — has let the Parliament know that he
does not consider the pass an answer to the propositions in Prince Rupert's letter ¦
is desired to appear before the House again on the morrow.
Osborne, Henry, Ludlow, to Prince Rupert, September 5 — rebels have begirt Montgo
mery, and hope Redcastle will fall ; county very much altered since the enemy hath
gained upon them ; the malignancy which hath lain hid in many men's hearts hath
now burst forth to a manifest expression.
Rupert, Prince, Bristol, to Duke of Richmond, July 28 — wonders at the King's resolution
of going to Scotland ; his Majesty has no way left to preserve his posterity, his
kingdom, and nobility, but by a treaty.
Rupert, Prince, Bristol, to the King, September— acknowledges the King's letter of the
14th; has no motive for becoming an actor in his Majesty's service, but considera
tion for him ; prays to see him.
Rupert, Prince, to the King, October 30 — wonders at his Majesty's argument against
him of remaining in garrison to consume provisions ; waits only for the pass from
the Parliament to quit his Majesty of farther trouble concerning him.
Rupert, Prince, to the King, (without date) — is sorry that his former letter was not un
derstood ; acknowledges his former errors upon occasion of what happened at
Newark.
"A poor servant," November 25, (without superscription) entreats Prince Rupert to sub
mit himself to his Majesty.
Rupert, Prince, to the King — laments his disgrace with his MajeBty; prays for for
giveness.
Richmond, Duke of, Cardyff, to Prince Rupert, August 3 — in cipher.
Thorald, T., Shrewsbury, to Prince Rupert — describes the ill condition of Newark ;
Prince Rupert cannot come within a month ; prays if he have influence at Oxon to
procure aid in less space.
Trevor, Arthur, Bristol, to Prince Rupert, April 30 — is providing himself a wardrobe, and
will then wait on Prince Rupert; Prince of Wales's journey westward proves very
hopeful ; Colonel Slingsby with his coach and six taken whilst waiting upon a lady.
Wetson, Leo, Scoutmaster to the rebels, Bridgewater, to Prince Rupert, July 22 — relates
the taking of Bridgewater by rebels ; this letter was intercepted and forwarded by
Louis Dyne to his friend Colonel Roe.
Wales, Prince of, Launceston, to Prince Rupert, August 2 — letter, chiefly in cipher, in
answer to Prince Rupert's to Prince of Wales's council.
SUNDRY PAPEES RELATING TO 1645.
Commission from the King, appointing Prince Rupert Captain- General of the Life-
Guards.
April 24 — Resolutions of the associated counties of Somerset, Dorset, Devon, and Corn
wall.
June 15 — Order of battle at Naseby, King's army.
June 25, and 28 — Letters to all these generals to assemble the country together; the
King, Prince Rupert, &c, present.
Articles between General Leslie of the Scotch cavalry and Sir H. Stradling, Governor of
Carlisle, touching the delivery of the castle, city, and citadel.
November 1 1 — Order of both Houses of Parliament in London for Prince Rupert's and
Prince Maurice's pass beyond seas.
The state and plan of Abingdon; how to gain it ?
Bellenhen, W., Edinburgh, to Prince Rupert, May 4 — " the raising of an army long
interrupted by Argyll and his corrupt associates and by the seditious preachers ; but
the colonels are nominated ; army to consist of thirty thousand ; rendezvous on the
24th inst. this side Tay.; Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice have enemies in Eng-

1648. J OF CORRESPONDENCE. 531
land, but their business here will be done by the Duke of Hamilton and his brother
Lanencke.
Ball, John, Rotterdam, to Prince Rupert, December 15— concerning providing pro
visions for the fleet ; the pawning of the Antelope and ordnance ; gives great
offence here ; news of division amongst the rebels.
Bampfylde, Admiral J., to Prince Rupert, July 18— arguments used by Mr. Denham
and others of the Presbyterian party against Prince Maurice's accompanying the
Prince of Wales to England or Scotland.
Bankes, John, and Devy, Rotterdam, to Prince Rupert, February 14 — will pay Prince
Rupert the money, as ordered by Lord Hopton and Sir E. Hyde.
Batten, W., Rotterdam, to Prince Rupert, November 3— excuses himself from coming
on board his Royal Highness's ship, because of malice against him ; sends Captain
Gordon.
Bellenhen, W., Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 22 — King's affairs prosperous in
Scotland ; " it is now probable that either by voice or action the Scots will have a
great stroke in the settling of his Majesty's affairs.
Berkeley, Sir John, Teeling, to Prince Rupert, November 13 — writes by desire of the
Prince of Wales, who hopes to be with Prince Rupert on the morrow ; intends to
lie this night at Rotterdam ; artifice used to prevent his coming.
Blale, Walter, Mayor, Galloway, to Prince Rupert, March 3— acknowledges Prince
Rupert's letter of February 21, concerning the supply of his Majesty's fleet; will
give their best assistance, but great scarcity from supplying ships from home to
St. Kitts.
Butler, Edward, Carrick, to Prince Rupert, March 19 — excuses his not coming to kiss
Prince Rupert's hands by illness, devotion, &c.
Boswell, William, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 31 — commands the ships Mary
and Anne, of Aldborough, bound to Amsterdam, to Prince Rupert's protection, which
he.meansto have "prepared speedily for sea."
Castlehaven, Lord, Craike, to Prince Rupert, February 1— his whole time been em
ployed in drinking Prince Rupert's health; " hath yet so much his wits about him as
to congratulate his safe arrival in this kingdom."
Craven, Lord, Hague, to Prince Rupert, November 6 — cautions Prince Rupert to take
care, " before he leaps," of the condition in which he finds everything.
Culpepper, John, Gravenhagh, to Lord Hopton or Sir E. Hyde, November 12 — has
negotiated for provisions for the fleet ; also for powder ; the Duke of York ready to
undertake the employment ; merchants of Rotterdam ready to assist the Duke of
York with money ; glad that the state of the fleet is so well changed by Prince
Rupert's presence.
Dodington, Sir F., Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 1 3 — concerning a Captain Van
de Baacke to be licensed by Prince of Orange for Prince Rupert's service ; the sale
of the Antelope ; report out of Ireland that Inchiquin is beaten by O'Neile and
treats with Parliament.
Dodington, Sir F., Rotterdam, to Prince Rupert, December 19— suggests the purchasing
provisions from a Dutch vessel.
Dodington, Sir F., Rotterdam, to Prince Rupert, December 23 — naval arrangements ;
desires that Prince Rupert's commission be sufficiently full.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Brill, to Prince Rupert, October 1— by desire of the Prince of
Wales, writes confident his Royal Highness will meet with no interruption from
the States ; Prince of Orange is come to the Hague on his way hither.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Brill, to Prince Rupert, October 2— whether fire-Bhips will be de
sirable at so great charge and the States fleet stationed between the Prince of Wales
and that of Lord Warwick ; Prince of Wales desires directions from Prince Rupert
with reference to the fleet.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, November 17 — disorders of the navy ;
his Royal Highness "best knows what may be used without taking notice, and
what may require a more rough remedy ; " refusal of the Duke of York to sail with
the fleet.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, November 19— Lord Warwick has come
near Prince Rupert with his whole fleet ; Prince of Orange made an agreement with
Lord Warwick that the Prince's fleet should have twenty-four hours' sail of them ;
recommends Lord Hopton.
Hvde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, November 24— discourses here ot violence
offered by Van Tromp in behalf of Lord Warwick.

532 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1648.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, November 26 — Prince of Wales intends to
go to Jersey ; no dispatches from the King about the treaty.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, November 29 — Prince of Wales has given
a friendly reception to Batten and Gordon ; correspondences still go on between this
place and Lord Warwick.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 1 — will send Prince Rupert
his commissions blank ; no time fixed for the Prince of Wales's journey ; plots going
on to prevent his going and to send the Duke of York to France.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 5 — negotiations for shutting the
sluice ; captain of the Thomas and others are false friends to the Prince of Wales ;
letters from London give less hope.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 6— the captains went last night;
hopes Prince Rupert will succeed in arresting them.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 11 — the month's provision of
pickled meat bought from Mr. Webster shewed nought ; neither money nor credit to
procure more.
Hvde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 15 — Lord Willoughby prays
Prince Rupert to employ his kinsman on board his ship ; the captain of the Thomas
consents that his ship should serve the Prince of Wales.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 30 — Prince of Wales desires
that the provisions, since not useful to the fleet, be sold.
Hyhe, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 20 — better, to avoid mistakes,
for Prince Rupert himself to write to the Prince of Wales ; good news from Ireland;
none from London, but rumours of the King being carried to St. James's ; Prince of
Wales thinks of sending an express to know if he can be seen.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 21 — continued sad news from
London ; Lords unanimously voted against the King's trial ; Commons declared
sovereign power to be in them.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, February 28 — news arrived of the murder
of the King ; received by. the States with great detestation of this horrid wicked
ness ; report of peace at Waterford, and of Prince Rupert's arrival there.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, Rebruary 9 — letter of Lord Ormond's to
the Prince of Wales, upon the whole cheerful, though some of the army are opposed
to peace with the Catholics ; encouragement for the fleet to come to Cork and Kin-
sale; reminds Prince Rupert of promise to " vouchsafe him some memorials and obser
vations of the late most signal actions in England.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, November 9 — hopes that on receipt of
Prince Rupert's letter, Prince Charles will go to the fleet instead of to Amsterdam.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 10 — would have retained the
captain, but could not, so exceedingly sensible as is everybody with whom he con
verses of the difficulties of all kinds with which Prince Rupert has to wrestle.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 10 — of some seamen, who said
they were going to Prince Rupert, if they could have pay.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 24 — Scots weary of Argyle; if the
Prince of Wales will come "he shall have an army fit to conquer the world; Prince of
Wales presented a memoir to the States, which is likely to produce some good effect ;
talk of sending an Ambassador to London," who shall speak big ; H. Seymour gone
there to ask a pass for the King from Fairfax.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 6— will do whatsoeveris in his
power to make his Royal Highness's great work more easy, but he knows what
straits they are in for want of money ; resolution of the Lords that Lord Hopton
and himself should immediately wait on Prince Rupert.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 27 — deliberation of the Lords
concerning Prince Rupert's using the standards, which should be only on going into
action ; some try to make a misunderstanding between Prince Rupert and Lord
Ormond ; Prince of Wales's opinion of the payment of navy commissioners.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 9 — Captain Downe desires com
mission to take prizes, which he shall have as soon as the Prince of Wales has issued
any ; States listen to nothing but Sir W. Boswell.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 28 — proposes the navy ordinance
of some ships to be left behind for raising money ; Prince of Wales suggests that
all the vessels might be unrigged in order to draw off Lord Warwick ; embezzlement
of provisions by pursers, carpenters, &c.

1648. j OF CORRESPONDENCE. 533
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 29— condition of the King grows
every day worse and worse, though their own divines have declared to the general
officers that they are so far from having any warrant from religion to proceed against
his life, that they will be in a state of damnation if they venture upon it ; whether
Prince Rupert should not make haste to Ireland with what ships he has before the
fleet comes.
Hyde, Sir Edward, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 29— news of hopeful condition of
affairs in Ireland ; doubts not that if Prince Rupert arrives there in safety he will
find all things to his wish ; Prince of Wales will come to the fleet as soon as he
receives advice from Prince Rupert ; King removed from Hurst Castle to Windsor
December 21.
Hopton, Lord, Helvoetsluys, to Prince Rupert, December 22 — informs Prince Rupert of
an offer from Captain Griffith to levy a party of horse, free of cost, for the reduction
of Guernsey.
Hopton, Lord, Helvoetsluys, to Prince Rupert, January 2 — Some boats with stores are
arrived ; prays for money to pay arrears to baker and carpenter.
Hopton, Lord, Helvoetsluys, to Prince Rupert, January 5 — prays necessity of despatch,
that the fleet may sail by the spring tides ; concerning provisions and payment.
Johnson, Jeremiah, Sandowne Castle, to the Prince of WaleB, August 6 — prays that the
muskets taken from the captain of the Thomas may be restored to him, he being
a loyal subject and a good man.
Johnson, Jeremiah, Sandowne Castle, to Prince Rupert, August 6 — that the chests and
trunks taken out of the bay of Sandwich be not delivered to Sir Edward Mannings,
who doth act as committee of Kent for Parliament.
Inchinquin, Lord, Cork, to Prince Rupert, March 6 — not convenient to grant W. Chad-
leigh's exemption fees forvessels in harbour; will wait on Prince Rupert if his em
ployment of preparing the army for the field will allow.
Inchinquin, Lord, Cork, to Prince Rupert, March 7 — requests the loan of three hundred
muskets from those supplied for Prince Rupert's regiment, and to endeavour to reco
ver arms embezzled or sold by land soldiery.
Inchinquin, Lord, Cork, to Prince Rupert, March 8 — Dublin forces have great num
bers offered their services to the Lord-Lieutenant; O'NeiHe's recruits to come against
them; Lord Charles orders to march.
Jermyn, Lord, St. Germains, to Prince Rupert, August 8 — congratulates Prince Rupert
on his arrival; the Queen has written to Prince Rupert on the subject of the council;
absence of Prince of Wales's ship.
Jermyn, Lord, Paris, to Prince Rupert, September 5 — advertised of Lord Lauderdale
being with the Prince of Wales, and of his resolution of going to Holland and thence
to Scotland.
Jermyn, Lord, St. Germains, to Prince Rupert, September 14 — the reason ofthe Queen
sending the bearer to the Prince of Wales is her fears of his going to Scotland since
the disasters there; wishes him to deliberate.
Jermyn, Lord, Paris, to Prince Rupert, October 16 — the Queen has written to Lord
Culpepper what she thinks Prince Charles should do; has raised two millions a-year
on the town of Paris.
Jermyn, Lord, Paris, to Prince Rupert, November 19 — if Prince Rupert cannot sail for
Ireland with the whole fleet; recommends him to take only the smaller vessels to
Jersey, where there is a good harbour.
Katelbye, Thomas, Paris, to Prince Rupert, December 14 — the governor of the Con-
vertine being dead, John Fortescue of the Antelope asks for his place.
Kent, Joseph, Vincenza, to Prince Rupert, September 30 — prays Prince Rupert to pre
vail with the Prince of Wales that he be confirmed in the consulship of Venice and
Nantes, in which he is opposed by a rebel appointment.
Lewkenor, Charles, Rotterdam, to his brother Sir L. Doddington, November 27 — prays
him to intercede with Prince Rupert for Captain Golding, for whose fidelity he
pledges himself.
Long, Sir R., Rotterdam, to Prince Rupert, August 12— sends Mr. Fredewy to draw up
such orders as Prince Rupert shall require.
Long, Sir R., the Brill, to Prince Rupert, October 2— signifies that the Prince of Wales
will be at Helvoetsluys early on the morrow.
Long, Sir R., Rotterdam, to Prince Rupert, December 16, 1648-9— Prince of Wales
arrived with great difficulty hither; prevented by ice from proceeding to the
Sluys.

534 INDEX AiMJJ ABOlttAUl

L 1648,

Mennes, John, Helvoetsluys, to Prince Rupert, January 12— has tried the price of peas
and groats, but finds them both too dear; report spread by some villains that there
. was no meat or pay to be had on board the fleet, which prevent men from entering
the service.
Montrose, Brussels, to Prince Rupert, September 7 — declares himself " a passionate
affecter of Prince Rupert and all his ways."
Montrose, Brussels, to Prince Rupert, October 7 — acknowledges Prince Rupert's "noble
and generous expressions."
Montrose, Brussels, to Prince Rupert, December 14 — would have waited on Prince
Rupert; but, being summoned by one who pretends to have orders for him from his
Majesty, thinks it very fit for Prince Rupert " that he should smell them out."
Montrose, Brussels, to Prince Rupert, December 3— intends to return to the Imperial
Court, as there is nothing of honour amongst the stuff here; will always be ready to
stake all for the service of Prince Rupert.
Morton, the Hague, to Prince Rupert, November 15 — has exposed to the Prince of
Wales those propositions which he had before represented to his Royal Highness; the
Prince of Wales seemed to relish them very well.
O'Neille, D., Havre, to Lord  , August 31 — hopes by Lord  's management to
find himself well advanced in his Prince Rupert's favour; " if the last tumult in
Paris will let the Lord Lucas and his brother-in-law, Sir G. Hamilton, they will be
here on Wednesday next with a little recruit of crowns, " and we will beat it at sea
rather than stay here."
Neville, R., London, to Prince Rupert, May 1 6 — apparently an allegorical announce
ment of Cromwell's yielding to some proposition of Prince Rupert.
O'Sullivan, R., Bantry, to Prince Rupert, January 31 — encloses reply to his letter to
Lord Inchinquin on Prince Rupert's arrival.
O'Sullivan, R., Bantry, to Prince Rupert, March 14— presents his nephew, Captain
Moragh O'Donovan, to Prince Rupert's service.
Madder, Fabian, Baltimore, to Prince Rupert, January 26 — four vessels are come to this
harbour ; with the assistance of some ships from Kinsale, hopes to have them, and
then will wait on his Royal Highness.
Pitt, John, Helvoetsluys, to Prince Rupert, December — affairs of finance connected with
the fleet.
Rokeby, Thomas, Calais, to Prince Rupert, May 6 — news that the Duke of York has
escaped from St. James's, none know whither.
Rokeby, Thomas, La Bassey, to Prince Rupert, June 24 — Prince of Conde's arrival be
tween Arras and Esperrone; the siege of the latter abandoned on his approach; his
forces diminished since he entered Flanders.
Vavasour, William, Helvoetsluys, to Prince Rupert, August 1 — Goring dissatisfied at
being refused a commission; levies in Embden go on slowly.
Vavasour, William, Flushing, to Prince Rupert, August 17 — has the promise of two
hundred men from hence on the payment of 20/.
Vavasour, William, Middleburgh, to Mr. Long, Prince of Wales's secretary, October 14
— urges payment of 250/. for the troops, otherwise one hundred and eighty men will
be lost.
Talbot, James, Paris, to Prince Rupert, November 7 — matters in Ireland may be easily
appeased; his Royal Highness's presence there with the fleet will much comfort and
settle that kingdom, and infinitely infest the enemy.
Taaffe, L., Carrick, to Prince Rupert, February 2 — expresses admiration and affection
for Prince Rupert.
Tyers, Galway, to Prince Rupert, March 22 — being under his Majesty's displeasure do-
bars him from waiting on Prince Rupert, yet offers his bounden duty, and recom
mends Sir R. Blake as the best man to transact his Royal Highness's business in
this town.
Wake, Baldwin, Castle Cornet, to Prince Rupert, September 14— announces his safe
arrival in this important place; despatches an officer to give Prince Rupert informa
tion concerning it.
Legge, Colonel, Castle Cornet, to Prince Rupert, January 15 — after his long imprison
ment is allowed to remain within twenty miles; whenever he gets a pass will be ready
to go into any place wherever Prince Rupert can employ him.
(No name), in prison at Nottingham Castle, to Prince Rupert, August 26 — describes an
action in which his troops, engaged gallantly with a superior force, were finally
beaten, and he taken prisoner.

1649.J OF CORRESPONDENCE. 535
(No name), Sorlingue, to Prince Rupert, March 1 9— prays Prince Rupert to give thought
to the defence of these islands.
An address, probably from Prince Rupert to the States— describes the state of the King
and his party; and appeals to their lordships that these unparalleled proceedings
concern the interests of all Princes and States.
Butler, Edmund, Carrick, to Prince Rupert, March 26— a commission from the King
confirming the Lord Lieutenant of his desires earnestly to come hither, but prevented
by " the gang" his Majesty knows of, and by Scots who court his presence.
Craven, Lord, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 26 — on affairs in Ireland and iu
Paris, where Prince de Conde" and M. de Longueville are at the head.
Dodington, Sir F., Rotterdam, to Sir John Minnes, January 12— desires to know what
day the fleet is to sail that he may first kiss Prince Rupert's hands.
Hopton, Lord, Helvoetsluys, to Prince Rupert, January 4 — a fellow came to arrest
the Charles, but was prevented from coming on board ; thinks that Prince of Wales
Bhould complain to the States.
Hopton, Lord, BriU, to Prince Rupert, January 10— has conferred particularly with
Mr. Clutterbuck about the redeeming the ordnance of the Antelope.
Hopton, Lord, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 21 — has his Royal Highness's orders
for the redemption of the Antelope's guns from Dekees.
Hyde, Sir E., Hague, to Prince Rupert, March 18 — has not heard of Prince Rupert
since he left the Sluys, nor from the Lord  ; Lord Byron still in France, prob
ably waiting on Duke of York.
Inchiquin, Lord, Cork, to Prince Rupert, April 3 and 5 — has received the signification
of Prince Rupert's pleasure concerning the sale of the frigate ; had rather than 300/.
have the use of her ; prays for the two hundred men more than necessary for Scilly,
to be added to his brother's troops.
Jermyn, Lord, Paris, to Prince Rupert, June 25 — good news from Ireland ; Queen
declares that she owes her prospects to hira.
Jermyn, Lord, Paris, to Prince Rupert, June 30 — congratulates on Prince Rupert's
taking the charge of master of the horse.
Jermyn, Lord, Paris, to Prince Rupert, August 1 and 19 — Queen excuses herself from
writing to Prince Rupert having a defluxion in the eyes ; news from England con
firms his opinion of the necessity of Prince Charles's going to Scotland.
Jermyn, Lord, Paris, to Prince Rupert, no date — prays Prince Rupert's assistance
concerning some money due to him from Duke of Buckingham.
Long, Sir Robert, Paris, to Prince Rupert, January 3 — has sent .Prince Rupert by =>
servant copies of his own and Lord Jermyn's commissions.
Long, Sir Robert, the Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 1 3 — has sent Prince Rupert all
the dispatches that have been required.
Long, Sir Robert, the Hague, to Prince Rupert, February 28— the King sends Prince
Rupert's new commissions which will receive the great seal when one is prepared ;
peace concluded in Ireland ; troubles in Paris.
Montrose, Duke of, the Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 8 — " being informed some
new imposture is like to delude our sense, thinks fit to send this bearer to receive
his Royal Highness's commands."
Montrose, Duke of, the Hague, to Prince Rupert, February 8 — refers aU relation to
Beaner, " this gallant honest gentleman."
Montrose, Duke of, the Hague, to Prince Rupert, February 27 — professions of devotion
to Prince Rupert.
Montrose, Duke of, no date, to Prince Rupert— refers to matters concerning Nantes
not fully explained.
Mennes, John, Kinsale, to Prince Rupert, February 7 — Captain of the Silly urges
Prince Rupert's sudden departure from the island where he now is.
Nicholas, Sir E., Jersey, to Prince Rupert, November 30— news of Ireland by way of
London is, that O'Neille has joined Montrose, and that Cromwell has, in conse
quence, raised the siege of Duncannon and retired into Dublin, also that Prmce
Rupert has taken six Malaga ships. ,
0'Neile,  , Thurles, to Prince Rupert, March 27— in behalf of Sir R. Stirling,
who had a venture in a prize taken by Prince Rupert and is a loyal gentleman.
Copy of a Treaty made at Turin November 1649 between the King of England and the
Duke of Savoy. , _
Cary, Henry and William Legge, Exeter Gaol, to Prince Rupert, December 18—
that the Marmaduke has been taken in the Straits under Prmce Rupert's com-
VOL. I. N N

536 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1650.
mand, and carried into Tallowne ; prays that Mr. Cary may have his portion in the
venture returned, being related to Prince Rupert's servants.
Cary, Henry and William Legge, Kinsale, to the King, no date — enemy's fleet lies off
this harbour ; if his Majesty has strength enough it would be easy to destroy them
here ; if not, advises that his Majesty makes the west part of Limerick or Galway
where coast is clear.
Cashing, William, Sam-gullies Town, to Mr. Pope on board the ship Friendship,
December 9 — announces a disaster in the blowing up of the stones and some houses
from a spark dropped amongst the powder.
Jermyn, Lord, Paris, to Prince Rupert, February 6 — is glad to hear of Prince Rupert's
safe arrival ; affairs here so distracted that it is impossible to give a clear account of
them ; sends Choqueux to Prince Rupert.
Jermyn, Lord, Paris, to Prince Rupert, February 18 — the Cardinal gone ; saw Prince
of Conde at Havre ; not known what arrangement was made between them ;
perfect union between him, the Duke of Orleans and the Queen ; King, notwith
standing his defeat, is raising another and better army.
Marshall, Captain and other Officers, His Majesty's ship Honest Seaman, to Prince
Rupert, November 4 — relates an affair with a Spanish vessel off Fayal.
M., J., same date, to Prince Rupert — relates loss of Worcester ; King and Duke of
Buckingham escaped to France ; Penn waits in the Straits to waylay Prince Rupert
in England ; Cromwell governs all.
Pitts, John, Angra, to Prince Rupert, October 17 — news from Plymouth of the King's
besieging Bristol, and being beaten ; account of naval stores in readiness for Prince
Rupert.
Pitts, John. Angra, to Prince Rupert, October 17 — some merchants have brought on
board four thousand dollars ; they say they have sent their Peru money to be
exchanged at Marseilles.
Pitts, John, Angra, to Prince Rupert, January 15, 1652 — informs Prince Rupert of the
unbeseeming and dangerous carriage of the gunner of the Revenge who, when
drunk, would have taken tobacco over a barrel of powder.
Nicholas, Edward, the Hague, to Prince Rupert, March 17 — congratulates him on
safe arrival somewhere, after so many tedious storms and happy deliverances ; his
readiness to serve Prince Rupert.
Nicholas, Edward, without date or signature, apparently from Paris, to Prince Rupert —
King continues extremely earnest to have his Royal Highness here, but would have
you secure your business when you call ; King recommends Colonel Owen and
M. 1'AbbG to Prince Rupert's service ; bids him have a care of his health.
H., De Vic, Brill, to Prince Rupert, May 12, 1653 — sends Prince Rupert the passport
he commanded the writer to ask from the Archduke ,- does not attribute to the
backwardness of the latter its not being done sooner.
Cocks, Robert, Lisbon, to Prince Rupert, April 24 — long interesting letter on Prince
Rupert's private affairs.
Craven, Tim., Nantes, to Prince Rupert, June 2— relates how his ship was separated,
from Prince Rupert's fleet and wrecked on the coast of Hispaniola.
Drummond, Patrick, Camphire, to Prince Rupert, May 28 — has received Prince
Rupert's orders, and will carefully follow them, for following the process.
Jermyn, H„ Paris, to Prince Rupert, March 22 — congratulates on safe arrival ; Queen
is entirely Prince Rupert's constant friend.
Holder, Job, Paris, to Prince Rupert, December 3 — correspondent in England has been
lately in the North, and hopes to give such an account of his Majesty's affairs as
may not be altogether unsatisfactory.
Holmes, Robert, his Majesty's ship Hopnell, to Prince Rupert, April 14 — concerning a
breach of Prince Rupert's orders committed by Captain Fearnes and Mr. Pyne ;
people very quiet, but seamen few.
Holmes, Robert, Nantes, to Prince Rupert, May 3 — concerning the removal of some
goods ; Prince Rupert's return here expected suddenly.
Holmes, Robert, Nantes, to Prince Rupert, May 17 — has received Prince Rupert's
commands for the elephant's teeth ; gets up mutiny amongst the French at
Penbeef, which' he pacified.
Holmes, Robert, NanteB, to Prince Rupert, May 19 — has marched on M. Marshall,
who was pleased, with very high expressions, to tell him that he will not fail with
open arms to embrace every occasion of serving Prince Rupert, and orders the charge '
of his magazines to be ready for his stores.

1648.]

OF CORRESPONDENCE. 537

Holmes, Robert, Nantes, to Prince Rupert, May 24— has found some elephant's
teeth hid in the ballast which, with the sugar and chocolate, sends to Prince
Rupert.
Holmes, Robert, Portloney, to Prince Rupert, June 13— complains of Captain Fearns ;
informs about ordnance.
Kent, Joseph, Venice, to Prince Rupert, October 18— Flemish so scour these seas that
there are few English ships left, but those in the Venetian service.
Lendone, Robert, Hague, to Prince Rupert, — states his sad condition, and craves em
ployment under Prince Rupert.
Mansell, John, Hague, to Prince Rupert, April 23 — was taken at the battle of Wor
cester, and after five months imprisonment had come to Holland, where he had per
fected a species of firework for shooting into the sails of ships.
Holder, Job, Heidelberg, to Prince Rupert, July 25— the Diurnall says "Jack is
beheaded, and another hanged, and that the Portugals ambassador's brother was
beheaded at the same time, and another English gentleman hanged.
Holder, Job, Heidelberg, to Prince Rupert, August 1 — V. Pine has made an end of
measuring the Cloysture and Langessel; these lands to be confirmed to Prince
Rupert by the Elector.
Holder, Job, Heidelberg, to Prince Rupert, August 8 — an express from the emperor,
signifying that the King of England having expressed an intention of coming to the
Court of Vienna ; he wishes the elector to dissuade him from it.
Holder, Job, Heidelberg, to Prince [Rupert, August 26 — recapitulates the subjects of
his letters to Prince Rupert from August 3rd.
Holder, Job, Heidelberg, to Prince Rupert, September 1 — letter of August 21, from
Sir M. Langdale, says " that travelling in those countries begins to be dangerous, by
reason of the Swedes forces."
HoLDEn, Job, Heidelberg, to Prince Rupert, October 7 — very ill news from Scotland,
that the rebels have finished their work there as they have in Ireland."
Holder, Job, Heidelberg, to Prince Rupert, October 14 — Elector sent for him and com
plains that Sir Leslie has been rash and inconsiderate in the affair at Langessel, and
desires to write thus that his Royal Highness may have nothing farther to do with
him.
Langdale, Marshal, Antwerp, to Prince Rupert, March 11 — news that the Scots be in
very good condition, and had given the English rebels a very good blow.
Nicholas, E., Cologne, to Mr. Taylor, resident at Vienna for King of Great Britain,
November 10 — account of Cromwell's accident in Hyde Park ; the thing he calls a
Parliament begins again to cross his designs ; to render his office hereditary ; divi
sions amongst the States of Holland ; no ill news to us, Bince they are so united with
the worst of rebels in England.
Cary, Frederick, Rynberck, to Prince Rupert, September 1 1 — by Prince ^Rupert's
commands delivers sir couple of hounds.
Nicholas, Edward, Brussels, to Prince Rupert, May 6 — the King surprised that Lord
Jermyn should recommend Colonel Bampfield, whom he is assured is at this time
in Cromwell's service ; the people of Ostend have taken a French troop sent against
them by the French ; hatred against Cromwell in England very great, yet none
will rise to suppress him and his party, unless they see some foreign forces landed
to secure them in their rising.
Prince Charles, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 2 — has not made his resolutions
concerning the ships, but still intends that those that can be made should put to
sea; also those provisions and powder that were promised.
Prince Charles, Hague, to Prince Rupert, December 26 — instructions touching the ex
ecution of his commission as admiral ofthe fleet.
Prince Charles, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 5 — according to Prince Rupert's
desire declares that whenever the Duke of York shall desire authority over the
fleet, Prince Rupert shall act in subordination to him.
Prince Charles, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 8 — recommends Captain Forier, who
hath served the King faithfully in the north to service in the fleet, and under
Lord Ormond.
Prince Charles, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 28 — prays Prince Rupert to see
the petition of Captain Bing, who hath been long on board the fleet, and served the
King faithfully.
Prince Charles, Hague, to Sir George Carteret, Bart., Lieutenant-Governor of Isle of
Jersey, January 11 — Prince Rupert having instructions to put in at Jersey, Prince

538 INDEX AND ABSTRACT [1649.
Charles entreats the governor will not only give him his best advice, but all the
assistance he can, in case he think fit to make an attempt upon Guernsey.
Prince Charles, St. Germains's, to Prince Rupert, August 3 — advertised that the
Governor of Kinsale and others have taken money of Cromwell to betray the
town.
Prince Charles, St. Germains, to Prince Rupert, November 7 — recommends the bearer,
Thomas Reade, as will profit to serve Prince Rupert in the fleet for the sale of the
goods and merchandise which he shall take.
Prince Charles, Castle Elizabeth, Jersey, to the Marquis of Ormond, November 13 —
desires that means be afforded Prince Rupert to convert foreign money into coin of
the realm at any Irish port where he may land.
Prince Charles, Jersey, to Prince Rupert, November 1 6 — is full of Prince Rupert's
opinion concerning his going to Ireland; desires Prince Rupert to come to Rochelle,
Brest, or Barnett, and he will meet him there; Choquee will give an account of all
the other businesses.
Prince Charles, Jersey, to Prince Rupert, December 4 — has despatched the bearer,
Choquee, with full instructions about Prince Charles's journey to Ireland; hears that
Ormond raised the siege of Duncannon; had fought with Cromwell and driven him
to Wexford.
Prince Charles, Jersey, to Prince Rupert, January 15 — gives Prince Rupert power to
fill up blank commissions for captains to ships.
Prince Charles, Jersey, to Prince Rupert, January 27 — desires him to repair to Hel
voetsluys to act as a judge of the Admiralty, or to appoint a deputy in his place.
Prince Charles, Hague, to Prince Rupert, misdated January 27 — if the ship now
taken prove a prize, desires that at least 300/. worth of the proceeds be given to the
governor of Jersey.
Prince Charles, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 27 — having already disbursed
for the fleet a considerable part of those moneys intended for King Charles's own
support and maintenance, is unable to discharge the debt contracted at Helvoetsluys
for the same, and must provide for it out of the proceeds of the ship's goods, if good
prize.
Prince Charles, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 27 — authorizes Prince Rupert to
appoint salaries to the commissioners; is employed in Ireland to dispose of goods and
merchandize taken by his Majesty's fleet.
Prince Charles, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 28 — authorises Prince Rupert to
reimburse himself for money advanced to the service of the fleet out of proceeds of
prizes already taken.
King Charles II., Hague, to Prince Rupert, March 17 — that Prince Rupert will
supply his Majesty with as much money as he can for the relief of his great and
pressing necessities, in consideration of a merchant vessel from Rotterdam, belonging
to M. Foord, about to deliver its goods to him in Ireland.
King Charles IL, Hague, to Prince Rupert, January 20 — professes friendship to
Prince Rupert, and that any who shaU dare to whisper anything to the prejudice of
it, the reward shall fall on his own head.
King Charles IL, JerBey, to Prince Rupert, January 31 — has resolved (in consequence
of an address from his subjects in Scotland) upon a new treaty with them at Breda,
but assures Prince Rupert that he will consent to nothing that shall diminish his
authority over the fleet, or the prosperity of the navy.
King Charles IL, Hague, to Prince Rupert, February 19 — urges the importance of
engaging the army of Munster to his Majesty's service ; desires that 1000/.
out of the first prize-money be paid to the Marquis of Ormond for its support ;
receives injunctions about Cornett Castle.
Charles IL, Hague, to Prince Rupert, February 27 — recommends Thomas Henry
Smith for faithful service in the fleet.
Charles II. , Hague, to Prince Rupert, March 6 — entreats Prince Rupert to assist
Lord Derby, by employing ships under his command for the defence of the Isle
of Man, where he has retired.
Charles IL, Hague, to Prince Rupert, March 7— entreats Prince Rupert to give
General Monk all the assistance and encouragement in his power, being em
ployed in some important things, for his Majesty's service.
Charles IL, Hague, to Prince Rupert, April 8 — recommends three seamen to be
immediately received into his Majesty's service.
Charles IL, Hague, to Prince Rupert, March 18— entreats Prince Rupert to receive

1657.]

OF CORRESPONDENCE. 539

with favour John Boyle, whom he has appointed a commissioner for the order
ing and disposing of prize goods.
Charles II., Hague, to Prince Rupert, March 20 — the preservation of the Isles
of Scilly is of such great importance, that he entreats Prince Rupert to contribute all
he can to the assistance and relief of the Government, and especially to appoint a
frigate to be under his command.
Charles II., Paris, to Prince Rupert, April 2 — seeing the probability of his Ma
jesty having reason shortly to go to Holland, urges the necessity of Prince
Rupert's hastening the preparation of the fleet ; and to make all haste hither.
Charles IL, Paris, to Prince Rupert, June 26 — Sir G. Lucas having a claim for
certain sums advanced by him for the fleet, albeit he cannot produce the accounts,
desires Prince Rupert may, after satisfying more certain claims, pay him one
thousand livres on account.
Charles IL, Paris, to Prince Rupert, August 2 — another recommendation for Sir G.
Lucas, considering risked condition.
Charles II., Palais Royal, Paris, to Prince Rupert, October 27 — authorizes Prince
Rupert to sell Swallow for the use of his Majesty's pressing necessities.
Charles II., Paris, to Prince Rupert, November — urges his speedy coming to him.
Charles II., Palais Royal, February 6 — fears there has been some great advantage
gained in the channel by the rebel fleet; will hasten thither if his presence be
acceptable.
Charles IL, Paris, to Prince Rupert, February 19 — writes to meet Prince Rupert
at his landing at some French port to desire he may give credit to what he
may hear from the attorney-general ; does not write more himself, having lost the
cipher.
Charles IL, Dunkirk, to Prince Rupert, November 12 — Bamfield, who has had the
impudence to apply to Prince Rupert, is a spy of Cromwell's.
Chahj.es IL, Paris, to Prince Rupert, March 22 — is surprised with joy by the assurance
of Prince Rupert's safe arrival in these parts ; if he could feel like assurance of his
brother's safety, need not tell him how important it would be to his affairs.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

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