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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE HISTORY
OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

\ GENERAL VIEW OF THE HISTORY
OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

BY
BROOKE FOSS WESTCOTT, D.D.

THIRD EDITION REVISED BY
WILLIAM 'ALDIS WRIGHT,
VICB-MASTER OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

Honion :
MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited
NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1905
[All Ris^hts reserved]

Ew\o7<»? o AtSacr/ca\o9 r)fi,5>v eXeyev
riNecOE TpAnezTjAi Aokimoi.

First Edition, Crown %vo. 1868,
Second Edition, Crown Svo. 1872,
Third Edition revised by William Aldis Wright, Svo. 1905

PREFACE.
IN the following Essay I have endeavoured to call
attention to some points in the history of the English
Bible which have been strangely neglected. The history
of our Bible is indeed a type of the history of our Church,
and both histories have suffered the same fate. The
writers who have laboured most successfully upon them
have in the main confined themselves to outward facts
without tracing the facts back to their ultimate sources,
or noticing the variety of elements which go to form the
final result. As far as I know no systematic inquiry into
the internal history of our Authorised Version has yet ,
been made, and still no problem can offer greater scope
for fruitful research. To solve such a problem completely
would be a work of enormous labour, and I have been
forced to content myself with indicating some salient
points in the solution, in the hope that others may correct
and supplement the conclusions which I have obtained.
It is at least something to know generally to what extent
Tindale and Coverdale made use of earlier versions, and
to be able to refer to their sources most of the charac
teristic readings of Matthew's New Testament and of the
Great Bibles \
1 Perhaps I may be allowed to mention one or two collations which would
certainly furnish some valuable results.
(i) A collation of the Grenville Fragment with the smaller Tindale's
Testament of 1525.
(2) A collation of Tindale's Testaments of 1534 and 1535 with the New
Testament in Matthew's Bible of 1537.
(3) A collation of Tindale's Pentateuchs of 1530 and 1534 with Matthew's
Bible 1537, for which Mr Offer's MSS. in the British Museum would be available
as a verification (see p. 208, n.).
(4) A collation of numerous select passages in the Great Bibles of 1539,
W. b

VI PREFACE
Even in the external history of our Bible much remains
to be done. It seems scarcely credible that adequate
inquiry will not shew from what presses Tindale's New
Testament of 1535 S Coverdale's Bible of 1535 and
Matthew's Bible of 1537 proceeded. And it is impossible
not to hope that Mr Brewer's researches may yet bring
to light new documents illustrating the vacillating policy
of Henry VIII. as to the circulation of the vernacular
Scriptures. It does not fall within my province to criticise other
histories. I have used Mr Anderson's Annals of the
English Bible, and the Historical Account^ prefixed to
Bagster's Hexapla (to which Mr Anderson does scant
justice) with the greatest profit, and I desire to express
generally my obligations to both essays. If I differ from
them silently on any points I do so purposely, and in
some cases I have even felt obliged to point out errors
in them which were likely to mislead.
Absolute accuracy in an inquiry of so wide a range
seems to be impossible, and everyone who is conscious
of his own manifold mistakes would gladly leave the
mistakes of others unnoticed ; but when writers like
Mr Hallam and Mr Froude misrepresent every signi
ficant feature in an important episode of literary history,
it seems necessary to raise some protest. Their names
are able to give authority to fictions, if the fictions are
unchallenged^ 
April, 1540, and November, 1540, with a view to ascertaining how far the
reaction in the last text extends, and whether it can be traced to any principle. ;
(5) A collation of the New Testaments of the Bishops' Bibles of 1568
and 1572.
1 See p. 161, n., 1872.
2 The Historical Account appears in two forms. That which I have used
was drawn up (I am informed) by Dr S. P. Tregelles. In the later issue of
the Hexapla this independent and valuable narrative was replaced by another
written (it is said) by Mr Anderson, which I have not consulted. 1872. [It
was written not by Mr Anderson, but by Dr John Stoughton. — W. A. W.]
3 One example of this contagiousness of error, which is a fair specimen of
a very large class, falls under my notice as these sheets are passing through
the press. 'Tindale,' writes Mr Smiles, 'unable to get his New Testament

\ PREFACE vii
No apology, I trust, Will be needed for the adoption
of our ordinary orthography in quotations from the early
versions ; and the extreme difficulty of revising proofs by
the help of distant libraries must be pleaded as an excuse
for more serious errors.
What I have done is for the most part tentative and
incomplete, and many points in the history of the Bible
are left wholly unnoticed. If my leisure would have
allowed I should have been glad to examine the changes
in the headings of the chapters and the marginal references,
both before and after 1611, for their history involves many
details of great interest. One question however in con
nexion with the Authorised Version I have purposely
neglected. It seemed useless to discuss its revision. The
revision of the original texts must precede the revision
of the translation, and the time for this, even in the New
Testament, has not yet fully come'.
But however painful the sense of incompleteness and
inaccuracy in such an essay as this must be, it has this
advantage, that it bears witness almost on every page to
' printed in England, where its perusal was forbidden [?], had the first edition
'printed at Antwerp in 1526... A complete edition of the English Bible,
' translated partly by Tindale and partly by Coverdale, was printed at
' Hamburgh in 1535 ; and a second edition, edited by John Rogers, under
'the name of Thomas Matthew, was printed at Marlborow in Hesse in
' i537...Cranmer's Bible, so called because revised by Cranmer, was pub-
'lished in 1539-40.' Huguenots, p. 15, and note. London, 1867. Neither
the first nor the second edition of Tindale's New Testament was printed at
Antwerp. The Bible of 1535 was not partly translated by Tindale; and
no competent bibliographer at present assigns it to the Hamburgh press.
Matthew's Bible was in no sense a second edition of Coverdale's, of which,
indeed, two editions were published in 1537, and the place where it was
printed is as yet uncertain. ' Cranmer's Bible ' was not revised by Cranmer,
and the editions of 1539 and 154O are quite distinct. With that of 1539
Cranmer had nothing to do till after it was printed. Thus every statement in
the quotation is incorrect. Lewis's History has, I fear, much to answer for;
but it is unpardonable to use it without verification.
' [The experience of the work of New Testament Revision during the
last two years has shewn me that I was wrong in this opinion. Whatever
may be the merits of the Revised Version it can be said confidently that in
no parallel case have the readings of the original text to be translated been
discussed and determined with equal care, thoroughness and candour. 1872.]
b2

VUl PREFACE
the kindness of friends. It would have been far more
imperfect than it is if I had not been allowed every
facility for using the magnificent collections of Bibles in
the British Museum, the University Library at Cambridge,
and the Baptist College at Bristol. For this privilege
and for similar acts of courtesy my warmest thanks are
due to the Rev. H. O. Coxe, Bodley's Librarian at
Oxford, Mr Bradshaw, University Librarian at Cambridge,
Mr Bullen, of the British Museum, the Rev. Dr Gotch,
Principal of the Baptist College, Bristol, Mr Aldis Wright,
Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge, Mr Francis Fry,
Cotham, Bristol, and the late Rev. Dr Milman, Dean of
St Paul's.
B. F. W.
Harrow,
New. 3, 1868.

NOTICE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
THE kindness of many friends has enabled me to
issue this second edition of the History of the
English Bible with considerable additions in different
sections, but the book is substantially unchanged. Later
researches have fully established the general results which
I indicated as to the composite character of our present
Authorised Version ; and the labours of the New Revision
have brought into clearer relief the merits and defects of
the Scholars who successively fulfilled the office of Revisers
in earlier times. Even now perhaps full justice has not
been done to the exquisite delicacy of Coverdale and the
stern fidelity of the Rhemists. But, not to dwell on the
individual characteristics of former Revisers, it may fairly
be said that they have marked a general method of proce
dure which those who follow them are not likely to
abandon. The changes in our Authorised Version which
are still necessary are due for the most part to the claims
of riper scholarship and more searching criticism, and not
to any altered conception of the style and character most
appropriate to a popular Version of the Holy Scriptures.
That question most happily has been settled for ever.
One most remarkable discovery which has been made
lately as to the early editions of the English Testament
requires to be brought into special notice. Mr F. Fry has
found the text of 'Tindale 1535 ' in an edition dated 1534
(see p. 161, n.). It is possible, therefcjfe, that the misspelt
copies may belong to a pirated reprint of Tindale's own
work. The admirable biography of Tindale by the Rev.
R. Demaus appeared after my early sheets were printed
off; but I owe to the kindness of the author several

X NOTICE TO THE SECOND EDITION
criticisms and corrections of which I have gladly availed
myself. In expressing the hope that he will be encouraged
to continue his exhaustive labours upon the great leaders
of our Reformation, I say only what all must feel who have
had occasion to profit by his researches.
To Mr F. Fry and Professor Moulton my warmest
thanks are due. Both placed at my disposal extensive
collections, which I have used only partially, yet, as
I hope, in such a manner as to shew how highly I value
the generosity which allowed me to gather the fruits of
long and unattractive work\
B. F. W.
Trinity College, Cambridge,
Nov. 7, 1872.
' As this last sheet ie passing through the press I have noticed a very
remarkable detail in the History of the English Bible, which seems to call
for further investigation. In the Library of the House of Lords there is a
draft of 'An Act for reducing of diversities of Bibles now extant in the
' English tongue to one settled Vulgar translated from the original.' The
draft is not dated, but is referred to the reign of Elizabeth, and is certainly
after 1560 from internal evidence. 'Great errors,' it is recited, 'arise and
' papistry and atheism increase from the variety of translations of Bibles,
' while many desire an authorised translation, which the Lords spiritual
' could complete had they power to compel assistance from students of the
' Universities. The Lords spiritual or any six of them (of whom the Arch-
' bishop of Canterbury for the time being is to be one) may assemble, treat,
' and deal touching the accomplishment of the work, and may call for the
' assistance of students of either University, and pay them out of moneys
' to be levied on such cathedral churches or colleges as shall be thought
' requisite, and any temporal person may give gift or legacy for furtherance
' of the work. ' I owe this abstract of the draft to the kindness of Mr R. W,
Monro. [Mr Edmund Gosse, Librarian to the House of Lords, informs me
that the MS. is now preserved in the Victoria Tower. It appears to have
been a form for the first reading which was never proceeded with. — W. A. W.J

PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.
AT the end of the year 1900, when Bishop Westcott was
-ti. in Cambridge, I asked him why he did not bring
out a new edition of his History of the English Bible,
which had been long out of print. He explained that
his own engagements left him no time for such a work,
and other arrangements he had hoped to make had not
been carried out, but he said, ' If you will do it, I will give
'you my materials.' After some consideration I consented,
and on January 24, 1901, the Bishop wrote, ' It will be a very
'great pleasure to me if you undertake a new edition of
'the History of the English Bible. A conversation with
'you after a lecture which I gave at Cambridge on the
'question led me to write it. What then can be more
'appropriate than that you should complete it?'
This to the best of my ability I have endeavoured to
do. The plan of the work is unchanged. Every state
ment and every quotation have been verified. Such
corrections as were necessary have been silently made,
and all additions are placed in the notes in square brackets,
sometimes for the sake of clearness with my own initials
attached. The corrections, however, have been not merely
of errors of the press or slips of the pen, but involve a
rectification of the manner of reference to authorities. In
estimating, for instance, the influence of Luther upon
Tindale it is useless to quote the modern editions.
Luther's New Testament as contained in his Bible of
1534 could have had no influence upon Tindale's version
of 1525, and Luther's final edition of 1541 could not have
affected Tindale's of 1534 and 1535. In like manner.

\

xii PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION
Tindale in 1525 could only have known of the New
Testament of Erasmus as it appeared in the first three
editions of 1516, 15 19, and 1522, and it was not till 1534
that he could have used the edition of 1527. Similar
' remarks apply to Coverdale. There is no doubt that the
translation of the New Testament in the Genevan Bible
of 1560 was affected by Beza's Latin Version, but this
could only have been as it appeared in 1556 and 1559.
The edition of Beza published in 1565 may have been
used for the Bishops' Bible of 1 568, and the Latin render
ings in the subsequent issues of 1575, 1576, 1582, 1585, 1589,
and 1598 could have been consulted by the translators of
the Authorised Version, but as the renderings vary it is
necessary to specify the edition in which they first appear.
In the previous editions of this History it seems that the
important fact of these variations was not sufficiently
recognized, and it has been my endeavour to reduce the
method of reference to these authorities to a system more
' consistent with chronology. In the previous editions also
the spelling of the English quotations is modernized, but
though such a change may be tolerable in a merely
popular book I could not regard it as appropriate to the
work of a scholar of Bishop Westcott's reputation, and I
have therefore in most instances restored the ancient
forms, only regretting that I have not done so more com
pletely. This change will cause no difficulty to intelligent
readers, while it will add an interest to the quotations
themselves. The additions, such as the notes on the Tindale New
Testament of 1536 (p. 49), on the printing of the Coverdale
Bible (p. 57), on the influence of the French transla
tions on Matthew (p. 170), on the editions of 1549 (p. 73),
on Tindale's connexion with the translation of the his
torical books in Matthew's Bible (p. 172), on the marginal
notes in Matthew (Appendix XI.), and others, explain
themselves. Appendix IX., on the revision of the
Authorised Version, has been expanded, and Appendices
XII. and XIII. have been added.

PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION xiii
Since the last edition of this work in 1872 there have
appeared other books on the same subject which may be
consulted with advantage. Among these are The English
Bible by Dr John Eadie (1876), The History of the English
Bible by Dr W. F. Moulton (1878), Our English Bible by
Dr Stoughton, The Bibles of England by Dr A. Edgar
(1889), English Versions of the Bible by Dr Mombert
(1890), and The Evolution of the English Bible by Mr
H. W. Hoare (1901). More recently Dr Lupton has con
tributed an extremely valuable article on the English
Versions to the supplementary volume of Hastings'
Dictionary of the Bible, though he has unfortunately been
led into error by mistaking the 1569 edition of the Great
Bible for the Bishops' Bible in 4to of the same date.
I may take the opportunity of adding to what I have
said (p. 19, note 2) of a Bible which in 1480 was in the
possession of Edward the Fourth. Among the King's
Privy Purse Expenses for that year is an item, ' For
' binding, gilding and dressing of a booke called the Bible
' xvjs,' and I have said that there is nothing to shew that
this was an English Bible. Nor is there in this entry; but
later in the same MS. (Harl. 4780) there is an inventory
of the books belonging to the King at Richmond, and we
find among them ' The Bible, in englissh,' so that no doubt
there was a copy of the Wycliffite Version in the Royal
Library. With regard to the different title-pages of Coverdale's
Bible of 1535 I have not been able to satisfy myself, owing
to the uncertainty introduced by the so-called facsimiles.
There are undoubtedly three title-pages which are genuine:
one (in German type) in the Library of the Earl of Leicester
at Holkham, with a list of the books on the reverse :
one (English type) in the possession of the Marquess of
i Northampton : and one (English type) in the University
: Library, Cambridge, which has on the reverse the prayer
,here printed at p. 66. In one of the two copies in the
i British Museum there is a made-up title, partly genuine,
but completed in facsimile by Harris from the title-page

xiv PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION
of the Bible printed for Berthelet by Petit and Redman
in 1540. The other Museum copy, which is in the Gren
ville Library, has a facsimile title, resembling but differingr
from that in the Holkham copy, the original of which I
have been unable to trace. Mr Fry had a facsimile made
from the Holkham title, but without the list of books on
the reverse. It is difficult therefore to place implicit
confidence in facsimiles.
In conclusion I have to express my sincere thanks to
all who have assisted me in this work: to His Grace the
Archbishop of Canterbury for his kindness in allowing me
to have a transcript made of the interesting manuscript in
Lambeth Palace Library which is printed in Appendix XII.;.
to Dr Ginsburg for giving me free access to his fine col
lection of Bibles, which is especially rich in copies of
Luther's and the Ziirich Versions; to the officers of the
British Museum for many courtesies and much assistance; ^
to Mr H. F. Moule, to whom is largely due the excellent
Catalogue of Bibles in the Library of the British and
Foreign Bible Society, and to whom I am indebted for
valuable suggestions; to the Librarian of the John Ry lands
Library, Manchester, for the readiness with which he has
supplied me with information from the rich collection
under his charge; to Mr Charles Sayle, of the University
Library, Cambridge, for constant help; to Mr Cowley, of
the Bodleian ; to the Rev. Prebendary Maddison, Librarian
of the Chapter Library, Lincoln, and to others who have
materially lightened my labours.
WILLIAM ALDIS WRIGHT, j

Trinity College, Cambridge,
16th August, 1905.

ERRATUM.
p. 137, note', 1. 18, For seyne read keyne.

CONTE NTS,

INTRODUCTION. pages
pp. 3—8.
Vernacular versions of Scripture among the first works of Christian
antiquity  3
Early Saxon Versions : Bede, Alfred, and others . . . . 5, 6
A pause in the work  6
CHAPTER I.
THE MANUSCRIPT ENGLISH BIBLE,
pp. II — 21.
Characteristics of the fourteenth century  11, 12
The Wyclifiite Versions  12
Purvey's revision  13, 14
Perils of the work  15
Spirit of the translators ........ 16
The progress of the work checked . . . . . . 17, 18
Manuscripts of the version still remaining . . . . 18, 19
The version secretly used in the xvith century ... 20
CHAPTER II.
THE PRINTED BIBLE: EXTERNAL HISTORY,
pp. 24 — 121.
Position of the Bible at the beginning of the xvith century . . 24, 25
§ I. Tindale, pp. 25—54.
Tindale's early life : residence at London  25—29
Visits Hamburgh 1524: Cologne 1525  29, 30
The first New Testament finished at Worms in two editions . 31 — 33
Tidings of the work spread  33' 34
Copies of the translation received in England . . . 35 — 37
The English New Testament at Cambridge .... 38 — 40
„ ,, at Oxford  40—42
Bp. Nix's Complaint  4^
Archbp. Warham's assembly  43

xvi CONTENTS PAGES
Tindale translates the Peniateuch, 1530, i  44
and the book ol Jonah, 1534  44
Joye's New Testament  45i 4S
Tindale's revised New Testament, 1534  47
Q. Anne Boleyn's copy  48
A New Testament printed in England, 1536 .... 48
Tindale's martyrdom, 1536  49
His last revision of the New Testament, 1534, 1535 . . 50
Characteristics of Tindale  52 — 54
§ 2. Coyerdale, pp. 55 — 67.
Coverdale's connexion with More and CrumweU . . . . 55
His Bible printed, 1535. Different title-pages . . . 56—58
His account of his work  59 — 61
His Latin-English Testaments  62, 63
Coverdale's first edition not sanctioned by the king ... 63
A council held by Crura well (1537) in which the use of Scripture
is discussed  64, 65
Coverdale's second edition printed in England, and published (1537)
with the king's license  65, 66
The prefatory Prayer to this edition  66, 67
§ 3. Matthew (Rogers), pp. 67 — 72.
Composite character of this Bible  67
Dedicated to Henry VIII.  69
Cranmer's joy at receiving it  69, 70
Licensed by the king  71
§ 4. The Great Bible, pp. 73 — 83.
The revision undertaken by Coverdale  73
His account of his design  74 — 76
The commentary finally abandoned  78
Public use of the Bible  79—81
Feeling divided  81— 83 1
§ 5. Taverner, pp. 83, 84.
His account of his work  84
Superseded by the Great Bible  84
§ 6. A Time of Suspense, pp. 85 — 89.
The revision of the Bible suspended  85
Edward VI., his devotion to the Bible  86, 87
Sir J. Cheke's translation of St Matthew  88
The reign of Mary  89
§ 7. The Geneyan Bible, pp. 90—94.
The Genevan Testament (1557), and Psalms (1559) . . .90, 91
The Bible  91
Becomes the popular English Bible  93
Archbp. Parker's judgment on it  94

CONTENTS

XVU

§ 8. The Bishops' Bible, pp. 95— -102.
Q. Elizabeth's relation to the English Bible
Archbp. Parker plans a new revision ....
Characteristics of the work 
Scholars engaged upon it .... .
Sanctioned for public use by Convocation
Displaces the Great Bible 

§ 9. The Rheims and Doway Version, pp. 102-
Vernacular Versions of Roman Catholics ....
The English Version of the New Testament
The translators and annotators 
The Old Testament 

¦106.

§ 10. The Authorised Version, pp. 107 — 121.
The English Bible at the accession of James I.
Proposals for a revision .
The proposals carried out
Choice of revisers .
Their qualifications .
Instructions for the revision
The revisers' own account of the work
The revised Bible printed ....
A new revision proposed under the Commonwealth

pages
95. 9696
9899
100

102103104105

107108
noIII114
4 — 116
6— 118119120

CHAPTER III.

THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE,
pp. 125 — 278.
Materials available for a translation of the Bible at the beginning
of the xvith century  126
Greek, 127; Hebrew, 127; texts and translations . . 128 — 131
§ I. Tindale, pp. 131 — 161.
Tindale acquainted with Greek and Hebrew . . . . 131
His independence in the New Testament ; how far he used
the Vulgate, 132 ; Luther, id. ; Erasmus .... 135
The quarto fragment  137
His own statement  1 39, 140
Comparison of the texts of 1525 and 1534 .... 140
Glosses of the edition of 1534  141
Revision of 1535 [1534, G. H.]  144
Influence of Luther on Tindale's writings  146
On the short Prologues  I49
Differences .......... 150

xvni

CONTENTS

Tindale's independence in the Old Testament ....
Revision of lessons from Old Testament ....
His permanent influence 
Note. Comparison of readings in Tindale's second and third
revisions  158

PAGES 153
156
157
-161

§ 2. Coyerdale, pp. 161 — 169.
Coverdale's Bible, a secondary translation
His Old Testament based on the Zurich Version
His New Testament a revision of Tindale's .
The value of his work 
Note. Examples of Coverdale's renderings in St Matthew

161.
163164
164
167 — 169.

§ 3. Matthew, pp. 169—179.
His Bible, a composite work, 169, edited by Rogers .
Jonah taken from Coverdale 
Tindale's fragmentary translations neglected ....
The New Testament taken from Tindale, 1535 [1534, G. H.]
§ 4. The Great Bible, pp. 179 — 207.
The revision of the Old Testament based upon Miinster
Examination of Judges v. 28 — 30 
„ Psalm li 
,, Psalms xix, xlii 
,, Isaiah liii. .......
Different revisions, 1539, 1540 April, 1540 November .
The revision of the New Testament based on Erasmus
The Vulgate and Complutensian texts used ....
The Psalter retained in the Prayer-Book 
Note A. Comparisons of readings in the representative editions of
the Great Bible 
Note B. Various readings in the Psalters of the Great Bible
§5. Tayerner, pp. 207—211.
Merits of the revision of the New Testament ....
Note. Characteristic renderings of Taverner ....

§ 6. The Genevan Bible, pp. 212—230
New Latin and other versions available
General character of the Version .
Examination of i Kings iii. 5 — 10
,, Job xix. 23 — 28
,, Isai. ix. 2 — 7
,, Wisd. vii. 15—21, 27 — 30
,, Wisd. viii. ig — 21
The revision of the New Testament based on Beza

192,

171171
17s178

179181
183184186
193
195 197
198
203206

208209

2U 214
214 215
217219221221

CONTENTS

xix

Examination of Eph. ii. 12 — 18
,, Rev. ii. 8 — 11
Special readings
Notes from the Genevan Bible

§ 7. The Bishops' Bible, pp. 230—244.
General character of the revision .
Examination of Isai. liii.
,, Ps. xix.
Lawrence's Notes .
Examination of Eph. iv. 7 — 16
The revision again revised in 1572
Notes from the Bishops' Bible

§ 8. The Rheims and Doway Bible, pp,
The plan of the work 
The peculiar value of the version .
Specimens of the version : Dan. ix. 18 — 26
„ ,, Isai. ix. 6, 7
„ „ Ps. xix. 8—13
,, „ Ps. Ivii. 9 — 12
Latin phrases adopted from it . . .
Fidelity of the translators ....

245—255

§ 9. The Authorised Version, pp. 255 — 278.
New materials available 
Use of the Genevan and Rhemish Versions .
Examination of Isai. liii. 
,, Wisd. vii. 15 — 21, 27 — 30
,, the marginal renderings in Malachi
Revision of the New Testament 
Examination of Hebr. xiii. 5 — 16 ....
Use of Beza ........
Examination of the marginal renderings in St Mark
,, changes in i John .
General characteristics 
Note. Comparison of renderings in the Bishops' and Authorised
Versions 

pages 224225
227229

231
232
235237238
241243

245249249
•251251
252253
253

255
257. 273258
262
264266
267269
270272274

276

CONCLUSION.
pp. 279 — 284.
The different versions recognized in the Prayer-Book
The English Bible compared with the Vulgate
Words of the Translators 

279
281

XX CONTENTS

APPENDICES.
pp. 285-352. PAGES
I. Specimens of the earlier and later Wyclifiite Versions . 287
II. Chronological List of Bibles  290
III. Collation of i John in the three texts of Tindale . . 295
IV. An examination of the sources of Coverdale's Notes . 298
V. Specimen of notes from Tindale and Matthew ... 306
VI. Specimens of the Latin- English Testaments of Coverdale . 308
VII. Passages from the Pentateuch and Historical Books in
Tindale, &c  311
VIII. The relation of the Wycliffite to later Versions . . 316
IX. The Revision of the Authorised Version .... 320
X. Phrases in the Psalms marked in the Psalter of the Great
Bible as additions from the Vulgate .... 333
XI. Sources of the notes in Matthew's Bible .... 336
XII. Notes on the Translators of the Authorised Version . 34J
XIII. Rules for the translation of the Authorised Version reported
to the Synod of Dort  351
Index  353

INTRODUCTION.
Then the boy sprang up from his knees, and ran,
Stung by the splendour of a sudden thought,
And fetched the seventh plate of graven lead
Out of the secret chamber, found a place,
Pressing with finger on the deeper dints,
And spoke, as 'twere his mouth proclaiming first,
' I am the Resurrection and the Life.'
Whereat he opened his eyes wide at once,
And sat up of himself, and looked at us;
And thenceforth nobody pronounced a word:
Only, outside, the Bactrian cried his cry
Like the lone desert-bird that wears the ruff,
As signal he were safe, from time to time.
Browning, Dramatis Personce, A Death in the Desert.

INTRODUCTION.

There is a famous saying, which dates from the times The History
of persecution, that ' the blood of Martyrs is the seed of the t.r"^^om:
' Church.' It may be added in the like spirit that the voice scnM«re
r jT 1 r* • ' 1 ^^^ history
ot Holy hcnpture is the spring and measure of individual '/personal
taith. Both statements require to be modified in their
application ; but it remains generally true that the society
which is founded by human devotion and labour, is
quickened in its several members by the influence of the
Word. So it is that the history of the vernacular Scrip
tures is in a great measure the history of personal faith. A
people which is without a Bible in its mother tongue, or is
restrained from using it, or wilfully neglects it, is also
imperfect, or degenerate, or lifeless in its apprehension of
Christian Truth, and proportionately bereft of the strength
which flows from a living Creed.
In the first ages of the Church the translation of the versions
c ¦ 1 • 1 • r the first
Scriptures followed immediately on the introduction of work in the
^ early spread
Christianity to a nation of a new language. When the o/chris-
^ o tj tiantty to
Gospel spread eastwards, a Syriac translation of the New new nations.
Testament was one of the first monuments of its power.
When it spread westwards, a Latin version preceded, as far
as we know, all other literary efforts of the African Church.
Ulfilas, the second bishop of the Goths, gave them the
Scriptures in their own language. Miesrob, the framer of
the Armenian alphabet, was the translator of the Armenian
Bible; and the Slavonic version was due in part at least

INTRODUCTION

The action
of this law
necessarilysuspended
for a tijne
among the
Northernnations.

The first
Northernversions in
England.

Bede trans
lates St
John's
Gospel.

to the two brothers, Cyrillus and Methodius, who first
reduced the Slavonic dialect to writing. The history of
the yEthiopic and Egyptian Scriptures is probably similar,
though it is more obscure ; and it is most significant, that
of these ancient versions, the greater part survive sub
stantially the same in the public services of the nations
which occupy the places of those for whom they were
originally composed.
The original versions of Holy Scripture remain, but all
else is changed. If we fix our eyes on the west only, we
see the new-won empire of the Church desolated almost
as soon as it was gained, by successive hordes of barbarian
invaders, out of whom she was destined in the Providence!
of God to shape the forefathers of modern Europe. In less
than ten years after Jerome completed his version of the
Old Testament from the Hebrew (A.D. 400 — 404), Alaric
took Rome (A.D. 410). Thenceforward a fresh work was
to be achieved by Christianity, and by a new method. For
a time the normal processes of Christianity were in abey
ance : organization prevailed over faith. These new races
were to be disciplined by act before they could be taught
by the simple word. Thus the task of the translation of
Scripture among the northern nations was suspended. The
Latin Vulgate sufficed for the teachers, and they ministered ,
to their congregations such lessons from it as they could
receive. But as soon as society was again settled, the old instinct
asserted itself, and first, which is a just cause of pride, in
our own island. As early as the eighth century, the Psalms
were rendered into Anglo-Saxon ; and about the same
time, Bede, during his last illness, translated the Gospel of
St John. The narrative of the completion of this work is given
by an eye-witness, Cuthbert, a scholar of Bede, in a letter
to a fellow-scholar, and is in itself so beautiful a picture
of the early monastic life, that it may be quoted in abstract||
Bede had been ill for some weeks. About Easter (A.D. 735),
he felt that his end was approaching, and looked forward |

INTRODUCTION 5
to it with ceaseless gratitude, ' rejoicing that he was counted
•worthy thus to suffer.' He quoted much from Holy
Scripture; and one fragment of Saxon poetry, which he
recited and may have composed, was taken down by
Cuthbert'- But he was chiefly busy with two English
translations of Excerpts from Isidore, and of the Gospel of
St John. Ascension-day drew near. His illness increased,
but he only laboured the more diligently. On the Wednes
day, his scribe told him that one chapter alone remained,
but feared that it might be painful to him to dictate. ' It is
'easy,' Bede replied, 'take your pen and write quickly.'
The work was continued for some time. Then Bede
directed Cuthbert to fetch his little treasures from his
casket (capsella), ' pepper, scarves (oraria) and incense,' that
he might distribute them among his friends. And so he
passed the remainder of the day till evening in holy and
cheerful conversation. His boy-scribe at last found an
opportunity to remind him, with pious importunity, of his
unfinished task : ' One sentence, dear master, still remains
' unwritten.' ' Write quickly,' he answered. The boy
soon said, ' It is completed now.' ' Well,' Bede replied,
' thou hast said the truth : all is ended. Take my head
'in thy hands, I would sit in the holy place in which
' I was wont to pray, that so sitting I may call upon
' my Father.' Thereupon, resting upon the floor of his cell,
he chanted the Gloria, and his soul immediately passed
away, while the name of the Holy Spirit was on his lips".
In the next century Alfred prefixed to his laws a '^'^'J.^^
translation of the Ten Commandments, and a few other translations.
fragments from the book of Exodus ; and is said to have
been engaged on a version of the Psalms at the time of his
death (a.d. 901). In the tenth century, or a little later, the
' The original is given in Gale, ' search out before his going hence what
Hist. Angl. Script. I. 152, and by 'to his spirit of good or of evil after
Wright, Biographia Literaria, I. p. 'his death hence will be judged.'
21, from whom I borrow a literal = Cuthbert's letter is given in Bede's
translation : ' Before the necessary Eccles. Hist. Prtef. c. ii. Tom. vi.
'journey no one becomes more prudent p. 15, ed. Migne.
' of thought than is needful to him, to

6 INTRODUCTION
four Gospels were translated apparently for public use;
and two interlinear translations, probably of an earlier date,
into other English dialects, are preserved in Latin Manu
scripts, which shew at least individual zeal\ Of the Old
Testament, the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, Esther, and
parts of other books were translated about the tenth
century. All these translations, with the possible exception
of Bede's", were only secondary translations from the Latin,
but none the less they reveal the thoughts with which
men's hearts were stirred. And there was no hindrance
to their execution. On the contrary, the number of the
labourers who took part in the work shews that it was
of wide popularity.
A pause But the effort was as yet premature. England had still
followed. , ,
to receive a new element of her future strength ; and for
her the time of discipline was not over. The Norman
invasion, which brought with it the fruits of Romanic
thought and culture, checked for a while the spontaneous
development of religious life. Nevertheless fragmentary
translations of Scripture into Norman-French shew that the
Bible was popularly studied, and in the end the nation was
' One of these noble MSS. is in completing an edition of the four
the British Museum (the Lindisfarne Gospels, which will supply the critical
(St Cuthbert's) Gospels, Cotton, Nero, introduction in which Mr Hardwick's
D. IV.); and the other is in the Bod- work is wholly deficient. [Professor
leian (the Rush worth (Mac Regol's) Skeat edited St Mark in 187 1, St Luke
Gospels, Bodl. D. 24 (now Attct. D. ini874, St John in 1878, and re-edited
II. 19)). I am not acquainted with St Matthew in 1887. The MSS. are
any satisfactory description of the described in the Preface to the Gospel
MSS. of the common Anglo-Saxon of St Mark.]
Version; nor yet with any general ^ Bede at least was acquainted
account of the relation in which the with Greek, and in his Retractation^^
several copies stand to one another. (Act. Ap. Praf.) he notices the vari-
In this respect Thorpe's edition is ations of a Greek manuscript of the
most unsatisfactory. Three distinct Acts which he had collated from the
types of the text of St Matthew with ordinary Latin text. From the read-
various readings from four other ings cited there is every reason to
manuscripts have been published by believe that his manuscript was the
Mr C. Hardwick (Cambridge, 1858), Grseco-Latin copy of the Acts in the
who so far finished the work begun Bodleian known as the Codex Laud-
by Mr J. M. Kemble. At present ianus (Ej). Compare Mill, N.T.
Mr W. W. Skeat is engaged on Prolegg. 1022 if.

INTRODUCTION 7
richer by the delay \ Nor may it be forgotten even in this
relation that the insularity of the people furthered its
characteristic growth ; for while it remained outside the
Roman Empire yet it shared in the spiritual strength which
came at that time from an intimate union with the Roman
See. Thus the nation preserved throughout its progress
the features of its peculiar constitution, and at the same
time was brought within the influence of Catholic discipline
and sympathy. It would be out of place to follow out here
the action and reaction of these special and general powers
upon the English type of mediaeval Christianity ; but the
recognition of their simultaneous working is necessary for
the understanding of the history of the English Bible. For
three centuries they acted with various and beneficent
results. At length in the 14th century the preparatory ThePapai
1 r 1 T. 7 1 ,.,.,. discipline
work 01 the Papacy was ended and its dissolution com- of Europe
completed in
menced. The many nations and the many churches began i4'*«»-
from that time to define their separate peculiarities and
functions. The time of maturity was now ready to follow
on the time of tutelage : a free development was sufficiently
prepared by a long discipline".
It is then at this point that the history of the English The history
Bible properly commences, a history which is absolutely ushBitie-.
unique in its course and in its issue. And this history is ^- internal.
twofold. There is the external history of the different
1 [The Canterbury Psalter (12th of the Anglo-Saxon Psalter from a MS.
cent.) in the Library of Trinity Col- in the possession of his father, with
lege, Cambridge, contains interlinear the readings of three other copies.]
translations in Anglo-Saxon and ^ No notice has been taken of the
Norman -French. The former of metrical paraphrases and summaries
these is written between the lines of of parts of Scripture, as that of Casd-
the Roman Psalter, and was edited mon (t c. 680) on parts of Genesis,
for the Early English Text Society Exodus, and Daniel; of Orm (c.
in 1889 by Mr F. Harsley. The 11 50) on the Gospels and the Acts;
latter accompanies what is known and the' Sowlehele' (c. 1250). These,
as Jerome's Hebrew Version, and though they paved the way for trans-
was edited in 1876 by M. Francisque lations of the Bible, cannot be reCk-
Michel, who had previously (i860) oned among them. [See Biblical
edited another version from a MS. Quotations in Old English Prose
in the Bodleian Library. Sir John Writers, by Professor A. S. Cook.
Spelman in 1640 published an edition Two Series, 1898— 1903.]

8 INTRODUCTION
versions, as to when and by whom and under what circum
stances they were made ; and there is the internal history
which deals with their relation to other texts, with their
filiation one on another, and with the principles by which
they have been successively modified. The external history
is a stirring record of faithful and victorious courage : the
internal history is not less remarkable from the enduring
witness which it bears to that noble catholicity which is the
glory of the English Church.

CHAPTER I.
THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE.
Another race hath been and other palms are won.
Wordsworth, Ode : Intimations of Imtnortality.

CHAPTER I.
THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE.
The external history of the Enarlish Bible may be ' External
, ° ^ History.
divided into two periods of not very unequal length, the ^«'?
first extending from the beginning of Wycliffe's labours to p,^°"'525i
the publication of Tindale's New Testament in 1525, the
second from that date to the completion of our present
received version in 1611. The first of these will be the
subject of the present chapter.
It has been already said that the 14th century was the (0 Ftrst
. -r J period.
first stage in the dissolution of the mediaeval Church. Its Manuscript
translations.
character was marked by the corruption of the higher
clergy, and the growth of independence in the masses of
the people. Both facts favoured an appeal from custom
and tradition to the written and unchanging Word. More
over the last great progressive effort for the restoration of
the Church— the establishment of the mendicant orders —
had failed, but not before the people had been roused by
the appeals which were addressed to them. Touched by
a feeling of anxious suspense men turned with intense
longing to the Bible, and in the first instance naturally to
the Psalter, which has been in every age the fresh spring
of hope in times of trial. Of this no less than three
English versions in prose, dating from the first half of
the 14th century, have been preserved \ But the work of
1 Of these the most important is hyhe-viisiHist.ofEng.Tr. of the Bible,
that by Richard RoUe, Hermit of pp. 12—15) are apparently varieties
Hampole. [The three MSS. mentioned of Richard RoUe's Psalter and Com-

12 THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE [CH.
translation did not long stop here. The years from 1345
to 1349 were full of calamities — pestilence and famine and
war — which seemed to men already deeply stirred by the
sight of spiritual evils to portend the end of the world.
Other commotions followed not long afterwards which
shewed the widespread disorganization of society. In
France there was the terrible rising of the Jacquerie
(1358); in Italy the momentary triumph and fall of
Rienzi (1347 — 1354) ; a great schism (1378 — 1417) divided
the forces of the Church; and Adrianople became (1360)
the capital of a Turkish Empire in Europe built on the
ruins of a Christian power.
The begin- In the meantime the general belief that some awful
ning; of , . .,^ ,
Wycliffe's crisis was at hand found expression in England in the
translation. '
Tract on the Last Age of the Church (1356), which has
been commonly though wrongly attributed to Wycliffe;
and Wycliffe himself must have been influenced by a like
expectation when he chose the Apocalypse as the subject
of his first labours on the Bible. His translation of the
Apocalypse was soon followed by a translation of the
Gospels with a commentary, and at a later time by versions
of the remaining books of the New Testament with a fresh
^ rendering of the Apocalypse, so that a complete English
newTes- Ng^ Testament was finished about 1380. To this a version
TAMENT. ^
of the Old Testament was soon added, which appears to
have been undertaken by a friend of Wycliffe's, Nicholas
de Hereford. The original manuscript of Nicholas is still
preserved in the Bodleian, and offers a curious memorial of
his fortunes. For having incurred the displeasure of his
superiors, he was cited to appear in London in 1382, to
answer for his opinions. He was excommunicated, and
mentary. This was edited in 1884 MSS. (Brit. Mus. Add. 17376, and
by the Rev. H. R. Bramley, and in Trinity College, Dublin, MS. A.
1895-6 other treatises by RoUe were 4. 4), and in 1904 Miss Panes pub-
published by C. Horstman. In 1891 lished A Fourteenth Century English
Dr Kari Biilbring edited for the Eariy Biblical Version, containing portions
English Text Society The Earliest of the New Testament, from 14th
Complete English Psalter in the West cent. MSS.]
Midland Dialect from two 14th cent.

l] THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE I3
left England shortly afterward, breaking off his translation
in the middle of Baruch (iii. 20), where the manuscript
ends abruptly. The work was afterwards completed, as it oldTes-
is supposed, by Wycliffe, who thus before he died in 1384
had the joy of seeing his hope fulfilled and the Scriptures
circulated in various forms among his countrymen.
Like the earlier Saxon translations, Wycliffe's transla- ^°^J'^
tion was made from the Latin Vulgate, and from the text '^"'eate.
commonly current in the 14th century, which was far from
pure. It was also so exactly literal that in many places
the meaning was obscure. The followers of Wycliffe were
not blind to these defects, and within a few years after his
death a complete revision of the Bible was undertaken by
John Purvey, who had already become notorious for his Revised by
. Purvey, c.
opinions, and had shared in the disgrace of Nicholas de 1388.
Hereford ^
Purvey has left, in a general Prologue, an interesting Purveysaccount of
account of the method on which he proceeded in his his work.
revision, which is marked by singular sagacity and judg
ment. He had, as will be seen, clear conceptions of the
duties of the critic and of the translator, and the comparison
of his work with Wycliffe's shews that he was not unable
to carry out the design which he formed. After enumer
ating several obvious motives for undertaking his task, he
continues : ' For these resons and othere, with comune
' charite to saue alle men in oure rewme, whiche God wole
'haue savid, a symple creature [so he calls himself] hath
' translatid the bible out of Latyn into English. First, this
'symple creature hadde myche trauaile, with diuerse
'felawis and helperis, to gedere manie elde biblis, and
'othere doctouris, and comune glosis, and to make 00
'Latyn bible sumdel [somewhat] trewe"; and thanne to
' Purvey's copy is still preserved v. 6, x. i, &c.
at Dublin. The Latin MSS. which ^ The collation of manuscripts must
Purvey used exhibit many different have been very partial and scanty.
readings from Wycliffe's, but they Thus in i John ii. 14 all the copies of
are not different in character. Both Purvey's translation read ' britkren,' I
translations contain the interpolations i.e. fratres for patres, a blunder of \
in the books of Samuel, e.g. i Sam. which I can find no trace in Bentley's \

14 THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE [CH,
'studie it of the newe, the text with the glosse...; the
'thridde tyme to counseile with elde gramariens... ; the iiij.
'tyme to translate as cleerli as he code to the sentence
' [sense], and to haue manie gode felawis and kunnynge at
'the correcting of the translacioun. First it is to knowe,'
' that the best translating is... to translate after the sentence,
' and not oneli aftir the wordis, so that the sentence be as
' opin, either openere, in English as in Latyn, and go not
'fer from the lettrc.In translating into English, many
' resolucions moun [may] make the sentence open, as an
'ablatif case absolute may be resoluid into these thre
'words, with couenable [suitable] verbe, the while, for, if...
' and... ivhanne... Also a participle of a present tens...mai
' be resoluid into a verbe of the same tens, and a coniunc-
'cioun copulatif...Also a relatif, which mai be resoluid
'into his antecedent with a coniunccioun copulatif...Also
'whanne ri3tful construccioun is lettid [hindered] bi rela-
'cion, I resolue it openli : thus where... Dominum formi-
' dabunt adversary ejus shulde be Englishid thus bi the
' lettre, the Lord hise aduersaries shulen drede, I Englishe it
' thus bi resolucioun, the aduersaries of the Lord shulen
'drede him... At the bigynnyng I purposide, with Goddis
' helpe, to make the sentence as trewe and open in English
' as it is in Latyn, either more trewe and more open than it
' is in Latyn ; and I preie, for charite and for comoun
' profyt of cristene soulis, that if ony wiys man fynde ony
' defaute of the truthe of translacioun, let him sette in the
'trewe sentence and opin of holi writ.., for... the comune
' Latyn biblis haue more nede to be correctid, as manie as
' I haue seen in my lif, than hath the English Bible late
' translatid V... As might be expected the revised text dis-
coUations of English MSS. of the as far as I have compared the two,
Vulgate. The clause is omitted by wholly without foundation. The dif-
Wycliffe, as by many Latin MSS. ferences are exactly those which the
• Prologue, c. xv. p. 57. Mr Prologue describes. It need not be
Froude's statement (which is retained said that it was not ¦ made ' at the
in his last edition, 1870) that the 'beginning of the fifteenth century'
second version, based upon Wycliffe's, (History of England, in. p. 77). [The']
was ' tinted more strongly with the Lollard opinions are in Purvey's Pro- \
' peculiar opinions of the Lollards,' is, logue, not in his version.] -*

I] THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE 1 5
placed the original version, and in spite of its stern pro
scription in a convocation in 1408 under the influence of
Archbishop Arundel', it was widely circulated through all
classes till it was at last superseded by the printed versions
of the 1 6th century*.
But this first triumph of the English Bible was not
won without a perilous struggle. One or two contemporary
notices of the state of feeling over which it was achieved
and of that again out of which it sprung are of deep
interest. Thus a scholar writes when asked to teach the Dangers of
the work.
Ignorant the contents of the Gospel : ' Brother, I knowe
'wel that I am holde by Crystis lawe to parforme thyn
'axinge, bote natheles we beth now so fer yfallen awey
' fram Cristis lawe, that if Y wolde answere to thyn axingus
' I moste in cas vnderfonge the deth ; and thu wost wel,
'that a man is yholden to kepe his lyf as longe as he
'may'.' Many think it amiss, says Wycliffe, 'that men
' schulden knowe Cristus lyfe, for thenne prestus schullen
' schome of hyre lyues, and specyaly these hye prestus, and
^ See p. 17. wrote to Dr Westcott: 'There is one
" The translation included all the ' thing that I could wish you had
Apocryphal Books except 2 Esdras. 'mentioned in your first chapter, for
The Epistle to the Laodicenes was not ' though I have never seen it remarked
included in Wycliffe's or Purvey's ' anywhere, it has long struck me as
translation, but was added afterwards ' being very remarkable ; I mean the
in some MSS. The texts of the ' apparent fact that the English Wy-
original translation and of the re- ' cUffite version seems so much to
vision are generally uniform. ' have superseded the Latin. I have
It is scarcely necessary to add that ' examined scores of English copies of
Sir T. More's statement that ' the ' Latin Bibles, and I have never seen
' Holy Bible was translated [into En- ' a XVth century copy, never a. copy
' glish] long before Wycliffe's days ' is ' which could be put later in execution
not supported by the least independent 'than the completion of the EngUsh
evidence. He may have seen a MS. ' version. I dare say there are such
of Wycliffe's version, and (like Lam- ' copies, but I don't think my ex-
bert, see p. 24) have miscalculated ' perience is likely to be exceptional,
the date. Bp. Bonner (for instance) ' and as such it is a thing worth noting
had a copy [now at Lambeth], and ' in the history of the English Bible,
there was a fine one at the Charter- ' as showing how little effect the pro-
house [now in the Bodleian]. See ' scription had.']
p. 19. Compare Tindale's Answer ' Forshall and Madden, Wycliffe's
to More, ill. p. 168 (Parker Soc. ed.). Bible, Pref. p. xv. n.
[In Dec. 1868 Henry Bradshaw

i6

THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE

[CH.

Supporters.

Spirit of
reader and
•writer.

' for they reuersen Crist bothe in worde and in dede. Yet
there was a vigorous party to which the reformers could
trust. 'On comfort,' he adds, 'is of knyghtes,,that they
' saueren muche [care much for] the gospel, and haue wylle
' to rede in Lnglysche the gospel of Cristys lyf V But the
fear of death and the power of enemies could not prevail
against the spirit in which the work was wrought.
' Cristen men,' one says, ' owe moche to traueile ny3t
' and day aboute text of holy writ, and namely the gospel
' in her modir tunge, sithe Jhesu Crist, very God and very
' man, tau3t this gospel with his owne blessid mouth and
' kept it in his lyf ^' ' I besek and with alle my hert pray
' them that this werk redyn,' writes Wycliffe, in the preface
to his Harmony of the Gospels, ' that for me thei pray the
' mercy of God, that I may fulfylle that is set in the
' draghing of this boke ; and that he at whos suggestyon
' I this werke began, and thei that [this] werk redyn, and
' alle cristen men with me, thurgh doynge of that that is
' wrytyn in this bok, may com to geder to that bli-sse
'that neuer salle ende'.' And Purvey when he revised
Wycliffe's work knew well what was required of the
interpreter of Scripture. ' He hath nede to Hue a clene
' lif, and be ful deuout in preiers, and haue not his wit
' ocupied about worldli thingis, that the Holi Spiryt, Autour
' of wisdom, and kunnyng [knowledge], and truthe, dresse
'him in his werk and suffre him not for to erre...Bi this
' maner,' he concludes, ' with good liuyng and greet traueil,
' men moun come to trewe and cleer translating, and trewe
' vndurstonding of holi writ, seme it neuere so hard at the
'bigynnyng. God grante to us alle grace to kenne wel,
' and kepe wel holi writ, and suffre ioiefulli sum peyne for
'it at the laste'.'
The last words were not allowed to remain without
fulfilment. As long as the immediate influence of Wycliffe
lasted the teaching of his followers was restrained within
reasonable bounds. Times of anarchy and violence fol-

1 Wycliffe's Bible, 1. i;.
^ Id. p. xiv. n.

'' Id. p. x. n.
* Id. Prologue, p. 60.

1408.

l] THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE 1 7
lowed, and spiritual reform was confounded with the de
struction of society. The preachers of the Bible gave The act Ae^
occasion to their enemies to identify them with the c^b'Irendo.
enemies of order ; and the reestablishment of a strong ' ' ''*°''
government led to the enactment of the statute De hceretico
comburendo (2 Hen. IV), which was soon put in force as
a powerful check on heresy. It is impossible to determine
whether the Wycliffite Bible was among ' the books ' men
tioned in the preamble of the act by which the Lollards
were said to excite the people to sedition^ Later parallels
make it likely that it was so ; but it was not long before
the Version was directly assailed.
In a convocation of the province of Canterbury held The convo
cation of
at Oxford under Archbishop Arundel in 1408, several ^v«-<^,
constitutions were enacted against the party of the Reform
ation. The one on the use of the vernacular Scriptures
is important both in form and substance. ' It is a danger-
' ous thing,' so it runs, ' as witnesseth blessed St Jerome,
'to translate the text of the holy Scripture out of one
' tongue into another ; for in the translation the same
'sense is not always easily kept, as the same St Jerome
' confesseth, that although he were inspired (etsi inspiratus
'fuisset), yet oftentimes in this he erred; we therefore
'decree and ordain that no man hereafter by his own
'authority (auctoritate sua) translate any text of the
'Scripture into English or any other tongue, by way of
' a book, pamphlet, or treatise ; and that no man read any
•such book, pamphlet, or treatise, now lately composed
' in the time of John Wycliffe or since, or hereafter to be
'set forth in part or in whole, publicly or privately, upon
'pain of greater excommunication, until the said trans-
'lation be approved by the ordinary of the place, or, if
'the case so require, by the council provincial. He that
'shall do contrary to this shall likewise be punished as
' a favourer of heresy and error^'
1 The preamble is quoted by Mr 245 (whose translation I have gene-
Froude, History of England, II. 20. rally followed). The original Latin
- Foxe, Acts and Monuments, in. is given in Wilkins' Concilia, in. 317.
W. ^

THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE

[CH,

TheWycliffite
Bible sur
vives the
Jail of the
Lollards.

Manuscripts of Wycliffite
Versions.

1/

Four years after came the insurrection and death of
Sir John Oldcastle. A new and more stringent act was
passed against heresy (2 Hen. V), and the Lollards as
a party were destroyed. But the English Bible survived
their destruction. The terms of the condemnation under
Archbishop Arundel were explicit, but it was practically
ineffectual. No such approbation as was required, so far
as we know, was ever granted, but the work was still
transcribed for private use ; and the manuscripts are them
selves the best records of its history\
Of about one hundred and seventy copies of the whole
or part of the Wyclifiite versions which have been ex
amined, fifteen of the Old Testament and eighteen of the
New belong to the original version. The remainder are
of Purvey's revision, which itself has in some very rare
cases undergone another partial revision. Of these not
one-fifth are of an earlier date than Arundel's condem
nation^. The greater part appear to have been written
between 1420 and 1450 ; arid what is a more interesting
fact, nearly half the copies are of a small size, such as could
be made the constant daily companions of their owners.
Others again are noticeable for the rank of those by whom
they were once possessed. One belonged to Humphrey,
the 'good' duke of Gloucester': another to Henry VI,
who gave it to the Charterhouse*: another (apparently)'
to Richard IIP; another to Henry VII (?) ; another to
Edward VP; and another was presented to Queen Eliza-

^ Two names however are con
nected too closely with Wycliffe to
be omitted altogether. John of Gaunt
vigorously supported Wycliffe in his
endeavours to circulate an English
version of the Bible, and after his
death successfully opposed a Bill
brought into the House of Lords,
1390, to forbid the circulation of the
Scriptures in English (Hist. Ace. p.
33). Anne of Bohemia also, accord
ing to the testimony of Archbishop
Arundel, ' constantly studied the four
'Gospels in English' (Foxe, in. 202,

ed. Townshend). The subsequeil||
conduct of Arundel is not inconsist-"
ent with the belief that this version
was Wycliffe's.
^ [In a copy of the New Testament
in the Library of Emmanuel College,
Cambridge, there is a note ' Finished
' 1382, this copy taken 1397.']
s [Brit. Mus. Eg. MSS. 617, 618.]
* [Bodl. 2249.]
5 [Forshall and Madden, Pref.
p. Ixiii.]
* This copy is now in the University
Library at Cambridge (Mm. 11. 15),

I]

THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE

19

beth as a new-year's gift by her chaplain 1. There are yet
other copies with interest of a different kind=. One prob
ably was that of Bp. Bonner': another records in a hand
of the i6th century, that ' this ancient monyment of holy
' scripture dothe show, how the Lord God in all ages and
'tymes wold haue his blessed woorde preserved for the
'comforte of his elect children and church in all tymes
'and ages, in despyte of Sathane^'

and R. Crowley printed from it the
General Prologue in 1550, 'the
'Originall whereof is founde written
'in an olde English Bible,' so he
writes on the title-page, ' bitwixt the
'olde Testament and the Newe.
'Whych Bible remaynith now in y=
'Kyng his maiesties Chamber.'
The book retains a binding appar
ently of the age of Edward VI,
which bears stamped on one side
Verbum Domini and on the other
manet in aeternum.
Part of Crowley's notice to the
reader is worthy of being quoted;
'[This Prologue] was at y« fyrste
' made common to fewe men y' wolde
'and were able to optayn it. But
'nowe it is made commen to all
'menne, that be desyrouse of it.
' Forget not therfore, [gentle reader,]
'to take it thanckfully, to vse it
' Christenly, and to esteme it of no
'lesse value than a most preciouse
'iewell, fyrst framed by the Diuine
' wisdome of gods spirite poured vpon
'the fyrste Autoure, preserued by
'goddis mercyfuU prouidence, and
' nowe offered vnto the by God hym-
' selfe, that thou hongring the perfecte
' knowledge of goddis worde shuldest
' not be destitutid of so necessarye a
'meane to attayne to the same.'
1 [Forshall and Madden, Pref.
p. xxxix.]
^ [In the Chapter Library, West
minster, there is a copy, written
about 1450, which was given by the

Duchess of Richmond, Surrey's sister,
to Henry Fitz Alan, Earl of Arundel,
and by him in September, 1576, to
Richard Wiclif. In the Wardrobe
Accounts of Edward IV (1480) there
is an item for binding his Bible, but
nothing to shew whether it was Latin
or English, or possibly French.]
° [Lambeth 25.]
* [Forshall and Madden, Pref. p.
Ix.] But it must be observed that in
spite of the wide circulation of the
English Version the Latin Vulgate
remained the Bible of those who
could read, just as afterwards in
Cranmer's time. One interesting me
morial of this remains. The ' Per-
'sones Tale' in Chaucer (c. 1386 —
1390) abounds in passages of the Bible
in English. The Latin ' catch-word '
is very rarely given; and in no one
case have I observed a real coincidence
with either of the Wycliffite versions.
On the contrary, the renderings differ
from them more than might have been
expected in contemporary versions of
the same Latin text; and the same
text (e.g. Acts iv. 12) is turned differ
ently in different places. One or two
examples are worth quoting.
' Alias ! I caytif man, who shal
' delivere me fro the prisoun of my
' ca5rtif body ? ' (Rom. vii. 24).
'An avaricious man is in the thral-
'dom of idolatrie' (Eph. v. 5).
' Go, quod lesu Crist, and have na-
' more wil to sinne ' (John viii. 1 1).

20

THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE

[CH.

spread of
the study of
the Bible at
the begin
ning ofitth
century.

Thus the books themselves speak to us and witness
of the work which they did'. In fact, they help us to
understand Foxe's famous testimony that in 1520... 'great
'multitudes... tasted and followed the sweetness of God's
' holy Word almost in as ample manner, for the number
'of well-disposed hearts, as now...Certes, the fervent zeal
'of those Christian days seemed much superior to these
'our days and times, as manifestly may appear by their
' sitting up all night in reading and hearing ; also by
' their expenses and charges in buying of books in English,
' of whom some gave five marks [equal to about ;^40 in
' our money], some more, some less for a book : some gave
' a load of hay for a few chapters of St James or of St
'Paul in English... To see their travails, their earnest seek-
'ings, their burning zeal, their readings, their watchings,
'their sweet assemblies... may make us now in these days
' of free profession, to blush for shame^.' So Foxe wrote
in 1563, and after three centuries the contrast is still to
our sorrow ^

' The editors of the Versions quote
two instances of copies given to
churches for ecclesiastical use at York
(1394) and Bristol (1404): Forshall
and Madden, Pref. p. xxxii. 11.
^ [The Wycliffite origin of the transla
tion of the Bible was never seriously
questioned till, in an article on the
Pre-Reformation English Bible in the
Dublin Review for July, 1894, Father
^ (now Abbot) Gasquet propounded
the theory that the so-called Wycliffite
Version was in reality the orthodox
version mentioned by Sir Thomas
More and others, which was sanc
tioned by the Church and the use of
which was conditionally permitted.
This view was subjected to criticism
by Mr F. D. Mathew in the English
Historical Review for January, 1895,
by Dr F. G. Kenyon in Our Bible
and the Ancient Manuscripts, 1895,
and by a writer in the Church
Quarterly Review for October, 1900,

and January, igoi, with the result
that the Wycliffite origin of the trans
lations which came into existence in
the 14th century has been reestab
lished. Abbot Gasquet has no doubt
brought into greater prominence the
fact that the version was found where
it could hardly have been except by
express permission of the Church,
but it is remarkable that notwith
standing such permission it was never
allowed to be printed. Perhaps this
may have been because some taint of
Wycliffite heresy was believed to be
attached to it. In Germany, France,
Italy, and Spain, translations from the
Vulgate into the vernacular languages
of those countries existed many years
before the Reformation.]
''¦ Foxe, Acts and Monuments, IV.
217 f.
' [The later of the Wycliffite Ver
sions of the New Testament was
printed by Lewis in 1731, and re-

I]

THE MANUSCRIPT BIBLE

21

printed by Baber in 1 8 lo. The earlier
vemon was published by Pickering in
1848 from a MS. in the possession of
Mr Lea Wilson and afterwards in the
collection of Lord Ashburnham. The
text in Bagster's Hexapla (1841) is of
the later version, from a. MS. which
belonged successively to the Duke of
Sussex, Mr Lea Wilson, and the Earl
of Ashburnham. But the great author
ity on the subject of the Wycliffite
translations is the monumental work of

Forshall and Madden in four volumes
quarto, Oxford, 1850, which contains
both versions of the Old and New
Testaments and Apocrypha, with an
elaborate critical apparatus, preface,
and glossary. Reprints from this
edition of the New Testament (1879)
and of the Poetical Books, Job —
Song of Solomon (1881), were edited
for the Clarendon Press by Professor
Skeat.]

CHAPTER II.

THE PRINTED BIBLE.
This is the doctrine simple, ancient, true;
Such is life's trial, as old earth smiles and knows.
If you loved only what were worth your love,
Love were clear gain and wholly well for you :
Make the low nature better by your throes !
Give earth yourself, go up for gain above!
Browning, Dramatis Persona, James Lee's Wife, vii. 2.

CHAPTER II.

THE PRINTED BIBLE.

The circul
ation of
the Manu
script Bible
precarious and liviited.

4

Influenceof the study
of Greek in
the i6th
century.

The general testimony of Foxe to the circulation of the
English Scriptures at the beginning of the i6th century,
which has been just quoted, is illustrated by several special
incidents, which he records. These, however, shew at the
same time that the circulation and study of the manu
scripts was both precarious and perilous. ' I did once,'
says Lambert in 1538, 'see a booke of the Newe Testamet
'(which was not vnwrytte by my estimation this C. yeres)
'and in my minde right wel translate after thexample of
' that which is red in the Church in Laten. But he that
' shewed it me said, he durst not be known to haue it by
' him, for many hadde bene punished afore time for keping
' of such as conuict of heresy^' And that this fear was
not ungrounded may be seen by the registers of the
dioceses of Norwich and Lincoln, which contain several
examples of men charged before the bishops with the
offence of reading or perusing 'the New Law' (that is,
the New Testament) in English''.
But meanwhile a momentous change had passed over
Western Europe. ' Greece,' in the striking language of an
English scholar, 'had risen from the grave with the New
'Testament in her hand'; and the Teutonic nations had'
welcomed the gift. It had been long felt on all sides that

^ Foxe, Acts and Monuments, v. 213. I have quoted from the text of
the edition 1563 (March 20: ? 1564), p. 559.
"^ Foxe, ib. IV. 217 ff.

CH. II] TINDALE

25

the Latin Bible of the mediaeval Church could no longer
satisfy the wants of the many nations of a divided world.
Before the end of the 15th century Bibles were printed in
Spanish, Italian, French, Dutch, German and Bohemian ;
while England as yet had only the few manuscripts of .
the Wycliffite versions. But, like Wycliffe's, these were
only secondary versions from the Vulgate. The Hebrew
text of the Old Testament was published as early as
1488, though very few except Jews could use it ; but the<^
Greek text of the New Testament was not yet printed.
Scholars however were being duly trained for the work
of direct translation. The passionate declamation then
current against Hebrew and Greek shews that the study of
both was popular and advancing'. And England, though
late to begin, eagerly followed up the 'new learningV
From 1509 to 15 14 Erasmus was Professor of Greek at <:
Cambridge, and, as appears probable, it was the fame of
his lectures which drew there William Tindale about the j
year 1510^ to whom it has been allowed more than to I
any other man to give its characteristic shape to our .
English Bible. And the man, as we shall see, was not
unworthy of the glorious honour for the attainment of
which indeed he lived equally and died.

§ I. Tindale.
With Tindale the history of our present English Bible .. tindale.
begins' ; and for fifteen years the history of the Bible is
almost identical with the history of Tindale. The fortunes
of both if followed out in detail are even of romantic
interest. Of the early life of Tindale we know nothing.
1 See Chap. in. ^ [This is not now so probable since
" According to Erasmus, England the discovery of an entry in the Ox-
was second only to Italy and in ad- ford Register by which it appears that
vance of France and Germany. Eras- William Hichyns, who is supposed to
mus himself studied Greek at Oxford. be Tindale, took his M.A. degree in
Compare Hallam, Introduction to Lit. 1515.]
of Europe, I. pp. 269 f. * See Appendix viii.

26

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

He was born about 1484^ at an obscure village in
Gloucestershire", and 'brought up from a child,' as Foxe
says, in the University of Oxford, where he was ' singularly
' addicted to the study of the Scriptures^' From Oxford
he went to Cambridge, and after spending some time
there, as we have noticed, he returned about 152b to his
native county as tutor in the family of Sir John Walsh
of Little Sodbury. Here he spent two years, not without
many controversies, in one of which he made his memor
able declaration to ' a learned man ' who ' said we were
' better be without God's laws than the Pope's ' : 'I defy
'the Pope and all his laws'; and said, 'If God spare my
' life, ere many years I will cause a boy that driveth the
'plough shall know more of the Scripture than thou
'doest^' The boast was not an idle phrase. Erasmus

1 [Probably later.] The dates
in Tindale's life up to his coming
to London in 1522-3 are fixed
only approximately and by con
jecture. There is no adequate ex
ternal evidence to determine them
exactly, but the amount of error
cannot be great. I may refer by
anticipation to a promised Life of
Tyndale by the Rev. R. Demaus
[pubUshed in 1871], as certain to
exhaust all the information on the
subject which is left to us.
^ The exact place is uncertain, but
it was near Nibley Knoll, one of the
Cotswold hills, on which a monument
has lately been erected to his memory.
Mr F. Fry informs me that 'there
' are Tindales now in those parts ' ;
and further that 'Hunt's Court,
' where Tindale is said to have been
' born, did not come into the posses-
' sion of the Tindale family till later.'
Tindale was known also by the name
Hutchins (Hychins, Hochin), which
had been assumed, it is said, by his
great-grandfather; and in official
documents he is described by both
titles: e.g. in the Articles against
Munmouth, Strype, Eccles. Mem. i.

488. [Demaus (ed. 2) was of opinion
that all the evidence is in favour of
Melksham Court, in the parish of
Stinchcombe, being the home of Tin-
dale's family. ]
^ He studied in Magdalen Hall,
called Grammar Hall from the labours
of Grocyn, W. Latimer, and Linacre
there in favour of classical learning
(Anderson, i. 26). [He probably
took the degree of M.A. in 1515.]
Mr Fry informs me that the MS. I
quoted in the Historical Account, p.
41 n., purporting to contain transla
tions by Tindale ('W.T.') from the
New Testament and dated 1502, was
unquestionably a forgery. The MS.
was afterwards burnt [in 1865 at
Sotheby's, when the sale of Offor's
Library had begun] ; but the facsimile
of a single page, for the sight of
which I am indebted to Mr Fry,
seems absolutely conclusive as to its
spuriousness. * This passage is given according^
to the first edition (1563), p. 514.*'
In the later editions the form of the
last sentence is turned into the oblique:
Acts and Monuments, v. 117.

II]

TINDALE

27

had published the Greek Testament for the first time, ^
with a new Latin version, in 15 16, before Tindale left
Cambridge ; and Tindale must have been acquainted with
the effect which its introduction there had immediately
produced'. At the same time, as he tells us, he 'had
'perceaued by experyence, how that it was impossible to
' stablysh the laye people in any truth, excepte y« scripture
'were playnly layde before their eyes in their mother
'tonge, that they might se the processe, ordre and mean-
'inge of the texte'...' Which thinge onlye,' he says, 'moved
' me to translate the new testaments'
When his enemies grew so powerful as to endanger Hisfatiure
, . -_ T.1.-T* with the
his patron, I gat me, he says, to ' London. ' If I might ntshopof
' come to the Bishop of London's service ' — Tunstall's, of
whose love of scholarship Erasmus had spoken highly —
' thought I, I were happy.' By this time he knew what
his work was, and he was resolutely set to accomplish it^.

' One memorable instance of its
influence is seen in the narrative of
Bilney, afterwards martyred in 1531,
who was first roused to a lively faith
by reading in Erasmus' edition, i
Tim. i. 15, as he narrates in touching
words in a letter addressed to Tunstall :
Foxe, Acts and Monuments, IV. 635.
Bilney's Latin Bible is still preserved
[in the Library of Corpus Christi Col
lege, Cambridge], with many passages
marked, and among them the one on
which he dwelt most in the night
before his death. Anderson, I. p.
301. [The Librarian, Mr C. W.
Moule, infonns me that the volume
is a small folio copy of the Vulgate
printed at Lyons in 1520 at the ex
pense of Antony Koberger, and pre
sented to the College in 1588 by
Robert Willon, Rector of Wilbraham
Parva and formerly Fellow. See
Masters's History of Corpus, ed.
Lamb, p. 321. W.A.W.]
It is not indeed unlikely, as has
been pointed out by the author of
the Historical Account (p. 44), that
the saying of Tindale given above

was suggested by a phrase in the
Exhortation of Erasmus. ' I would,'
he writes, ' that the husbandman at
' the plough should sing something
' from hence [the Gospels and Epi-
' sties].' ^ Preface to Genesis [Pentateuch^,
p. 394 (Park. Soc).
5 No phrase could more completely
misrepresent Tindale's character than
that by which Mr Froude has thought
right to describe him at this time —
' the young dreamer ' (n. 30). Tindale
could not have been much less than
forty years old at the time, and he was
less of a ' dreamer ' even than Luther.
From the first he had exactly measured
the cost of his work; and when he
had once made his resolve to translate
the Scriptures, he never afterwards
lost sight of it, and never failed in
doing what he proposed to do.
I do not think that the phrase
'fiery young enthusiast,' which Mr
Froude has substituted for 'young
' dreamer ' in his last edition is much
happier, though it certainly indicates
a very different character. 1870.

28 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
At the same time he was prepared to furnish the bishop
for whose countenance he looked with an adequate test
of his competency. The claim which he preferred was
supported by a translation of a speech of Isocrates from
the Greek. ' But god,' he continues, and the story can
only be given fitly in his own words, ' sawe that I was
'begyled, ad that that councell was not the nexte way
'vnto my purpose' — to translate the Scriptures — 'And
' therfore he gate me no favoure in my lordes sight. Wher-
' uppon my lorde answered me, his house was full : he had
' mo the he coude well finde, and advised me to seke in
' london, wher he sayd I coude not lacke a service.'
The bishop's prediction was fulfilled in a way which
he could not have anticipated. Tindale had indeed already
found a friend ready to help him in an alderman of London,
Entertained Humphrey Munmouth. Munmouth, who was afterwards
mouth. "" (1528) thrown into the Tower for the favour which he had
shewn Tindale and other reformers, has left an interesting
account of his acquaintance with him in a petition which
he addressed to Wolsey to obtain his release. ' I heard
' [Tindale],' he writes, ' preach two or three sermons at
' St Dunstan's-in-the-West in London*, and after that I
' chanced to meet with him, and with communication I
' examined what living he had. He said he had none at
' all, but he trusted to be with my lord of London, in his
' service, and therefore I had the better fantasy to him.
'Afterward [when this hope failed, he]... came to me again,
' and besought me to help him ; and so I took him into my
' house half a year ; and there he lived like a good priest as
' methought. He studied most part of the day and of the
' night at his book ; and he would eat but sodden meat by
'his good will, nor drink but small single beer. I never
' saw him wear linen about him in the space he was with
' It is not known when Tindale 'Observants at Greenwich in 1508';
was admitted to Holy Orders; but it for More does not fail to taunt Joye
is at least clear from the silence of and Jerome, who had belonged to
Sir T. More that he was not the W. that monastery, with being renegade
Tindale who is said to have ' made friars, while he brings no such charge
' profession in the monasteiy of the against Tindale.

II] TINDALE 29
'me. I did promise him ten pounds sterling to pray for
•my father and mother their souls and all Christian
'souls. I did pay it him when he made his exchange
' to Hamburgh ^'
This time of waiting was not lost upon Tindale. In
the busy conflicts and intrigues of city life he learnt
what had been hidden from him in the retirement of the
country. ' In london,' he continues, ' I abode almoste an
'yere, and marked the course of the worlde...and vnder-
'stode at the laste not only that there was no rowme
'in my lorde of londons palace to translate the new
'testament, but also that there was no place to do it in
'all englonde...'''
So he left his native country for ever, to suffer, as he Hisretire-
elsewhere says, ' poverty, exile, bitter absence from friends, continent.
' hunger and thirst and cold, great dangers and innumerable
' other hard and sharp fightings',' but yet to achieve his
work and after death to force even Tunstall to set his name
upon it.
Tindale's first place of refuge was Hamburgh. This He begins to
•^ o b print his
free city, like Antwerp, offered great advantages to religious ^ew Testa-
exiles ; and at a later period we find Coverdale also living
there for some months ^ At the same time, as no press
was yet established at Hamburgh, Tindale may not have
remained there during the whole of the year 1524, if, as
appears likely, he published the Gospels of St Matthew and
St Mark separately at that date^ Among other places,
Wittenberg, where Luther was then living, was easily
accessible, and it is not unlikely that Tindale found some
opportunity of seeing the great leader with whom the work
of the Reformation was identified. The fact of a passing
visit would explain satisfactorily the statement of Sir T.
' Foxe, IV. 617. App. to Strype, * See p. 30, note 6.
Eccles. Mem. [vol. i. part 2], No. ^ The separate publication of these
89. Gospels appears probable from the
^ Preface to Genesis, p. 396 (Park. evidence adduced by Anderson, i.
Soc. ed.). 153, 183, but the references may be
3 Report of Vaughan to Henry VIII, to the (Cologne) quarto edition. See
quoted by Anderson, l. 272. p. 33, n. 1.

30

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

More^ while the more exact account of Spalatinus*, who
makes no mention of Luther, leads to the belief, on all
grounds the most probable, that Tindale, though acquainted
with Luther's writings and ready to make use of them',
lived independently, with his fellow-exiles, at Hamburgh*
or elsewhere, till his chosen work was completed. In the
next year (1525) Tindale went to Cologne, and there
began to print the translation of the New Testament, which
he had by that time completed'. It was a time of sore
trial for the Reformers. Luther's marriage troubled some.
His breach with Karlstadt alienated others. The rising of
the peasants furnished a ready pretext to the lukewarm for
confounding the new doctrines with revolutionary license.
But Tindale laboured on in silence, and ten sheets of his
Testament were printed in quarto when his work was
stopped by the intrigues of Cochlseus, a relentless enemy
of the Reformation''.

)/^

5\

J-'

1 Dialogue, Book III. ch. 8. ' It
' is to be cosydered that at the tyme
' of this translacyon, Hychens [Tin-
' dale] was with luther in Wytten-
' berge, & set certayne glosys in the
'mergent, framed for the settynge
' forthe of the vngracyous secte. By
' saynt lohan quod your frende yf that
' be trewe that Hychens were at that
' time wyth Luther, it is a. playne
' token that he wrought som what
' after his counsayle. . . Very trewe quod
' I. But as touchynge the confederacye
' betwene Luther and hym [it] is a
' thynge well knowen and playnly
' confessed, by soche as haue ben
' taken and conuycted here of heresye
Jcomynge frome thens....'
To this Tindale's reply is simply :
' When he sayth ' ' Tyndall was con-
' "federate with Luther," that is not
(,jj>> .f truth.' This statement is of course
^ \|ji)Xconsistent with the fact of a visit to
Luther. Sir T. More's information
«was without doubt derived from
Cochlseus. See also the letter of
Lee, p. 34.
"^ See below, p. 35, n.

* See below, Chap. in.
* Tindale's close connexion with
Hamburgh appears at a later time in
the circumstantial statement of Foxe
that 'at his appointment Coverdale
' tarried for him there and helped him
'in the translating of the whole five
'books of Moses, from Easter to
' December, in the house of a wor-
'shipful widow Mistress Margaret
' van Emmerson, anno 1529...' [Foxe,
V. 120.]
" Fryth did not join him till 1528;
and there is no evidence that either
his amanuensis Roye, or Joye, if he
was with him at the time, had any
independent part in the translation.
See below, Ch. in. The date of the
printing of the New Testament is
established by the use of a woodcut
as the frontispiece to St Matthew
which was afterwards cut down and
used in an edition of Rupert of Deutz,
finished June 12, 1526. A facsimile
of each of these woodcuts is given in
Mr Arber's edition of the fragment.
^ The one fragment of this edition
which remains (see below, p. 37) has

V

<^

>

II] TINDALE 3 1
It is a strange and vivid picture which Cochlzeus, who is cochu,,^
the historian of his own achievement, draws of the progress SI*/
and discovery of the work'. The translation of 'the New ^"l^ntht
' Testament of Luther ' — so he calls it — was, in his eyes, '««¦• '"''"
part of a great scheme for converting all England to
Lutheranism. The expense, as he learnt, was defrayed by
English merchants; and their design was only betrayed
by their excess of confidence. But though Cochlseus was
aware of the design, he could not for some time find any
clue to the office where it was being executed. At last
becoming familiar with the printers of Cologne while
engaged on a book to be published there, he heard them in
unguarded moments boast of the revolution which would
be shortly wrought in England. The clue was not neg
lected. He invited some of them to his house, and plying
them with wine learned where three thousand copies of
the English Testament were being worked off, for speedy
and secret distribution through England. He took immed
iate measures to secure the aid of the authorities of the
city for checking the work. The printers were forbidden
to proceed, but Tindale and Roye taking their printed
sheets with them escaped to Worms by ship. Cochlaeus
— it was all he could then do — warned Henry, Wolsey, and
Fisher of the peril to which they were exposed, that so they
might take measures 'to prevent the importation of the
' pernicious merchandise.'
Meanwhile Tindale pursued his work under more favour- 2['zWa&
finishes two
able circumstances. The place to which he fled was already editions at
^ -^ Worms,
memorable in the annals of the Reformation. It was then
not much more than four years since the marvellous scene
been photo -lithographed and pub- 1538, 1549, in which Cochlseus men-
iished with an excellent introduction tions the transaction : the last account,
by Mr E. Arber (London, 1871), who from De Actis et Scriptis M. Lutheri,
has printed at length with great ex- pp. 132 ff., is in every respect the
actness and illustrated by careful notes most detailed. Cochlseus thinks that
the original records bearing upon the Henry VIII was as much indebted to
early life and work of Tindale. him for the information as Ahasuerus
^ Mr Arber has given at length to Mordecai, though he gave him no
(/. c. pp. 18 ff.) the three passages, acknowledgment for the service.
from works dated respectively 1533,

32 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
when Luther entered Worms (1521) to bear witness before
the Emperor. But within that time the city had ' become
'wholly Lutheran^' So Tindale found a safe retreat there,
and prepared two editions of his New Testament instead of
one. The edition, which had been commenced at Cologne,
was in quarto and furnished with marginal glosses. A
description of this had been sent to England by Cochlaeus,
and therefore, as it seems, to baffle his enemies Tindale
commenced a new edition in small octavo without glosses,
in octavo. This octavo edition was finished first. In a short epistle
to the reader, which is placed at the end, the translator
apologizes for ' the rudnes off the worke ' then first accom
plished : ' Count it ' he says ' as a thynge not havynge his
' full shape, but as it were borne afore hys tyme, even as a
' thig begunne rather then fynesshed. In tyme to come (yf
' god have apoynted vs there vnto) we will geve it his full
' shape : and putt out yf ought be added superfluusly : and
' adde to yff ought be oversene thorowe negligence : and
' will enfoarce to brynge to compendeousnes, that which is
' nowe translated at the lengthe, ad to geve lyght where it
' is requyred, and to seke 1 certayne places more proper
' englysshe, and with a table to expoude the wordes which
'are nott comenly vsed, and shewe howe the scripture
' vseth many wordes, which are wother wyse vnderstonde of
' the comen people : ad to helpe with a declaracion where
'one tonge taketh nott another. And will endever oure
' selves, as it were to sethe it better, and to make it more
' apte for the weake stomakes : desyrynge them that are
' learned, and able, to remember their duetie, and to helpe
' there vnto : and to bestowe vnto the edyfylge of Christis
' body (which is the cogregacion of them that beleve) those
' gyftes whych they have receaved of god for the same
' purpose. The grace that cometh of Christ be with the
'that love hym.' The whole book then closes with the
characteristic words : ' praye for vs.'
The words just quoted in part describe the general
'^ Anderson, l. p. 64, quoting Cochlseus (plebs pleno furore Lutherizabat)
and Seckendorf.

II]

TINDALE

33

Prologue and glosses with which the quarto edition was and<,uarto.
furnished, and Tindale appears to have lost no time in
completing this interrupted work'- Both editions reached
England without any indication of the translator's name^ /
early in 1526; and, as might have been expected, the ^
quarto edition first attracted attention, while for a short
time the undescribed octavo escaped notice.
Before the books arrived Henry VIII had received a Lee's Letter
second warning of the impending danger from his almoner 'w/."'^
Lee, afterwards archbishop of York, who was then on °^'^' '' ^^'^'

' The quarto edition was com
menced by Quentel. The octavo
was printed by P. Schoeffer, the son
of one of the first great triumvirate of
printers. The same printer, it has been
conjectured, completed the quarto ;
but of this there is no direct evidence,
as the Grenville Fragment contains
only sheets A — H, while A — K were
printed by Quentel. There is not
however any reasonable doubt that
the quarto edition was completed
about the same time as the first
octavo, and therefore it seems likely
that it was completed at Worms and
by Schoeffer. Two editions, a large
and a small, one with and one without
glosses, made their appearance simul
taneously in England. Three thousand
copies of the first sheets of the quarto
were struck off and six thousand is
said to have been the whole number
of New Testaments printed. More
over it is not likely that Tindale
would allow the sheets which he
rescued to lie idle. On the other
hand, as Mr F. Fry reminds me,
there is no direct evidence that the
quarto edition was printed at Worms
or printed in 1525, or that the Cologne
sheets were used in this edition. But
on the whole the conjectural inter
pretation of the facts which I have
ventured to give seems to me to be
correct. It is of course possible that

' the chapters of Matthew ' referred to
by Necton as in his possession before
the Testaments may refer to these
sheets, and not to another separate
publication of that Gospel. Strype,
Mem. 1. 2, p. 63. See also Mr Arber,
I.e. pp. 26-7. 1871. For specimens
of the Glosses, see App. v.
^ Tindale's name was attached to
the Parable of the Wicked Mammon in
1528, and he there gives his reasons
for printing his New Testament anony
mously. ' The cause why I set my
'name before this little treatise and
' have not rather done it in the New
' Testament is, that then I followed
' the counsel of Christ, which exhort-
' eth men (Matt, vi.) to do their good
'deeds secretly, and to be content
'with the conscience of well-doing
' and that God seeth us ; and patiently
' to abide the reward of the last day
' which Christ hath purchased for us :
'and now would I fain have done
' likewise, but am compelled otherwise
'to do.' (To the Reader, p. 37, ed.
Park. Soc.) He wished to separate
his own writings distinctly from the
violent satires of W. Roye. In speak
ing simply of 'the New Testament'
it seems evident that Tindale included
the two editions, quarto and octavo.
In the revised edition (1534) his name
was added.

W.

34 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
the Continent. Writing to the king from Bordeaux on Dec.
2nd, 1525, Lee says : ' Please it your highness moreover to
'understand that I am certainly informed, as I passed in
'this country, that an Englishman your subject, at the
' solicitation and instance of Luther, with whom he is, hath
' translated the New Testament into English, and within
' few days intendeth to arrive with the same imprinted in
' England. I need not to advertise your grace what infection
'and danger may ensue hereby if it be not withstanded.
' This is the next way to fulfil your realm with Lutherians.'
And then he adds, ' All our forefathers, governors of
'the Church of England, hath with all diligence for-
'bid and eschewed publication of English Bibles, as
'appeareth in constitutions provincial of the Church of
'England^...' The account which reached Lee's ears had travelled far
and was inaccurate in its details ; but the swiftness with
which it reached him is a proof of the interest which
Cochlaeus' discovery excited. Another notice of Tindale's
translation which appears in the diary of a German scholar
under August 1526 is more truthful and full of interest
The work a After mentioning other subjects of conversation at the
subject of o J
conversation dinner table, as the war with the Turks, the exhaustion of
abroad. '
the bishops by the peasants' war, the literary troubles of
Erasmus, he adds, one told us that '6000 copies of the
' English Testament had been printed at Worms. That it
' was translated by an Englishman who lived there with two
' of his countrymen, who was so complete a master of seven
' languages, Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Italian, Spanish, English,
' French, that you would fancy that whichever one he spoke
' was his mother tongue. He added that the English, in
' spite of the active opposition of the king, were so eager
' for the Gospel as to affirm that they would buy a New
^ For this letter I am indebted to Lee writes also to Wolsey to the
Mr Froude, Hist, of England, 11. 31. same effect, informing him that he
It is given more accurately by Mr had written to the king. Brewer,
Arber, /. c. p. 37. [Cotton MSS. Vesp. State Papers, No. 1802. [Hen. VIII.
C. HI. fol. 211.] At the same date vol. IV. part i, p. 805.]

II]

TINDALE

35

' Testament even if they had to give a hundred thousand
'pieces of money for it^'
The reception of the books in England answered to Reception 0/
these anticipations. They were eagerly bought, and as ^Engia^.'"
eagerly proscribed and sought out for destruction. Sir T,
More fiercely attacked the translation as ignorant, dis
honest and heretical". In the autumn Tunstall and Warham
issued mandates for the collection and surrender of copies'.
Tunstall attacked it in a Sermon at Paul's Cross, and pro
fessed to have found 3000 errors in it : ' and truly,' writes
one [Lambert] who heard him, ' my heart lamented greatly
' to hear a great man preaching against it [the New Testa-
' ment], who shewed forth certain things that he noted for
' hideous errors to be in it, that I, yea, and not only I, but
' likewise did many other, think verily to be none*.'

^ Etiamsi centenis millibus jeris sit
redimendum. Diary of Spalatinus
under ' Sunday after St Laurence's
'Day, 1526,' given in Schelhorn,
Amcen. Liter, iv. 431 (ed. 1730).
The enumeration of languages is
' Hebraicse, Grsecae, Latinse, Italicse,
'Hispanicse, Britannicse, Gallicce.^
The passage is misquoted in the life
of Tindale prefixed to the edition of
Park. Soc. with '¦Dutch' (i.e. German)
for ' French ' (p. xxx. n.). The error
is important, for if the printed reading
be correct, it is unlikely that Tindale
had spent a long time at Wittenberg
with Luther.
* His great charge was the disre
gard of 'ecclesiastical terms,' 'church,
'priest, charity, grace, confess, pen-
' ance, ' for which Tindale substituted
'congregation, elder, love, favour,
' knowledge, repentance.' Tindale's
reply is fiiU of interest.
A similar charge against the trans
lation was made by R. Ridley (uncle
of N. Ridley). Writing in Feb. 1527
to [Henry Golde] the chaplain of
' Archbp. Warham, he says : ' By this
' ' translation shall we losse al thies
' cristian wordes penaunce, charite.

' confession, grace, prest, chirche, which
'he alway calleth a congregation,
'quasi turcharum et brutorum nulla
' esset congregatio, nisi velit illorum
' etiam esse ecclesiam ; Idololatria
' callith he worshippyng of images 
' Ye shal not neede to accuse this
' translation. It is accused and damn-
'ed by the consent of the prelates
' and learned men, and commanded
' to be brynt, both heir and beyonde
' the see, wher is many hundreth of
' tham brynt ; so that it is to layt now
' to ask reson why that be condemned,
'and which be the fawtes and er-
' rours . . . ' (Arber, pp . 5 2 ff. Anderson,
I. 153 ff.). [Cotton MSS. Cleop. E.
V. fol. 362 b.\
' Oct. 24, 1526. Foxe, Acts and
Monuments, p. 449 (ed. 1563). An
derson, I. p. 118. Arber, pp. 50 ff.
* Foxe, Acts and Monuments, V.
213. Tunstall returned in April 1526.
[Roye in his Rede me and be nott wrothe
mentions the three thousand errors
which Tunstall professed to have
found. Cochlseus (Acta et Scripta
Martini Lutheri, Moguntise, 1549,
p. 135) says 'supra duo milia de-
' pravationum. ']

36 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
The attack of Tunstall appears to have been the result
of a deliberation of the Cardinal and the bishops. In a
The trans- profaco added to the English translation of Henry VIII's
lation con- , i i r • . • • i • i
demned attswer to Luther s letter of 1525 it is said in the name of
the king that he had 'with the deliberate aduyse of......
'Thomas lorde Cardynall  and other reuerende fathers
'of the spyritualtye, determyned  [Tindale's] vntrue
' translatyons to be brenned, with further sharppe correction
' and punisshment against the kepars and reders of the
' same  '.' Roye, in his Brief Dialogue, gives an account
of the discussion which issued in this condemnation, and
represents at least the popular opinion as to the parts
played by the several actors^. The betrayal of the New
Testament is compared with the betrayal of Christ. The
part of Judas is assigned to Standish, bishop of St Asaph.
The Cardinal ' spake the words of Pilat, Sayinge, I fynde
'no fault therin.' But the argument of 'bisshop Cayphas'
[Tunstall] prevailed, who pleaded that it was better that
the Gospel be condemned than their estate contemned;
and so the Cardinal and all the bishops decided that the
book should be burnt.
The spread The declsiou being once made was vigorously carried
"lation.'^'""' out. Copies of the New Testament were bought up and
burnt in Antwerp and London and Oxford^. Diplomacy
was invoked to restrain the printers. But all was in vain.
The tide was fairly flowing and it could not be checked.
A formidable popular organization was ready in England
to welcome the books and to spread them. Numerous
agents were employed both in importing them from Holland
and in circulating them. There is even something quaintly
> The preface is given at length by ad pervertendum pias fidelium sim-
Mr Arber, pp. 48 f. The date of the plicium mentes a perfidis abominandas
book ' cannot be long after the be- sectse Lut[heranae] sectatoribus ver-
' ginning of 1527 ' (Arber). naculo sermone depravatus, et ad ejus
" The passages are printed in full regnum delatus fuerat, justissime com-
by Mr Arber, pp. 29 ff. buri fecisse (Campeggio to Wolsey,
' ...nuper cum summa ejus laude Nov. 21, 1526. Arber, p. 49). Com
et gloria auditum est, Majestatem pare also Anderson, i. p. 214, Arber,
suam sacrum B[iblise] codicem, qui pp. 49 ff., and below pp. 39, 41.

ii] tindale 37
human in the spirit of the trader which shewed itself in
this sacred work. One John Tyball came with a friend to
London (1526) to buy one of Tindale's New Testaments.
After giving some proof of their sincerity they shewed ' the
' Friar Barnes of certain old books that they had, as of four
'Evangelists and certain epistles of Peter and Paul in
'English. Which books the said Friar did little regard,
' and made a twit of it and said " a point for them ! for they
' " be not to be regarded toward the new printed Testament
'"in English. For it is of more cleaner English." And
'then the said Friar Barnes delivered to them the said
'New Testament in English. ..and after. ..did liken the
'New Testament in Latin to a cymbal tinkling and brass
'sounding^' Thus by 1530 swiftly and silently six editions, /C
of which three were surreptitious, were dispersed, and
Tindale could feel that so far his work was substantially
indestructible. He had anticipated its immediate fate.
' In burning the New Testament,' he wrote soon after the
book reached England (1527), 'they did none other thing
'than that I looked for ; no more shall they do if they burn
' me also, if it be God's will it shall so be. Nevertheless in
' translating the New Testament I did my duty and so do
'I now...^' Yet so fierce and systematic was the persecu
tion both now and afterwards, that of these six editions,
numbering perhaps 15,000 copies, there remains of the first
one fragment only, which was found about thirty years ago*,
attached to another tract ; of the second, one copy, wanting
the title-page, and another very imperfect*; and of the
1 Deposition of John Tyball, St Paul's, London. The Bristol copy
Strype's Memorials, I. 131, App. I. has richly illuminated capitals, and
part 2, xvii. p. 55. was evidently designed for a wealthy
2 Preface to Parable of the Wicked purchaser. Marginal references are
Mammon, p. 44 (Parker Soc. ed.). also added, perhaps by the illuminator,
» [In 1834, Anderson, Index List.] which are generally but not always
Now in the Grenville Library in the identical with those in the edition of
British Museum. See p. 30, n, 6. 15 34- A very few notes in Latin
'' The first, which is in the Library and English were added by an early
of the Baptist College at Bristol, has hand, but they are of no special in-
been reproduced in facsimile by Mr terest.
Fry: the second is in the Library of

38

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

The New
Testament
at Cam
bridge and
London.

Others, two or three copies, which are not however satis
factorily identified'.
Two characteristic incidents will be sufficient to shew
the strength and weakness of the popular movement to
which the origin and circulation of the translation was due.
The Eastern Counties, which took an active part on
the popular side in the barons' war and in the great revo
lution, seem to have been most ready to welcome the New
English Testament. Nearly all the places out of London
mentioned in direct connexion with the first circulation of
the books lie in this district, as Norwich, Bury, Colchester.
And Cambridge, which had enjoyed the teaching of
( Erasmus, was early and deeply leavened by the ' new
I learning.' Bilney, Latimer, and Barnes, men of distinction
in the University and not young students, were its repre-
' sentatives. Their position made them bold. On Christmas
Eve, 1525, Barnes preached a sermon in which he criticized
among other things the luxury of Wolsey. This personal
attack gave force to the accusation against him, which
after a little delay was laid before the Cardinal. A mes
senger came early in February of the next year to search
for heretical books, but his visit was anticipated by private
information. The books were placed carefully beyond his
reach, but he arrested Barnes. With such an offender the
process was short and simple. After he had appeared
before the court the choice was left him of abjuration or
the stake. A bitter struggle revealed his present weak
ness, and on the next Sunday in company with some
German traders — ' Stillyard men' — committed 'for Luther's
'books and LollardyV he performed a memorable penance

1 Of these three editions one was
printed by Endhoven, and the two
others by Ruremonde, but all at
Antwerp: Anderson, I. 129 — 133;
163 — 165. The Dutch copy in the
Library of Emm. Coll. Cambridge
[printed in 1538 without the name of
place or printer], as Dr Cotton points
out, is Coverdale's and not Tindale's

version. It is very probable that
other editions [besides the six which
Anderson mentions] existed of which
no trace has yet been discovered.
^ An abstract of the depositions of
these men (Feb. 8, 1526) is given by
Brewer, Calendar of State Papers,
Henry VIII, No. 1962 [vol. IV.
part I, p. 884].

ii] TINDALE 39
in St Paul's*. ' The Cardinal had a scaffold made on the
' top of the stairs for himself, with six-and-thirty Abbots,
' mitred Priors and Bishops, and he in his whole pomp
' mitred, which Barnes spake against, sat there enthronised,
'his chaplains and spiritual doctors, in gowns of damask
'and satin, and he himself in purple, even like a bloody
'antichrist. And there was a new pulpit erected on the
' top of the stairs also for [Fisher] the Bishop of Rochester,
' to preach against Luther and Dr Barnes ; and great baskets
' full of books standing before them within the rails, which
'were commanded after the great fire was made before
'the Rood of Northen^ there to be burned; and these
'heretics after the sermon to go thrice about the fire and
' to cast in their faggots.' The ceremony was duly enacted.
Barnes humbly acknowledged the mercy which he had
received, and the obnoxious books were burnt. ' And so
'the Cardinal,' Foxe continues with grave humour, 'de-
' parted under a canopy with all his mitred men with him,
' till he came to the second gate of Paul's ; and then he
'took his mule and the mitred men came back again V
The tidings of this scene and of Fisher's sermon reached Tindales
o continent,
Tindale. 'Mark, I pray you,' he wrote not long after
wards, ' what an orator he [Rochester] is, and how vehe-
' mently he persuadeth it ! Martin Luther hath burned
' the pope's decretals : a manifest sign, saith he, that he
'would have burned the pope's holiness also, if he had
'had him! A like argument, which I suppose to be
'rather true, I make: Rochester and his holy brethren
"have burnt Christ's Testament: an evident sign verily,
'that they would have burnt Christ Himself also, if they
'had had Him'.' But so it was that for a while the per-
1 This took place Feb. 11, 1526. 'the benefit.' Dugdale, History of
The narrative is given by Foxe, Acts St Paul's, p. 15 (ed. 1818).
and Monuments, v. 414 ff See De- ' Foxe, Acts and Monuments, v.
maus' Life of Latimer, pp. 49 ff- 4i8-
2 The crucifix, that is, 'towards * Obedience of a Christian Man
'the great north door...whereunto (a.D. 1528), p. 221, ed. Parker Soc.
'oblations were frequently made, I owe the passage to Mr Anderson,
'whereof the dean and canons had I. p. 107. It is possible indeed that

40 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
secution triumphed. The faith of the confessors was not
yet purified and strengthened.
The English From Cambridge and London we pass to Oxford.
t^tat"^' One of the first and most active distributors of Tindale's
Testaments was Thomas Garret, curate of All Hallows,
Cheapside. It seems that he had been engaged some
time in circulating them at Oxford and elsewhere before
the suspicion of the government was roused. At last, in
Feb. 1528', tidings of his labours reached Wolsey, and
search was made for him in all London. It was found
that he was then ' gone to Oxford to make sale of [the
' books] there to such as he knew to be the lovers of the
'Gospel,' for this was not his first labour of the kind.
A messenger was despatched thither to apprehend him,
but the timely warning of a friend gave him an oppor
tunity of escaping. But ' after that he was gone a day's
'journey and a half he was so fearful that his heart would
' no other but that he must needs return again unto
' Oxford.' He was immediately apprehended, but again
escaped from custody and sought out his friend Dalaber,
who has recorded the story. With ' deep sighs and plenty
' of tears, he prayed me,' Dalaber writes, ' to help to convey
' him away ; and so he cast off his hood and his gown,
'wherein he came unto me, and desired me to give him
' a coat with sleeves, if I had any ; and told me that he
* would go into Wales, and thence convey himself into
' Germany, if he might. Then I put on him a sleeved
'coat of mine, of fine cloth in grain, which my mother
'had given me. He would have another manner of cap
'of me, but I had none but priest-like, such as his own
' was. Then kneeled we both down together on our knees,
'lifting up our hearts and hands to God, our heavenly
Tindale may be speaking here of the ' Mr Demaus has pointed out to
burning of Luther's translations, which me that this is certainly the date of
were found in possession of the Hanse Garret's apprehension. At the same
merchants; for it is not certain that time there can be no doubt that his
the English Testaments were burnt connexion with Oxford commenced
till after Tunstall's sermon (i.e. after at an earlier time, and probably in
April, T526). See p. 35. 1526.

Il] TINDALE 41
' Father, desiring him, with plenty of tears, so to conduct
' and prosper him in his journey, that he might well escape
'the danger of all his enemies, to the glory of his holy
' name, if his good pleasure and will so were. And then
'we embraced, and kissed the one the other... and so he
Meparted from me apparelled in my coat....' But when
Garret thus fled others remained behind not unworthy to
carry on his work. ' When he was gone down the stairs
' from my chamber,' Dalaber continues, ' I straightways
'did shut my chamber-door, and went into my study
' shutting the door unto me, and took the New Testament
'of Erasmus' translation in my hands, kneeled down on
' my knees, and with many a deep sigh and salt tear, I did
'with much deliberation read over the tenth chapter of
' St Matthew his Gospel ; and when I had so done, with
'fervent prayer I did commit unto God that our dearly
'beloved brother Garret, earnestly beseeching him in and
' for Jesus Christ's sake, his only begotten Son our Lord,
'that he would vouchsafe not only safely to conduct and
'keep our said dear brother from the hands of all his
' enemies ; but also that he would vouch endue his tender
•and lately-born little flock in Oxford with heavenly
'strength by his Holy Spirit, that they might be well
' able thereby valiantly to withstand, to his glory, all their
'fierce enemies; and also might quietly, to their own salva-
'tion, with all godly patience bear Christ's heavy cross,
' which I now saw was presently to be laid on their young
' and weak backs, unable to bear so huge a one, without
'the great help of his Holy Spirit. This done, I laid
'aside my books safe....' Within a short interval Garret
was brought back to Oxford. By this time numerous
discoveries had been made. Forbidden books had been
found carefully secreted. The Cardinal's College, which
had received a large infusion of Cambridge men, was
deeply infected with the new heresy. But for the moment
old influences were too powerful. The ' lately-born flock '
was not ripe for the trial. Before many days were over
Garret and Dalaber took a principal part in a pub he act

42

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

Progress of
the demand
for the
EnglishBible.

Bp. Nix's
Complaint.

of penance in company with Fryth and Taverner and
Coxe and Udall and Ferrar and many others destined
to play an important part in the coming struggle of the
Reformation. One detail of their punishment was to
throw a book into a fire kindled at Carfax. The pro
cession passed away, the fire died out, the books were
consumed, and such was the end of the first appearance
of Tindale's New Testament at Oxford'.
Twelve years later (1540) Barnes and Garret were
martyred together, two days after the execution of
Crumwell. Even within a short time this zeal of persecution
brought out into greater prominence the extent of the
movement against which it was directed. One of those
who had originally (June, 1527) contributed money for
the purpose of buying up Tindale's Testaments was Nix,
bishop of Norwich". This singular plan for stopping the
sale of the books having failed. Nix wrote three years
afterwards in deep distress to Archbishop Warham to
obtain some more effectual interference in the matter. His
letter is in every way so quaint and characteristic that
it must be quoted in its original form :
' I am accombred with such, as kepith and redith these
'arronious boks in Englesh  My Lorde, I have done that
' lieth in me for the suppresion of suche parsons ; but it
' passith my power, or any spiritual man for to do it. For
'dyverse saith openly in my Diocesse, that the Kings
'grace wolde, that they shulde have the saide arroneous
'boks  And they [with whom I confer] say, that wher-
' somever they go, they here say, that the Kings pleasure
'is, the Newe Testament in English shal go forth, and
' men sholde have it and read it. And from that opinion
' I can no wise induce them but I had gretter auctoritie
'to punyshe them, than I have. Wherefore I beseiche
'your good Lordshep...that a remedy may be had. For
' now it may be done wel in my Diocesse : for the Gentil-
' The original history is given by ' jjjg jgjtgj jg gj^g^ ^y Anderson,
Foxe, V. 421 ff., and App. No. vi. i. p. 158.

II] TINDALE

43

' men and Commenty be not greatly infect ; but marchants,
' and suche that hath ther abyding not ferre from the See...
'There is a Collage in Cambrige, called Gunwel haule
'[Gonville Hall], of the foundation of a Bp. of Norwich.
'I here of no clerk, that hath commen ought lately of
' that Collage, but saverith of the frying panne, tho he spek
'never so holely^'....
The fears and wishes of Nix were probably shared by ^rchb^.
1 • T^ 1 1 1 1 Warham's
a large party in England, and ten days after he wrote an Assembly.
. , , , ' I5SO, May
imposing assembly was convened by Archbishop Warham, ^4-
at v/hich the errors of Tindale and his friends were
formally denounced, and a bill drawn up to be published
by preachers. In this it was stated, among other things,
that, in spite of the widespread feeling to the contrary,
it was not part of the King's duty to cause the Scriptures
to be circulated among the people in the vulgar tongue.
And that he 'by th' advise and deliberation of his
' counceill, and the agrement of great learned men, thinkith
'in his conscience that the divulging of this Scripture at
'this tyme in Englisshe tonge, to be committed to the
'people... shulde rather be to their further confusion and
'destruction then the edification of their soulesl' Thus in
the very condemnation of the vernacular Bible, the general
demand for it is acknowledged, and a translation is only
deferred till a more convenient opportunity, which was
nearer at hand than More or Tunstall could have imagined.
Even in Warham's assembly 'there were' on Latimer's
testimony ' three or four that would have had the Scripture
' to go forth in English.' ' The which thing also your
' grace,' so he writes to the King, ' hath promised by your
' last proclamation : the which promise I pray God that
'your gracious Highness may shortly perform, even to-
'day before to-morrow. Nor let the wickedness of these
'worldly men detain you from your godly purpose and
' promise'.' ^ Strype's C>-aK»ze?-, 695 f. App. XII. fol. 360.]
The letter is dated May 14th. [The ^ wilkins' Concilia, iii. 736.
original is Cotton MS. Cleop. E. 5, ^ Foxe, vii. 509.

44

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

Progress of
Tindale.

Pentateuch.

The tnar-
^Tial glosses of
Pentateuch.

The Trans
lation of
Jonah, 1531.

Thus the first battle for the Bible was being fought
in England. Meanwhile the work had advanced one step
further abroad. Very early in the same year it is likely
that Tindale continued his work by publishing separately
translations of Genesis and Deuteronomy. It is not known
when the other books of the Pentateuch were printed.
The earliest edition which contains the five books has at
the end of Genesis the date '1530, the 17th of January,'
Perhaps however this may indicate, according to our style,
'Jan. 1 53 1 ;' and there is no evidence to shew when the
whole collection was issued, or indeed whether it was
issued as a whole. The marginal glosses with which these
translations are annotated are full of interest and strongly
controversial. The spirit and even the style of Luther
is distinctly visible in them. In the directness and per
sistency of their polemics against Rome they differ much
from the glosses in the quarto Testament. Thus Tindale
finds in the ceremonies of the Jewish Church the origin
of the Romish rites (note on Ex. xxviii.). For example,
on Ex. xxix. 37, he adds, ' Toch not the chalyce nor the
' altare stone, nor holy oyle and holde youre hande out off
'the fonte.' On Ex. xxxvi. 5, he writes: 'when wil the
' Pope saye hoo, and forbid to offere for the bylding of
'saint Peters chyrch: and when will our spiritualtie saye
' hoo, and forbid to geue the more londe, ad to make moe
' fudacions ? neuer verely vntill they haue all.' Even Tindale
too could descend to a pleasantry like Luther. Thus on
Ex. xxxii. 35, he remarks, 'The popis bull sleeth moo
'tha Aarons calfe...' The tonsure is criticized Levit. xxi.
5, ' Of the hethe preastes therfore toke our prelates the
' ensample off their balde pates.' One grim touch of satire
may be added, Deut. xi. 19, 'Talk of them [the Lord's
' words] when thou sittest in thine house.' ' Talke of
' robynhod saye oure prelates.'
In the same year (1531), in all probability, the book of
Jonah' with an important Prologue appeared, but no more

' Of this a single copy was found at
Ickworth [in 1861] by [the late] Lord

A. Hervey [afterwards Bishop of Bath
and Wells], which was reproduced in

II]

TINDALE

45

l-

of Tindale's work on the Old Testament was published
during his lifetime, except the ' Epistles from the Old
'Testament,' which were added to the revised edition of
his New Testament. For in the midst of his constant
perils and anxieties from within and from without Tindale
found time to revise his New Testament carefully. The
immediate occasion for the publication of his work was
the appearance of an unauthorised revision in August 1534,
by George Joye. The demand for the New Testaments, joye's New
which appears to have slackened since 1530, was again
so great that three surreptitious editions were printed at
Antwerp in that year'; and Joye undertook to revise the "
sheets of a fourth edition. In doing this he made use, as
he says, of the Latin text, and aimed at giving 'many
'words their pure and native signification.' The title of
the book is singularly affected ^ and the alterations were

facsimile by Mr F. Fry, 1863. [It is
now in the British Museum.] For a
comparison of the version with that
of Coverdale, see p. 68. The book
was denounced by Stokesley, Dec. 3,
1531, and in 1532 Sir T. More speaks
of ' Jonas made out of Tindale.' Mr
Fry has called my attention to these
references. ' [According to Joye (An Apology
to W. Tindale, ed. Arber, 1882,
pp. 20-1), writing in November
15341 two pirated editions were sold
off more than a year before, the first
having apparently been issued soon
after (Joye says ' a non aftir ') the
appearance of Tindale's translation.
A third was printed in the course of
1534, and Joye was asked but declined
to correct it. The fourth edition
which gave great offence to Tindale
was edited by Joye and was published
in August 1 5 34-]
^ The new Testament as it was
written, and caused to be written, by
them which herde yt. Whom also
oure saueoure Christ lesus commaund-
ed that they shulde preach it vnto al
creatures.

At the end of the New Testament
is this colophon :
Here endeth the new Testament,
diligently ouersene and corrected, and
prynted now agajm at Antwerpe, by
me wydowe of Christoffel of Endoue
In the yere of oure Lorde .M.ccccc.
and .xxxiiii, in August.
One copy only of this edition is
known, which is in the Grenville
Library in the British Museum.
It is not true, as is commonly said,
that Joye ' expunged ' the word ' re-
' surrection ' from his New Testament.
It stands in such critical passages as
Acts i. 22; iv. 2; xvii. 18, 32, &c. ;
I Cor. XV. 12, &c.; nor did Tindale
bring this charge against him, but
that ' throughout Matthew, Mark and
' Luke perpetually, and often in the
'Acts, and sometimes in John, and
' also in the Hebrews, where he find-
'eth this word "Resurrection," he
'changeth it into the "life after this
' "life," or "very life," and such like,
'as one that abhorred the name of
' the resurrection. ' (W. T. yet once
m.ore to the Christian reader, in the
N.T. of 1534.) Thus in Matt. xxii.

4.6 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
such as to arouse the just indignation of Tindale, whose
name however is nowhere connected with the version.
Among other new renderings Tindale specially notices
that of 'the life after this' for 'resurrection: Still Joye
does not avoid the word ' resurrection ' ; and if this were
the only change, the particular substitution would be of
httle moment in the connexion where it occurs ; but com
paratively few paragraphs are left wholly untouched as far
as I have examined the book. One continuous passage
will exhibit Joye's mode of dealing with the text. The
words in italics are variations from Tindale :
'That thing (om. T.) which was from the beginning
• declare we unto you, (add. concerning T. ist ed.) which we
'have heard, which we have seen with our eyes, which
*we have looked upon, and our hands have handled;
' even that same thing which is {of the word of T.) life. For
' that (the T.) life appeared, and we have seen it (om. T.),
'wherefore we {and T.) bear witness and shew unto you
' that eternal life, which was with the Father and appeared
' unto us. That same thing (om. T.) which we have seen
' and heard declare we unto you, that ye may have fellow-
' ship with us, and that our fellowship may be with the
'Father and His Son Jesus Christ'.' (i John i. i — 3.)
Several of the changes noticed are suggested by the
Vulgate; others are due apparently only to a mistaken
effort to obtain clearness : none mark a critical examin-
23, 30, we read 'life after this'; xxii. writers have not dealt justly with him.
31, ' the life of them that be dead.' ' In John i. i — 18 the following
So also Luke XX. 27, 33, 36 (children noticeable variations occur:
of that life). John v. 29 is translated i that Word: and God was that
' and shall come forth, they that have Word. 4 life (om. the). 5 darkness
' done good unto the very life. And (om. the). 10 and the world (om.
' they that have done evil into the life yet). 1 1 into his own and his (om.
' of damnation.' In John xi. 24, 25 own) received. 15 bare witness of
the word 'resurrection' is retained. him, saying. \^ favour for favour.
From these examples it is obvious 1 7 favour and verity.
that Joye's object was simply exe- In Ephes. i. again these are found ;
getical in the particular passages which 5 that we should be chosen to be
he altered, and that he had no desire heirs. 6 in his beloved son. 8 wisdom
to expunge the idea or the word ' re- 3.nd. prudency. 13 the Gospel of your
' surrection ' from his version. Later health. 18 what //«?k^ that hope is.

II]

TINDALE

47

ation of the original. But Joye knew that Tindale was
studying the Greek afresh for his revised edition, which
he had had some time in hand, and so he might well
be said not to have ' used the office of an honest man.'
However Tindale's own work was ready in the November
of the same year. The text was not only revised, but Tindale's
furnished also with short marginal notes. Prologues were A?«ris34.'"
added to the several books'; the beginnings and endings
of the lessons read in Church were marked ; and a trans
lation of 'the Epistles taken oute of the olde testament,
'which are red in the church after the vse of Sals-
'burye vpon certen dayes of the yere,' which include a
large number of fragments from the Old Testament and
the Apocrypha, classed together by Tindale under one
headl

' On the relation of these Prologues
to Luther's, see Chap. in.
^ The relation of the ' Epistles '
containing translations of the Old
Testament to the text of Tindale's
continuous translation will be noticed
afterwards. The following is (I hope)
an accurate list of them. Gen. xxx vii.
6 — 22; Ex. xii. i — ii; xx. I2 — 24;
xxiv. 12 — 18; Lev. xix. i — 18; Num.
XX. 2 — 13; I Kings xvii. 17 — 24;
xix. 3 — 8; Prov. xxxi. 10 — 3r; Cant.
ii. I — 14; Is. i. 16 — 19; ii. I — 5;
vii. TO — 15 ; xi. i — 5 ; xii. i — 6;
xlix. I — 7; li. I — 8; liii. i — 12; Iviii.
I — 9; Ix. I — 6; Ixii. 6 — 12; Jerem.
xvii. 13 — 18 ; xxiii. 5 — 8 (wrongly
given xxxiii.) ; Ezek. i. 10 — 13 ; xviii.
20 — 28 ; xxxvi. 23 — 28 ; Joel ii. 12 —
19; 23 — 27; iii. 17 — 21; Hos. xiv.
I — 9 (wrongly given xiii.) ; Amos ix.
13 — 15; Zech. ii. 10 — 13; viii. 3 — 8;
Mai. iii. i — 4. From the Apocrypha,
Esther xiii. 8— 18 ; Wisd. v. i — 5 ;
Ecclus. XV. I — 6; xxiv. 7 — 15; 17 —
22; xliv. 17; xiv. 4 (part); li. 9 — 12.
In his reference to these, Mr Ander
son is singularly unhappy. He omits
six of the chapters from which the
passages are taken (he does not give

the verses), and of those which he
gives, six are wrong, from a confiision
of K and V. He suppresses all the
passages from the Apocrypha and
converts Esther xiii. (apocryphal) into
Esther viii. (canonical). He argues
from the publication of these passages,
' that there were other chapters in
'manuscript' (i. p. 570), wholly neg
lecting to notice that these lessons
were a definite collection from the
service book. It is not generally
worth while to note mistakes, but
this error deserves to be signalized,
because it does not spring from in
accuracy, but apparently in some
degree from want of candour, for
Mr Anderson labours to shew that
Tindale would not have translated
the Apocrypha. [This is hardly just
to Anderson. He undoubtedly made
mistakes in his account of the passages
from the Old Testament translated by
Tindale, but he omitted the references
to the Apocrypha, not because he
laboured to shew that Tindale would
not have translated it, but because,
regarding it as it is still regarded in
Scotland, he did not concern himself
with the history of its translation.

48 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
Anne Bo- One of the few copies of this edition which have been
leynscopy. pj-gggj-^g^j jg Qf touchiug interest. Among the men who
had suffered for aiding in the circulation of the earlier
editions of the Testament was a merchant-adventurer of
Antwerp, Mr Harman, who seems to have applied to Queen
Anne Boleyn for redress. The Queen listened to the plea
which was urged in his favour, and by her intervention he
was restored to the freedom and privileges of which he had
been deprived. Tindale could not fail to hear of her good
offices, and he acknowledged them by a royal gift. He
was at the time engaged in superintending the printing of
his revised New Testament, and of this he caused one copy
to be struck off on vellum and beautifully illuminated. No
preface or dedication or name mars the simple integrity of
this copy. Only on the gilded edges in faded red letters
runs the simple title Anna Regina Anglice^.
The interest of the Queen in the work of Tindale
appears to have extended yet further^ : an edition of his
revised New Testament, the first volume of Holy Scripture
printed in England, appeared in the year in which she was
put to death ( 1 5 36), and from the press of a printer with
whom her party was connected^. Tindale, who suffered in
For this reason in giving an account The shield on the title-page is filled
of the Authorised Version he omits with the arms of France and England
the Company appointed to revise the quarterly. The first quarter is defaced,
Apocrypha, and mentions them only and the outline of the wood-engraving
in a footnote, as distinguished from below is mixed with the charge. The
those ' engaged upon the Sacred Text.' capitals [at the beginning of the several
In the last Revision, only one of the books] are exquisitely illuminated.
Scotch members of the Companies ^ The ' lady Anne ' had at an earlier
took an active part in the revision of time had a perilous adventure from
the Apocrypha. W. A. W.] lending to one of her ladies a copy
' The copy was bequeathed to the of Tindale's Obedience of a Christian
British Museum by the Rev. C. M. Man. The narrative is quoted in
Cracherode in 1799, but I have been Tindale's Works, I. p. 130 (Parker
unable to learn its previous history. Soc. ed.) [firom Strype, Eccl. Mm.
It may have been 'bound in blue i. 172]. y
' morocco ' when it was presented to ^ This was not T. Berthelet, as is /
Anne Boleyn, as Mr Anderson says commonly supposed, but T. Godfray.
(I. 413), though it is very unlikely: This fact has been ascertained beyond
the present binding is obviously of all doubt by Mr Bradshaw. The
the 1 8th century [and is stamped with engraved border, on the evidence of
the arms of Mr Cracherode]. which the work has been assigned to

II]

TINDALE

49

the same year, may have been martyred before the book
was finished, but at least he must have been cheered with
the knowledge of its progress. He had worked for thirteen
years in exile by foreign instruments, and now in his last
moments he was allowed to rejoice in the thought that his
labour had found its proper home in his own land. For
this end he had constantly striven : for this he had been
prepared to sacrifice everything else; and the end was
gained only when he was called to die.
It is impossible to follow in detail the circumstances of
Tindale's betrayal and martyrdom, yet the story is well
worth pondering over. Some of the life-like touches in
Foxe's narrative bring out the singleness of the character
of the man whom he worthily called 'for his notable
'pains and travail an apostle of England.' One work had
absorbed all his energy, and intent on that he had no eye
for other objects. The traitor by whose devices he was
taken (May, 1535) seemed to him, in spite of warnings.

Tindale's
work crowned at
London and at
yilvorde.

His mar
tyrdom.

Berthelet, was used by Godfray before
it passed into Berthelet's possession ;
and there is no evidence that Berthelet
used it as early as 1536.
[' It is doubtful,' says Mr Jenkinson
(Early English Printed Books in the
University Library, Cambridge, HI.
p. 1730), 'whether this represents
' Mr Bradshaw's final opinion.' It is
certain that the border in question
was used by Berthelet in 1530 in a
book printed by him, ' Gravissimse
'...Italise et Galliae Academiarum
'censurse — de veritate illius proposi-
'tionis..,quod ducere relictam fratris
'mortui...sit de iure divino.' Again,
it is found in another book also
printed by him, Kotser codicis R.
Wakfeldi, which must have been
issued between 1533 and 1536, be
cause of the references in it to Queen
Anne Boleyn. According to Leland
(He viris illustribus) Berthelet also
piiiiitd an edition of Chaucer. (See
Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, App. lo Pref.)

If this is Thynne's edition of 1532,
' Printed by Thomas Godfray,' which
has the same border on the title-page,
it may throw some light on the rela
tion between Godfray and Berthelet.
From the undated edition (? 1550)
which is said to have been ' printed
' by ' each of the four booksellers,
Bonham, Kele, Petit, and Toye, it
is clear that ' printed by ' sometimes
meant ' printed for,' and therefore
Thynne's edition may have been
printed by Berthelet for Godfray. ^
However this may be, it is not im- /'
probable that Tindale's New Testa- /
ment of 1536, which has the same!/
border, was printed by Berthelet, and
it is certain, from the evidence given
above, that Mr Bradshaw was mis
taken in supposing that Berthelet did
not use the border so early as 1536.]
The edirion ends with the significant
words, ' God saue the kynge, and all
' his well wyllers.'

w.

50 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
honest, handsomely learned and very conformable! He
even furnished him with money, ' for in the wily subtilties
' of this world he was simple and inexpert' But in defence
of himself Tindale needed no counsel ; even by an adversary
he was called 'a learned, pious and good man': his keeper,
and his keeper's daughter, and others of his keeper's house
hold were won over by him to his belief His last prayer
when fastened to the stake (Oct. 1536) witnessed equally to
his loyalty and his faith : ' Lord! open the King of England's
' eyes!
His last Before his imprisonment Tindale revised his New Testa-
mmt. " "" ment once again for the press. This last edition contains
one innovation in the addition of headings to the chapters
in the Gospels and Acts, but not in the Epistles ; and is
without the marginal notes, which were added to the
edition of 1 5 34. But it is chiefly distinguished by the pecu
liarity of the orthography, which has received a romantic
interpretation. Tindale, as we have seen, had affirmed that
' he who followeth the plough ' should in a few years have
a full knowledge of the Scripture, and from the occurrence
of such words as maester, f aether, moether, stoone, in this
edition it was concluded by a biographer that in his last
years he adapted his translation to ' the pronunciation of
' the peasantry.' The conjecture seemed plausible and it is
scarcely surprising that it has been transformed by repeti
tion into an acknowledged fact. It is however not borne
out by an examination of the book itself Whatever may
be the explanation of the orthography it is evident from
its inconsistency that it was not the result of any fixed
design. Nay more, there is not the least reason to suppose
that some of the forms are provincial, or that the forms as
a whole would make the language plainer to rustics. The
headings too, which have been also supposed to have been
designed 'to help to the understanding of the subjects
'treated of,' just fail when on that theory they would be
most needed'.
' Two copies of this edition are in the University Library at Cam-
known. That which I have used is bridge. [The other is in the Library

II]

TINDALE

SI

But though this pleasant fancy of the literal fulfilment
of an early promise must be discarded, Tindale achieved in
every way a nobler fulfilment of it. Instead of lowering
his translation to a vulgar dialect, he lifted up the common
language to the grand simplicity of his own idiom. ' It
'pleased God,' as he wrote in his first Prologue, 'to put
' [the translation] in his mind,' and if we look at his life and
his work, we cannot believe that he was left without the
Spirit of God in the execution of it. His single honesty is
beyond all suspicion. ' I call God to recorde,' so he writes
to Fryth in the Tower, 1533, 'against y" day we shall
' appeare before our Lord lesus, to geue a recknyng of our
'doings, that I neuer altered one sillable of Gods word
' agaynst my coscience, nor would this day, if all that is in
' the earth, whether it be pleasure, honour or riches, might
'be geuen me'.' Not one selfish thought mixed with his
magnificent devotion. No treacherous intrigues ever shook
his loyalty to his king : no intensity of distress ever obscured
his faith in Christ. ' I assure you,' he said to a royal
of Exeter College, Oxford, and there
is a fragment in the British Museum.]
The orthography in the Table of the
four Evangelists and the Prologue to
the Romans which follows (not dis
placed by the binder) offers no marked
peculiarities. In sheet A we find
aengell, waeye, faether, maeke, waere,
saeyde, moether, aroese, behoelde, toeke,
harde (heard), &c., &c. In B, maester,
mother, moether, father, sayd, or sayde
(consistently),^^^^,^, stoede, &c. In c,
sayde, angels, moether, harde, maester,
master, father, &c. In D, faether,
moether, mother, sayde, hearde, &c.
In F on one side, faether, moether,
broether, and on the other, angels,
sayde, daye, brother, told, hearde,
&c. In Y and z we have almost con
sistently /aeyM, saeyde, hoepe, almoest,
praeyer, &c. Yet again in b prayer,
&c. In the headings of the Epistles
we have saynct and saeynct. Some
spellings certainly belong to a foreign
compositor, thongs (tongues, i Cor.

Thefulfil-
nieni of his
work.

xiii.) [but twice in the same page
tonges'] ; thaugh (taught). Some I
cannot explain, caled (called), holly
(holy), which forms are consistently
used. Of possible explanations none
seems more likely than that the copy
was read to a Flemish compositor (at
Brussels? or Malines?) and that the
vowels simply give the Flemish equi
valents of the English vowel sounds.
See note at the end of the section,
P- 54-
The text is carefully revised, as will
be shewn afterwards, and the chapter
headings are simply transferred from
the table of the Gospels and Acts in
the Testament of 1534. Mr F. Fry
has since found substantially the same
text in an edition dated 1534 (G. H.),
i.e. probably 1535, January — March.
[Mr Fry's copy, now in the Library
of the Bible Society, has a title-page
with the date 1535.]
1 Tindale's Works, p. 456 (ed.
1573)-
4—2

52

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

"-J

Tindale's
last words
on his
translation.

envoy\ ' if it would stand with the king's most gracious
' pleasure to grant only a bare text of the Scripture to be
'put forth among his people, like as is put forth among
'the subjects of the emperor in these parts [the Nether-
' lands], and of other Christian princes, be it of the transla-
' tion of what person soever shall please his majesty, I shall
'immediately make faithful promise never to write more,
' nor abide two days in these parts, after the same ; but
' immediately repair into his realm, and there most humbly
' submit myself at the feet of his royal majesty, offering my
' body, to suffer what pain or torture, yea, what death his
' grace will, so that this be obtained! His life had seemed
friendless, but his one dearest companion (Fryth) may
interpret the temper common to them both. ' Doubt not,'
he writes from the Tower to his desolate congregation, ' but
'that god... shal so prouide for you, that ye shall haue an
'hundred fathers for one, an hudred mothers for one, an
' hundred houses for one, and that in this lyfe, as I ham
' proued by experience^! We dilute the promise by our com
ments : these martyrs proved it in their lives.
The worth of Tindale as a scholar must be estimated
by his translation, which will be examined afterwards. Of
the spirit in which he undertook the great work of his life
something has been said already. To the end he retained
unchanged, or only deepened and chastened his noble for-
getfulness of self in the prospect of its accomplishment,
with a jealous regard for the sincere rendering of the Scrip
tures. Before he published the revised edition of 1534 he
had been sorely tried by the interference of Joye, which
might, as he thought, bring discredit to the Gospel itself

' Vaughan's dispatch (1531) quoted
by Anderson, I. p. 278. Fryth's lan
guage (1533) is to the same effect:
' This hath bene offered you, is offered,
' and shall be offered : Graunt that the
'word of God, I meane y' text of
'Scripture, may go abroad in our
' English toung, as other nations
' haue it in their lounges, and my

' brother William Tyndall, and I haue
'done, & will promise you to write
' no more. If you wil not graunt this
'condition, then will we be doing
¦ while we haue breath, and shew in
' few wordes that the Scripture doth in
' many : and so at the lest saue some.'
Fryth's Works, p. 115 (ed. 1573).
2 Id. p. 82.

II] TINDALE 53
The passage with which he closes his disclaimer of Joye's
edition reflects at once his vigour and its tenderness. There
is in it something of the freedom and power of Luther, but
it is charged with a simple humility which Luther rarely if
ever shews....' My part,' Tindale writes, 'be not in Christ if
' mine heart be not to follow and live according as I teach,
' and also if mine heart weep not night and day for mine
' own sin and other men's indifferently, beseeching God to
'convert us all and to take his wrath from us and to be
'merciful as well to all other men, as to mine own soul,
' caring for the wealth of the realm I was born in, for the
' king and all that are thereof, as a tender-hearted mother
'would do for her only son.
'As concerning all I have translated or otherwise
'written, I beseech all men to read it for that purpose I
' wrote it : even to bring them to the knowledge of the
' Scripture. And as far as the Scripture approveth it,
'so far to allow it, and if in any place the word of God
' disallow it, there to refuse it, as I do before our Saviour
'Christ and His congregation. And where they find faults
' let them shew it me, if they be nigh, or write to me if they
'be far off: or write openly against it and improve it, and
' I promise them, if I shall perceive that their reasons con-
' elude I will confess mine ignorance openly.
'Wherefore I beseech George Joye, yea and all other
' too, for to translate the Scripture for themselves, whether
'out of the Greek, Latin or Hebrew. Or (if they will
'needs)... let them take my translations and labours, and
'change and alter, and correct and corrupt at their pleasures,
' and call it their own translations and put to their own
'names and not to play bo-peep after George Joye's
'manner. ..But I neither can nor will suffer of any man,
' that he shall go take my translation and correct it without
' name, and make such changing as I myself durst not do,
'as I hope to have my part in Christ, though the whole
'world should be given me for my labour'.'
' 'W. T. yet once more to the 1534. I cannot find this address in
'Christian Reader' in the N.T. of my copy of Tindale's fFfl?-.^^ published

54

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

by the Parker Society. Part of it is
, given in the Life, pp. Ixii. ff. i
( The Grenville fragment of Tindale's
j first quarto Testament with glosses i
\ has been perfectly reproduced in j
j photo-lithography by Mr E. Arber, j
\ London, 1871. j
'j The first octavo has been printed : {
' (i) by Mr Offor [1836], but this edition, \
\ though verbally accurate, is wholly .'
' untrustworthy in spelling ; and (2) in
facsimile by Mr F. Fry [1862] with
Note to
Mr F. Fry has made an ample
collection of the spellings peculiar
to or characteristic of the edition of
1536- Ry the help of this, which he
most kindly communicated to me,
I have drawn up the following table
of the substitutions of vowel sounds.
They seem to me to fall (as Mr W. A.
Wright has suggested) under the
general description which Bosworth
has given of the peculiarities of the
Flemish orthography: Anglo-Saxon
Dictionary, p. cxi. The unequal dis
tribution of the peculiarities to which
attention has been called already (p. 5 1 ,
note) is a most important fact in this
connexion. [See Fry on Tindale's
N.T., 1878, pp. 63-5.]
ae for a
abstaeyne, aengell, awaeke, caeke,
caese, faether, graece, maester,
raether, shaell, greaet
ae for ay
vaele (vayle 1534)
ae for ea
aete (eate), paerle (pearl), recaeve
(receave 1534), swaerdes (sweardes
1534)
ae for e
belaeved (beleved 1534), decaevable
(decevable 1534), dekaeye (dekeye
1534), naedeth (nedeth 1534)

most scrupulous exactness.
The revised edition of 1534 (M.
Emperour) is given in Bagster's Hexa
pla, carefully and well, as far as I
have observed.
The final revision of 1535, 1534
G. H. has not yet been published as
a whole or in a collation, though it
is from this that Tindale's work has
passed directly into our Authorised
Version. [The edition of 1535 is
probably an unauthorised reprint.]
P- Sl
oe for o
aboede, accoerde,almoest, anoether,
aroese, avoeyde, boedy, boeke,
broether, choese, coelde, hoepe,
moether, roese
oe for ou
foere (foure 1534)
oe for e
knoeled (kneled 1534)
00 for o
boones, coostes (costes), hoow, loo
(lo), moore, moost, oone, oonly,
00ns (once), roope, thoorow, whoo,
whoose
ye for y
abyede (abyde 1534)
ey for e
agreyment (agrement 1534)
ee for e
heere, preest (prest), spreede (sprede
1534), teell, theese
ea for a
eare (are)
ie for y (i)
bliend
ea for e
streates (stretes), fealde (felde 1534),
hear (her), neade (nede 1534)
ae for ay
chaene (chayne 1534), counsael
(counsayle 1534)
ue for u
cnieses, ruele, ruelers

ii] coverdale 55
§ 2. Coverdale.
Tindale's character is heroic. He could see clearly the =. cover-
work to which he was called and pursue it with a single °''''^'
unswerving faith in GOD and in the powers which GOD
had given him. It was otherwise with Miles Coverdale,
who was allowed to finish what Tindale left incomplete.
The differences of the men are written no less on their
features than on their lives. But our admiration for the
solitary massive strength of the one must not make us
insensible to the patient labours and tender sympathy of
the other'. From the first Coverdale appears to have
attached himself to the liberal members of the old party
and to have looked to working out a reformation from
within through them. As early as 1527 he was in intimate His early
connexion with Crumwell and More^; and in all proba- '^thla^e
bility it was under their patronage that he was able to weii. '^"'""
prepare for his translation of Holy Scripture. How long
he thus laboured we cannot telP. In 1529 he met Tindale
at Hamburgh^ and must have continued abroad for a con
siderable part of the following 'years up to 1536. In the
meantime a great change had passed over England since
Some sounds are expressed in dif- specific ' communication ' from him,
ferent ways, especially ' o.' Thus we ' Now I begin to taste of Holy Scrip-
have aloene and aloone; boeldely and 'tures... Nothing in the world I desire
booldly; boethe and booth ; coete and ' but books as concerning my learning :
coote; hoeme and hoome; loeke and 'they once had, I do not doubt, but
louke (loke 1534); noene and noane; 'Almighty God shall perform that in
stoene and stoone; thoese and thoose; 'me which he of his plentiful favour /
whoem and whoom. So also we have ' and grace hath begun. ' Anderson j /
theare s.nA theere ; tought 3.nA thaught fixes this in 153 1. The letter however p
(taught). from style seems to be nearly con-
Other exceptional forms are tappe temporary with another addressed to
(top), touth (to the 1534), waere and Crumwell in 1527. \_State Papers,
woere (where), woeld (would), te I. 383.]
(the), mouny (money). '' Foxe, Acts and Monuments, v.
' The later Puritanism of Coverdale 120. I see nothing derogatory to
is consistent with this view of his Tindale or improbable in Foxe's ex-
character. He was a man bom rather plicit statement that at this time
to receive than to create impressions. Coverdale helped him in translating
^ Anderson, i. p. 186. the Pentateuch; though on such a
° In an undated letter to Crumwell point Foxe's unsupported statement
he sajrs, evidently in reference to some is not sufficient evidence.

56 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
the 'Bill' of 1530'. At the close of 1534 a convocation
under the presidency of Cranmer had agreed to petition
the king that he would ' vouchsafe to decree that the Scrip-
' tures should be translated into the vulgar tongue, by some
' honest and learned men, to be nominated by the king, and
' to be delivered to the people according to their learning".'
Crumwell, who must have been well aware of the turn
which opinion had taken, seems now to have urged
His Bible Coverdale to commit his work to the press. At any rate
sent to the i • i ,
press. by 1 5 34 he was ready, ' as he was desired, ' to set forth '
1{i.e. to publish) his translation', and the work was finished
in October, 1535.
But up to the present time the place where it was
printed is wholly undetermined, though most bibliographers
agree that it was printed abroad. Various conjectures have
been made, but when examined minutely they are found to
be unsupported by any substantial evidence. The wood
cuts and type are certainly not those used by Egenolph of
Frankfort, to which however they bear a very close resem
blance*. On the other hand, no book printed by Froschover
of Zurich has yet been found with more than the two larger
Three title- kiuds of type uscd iu Coverdale's Bible". The question is
further complicated by the fact that the title-page and
' See p. 43. Wycliffite version — as if that were
^ Strype, Cranmer, p. 34 (ed. 1812). available for such a purpose; but in
It is uncertain whether it was after point of fact the epithet is not found
this resolution (as seems most likely), in Foxe's MSS. [Harl. MS. 422,
or not till after the corresponding Plut. Ixv. E fol. 87], to which Strype
resolutions of 1536, that Cranmer en- refers as the authority for his account.
deavoured to engage the bishops in a ' The date is added in the edition
translation or revision of the English of 1550. The words do not imply
Bible [New Testament], of which that he commenced it then.
attempt Strype has preserved an * Mr F. Fry on Coverdale's Bible of
amusing anecdote: Cranmer, p. 48. I535i p- 32. On this point I have
Strype says that Cranmer took ' an satisfied myself completely.
' old Enghsh translation which he " Mr Fry, I.e. p. 28. It is right to
'divided into nine or ten parts... to add that I am convinced, on internal
'be sent to the best learned bishops grounds, that Froschover was the
' and others, to the intent they should printer, though at present no satisfac-
' make a perfect correction thereof.' tory direct evidence of the fact can
It has been argued that the epithet be adduced. Froschover, it may be
' old ' can only refer to a copy of the added, printed the edition of 1550.

II]

COVERDALE

57

preliminary matter were reprinted in a different (English)
typeS and the five remaining title-pages represent three

Dr Ginsburg informs me that he
has complete typographical proof that
the Bible was printed by Frosch
over. [See the article on Coverdale
by Mr Tedder in the Did. of Nat.
Biography.'] [In the Catalogue of the Caxton
Exhibition in 1877 the late Henry
Stevens of Vermont propounded (pp.
86 — 90) a theory that the Bible of
1535 was printed at Antwerp by
Jacob von Meteren at his own cost,
and that the translation was his work,
Coverdale occupying the humbler
position of corrector of the press.
This theory would have been gro
tesque but for the fact that it was
adopted by the authorities of the
British Museum in their Catalogue,
in which Antwerp is given as the
place of printing and Van Meteren
as the printer, without a hint that
these were in any way doubtful. All
this cobweb is spun out of the simple
statement by Simeon Ruytinck, in
his Leven van Emanuel van Meteren
(E. van Meteren, Nederlandische His
toric, 1614, fol. 672), that his father,
Jacob van Meteren, had in his youth
learnt the art of printing and had
shewn especial zeal in defraying the
expenses of translating and printing
the English Bible in Antwerp, em
ploying for the purpose a learned
student. Miles Coverdale by name.
This is probably what Ruytinck heard,
not quite accurately, from Emanuel;
but in a document in the possession
of the Dutch Church, Austen Friars,
Emanuel himself in 1610 deposes,
'That he was brought to England
' Anno 1550, in King Edward's the 6
'dayes, by his Father, a furtherer of
• reformed religion, and he that caused
'the first Bible at his costes to be
'Englisshed by Mr Myles Coverdale
' in Andwarp, the w'h his father, with

' Mr Edward Whytchurch, printed
'both in Paris and London.' (See
Introduction to the Registers of the
Dutch Reformed Church, by W.J. C.
Moens, 1884.)
There is nothing in either of these
statements to imply anything so ab
surd as that the first English Bible
was translated by a Dutchman, and
the only safe inference that can be
drawn from them is that Jacob van
Meteren found means which enabled
Coverdale to carry out his work of
translation at Antwerp. So far the
two accounts agree. But according
to Ruytinck the printing also was
done at Antwerp, whereas Emanuel
van Meteren places it at Paris and
London. This fact, together with
the introduction of the name of Edward
Whitchurch, makes it probable that
the English Bible with which Jacob
van Meteren had to do was rather
Matthew's of 1537 or the Great Bible
of r539 and not Coverdale's of 1535.
Whitchurch's initials are conspicu
ous in the Bible of 1537, and he was
on intimate terms with Rogers, for it
was to his house that Rogers appears
to have come on his return to England
in 1 548. He was also associated with
Grafton in printing the Great Bible.
In estimating the value of Emanuel
van Meteren's evidence, it must be
remembered that his knowledge could
only have been derived from hearsay,
for he was not bom till 1535.
No trace of Jacob van Meteren
has been found among the Antwerp
printers.] ' Probably, as Mr Fry shews, by
Nycolson: l.c. p. 20.
In the same way the title-page and
preliminary matter of the edition of
1550 printed abroad were cancelled,
and a new title-page, &c. printed in
England substituted in their place.

58 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
distinct issues, two in 1535, and one in 1536. Two copies*
have a title-page corresponding to the body of the book,
dated 153S, and one^ of them preserves a single page of
the original preliminary matter. Another copy^ has a title-
page in English type, corresponding to the English pre
liminary matter, dated also 1535. The two other title-pages
are printed in English type, but with the date 1536*. Thus
there can be no reason to doubt that the book was issued
both with the foreign and English title-pages, &c.^ though
it may still be doubted whether the English title-page, &c.
belong to 1536 or to 1535^-
The differ- Ouc important difference between the foreign and
en£es of the .,.--.
title-pages. English title-pages must be noticed. In the former it is
said that the book is ' faithfully and truly translated out of
' Douche [German] and Latyn in to Englishe ' : in the latter
the sources of the version are left unnoticed, and it is said
simply to be 'faithfully translated into English.' It is
possible that the explanatory words taken in connexion
with some further details in the original prologue may have
been displeasing to the promoters of the edition', and that
a new and less explicit title-page, &c. was substituted for
' [One in the British Museum, im- ^ It is possible (as has been sug-
perfect, the other in the Library of gested to me) that when some copies
the Earl of Leicester at Holkham.] of the English title-page had been
2 [At Holkham.] struck off with the date 1535, corre-
' [The Marquess of Northamp- sponding to the imprint, this date was
ton's.] * See App. 11. afterwards changed in the setting of
" The fragment of the foreign the page to 1536 to suit the actual
printed Prologue offers only one im- time of the English issue ; so that the
portant variation from the corre- two title-pages belong really only to
sponding part of the English Pro- one issue. The only difference ob-
logue : Mr Fry, l.c. p. 18. servable in the facsimiles of the two
It is of course impossible to deter- title-pages is the inversion of one of
mine the cause of the suppression of the ornaments on the side of Biblia.
the foreign title-p^e and Prologue. ' [The less subtle explanation of
Coverdale may have explained too Stevens (Bibles in the Caxton Ex-
much in detail 'the Douche and hibition, p. 70) is probably the true
' Latyn ' sources from which he bor- one. The title is in a woodcut border,
rowed to suit the wishes of his patrons and when the two lines of the quota-
or publishers. The change in the title- tion from Joshua were added, space
page suggests the conjecture, which is had to be provided for them by
however otherwise unsupported. omitting some of the preceding words.]

II] COVERDALE 59
the first. However this may have been, the statement
itself, as will be seen afterwards, was literally true, and
Coverdale describes clearly enough in the existing pro
logue the secondary character of his work'
Coverdale indeed disclaims the originality which friends coverdaie's
account of
and detractors have alike assigned to him. And it is in his work.
this that the true beauty and truth of his nature are seen.
He distinctly acknowledges that he could but occupy for a
time the place of another ; nay he even looks to this as the
best fruit of his labours that he should call out a worthier
successor to displace himself 'Though it [Scripture],'
he writes, ' be not worthely ministred vnto the [Christian
' reader] in this translacyon (by reason of my rudnes) ;
' Yet yf thou be feruet in thy prayer, God shal not onely
'sende it the in a better shappe, by the m-ynistracyon of
'other that beganne it afore [Tindale], but shall also moue
'the hertes of them, which as yet medled not withall, to
' take it in hande, and to bestowe the gifte of theyr vnder-
' stondynge theron I' . . .
Yet in the meantime he saw that there was something His motives.
for him to do. It was a noble end if he could secure that
Holy Scripture should be ' set forth ' (as he was able to
obtain) ' with the Kynges most gracious license.' And so
plainly disclosing his motives he says...' whan I cosydered
' how greate pytie it was that we shulde wante it so longe,
' & called to my remembraunce y° aduersite of them, which
' were npt onely of rype knowlege, but wolde also with all
'theyr hertes haue perfourmed y' they beganne, yf they
'had not had impediment  these and other reasonable
'causes consydered, I was the more bolde to take it in
' The supposition that the public- priateness of epithets was not much
ation of the work was delayed by the considered by early editors. Mr Fry
fall of Q. Anne Boleyn is quite base- has shewn, l.c. pp. 10 ff., that all the
less. The substitution of the name of dedications found in copies of the first
Q. Jane without any other alteration edition with Q. Jane's name belong to
in the edition of 1537 is like that of the the edition of 1537.
name of Edward VI for Henry VIII ^ Coverdale's Prologe vnto the
in the edition of 1550. The appro- Christen Reader.

swns.

60 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
'hande. And to helpe me herin, I haue had sondrye
'translacions, not onely in latyn, but also of the Douche
' [German] interpreters : whom (because of theyr synguler
'gyftes & speciall diligence in the Bible) I haue ben the
' more glad to folowe for the most parte, accordynge as I
' was requyred. But to saye the trueth before God, it was
' nether my laboure ner desyre, to haue this worke put in
' my hande : neuertheles it greued me y' other nacyos
' shulde be more plenteously prouyded for with y' scripture
' in theyr mother tongue, then we : therfore whan I was
' instantly requyred, though I coulde not do so well as
' I wolde, I thought it yet my dewtye to do my best, and
'that with a good wyll'.'
The good of Some good indeed he did hope might permanently
^^^er- remain from his work. As the faithful and honest inter
pretation of one man it might serve as a kind of comment
to another version.
'. . .So maye dyuerse translacyons,' he writes 'vnderstonde
'one another, & that in the head articles & grounde of
' oure most blessed faith, though they vse sondrye wordes.
' wherfore me thynke we haue greate occasyon to geue
' thanks vnto God, that he hath opened vnto his church the
'gyfte of interpretacyon & of pryntying, and that there
' are now at this tyme so many, which with soch diligece
' and faithfulnes interprete the scripture to the honoure qf
'god and edifyenge of his people  For the which cause
'(acordyng as I was desyred)" I toke the more vpon me to
' set forth this speciall translacyon, not as a checker, not as
'a reprouer, or despyser of other mens translacyons (for
' amonge many as yet I haue founde none without occasyon
' of greate thankesgeuynge unto god) but lowly & faythfully
' haue I folowed myne interpreters, & that vnder correcyon.
' And though I haue fayled eny where (as there is noman
' but he mysseth in some thynge) loue shall constyrre all to
'y° best without eny peruerse iudgment...Yf thou [reader]
' hast knowlege therfore to iudge where eny faute is made,
' Coverdale's Prologe. ^ In the edition of 1550 is added 'in 1534.'

II] COVERDALE 6 1
' I doute not but thou wilt helpe to amende it, yf loue be
' ioyned with thy knowlege. Howbeit wherin so euer I can
' perceaue by my selfe, or by the informacyon of other, that
' I haue fayled (as it is no wonder) I shall now by the helpe
' of God ouerloke it better & amende it'.'
The translation of Tindale went forth to the world Histrans-
without any dedication or author's name. All that was dicatedtoHenry
personal was sunk in the grandeur of the message opened vin.
to Englishmen. But it could not be so with Coverdale's.
His object was to bring about the open circulation of the
Scriptures, and that could only be by securing the king's
favour. To this end the work was dedicated to Henry VIII
in language which to us now is in many parts strangely
painful, though it was not out of harmony with the taste
and peculiar circumstances of the timel
...'I thought it my dutye,' he says, 'and to belonge
'vnto my allegiaunce, whan I had translated this Bible, not
'onely to dedicate this translacyon vnto youre hyghnesse,
' but wholy to commytte it vnto the same : to the intent
'that yf any thynge therin be translated amysse (for in
' many thynges we fayle, euen whan we thynke to be sure)
'it may stode in youre graces handes, to correcte it, to
'amende it, to improue it, yee & cleane to reiecte it, yf
'youre godly wysdome shall thynke it necessary.' But
even so the spirit of the humble and true scholar asserts
itself. For he continues ' And as I do with all humblenes
' submitte myne vnderstondynge and my poore translacyon
'vnto y' spirite of trueth in your grace, so make I this
• protestacyon (hauyng God to recorde in my coscience),
'that I haue nether wrested nor altered so moch as one
'worde for the mayntenauce of any maner of secte: but
' haue with a cleare conscience purely & faythfully translated
'this out of fyue sundry interpieters, hauyng onely the
'manyfest trueth of the scripture before myne eyes^'...
' Prologe vnto the Christen Reader. Bil)Ies while the noble Preface is
^ The Dedication of the Authorised universally omitted.
Version is even more painful and less ^ An Epistle vnto the Kynges
capable of excuse. It seems strange hyf,'hnese.
that this should hold its place in our

62

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

A Latin-
English Testament.

Still acting on the broad principle of ' becoming all
'things to all men,' Coverdale afterwards (1538) revised his
New Testament, according to the Latin and published it
with the Vulgate in parallel columns'. His great object
was to interpret the Latin itself to some who used it
ignorantly, and also to shew openly the substantial identity
of Scripture in different languages. Many disparaged this
translation or that...' as though,' he says, 'the holy goost
'were not the authoure of his scripture aswell in the
' Hebrue, Greke, French, Dutche, and in Englysh, as in
' Latyn. The scripture & worde of God is truly to euery
' Christe man of lyke worthynesse and authorite, in what
' language so euer the holy goost speaketh it. And ther-
' fore am I, and wyl be whyle I lyue (vnder youre moost
'gracious fauoure and correction)' — he is still addressing
Henry VIII — 'alwaye wyllynge and ready to do my best
' aswel in one translation, as in another".' And thus in the

' Of this Latin-English Testament
there are three editions. The first
was printed by Nycolson 1538 and
dedicated to Henry VIII. This was
executed while Coverdale was in Paris
and disowned by him on the ground
that 'as it was disagreeable to my
'former translation in English, so,
'was not the true copy of the Latin
'text observed' (Remains, p. 33).
Accordingly he revised it, weeding
out ' the faults that were in the Latin
' and English before ' (id.), and printed
a. new edition in Paris in the same
year, which was published by Grafton
and Whitchurch, and dedicated to
Lord Crumwell. Nycolson however
put forth another impression of his
edition under the name of John HoUy-
bushe (1538).
It is probable that Coverdale simply
left instructions with the printer as to
how the work should be done, not
foreseeing the difficulties which would
arise, and that the printer engaged
HoUybushe to superintend the work,
which Coverdale when he saw it dis

avowed. Coverdale's own Testament
is an adaptation of his version to the
Latin. HoUybushe's is a new ver
sion from the Latin on the basis of
Coverdale's. Specimens are given in
App. VI.
The titles of the two principal
editions are the following:
The newe testament both Latine
and Englyshe ech correspondent to
the other after the vulgare text, com-
munely called S. leroms. Faythfiilly
translated by Myles Couerdale Anno
M.ccccc.xxxviii... .Printed in South-
warke by lames Nicolson. Set forth
wyth the Kynges moost gracious
licence. The new testamen both in Latin
and English after the vulgare texte;
which is red in the churche. Trans
lated and corrected by Myles Couer
dale : and prynted in Paris, byFraunces
Regnault. m.ccccc.xxxviii. in No-
uembre...Cum gratia & privilegio
regis. ''¦ Memorials of Myles Coverdale
(1838), p. 97.

2» 1535-

II] COVERDALE 63
particular case of translations from different texts he re
affirms his general principle of the utility of various transla
tions, applied before to various renderings of the same text
...'for thy part, most gentle reader, take in good worth
' that I here offer thee with a good will, and let this present
' translation be no prejudice to the other, that out of the
' Greek have been translated before, or shall be hereafter.
' For if thou open thine eyes and consider well the gift of
' the Holy Ghost therein, thou shalt see that one translation
' declareth, openeth, and illustrateth another, and that in
* many places one is a plain commentary unto another'.'
It is very difficult to ascertain the exact relation in coverdaUs
which the first edition of Coverdale's Bible stood to the distinctly
... , . .T., , safKtioned
Civil authority. There can be no doubt that it was under- h the king
taken by the desire of Crumwell, and its appearance may
have been hastened by the change of feeling which found
expression in the resolutions of Convocation in 1534, though
it could not have owed its origin to them. But when it was
finished in October 1535 Crumwell appears to have been
unable to obtain a definite license from the king, or it may
be that he thought it more prudent to await the publication
of the book. So much is certain that the first edition went
forth without any distinct royal sanction. The book was
not suppressed, and this was alP. But Convocation was
not satisfied ; and in 1536 they again petitioned that a new
translation might be undertaken. Nothing however was
' Remains, p. 36. (Parker Soc.) presented to the King must have been
=* On the whole it seems best to that of 1535. According to Coverdale,
refer Coverdale's account of the re- the Bishops to whom it was referred
ference of ' his Bible ' by the King to said there were many faults in it, but
the Bishops to the Great Bible. See admitted there were no heresies.
p-76, n. I. [But if Fulke's account 'Then,' said the King, 'in God's
(Defence of the English Translations ' name let it go abroad among our
ef the Bible, p. 98, Parker Soc. ed.) 'people,' and accordingly the 4°
is correct, Coverdale in his sermon at edition printed by Nycolson in 1537
Paul's Cross spoke of having twice bore on the title-page, ' Set forth with
revised his translation since it was 'the Kinges moost gracious licence.'
submitted to the ICing. These two After this it is hardly likely that the
revisions would be apparently the Great Bible also would be referred to
Great Bible of 1539 ^"d the edition the Bishops.]
of April 1540. In this case the Bible

64 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
done; but the relation in which the king stood to the
Papal See had already given greater importance to the
public recognition of the supremacy of Scripture.
A council So it happened that when a council was held in the
Crumwell. next year under the presidency of Crumwell, as vicar-
,/' general, to determine certain articles of faith, the varieties
of opinion about Scripture found vigorous expression.
Alexander Ales has left a vivid account of the meeting
which has been transcribed by Foxe. ' At the king's
'pleasure all the learned men, but especially the bishops,
' assembled, to whom this matter seemed chiefly to belong
'  The bishops and prelates attending upon the coming
' of Crumwell, as he was come in, rose up and did obeisance
'unto him as to their vicar-general, and he again saluted
'every one in their degree, and sat down in the highest
'place at the table, according to his degree and office  '
Thereupon Crumwell opened the discussion by sketching
in a short speech the king's purpose and commands. He
will not, he said, ' admit any articles or doctrine not con-
'tained in the Scripture, but approved only by continu-
' ance of time and old custom, and by unwritten verities,
'as ye were wont to do  His majesty will give you high
' thanks, if ye will set and conclude a godly and a perfect
' unity : whereunto this is the only way and mean, if ye
'will determine all things by the Scripture, as God com-
' mandeth you in Deuteronomy ; which thing his majesty
' exhorteth and desireth you to do.' On this ' the bishops
' rose up altogether giving thanks unto the king's majesty
'  for his most godly exhortation  ' There was less
unanimity afterwards. The discussion turned upon the
Sacraments. Cranmer wisely urged moderation and accur
acy of definition. Ales, at the invitation of Crumwell,
proceeded to investigate the meaning of the word. Stokesley,
bishop of London, interrupted him as he was examining
the opinions of the fathers, and was in turn checked by
Fox of Hereford, who reminded both that 'they were
' commanded by the king that these controversies should
'be determined only by the rule and judgment of the

II] COVERDALE 65
'Scripture.' Then specially addressing the bishops he
continued  'The lay people do now know the holy
' Scripture better than many of us ; and the Germans have
¦made the text of the Bible so plain and easy, by the
' Hebrew and Greek tongues, that now many things may
' be better understood without any glosses at all than by all
'the commentaries of the doctors. And, moreover, they
' have so opened these controversies by their writings, that
'women and children may wonder at the blindness and
' falsehood that have been hitherto  Truth is the daughter
' of time, and time is the mother of truth ; and whatsoever
' is besieged of truth cannot long continue ; and upon
' whose side truth doth stand, that ought not to be thought
'transitory, or that it will ever fall...' But Stokesley, hard
pressed in the argument, replied to Ales with inconsiderate
warmth  'Ye are far deceived if ye think that there is
' none other word of God but that which every souter and
' cobbler doth read in their mother tongue. And if ye
'think that nothing pertaineth unto the Christian faith,
'but that only that is written in the Bible, then err ye
'plainly with the Lutherans'  'Now when the right noble
' lord Crumwell, the archbishop, with the other bishops, who
'did defend the pure doctrine of the Gospel, heard this,
' they smiled a little one upon another, forasmuch as they
' saw him flee, even in the very beginning of the disputation,
'unto his old rusty sophistry and unwritten verities  '
'Thus, through the industry of Crumwell, the colloquies
'were brought to this end, that albeit religion could not
'wholly be reformed, yet at that time there was some
'reformation had throughout all England'.'
In the meantime the first edition of Coverdale's Bible nesecond
was exhausted. The fall and death of Queen Anne, which cm"rdaie's
had seemed likely to be fatal to the cause of the reformers, authorised, 1537.
had not stayed the desire for the vernacular Scriptures
which sprang from popular and not from political impulses.
The feeling of the clergy and the bishops was indeed
' Foxe, Acts and Monuments, v. 378 — 384.
W. S

Scriptures.

66 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
divided on the question, but even among them the king
could find suflScient support to justify a decided step in
directly authorising the publication of the English Bible'.
Two editions of Coverdale's translation, in folio and quarto,
'overseen and corrected,' were published by Nycolson in
Southwark in 1537, and for the first time the quarto has
' Set forth with the Kinges moost gracious licence.' The
name of Queen Jane was substituted for that of Queen
Anne in the dedication without further change, and at
length the English Bible was not only tacitly overlooked
but distinctly allowed to circulate freely. Coverdale,
through Crumwell's influence, had established a precedent,
and successors were found at once to avail themselves of it.
Prayer be. The rcvised edition of Coverdale differs slightly in text
fore read-
i«gth^ and arrangement from that of 1535. One significant addi
tion is worthy of notice, a prayer to be used before reading
the Bible : ' Because that whan thou goest to studye in
' holy scripture thou shuldest do it with reuerence, therfore
' for thyn instruccyon and louynge admonicyon therto, the
' Reuerende father in God, Nicolas^, Bysshoppe of Salis-
' bury hath prescrybed this prayer folowinge, taken out of
'the same.
" O Lorde God almyghtye which longe ago saydest by
" the mouth of lames thyne Apostle : Yf ony of you lacke
"wysdome, let hym aske it of God  Heare my peticyon
"for this thy promes sake  Haue mercy vpon me, &
"gracyously heare me for lESUS Chri[s]tes sake our
" Lorde, which lyueth and rayneth with thee, his father &
" the holy goost, worlde with out ende. Amen."
' After the ende of ony Chapter (yf thou wylt) thou
" mayest saye these verses folowynge.
^ According to Foxe, Cmmwell, as It is however certain that this injunc-
Vice-gerent, issued in 1536 an injunc- tion was not published. The original
tion that by Aug. i every church draught may have contained the pro-
should be provided with ' a book of vision, which is the more likely as it
' the whole Bible, both in Latin, and is not similar in form to the corre-
'also in English... for every man that sponding injunction of 1538.
'will, to look and read thereon.,.' - [Shaxton.]
(Foxe, Acts and Monuments, v. 167.)

II] MATTHEW (ROGERS) e-J
" Leade me (O LORDE) in thy waye, & let me walke in
"thy trueth. Oh let myne heart delyte in fearynge thy
" name. " Ordre my goynges after thy worde, y' no wyckednesse
"rayne in me.
" Kepe my steppes within thy pathes, lest my fete turne
"into ony contrarye waye."''
§ 3. Matthew (Rogers).
Coverdale, we have seen, looked earnestly for the dis
placing of his own work by another. His prayers and the
prayers of his readers were answered sooner than he could
have hoped. Tindale, at the time of his martyrdom, had
published of the Old Testament the Pentateuch and book
of Jonah, with a few detached pieces, being ' Epistles from
'the Old Testament according to the use of Salisbury,'
including Lessons from Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom "^ But
he had left in manuscript, according to universal belief, a
version of the books from Joshua to 2 Chronicles inclusive,
which came into the hands of his friend John Rogers. This
work was not to be lost ; so Rogers, by the help of an
unknown fellow-labourer, Thomas Matthew, or simply under The com-
this assumed name', put together a composite Bible made M^ttZ^s

Bible.

' [This prayer is also found on the tion of John Rogers and Thomas
back of the title of a copy of the Bible Matthew. The name Thomas Mat-
°^ 1535 which is in the Cambridge thew stands at the end of the dedica-
University Library.] Coverdale's tion and the initials I.R. at the end
Bible of 1535 has been reprinted by of the Exhortation to the study of
Bagster, London, 1838; and, as far Scripture. In the official sentence
as I can judge, the reprint has been Rogers is described as 'Johannes
very well executed. [It was made ' Rogers alias Mathew, presbyter
firom a copy then in the library of the ' secularis ' (Foxe, Acts, ed. 1563, p.
Duke of Sussex, and now in my pos- 1029), and the earliest writers assume
session (W. A. W.)] the identity of Rogers and Matthew.
^ This alone is sufficient to refute Compare Strype, Mem. in- i, p. 288.
Anderson's supposition that Tindale, It is of course quite possible that
if he had lived, would not have been the identification simply expressed the
guilty of printing the Apocryphal with known responsibility of Rogers for the
the Canonical Books. [See p. 47.] Bible called Matthew's. Compare
* In the former edition I expressed Chester's Life of J. Rogers (London,
myself strongly against the identifica- 1861), pp. 47 f-, 55 f-- i'3- At *s
5—2

68

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[ch.

up of Tindale's translation from Genesis to 2 Chronicles,
and his revised New Testament of 1535 (or 1534 G. H.)',
with the remainder of the Old Testament including Jonah",
and the Apocrypha from Coverdale. The expense of the
work was defrayed by two citizens of London, R. Grafton
and E. Whitchurch, and it was printed abroad I It was

7 '&

same time it must be observed that
the Christian name as well as the
surname is changed, and the earliest
evidence does not recognize this
change. ' This will be shewn afterwards,
c. n. § 3. ]j7- ^ 3
^ A copy of Tindale's translation
of Jonah was found in 1861 by Lord
A. Hervey, bound up in a volume of
Tindale.
I bowels
2 y"= bowels of the fish
and -f he sayde
tribulacionanswered
3 -I- Eor thou hadest
and all thy
i +&=! thought
5 water
vn to
soule of me
6 +Andl wet
vn to
-f on euery syde for e.
And yet thou
lorde
broughtestthought on
7 in
8 obserue haue forsake
him that was mercifullvn to them
9 sacrifice -I- z/M to the
that sauinge
It is certain however that Cover-
dale's version was not independent of
Tindale's, as indeed this collation itself
would shew.

tracts. [See p. 44.] It has been
published with the Prologue and
Coverdale's version by Mr F. Fry in
facsimile (1863). As some writers
stiU venture to say that Matthew
gives Tindale's and not Coverdale's
version, it may be worth while to
indicate the various readings of one
chapter (chap. ii.).

Coverdale (Matthew).
I belly
2 the fishes belly
om. he
trouble
herde
3 om. For
yee all thy
4 I thought
5 waterstosoule
6 om. And
to om. on euery syde
But thou
-I- 0 Lorde
hast brought
thought vpcya.
7 within
8 holde of
wil forsake
his mercy
9 -)-«& M^ sacrifice
for why? sahiacion
' The place of printing has not yet
been determined. Grafton's account
of the work is given in Strype's Cran
mer, App. XX.

II] MATTHEW (ROGERS) 69
ready for publication in 1537, and furnished with a dedica
tion to Henry, drawn up in terms exactly similar in tenor
to those which have been already quoted ; ' for vnto whom,'
Matthew asks, 'or in to whose proteccyon shulde the defence
' of soche a worck be soner comytted (wherin are contayned
'the infallyble promeses of mercy... wyth the whole summe
' of Christyanitye) then vnto his maiestye, which not onely
' by name and tytle, but most euydently & openly, most
' Christenly & wyth most Godly pollicye, dothe profess
'the defence therof And as men's thoughts were now
anxiously turned to the future — it was shortly before the
birth of Edward VI — he concludes 'The euerliuyng Lord...
'blesse you at thys present wyth a sonne, by youre most
'gracyous wyfe Queue lane, which may prosperously &
'fortunately raygne, and folowe the godly steppes of his
'father...' Whether Cranmer was privy to the preparation of this cranmer's
edition or not is uncertain', but it is evident that the 'ceivif^'it.
authors of it had good reason to be assured that he would
welcome its appearance. The first tidings of its arrival in
England is contained in a letter which he addressed to
Crumwelll 'My especial good lord...,' he writes, 'these Aug.t,,
' shall be to signify unto the same, that you shall receive by
'the bringer thereof a bible in English, both of a new
'translation and of a new print, dedicated unto the king's
' majesty, as farther appeareth by a pistle unto his grace in
'the beginning of the book, which in mine opinion is very
' well done, and therefore I pray your lordship to read the
' same. And as for the translation, so far as I have read
' thereof, I like it better than any other translation hereto-
'fore made; yet not doubting but that there may and will
'be found some fault therein, as you know no man ever
' An impression is an intangible contents of Cranmer's letter to Crum-
argument, but to me Cranmer's letter well of Aug. 13th, and wrote to
appears to be that of a man who was Crumwell with a present of six Bibles
not taken by surprise by the new on the same day that Cranmer wrote
Bible. It is further to be remarked the second letter of thanks. Cranmer's
that Grafton (who joined in the pub- Works, p. 346 n. (ed. Park. Soc).
lication) was acquainted with the ^ Letter 194 (ed. Park. Soc).

70

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH,

Aug. 13.

Allowed by
the king
to be sold
publicly.

Aug. 28.

' did or can do so well, but it may be from time to time
' amended. And forasmuch as the book is dedicated unto
' the king's grace, and also great pains and labour taken in
' setting forth of the same ; I pray you, my Lord, that you
'will exhibit the book unto the king's highness, and to
' obtain of his grace, if you can, a licence that the same may
' be sold and read of every person, without danger of any
' act, proclamation, or ordinance, heretofore granted to the
' contrary, until such time that we the bishops shall set
'forth a better translation, which I think will not be till
' a day after doomsday'. And if you continue to take such
'pains for the setting forth of God's word, as you do,
' although in the mean season you suffer some snubs, and
' many slanders, lies, and reproaches for the same, yet one
'day He will requite altogether...' He was not long in
waiting for the news of Crumwell's success. In little
more than a week he thanks him for that he ' hath not only
' exhibited the bible. . .to the king's majesty, but also hath
' obtained of his grace, that the same shall be allowed by
'his authority to be bought and read within this realm..."';
and he continues, 'you have shewed me more pleasure
'herein, than if you had given me a thousand pound...'.'
Nor was he satisfied with this first acknowledgment. A
fortnight afterwards he writes again : ' These shall be to
'give you most hearty thanks that any heart can think,
' and that in the name of them all which favoureth God's
'word, for your diligence at this time in procuring the
' king's highness to set forth the said God's word and his
' gospel by his grace's authority. For the which act, not
' only the king's majesty, but also you shall have a per-
'petual laud and memory of all them that be now, or
' hereafter shall be, God's faithful people and the favourers
'of his word*.'
The work which Crumwell had achieved was certainly
one which required great address. The Preface to the

' See p. 56, n. 2.
" It may have been at this time
that Crumwell obtained the license

for Coverdale's Bible also : p. 66.
' Letter 197.
¦' Letter 198.

II]

MATTHEW (ROGERS)

71

it.

Bible, to which Cranmer specially called his attention, may
have smoothed his way ; but the king could not have been Difficulties
ignorant that the translation was in part the very work of 7b7aMng"
Tindale, which he had by the advice of his council con- \icet'"e%
demned more than once. The Prologue to the Romans
had been condemned separately and was not to be easily
overlooked, and the most superficial inspection would have
shewn the boldness of the notes with which the text was
copiously furnished'. It is impossible to tell what con
siderations availed with Henry. He may have been glad
to act independently of the bishops. But however this
may have been, by Cranmer's petition, by Crumwell's
influence, and by Henry's authority, without any formal
ecclesiastical decision, the book was given to the English
people, which is the foundation of the text of our present
Bible. From Matthew's Bible — itself a combination of the
labours of Tindale and Coverdale — all later revisions have

' The notes in Matthew are dis
tributed not quite equally throughout
the Old and New Testament. [Many
of them are from Lef^vre's French
Bible of 1534. See Appendix XI. for
examples from each book.] The
commentary on the Psalms is the
most elaborate. On the Apocryphal
books I have noticed only a few
various readings (2 Esdr. iv. : Tob.
xii.: Ecclus. xxxiii.: 2 Mace, ii.),
and two notes: one on 2 Mace. iv.
' Olympiades : These were kepte euery
'fiftye yeare (sic),' where ' fiftye '
[=fifjje] is a misprint for Coverdale's
' fifth ' ; and the other of considerable
interest on 2 Mace. xii. [expanded
from Olivetan]. 'Judge upon this
' place whether the opinion hath been
'to pray for the dead, as to be bap-
'tised for them, i Cor. xv., which
' thing was only done to confirm the
' hope of the resurrection of the dead,
'not to deliver them from any pain.
' S. Paul did not allow the ceremony
' of Christening for the dead, no more
'doth any place of the canonical

' scripture allow the ceremony of
' offering for the dead. Furthermore :
' This whole book of the Maccabees,
' and especially this second, is not
'of sufficient authority to make an
' article of our faith, as it is before
'sufficiently proved by the authority
' of S. Jerome in the prologue of the
'books called Apocrypha.' [The
Prayer of Manasses is taken literally
from Olivetan.]
One or two other notes may be
quoted: John vi. 33. 'The word of
' the Gospel which is Christ, is the
' true and lively bread of heaven that
'giveth life to the whole world.'
[From Leffevre's French Bible of
1534-1 John v. 1.. ' Slaughter house.
' The Greek hath sheep house, a place
' where they killed the beasts that
'were offered.' James ii. 24. 'Jus-
' ti/ied, that is, is declared just, is
' openly known to be righteous, like
'as by the fruits the good tree is
'known for good. Otherwise may
'not this sentence be interpreted,..'

72 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
been successively formed. In that the general character
and mould of our whole version was definitely fixed. The
labours of the next seventy-five years were devoted to
improving it in detail.
Scheme/or Matthew's Bible must have been eagerly welcomed.
reprinting j^^ ^j^^ Same year in which it was imported a scheme
was made for reprinting it in England in a smaller form
by ' Douche men living within this realm,' ' for covetous-
'ness'.' Grafton, who had ventured a large sum upon the
original edition, which consisted of fifteen hundred copies,
begged Crumwell for protection, and suggested that he
might command in the king's name ' that every curate have
'one of them... yea and that every Abbey should have
'six... yea,' he adds, ' I would none other but they of the
' Papistical sort should be compelled to have them.' It
does not appear what answer Crumwell gave. His action
at least was effectual ; for there is no reason to think that
the reprint was ever executed ^ Grafton and Whitchurch
were reimbursed for their expenditure ; and in the next
year they were ready to embark in a new enterprise, which
was designed to supplant their first, and was undertaken
under the direct patronage of Crumwell^
' Grafton's Letter to Crumwell, two leaves mentioned by Mr Fry,
Strype, Cranmer, App. XX. [Cotton which are now in the Library of the
MS. Cleop. E. 5, fol. 325.] Grafton Bible Society, are not what he sup-
speaks in undue disparagement of ' the posed them to be. In the copy of
'former [Coverdale's] Bibles, which Matthew's Bible in the Cambridge
' have neither good paper, letter, ink. University Library they are inserted
•nor correction.' [This may refer to in their proper place in the Apocrypha,
the pirated reprints of Tindale's N.T.] foil. 12, 13, and were apparently re-
' Taverner's Bible does not answer printed to make good a defective
fully to the description; otherwise it quire. They are distinguished by
might be supposed that this ' smaller ' the use of the comma instead of the
edition was meant. virgule, but the differences in the
On the other hand Mr F. Fry in- text are trifling, and shew that the
forms me that ' Mr Lenox has the leaves were not cancelled on account
' centre of a first title and last leaf of of any error. I have not at present
' a Matthew which he considers to found another copy in which the re-
' belong to the pirated edition,' and printed leaves occur in their place.
that he himself has ' two leaves which W. A. W.]
'may be of it.' [I have no information ^ Matthew's Bible was reprinted in
vnth regard to the title and last leaf in 1549 (Raynalde and Hyll), and again
Mr Lenox's Library, but the other in 155 1 for several publishers (Cotton,

n]

THE GREAT BIBLE

71

§ 4. The Great Bible (Crumwell, Cranmer,
Tunstall and Heath).
It is indeed evident that Crumwell's zeal for the circula- crumweii
tion of the vernacular Scriptures could not be satisfied /oTlht^pre-
with the license which he had obtained for the Bibles of the Great
Coverdale and Matthew. The first was imperfect in its
conception : the second was burdened with notes and addi
tions which could not fail sooner or later to call out bitter
antagonism. Under these circumstances he appears to
have applied to Coverdale, who was in England in the
early part of 1 538, to undertake the charge of a new edition
on the basis of Matthew's, but with a more complete critical
collation of the Hebrew and Latin texts than had been
hitherto attempted. Grafton and Whitchurch had earned
by their former work the privilege of undertaking the con
duct of this, but the resources of the English press were not
adequate to carry it out as Crumwell wished. And so

p. 27 n.). It was also revised by E.
Becke, and his altered text was pub
lished in 1549 ^y Daye and Seres (both
folio and 8vo). I have not however
examined the texts of these editions
at any length, but a cursory collation
shews considerable differences in the
reproductions both of Matthew and
of Becke's revision, which extend
alike to text and notes. An edition
by Daye, 15 51 (with 3 Mace), gives
the Old Testament text of Taveriier,
though it is called ' Matthew's.'
[The editions of 1549 printed by
Raynalde and Hyll, and of 1551 by
Hyll alone, for ' certayne honest men
'of the occupacyon,' are little more
than reprints of Matthew's Bible of
15371 with the addition of Tindale's
prologues to some of the books. The
edition of 1549 has the prologues to
the books of the Pentateuch, Jonah,
and the Epistle to the Romans, but
not those to the New Testament, the
Gospels or the other Epistles, while
they are all given in the edition by

Hyll in 1551.
Becke's edition of 1549 by Daye
and Seres and that of T551 by Daye
alone contain all Tindale's prologues.
The notes from Matthew are con
siderably altered in both, but in the
1549 edition the text is not substan
tially changed. In 1551 Becke with f
slight alterations adopted Taverner's |
text of the Old Testament except in 1
Deut. xxxii. — ^Joshua xiii. and the
Psalms. He added the third book
of Maccabees, and gave a new
translation of 3 Esdras, Tobit, and
Judith (see Dore's Old Bibles, 2nd
ed. pp. 144 &c.). Becke had nothing
to do with the edition printed by
Hyll in 1551, as stated in the account
given of him in the Dictionary of
National Biography.
In the book of Revelation in Becke's
edition of 1549 the woodcuts are ac
companied by descriptions in doggerel
verse. In the edition of 1551 wood
cuts and verse are omitted.]

74 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
about Lent Coverdale proceeded with Grafton to Paris to
superintend the printing there. A license was obtained
from Francis for the execution of the work', which was
commenced on a splendid scale by Regnault. Coverdale
pressed forward the enterprise with all haste, for even from
june^i. the first they were 'dayly threatened,' and looked 'ever
Sept.ii. 'to be spoken withall' By September he could inform
Crumwell that 'Youre Lordshippes worke of the Bible...
' goeth well forwarde, and within few monethes, will drawe
'to an ende, by the grace of Allmightie God.' Three
months later when the text was almost finished the danger
of interruption to the printing became imminent. Coverdale
conveyed as much of the Bible as was ready to Crumwell
Dec. 13. by the help of Bishop Bonner, ambassador at Paris, that
'if these men proceed in their cruelness against us, and
'confiscate the rest yet this at the least may be safeV
In four days more the expected inhibition came. An order
from the Inquisitor-general for France forbade the further
progress of the work and the removal of the printed sheets.
Coverdale and Grafton made their escape, but not long
after returned to Paris and conveyed presses, types and
workmen to London, and even rescued a large quantity of
the condemned sheets — 'four great dry-vats' full — which
had been sold to a tradesman as waste-paper, instead of
being burnt. Thus that which had seemed to be for the
hindrance of Crumwell's design really forwarded it perman
ently in a wonderful manner by introducing into England
the materials and men best suited to carry it out. The
Bible, henceforth known as the Great Bible^, was finished
in April, but without the critical and explanatory com-
' The license granted by Francis is clause was of course sufficiently wide
given by Strype, Cranmer, p. 756, to admit of the interference of the
App. XXX. [Cotton MS. Cleop. E. 5, Inquisition.
p. 326]. After the permission to print ^ Coverdale's Remains (Parker
and export is added the provision: Soc), p. 497. [Harl. MS. 604, p. 98.]
' Dummodo quod sic imprimetis et 'I have ventured to keep this name
'excudetis sincere et pure, quantum as a general title for the group of
' in vobis erit, citra uUas privatas aut Bibles, including Crumwell's Bible
'illegitimas opiniones, impressum et (1539) and the six later issues with
'excussum[excusum]fuerit..,.' This Cranmer's Preface (1540-1), though

II]

THE GREAT BIBLE

75

mentary which Coverdale had designed'. While the revision
was going forward he had set 'in a pryvate table the
'dyversitie of redinges of all textes [Hebrew, Chaldee,
' Greek, Latin], with such annotacions, in another table, as
' shall douteles delucidate and clear the same, as well with-
'out any singularyte of opinions, as all checkinges and
'reprofesl' And when it was drawing to a close, he writes
regretfully : ' Pitie it were, y' the darck places of y" text
'(vpon which I haue allwaye set a hande |^') shulde so
' passe vndeclared. As for anye pryuate opynion or con-
' tencious words, as I wyll vtterly avoyde all soche, so wyll
' I offre y' annotacions first to my sayd lord of herdford
' [Bonner], to y° intent y' he shall so examen y° same, afore

it must be carefully borne in mind
that these seven issues do not give
the same text, however like they may
be externally. The text of 1539 is
quite distinct from that of AprU, 1540,
and this again from that of November,
1540, 1541, which is in the main the
text of the later reprints. Compare
Chap. III.
' A copy of this edition on vellum
designed for Crumwell and described
by Coverdale himself, is now in the
Library of St John's College, Cam
bridge. It is worthy of remark that this
Bible has no dedication. The title-
page — said to have been designed
by Holbein — represents (at the top)
the king giving the Bible (Verbum
Dei) to Crumwell and Cranmer : they
in turn (on the sides) distribute it
among ecclesiastics and laymen: at
the bottom a crowd is listening to a
preacher. Labels with various texts
&c. issue from the mouths of the chief
figures. The composition includes
many other details and will repay a
careftd examination. It is well de
scribed in the Historical Account,
PP- 91. 9»-
The reference of 'Coverdale's Bible'
to the Bishops by the king, and their

confession that there were no heresies
to be maintained thereby, appears to
refer to this edition (Fulke, p. 98).
[But see p. 63, note 2.]
In a preliminary explanation of
¦signs some account is given of the
delay in the publication of the notes :
' We haue also (as ye may se) added
' many handes both in the mergent
' of this volume and also in the text,
'vpon the which, we purposed to
' haue made in the ende of the Byble
' (in a table by them selues) certen
' godly annotacions : but forsomoch
' as yet there hath not bene soffycient
' tyme minystred to the kynges moost
' honorable councell, for the ouersight
' and correccyon of the sayde annota-
' cyons, we wyll therfore omyt them,
'tyll their more conueniet leysour,
' doynge now nomore but beseke the,
'most gentle reader, that when thou
'commest at soch a place where a
'hande doth stande...& thou canst
'not attayne to the meanynge and
'true knowledge of that sentence,
' then do not rashly presume to make
'any priuate interpretacyon therof:
'but submyt thy selfe to the iudge-
' ment of those that are godly learned
' in Christ Jesu.'
2 State Papers, i. 576.

1^

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

Sept. 1538.

' they be put in prynte, yf it be y' lordshippes good pleasure,
' y' I shall do so.' But Coverdale's regret was ineffectual.
The various marks which he designed remained in the text
of several editions of the Great Bible, but nothing more
than a general explanation of their import was ever given.
The volume of 'annotations' was deferred till a more
convenient occasion, which never came. But in the mean
time a complete English text of the Scriptures was pro
vided for public use, which, by an injunction framed before
hand, Crumwell, as the king's vice-gerent, required should
be set up in some convenient place in every church
throughout the kingdom before a specified day'. 'A
• domino factum est istud ' is the worthy motto with which
it concludes^ There is no evidence to shew that Cranmer had any

' There cannot be the least doubt
that the ' Bible of the largest volume
' in English ' was the edition being
prepared in Paris. No one who has
seen Coverdale's, Matthew's, and
Crumwell's Bibles together would
hesitate as to the application of the
description : the Bible and the injunc
tion corresponded and were both due
to the same man. I cannot agree
with Mr Anderson in supposing
Matthew's Bible to have been in
tended: II. 34, in spite of Strj^e,
Cranmer, i. 117. The date by which
the Bible was to be procured was left
blank. At the time when the injunc
tions were drawn up the interruption
of the printing could not have been
definitely foreseen. Similar proclama
tions were issued by the king in May,
1540, immediately after the publica
tion of the second (Cranmer's) Great
Bible; and again in May, 1541, after
the publication of the fourth, which
bore the names of Tunstall and Heath.
Anderson, 11. pp. 131, 142.
It may be added that Cranmer in
his injunctions for the clergy of the
diocese of Hereford (between May
and November, 1538) requires that

every one ' shall have, by the first day
'of August next coming (1539?), as
' well a whole bible in Latin and
' English, or at the least a new
' testament of hoth the same lan-
' gnages, as the copies of the king's
' highness' injunctions.' These in
junctions were probably issued after
September, and the date fixed in
1539- Cranmer, Works, II. p. 81.
^ One passage which occurs at the
end of the Introduction is worthy of
being quoted, and it seems character
istic of Coverdale :
' With what judgment the books of
' the Old Testament are to be read.
...' The books of the Old Testament
' are much to be regarded because they
'be as it were a manner of founda-
' tion, whereunto the New Testament
'doth cleave and lean, out of the
' which certain arguments of the New
' Testament may be taken. For there
' is nothing shewed in the New Tes-
' tament, the which was not shadowed
' before in the figures of Moses' Law,
' and forespoken in the revelations of
' the Prophets, some things even evid-
'ently expressed...'

II] THE GREAT BIBLE -jy
share in the first preparation of the Great Bible, or The Great
even that he was acquainted with the undertaking. The crumweWs
selection of Coverdale for the execution of the work,
and Coverdale's correspondence, distinctly mark it as
Crumwell's sole enterprise. But Cranmer was not slow in
furthering it. By the autumn of the same year arrange
ments were completed for the printing of a new edition
in London with the help of the materials obtained from
Paris ; and the archbishop had drawn up a preface for it, cranmer
prepares a
which he had transmitted to Crumwell for the approbation Preface for
'¦ ^ the second
of the king. By a strange coincidence Crumwell received eduioti.
from Henry on the very day on which Cranmer wrote Nov. 14.
to him to make a final decision about the price, &c.', the
absolute right of licensing the publication of Bibles in
England for five years. Thus all difficulties were removed
from the way, and the Bible with the Preface of the
archbishop was finished in April, 1 540. Two other editions subsequent
followed in the same year (July : November, the title-page
is dated 1541): and three more in 1541 (May: November:
December). These six editions all have Cranmer's pro
logue, but the third and fifth bear the names of Tunstall
and Heath upon the title-page, who are said to have
'overseen and perused' the translation 'at the command-
' ment of the kinges highnes.' The cause of this nominal
revision is obvious. Crumwell had been disgraced and juiyi.z.
executed in July. The work which he had taken so
much to heart was naturally suspected ; and thus the
open sanction of two bishops, prominent among the party
opposed to him, was required to confirm its credit. And
so it was that at last by a strange irony ' my lord of
' London' authorised what was in a large part substantially
' ' If your lordship hath known the ' also stay the rash judgments of them
' king's highness' pleasure concerning ' that read therein. ' Cranmer to
' the preface of the bible which I sent Crumwell, Letter 264, Nov. 14th,
'to you to oversee, so that his grace 1539- From the long interval which
' doth allow the same, I pray you elapsed before the completion of the
'that the same may be delivered Bible — five months — it appears Ukely
'unto the said Whitchurche unto that little was actually done before
'printing, trusting that it shall both Cranmer was assured of the king's
'encourage many slow readers and favour.

78

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

The pro
posed Notes
given up.

Grafton examirted
as to the
proposed Notes.

the very work of Tindale, which he had before condemned
and burnt'.
The variations in the texts of these editions of the
Great Bible will be considered afterwards. But one im
portant change was made in the original design of the
book which requires to be noticed now. Coverdale, as
we have seen, looked upon the notes as an important
part of the work, and the reference to them was retained
through three editions^ With the fall of Crumwell all
hope of publishing a commentary disappeared, and the
' pointing hands ' were removed. It is not difficult to
understand the objections to Coverdale's design, and a
narrative which Foxe has preserved will explain the in
fluence which led to its suppression.
' Not long after [the death of Crumwell],' he writes,
' great complaint was made to the king of the translation
' of the Bible, and of the preface of the same ; and then
' was the sale of the Bible commanded to be stayed, the
'bishops promising to amend and correct it, but never
' performing the same. Then Grafton was called, and first
'charged with the printing of Matthew's Bible, but he,
' being fearful of trouble, made excuses for himself in all
' things. Then was he examined of the great Bible, and
' what notes he was purposed to make : to the which he
'answered, that he knew none. For his purpose was, to
' have retained learned men to have made the notes ; but
' when he perceived the king's majesty and his clergy
' not willing to have any, he proceeded no further. But

' The expense of these editions
was defrayed, as seems certain, by
' Antony Marler a haberdasher ' of
London, who presented to Henry a
magnificent copy on vellum [of the
edition of April, 1540] with an auto
graph inscription, which is preserved
in the British Museum. Mr Anderson
quotes a minute of the Privy Council
bearing on his privileges with regard
to the sale, dated April, 1541 (11. p.
142), and a patent for printing the

Bible alone for four years : March,
1542 (n. p. 152).
2 Of April, 1539: April, 1540:
July, 1540. After this the ^° — the
reference to notes — was omitted.
For the relation between the texts
of the several issues of the Great
Bible see Chap. in. § 4. I cannot
tell by what surprising oversight Mr
Anderson describes Crumwell's Bible
as being Matthew's text.

II] THE GREAT BIBLE

79

' for all these excuses, Grafton was sent to the Fleet, and
'there remained six weeks, and before he came out was
'bound in three hundred pounds, that he should neither
^sell, nor imprint nor cause to be imprinted any mo
¦'Bibles until the king and the clergy should agree upon
'a translation. And thus was the Bible from that time
"stayed, during the reign of king Henry VIII.''
The publication of the Great Bible and the injunction Thetmport-
for its free exhibition in the parish churches marked a "mikJUi
memorable epoch. The king in ' a declaration appointed °Bibil.
'to be read by all curates upon the publishing of the
^ Bible in English' justly dwelt upon the gravity of the
measure. He commanded ' that in the reading and hear-
¦'ing thereof, first most humbly and reverently using and
* addressing yourselves unto it ' — the curate is speaking to
his congregation — ' you shall have always in your re-
'membrance and memories that all things contained in
^ this book is the undoubted will, law, and commandment
* of Almighty God, the only and straight means to know
'the goodness and benefits of God towards us, and the
'true duty of every Christian man to serve him accord
ingly... And if at any time by reading any doubt shall
' come to any of you, touching the sense and meaning
'of any part thereof; that then, not giving too much to
*your own minds, fantasies and opinions, nor having
¦"thereof any open reasoning in your open taverns or
' alehouses, ye shall have recourse to such learned men as
' be or shall be authorised to preach and declare the same.
'So that avoiding all contentions and disputations in
^such alehouses and other places... you use this most high
'benefit quietly and charitably every of you, to the edify-
'ing of himself, his wife and family. ..V
Among others Bp Bonner ' set up Six Bibles in certain BUhop
or ^ Bonner sets
'convenient places of St Paul's church,' after the king's f^f^^^^"'
proclamation in May, 1540^ with an admonition to readers
' Foxe, Acts and Monuments, v. xxiii. [Cotton MS. Cleop. E. 5,
p. 412. p- 327-]
^ Strype's Cranmer, 11. 735-6, App. ' See p. 76, n. i.

8o THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
to bring with them 'discretion, honest intent, charity,
'reverence and quiet behaviour. That there should no
' such number meet together there as to make a multitude.
'That no exposition be made thereupon but what is de-
'clared in the book itself That it be not read with
' noise in time of divine service ; or that any disputation
' or contention be used at it'.' It is scarcely surprising
that the novelty of the license granted to the people
should have led them to neglect these instructions. Bonner
was forced, as he pleads, by the great disorders created
by the readers to issue a new admonition in which he
threatened the removal of the Bibles. ' Diverse wilful
'and unlearned persons,' he writes, 'inconsiderately and
'indiscreetly... read the same especially and chiefly at the
'time of divine service... yea in the time of the sermon
'and declaration of the Word of God... Wherefore this is
'eftsoons of honest friendship to require and charitably
'to desire and pray every reader of this Book that either
' he will indeed observe and keep my former advertisement
'and friendly admonition adjoined hereunto... either else to
'take in good part and be content that the said Bibles
' for the said abuses be taken down, for assuredly, the fault
' and disorder herein not amended but increased, I intend,
' being thereunto enforced, upon right good considerations,
' and especially for the said abuses, to take down the said
' Bibles, which otherwise I would be right loth to do, con-
'sidering I have been always and still will be by God's
'grace right glad that the Scripture and Word of God
'should be well known and also set forth accordingly V
The Bibles The popular zeal for reading the Scriptures was not
rally read, always manifested thus inconsiderately. In a public docu
ment drawn up to justify the position of the English
Church in 1539' great stress is laid upon the revolution
' Strype's Cranmer, i. 121. [The ' A Summary Declaration of the
Admonition is printed in the Catalogue Faith, Uses and Observations in
of the Library of the British and England (dated 1539). Collier, Ec-
Foreign Bible Society, vol. 1. p. 25.] clesiastical History, 11. Collection of
" Foxe, Acts and Monuments, v. Records, 47.
App. 14.

II] THE GREAT BIBLE 8 1
in common habits which was thus effected. ' Englishmen
'have now in hand in every Church and place, almost
' every man the Holy Bible and New Testament in their
' mother tongue instead of the old fabulous and fantastical
' books of the Table Round, Launcelot du Lac, 8cc., and
'such other, whose unpure filth and vain fabulosity the
'light of God has abolished utterly.'
One narrative, which is derived from actual experience,
will illustrate the feelings of the time. It was taken by
Strype from a manuscript of Foxe.
' It was wonderful to see with what joy this book of
' God was received not only among the learneder sort and
' those that were noted for lovers of the reformation, but
'generally all England over among all the vulgar and
'common people; and with what greediness God's word
'was read and what resort to places where the reading
'of it was. Every body that could bought the book or
'busily read it or got others to read it to them if they
'could not themselves, and divers more elderly people
' learned to read on purpose. And even little boys flocked
'among the rest to hear portions of the holy Scripture
'read. One William Maldon happening in the company MaUorCs
^ *¦ *^ ^ ¦' narrative.
' of John Foxe, in the beginning of the reign of Q. Eliza-
'beth, and Foxe being very inquisitive after those that
' suffered for religion in the former reigns, asked him if he
'knew any that were persecuted for the Gospel of Jesus
' Christ that he might add it to his Book of Martyrs. He
'told him he knew one that was whipped by his own
'father in king Henry's reign for it. And when Foxe
' was very inquisitive who he was and what was his name,
'he confessed it was himself; and upon his desire he wrote
'out all the circumstances. Namely that when the king
'had allowed the Bible to be set forth to be read in all
'Churches immediately several poor men in the town of
'Chelmsford in Essex, where his father lived and he was
'born, bought the New Testament and on Sundays sat
' reading of it in the lower end of the Church : many
'would flock about them to hear their reading: and he
w. 6

82 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
'among the rest, being then but fifteen years old, came
'every Sunday to hear the glad and sweet tidings of the
' Gospel. But his father observing it once angrily fetched
' him away and would have him say the Latin Matins with
'him, which grieved him much. And as he returned at
'other times to hear the Scripture read, his father still
' would fetch him away. This put him upon the thoughts
•of learning to read English that so he might read the
' New Testament himself; which when he had by diligence
• effected he and his father's apprentice bought the New
'Testament, joining their stocks together, and to conceal
' it laid it under the bedstraw and read it at convenient
'times. One night his father being asleep he and his
' mother chanced to discourse concerning the crucifix, and
' kneeling down to it and knocking on the breast then
' used, and holding up the hands to it when it came by on
'procession. This he told his mother was plain idolatry...
' His mother enraged at him for this said, " Wilt thou not
'worship the cross which was about thee when thou wert
'christened and must be laid on thee when thou art dead.'"
' In this heat the mother and son departed and went to
'their beds. The sum of this evening's conference she
' presently repeats to her husband ; which he impatient
'to hear and boiling in fury against his son for denying
' worship to be due to the cross, arose up forthwith and
' goes into his son's chamber and, like a mad zealot, taking
' him by the hair of his head with both his hands pulled
' him out of the bed and whipped him unmercifully. And
'when the young man bore this beating, as he related,
' with a kind of joy, considering it was for Christ's sake
'and shed not a tear, his father seeing that was more
* enraged, and ran down and fetched an halter and put it
"about his neck, saying he would hang him. At length
" with much entreaty of the mother and brother he left
' him almost dead'.'
It would be impossible to paint in more vivid colours
' Strype's Cranmer, i. 91, 92. [Harl. MS. 590, fol. 77.]

II] TAVERNER 83
the result of the first open reading of the English Bible,
and the revelation which it made of the thoughts of many
hearts. Classes and households were divided. On the a division
one side were the stern citizens of the old school to whom pToTiV"
change seemed to be the beginning of license: on the
other young men burning with eager zeal to carry to
the uttermost the spiritual freedom of which they had
caught sight. And between them were those to whom all
they had been taught to reverence was still inestimably
precious while yet they could not press to extremity those
by whom the old tenets were assailed.

§ 5. Taverner.
While Crumwell was hurrying forward his Bible in Jj&T"^^^
Paris, another edition was being printed in London. This 5^^«lL^
also was based on Matthew, and seems to have been ex
ecuted in considerable haste. The editor was a layman
and a lawyer, R. Taverner, who had a great reputation
as a Greek scholar. At an earlier time he was one of the
students of ' Cardinal College,' Oxford, who had suffered
persecution upon the first circulation of Tindale's New
Testament [see p. 42]. He was acquainted with Crumwell,
and by his influence the king appointed him to be one
of his clerks of the signet. In the reign of Edward VI
he had a special license to preach, and a quaint account'
has been preserved of the studiously unclerical habit —
with a velvet bonnet and damask gown, and gold chain
and sword — in which he discharged the duty. It was his
humour also, as we are told', 'to quote the law in Greek.'
These little touches are important, for they throw no
small light upon the spirit in which he accomplished his
revision. In one respect he stands above his predecessors.
His Dedication to Henry is couched in language full at
once of respect and manliness. He gives the king due
credit for what he had done and speaks with modesty of
' [In Wood's Athence Oxonienses.]
6—2

84 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
Tavemc's jjls own labours :...'This one thing I dare full well affirme,
account 0/ . . -1 . 1 • 1
his work. ' that amonges all your maiesties deseruinges. . .your highnes
' neuer did thing more acceptable vnto god, more profitable
' to y" auaucemet of true christianitie, more displeasaut to
' the enemies of the same, & also to your graces enemies,
'then when your maiestie lycenced and wylled the moost
' sacred Byble conteynyng the vnspotted and lyuely worde
'of God to be in the Englysh tong set forth to your
'hyghnes subiectes...
' Wherfore the premisses wel c5sidered, forasmoch as
'y° printers herof were very desirous to haue this most
'sacred volume of the bible com forth as faultlesse &
'emendatly, as the shortnes of tyme for the recognising
'of y'^ same wold require, they desired me your most
'huble servat for default of a better lerned, diligetly to
' ouerloke & peruse the hole copy. . .Whiche thynge ac-
' cordyng to my talent I haue gladly done.
'These therfore my simple lucubracios & labours, to
'wh5 might I better dedicate, the vnto your most ex-
' cellet & noble maiestie, y° only authour & grounde nexte
' God of this so highe a benefite vnto your graces people,
' I meane that the holy scripture is communicate vnto
'the same.'
Superseded Tavcmer's Bible (like Crumwell's) was published in
by the Great ^ ' '^
Bible. 1539, in two editions, folio and quarto'. It is furnished
with a marginal commentary based upon Matthew's, but
shorter, and containing some original notes. In the same
year in which his Bible was printed, Taverner likewise
put forth two editions (quarto and octavo) of the New
Testament through another printer but the same publisher ;
but the appearance of the Great Bible must have checked
the sale of his works. The Bible and the New Testament
were each reprinted once, and his Old Testament was
adopted in a Bible of 1551 [see p. 73, note]. With these
exceptions his revision appears to have fallen at once into
complete neglect.
' [The existence of the quarto edition mentioned by Cotton is doubtfiil.]

II] A TIME OF SUSPENSE 85
§ 6. A Time of Suspense.
After the publication of the Great Bible (1539— 1 541) Therevision
the history of the English Version remains stationary for fJ^en^J"
a long time. Nothing was done to amend it and severe
restrictions were imposed upon its use. In 1 542 a pro- Feb. 17.
position was made in convocation in the king's name for
a translation of the New Testament to be undertaken by
the Bishops. The books were portioned out, but Gardiner
brought the scheme to an end by pressing the retention
of a large number of Latin terms which would practically
have made a version such as the Rhemish one was after-
wards'. As this condition was obviously inadmissible, the
king, by Cranmer's influence, resolved to refer the trans
lation to the two Universities. Convocation was no more
consulted on the subject, and the Universities did nothing.
In the next year Parliament proscribed all translations Restrictions
on the use of
bearing the name of Tindale, and required that the notes the Bible.
in all other copies should be removed or obliterated. At
the same time it was enacted that no women (except noble
or gentle women), no artificers, apprentices, journeymen,
serving-men, husbandmen, or labourers, should read to
themselves or to others, publicly or privately, any part
of the Bible under pain of imprisonment. Three years
later (1546) the king repeated the prohibition against
Tindale's books with many others and included Cover-
dale's New Testament in the same category. Thus the
Great Bible alone remained unforbidden, and it was prob
ably at this time that the great destruction of the earlier
Bibles and Testaments took place. And even where the
book has been preserved, the title-page has been in many
cases destroyed that the true character of the volume
might escape the observation of a hasty inquisitor.
' The list of words is a very strange names like Christus, zizania, didrach-
one. With words like ecclesia, pceni- ma, tetrarcha, and others again which
tentia, pontifex, peccatum, hostia, have apparently no special force, as
pascha, impositio manuum, confessio, simplex, dignus, ejicere, oriens, tyran-
which have a dogmatic significance, nus. [See Fuller's Church History,
are others which are practically proper Cent. XVI, Book v. p. 238 (ed. 1655).]

86

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

Biblesdestroyed.

Reaction on
the accession
of Edward
VI.

For the proclamation was not allowed to remain idle.
The party of the ' old learning ' even outran the letter
of the edict. This had enjoined ' the burning of certain
'translations of the New Testament,' but, 'they were so
'bold as to burn the whole Bible, because they were of
' those men's, Tindale's or Coverdale's, translation ; and
' not the New Testament only.' Nay more, they were
anxious to escape from the responsibility which they had
incurred by sanctioning the Great Bible. Tunstall and
Heath, who had been 'appointed to overlook the trans-
' lation' at the time of Crumwell's execution, and had
' set their names thereunto, when they saw the world
' somewhat like to wring on the other side denied it ; and
'said they never meddled therewith'.'
But in the midst of this reaction Henry died (Jan. 28,
1547). The accession of Edward restored the reforming
party to power, and the young king himself is said to
have shewn a singular devotion to the Bible. According
to some the English Bible was first used at his coron
ation ^ 'When three swords were brought,' so Strype
writes ^ 'signs of his being king of three kingdoms, he
'said, there was one yet wanting. And when the nobles
'about him asked him what that was, he answered. The
'Bible. "That book," added he, "is the Sword of the
'Spirit, and to be preferred before these swords..." And
' when the pious young king had said this, and some other
'like words, he commanded the Bible with the greatest
' reverence to be brought and carried before him.' How
ever this may have been, the work of printing the English
Scriptures was carried on during his reign with great
activity. Thirty-five Testaments and thirteen' Bibles were
published in England in the six years and a half for which
he occupied the throne. The public use of them was made
mer, I. 202 ff.
^ Eccles. Mem. 11. 35, on the au
thority of Bale de Viris Illustr. [See
Camden's Remaines (ed. 1614), p-
294.] ¦• [Fourteen in Anderson's hst.]

' A Supplication of the poor Com
mons, printed in Strype's Eccles.
Memorials, I. 608 ff.
'' The fact is not mentioned in the
order of the Coronation printed by
Burnet, and in part by Strype, Cran-

II] A TIME OF SUSPENSE 87
the subject of special admonition and inquiry. Among
the injunctions issued by the king (1547) on his accession
was one requiring that all beneficed persons ' shall provide
' within three months next after this visitation, one book
' of the whole Bible of the largest volume in English ; and
'within one twelve months next after the said visitation,
'the Paraphrasis of Erasmus also in English upon the
' Gospels, and the same set up in some convenient place
'within the... Church..., whereas their parishioners may
' most commodiously resort unto the same and read the
'same.' And again, 'that they shall discourage no man
'(authorized and licensed thereto) from the reading any
' part of the Bible, either in Latin or in English, but shall
' rather comfort' and exhort every person to read the
'same, as the very lively word of God, and the special
'food of man's soul that all Christian persons are bound
'to embrace, .believe and follow, if they look to be saved^'
In the next year Cranmer instituted inquiries into the
fulfilment of these injunctions in his articles for the visita
tion of the diocese of Canterbury^, further asking ' whether
' ...priests being under the degree of a bachelor of divinity
'have of their own the New Testament both in Latin
'and English and the Paraphrase of Erasmus upon the
' same.' But beyond this nothing of moment was actually
achieved with regard to the English Version of the Scrip
tures. At this crisis the constitution of the English
Church and the remoulding of the Service-books were of
more urgent importance than the revision of the Bible ;
but Cranmer did not overlook this work. In 1549 Fagius a revision
- of the Eng-
and Bucer were appointed by his influence to professor- lishsibie
^ '¦ probably con-
ships at Cambridge, and during their stay with him at tempiated.
Lambeth, before they entered on their work there, ' the
' archbishop himself directed of what subject matter their
' lectures should be. As it had been a great while his pious
' [So Cardwell, Doc. Ann. (ed. i) ; 9. Comp. p. 25.
' conform ' ed. 2.] 'Cranmer's Works, II. p. 155.
^ Cardwell's Doc. Ann. [ed. 2] I. Compare pp. 161; 81.

88 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
' and most earnest desire that the Holy Bible should come
' abroad in the greatest exactness and true agreement with
'the original text, so he laid this work upon these two
'learned men. First that they should give a clear plain
' and succinct interpretation of the Scripture according to
' the propriety of the language ; and secondly illustrate
' difficult and obscure places and reconcile those that
' seemed repugnant to one another. And it was his will
' and his advice that to this end and purpose their public
'readings should tend... Fagius, because his talent lay in
'the Hebrew learning, was to undertake the Old Testa-
'ment; and Bucer the New... Fagius entered upon the
'Evangelical prophet Esaias and Bucer upon the gospel
' of the Evangelist John, and some chapters in each book
' were dispatched by them. But it was not long but both
'of them fell sick, which gave a very unhappy stop to
'their studies'.' Nothing indeed is here said of an im
mediate revision of the authorised Bible, but the instruc
tions point to the direction in which the great archbishop's
thoughts were turned.
;5f /; Meanwhile a fragment of a version of the New Testa-
translation meut — tho Gospol of St Matthew and the beginning of
Matthew. St Mark — was completed by Sir John Cheke — at one time
professor of Greek at Cambridge and tutor to Edward VI.
He seems to have aimed at giving a thoroughly English
rendering of the text, and in this endeavour he went to
far greater lengths of quaintness than Taverner. Thus he
coins new words to represent the old ' ecclesiastical ' terms
for which More and Gardiner contended most earnestly :
frosent (apostle) : biword (parable) : gainbirth (regenera
tion) : uprising or gainrising (resurrection) : fablers (money
changers) : tollers (publicans) : freshman (proselyte) : and
uses strange participial forms: gospeld {ku s): devild {vm.
28) : moond (iv. 24) ; and even crossed for crucified. The
fragment remained in manuscript till quite lately''*, and it is
not certain that it was designed for publication. As it will
' Strype's Cranmer, i. 281.
^ Edited by the Rev. James Goodwin, Cambridge, 1843.

Il] A TIME OF SUSPENSE 89
not be necessary to revert to it again, a specimen may be
given to shew its general style :
' At that time Jesus answered and said : I must needs,
'O Father, acknowledge thanks unto Thee, O Lord of
' heaven and earth, which hast hidden these things from
' wise and witty men, and hast disclosed the same to babes ;
'yea and that. Father, for such was thy good pleasure
' herein. All things be delivered me of my Father. And
' no man knoweth the Son but the Father, and he to whom
'the Son will disclose it. Come to me all that labour
' and be burdened and I will ease you. Take my yoke on
' you and learn of me, for I am mild and of a lowly heart.
' And ye shall find quietness for yourselves. For my yoke
'is profitable {¦x^prja-ro^) and my burden light.' (Matt. xi.
25—30-) In the reign of Mary no English Bible was printed. The English
Rogers and Cranmer were martyred : Coverdale with Mary's
° -^ reign.
difficulty escaped to the Continent : the bones of Fagius
and Bucer were burnt ; but no special measures appear to
have been taken for the destruction of the English Scrip
tures, or for the restriction of their private use. The public
use of them in churches was necessarily forbidden. 'Pro
clamations against certain books and authors were issued,
but no translations of the Old or New Testament were (as
before) mentioned by name. Copies of the Bible which
had been set up in churches were burnt ; but they were not
sought out or confiscated. Evidently a great change had
come over the country since the time of Henry VIII. And
in the mean time though the English press was inactive the
exiles abroad were busy, and at the close of Mary's reign a yune 1557-
New Testament was printed at Geneva, which was the first
step towards a work destined to influence very powerfully
our Authorised Version. The origin of this must now be
traced.

90 the printed bible [ch.
§ 7. The Genevan Bible.
The Gene- jt is unuecessary to dwell upon the disastrous discus-
van Testa- "^ ^
mentofiiij. sions at Frankfurt which divided the English exiles of
Mary's reign. The task of continuing the revision of the
Bible fell naturally to the non-conforming party who retired
to Geneva, the active centre of the labours of Calvin and
Beza. Among them was W. Whittingham, who married
Calvin's [wife's] sister' ; and it is to him in all probability
that we owe the Genevan Testament^, which appeared in
1557 [ii^ Roman type], with an Introductory Epistle by
Calvin. The reviser's own address to the reader is anony
mous, but it is definitely personal, and claims the work
for a single man, and no one seems more likely than
Whittingham to have undertaken it.
Therevisers ' As touchig tho peruslug of the text,' he writes, ' it was
his work. ' diligently reuised by the moste approued Greke examples,
' and conference of translations in other tonges, as the
' learned may easely iudge, both by the faithful rendering of
' the sentence, and also by the proprietie of the wordes, and
' perspicuitie of the phrase. Forthermore that the Reader
' might be by all meanes profiited, I haue deuided the text
' into verses and sectios^, according to the best editions in
'other langages....And because the Hebrewe and Greke
' phrases, which are strange to rendre in other tongues, and
' also short, shulde not be to harde, I haue sometyme inter-
' preted them, without any whit diminishing the grace of
' [The inscription on Whittingham's Hexapla, and again separately in
tomb in Durham Cathedral described 1842.]
him as ' maritus sororis Johannis * The division into verses was first
'Calvini theologi.' But it is clear given in Stephens' Gr. Lat. Test, of
that his wife was not Calvin's sister, 1551. See Tregelles, An Account of
for in her will ' Loys Jaqueeman ' is the Printed Text... p. 33. The use
mentioned as her father. She must of supplemental words is found in
therefore in all probability have been Miinster's O. T. 1534, but the italics
his wife's sister. Calvin married a are said to have been borrowed by
widow, Idelette de Buren, and her the reviser of 1557 from Beza's
maiden name is not recorded. But Testament of 1556. A different type
the inscription which was contempor- was employed in the Great Bible to
ary admits of no other interpretation.] mark readings borrowed from the
^ [Printed in 1841 in Bagster's Vulgate, e.g. 1 John v. 7.

II] THE GENEVAN BIBLE

91

'the sense, as our lagage doth vse them, and sometyme
' haue put to [added] that worde, which lacking made the
' sentence obscure, but haue set it in such letters as may
' easely be discerned from the comun text.'
The attractiveness of the book was enhanced by a
marginal commentary, in which the author boasts that to
his knowledge he has ' omitted nothing vnexpounded,
' wherby he that is anything exercised in the Scriptures of
' God, might iustely coplayn of hardenes.' It was at least
far more complete than any yet available for the English
reader. So it was that the edition received a ready
welcome and soon found its way to England. It was,
however, only the beginning of a larger enterprise. Within The revision
r \ r • /--Il •- r cfthe Bible
a few months after it was finished, a thorough revision of undertaken.
the whole Bible was commenced, and was continued ' for
'the space of two yeres and more day and night.' The
striking difference between the translation of the New
Testament in this complete edition of the Bible (1560) and
the separate New Testament (1557)', is a signal proof of
the amount of independent labour bestowed upon the work.
The names of those who were engaged upon it are not
given, but they were several and perhaps not the same
during the whole time. The accession of Elizabeth broke Nov. 1558.
up the society in part, but ' Whittingham with one or two
' more, being resolved to go through with the work, did
'tarry at Geneva an year and an half after Q. Elizabeth
'came to the Crown I' These were probably Gilby and
' See Chap. Iii. § 6. The acknow- has shewn, the text of the translation
ledged importance of this work of in the Bible and not that of the New
revision is fiirther shewn by the fact Testament of 1557- [Before the
that the text of the edition of 1557 Geneva Bible appeared in 1560 a
was never reprinted. It was at once separate edition of the Psalms from
superseded by the more complete the Bible Version was isstied in
work undertaken very shortly after 1559. Of this only two copies are
its appearance. Compare Mr F. Fry, known to exist : one in the Library
Journal of Sacred Literature, July, of the Eari of Ellesmere, Bridgewater
1864 [also printed separately]. The House, and the other in my own
separate New Testament of 1560 [of possession. W. A. W.]
which a copy is in the Library of ^ Wood's AthencB Oxon. s. v. Whit-
Lambeth Palace] gives, as Mr Fry tingham.

92 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
April liio. Sampson'. Under their care the Bible was finished in
1560, and dedicated to Q. Elizabeth in bold and simple
language without flattery or reserve.
' The eyes of all that feare God in all places beholde
' your countreyes,' thus they address the Queen, ' as an
'example to all that beleue, and the prayers of all the
' godly at all tymes are directed to God for the preserua-
'tio of your maiestie. For considering Gods wonderful
'mercies toward you at all seasons, who hath pulled you
' out of the mouthe of the lyons, and how that from your
¦ youth you haue bene broght vp in the holy Scriptures, the
' hope of all men is so increased, that thei ca not but looke
'that God shulde bring to passe some woderful worke by
' your grace to the vniversal comfort of his Churche. There-
' fore euen aboue stregth you must shewe your selfe strong
'and bolde in Gods matters... This Lord of lordes & King
' of kings who hath euer defended his, strengthe, cofort and
'preserue your maiestie, that you may be able to builde vp
'the mines of Gods house to his glorie, the discharge of
¦ your conscience, and to the comfort of all them that loue
' the comming of Christ lesus our Lordl'
The cost of the work was defrayed by members of the
congregation at Geneva, 'whose hearts God touched' to
encourage the revisers 'not to spare any charges for the
'fortherance of suche a benefite and fauour of God'; and
Bodieyts oue of thoso most actively engaged in this service was John
Bodley, the father of the founder of the Bodleian Library,
who received afterwards from Elizabeth a patent for the
exclusive right to print the revision in England for seven
years'. A folio edition was published by him in the next
April Z56T. year^ but this was printed at Geneva, and he does not
' This is well established by Ander- 1578 to ' To the diligent and Christian
son, 11. pp. 320 f. 'reader,' and afterwards to 'To the
^ The aim of the book was indicated 'Christian reader.' (Comp. Ander-
by the original title of the address to son, ii. 356-7.)
the reader, which was 'To our be- ' Anderson, 11. 324.
'loved in the Lord the brethren of « The first title is dated 1562, but
'England, Scotiand, Ireland, &c.' the title of the New Testament is
This superscription was altered in dated 1561, and the Preface April,

II]

THE GENEVAN BIBLE

93

appear to have availed himself afterwards of the privilege,
though the patent may have helped the sale of the work.
The form in which the Bible was published marked its Convenience
popular destination. Its size — a moderate quarto — offers °ti^"^''
a marked contrast to the ponderous folios of Coterdale,
Matthew and the Great Bible. With the same view the
text was printed for the first time in Roman letter ; and
the division of the chapters into verses was introduced'.
A marginal commentary also was added, pure and vigorous
in style, and, if slightly tinged with Calvinistic doctrine, yet
on the whole neither unjust nor illiberaP.
It was not therefore surprising that from the time of its Thepopuiar
first appearance the Genevan Bible became the household
Bible of the English-speaking nations ; and it continued to
be so for about three-quarters of a century. It was never
sanctioned for public use in churches ; but the convenience
of its form and the simple clearness of its notes gained it a
wide popularity with the mass of the people'.

1561. No printer's name is attached
to the book. One other edition was
printed at Geneva in 1569, by J.
Crispin. [Some copies have the date
1570 on the title. It is this edition
which has the Calendar taken from
the French Bible printed by Francois
Estienne in 1567.]
' [A kind of fatality seems to attend
those who write about the history of
the English Bible. In the article on
Whittingham in the Dictionary of
National Biography we are informed
that in the Geneva Bible of 1560 'the
' old black letter was abandoned for
' Italian characters.' It is printed in
Roman type. It is also said that 'the
'Apocrypha was for the first time
'omitted,' which is not the fact, 'as
'were the names and days of saints
' from the calendar prefixed.' There
was no calendar prefixed. These
errors are partially corrected in the
volume of Errata, where we are told
to substitute ' Roman ' for ' Italian, '
and for the words 'omitted. ..prefixed '

to read 'differentiated, as regards its
' authoritative value, from the rest of
' the Old Testament. ' Here is a new
error, for this differentiation is already
to be found in Matthew's Bible of
1537 and in Coverdale's of 1535.]
2 [The woodcuts in the books of
Exodus, I Kings, and Ezekiel were
evidently in the first instance pre
pared for a French Bible, and are to
be found in that of 1560, printed at
Geneva in folio by Antoine Rebul.
The Arguments of the books of Job
and the Psalms are taken almost
literally from the French Bible of
1559 printed by Barbier and Cour-
teau, while the Arguments to Isaiah
and Jeremiah shew traces of the same
origin. The translators evidently made
considerable use of this version.]
3 [In the Historical Catalogue of
Bibles in the Library of the British
and Foreign Bible Society, p. 61, it is
estimated that between 1560 and 1644
at least 140 editions of the Genevan
Bible or Testament appeared.]

94 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
And the intrinsic merits of the book justified its popul
arity; for it was not without cause that the revisers say
when reviewing their work : ' we may with good conscience
' protest, that we haue in every point and worde, according
' to the measure of that knollage which it pleased almightie
' God to giue vs, faithfully rendred the text, and in all hard
' places moste syncerely expounded the same. For God is
' our witnes that we haue by all meanes indeuored to set
' forthe the puritie of the worde and right sense of the
'holy Gost for the edifying of the brethren in faith and
' charitie.' Thus it came to pass that the revision found a ready
welcome even from those who were not predisposed in its
favour. Some time after the ' Bishops' Bible ' was under
taken, Bodley applied to Cecil for an extension of his
patent. The secretary consulted Parker before replying to
the request. Parker's answer is conceived in a generous
Archbp. spirit. He and the bishop of London [Grindal] 'thought
T^fT rkei^ s
judgment. ' SO woU of the first impression [of the Bible] and the review
' of those who had since travailed therein, that they wished
' it would please him [Cecil] to be a means that twelve
' years' longer term might be by special privilege granted
'him [Bodley], in consideration of the charges by him
' and his associates in the first impression, and the review
' since sustained ; and that though one other special Bible
' for the Churches were meant by them to be set forth, as
' convenient time and leisure hereafter should permit, yet
' should it nothing hinder but rather do much good to have
'diversity of translations and readings  ''
'Strype's Parker, i. 412. One revision in the editions of the Genevan
other revision of the New Testament Bible.
must be classed with the Genevan Tomson repeats the promise of the
versions, that by Lawrence Tomson, Genevan editor with regard to the
which was professedly based on Beza, Commentary with even greater em-
and contained a new Commentary, phasis : ' I dare avouch it, and whoso
translated in the main from his. This ' readeth it, shall so find it, that there
was published in 1576, and dedicated 'is not one hard sentence, nor dark
to F. Walsingham and F. Hastings ; ' speech nor doubtful word, but is so
and became so popular that it was ' opened, and hath such light given
frequentiy substituted forthe Genevan 'it, that children may go through

il] the bishops' bible 95
§ 8. The Bishops' Bible.
The Genevan revision was, as has been seen, the work
of exiles whose action was unfettered by considerations of
national policy. A work was comparatively easy for them
which was not possible in the English Church. The com
mencement of Queen Elizabeth's reign was beset by many
of the same difficulties which had occupied the great
reformers on the accession of Edward VI. In the face of
these it was not likely that measures would be taken for
the revision of the English Bible. It was enough at first
to restore what had been already once established. The Q.EHza-
injunctions which were issued by the Queen (1559) were juncHoTs.
closely moulded on those which had been put forth by
Edward VI, and contained the same charge for the pro
vision of a copy ' of the whole Bible of the largest volume '
to be set up in some convenient place in each church.
No limitation however was now added to the general
encouragement to read the Scriptures ; but it was said
significantly that all should ' read the same with great
^humility and reverence, as the very lively word of God'.'
The concessions thus made fell in with the general Popular
foeling at
desire of the people. This was shewn in a characteristic heracces-
^ ^ sion.
manner during the progress of the Queen from the Tower
to Westminster on her accession to the throne. Various
symbolic greetings were devised to welcome her on the
way ; and one above all seems to have attracted popular
interest. At the 'Little Conduit in Cheape' a pageant was
prepared ' and it was told her Grace that there was placed
' Time.' " Time ? " quoth she, " and Time hath brought me
'hither.'" And with Time also was 'Truth the daughter
• with it, and the simplest that are ' any part of the Bible either in Latin
* may walk without any guide, without ' or in English. . .' In the Injunctions
' wandering and going astray. ' of 1559 the words in italics are
' Cardwell, Doc. Ann. (ed. 2) I. omitted. Cardwell, Doc. Ann. (ed.
214. In the Injunctions of 1547 it is 2) i. pp. 9, 214. On the other hand,
said, ' They [the parsons, vicars, &c.] the words in italics in the text are not
'shall discourage no man, authorized contained in the Injunctions of 1547.
' and licensed thereto, from the reading

96 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
' of Time,' who held a book in her hand upon the which
was written ' Verbum veritatis,' the word of Truth — the
Bible in English — ' which she delivered to the Queen. But
' she, as soon as she had received the book kissed it, and
' with both her hands held up the same and so laid it upon
' her breast with great thanks to the city therefor ' — ' to the
' great comfort,' it is added afterwards, ' of the lookers-on'.'
It is likely indeed that in this respect the zeal of the
Queen was suspected to be cooler than that of many about
her. ' On the morrow of her coronation,' so Bacon writes,
' it being the custom to release prisoners at the inaugura-
'tion of a prince... one of her courtiers. ..besought her with
' a loud voice. That now this good time there might be four
' or five principal prisoners more released ; those were the
' four Evangelists and the apostle St Paul, who had been
' long shut up in an unknown tongue, as it were in prison,
' so as they could not converse with the common people.
' The Queen answered ver}' gravely. That it was best first
'to inquire of them whether they would be released or
'noV Thus at first the Great Bible was allowed to retain its
place as the authorised Bible for ecclesiastical use, but the
wide circulation of the Genevan edition made its defects
Archip. generally known, and Parker, who was naturally inclined
Parker i_ - l i - i i •
undertakes to biblical studics, as soon as an opportunity offered, took
a revision ^ ^
of the Bibu. measures for the review of the old translation. This was
about 1563-4. The method which he followed has been
His plan. described by Strype. ' The Archbishop,' he writes, ' took
' upon him the labour to contrive and set the whole work
' a going in a proper method, by sorting out the whole
'Bible into parcels..., and distributing those parcels to able
' bishops and other learned men, to peruse and collate each
' the book or books allotted them : sending withal his
' instructions for the method they should observe ; and they
'to add some short marginal notes for the illustration or
'correction of the text. And all these portions of the
' Nichols' Progresses, i. pp. 13 ff., ^ Bacon, Collection of Apophthegms,
27. § 1 [from Rawley's Resuscitatio, 1660].

II] THE bishops' BIBLE

97

' Bible being finished and sent back to the archbishop, he
' was to add the last hand to them and so to take care for
' printing and publishing the whole'.'
Among those whose help he sought was Sandys, bishop The opinion
of Worcester. Sandys strongly urged the necessity of the °s,mciys.
work. 'Your Grace,' he says, 'should much benefit the
' Church in hastening forward the Bible which you have in
'hand: those that we have be not only false printed but
' also give great offence to many by reason of the depravity
'in reading.' In another letter which accompanied his re
vision of the portion of Scripture assigned to him, he
explains more at length the ground of his opinion.
'According to your Grace's letter of instruction I have
' perused the book you sent me and with good diligence ;
'having also in conference with some other considered of
'the same in such sort, I trust, as your Grace will not
'mislike of.  In mine opinion your Grace shall do well
'to make the whole Bible to be diligently surveyed by
'some well learned before it be put to print  which
' thing will require a time. Sed sat cito si sat bene. The
'setters forth of this our common translation followed
'Munster too much, who doubtless was a very negligent
' man in his doings and often swerved very much from the
'Hebrew  V
Other fragments of correspondence shew some of the Bp Guest.
difficulties with which Parker had to contend. Guest,
bishop of Rochester, in returning the book of Psalms which
had been sent to him for correction, gives a singular view
of the duties of a translator. ' I have not,' he says, ' altered
'the translation but where it gave occasion of an error.
' As at the first Psalm at the beginning I turn the praeter-
' perfect tense into the present tense, because the sense is
' too harsh in the praeterperfect tense. Where in the New
' Testament one piece of a Psalm is reported I translate it
' in the Psalms according to the translation thereof in the
' New Testament, for the avoiding of the offence that may
'rise to the people upon divers translations  ^'
' Strype's Parker, l. 414. ^ Id. i. 415, 6. ' Id. I- 416-
W. 7

98 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
Bp. Cox. Again, Cox, bishop of Ely, writing in May, 1 566, says,
' I trust your Grace is well forward with the Bible by this
' time. I perceive the greatest burden will lie upon your
' neck, touching care and travail. I would wish that such
' usual words as we English people be acquainted with
' might still remain in their form and sound, so far forth as
' the Hebrew will well bear ; ink-horn terms to be avoided.
'The translation of the verbs in the Psalms to be used
'uniformly in one tense  '.'
The work Howovcr, iu spite of all difficulties, the work went for-
finished in ^
1568. ward, and the Bishops' Bible, as it was called, appeared in
1568 in a magnificent volume, printed by R. Jugge, 'cum
privilegio regiae majestatis.' No word of flattery disfigures
the book. It is even without a dedication. But a portrait
of the Queen occupies the centre of the engraved title-
page, and others of Leicester and Burleigh occur before the
book of Joshua and the Psalms. At the end is an elegant
couplet on the device of the pelican feeding her young :
Matris ut h:ec proprio stirps est satiata cruore,
Pascis item proprio, Christe, cruore tuos.
The spirit It was not by these signs only that Parker shewed his
of the work. r , , r , , 1-111, 1
true sense of the character of the task which he had under
taken. The revisers, speaking through him in the Preface,
express a noble consciousness of the immensity of their
labour. ' There be yet,' they say, quoting the words of
John Fisher, once bishop of Rochester, 'in the gospels
' very many darke places, whiche without all doubt to the
' posteritie shalbe made muche more open. For why should
' we dispayre herein, seing the gospell was deliuered to this
' intent, that it might be vtterly vnderstanded of vs,
' yea to the very inche. Wherfore, forasmuche as Christe
' sheweth no lesse loue to his Churche now, then hitherto
'he hath done, the aucthoritie wherof is as yet no whit
' diminished, and forasmuch as that holy spirite [is]
'the perpetuall keper and gardian of the same Church,
' whose gyftes and graces do flowe as continually and as
' Strype's Parker, I. 417. Comp. 11. 212 ff.

II] THE BISHOPS' BIBLE

99

' aboundantly as from the beginning : who can doubt but
' that such thinges as remayne yet vnknowen in the gospell,
'shalbe hereafter made open to the latter wittes of our
' posteritie, to their cleare vnderstanding ? ' They felt then
that their labour was provisional, and that the Spirit had
yet further lessons in His Word to teach to later ages.
It is not certainly known by whom the whole revision The revisers
was actually made. Initials are placed at the end of some *ww«f'""'^
of the books, and this, Parker says, was done by his own
wish that the several scholars might be ' more diligent, as
'answerable for their doings.' But it seems evident from
the manner in which the initials are distributed that they
do not indicate all the contributors'. They do not stand
at the end of groups of books which might naturally be
supposed to have been given to one reviser. Once the
same initials are repeated in consecutive books. Some
names too are certainly passed over. Lawrence, for
example'', had a considerable part in the revision of the
New Testament, and his initials nowhere occur. Of the
revisers who can be probably identified eight were bishops,
and from them the revision derived its popular titled
' This is indeed implied in Parker's of a Hebrew scholar. They may
own language; see p. lOO, n. i. possibly indicate Thomas Bickley,
^ See Ch. in. § 7. one of Parker's chaplains, and after-
^ The initials given are the following wards Bp. of Chichester.]
(for the identifications I am indebted of the Song of Solomon A. P. E.
mainly to the Historical Account). = Andrew Perne, canon of Ely :
At the end of the Pentateuch W. E. of Lamentations R. W. = R. Win-
=W. Exoniensis, William Alley, Bp. tonensis, Robert Home, Bp. of Win-
of Exeter: Chester:
of2SamuelR. M. = R.Menevensis, of Daniel T. C. L. = T. Cov. &
Richard Davies, Bp. of St David's : Lichf., Thomas Bentham, Bp. of
of 2 Chronicles E. W. = E. Wigor- Lichfield and Coventry :
nensis, Edwyn Sandys, Bp. of Wor- of Malachi E. L. =E. Londinensis,
cester : Edmund Grindal, Bp. of London :
of Job A. P. C. = Andrew Pearson, of Wisdom W. C. = William Bar-
canon of Canterbury : low, Bp. of Chichester, omitted in
of the Psalms T. B. ? Thomas some copies :
Becon : [It may be doubted whether of 2 Maccabees J. N. =J. Norvi-
the initials T. B. are those of Thomas censis, John Parkhurst, Bp. of Nor-
Becon, who disclaims any special wich:
knowledge of Greek and may therefore of the Acts R- E. = R. Eliensis,
be presumed not to have been much Richard Cox, Bp. of Ely :
7—2

ICO

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

The Bishops
Bible sanc
tioned by
Convocation
for public
use.

When the edition was ready for publication Parker
endeavoured to obtain through Cecil a recognition of it by
the Queen. The revision did not, he pleaded, ' vary much
' from that translation which was commonly used by public
' order, except when the verity of the Hebrew and Greek
* moved alteration, or when the text was by some negli-
'gence mutilated from the original.' His design was to
secure a uniform text for public use, and in some places
the Genevan revision was now publicly read, which seemed
to be an infringement of ecclesiastical discipline, and yet
the Great Bible could not be honestly maintained'. There

of Romans R. E. (as before) :
of 1 Corinthians G. G. = Gabriel
Goodman, dean of Westminster.
In the copy of the edition of 1568
which I have used the letters A. P.
C. do not occur after Proverbs. Mr
F. Fry tells me that he has 'both
' leaves of this edition, one with A. P.
'C, and one without.' [These are
now in the Library of the Bible So
ciety.] To the other books no initials are
appended. [But in ed. 1568 we find
M. C. under the initial letters of
Genesis, Exodus, the Gospel of St
Matthew, the Second Epistle to the
Corinthians, the Epistle to the Gala-
tians (in some copies), Ephesians,
Philippians, Colossians, r and 2
Thessalonians, i and 2 Timothy,
Titus, Philemon, and the Hebrews,
which may indicate that the revision
of these books was superintended by
the Archbishop himself. Similarly
to the initial letters of i Peter v.,
2 Peter iii., i John v., 3 John, Jude,
and Rev. xxii. are attached the
initials H. L., which may be those
of Hugh Jones, Bishop of Llandaff,
who was a friend of Parker's, and
perhaps took up what had been as
signed to the Bishop of Lincoln.]
' Parker's words are important as
describing the care which was spent
upon the edition, and the objects for

which it was designed: 'Because I
'would you knew all,' he writes to
Cecil [5 Oct. 1568], 'I send you a
' note to signify who first travailed in
' the divers Books ; though after them
' some other perusing was had ; the
' letters of their names be partly
' affixed in the end of their Booksj
'which I thought a policy to shew
'them, to make them more diligent,
'as answerable for their doings. ..The
' Printer hath honestly done his dili-
* gence ; if your honour would obtain
' of the Queen's highness that this
' edition might be licensed, and only
'commended in pubhc reading in
' Churches, to draw to one uniformity,
' it were no great cost to the most
' parishes, and a relief to him for his
'great charges sustained.' (Biblioih.
Sussex. II. pp. 311 f.) He presses
for the grant of the Queen's license
'as well for that in many churches
'they want their Books, and have
'long time looked for this; as for
'that in certain places, be publicly
• used some translations which have
'not been laboured in your realm,
'having inspersed divers prejudicial
'notes which might have been also
•well spared.' (A;'. 11. p. 313.) [The
list of translators given in Parker's
letter to Cecil (Parker Correspondence,
PP- 334-61 eel- Parker Soc.) does not
exactly correspond with that given in

n]

THE BISHOPS' BIBLE

lOI

is no evidence to shew whether the Queen returned any
answer to his petition. The action of Convocation how
ever was decided, and cannot have been in opposition to
the royal will. It was ordered in the ' Constitutions and
' Canons Ecclesiastical ' of 1571 that 'every archbishop and
' bishop should have at his house a copy of the holy Bible
'of the largest volume as lately printed at London  and
'that it should be placed in the hall or the large dining
' room, that it might be useful to their servants or to
'strangers'.' It was also enjoined that each Cathedral
should have a copy^ ; and the same provision was ex
tended 'as far as it could be conveniently done' to all
churches ^
These injunctions however do not seem to have been
rigorously carried out ; and sixteen years afterward Arch-

the previous note. The Archbishop
himself undertook Genesis, Exodus,
the first two Gospels, and 2 Co
rinthians — Hebrews. Andrew Pier-
son (Cantuarias) was responsible for
Leviticus and Numbers as well as
Job and Proverbs, and Deuteronomy
was the only part of the Pentateuch
entrusted to Alley, Bishop of Exeter.
Joshua — 2 Samuel were given to
Davies, Bishop of St David's; Kings
and Chronicles to Sandys, Bishop of
Worcester ; Ecclesiastes and Canticles
to Andrew Perne (Cantabrigise), Dean
of Ely; Isaiah, Jeremiah, and La
mentations to Home, Bishop of
Winchester; Ezekiel and Daniel to
Bentham, Bishop of Lichfield and
Coventry; the Minor Prophets to
Grindal, Bishop of London; Esdras,
Judith, Tobit, and Wisdom to Barlow,
Bishop of Chichester; Ecclesiasticus,
Susanna, Baruch, and Maccabees to
Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich ; Luke
and John to Scambler, Bishop of
Peterborough; Acts and Romans to
Cox, Bishop of Ely ; i Corinthians to
Goodman, Dean of Westminster ; the
Canonical Epistles and Apocrypha to

BuUingham, Bishop of Lincoln. No
mention is made of the translator of
the Psalms, and the books from Ezra
to Esther are not assigned to any one.
The Sum of the Scripture, the Tables
of Christ's line, the Argument of the
Scriptures, the first Preface to the
Whole Bible, the Preface to the
Psalter, and the Preface to the New
Testament, were written by the Arch
bishop.] ' Quivis archiepiscopus et episco-
pus habebit domi suae sacra Biblia in
amplissimo volumine, uti nuperrime
Londini excusa sunt, et plenam illam
historiam quae inscribitur ' Monumenta
'martyrum,' et alios quosdam similes
libros ad religionem appositos. Lo-
centur autem isti hbri vel in aula vel
in grandi cenaculo ut et ipsoram
famulis et advenis usui esse possint
(Cardwell, Synodalia, I. p. 115).
2 Cardwell, l.c.
3 iEditui curabunt...ut sacra Biblia
sint in singulis Ecclesiis in amplissimo
volumine (si commode fieri possit)
qualia nunc nuper Londini excusa
sunt... (Cardwell, J;'«o(fa/M, I. p. 123).

102

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

July i6tk,
1587-

The Great
Bible dis
placed by
the Bishops'.

bishop Whitgift took measures for their better observance.
Writing to the Bishop of Lincoln, he says : ' whereas I am
' credibly informed that divers as well parish churches as
' chapels of ease, are not sufficiently furnished with Bibles,
' but some have either none at all, or such as be torn and
' defaced, and yet not of the translation authorized by the
' synods of bishops : these are therefore to require you
' strictly in your visitations or otherwise to see that all and
' every the said churches and chapels in your diocese be
' provided of one Bible or more, at your discretion, of the
'translation allowed as aforesaid  And for the perform-
' ance thereof I have caused her highness' printer to imprint
'two volumes of the said translation of the Bible afore-
'said, a bigger and a less... both which are now extant and
' ready'.' There is no evidence to shew how far this new effort
was successful in securing exclusively for the Bishops'
Bible public use in churches. The revision did not at
least gain any such hold upon the clergy as to lead even
them to adopt it alone privately ; and when Martin assailed
the English versions (1582) he takes the Great Bible, or
the Bishops' or the Genevan indifferently ; and Fulke in
his answer does not claim absolute precedence for any one
of them. But while the Genevan Bible held its ground,
there can be no doubt that the Great Bible was soon
entirely displaced by the Bishops' ; and no edition of it
appears to have been printed after 1569.

Vernacular Versions of
the Bible
made by
Roman Catholics.

§ 9. The Rheims and Doway Version.
The wide circulation and great influence of the reformed
versions of the Bible made it impossible for the Roman
Catholic scholars to withstand the demand for vernacular
translations of Scripture sanctioned by authority in their , ,
churches. The work was undertaken not as in itself either
necessary or generally desirable, but in special considera-

' Cardwell, Documentary Annals (ed. 2), II. 31 f.

II] THE RHEIMS AND DOWAY VERSION 103
tion of the circumstances of the time'. So it came to pass
that 'since Luthers reuolt...diuers learned Catholikes, for
'the more speedy abolishing of a number of false and
'impious translations put forth by sundry sectes, and for
'the better preseruation or reclaime of many good soules
'endangered thereby, haue published the Bible in the
' seueral languages of almost all the principal provinces of
' the Latin Church ' in the sixteenth century^ The design
of an English Version formed part of the systematic plan
for winning back England to the Papacy, which was shaped
and guided by the energy and skill of [Cardinal] Allen.
The centre of Allen's labours was the seminary which he
first established at Douai (1568), and afterwards transferred
temporarily to Rheims (1578). And it was in this semi
nary that the Rhemish Version, as it is commonly called,
was made.
The history of the Rhemish Version has not yet been The English
1 - 111/- 1 Version.
traced in contemporary records'; but the prefaces to the
Old and New Testaments explain with perfect clearness
the objects and method of the translators. They professed The object
to find the cause of the troubles of England in the free translators.
handling of the deep mysteries of Scripture which led men
to ' contemne or easily passe ouer all the moral partes.' ' If
' our new Ministers had had [that sense of the depth and
' profundity of wisdom. . .], this cogitation and care that these
' and all other wise men haue, and euer had, our countrie
' had neuer fallen to this miserable state in religion, & that
' vnder pretence, colour, and coutenance of Gods word :
' neither should vertue and good life haue bene so pitifully
'corrupted in time of such reading, toiling, tumbling and
'translating the booke of oure life and saluation...^.' The
text of these new translations, they plead, was full of altera
tions, transpositions, new pointings; the authorship and
' Preface to the Rhemish Testament. valuable contribution to this subject is ,
2 Id. by Dr J. G. Carieton, The part of L 
* Collections forthe bibliographical Rheims in the making of the English
history of the version have been made Bible, 1902.]
by Dr Cotton in his Rhemes df Doway ^ Preface to the Rhemish New Testa-
.. .Oxford, 1855. [The latest and most ment.

I04

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

The New
Tes tament.

The Anno
tations.

The trans
lators and
annotators.

authority of whole books were questioned ; old terms and
forms were abandoned ; the language was dealt with as
freely as if it were the language ' of Liuie, Virgil, or
' Terence.' ' We therfore,' they continue, ' hauing com-
' passion to see our beloued countrie men, with extreme
' danger of their soules, to vse onely such prophane transla-
' tions, and erroneous mens mere phantasies, for the pure
' and blessed word of truth, much also moued therevnto by
' the desires of many deuout persons : haue set forth, for
' you (benigne readers) the new Testament to begin withal,
'trusting that it may giue occasion to you, after diligent
'perusing thereof, to lay away at lest such their impure
' versions as hitherto you haue ben forced to occupie'.'
A controversial commentary formed a necessary part of
the undertaking. It was pleaded that ' though the text,
'truely translated, might sufficiently, in the sight of the
'learned and al indifferent men...controule the aduersaries
'corruptions... yet... somewhat to help the faithful reader in
' the difficulties of diuers places, we [the editors] haue also
' set forth reasonable large ANNOTATIONS, thereby to shew
'...both the heretical corruptions and false deductions, &
' also the Apostolike tradition, the expositions of the holy
' fathers, the decrees of the Catholike Church and most
' auncient Coucels : which meanes whosoeuer trusteth not,
' for the sense of holy Scriptures, but had rather folow his
' priuate judgmet or the arrogat spirit of these Sectaries, he
'shal worthily through his owne wilfulnes be deceiued...V
The names of those who performed the work are no
where given in connexion with it, but internal evidence
leaves no doubt that the chief share in the translation was
undertaken by Gregory Martin, sometime fellow of St
John's College, Oxford, a scholar of distinguished attain
ments both in Hebrew and Greek. Upon renouncing
Protestantism Martin had studied for some years at Douai
and then after an interval of travel settled at Rheims as
one of the readers of divinity in the English College there.

' Preface to Rhemish N. T.

Id.

II] THE RHEIMS AND DOWAY VERSION 105
Other scholars were probably associated with Martin in
the task of translation or in the composition of the notes.
It is said that Dr Allen himself, Dr R. Bristow, formerly
a fellow of Exeter College, and Dr J. Reynolds, formerly a
fellow of New College, among others, assisted Martin in
revising his translation. More particularly also the notes
on the New Testament have been attributed to Dr Bristow,
and those on the Old Testament to Dr Worthington.
However this may be, Martin clearly identified himself
with the work in a treatise which he published on the
'fliLanifold corruptions of the Holy Scriptures by the here tikes '
(Rhemes, 1582), very shortly after the appearance of the
first instalment of the new version'- Yet it may be con
cluded from a comparison of the annotations with this
treatise that Martin's work lay in the version and not in
the commentary. His labours, as it seems, proved fatal
to him. He died in the same year in which the books
appeared to which he had devoted his life.
When the New Testament was published the whole
version had been 'long since' finished though the public
ation was delayed 'for lacke of good meanes^.' This 'one
' general cause,' the ' poor estate [of the favourers of the
'version] in banishment V delayed the appearance of ^heon
the Old Testament till 1609-10 (Douai). The complete
work cannot have had an extensive circulation. It was
reprinted in 1635 (Rouen), and then not again for one
hundred and fifteen years, when it was revised by Dr R.
Challoner (1749-50) ; and this revision has formed the
basis of the later editions*.
The New Testament, as might have been expected,
attracted more attention. It was reprinted at Antwerp
' The priority of the publication of Margin to § 21.
the New Testament is shewn by a ^ Preface to the New Testament.
reference to it in the Preface to the ' Preface to the Old Testament.
Discoverie of the manifold corruptions * Cotton, I. c. pp. 47 ff. The stand-
...(p. 63, Parker Soc. reprint). On ard edition is said to be that 'revised
the other hand the Discovery was ' and corrected ' under the sanction of
already composed when the Preface Dr Troy, 1791.
to the New Testament was written:

Io6 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
in 1600 and 1621, and again (at Rouen?) in 1633, though
not afterwards for more than a hundred years'. But
it obtained a still larger circulation by the help of its
opponents. The annotations called for an answer. A
powerful party in England urged Cartwright to prepare
one 2. DifiSculties however were interposed in his way
and his reply was not published in a complete form
till 161 8, fifteen years after his death. In the mean time
Fuik^s Fulke, who answered Martin's book on the ' Corruptions
"tZliLmish ' of Holy Scripture,' answered his edition of the New
TeTtament. Testament also (I589)^ He printed the Rhemish and
Bishops' (revised 1572) version in parallel columns, and
added to the Rhemish notes, which he gave at length, the
refutation or qualifications which they seemed to require.
This book became very popular, and the Rhemish Testa
ment gained in this way a wide currency which it would
not otherwise have enjoyed. But questions of scholar
ship or textual criticism are wholly subordinated in this
examination to larger topics of controversy. At the
same time the scriptural vocabulary was, as we shall see
afterwards, insensibly increased, and even Bacon goes aside
to praise ' the discretion and tenderness of the Rhemish
' translation,' which ever distinguished the Christian grace
'charity' {a'^dirff) from 'love' {epwiY.

' In the mean time two other Roman published in 1601, 1617, 1633. In
Catholic translations of the New Tes- the account of Fulke prefixed to the
tament from the Vulgate were made, Parker reprint of his answer to Martin
one by Dr Nary (1718, see Dr Cotton, an edition is assigned also to the year
l.c. pp. 37 ff.) ; and the other by Dr 1580 by a surprising mistake.
Witham (1730, see Dr Cotton, l.c. * In his tract Concerning the Li-
pp. 41 ff.). turgy. [Letters and Life, ed.Spedimg,
2 Stijpe, Whitgift, 1. ^S2 ; Annals, iii. 118.] This reference I owe to
HI. i. 287 ff. Mr Plumptre.
^ Other editions of this book were

*

II]

THE AUTHORISED VERSION

107

§ 10. The Authorised Version.
There were, as we have seen, during the latter part of Twosibies

Elizabeth's reign two rival English Bibles', the Bishops',
which was sanctioned by ecclesiastical authority for public
use^ and the Genevan, which was the common Bible of
the people and even of scholars. If we may judge from
the editions published, the circulation of the latter was
more than quadruple that of the former, and the con
venient forms in which it appeared marked its popular
destination. There are only seven editions of the Bishops'
Bible in quarto ; all the others (eleven) are in folio ; and
no small edition was printed after that prepared by
authority in 1584. Of the Genevan Bible, on the other
hand, there are between 1568 and 1611 sixteen editions
in octavo, fifty-two in quarto, and eighteen in folio^.

in use at
the accession
of y antes I.

' It would be interesting to deter
mine the texts followed by the Eliza
bethan divines. On this the editions
of the Parker Society, as far as I have
examined them, give no help. Mr
Anderson gives a few examples, II.
338. [According to Anderson the
Geneva Bible was quoted by Gervase
Babington, Bishop of Worcester, in
his Annotations on the Five Books of
Moses, and by George Abbot, after
wards Archbishop of Canterbury, in
his Commentary on Jonah (1600).
To these may be added John King,
afterwards Bishop of London, in his
Lectures on Jonas (1594). In an
article on the Authorisation of the
English Bible in Macmillan's Maga
zine for October, 1881, the present
Archbishop of Canterbury shews that
the Geneva version was used by
Bishop Andrews in sermons preached
in 1618, 1622, 1623, and 1624; by
Bishop Laud in 1621; by Bishop
Carieton in 1624; by Bishop Hall
in 1613 and 1624; and by Dean
Williams in 1624. In Hall's Medi
tations the headings are from the

Authorised Version, but the quota
tions are almost always from the
Geneva. The Archbishop examined
more than fifty sermons preached
between i6n and 1630, and found
that the texts of 27 were taken from
the Geneva and only five from the
Bishops' Bible. An independent ex
amination which I made of the Ser
mons of Bishop Andrews, ranging
from 1589 to 1624, proved that a
very large majority of his texts were
taken from the Genevan Bible, and
that though he was one of the trans
lators of the Authorised Version, he
seldom preached from it. The text
of his Funeral Sermon by Bishop
Buckeridge in 1626 was taken from
the Bishops' Bible.]
2 Fulke describes it on the title-
page of his Text of the New Testa
ment, &c., 1589, as 'the Translation
' ...commonly used in the Church of
'England,' and at the beginning of
the text ' the translation of the Church
'of England.'
' This calculation is only approxim
ately true. Mr F. Fry informs me

Io8 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
Proposals This rivalry was in every way undesirable; and in
revision of the Conference on ecclesiastical matters which was held
at Hampton Court shortly after the accession of James I,
the authorised version of the Bible was brought forward
as one of the things ' amiss in the Church.' The con
ference had no official or constitutional 'character, and
was summoned by the king's proclamation, who had
not yet himself been recognized as king by Parliament
But though it proved ineffectual in all other points, we
yan. i6, owe to it our present Bible. The question was brought
forward by Dr Reynolds, President of Corpus Christi
College, Oxford, who quoted several mistranslations from
the authorised Bibles'. ' My Lord of London (Bancroft)
' well added : That if every man's humour should be fol-
' lowed there would be no end of translating. Whereupon
'his Highness wished that some special pains should be
' taken in that behalf for one uniform translation — pro-
' fessing that he could never yet see a Bible well translated
' in English ; but the worst of all his Majesty thought the
' Geneva to be- — and this to be done by the best learned
' in both the Universities ; after them to be reviewed by
' the bishops and the chief learned of the Church ; from
' them to be presented to the Privy Council ; and lastly
' to be ratified by his royal authority ; and so this whole
' Church to be bound unto it and none other. Marry
that he has altogether sixty-six editions ' reason they were put from all other
in quarto, including those of later ' grounds, they had recourse at the
date, and that the whole number 'last, to this shift, that they could
must be at least seventy. [See p. 93, ' not with good conscience subscribe
note 3. ] 'to the Communion booke, since it
' Gal. iv. 25 ; Pss. cv. 28, cvi. 30. ' maintained the Bible as it was there
The account given in the Preface to ' translated, which was as they said,
the Authorised Version is somewhat 'a most cormpted translation. And
different from, though reconcileable ' although this was iudged to be but
with. Barlow's. ' The very Historicall ' a very poore and emptie shift ; yet
' trueth is, that vpon the importunate ' euen hereupon did his Maiestie be-
' petitions of the Puritanes, at his 'ginne to bethinke himselfe of the
' Maiesties comming to this Crowne, ' good that might ensue by a new
' the Conference at Hampton Court ' translation, and presenUy after gaue
'hauing bene appointed for hearing 'order for this Translation which is
' their complaints : when by force of ' now presented vnto thee.'

II]

THE AUTHORISED VERSION

109

' withal he gave this caveat, upon a word cast out by my
' lord of London, that no marginal notes should be added,
'having found in them which are annexed to the Geneva
'translation, which he saw in a Bible given him by an
' English lady, some notes very partial, untrue, seditious,
'and savouring too much of dangerous and traitorous
'conceits. As for example, Ex. i. 19; 2 Chron. xv. 16'.'
Nothing further was done at the conference, and the
ecclesiastical authorities do not appear to have been
anxious or even ready to engage in the proposed re
vision^- Bancroft had expressed what was probably a very
general feeling ; and in the Convocation which followed
shortly afterwards (March — July, 1604) it was enjoined TheHng
presses
that every parish as 'yet unfurnished of the Bible ol forward the
'the largest volume'' should provide one within a con
venient time, so that it seems unlikely that they even
expected that it would be speedily carried out. But

' Barlow's Sum and Substance of
the Conference. . . (printed in Cardwell's
Hist, of Conferences), pp. 187-8.
Mr Anderson claims for Dr Rey
nolds the honour of having proposed
originally that the translation should
be 'without any marginal notes' (11.
371). But the passage of Galloway
which he quotes, so far from professing
to give Reynolds' own scheme, gives
'the heads which his Majesty would
' have reformed at this time.' ' Sun-
' dry,' he continues, ' as they favoured,
'gave out copies of things here con-
' eluded ; whereupon myself took oc-
'casion, as I was an ear and eye
'witness, to set them down, and
'presented them to his Majesty, who
'with his own hand mended some
' things, and eked other things which
' I had omitted. Which corrected
' copy with his own hand I have, and
'of it have sent you herein the just
'transumpt word by word...' The
conclusion in question is : ' That a
'translation be made of the whole
' Bible, as consonant as can be to the
'original Hebrew and Greek; and

' this to be set out and printed without
' any marginal notes, and only to be
'used in all Churches of England in
'time of Divine Service' (Cardwell,
Hist, of Conferences, pp. 213, 214).
2 Still in the note which was made
apparently by Bancroft himself of
'things as shall be reformed,' occurs
' One uniform translation of the Bible
' to be made, and only to be used in
' all the churches of England ' (Card-
well, Hist, of Conferences, p. 142).
' Canon 80. From a comparison
with Whitgift's injunctions (p. 102) the
reference is probably to the Bishops'
Bible. But Dr Reynolds' quotations
from the Great Bibles ' allowed in
' the reign of Henry VIII and Ed-
•ward VI,' as still pubhcly used,
shew that these had not been done
away with or forbidden.
It is worthy of notice that in
Archbp. Bancroft's visitation articles
of 1605 the ' Bible of the greatest
' volume ' is not mentioned as in the
corresponding articles of Cranmer
and Whitgift (§ 48. Cardwell's Doc.
Ann. ed. i, II. no).

no

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

An immed
iate pro
vision for
the revisers
proposed.

about the same time the king had matured his scheme.
It is not known in what manner the scholars to be en
trusted with the revision were selected. It appears how
ever that some were submitted to the king who approved
of the choice, and the list was complete by June 30th.
The undertaking was no doubt really congenial to James'
character, and Bancroft writing to Cambridge on that day
to hasten on its execution adds, ' I am persuaded his
' royal mind rejoiceth more in the good hope which he
'hath for the happy success of that work, than of his
' peace concluded with Spain'.' Three weeks afterwards
(July 22nd) the king wrote to Bancroft, who was acting as
representative of the vacant see of Canterbury, announcing
that he had ' appointed certain learned men, to the number
' of four and fifty, for the translating of the Bible,' and
requiring him to take measures whereby he might be
able to recompense the translators by church preferment.
' Furthermore,' he adds, ' we require you to move all our
'bishops to inform themselves of all such learned men
'within their several dioceses, as, having especial skill in
' the Hebrew and Greek tongues, have taken pains in their
' private studies of the Scriptures for the clearing of any
' obscurities either in the Hebrew or in the Greek, or
'touching any difficulties or mistakings in the former
' English translation, which we have now commanded to be
' thoroughly viewed and amended, and thereupon to write
' unto them, earnestly charging them and signifying our
' pleasure therein that they send such their observations
' either to Mr Lively, our Hebrew reader in Cambridge,
' or to Dr Harding, our Hebrew reader in Oxford, or to
' Dr Andrews, dean of Westminster, to be imparted to the
' rest of their several companies ; that so our said intended
' translation may have the help and furtherance of all our
' principal learned men within this our kingdom V
Having provided in this manner for the future remu
neration of the scholars whose services he had engaged,

' [Quoted by Anderson,
from Lewis.]

II. 372, ''¦ Cardwell, Doc. Annals (ed. i\
II. 84.

II] THE AUTHORISED VERSION III
the king was equally prudent in endeavouring to obtain
the means of defraying their immediate expenses. These
'his majesty,' it is said, 'was very ready of his most
* princely disposition to have borne, but some of my lords,
'as things now go, did hold it inconvenient'; so 'he re-
* quested the bishops and chapters to contribute toward
' this work,' with the additional stimulus that ' his majesty
' would be acquainted with every man's liberality.' Bancroft,
in communicating this notice to the different dignitaries to
whom it applied, adds, ' I do not think that a thousand
'marks will finish the work,' so that the amount of the
tax might not be left altogether in uncertainty'. But in
spite of the royal request nothing seems to have been
subscribed, and from the life of one of the translators it
appears that they received nothing but free entertainment
in the colleges till some of them met in London for the
final revision of the work^.
It does not appear in what way the actual selection Therevisers
of the revisers was made, but it is most likely that names
were suggested by the universities and approved by the
king. There is also some discrepancy as to the number
engaged upon the work. The king speaks of fifty-four,
and only forty-seven names appear upon the list. It is
possible that some were originally appointed who did not
in the end take any part in the revision, or that a com
mittee of bishops was chosen as an independent group
of revisers ; but no satisfactory solution of the difficulty
has yet been proposed'. The delay, however, which took
place in the commencement of the revision is sufficient
to account for its existence ; for though the preliminaries
were settled before the end of 1604, the revision does not
appear to have been seriously undertaken till 1607^. The
' Cardwell, /. c. 87 ff. ' so potent ' in pressing his corrections
'^ Walker's Life of Boys, quoted by that there was no contradicting him
Anderson, 11. 381. [See p. irS.] (Dr Hill quoted by Mr Anderson, 11.
' Of the bishops, Bancroft, though 378).
not among the translators, is said to ¦> Some of the revisers may indeed
have ' altered the translation in four- have begun their work at once. Thus
'teen places' to make it 'speak the pre- Boys is said to have worked for four
'latical language,' and to have been years before the final revision, which

chosen.

112

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

The revisers
divided into
six groups.

death of Mr Lively in 1605 was no doubt a grave check
to the progress of the scheme, and it is not hard to imagine
other obstacles which may have hindered it.
When at length the whole plan was ready for exe
cution, the translators were divided into six companies,
of which two met respectively at Westminster, Cambridge,
and Oxford, and the whole work was thus divided among
them'- ' Dr L. Andrews, Dean of Westminster.
Dr J. Overall, Dean of St Paul's.
Dr A. de Saravia, Canon of Canterbury.
Dr R. Clark, Fellow of Christ's Coll., Camb. Genesis
Dr J. Layfield, Fellow of Trin. Coll., Camb. to
Dr R. Teigh, Archdeacon of Middlesex. ( 2 Kings
Mr F. Burleigh, Pemb. Hall, Camb., D.D. 1607 inclusive.
Mr Geoffrey King, Fellow of King's Coll., Camb.
Mr Thompson, Clare Hall, Camb.^
Mr Bedwell.

c
-4-)

took nine months (Life, quoted by
Anderson, II. 381). But the transla
tors fix about two years and three-
quarters as the length of time spent
on the revision. See p. 116.
' This list is taken chiefly from
Dr Cardwell's reprint of Burnet's list
(Doc. Annals, ed. 2, II. 140 ff.). It
is only approximately correct, and
does not suit exactly the date 1604,
as Barlow was not then Dean of
Chester, nor 1607, when Mr Lively
was dead. [Barlow was installed
Dean of Chester 12 June, 1602, and
in May, 1605, was elected Bishop of
Rochester. Lively died in the be
ginning of May, 1605. The list is
therefore correct for 1604.] Two
other names, Dr J. Aglionby and
Dr L. Hutton, are given elsewhere,
in place of Dr Eedes and Dr Ravens.
See Cardwell, l.c. ed. 2, p. 144 n.
[and Wood's Hist, and Ant. of the
Univ. of Oxford, ed. Gutch, 11. 283].
The spelling of the names, it scarcely
need be added, varies considerably.
[According to Clark's Register of the

University of Oxford, vol. 11. part i,
p. 141 (quoted by Dr Lupton in his
article on the English Versions in
Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible),
on ' 14 May 1605 Arthur Lakes,
'M.A. New College was allowed
'B.D. and D.D., deferring the exer-
'cises for both; because engaged on
' the translation of the New Testament
' at London.' In a letter from Bishop
Bilson to Sir Thomas Lake (Calen
dar of State Papers, Domestic Series,
19 April, 1605), also quoted by Dr
Lupton, George Ryves of New Col
lege (D.D. 1599) '^ mentioned as a
translator. These names are not in
the usual lists. I have not found that
similar dispensations were granted at
Cambridge, but 'about 160S there
' was a decree of the Chapter of York
' to keep a residentiary's place for
'Andrew Byng, as he was then oc-
' cupied in translating the Bible.
(Notes and Queries, 3rd Series, IV.
380.)] = On Richard Thomson ('Dutch
' Thomson ') see a collection of ma-

II]

THE AUTHORLSED VERSION

113

I Chron. to
Eccles.
inclusive.

Isaiah to
Malachi.

Mr Lively, Fellow of Trin. Coll.
Mr Richardson, afterwards Master of Trin. Coll.
Mr Chatterton, Master of Emm. Coll.
Mr Dillingham, Fellow of Christ's Coll.
Mr Harrison, Vice-Master of Trin. Coll.
Mr Andrews, afterwards Master of Jesus Coll.
Mr Spalding, Fellow of St John's.
I Mr Byng, Fellow of St Peter's Coll.
Dr Harding, Pres. of Magd. Coll.
Dr Reynolds, Pres. of Corpus Christi Coll.
Dr Holland, afterwards Rector of Ex. Coll.
Dr Kilbye, Rector of Lincoln Coll.
Dr Miles Smith, Brasenose Coll.
Dr R. Brett, Fellow of Lincoln Coll.
Mr Fairclough, Fellow of New Coll.
Dr Duport, Master of Jesus Coll.
Dr Branthwait, Master of Caius Coll.
Dr Radcliffe, Fellow of Trin. Coll.
Dr Ward, afterwards Master of Sid. Coll.
Mr Downes, Fellow of St John's Coll.'
Mr Boys, Fellow of St John's CoU.^
Mr Ward, Fellow of King's Coll.
( Dr T. Ravis, Dean of Ch. Ch.
Dr G. Abbot, Dean of Winchester.
[Dr R. Eedes, Dean of Worcester.]
Dr G. Thompson, Dean of Windsor.
Mr (Sir H.) Savile, Provost of Eton.
Dr Perin, Fellow of St John's Coll.
[Dr Ravens, Fellow of St John's Coll.]
Dr Harmer, Fellow of New Coll.
( Dr W. Barlow, Dean of Chester'.
Dr Hutchinson, Archdeacon of St Alban's.
Dr John Spencer, Pres. of Corp. Chr. Coll. Ox,
Dr Roger Fenton, Fellow of Pemb. Hall, Camb
Mr Michael Rabbett, Trin. Coll. Camb.
Mr Sanderson, Balliol Coll. Oxford, D.D. 1605,
I Mr Dakins, Fellow of Trin. Coll. Cambridge.
terials for a memoir by the Rev. of St John's College, pp. 598 f.
J. E. B. Mayor in N. and g. 2 S. ^ On Mr John Bois see Mr Mayor,
ix. 155 ff.; 237 ff. l.c.
' On Mr Andrew Downes see Mr " [An interesting document in the
Mayor's edition of Baker's History Lambeth Palace Library contains

The
Apocry pha.

The four
Gospels, Acts,
Apoca lypse.

Romans to
Jude
inclusive.

w.

114 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CM.
Linguistic Of those scholars many (as Andrews, Overall, Savile,
attainments ,-,., ,-, i-
ofthe and Reynolds) have obtained an enduring reputation apart
revisers. ,.,,,,
from this common work in which they were associated.
Others, whose names are less familiar, were distinguished
for special acquirements requisite for their task. Lively,
Spalding, King, and Byng were successively professors
of Hebrew at Cambridge, and Harding and Kilbye at
Oxford. Harmer and Perrin were professors of Greek at
Oxford, and Downes at Cambridge ; Bedwell was the
most distinguished Arabic scholar of the time. Saravia
was an accomplished modern linguist. Thompson (Camb.),
Chatterton, Smith, and Boys were equally distinguished
for their knowledge of ancient languages. It is one sign
of the large choice of Hebraists which was offered at the
time that Boys, who was especially famous for oriental
learning, was originally employed upon the Apocrypha.
Theinstruc- No doubt Can be entertained as to the ability and
fo^tS""^ acquirements of the revisers. At the same time care was
taken to check individual fancies. Their duty was ac
curately defined in a series of rules which were drawn up
probably under the direction of Bancroft. These provide
for an elaborate scheme of revision as well as furnish
general directions for the execution of the work'.
I. 'The ordinary Bible read in the Church, commonly
'called the Bishops' Bible, to be followed, and as little
' altered as the truth of the original will permit.
2. ' The names of the prophets and the holy writers,
' with the other names of the text to • be retained as
some notes on the translators of the 1650. It is in some places difficult
Authorised Version which are printed to decipher.]
in Appendix xii. All that can be ' The text of the rules varies in
ascertained about them from internal different books. I have followed
evidence is that they were written by Burnet, Hist, of Reformation, II.
a member of Emmanuel to a member App. p. 368, No. 10 (ed. 1681), who
of Trinity, perhaps Thomas Hill, quotes ' ex MS. D. Borlase.'
Master of the College, who came An account of the rules given by
from Emmanuel. The writer took the EngUsh Delegates to the Synod
his degree in 162 1, and so was a of Dort reduces the final number of
younger contemporary of the trans- the rules to seven. Anderson, II.
lators, and the document appears to 377. [See Appendix xin.]
have been written not long before

revision.

II] THE AUTHORISED VERSION II5
*nigh as may be, accordingly as they were vulgarly
' used. 3. 'The old ecclesiastical words to be kept, viz. the <!:^
" word Church not to be translated Congregation, &c.
4. ' When a word hath divers significations, that to be
' kept which hath been most commonly used by the most
'of the ancient fathers, being agreeable to the propriety
'of the place and the analogy of the faith.
5. ' The division of the chapters to be altered either
* not at all or as little as may be, if necessity so require.
6. ' No marginal notes at all to be affixed, but only
'¦ for the explanation of the Hebrew or Greek words which
' cannot, without some circumlocution, so briefly and fitly
'be expressed in the text.
7. ' Such quotations of places to be marginally set
' down as shall serve for the fit reference of one Scripture
' to another.
8. ' Every particular man of each company to take
' the same chapter or chapters ; and having translated or
'amended them severally by himself where he thinketh
' good, all to meet together, confer what they have done,
'and agree for their parts what shall stand.
9. 'As any one company hath dispatched any one
' book in this manner, they shall send it to the rest to be
'considered of seriously and judiciously, for his majesty
'is very careful in this point.
10. ' If any company, upon the review of the book
'so sent, doubt or differ upon any place, to send them
' word thereof, note the place, and withal send the reasons ;
'to which if they consent not, the difference to be com-
' pounded at the general meeting, which is to be of the
' chief persons of each company at the end of the work.
II. ' When any place of special obscurity is doubted of,
' letters to be directed by authority to send to any learned
'man in the land for his judgment of such a place.
12. 'Letters to be sent from every bishop to the rest
'of his clergy, admonishing them of this translation in
'hand, and to move and charge as many as being skilful
8—2

Il6 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
' in the tongues and having taken pains in that kind, to
'send his particular observations to the company either
'at Westminster, Cambridge, or Oxford.
13. 'The directors in each company to be the Deans
' of Westminster and Chester for that place ; and the king's
' professors in the Hebrew or Greek in either university.
14. 'These translations to be used when they agree
3 ' better with the text than the Bishops' Bible : viz. Tindale's,
' Matthew's, Coverdale's, Whitchurch's, Geneva.
15. ' Besides the said directors before mentioned, three
' or four of the most ancient and grave divines in either
'of the universities, not employed in translating, to be
' assigned by the Vice-Chancellor upon conference with
' [the] rest of the Heads to be overseers of the translations,
' as well Hebrew as Greek, for the better observation of
'the fourth rule above specified'.'
I^ount'oF' ^^ *^ impossible to tell how far all these provisions
their work, .yj^ere adhered to. Almost all that is certainly known of
the proceedings of the revisers is contained in the noble
preface which the printers have removed from modern
editions of the Bible. In this Dr Miles Smith, afterwards
Bishop of Gloucester, writing in the name of his fellow-
labourers, gives some account of the time which was spent
upon the revision, and of the manner and spirit in which
it was executed. ' Neither did we,' he says, ' run ouer the
'worke with that posting haste that the Septuagint did,
'if that be true which is reported of them, that they
'finished it in 72. days  The worke hath not been-
' hudled vp in 72. dayes, but hath cost the workemen, as
'light as it seemeth, the paines of twise seuen times
' seuentie two dayes and more ' (about two years and nine
months). 'We are so farre off,' he writes again, 'from
'condemning any of their labours that traueiled before
' vs in this kinde, either in this land or beyond sea, either
'in King Henries time or King Edwards (if there were
' This last rule appears to have been Historical Account, p. 153 [Bagster's,
added afterwards, when the practical Hexapla, ed. 1841].
difficulty of Rule 4 began to be felt.

II] THE AUTHORISED VERSION 117
' any translation, or correction of a translation in his time)
'or Queene Elizabeths of euer-renoumed memorie, that
' we acknowledge them to haue beene raised vp of God,
' for the building and furnishing of his Church, and that
'they deserue to be had of vs and of posterity in euer-
' lasting remembrance'  Still, 'let vs rather blesse
' God from the ground of our heart, for working this
' religious care in him [the King], to haue the translations
' of the Bible maturely considered of and examined. For
' by this meanes it commeth to passe, that whatsoeuer is
' sound alreadie (and all is sound for substance, in one or
' other of our editions, and the worst of ours farre better /
'then their [the Romanists'] autentike vulgar) the same
'will shine as gold more brightly, being rubbed and
' pohshed ; also, if any thing be halting, or superfluous,
'or not so agreeable to the originall, the same may bee
'corrected, and the trueth set in place...' And thus,
summing up all briefly, he says, ' Truly, (good Christian
'Reader,) we neuer thought from the beginning, that we
' should neede to make a new Translation, nor yet to make
'of a bad one a good one  but to make a good one
'better, or out of many good ones, one principall good
' one, not iustly to be excepted against : that hath bene
'our indeauour, that our marke. To that purpose there
' were many chosen, that were greater in other mens eyes
' then in their owne, and that sought the truth rather then
'their own praise  Neither did wee thinke much to con-
' suit the Translators or Commentators, Chaldee, Hebrewe,
'Syrian, Greeke, or Latine, no nor the Spanish, French,
'Italian, or Dutch [German]'; neither did we disdaine to
' Selden, in his Table Talk, has ' well as King James's. The Trans-
given a similar account of the pro- ' lation in King James' time took an
ceeding of the translators, wjiich he ' excellent way. That part of the
may have received from someone ' Bible was given to him who was
who was engaged in the work : 'The ' most excellent in such a tongue (as
' English Translation of the Bible is ' the Apocrypha to Andrew Downs)
'tiie best Translation in the World 'and then they met together, and
¦and renders the Sense of the Origi- 'one read the Translation, the rest
'nal best, taking in for the English 'holding in their hands some Bible,
'Translation the Bishops' Bible as 'either of the learned Tongues, or

Ii8

THE PRINTED BIBLE

[CH.

' reuise that which we had done, and to bring back to the
'anuill that which we had hammered: but hauing and
' vsing as great helpes as were needfull, and fearing no
' reproch for slownesse, nor coueting praise for expedi-
'tion, wee haue at the length, through the good hand
' of the Lord vpon vs, brought the worke to that passe
' that you see.'
Therevision When the rcvisiou was completed at the different
prepared
forthepress. ccntrcs, ' two mombors were chosen from each company''
to superintend the final preparation of the work for the
press in London ; and ' Three copies of the whole Bible
'were sent there, one from Cambridge, a second from
' Oxford, and a third from Westminster^' It is not likely
that this committee did more than, arrange the materials
which were already collected ; but whatever their work
was, it was completed in nine months, and the whole
labour of the revision was thus brought to a successful
end^

' French, Spanish, Italian, &c. : if
' they found any fault they spoke,
' if not he read on ' ( Table Talk, p. 20,
ed. 1868).
' As the revisers were ' six in all,'
it is evident that by ' company ' we
must understand ' centre ' : i.e. Oxford,
Cambridge and Westminster.
2 Walker's Life of Boys [in Peck's
Desiderata Curiosd\, quoted by Ander
son, II. 381.
" It is remarkable that none of the
many copies of the Bishops' Bible
used for the revision have yet been
discovered. There is an interest
ing volume in the Bodleian Library
(Bishops' Bible, Barker, 1602), which
has been commonly but certainly
wrongly supposed to be one of the
copies prepared for the press. The
text is corrected throughout some
books to the Royal Version; and in
some cases letters are attached (g, j, t)
which appear to indicate the sources
from which the corrections were de
rived. Mr J. Wordsworth, Fellow of

Brasenose [now Bishop of Salisbury],
has kindly given me the following sum
mary of the extent of the corrections :
Gen. i. — xxv. with g, j, t, and per
haps another letter.
Gen. xxvi. to Joshua inclusive with
g (j again from Deut. xxxii. to end).
Judges — Is. iv. corrected without
added letters; and so also
Jer. i. — iv.
Ezech. i. — iv.
Dan. i. — iv.
The Minor Prophets.
St Matthew, St Mark, St Luke.
St John xvii. to end.
There are also two notes on Eph.
iv. 8, 2 Thess. ii. 15.
From collations which I owe to
the great kindness of the Rev. H. 0-
Coxe, the Bodleian Librarian, it is
certain that 'g' marks corrections
obtained from the Genevan Version.
The materials which I have are not
as yet sufficient to identify 't' and
'j.' [They are probably Tremellius
and Junius.]

II] THE AUTHORISED VERSION ng
The revised version appeared at length from the press TheRoyai
of R. Barker, in 1611. The book is said to be 'Newly Sf*"*"
'Translated out of the Originall Tongues; And with the
'former Translations, diligently compared and reuised, by
' his Maiesties speciall Commandement' A further notice
adds that it is 'Appointed to be read in Churches.' From
what has been said, it will appear with what limitations the
first statement must be interpreted. The second is more *
difficult of explanation ; for no evidence has yet been
produced to shew that the version was ever publicly
sanctioned by Convocation or by Parliament, or by the
Privy Council, or by the king. It gained its currency
partly, it may have been, by the weight of the king's
name, partly by the personal authority of the prelates
and scholars who had been engaged upon it, but still
more by its own intrinsic superiority over its rivals.
Copies of the 'whole Bible of the largest volume and
'latest edition' are required to be in churches by the
Visitation Articles of Laud 1622 (St David's), 1628
(London). In the Scotch Canons of 1636 it is said still
more distinctly that ' the Bible shall be of the translation
'of King James' (Cap. 16, § i). Similar provisions are,
I believe, contained in the Visitation Articles of London
161 2, and Norwich 1619; but these I have been unable
to see. The printing of the Bishops' Bible was at once stayed siowpro-
when the new version was definitely undertaken. No version

towctrds
edition is given in the lists later than 1606', though the universal
New Testament from it was reprinted as late as 161 8 or
The history of the book is un- hand: those in the N.T. are in a
known ; but the occurrence, of the different hand and ' considerably more
reference-letters is at least a certain ' modem.'
proof that it was not designed for ' [An edition of 1606 is mentioned
the press. In all probability it con- in the Catalogue of the Duke of
tains simply a scholar's collation of Sussex's Library, but this is probably
the Royal and Bishops' texts, with an an error and the Geneva Bible of that
attempt to trace the origin of the year was intended. A copy of this
corrections. was sold when the Duke's Library
The corrections throughout the was dispersed.]
O. T. are apparently in the same

I20 THE PRINTED BIBLE [CH.
1619'. So far ecclesiastical influence naturally reached.
But it was otherwise with the Genevan Version, which was
chiefly confined to private use. This competed with the
* King's Bible for many years, and it was not till about
the middle of the century that it was finally displaced.
And thus, at the very time when the monarchy and
the Church were, as it seemed, finally overthrown, the
English people by their silent and unanimous acceptance
of the new Bible gave a spontaneous testimony to the
principles of order and catholicity of which both were
an embodiment.
A new Some steps indeed were taken for a new version during
revision » t t^ ,
propesed. the time of the Commonwealth. The Long Parliament
shortly before it was dissolved (April, 1653) made an order
that 'a Bill should be brought in for a new translation
' of the Bible out of the original tongues,' but nothing
yan. 16, more was done at that time". Three years afterwards the
1656 (i.e. ¦'
1657). scheme was revived, and Whitelocke has preserved an
interesting account of the proceedings which followed.
' At the grand committee [of the House] for Religion,
'ordered That it be referred to a sub-committee to send
'for and advise with Dr [Brian] Walton, Mr Hughes,
'Mr [Edmund] Castle, Mr [Samuel] Clark, Mr Poulk',
' Dr [Ralph] Cudworth, and such others as they shall think
' fit, and to consider of the Translations and impressions
'of the Bible, and to offer their opinions thereon to this
' Committee ; and that it be especially commended to
' the Lord Commissioner Whitelocke to take care of this
' business.
Feb. 6. ' This committee often met at Whitelocke's house, and
'had the most learned men in the Oriental tongues to
' consult with in this great business, and divers excellent
' and learned observations of some mistakes in the Trans-
' lations of the Bible in English ; which yet was agreed
' [See Dore's Old Bibles, 2nd ed., " Lewis, History of Translations,
pp. 278—79. In Fulke's Defence of 354.
the English Translations it was re- * Mr J. E. B. Mayor informs me
printed as late as 1633.] that this can be nothing but an error
for Mr [Matthew] Poole.

II] THE AUTHORISED VERSION 12 1
' to be the best of any Translation in the world ; great
'pains was taken in it, but it became fruitless by the
' Parliament's Dissolution'.'
With this notice the external history of the English
Version appropriately ends^ From the middle of the rheRoyat
\ 1 -rr ' i T-» • 1 1 1 Bible un-
seventeenth century, the Kings Bible has been the animotisiyreceived
acknowledged Bible of the English -speaking nations from the
o 1 o jniddle of
throughout the world simply because it is the best. A re- '''^ ^i*^
^ ^ _ *¦ ^ century.
vision which embodied the ripe fruits of nearly a century
of labour, and appealed to the religious instinct of a great
Christian people, gained by its own internal character
a vital authority which could never have been secured
by any edict of sovereign rulers^
' Whitelocke, j?/i?»?on'o/j(ed. 1682), practicable. He afterwards pubUshed
p. 645. translations of Daniel, Ecclesiastes,
2 Since the first edition of this book Lamentations, and Job, and ofi'ered
appeared the work of revision has his help towards the execution of
been resumed [1872]. See App. ix. the royal version. His overbearing
^ The labours of Hugh Broughton temper, as it appears, caused him to
on the English Bible ought not to be be excluded from the work ; but his
passed over without notice. This printed renderings were not without
great Hebraist violently attacked the influence upon the revisers : e.g. Dan.
Bishops' Bible, and sketched a plan iii. 5. Lewis, Hist, of Translations,
for a new version which his own ar- 297 ff.
rogance was sufiicient to make im-

CHAPTER in.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
Oh, if we draw a circle premature
Heedless of far gain,
Greedy for quick returns of profit, sure
Bad is our bargain !
Was it not great? did not he throw on God,
(He loves the burthen) —
God's task to make the heavenly period
Perfect the earthen 
That low man seeks a little thing to do,
Sees it and does it :
This high man, with a great thing to pursue,
Dies ere he knows it 
That has the world here — should he need the next.
Let the world mind him !
This throws himself on God, and unperplext
Seeking shall find Him 
Lofty designs must close in like effects :
Loftily lying.
Leave him — still loftier than the world suspects,
Living and dying.
Browning, Dramatis Personce, A Grammarian's Funeral.

CHAPTER in.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE.
Such in a general outline was the external history of Revivaiof
the English Bible. We have still to inquire how it was Greek and
Hebrew.
made ? with what helps ? on what principles ? by what
laws it was modified from time to time? and how far
our authorised version bears in itself the traces of its
gradual formation? To some of these questions only
tentative or imperfect answers can be rendered at pre
sent ; yet it is something to clear the way to a fuller
investigation ; and when once the novelty and complication
of the problems become evident, it cannot fail but that
a combination of labour will achieve their complete solu
tion. Hitherto nothing has been done systematically
towards the work. A few vague surmises and hasty
generalizations have gained unchallenged currency and
stopped thorough search ; yet when viewed simply in its
literary aspect, the history of the growth of the authorised
text involves a more comprehensive and subtle criticism,
and is therefore filled with a deeper interest, than any ,
similar history. Each revision stands in a definite relation -^
to a particular position of the English Church, and may
be expected to reflect its image in some degree. More
over we possess the work at each stage of its structure
and not only in its final completeness. Each part can
be examined as it was first planned and executed, and not
only as it was finally incorporated into a more complex
whole. We can even determine the materials out of which
it was raised, and the various resources of which its
authors could avail themselves at each point of their task.

126 history of the ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
For us the result stands now amidst the accumulated
treasures of later researches. But if we would appreciate
it rightly in itself we must once again surround it by the
conditions under which it was obtained.
Problems The closc of the 15th century sealed a revolution in
involved m
theinterTuii Europc. The ecclesiastical language of the West had
Bibf"^''^'' S'^^"^ place to or at least admitted into fellowship the
sacred languages of the East. It was in vain that the
more ignorant of the clergy denounced Greek and Hebrew
as the fatal sources of heathenism and Judaism ; it was
vain that they could be popularly represented as emblems
of apostate peoples of GOD while the Latin symbolized
the faithful : the noblest and most far-seeing scholars,
lay or cleric, recognized in the new learning a handmaid
of religion, and took measures for its honourable admission
into the circle of liberal education. In his University at
Aicaia. Alcala the great Cardinal Ximenes made provision for the
teaching of Hebrew and Greek with Latin, and consecrated
Louvain. the study in his noble Polyglott. At Louvain a foundation
for the like purpose was added to the University about
1 5 16 by Busleiden. Wolsey appears to have contemplated
Oxford. a similar course in his College at Oxford, where he founded
in 15 19 a chair of Greek'. When complaints were made,
Henry, acting no doubt under his inspiration, enjoined
that ' the study of the Scriptures in the original languages
' should not only be permitted for the future, but received
'as a branch of the academical institution^' The work of
Wolsey was left unfinished, but it is not without interest
to find among his canons two, John Fryth and Richard
Taverner, who became afterwards distinguished for their
labours in the translation of Scripture, and at least
seven others who were sufferers by the first persecution
which followed after the introduction of Tindale's New
Testament'. Thus everywhere men were being disciplined
for rendering the original text of the Bible into the
' Bp. Fox had founded one two ' Compare the lists given by Ander-
years earlier, in 1517. son, i. pp. 86, 95.
^ Anderson, i. 26.

Ill] HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE 12/
living languages of Europe, and at the end of the first
quarter of the i6th century sufficient materials were
gathered for the accomplishment of their ofifice.
The appliances for the independent study of the Greek Hcipsto
of the New Testament and the Septuagint Version of *Greekf^°^
the Old were fairly adequate. Grammars were in wide
circulation, of which the earliest was that of Lascaris
(Milan, 1476), and the most enduring that of Clenardus
(Louvain, 1530). In the interval between the appearance
of these, numerous others were published in Italy, France,
and Germany'. The first lexicon of Craston (1480) was
republished in a more convenient form by Aldus (1497)
and supplemented by the important collections of Guarino
(Phavorinus) in his Etymologicum Magnum. But these
and all other earlier lexicons were eclipsed by the so-called
Commentaries of Budseus (Paris, 1529), a true Thesaurus
of Greek, which still remains a vast monument and store
house of learning. The very names of many of the great
German scholars shew the passion with which the study
was pursued. Melanchthon {Schwarzerd), CEcolampadius
{Hausschein), Capnio {Reuchlin), Erasmus {Gerhard), Cera-
tinus {Horn), are memorable instances to prove the power
of Greek to furnish home names to the Teutonic nations.
And though England can boast of no original Greek
works till a later time, yet Croke, a scholar of Grocyn,
first introduced a thorough knowledge of the language
into northern Germany, where, it is said, he was received
'like a heavenly messenger^'
The pursuit of Hebrew was not less flourishing in the Helps to the
North. In Italy Greek had been welcomed at first as Hebrew.
a new spring of culture. Beyond the Alps Greek and
Hebrew were looked upon as the keys to Divine Truth.
So it was that while Greek languished in Italy and
Hebrew scarcely gained a firm footing among the mass
of students ; in Germany both were followed up with an

'One at Wittenberg in je,ii. [Pan- ^Hallam, Introd. to Literature, 1.
zer, Ann. Typ. IX. 68, 17.] 268 n.

128

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Publications of the Latin,
Hebrew,and Greek
texts of the
Scriptures.

ardent zeal which for good alike and for evil is yet fruitful
in great issues. An Italian of the early part of the i6th
century instinctively marked the spiritual difference of the
North and South when he observed that in Germany
Hebrew was prized in the same manner as Latin in Italy.
Thus the early translators of the Old Testament found
materials already fitted for their use. The first Hebrew
grammar was composed by Pellican (1503). This was
followed by that of Reuchlin, with a dictionary, in 1506.
Another by S. Miinster appeared in 1525, who published
also a Chaldee grammar in 1527. Pagninus, the translator
of the Bible, added a new dictionary in 1529. The great
Complutensian Polyglott (published 1520, finished 1517)
contained a Latin translation of the Targum of Onkelos
and a complete Lexicon to the Hebrew and Chaldee
texts, with a Hebrew grammar.
In the mean time, while all the chief classical authors
had been published, the original texts and some of the
ancient versions of Holy Scripture had also become
accessible. The Latin Vulgate is supposed to have been
the first book printed {c. 1455), and this first edition was
followed by a multitude of others, in some of which, and
notably in the Latin text of the Complutensian Polyglott,
old manuscripts were used.
The Hebrew of the Old Testament was first published
completely at Soncino in 1488. Many other editions
followed, which were crowned by the great Rabbinical
Bibles of Bomberg in 15 17 and 1525 : these were furnished
with the Targums and the commentaries of the greatest
early Jewish scholars. Complete Latin translations from
the Hebrew were made by Sanctes Pagninus (1527), and
by Sebast. Miinster (1534-5). Considerable portions were
rendered afresh in Latin by Zwingli and CEcolampadius;
and single books by many writers before 1535. The
Septuagint was contained in the Complutensian Polyglott,
and in a distinct text in the edition of Aldus 15 18. The
Greek Testament appeared for the first time many years
after the Latin and Hebrew texts, edited by Erasmus

in] HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE 1 29
with a new Latin translation in 15 16'. A second edition! ^
followed in 15 19: a third, which may be considered his
standard edition, in 1522; and others in 1527, and 1535.
An edition from the press of Aldus with some variations '
appeared together with the Septuagint in 15 18. The
Complutensian Polyglott printed in 15 14, in which there
is an independent text of the New Testament, was not
published till 1520. Other editions followed soon after
which have little or no independent value.
It remains only to characterize generally the critical
value of these editions. The Hebrew text of the Old
Testament edited by [Jacob] Ben Chayim (1525) is sub
stantially good. Indeed as Hebrew Manuscripts all belong
to a comparatively late recension the extent of real varia
tion between them is limited. The Latin texts accessible
in the first half of the i6th century were indifferent.
The Greek texts of the New Testament, and this is most
important, were without exception based on scanty and
late manuscripts, without the help of the oriental versions
and the precious relics of the Old Latin. As a necessary
consequence they are far from correct, and if the variations
are essentially unimportant as a whole, yet the errors in
the text of our English Testament inherited from them
are considerably more important than the existing errors
of translation. Such were the materials which the first great Reformers The first
independent
found to help them in their work of rendering the original ^^^
Scriptures into their own languages. Before the English ,
labourers entered the field it was already occupied.
Numerous students in Germany had translated separate
books when Luther commenced the work which he was /
enabled to carry to a successful end. Luther's New SLuther.
Testament appeared in 1522 as the fruit of his seclusion '
in the Wartburg, and, like Tindale's, anonymously. The
Pentateuch followed in 1523. The Historical books and the
Hagiographa in 1524. The Prophets at various intervals
' In the same year appeared his portant of the Fathers for a translator
edition of St Jerome, the most im- of the Bible.
W. 9

130

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Zurich Bible.

Worms
Bible.

French translations.

(Jonah in 1526) afterwards; and the whole work in 1534.
The second revised edition did not appear till 1541.. But
in the meanwhile a band of scholars at Zurich, including
Zwingli, Pellican, and Leo Juda, had taken Luther's work
as the basis of a new translation up to the end of the
Hagiographa, and completed, it by an original translation
of the Prophets and the Apocrypha. This was published
in fragments from 1524 — 1529, and first completely in two
forms in the latter year. It was republished in 1530, and
with a new translation of the Hagiographa in 1531, and
often afterwards*. Another German Bible with an original
translation of the Prophets appeared at Worms in 1529I
The French translation of Lefevre (Faber Stapulensis)
was made (1523 — 1534) from the Vulgate, and was not
an independent work: that of Olivetan (Neuchitel, 1535)
is said to have been based in the Old Testament on
Sanctes Pagninus, and in the New on Lefevre'.
The works of the first German translators, or at
least of Luther, must then be added to those previously
enumerated as accessible to Tindale^ during the execution

' The editions which I have used
are those of 1530 and 1534. I have
not been able to consult the small
edition of 1529 with glosses [they are
but few] ; nor have I collated the two
editions or determined how far the
translation in the earlier books differs
as a whole from Luther's. The differ
ence in isolated passages is very con
siderable. ^ This edition I have not used. [It
is substantially a reprint of the i6mo.
Zurich Bible of 1527-9 (see Panzer,
Entwurfeiner vollstdndigen Geschichte
der deutschen Bibeliibersetzungen D.
Martin Luthers, 2te Ausg., p. 254,
&c.).] ' I have not examined Lef^vre's
translation; and am ignorant also of
the real character of Bruccioli's Italian
version (1530 — 1532), which is said to
have been made from the original.
£The marginal notes in the 1534

edition of Lefevre were largely used
in Matthew's Bible of r537. In the
Old Testament Bruccioli is dependent
greatly on Pagninus.]
* The Wyclifiite Versions do not
seem to have exercised any influence ,
on the later English Versions, unless
an exception be made in the case
of the Latin-English Testament ot
Coverdale mentioned above. The
coincidences of rendering between this
and Purvey are frequently remarkable,
but as both literally reproduce the
Vulgate I have been unable to find
(so far as I have examined them) any
certain proof of the dependence of one
on the other.
As far as Tindale is concerned—
and his work was the undoubted.basis
of the later revisions — ^his ovm words
are sufiicient: ' I had,' he says in the
New Testament (1525), 'no man to
'counterfet [imitate], nether was

Ill] TINDALE 131
of his Version of the New Testament. Luther's name was
indeed at the time identified with the idea of vernacular
versions of Scripture, and it is not surprising that More
affirmed that Tindale's work was a translation of Luther's,
an assertion in which he has been followed by writers
who have less excuse'. What Tindale's version really .
was we have now to inquire.

§ I. Tindale.
All external evidence goes to prove Tindale's originality Tindaie
o .* acquainted
as a translator^- He had, as we have seen, formed his with Greek
andHebrew.
purpose of translating the New Testament before he could
have heard of Luther's', and in the year in which that
appeared (1522) went up to London with a translation
from Isocrates as a proof of his knowledge of Greek.
His knowledge of Hebrew and Greek is also incidentally
attested by the evidence of Spalatinus', of his opponent
Joye', and yet more clearly by the steady confidence with
which he deals with points of Hebrew and Greek philo- i-
logy when they casually arise. Thus after defending his r~~
rendering of presbyteros (elder), charis (favour), agape "*
(love), &c. against Sir T. More he says (1530): 'These
' things to be even so Mr More knoweth well enough : for
' holpe with englysshe of eny that ' Matthews's Bible, from the name of
' had interpreted the same, or soche ' the printer, though in substance the
'lyke thige i the scripture before- ' same as Tyndale's, was superintend-
'tyme.' (Epistle to the Reader, i. p. 'ed by Rogers...' (Introd. to Lit. 1.
390, Parker Soc. ed.) See p. 140 373.) It is impossible that he could
and App. vni. have examined any one of the books
' Hallam's account is so amazing of which he thus summarily disposes.
fi-om the complication of blunders ^ For the part which Joye had in
which it involves that it deserves to the work of preparing the translation
be quoted as a curiosity. ' From this see Preface to the Parable of the Wicked
'translation [Luther's], and from the Mammon.
'Latin Vulgate, the English one of ^ See above, p. 26.
' Tyndale and Coverdale, published * See above, p. 35 n.
''" '535. or 1536, is avowedly taken. "^ Anderson, i. 397.
'...That of 1537, commonly called

Luther.

132 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
'he understandeth the Greek, and he knew them long
._[ _ 'ere I'.' Again in an earlier work he writes (1528) : 'The
' Greeke tounge agreeth more with the English then wyth
'the Latin. And the properties of the Hebrue tounge
' agreeth a thousand tymes more wyth the Englishe, then
'wyth the Latyn V
Tindale's But the translation of the New Testament itself is the
Version
'^^h'^Vui- complete proof of its own independence. It is impossible
gateand ^-q j-g^d through a single chapter without gaining the
assurance that Tindale rendered the Greek text directly,
while he still consulted the Vulgate,, the Latin translation
of Erasmus, and the German of Luther. Thus taking
a chapter at random we find in Eph. iv. the following
certain traces of the peculiarities of the Greek which are
lost in the Vulgate and the translations made from it.
2 in... longe sufferynge, forbearige one another... cum pa-
tientia supportan tes... with pacience supportinge ech
other. . . (Wycliffe, Rheims).
4 even as...sicut...as (Wycliffe, Rheims).
8 and hath geven...dedit...he 3af... (Wycliffe, Rheims).
17 as wother gentyls. . .sicut et...ashethene men(WycHffe),
as also the Gentiles (Rheims).
27 backbyter. . .diabolo. ..the deuel (Wycliffe, Rheims).
2g filthy comunicacion  sermo mains  .yuel word
(Wycliffe): naughtie speache (Rheims).
— butt thatt whych is good to edefye with all, when
nedeys...seA si quis bonus ad sedificationemy?afe?...
but if ony is good to the edificacioun (p/y^^V/^ (Wycliffe);
but if there be any good to the edifying of the faith
(Rheims).
And so again Tindale's rendering of vv. 5, 12, 14, 22
might come from the Greek but hardly from the Latin.
On the other hand it is evident that he had the Vulgate
before him, and that he owed to it the rendering 'blind-
\ I ' Answer to Sir T. More, in. p. 23 Compare Answer to More, p. 75-
(ed. Park. Soc). Prologue to St Matthew, I. p. 468
^ Obedience of a Christian Man (Park. Soc).
(Pref. to Reader, p. 102, ed. 1573).

Ill]

TINDALE

133

'ness of their hearts' (caecitatem), which has wrongly
retained its place in the Authorised Version.
From Luther the same chapter differs in the entire
complexion of the rendering and unequivocally in the
interpretation of the following passages :
5 Let ther be but one lorde... Ein Herr...
13 tyll we everychone {in the vnitie of fayth...) growe
vppe vnto a parfayte man... bis dass wir alle hinan
kommen zu einerlei glauben...2<«^ ein voUkommener
Mann werden...
21 as the trueth is in Iesu...wie in lesu ein rechtschaffenes
Wesen ist.
24 in ryghtewesnes, and true holynes... in rechtschaffener
Gerechtigkeit und Heiligkeit...
A continuous passage will place the substantial inde- The vui-
pendence of Tindale in a still clearer light'. Luther, Tindale.

Vulgate.
13 Nunc autem in
Christo Jesu vos
qui aliquando eratis
longe, facti estis
prope in sanguine
Christi. 14 Ipse enim est
pax nostra, qui fecit
utraque unum, et
medium parietem
macerise solvens,

15 inimicitias m
carne sua,

Tindale (1525).
13 But nowe in
Christ lesu, ye
whych a whyle agoo
were farre off, are
made neye by the
bloude off Christ.
14 For he is oure
peace, whych hath
made off both wane
dd hath broken
doune the wall i the
myddes, that was a
stoppe bitwene vs,
15 and hath also
put awaye thorowe
hisfiesshe, the cause

Luther (Dec.
1522).
13 Nu aber yhr die Eph. ii. 13-
yhr ynn Christo
seyt, vnd weyland
feme gewesen, seyt
nu nahe worden
durch das blut
Christi. 14 Denn er ist vn-
ser fride, der aus
beyden eyns hat
gemacht, und hat
abbrochen die mitt-
elwand, die der zawn
war zwischen vns,
15 nemlich die
feyndschafft, damit,
das er hat durch seyn

' The Italics in Tindale mark
what is preserved in the Authorised
Version. The only difference which
I have observed between the editions

of 1525 and 1534 is the omission in
the latter of the words in the midst
in V. 14.

134

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Vulgate.

legem mandatorum
decretis evacuans,

i6 ut duos condat
in semetipso in
unum novum homi-
nem, faciens pacem,
et reconciliet ambos,
in uno corpore Deo
per crucem, inter-
ficiens inimicitias in
semetipso.

17 Et veniens e-
vangelizavit pacem
vobis, qui longe fu-
istis, et pacem iis
qui prope;

18 Quoniam per
ipsum habemus ac-
cessum ambo in uno
Spiritu ad Patrem.
19 Ergo jam non
estis hospites et ad-
vense, sed estis cives
sanctorum et
domestici Dei,
20 Superaedificati
super fundamentum
Apostolorum et Pro-

Tindale (1525).
of hatred (thatt is
to saye, the lawe of
comaundementf con
tayned in the lawe
writte) 16 for to make of
twayne wone newe
md in hym silfe, so
makynge peace: and
to reconcile bothe
vnto god in one body
throwe his crosse, ad
slewe hattred ther-
by:

17 and cam and
preached peace to you
which were afarre
of, and to them that
were neye.

18 For thorowe
hym we bothe have
an open waye in, in
one sprete vnto the
father. 19 Nowe therfore ye
are no moare stran
gers ddforeners: but
citesyns with the
saynctes, and of the
housholde of god :
20 and are bilt
apo the foundacion of
the apostles dd pro-

Luther (De,c.
1522).
fleysch auffgehaben
das gesetz der gepot,
so fern sie schrifft-
lich verfasset waren,
16 auff dass er aus
zweyen eynennewen
menschen schaffte,
ynn yhm fride zu-
machen, vnd das er
beyde versuncte mit
Got yn eynem
leybe, durch das
creutz, vnd hat die
feyndschafft todtet
durch sich selbs,
1 7 vnd ist komen,
hat verkundiget ym
Evangelio, den fri-
den euch, die yhr
feme waret, vnd
denen, die nahe
waren. 18 Denn durch yhn
haben wyr den zu-
gang all beyde ynn
einem geyst, zum
vater. 19 So seyt yhr nu
nicht mehr geste
vnd frembdling, son-
dern burger mit den
heiligen, vn Gottis
haussgenossen, 20 erbawet auff den
grund der Apostel
vnd der propheten, t * * * m

HI]

TINDALE

135

Vulgate.
phetarum, ipso sum-
mo angulari lapide
Christo Jesu;
21 In quo omnis
aedificatio construc-
ta crescit intemplum
sanctum in Domino,
22 in quo et vos
cosedificamini in ha-
bitaculum Dei in
Spiritu.

Tindale (1525).
phetes, lesus Christ
beynge the heed cor
ner stone,
21 I whom every
bildynge coupled to-
gedder, groweth vnto
a holy teple in the
lorde, 22 I who ye also
are bilt togedder, and
made an habitacion
for god i the sprete.

Luther (Dec.
1522).
da lesus Christus
der ecksteyn ist,
2 1 auff wilchen,
wilcherley baw yii
eynandergefugt wirt,
der wechst, zu ey
nem heyligen tempel
ynn dem herrn,
2 2 auff wilchen
auch yhr mit er
bawet werdet, zu
eyner behausung
Gottis im geyst.

There is, however, one other authority who had greater
influence upon Tindale than the Vulgate or Luther. The
Greek text of the New Testament published by Erasmus,
which Tindale necessarily used, was accompanied by an
original Latin version in which Erasmus faithfully rendered
the text he had printed. This translation is very frequently
followed by Tindale. Thus in the phrases already quoted
from Eph. iv.' three at least seem to be due to Erasmus,
27 backbiter, calumniatori (Erasm.) ; 29 filthy communi
cation, sermo spurcus (Erasm.) ; id. when need is, quoties
opus est (Erasm.). But on the other hand, any chapter
will shew important differences between Erasmus and
Tindale, not always indeed in Tindale's favour, but suffi
cient at least to prove that he exercised a free judgment
both in the general character and in the details of his
version. A collation of Col. ii. offers the following con
siderable variations :

Erasmus (15 16).
I Nam volo
quantum certamen
fadem meam

Tindale (1534)-
I wolde (so Luther)
what fyghtinge {kampff L. )
va^ parson {person L.)

The rela
tion of
Tindale to
Erasmus.

See p. 132.

136

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Erasmus (15 16).
2 cum fuerint compacti
in omnes divitias certa
persuasionis intelligentice
et patris
6, 7 ita in eo ambulate radicati
et superstructi
1 1 dum exuistis
corpus peccatorum camis

in circumcisione Christi
(mit L.)
12 per fidem operationis Dei

13 per delicta et per pr«pu-
tium (ynn den sunden vnd
ynn der...L.)
14 quod erat contrarium nobis
per decreta (welche durch
satzung entstund L. 1534)
16 vosjudicet
aut novilunii (so L.)
17 quae sunt umbra (so L.)
— corpus autem Christi
18 ne quis vobis pahnam inter-
vertat, volens in humilitate,
et superstitione angelorum

Tindale (1534).
and knet togedder (so L.)
in all ryches of full vnderstond
ynge (zu allem reychthum des
volligen verstands L. 1522)
the father (L. 1522, 1534)
so walke, roted and bylt in him
(so wandelt...und seyt gewurt-
zelt L.)
by puttinge {durch Abl. L.)
the sinfull boddy of the flesshe
(des sundlichen leybes ym
fleysch L.)
thorow the circumcision that
is in Christ
thorowe fayth, that is wrought
by the operacion of god (durch
den glawben den Got wircket
L-)
in synne thorow the vncircum-
cision {in sin and in the...
1525)
that was agaynst vs, contayned,
in the lawe written {made in...
1525) [durch schrifftlich satz
ung erweyset L. 1522]
trouble youre consciences (euch
gewissen machen L.)
as the holydaye of the newe
monewhich are nothinge but shad-
dowes but the body is in
Christ (so L.)
Let no man make you skate at
a wronge {marke), which after
his awne ymaginacion walketh
in the humblenes and holynes of
angels {Last euch niemand das
zill verrucken...\...) (om. and
holiness 1525 [but added in
Errata])

HI]

TINDALE

137

Erasmus (1516). Tindale (1534).
23 in superstitione ac humilitate in chosen holynes and humblenes,
animi et lasione corporis sui, and in that they spare not the
non in honore quopiam, ad body, and do the flesshe no wor-
expletionem carnis shype vnto his nede (so L.')
A careful examination of the quarto fragment furnishes Renderings
a most complete and unequivocal proof of Tindale's in- i^<irto
-¦- - fragment.
dependence as a translator. We shall see afterwards^ that
he availed himself fully of Luther's notes for his own
glosses, but he deals with the text as one who passed
a scholar's judgment upon every fragment of the work, j
unbiassed by any predecessor. As nearly as I can calcul
ate he differs from Luther in about two hundred places in
the chapters contained in the fragment, Matt. i. — xxii. 12.
Some examples will shew the extent and character of
the differences :

Tindale (1525).
ii. 7 the tyme of the starre
that appered [unlike Eras
mus]
' This last verse offers one of the
most remarkable coincidences be
tween Luther and Tindale which I
have noted. Luther's version is :
durch selbsterwahlte Geistlichkeit und
Demuth und dadurch dass sie des
Leibes nicht verschonen, und dem
Fleisch nicht seine Ehre thun zu
seiner Nothdurft. [The version of
Luther which is here given is that
which is found in modem editions
and is substantially the same as that in
the edition of 1534. In place of the
clause 'dem Fleisch nicht seine Ehre
thun' all the editions down to 1525
which I have consulted have, with
slight differences of spelling, ' an das
fleysch seyne kost wenden.' As Tin-
dale's rendering 'do the flesh no
worship' is in his edition of 1525, it
does not appear that he took it from
Luther.] The version in the Witten-

LUTHER (Dec. 1522).
wenn der stern erschynen were

berg Latin Bible [printed in Luther's
Sdmtliche Schriften, ed. Walch, vol.
XIV.] is quite different [in supersti
tione et humilitate, et non parcendo
corpori, nee honorem ei habendo,
quantum carni satis est]. In a num
ber of passages taken almost at
random where Tindale differs con
siderably from Luther I have noted
that he agrees with Erasmus in Lu.
xi. 36, 40; xix. 43. John ii. 9; x. 12.
Acts iii. 16. 2 Cor. xi. 8. Gal. v. 18.
Eph. V. 16; and differs from Erasmus
in Luke xix. 42. John xi. 2. Acts
iii. 20. Rom. ix. 11, 28. Gal. v. 5.
Col. iii. 9. Other differences exist
between the texts of 1525, 1534 in
[Col. ii.] vv. 10, 13, 14, 16, 18, 20.
In five places the latter text approaches
Luther more nearly than the earlier :
in one the converse holds.
2 See p. 146, n. 2.

138

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Tindale (1525).
vii. 29 he taught them as one
havynge power [like E.]
xii. 18 my sonne [like E.]
xiii. 13 for though they se, they
se nott: and hearynge they
heare not: nether vnder
stonde
— 38 the evyll mans chyldren
are the tares
— 57 there is no prophet
with out honoure save...
xvi. 7 sayinge : we have brought
[hke E.]
xix. 1 7 there is none good but
wo, and that is god [like
K]

Luther (Dec. 1522).
er prediget gewaltiglich
mein knecht
denn mit sehenden augen sehen
sie nicht, vnd mit horenden
ore horen sie nicht, den sie ver-
stehe es nicht
das vnkraut sind die kinder der
bosheytEyn Prophet gillt nyrgend weni-
ger denn . . .
sie...sprachen, das wirts seyn,
das wyr...
Niemant ist gut, denn nur der
eynige Gott [the Strasburg edi
tion of 1524 reads: denn nur
der ewig got]
Wie ist der feigen bawm so bald
verdurret ?

xxi. 20 Howe soone is the fygge
tree wyddred awaye [E
quomodo continue aruit
1516]
On the other hand there are passages (perhaps ten
in all) where Luther's judgment has evidently swayed
Tindale. Of these the most remarkable are :

ii. 18 On the hilles
vi. 25 from the ten cetes

Auf dem gebirge
von [L. 1522 : aus 1534] den
zehen stedte
ich preysse Dich
die nichts denn menschen gepot
sind
alle pflantzen
Hosianna

xi. 25 I prayse Thee
XV. 9 which is nothynge but
mens preceptes
— 1 3 all plantes
xxi. 15 Hosianna
It does not seem necessary to bring forward any
further evidence of the originality of Tindale's first labours
on the New Testament'. The samples given are fair
' It is greatly to be regretted that a collation of the Grenville quarto
Mr F. Fry did not add to his fac- fragment. The conclusion which Mr
simile of the small Testament of 1525 Anderson draws from the spelling as

Ill]

TINDALE

139

specimens of the whole work. And in his later labours TindaUs
Tindale continued to follow to the end the sure path on '^sll^e-^
which he had deliberately entered. The revised edition creit*'^
of 1534 expressly claims upon the title-page to be
'diligently corrected and compared with the original
'Greek.' In the address 'to the Reader,' Tindale ex
plains his work more in detail. ' Here thou hast (moost

to the priority of the quarto (i. 70)
is hasty and unsatisfactory. The
spelling in both editions is very inac
curate. In the Sermon on the Mount
I have noted among other variations
the following which are more or less
characteristic. The differences in
text are very slight, and in no one

case (except in the misprint vi. 24)
does the quarto edition give a read
ing which has been. preserved in the
edition of 1534. Sb'far therefore the
quarto text seems to have been cur
sorily revised before it was reprinted
at Worms. But a complete collation
of the text is desirable.

a"-'-'

Matt,

1525. Cologne.

1525. Worms.

. V. I wen

when

— mouth

mought

3 thers

theirs

4 mourne

mome

11,45 svls ™ 1 1

yvell, vii. 11 evyll

13 but an yf

but and if

15 all those

all them (all 1534)

1 7 other the

or the (so 1534)

26 vtmoost forthynge

vtmost farthige

29 in to

in tho

39, 42 turne vii. 6

toume

40 clooke

cloocke

44 cursse

coursse

45 for vi. 2, 7 &c.

ffor

— oniuste

iniuste

vi. 5 Verely

Vereley

7 thinke

thincke

13 Lede

Leede

19 moththes

mothes

20 to gyddre'

to gedder

— ner yet moththes corrupte

nor mothes corupe (om. yet 1534)

2 1 hertf (so ypocrytf, &c.)

hertes

23 boddy

body

24 lene to the (so 1534)

lene the

— that other

the other (so 1534)

26 nether

neder

—the (them)

then

27 thought

tought

vii. 2 with that same

with the same (so 1534)

6 pierles

pearles

J

140 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
' deare reader) the new Testamet or covenaunt made wyth
' vs of God in Christes bloude. Which I have looked over
'agayne (now at the last) with all dylygence, and com-
' pared it vnto the Greke, and have weded oute of it many
' fautes, which lacke of helpe at the begynninge and over-
' syght, dyd sowe therin. If ought seme chaunged [charged
'1536] all to gether agreynge with the Greke, let the fynder
' of y' faute consider the Hebrue Phrase or maner of
' speche lefte in the Greke wordes. Whose preterperfectence
' and presenttence is ofte both one, and the futuretence
' is the optative mode also, and the futuretence is ofte the
' imperatyve mode in the actyve voyce, and in the passyve
' ever. Lykewyse person for person, nombre for nombre,
' and an interrogacion for a codicionall, and soch lyke is
' with the Hebrues a comen vsage. I have also in manye
' places set lyght in the mergent, to vnderstonde the text
' by. If anye man fynde fautes ether with the traslacion
' or ought besyde (which is easyer for manye to do, then
'so well to have translated it them selves of their awne
' pregnant wyttes, at the begynnynge withoute forensample)
' to the same it shalbe lawful] to traslate it them selves and
'to put what they lust therto. If I shall perceave ether
' by my selfe or by the informacion of other, that ought
'be escaped me, or myght be more playnlye translated,
' I will shortlye after cause it to be mended. Howbeit in
' manye places, me thynketh it better to put a declaracyon
'in the margent, then to runne to farre from the text.
' And in manye places, where the text semeth at the fyrst
'choppe harde to be understonde, yet y° circustaces
^|\ 'before and after, and ofte readinge together, maketh it
-^ i _ 'playn ynough...'
Comparison A comparisou of the texts of the first and second
fditions 0/ editions fully bears out the description which Tindale here
gives of his work. To take one example only: of the
thirty-one changes which I have noticed in the later
version of i John, about a third are closer approximations
to the Greek : rather more are variations in connecting-
particles or the like, designed to bring out the argument

iS^Si 1534-

HI]

TINDALE

141

of the original more clearly ; three new readings are
adopted ; and in one passage it appears that Luther's
rendering has been substituted for an awkward paraphrase.
Yet it must be remarked that even in this revision the
changes are far more frequently at variance with Luther's
renderings than in accordance with them'.
The importance of the New Testament of 1534, which The Glosses
is altogether Tindale's noblest monument, gives a peculiar edition of
interest to the short glosses with which it is furnished.
Though these do not throw much light upon the translation
itself, yet they give such a lively image of the character
of Tindale that a few specimens of them cannot be out
of place even in a history of the text^ Generally they
are pregnant with pithy comments on the passage with
which they deal, designed to guide the reader to its spirit,
and Bengel himself is not more terse or pointed. Such
for example are the following*:
'Whe ought is sayde or done, that shuld moue to Matt.xvt.
' pryde : he dassheth the in the tethe with his deathe &
' passion. ' A couenaunt to them that loue the worde of God to Mark iv.
' Wynne other with worde ad dede : and another to them
'that loue it not, that it shalbe their destruccion.
' Adams disobedyece dampned vs all yer we oureselues Rc^^. ». is-
' wrought euell. And Christes obedience saueth us all, yer
' we oure selues worke anye good. [Luther.]
' God choseth of his awne goodnes and mercye : calleth f^""'- ""'¦
'thorow y° gospell: iustifieth thorow faith and glorifieth
'thorow good workes.
' If a ma haue the gyfte, chastite is good, the more

I Cor. vii.
26.

' These variations are given in de
tail in App. III.
^ It is difficult to say why these
marginal glosses and those on the
Pentateuch were not included in the
collected edition of Tindale's works.
Nothing that he has written is more
characteristic. " I have made no attempt to con

ceal what appear to me to be errors
in Tindale's teaching. The passages
quoted fairly reflect his whole style.
Those who take account of the cir
cumstances under which he had to
work will not pass a severe judgment
on unguarded or one-sided state
ments.

142 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
' quyetlye to serue God. For y" maryed haue ofte moch
' trouble : but if the mynde of the chast be cumbred with
' other worldly busynes, what helpeth it ? & if the maryed
'be the moare quyet mynded therby, what hurteth it
' Nether of it selfe is better then the other, or pleaseth god
' more the the other Nether is outewarde circumcision or
' outewarde baptyme worth a pynne of them selues, saue
'that they put vs in remebraunce to kepe the couenaunt
' made betwene vs & God.
Gaiat. Hi. ' Fayth maketh vs sones and of the nature of christ,
' ad bindeth eche to haue other in the same reuerece that
'he hath Christ.
Eph. Hi. 17. ' Where true faith in Christ is, ther is loue to y' ney-
'boure And faith and loue maketh vs vnderstonde all
' thinges. Fayth vnderstondeth y° secretes of god & the
' mercie that is geuen her in Christ And loue knoweth
' hir dutie to hir neyboure, ad can interprete all lawes &
'ordinauces & knoweth how farre forth they are to be
'kept & whe to be dispensed with.
I Pet. i. 17. ' By oure workes shall we be iudged : for as the in-
' uisible fayth is, soche are the workes by which the fayth
'is sene.
I Pet. a. 5. ' We be y° churche : & the obedyence of y" harte is
•y= spirituall sacrifice. Bodilye sacrifice must be offered
'to our neyboures, for yf thou offerest it to god thou
' makest a bodylie ydole of him.
yames ii. ' Now yf anyo that is not mercyfull beleueth to haue
' mercye of god he deceaueth him selfe : because he hath
' no Goddes worde for him For godes promise partayneth
'to y° merciful] onlye: & true faith therfore is knowen
'by hir dedes.
Rev. vii. ,. 'Angell is a greke worde & signifieth a messenger.
' And all the angelles are called messengers, because they
'are sent so ofte from god to ma on message: euen so
' prophetes, preachers and the prelates of the churche are
' called angelles : that is to saye messengers, because their
' offyce is to bringe the message of god vnto the people
'The good angelles here in this booke are the true

Ill] TINDALE

143

' bysshopes and preachers, and the euell angelles are the
' heretyckes and false preachers which euer falsifye gods
'worde, with which the churche of Christ shalbe thus
' miserablye plaged vnto the ende of the worlde, as is
'paynted in these fygures.'
In other places Tindale calls attention emphatically
to the substance of a text, often by a single word, and
again by a brief note, as :
' God is not knowe as a father, but thorow christ. Matt. xi.
' God dwelleth not in temples or churches made with '"lets vH.
'hades. *'•
' Prayer & fastynge go to gether. Acts xiv.
' Searche the scriptures for by the may ye trye all Acts xvh.
' doctrine. ' To haue pleasure in another mannes synne is greater jiom. i 32.
' wyckednes then to synne thy selfe.
' Eternall lyfe is the seruinge of Christ. Rom. vi.
' He is stroge that ca beare another mannes weakenes.' xom. xv. z.
Sometimes, though rarely, the gloss is simply ex
planatory :
' Love is y" signe y' the synnes are forgeven her. Luke vh.
'This John is the same Marcke, that wryte the gospel ^Acts xH. ^¦^.
" of Marcke.
' These syluerlinges which we now and then call pence Actsxix. 19.
'the lues call sides, ad are worth a .x.pece sterlynge.
' Th[at] is thou shalt kyndle him & make him to Ro«i. xn.
!oue. ' Bysshopes and elders is all one & an officer chosen to th. i. 7.
' gouerne the congregaccion in doctryne ad liuinge.'
In a very few cases the gloss takes a polemical character,
but still without bitterness :
' Go not fro house to house as freers do. Luke ix. 4.
' To speake with tonges or with the spirite, is to ^^or. xiv.
' speake that other vnderstonde not, as prestes saye their
' seruyce. ' A good lesson for monkes & ydle freers.' [Comp. i Thess. iv.
Luther.] In one passage only I have noticed a mystical inter-

144

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

John ix. 4.

The edition
again re-
visedfrom the Greek.

pretation which is foreign to the general complexion of
Tindale's notes':
' Nyght : when the true knowledge of Christ, how he
'onlie iustifieth, is lost: then can noma worke a good
'worke in the sight of god, how gloriouse soeuer his
' workes apere.'
In his Preface to the edition of 1534, Tindale had
expressed his readiness to revise his work and adopt any
changes in it which might be shewn to be improvements.
The edition of 1535 [or G. H. 1535, 1534] is a proof of
his sincerity^'- The text of this exhibits a true revision
and differs from that of 1534, though considerably less
than the text of 1534 from that of 1525' Sometimes

' It is right to add that I have
not examined whether the glosses
are suggested by any earher com
mentaries. ''¦ Is it this edition to which Joye
refers in his Apology (p. 4) ? Tindale
agreed, as he writes, ' that we shulde
' with one accorde in his next testa-
¦ment then in printing in the stede
' of this vncharitable pistle [added
'to the edition of 15 34]... salute the
'reders vrath one comon salutacion
' to testifye our Concorde. ' The Apo
logy is dated Feb. 27, 1535. It may
be added that some of Joye's criticisms
in his Apology on Tindale's render
ings are of interest. Thus he objects
to his translation in Mark xii. 26,
where he plays 'boo pepe withe the
'tencis as he englissheth resuscitan-
' tur [the word given by Erasmus
'for the resurgant of the Vulgate]
' shal ryse agen, and not are reuiued
' or resuscited...' (p. 13) ... 'or they ar
' all redy alyue (he saith not that
' they shalbe alyue or shall ryse agayne
' as [Tindale] in hys diligent last cor-
'reccion turneth the present tence
' into the future : and the verbe passiue
' into a neuter to stablissh his errour
'thus corrupting the text' (p. 15).
Again he objects to the rendering in

Rom. i. 4 synce the tyme that lesus ,
Christ oure Lorde rose agayne from, , '
deeth, where he says that Tindale has ¦
mistaken 'what Ex eo [the rendering'
' of Erasmus again] there sygnifyeth '
(p. 94). In I Cor. xiv. 14 he main
tains that spiritus ' signifyeth...the
'breathe, and voice of our tongue...'
and not spirit (p. 95). Throughout
he appeals only to the Latin. [In
1904 the British Museum acquired a
copy of Joye's New Testament, hither
to unknown, the colophon of which is
dated 9 January, 1535. It is described
by Mr A. W. Pollard in The Library
for Jan. 1905.]
' In I John I have noted sixteen
variations from the text of 1534 as
against thirty- two in that of 1534 from
the original text. From the great
inaccuracy of the edition 'finished'
'535 't is often difficult to decide
what are printers' errors and what
intentional changes. The changes in
the Gospels and Acts are (if I may
trust a very limited collation) fewer
than those in the Epistles. The va
riations in : John are given at length
in App. ill.
In the different Epistles the num
ber of variations is considerable. In
the Epistle to the Ephesians, neg-

Ill]

TINDALE

145

the changes are made to secure a closer accordance with
the Greek': sometimes to gain a more vigorous or a
more idiomatic rendering": sometimes to preserve a just
uniformity: sometimes to introduce a new interpretation'.
The very minuteness of the changes is a singular testimony
to the diligence with which Tindale still laboured at his
appointed work^ Nothing seemed trifling to him, we may
believe, if only he could better seize or convey to others
the meaning of one fragment of Scripture®.
Tindale's first Testament was without notes : so too tus edition !s
was his last. The short Prologues to the four Evangelists out notes.
are printed separately before each Gospel. The contents
of the tables for the Gospels and the Acts are prefixed
in detail before each chapter. The marginal references
of the edition of 1534 are generally preserved. But with
these exceptions the simple text of the New Testament
is given without any addition except the list of books on
the reverse of the [second] title-page, and the Epistles
from the Old Testament at the end*. Thus Tindale

lecting undoubted misprints, I have
noted only the following: i. i Jesu
(Jesus) ; 20 the dead (deeth) ; ii. i you
haeth he quickened (hath qu. you);
iii. II purposed to (p. in); iv. 11 and
some teachers (om.); iv. i6 of him-
selfe («V silfe); vi. 20 messenger (am.).
Compare p. 178, n. i.
' Matt. vi. 34 the daye (for for the
daye). Mark xvi. 19 sate him doune
(for is set AoMTii). i Cor. xv. loadd^^^
Eph. iv. II add and some teachers.
^ Mark xvi. 11 though they herde
— yet they beleued it not (for when
they herde — they beleved it not).
Rom. xii. 13 & readi to harboure (for
diligently to harboure). 2 Cor. vi. 18
be my sonnes (for be vnto me sonnes).
' Eph. iv. 16 the edyfyinge of him
selfe (for the edyfyinge of it silfe).
^ One change is of considerable
interest in connexion with the early
associations of Tindale. In the edi
tion of 1534 (and so in that of 1536)

the Epistle for St Catharine's day is
that given in the Hereford Missal
with which Tindale would be fa
miliar in Gloucestershire. In the
edition of 1535 the Epistle is given
correctly from the Sarum Missal. [See
p. 157, note I.]
® See note at the end of the Sec
tion. ^ A duplicate of the tables for the
Gospels and Acts printed with an
other list of books on a page of a
different size (36 not 38 lines) stands
at the beginning of the volume. This
is followed by the prologue to the
Romans printed again in a different
sized page (37 lines). But there is
nothing to shew that these were ori
ginally intended to form part of the
same book. They are severally con
tained in separate sheets with distinct
signatures. The watermarks of the
paper, as far as I can make out, are
distinct, and the type in which the

W.

Luther on
Tindale's
own writ
ings.

146 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
ended as he had begun. His last Testament was a final
appeal to the King and to the English people. If the
text could gain currency it was enough, as he had re
peatedly declared'.
The in- Tindale, as we have seen, both in his first translation
fiuence of . - r 1 xt t^
' ¦ and in his two subsequent revisions of the New Testament,
dealt directly and principally with the Greek text. If he
used the Vulgate or Erasmus or Luther it was with the
y judgment of a scholar. His complete independence in
this respect is the more remarkable from the profound in-
¦ fluence which Luther exerted upon his writings generally.
The extent to which Tindale silently incorporated free
or even verbal translations of passages from Luther's
works in his own has escaped the notice of his editors.
To define it accurately would be a work of very great
labour, but the result, as exhibiting the points of contact
and divergence in the opinions of the two great reformers,
would be a most instructive passage in the doctrinal
history of the time. Tindale's ' Prologue ' to his quarto
Testament, his first known writing, almost at the beginning
introduces a large fragment from Luther's Preface to the
New Testament. There is indeed a ring in the opening
words which might have led any one familiar with Luther's
Proline to style to suspoct their real source. ' Euagelio (that we cal
Testament, 'the gospol) is a grokc worde, & signyfyth good, mery,
' glad and ioyfuU tyding^, that maketh a mannes hert glad,
' and maketh hym synge, daunce and leepe for ioye. As
'when Davyd had kylled Golyath the geaut, cam glad
' tydingf vnto the iewes, that their fearfuU and cruell enemy
' was slayne, and they delyvered oute of all daunger ; for
' gladnes were of, they songe, daunsed, and wer ioyfulll'
Prologue is printed does not appear rally characterized. Even 'called'
to me to range with that used in the and 'Holy' are spelt according to
body of the book, though extremely common usage. [See p. 50, note.]
like it. Moreover, and this is most ' See above, p. 53.
worthy of notice, the orthography of ^ Luther: Euangelion ist eyn grie-
the two preliminary pieces presents chisch wort vnd heyst auff deutsch
none of the marked peculiarities by gute botschafft, gute meher, gutte new
which the translation itself is gene- zeyttung, gut geschrey, davon man

Ill]

TINDALE

147

The famous Prologue to the Romans (1526) is, as is
well known, for the most part a paraphrase or a trans
lation of Luther's Preface. Like the Preface to the New
Testament this writing of Luther's also had been trans
lated into Latin (1523), and Tindale's version seems at
one time to follow the German and at another time the
Latin text. Some phrases, as every Christian man must
'exercise himself therein [the Epistle to the Romans] as
'with the daily bread of the souPl and ' God judgeth after
'the ground of the heart  therefore his law requireth the
'ground of the heart and love from the bottom thereof, and
'is not content with the outward work only, but rebuketh
' those works most of all which spring not of love from
' the ground a-ad. low bottom of the heart... "^^ shew clearly
that Tindale could not have been unacquainted with the
German ; and on the other hand the general complexion
of the Prologue is more like the Latin translation than the

Prologueto the
Romans.

singet, saget und frolich ist, Gleich
als do Dauid den grossen Goliath
vberwand, kam eyn gut geschrey, vnd
trostlich new zeytug vriter das lu-
disch volck, das yhrer grewlicher feynd
erschlagen, und sie erloset, zu freud
vnd frid gestellet weren, dauon sie
sungen vti sprungen vnd frolich
waren. The Latin translation of the
passage in the Wittenberg Bible [see
p. 137, note r] may be added: Est
enim Euangelium GrKca uox signifi-
cans bonum seu Icetum nuricium, et
tale quidem quod summa omnium
gratulatione accipitur atque prsedica-
tur, Vnde uoluptas et laticia in homi-
num animis excitatur. Nam quem-
admodum cum Dauid magnum ilium
Gygantem Goliath uicerat, Isetum
nuncium ad populum ludaicum per-
ferebatur, crudelissimo ipsorum hoste
occiso, a quo cum essent liberati nuUo
non genere Iseticise atque gaudij per-
fundebantur. Sic et Euangelium siue
Nouum Testamentum &c. The pas
sages italicised mark apparently
special coincidences with Tindale's
rendering.

The translation of Luther extends
from ' the Old Testament is a book —
'shall never more die.' (pp. 8 — lo, ed.
Parker Soc).
The glosses exhibit the same power
ful influence of Luther. Of the ninety-
one glosses (as I count them) which
appear in the quarto fragment forty-
eight are taken in whole or in part
from Luther's notes, and the remain
ing forty-three are original.'
' p. 484 (ed. P. S.). Das sie eyn
Christen mensch... damit vmbgehe, als
mit teglichen brod der seelen. The
Latin has nothing which exactly cor
responds. 2 p. 485 (ed. P. S.). Got richtet
nach des hertzen grund, darumb
foddert auch sein gesetz des Herzen
grund, vnd lessit yhm an wercken
nicht benugen, sondern straft viel
mehr die werck on herzens grund
gethan...The Latin runs: Deus uero
cum sit Cardiognostes, iudicat secun
dum internos motus cordis, Proinde
et lex Dei requirit cor et affectus,
neque impletur externis operibus, nisi
hilari corde et toto affectu fiant.
10 — 2

148

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Expositionof the Ser
mon on the
Mount.

Matt. V. 4.

German original, and many parts are unequivocally derived
from it. Thus the clauses 'thou understandest not... how
' that it [the law'\ cannot be fulfilled and satisfied but with
' an unfeigned love and affection, much less can it be fulfilled
' with outward deeds and works only^'.. . ; and again, ' if the
'Law were fleshly and but man's doctrine, it might be
'fulfilled... with outward deeds''; and, once more, 'Such
'a new heart and lusty courage unto the law-ward canst
'thou never come by of thine own strength and enforce-
'ment, but by the operation and working of the Spirit^';
have nothing which directly corresponds with them in the
German. Similar instances might be multiplied indefinitely,
but the conclusion even from these seems to be inevitable
that Tindale used the Latin by preference while he was
able also to avail himself of the German.
The coincidences between Tindale's Exposition of the
Sermon on the Mount and that of Luther, though fewer,
are even more worthy of notice. Luther's Expository
Sermons were delivered in 1530, and printed in 1532, but
they were not translated into Latin till 1533. On the
other hand Tindale's Exposition was printed in 1532.
He must then have used the German edition of Luther,
or perhaps even notes taken by some friend or by himself
The coincidences which are comparatively rare are still
verbal and at the same time tacit. Two examples will
be sufficient to indicate their character.

Gerechtickeit mus an diesem
ort nicht heissen, die Christ-
liche heubt gerechtigkeit, da
durch die person frum und
angenem wird fur Gott. Denn
ich habe vor gesagt, das diese
' p. 486. ...quomodo non nisi
affectu [lex] impleatur, ipsemet non
satis tenes. Tantum autem abest, ut
lex extemis operibus impleatur aut
iustificet, ut etiam... For this there
is nothing in the German.
' Id. Si lex esset carnalis aut
moralis doctrina tantum... Wenn das

Righteousnes in this place is
not taken for the principalle
righteousnes of a christen ma,
thorow which the parson is
good and accepted before God.
For these .viii. poyntes are but
gesetz leyplich were....
' p. 487. Talem vero novum et
ardentem ac hilarem cordis affectum
non ex tuis ullis viribus aut meritis,
sed sola operatione et afflaiu spiritus
consequere. For this the German has
simply Eyn solchs hertz gibt nie
mant, den Gots geyst....

Ill]

TINDALE

149

acht stuck nichts anders sind,
Denn eine lere von den friich-
ten vnd guten wercken eines
Christen, vor welchen der
glaube zuuor mus da sein, als
der bawm und heubstuck...
daraus solche stuck alle wach-
sen vnd folgen mussen. Darumb
verstehe hie die eusserlich Ge
rechtigkeit fur der welt, so wir
vnter vns gegen ander hallten...

Wie er ir Almosen vnd beten
gestrafft hat, so straffet er auch
hie ir fasten... wie sie des
Almosen... misbraucht haben...
also haben sie auch des fastens
misbrauchet vnd verkeret, nicht
fur iren leib im zwang und
zucht zu hallten... sondern von
den leuten gesehen zu wer
den... das man sich wundern
vnd sagen miisste, O das sind
treffliche heiligen, die da...
gehen inn grawen rocken, den
kopff hengen, sawr vnd bleich
sehen &c. wenn die nicht gen
himel komen, wo wollen wir
andern bleiben ?

doctryneof the frutes and workes of a
christen ma
before which the faythe must
be there:... ad as a tre out of
which all soche frutes ad workes
must sprynge.
Wherfore vndrestande here
the outwarde righteousnes be
fore the worlde and true and
faythfull dealynge eche with
other... As above of almose and Matt. vi.
prayer: euen so here Christ
rebuketh the false entent and
ypocresye of fastynge. That
they sought prayse of that worke
that was ordeyned for to tame
the fleshe, and vsed soche
fassios, that all the world myght
knowe that they fasted, to
prayse them and to saye :
O what holye men are these ;
how pale and pytifuU looke they
euen lyke deethe, hangynge
downe their heedes...If these
come not to heauen, what shall
become of vs poore wretches
of the worlde ?

But it is in the shorter Prologues to the several books short Pro-
of the New Testament first published in 1534 that the Books of the
New Testd'
character of the dependence of Tindale on Luther is best ment.
seen. Luther has no special Prologues to the Gospels ;
but Tindale at the close of his Prologue to St Matthew,
which is an extensive essay, reproduces in a modified
form Luther's famous judgment on the relative worth of
the apostolic books in his Preface to the New Testament :

ISO

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

'...Paul's Epistles with the Gospel of John and his first
' Epistle, and the first Epistle of St Peter, are most pure
'Gospel and most plainly and richly describe the glory
' of the grace of Christ'.' Tindale on the other hand has
no Preface to the Acts or to the Apocalypse; while
Luther has to both. With these exceptions all Tindale's
Prologues correspond generally in character and form with
Luther's, and every one besides that to i Corinthians is
framed out of or with reference to them. And further, as
these short Prologues were not included in the Wittenberg
Bible, nor, as far as it appears, separately translated, it
follows that Tindale must have become thoroughly familiar
with German during his long residence at Marburg, if he
was not so before.
As the Prologues are interesting on every account it
will be worth while to draw out a little more in detail
the coincidences and differences thus generally described.
The Prologues to 2 Corinthians, Ephesians, Philippians,
Colossians, i, 2 Thessalonians, i, 2 Timothy, Titus, Phile
mon, I, 2 Peter, i, 2, 3 John, are almost entirely taken from
Luther, but in nearly all cases in a compressed form. That
to the Galatians incorporates a large piece of Luther's, but
is fuller. Those to St James and St Jude are independent
in treatment and conclusion, but distinctly traceable to
Luther's. That to the Hebrews is a sustained argument
against Luther.
The changes are in all cases worthy of notice. One
Tii^u"'^ of the omissions at least is strikingly significant. In the
Preface to Philemon Luther has a startling allegorical
application of the circumstances to the history of the

The Pro
logues in
detail.

Differencesbetween

' p. 477 (ed. P. S.). With this
Luther's original judgment may be
compared : Summa, Sanct Johannis
Evangeli vnd seyne erste Epistel,
Sanct Paulus Epistel, sonderlich die
zu den Romern, Galatern, Ephesern,
vnd Sanct Peters erste Epistel, das
sind die bucher, die dyr Christum
zeygen vnnd alles leren, das dyr zu

wissen nott vnnd selig ist, ob du schon
keyn ander buch noch lere nummer
sehest noch horist. Darumb ist Sanct
Jacob Epistel eyn rechte stroern
Epistel gegen sie, den sie doch keyn
Euagelisch art an yhr hat. The
wisdom with which Tindale avoids
the bold negativism of Luther is most
worthy of notice.

Ill]

TINDALE

151

Redemption. ' Even as Christ has dealt for us with GOD,
' so St Paul deals for Onesimus with Philemon. For
' Christ emptied Himself of His right and overcame the
' Father with love and meekness, so that He must lay
'aside His wrath and right, and receive us to favour,
' for Christ's sake, who thus earnestly intercedes for us
'and takes us to Him so tenderly. For we are all His
' Onesimuses if we only believe it.' Of this characteristic
passage there is no trace in Tindale. In other places
Tindale omits the temporal applications with which Luther
delighted to animate his teaching' and tempers the per-
emptoriness of his exposition by a fuller reference to the
text itself Two examples will be sufiicient to make his
general method clear.
Am andern leret er wie fur
dem Jungsten tag, das Romisch
reych zuuor mus vntergehen,

vnd der Endchrist sich fur Got
auffwerfen ynn der Christen-
heyt, vnd mit falschen leren
vnd zeychen die vnglewbige
welt verfuren,

bis das Christus kome vnd
vestore yhn durch seyne her-
liche zukunfft, vnd mit eyner
geystlichen predigt zuuor todte.
Am dritten thut er ettliche
ermanung, vnd sonderlich, das
sie die mussigen, die sich nicht
mit eygener hand erneren,
straffen, vnd wo sie nicht sich
bessern, meyden sollen, wilchs
' Luther's Preface to i Corinthians
is full of special applications to the
time, and this fact probably accounts

In the seconde he sheweth Proi-to 2 Thes.
that the last daye shuld not (1522).
come, tyll there were fyrst a de-
partinge {as some men thynke)
from vnder the obedyence of the
Emperour of Rome, and that
Antichrist shuld set vp him selfe
in the same place, as God : and
deceaue the vnthankfull worlde
with false doctrine, and with
false & lyenge myracles wrought
by the workinge of Satan,
vntil Christ shuld come & slee
him with his glorious commynge
and spirituall preachinge of the
worde of God.
In the thyrde he geueth them
exhortacion & warneth the to
rebuke the ydle that wolde not
laboure with their handes, and
auoyde their copanie yf they
wolde not mende^.
for Tindale's independence.
2 Prologue to 2 Thessalonians.

152

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Prot. to
2/'s<.(i534).

Tindale's
judgment on the dis
puted Books. Hebrews.

gar hart widder den ytzigen
geystlichen stand lautt.
Summa, das erst Capitel
zeigt, wie die Christenheit ste-
hen solt zur zeit des reinen
Evangelii. Das ander Capitel
zeigt wie sie zur zeit des Bapsts
vnd menschen lere stehen
wiirde. Das dritte, wie hernach
die leute beide Evangelion vnd
alle lere verachten, vnd nichts
gleuben werden. Und das gehet
jtzt in vollem schwang, bis
Christus kome.

Finallie The fyrst Chapter
sheweth how it shuld goo in
the tyme of the pure & true
Gospell. The seconde, how it
shuld goo in the tyme of the
pope and mennes doctrine. The
thyrde, how at the last men
shuld beleue nothinge ner feare
God at alP.

Tindale's independence is however best seen in his
treatment of the disputed books which Luther placed in
a second rank. His Prologue to the Hebrews is a careful
examination of the arguments which Luther urged against
its apostolic authority, and while he leaves its authorship
uncertain and will not 'think it to be an article of any
' man's faith,' yet he decides ' that this epistle ought no
'more to be refused for a holy godly and catholic than
'the other authentic scriptures.' He even uses Luther's
image but to a different end :

Ob er (the author) wol nicht
den grund legt des glawbens,
wie er selbs zeuget...so bawet
er doch feyn drauff, golt, sylber,
edelsteyne... Derhalben vns
nicht hyndern sol, ob villeicht
etwas holtz stro, oder hew, mit
vnter gemenget werde, sondern
solche feyne lere mit alien
ehren auffnemen. On das man
sie den Apostolischen Episteln
nicht aller dinge gleychen mag.

now therfore . . . though this
epistle... laye not the grounde
of the fayth of Christ, yet it
buyldeth conynglye theron pure
golde, syluer, & preciouse
stones... And seinge the epistle a-
greeth to all the rest of the
scripture, yf it be indifferetlye
loked on, how shuld it not be
of auctoryte and taken for holye
scrypture ?

' Prologue to 2 Peter.

Ill] TINDALE 153
The Epistles of St James and St Jude are dealt with st yames.
in the same manner and with the same result. Of the
former, Tindale writes : ' Though this Epistle were refused
'in the old time and denied of many to be the Epistle
' of a very Apostle, and though also it lay not the founda-
'tion of the faith of Christ. ..yet because it setteth up
'no man's doctrine... and hath also nothing that is not
'agreeable to the rest of the Scriptures, if it be looked
'indifferently on, methinketh it ought of right to be .
' taken for Holy Scripture'.' Of the latter : ' As for the
' Epistle of Judas though men have and yet do doubt of
'the author, and though it seem also to be drawn out
'of the second epistle of S. Peter, and thereto allegeth
' Scripture that is nowhere found ; yet seeing the matter
'is so godly and agreeing to other places of Holy Scrip-
' ture, I see not but that it ought to have the authority of
'Holy ScriptureV [Doctr. Treat., Park. Soc. pp. 525, 531.]
The standard which Tindale sets up may be a precarious
one, but yet it differs widely from the bold subjectivity of .
Luther, which practically leaves no basis for the Canon
but the judgment of the individual reader.
No one who has followed thus far Tindale's mode of fj^/,^^.
dealing with the New Testament can doubt that in the
Old Testament he would look first to the Hebrew text,
'which,' he writes, 'is most of need to be known' '; and
a crucial test at once offers itself. An Appendix to his
New Testament of 1534 contains, as we have seen [p. 47],
' Luther writes thus : Die Epistel sonst drynnen sind.
Sanct lacobi, wie wol sie von den ^ Luther : Die Epistel aber Sanct
alten verworffen ist, lobe ich vn ludas kan niemant leugnen, das eyn
halt sie doch fur gut, darumb das ausstzog odder abschrifft ist aus S.
sie gar keyn menschen lere setzt vii Peters ander Epistel. ..Vnd furet auch
Gotts gesetz hart treybt. Aber dz spruch vnd geschicht die yn der
ich meyn meyniig drauff stelle, doch schrifft nyrgend stehen... Darumb ob
on ydermanns nachteyl, acht ich sie ich sie wol preysze, ists doch eyn
fur keyns Apostel schrifft... Darumb vnnotige Epistel vnter die hewbt-
wil ich yhn nicht haben ynn meyner bucher zu rechnen, die des glawbens
Bibel ynn der zal der rechten hewbt- grund legen sollen.
bucher, wil aber damit niemant ' Answer to More, p. 75 (ed. Parker
weren, das er yhn setz und hebe, wie Soc).
es yhn gelustet, denn viel guter spruch

ence in the
Old Testa
ment.

154 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
'The Epistles taken out of the Old Testament... after the
' use of Salisbury.' Among these are passages from books
which he had not published at that time, even if he had
translated them, and from others which he certainly never
translated. In the service-books they were of course
given in Latin, and it would be most obvious, therefore,
to turn them from the Vulgate text. If however in this
case Tindale took the Hebrew as his basis, and not the
Latin, and still less Luther, we may be sure that he
followed the like course in his continuous translations.
And so it is : though he keeps the explanatory words
which in some cases introduce or round off the lesson,
yet the lesson itself is rendered from the original Hebrew.
Two examples will be sufficient to make it plain that it
is so. In a very simple passage, i Kings xvii. 17 ff., the
following variations occur where Tindale strives to keep
close to the Hebrew against the Vulgate:
18 my synne iniquitates mete...
19 he... Elias...
an hie chamber. . . cenaculum
21 he measured the child . . . expandit se atque mensus est
super puerum...
A single verse from Isaiah offers, as might be expected, a
more conclusive proof of the independence of Tindale :
Is. li. 5. My ryghteousnes is nye, and Prope est Justus mens, egres-
my salvacyon shall go oute, sus est salvator mens, et brachia
and myne armes shall iudge mea populos judicabunt: me
nacions, and ylondes shall loke insulse exspectabunt, et bra-
for me & shall tarye after myne chium meum sustinebunt.
arme. The variations from Luther are nearly as numerous, and
still there are indications that Tindale was acquainted with
Luther's translation as he was with the Vulgate.
One continuous passage may be added as a better
sample of Tindale's work, taken from his published Penta-
Num. xvi. teuch. The relation in which it stands to the Vulgate and
Luther is, as will be seen, the same as before' :
' The italics in Tindale mark what is preserved still in A.V.

Ill]

TINDALE

iSS

Vulgate.
28 Et ait Moyses:
In hoc scietis, quod
Dominus miserit me
ut facerem universa
qu£ cernitis, et non
ex proprio ea corde
protulerim :
29 Si consueta ho-
minum morte inter-
ierint, et visitaverit
eos plaga, qua et
ceteri visitari solent,
non misit me Domi
nus :
30 Sin autem no-
vam rem fecerit Do
minus, ut aperiens
terra os suum deglu-
tiat eos et omnia
quae ad illos perti
nent, descenderint-
que viventes in in-
fernum, scietis quod
blasphemaverintDo-minum.

3 1 Confestim igi-
tur ut cessavit lo-
qui, dirupta est terra
sub pedibus eorum :

32 Et aperiens os
suum, devoravit il
los cum tabernacu-
lis suis et universa

Tindale.
28 And Moses
sayed : Hereby ye
shall kno^ve that the
Lorde hath sent me to
doo all these workes,
and that / haue not
done them of myne
awne mynde :
29 Yf these men dye
the comon deth of
all men, or yf they
be visyted after the
visitacion of all men,
then the Lorde hath
not sent me.
30 But and yf the
Lorde make a new
thinge, and the e-rth
open hir mouthe and
swallowe them, and
all that pertayne
vnto them, so that
they goo doune quycke
into hell : then ye
shall vnder stode, that
these me haue rayled
apon the Lorde.
^i And a.s soone as
he had made an ende
of speakynge all these
wordes, the grounde
clone asunder that
was vnder them,
32 And ye erth
opened hir mouthe
and swalowed them
and their housses and

Luther.
28 Vnd Mose
sprach, dabey solt
yhr mercken, das
mich der Herr ge-
sand hat, das ich
alle dise werck thett,
vnd nicht von mey-
nem hertzen.
29 Werden sie ster
ben, wie alle men
schen sterben, oder
heymgesucht, wie
alle menschen heim-
gesucht werde, so
hat mich der Herr
nicht gesand.
30 Wirt aber der
Herr etwas news
schaffen, das die
erde yhren mund
auffthut, vii versch-
linget sie mit allem
das sie haben, das
sie lebendig hyn
vntern ynn die helle
faren, so werdet yhr
erkennen, dass dise
lent den Herrn ge-
lestert haben.
31 Vnd als er dise
wort hatte alle aus
geredt, zu reyss die
erde vnter yhnen.

32 vnd thet yhren
mund auff vnd ver-
schlang sie, mit yh
ren heusern mit

156

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Vulgate.
substantia eorum ;

33 Descenderunt-
que vivi in internum
operti humo, et pe-
rierunt de medio
multitudinis.

34 At vero omnis
Israel, qui stabat
per gyrum, fugit ad
clamorem pereun-
tium, dicens : Ne
forte et nos terra
deglutiat. 35 Sed et ignis
egressus a Domino
interfecit ducentos
quinquaginta viros,
qui offerebant in-
censum.

Revision of
Old Testa
ment.

Tindale.
all the me that were
with Corah and all
their goodes.
33 And they and
all that pertayned
vnto them, went
doune alyuevnio hell,
and the erthe closed
apon them, and they
peryshed from a-
monge the congre-
gacyon. 34 And all Lsrael
that were aboute
them, fledde at the
crye of them. For
they sayed: The
erthe myghte happe-
lye swalowe vs also.
35 And there came
oute a fyre from the
Lorde and consumed
the two hundred and
fyftye men that offred
cens.

Luther.
alien menschen die
bey Korah waren
vnd mit aller yhrer
habe. 33 Vn furen hyn
vntern lebendig ynn
die helle, mit allem
das sie batten, Vii
die erde decket sie
zu, vnd kamen vmb
aus der gemeyne.

34 Vnd gantz Is
rael, das umb sie her
war, floh fur ihrem
geschrey, denn sie
sprachen, das vns
die erde nicht auch
verschlinge. 35 Datzu fur das
feur aus von dem
Herrn, vnd frass die
zwey hundert vnd
funfftzig menner, die
das reuchwerk op-
fferten.

In his version of the New Testament we have seen that
Tindale willingly faced the labour of minute correction.
The texts of 1525, 1534, and 1535 are specifically distinct,
and each later edition offers a careful revision of that
which preceded it. Though the evidence is less extensive
in the case of the Old Testament, it is evident that he
expended no less pains upon this. The texts of 'the
' Epistles from the Old Testament ' appended to the New
Testaments of 1534 and 1535 differ in small details from
the published Pentateuch of 1531 (1530)'; and, what is
of 1 53 1 (see p. 169) with that of the
' corrected ' Pentateuch of 1534- The

' I regret that I have been unable
to collate the text of the Pentateuch

Ill]

TINDALE

157

still more interesting, from one another'. Thus in these,
as in the New Testaments themselves, there is a double
revision ; and there is nothing to shew that Tindale be
stowed less care upon the lessons from the Apocrypha
than on those from the Canonical books".
This patience of laborious emendation completes the findaUs
picture of the great translator. In the conception and "u^Engu^h
style of his renderings he had nothing to modify or
amend. Throughout all his revisions he preserved intact
the characteristics of his first work. Before he began
he had prepared himself for a task of which he could
apprehend the full difficulty. He had rightly measured
the momentous issues of a vernacular version of the Holy
Scriptures, and determined once for all the principles on
which it must be made. His later efforts were directed
simply to the nearer attainment of his ideal. To gain
this end he availed himself of the best help which lay
within his reach, but he used it as a master and not as

Bristol Museum has only one edition,
and not two, as stated in Anderson's
list. Compare pp. 169, 208 notes.
Pent. 1531.
this dreame which I haue dreamed
makynge sheues
loo
youres — to
because of — of
saynge I haue had one dreame more

In Gen. xxxvii. 6 — 9, the following
variations occur between the ' Epistle '
and the first Pentateuch:
New Test. 1534.
a dreame that I dreamed
makynge of sheues
se,
youre sheues — vnto
for— for
and he sayd
I dreamed yet another dreame

[In Notes and Queries for the loth
and 24th of February, 1883, Mr Fry
printed a collation of the 1531 and
1534 editions of Tindale's Genesis.
See also Dr Mombert's edition of
Tindale's Pentateuch (1885), Prolego
mena, pp. ciii. — cviii.]
' For example, in Is. liii. 6, went
astraye (1534) : went all of vs astraye
(1535): 8, whe he is taken (1534) :
though he be taeken (1535) : 12, of y=
ryche (1534) : of the mightie (1535).
The last Epistle (for St Catharine's
day) is wrongly given in 1534, Ecclus.
li. 9 — 12. The right lesson is substi

tuted in 1535, Ecclus. li. i — 8. [See
p. 145, n. 4.]
Two most surprising misprints of
1534 are also corrected in 1535 : Gen.
xxxvii. 20, a sand pitte (some pitte,
1535). Is. liii. 2, came vp as a sparow
(as a spraye, 153.1;).
¦^ For example, in Ecclus. xxiv. 17
— 22 the following corrections occur :
18, of greatnes and of holye hope
(1534) : of knowledge of holly hoepe
(1535) : 20, than honye or honye
combe (1534) : then honye, and myne
inheritaunce passeth honye or honye
combe (iS35)-

/

158 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
a disciple. In this work alone he felt that substantial
independence was essential to success. In exposition or
exhortation he might borrow freely the language or the
thought which seemed suited to his purpose, but in
rendering the sacred text he remained throughout faithful
to the instincts of a scholar. From first to last his style
and his interpretation are his own, and in the originality
of Tindale is included in a large measure the originality
of our English Version. For not only did Tindale con
tribute to it directly the substantial basis of half of the
Old Testament (in all probability) and of the whole of
the New, but he established a standard of Biblical trans
lation which others followed. It is even of less moment
that by far the greater part of his translation remains
intact in our present Bibles', than that his spirit animates
the whole. He toiled faithfully himself, and where he
failed he left to those who should come after the secret
of success. The achievement was not for one but for
many ; but he fixed the type according to which the later
labourers worked. His influence decided that our Bible
should be popular and not literary, speaking in a simple
dialect, and that so by its simplicity it should be en
dowed with permanence. He felt by a happy instinct
the potential affinity between Hebrew and English idioms,
and enriched our language and thought for ever with the
characteristics of the Semitic mind I
' To take two examples: about i, 2 Peter
nine-tenths of the authorised version i, -i, 3 John
of the first Epistle of St John, and Hebrews
five-sixths of the Epistle to the Ephe- James
sians (which is extremely difficult) are Jude
retained from Tindale. Revelation.
2 The order of the Books in Tin- This order exactly coincides with
dale's N.T. is worth recording:— that in Luther's translation, and the
The four Gospels books are numbered i. — xxiii. up to
¦'^'^ts 3 John, while the remaining four are
Thirteen Epistles of St Paul not numbered. So they stand also in
(Romans — Philemon) Luther.
Note to p. 145.
In the following Table I have given the editions of 1535 and 1534 in a
the most important variations between considerable number of books. The

Ill]

TINDALE

159

readings adopted in Matthew, 1537,
are marked M.
In making the Table I have had
the advantage of using a collation
made by Mr F. Fry, who most

generously placed it at my disposal.
Where I have trusted entirely to his
accuracy I feel satisfied that I have
not gone wrong.

St Matthew.

1534-

1533-
iii.
12 garner M.
graenge
ix.
31 name M.
fame
X.
5 sent
dyd. ..send M.
xiii.
30 gather M.
beare ye
—
55 the c. M.
a c.
xiv.
18 hyther to me
hyther M.
XV.
3 comaundment M.
commaundmets
xxi.
23 elders of the M.
rulers of the
xxiv.
19 wo be
Wo shalbe M.
—
51 There
And there M.
St Mark.
1534-
1535-
i.
31 forsoke hir by and
M.
by : and
forsoke hyr and by, and by
—
39 throughout M.
throught
—
42 was clensed
he was clesed (M. omits*)
ii.
23 of come M.
of the come
—
27 Saboth day M.
sabboth
vi.
5 coulde there M.
wolde there
—
35 nowe farre spent M
to farre spent
vii.
32 to laye
to put M.
xii.
40 vnder coloure
vnder a coloure M.
xiii.
17 woo is
Woo shall be M.
—
30 all these thinges
these thinges M.
xvi
. 1 1 when they herde
though they herde M.
—
— they beleved
yet they beleued M.
—
19 is set
sate him M.
St Luke.
1534-
I53S-
i.
S kynge of
the kynge of M.
—
42 wemen
the wemen M.
—
75 that are
as are M.
ii.
7 within in
within M.
V.
10 shalt catche M.
shal taeke
vii.
19 that shall c.
that sholde c. M.
ix.
7 done of
done by M.
—
8 of other, that
of some, that M.
xvii
i. I to the disciples
to his disciples M.
[* Mark i. 42. M. omits 'and he was clensed.
This omission is also in Taverner.]
And he charged him.'
i6o

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

St John.

1534-

I53S-

V.

7 sicke

sicke man M.

—

38 therto his wordes M.

thearfor his wordes

—

47 But now

But seinge M.

—

— how shall

how shuld M.

vi.

23 other shippes M.

a nother shippe

—

60 Many of

Manny therfore of M.

vii.

4 knowen

knowen openlye M.

-—

6 youre Lyme

but youre tyme M.

—

7 Me it

But me it M.

viii.

3 and the pharises

and Pharises M.

—

16 though I M.

and yf I

—

— yet is my M.

my

—

26 But he that

Ye and he that M.

—

27 They

How belt they M.

—

44 ye will folowe

ye will do M.

ix.

1 1 I went and

And I went & M.

X.

12 catcheth M.

taeeth (for taeketh)

—

16 that ther maye be M.

that they may be

—

38 though ye beleve

then though ye beleeue M.

xi.

6 after he hearde

Then after he had harde M.

—

— then aboode

yet aboode M.

xii.

34 hearde of

harde out of M.

XV.

20 his lorde

the Lorde M.

xviii

. 27 denyed it

denyed M.

xix.

24 parted

departed M.

—

29 of vineger by M.

of veneger

"

— And they filled a sponge with
veneger

omitted

Acts.

1634-

IS3S-

vii.

46 desyred that he myght fynde

wolde fayne haue maede M.

viii.

3 entrynge

and entred M.

—

4 They that

How belt they that M.

xiv.

23 after they had praydc.they

and prayde...and comended M,

comended
xviii. 18 had a vowe M.
xxiv. 1 1 yet .xii. dayes
— 15 resurreccion from deeth

had maede a vowe
yet but .xii. dayes M.
resurreccion of the dead.
XV. 12, 13 M.

Cf. I Cor.

Romans.

'534-
i. 5 obedience
— 16 lewe — gentyle M.
ii. I the same
• — 8 yet folowe
vii. 8 For
xii. 13 and diligently

the obedience M.
Iewes — Gentyles
that same M.
and folowe M.
For verely M.
and be readi M.

1535-

Ill]

TINDALE

i6i

1534-
xiii. 9 these commaundementes M.
XV. 5 Christ
xvi. 5 all the company
— — in thy
— 12 laboured

1535-
the comaundementes be
Christ Jesu M.
the congregacio M.
in their M.
laboured moche M.

I Cor.

1534-
ii. 8 the worlde
vii. 37 his virgin M.
XV. 12 rose from deeth
-—12,21 resurreccion from deeth
— 13 agayne from deeth
— 20 from deeth
In connexion with this edition Mr
F. Fry has made a very remarkable
discovery. He has found substantially
the same text in an edition dated 1534
with the letters G. H. in the border
of the second title, no one of the four
copies which he has examined having
the first title. Out of 113 readings
marked as characteristic of the edition
'finished 1535 'he found 102 in this
edition of 1534, while it agreed only
in the 1 1 remaining places with Marten
Emperour's edition of 1534. [In Fry's
Bibliographical Description of the
Editions of the New Testament, Tin-
dale's Version, 1878, p. 2, the number
of passages in which the edition of
1535 agrees with that printed by
Marten Emperour, 1534, and the
G. H. edition of 1535, 4, is said to
be 164, while it agrees with the
edition of 1534 alone in only three
passages. These figures do not cor-

1535-
this worlde M.
his virginite
roese from the dead M.
resurreccion of the dead M.
agaeyne of the dead M.
from the dead M.
respond to Fry's original estimate.]
It seems to follow certainly from
this fact that the revision was printed
in the spring of 1535, i.e. before
March 25. Thus 'finished 15 35 'would
be reconcileable with the existence of
an edition dated 1534 '" the other
reckoning. At present it must remain doubtfu
whether the edition of 1534 (G. H.) or
that ' finished 1535 ' was the original.
Happily this uncertainty does not
affect the text which they present in
common, which is the true standard of
Tindale's completed work.
I learn from Mr Demaus that there
is a mutilated copy of the edition
of 1535 in the British Museum, and
that he has ascertained with tolerable
certainty that it was printed by Vor-
stermann of Antwerp : Demaus, Life
of Tindale, p. 500.

§ 2. Coverdale.
The contrast between Tindale and Coverdale has been Coyerdaie's
already pointed out; and in spite of all that has been secondary
. , translation.
written to the contrary it is impossible to grant to
Coverdale's Bible a place among independent translations.
In fact Coverdale distinctly disavows the claim for himself
W. II

l62 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
I have, he writes to the king in his dedication, 'with a
'cleare conscience purely & faythfully translated this out
'of fyue sundry interpreters, hauyng onely the manyfest
'trueth of the scripture before myne eyes...'' 'To helpe
' me herin,' he informs the Christian reader, ' I haue had
'sondrye translacions, not onely in latyn, but also of the
' Douche [German] interpreters : whom (because of theyr
'synguler gyftes & speciall diligence in the Bible) I haue
'ben the more glad to folowe for the most parte, ac-
/V 'cordynge as I was requyred ^' 'Lowly & faythfully,'
he adds, ' haue I folowed myne interpreters, & that vnder
¦' correcyon'.' And so it was that the title-page of his
Bible which was printed with it described it as ' faithfully
'and truly translated out of Douche and Latyn*.'
Its sources. Nothing, it might be supposed, could be more explicit
or intelligible or consistent with Coverdale's aims: but
his critics have been importunately eager to exalt his
scholarship at the cost of his honesty. If the title-page,
said one who had not seen it, runs so, ' it contains a very
' great misrepresentation^' To another the notice appears
to be a piece of advertising tact. Expediency, a third
supposes, led Coverdale to underrate his labours. And yet
it may be readily shewn that the words are simply and
literally true. Coverdale certainly had some knowledge
' Remains, p. ii (Parker Soc. ed.). they are all rendered: Ex. xxxiv. 30;
° Id. p. 12. Num. X. 31; Is. Ivii. 5; Dan. iii. 25.
' Id. p. 14. Since this was written I find that
* See pp. 58, 59. Dr Ginsburg has already pointed out
" Whittaker, Historical Inquiry, the falsity of Dr Whittaker's argu-
p. 59 n. In support of this bold ment : Kitto's Cyclopcedia, s.v. Cover- '
statement Dr Whittaker quotes four dale. To him therefore belongs the,
passages from Coverdale (pp. 52 ff.), credit of having first clearly proved'
and compares them with all the ver- the dependence of Coverdale on the,
sions which, as he affirms, he could Zurich Bible. It was indeed from
have consulted. As Coverdale differs the reference to Dr Ginsburg in the
from these, he is pronounced to have Dictionary of the Bible that I was
translated 'from the Hebrew and from led to examine in detail the Zurich
'nothing else' (p. 50). Unhappily Versions. Henceforth it may be
Dr Whittaker was not acquainted hoped we shall hear no more of Dr
with the German-Swiss Version — a Whittaker's mistake.
sufficiently famous book — ^from which

Ill] COVERDALE 1 63
of Hebrew' by which he was guided at times in selecting
his rendering ; but in the main his version is based on the
Swiss-German version of Zwingli and Leo Juda (Zurich,
1524-9, 1530, 1 53 1, 1532, 1534), and on the Latin of
Pagninus. He made use also of Luther and the Vulgate.
His fifth version may have been the Worms German Bible
of 1529, or the Latin Bible of Rudelius with marginal
renderings from the Hebrew (1527, 1529)^ or (as is most
likely), for he does not specify that his 'five interpreters '
are all Latin or German, the published English trans
lations of Tindale to which he elsewhere refers.
The examination of a few chapters will place the coverdaUs
primary dependence of Coverdale in the Old Testament o/MalS.
on the Zurich Bible beyond all doubt. Thus in the four
short chapters of Malachi there are about five-and-twenty
places where he follows the German against the Hebrew
and Vulgate. Three sample instances may be quoted. In
i. 4 it is said, ' they shall be called The border of wickedness^
in the Hebrew and Latin as in the Authorised Version,
but in Coverdale 'A cursed londe,' a literal translation of
the German. Again in i. 13, 'it is weariness to me,'
a single word, but in Coverdale and the German we read
' It is but laboure and trauayle! Once again in iii. 8, ' Will
' a man rob God ?' is represented in Coverdale and the
German by ' Shulde a man vse falsede and disceate with
'God?' And such coincidences occur not in one book
only but throughout the Old Testament". But at the
same time on rare occasions Coverdale prefers to follow ^
some one of the other translations which he consulted.
Thus in two passages, ii. 3 ; 14, 15, of which the latter is a
very remarkable one, he adopts the renderings of Pagninus .
and Luther in preference to those of the Zurich Bible.
It is not therefore surprising that notwithstanding his General
character of
acknowledged partiality for the German translators, Cover- his Bible.
' Compare p. 75. for the text is the Vulgate, and the
[^ Biblia Sacra cum prcefatione J. marginal renderings, which are few, do
Rudelii, Colonise, Quentel, 1527. It not appear to have influenced him.]
is unlikely that this was one of the ^ Other examples are given more at ,
Latin versions consulted by Coverdale, length in § 4, and App. vii.

164

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

His New
Testament a
revisiojz of
Tindale's.

Coverdale's
merits as a
translator.

dale availed himself freely of the work of Tindale, as far
as it was published, the Pentateuch, Jonah\ and the New
Testament^. His Pentateuch may, indeed, unless a partial
examination has misled me, be fairly described as the
Zurich translation rendered into English by the help of
Tindale, with constant reference to Luther, Pagninus,
and the Vulgate. In the remaining books of the Old
Testament the influence of the Zurich Bible greatly
preponderates'- In the Apocrypha, Coverdale moves with
comparative freedom, and his translation has far more
originality. The New Testament is a very favourable specimen of
his labour. Its basis is Tindale's first edition, but this he
very carefully revised by the help of the second edition*
and yet more by the German. Thus on a rough calcul
ation of changes, not simply of form or rhythm, more
than three-fourths of the emendations introduced by
Coverdale into Tindale's version of i John are derived
from Luther, but the whole number of changes, and they
are nearly all verbal, is, if I have counted rightly, only
a hundred and twenty-three.
Thus the claims of Coverdale, as far as his Bible is
concerned, must be reduced to the modest limits which

' A verse from Jonah (iv. 6) may
be quoted to shew the extent of the
resemblance. The variations of Tin-
dale are noted in italics and given
below : ' and the Lorde God'^ pre-
' pared t a wylde vyne which sprange
' vp ouer lonas, that he might haue
' shadowe aboue% his heade, to delyuer
'him out of his payne. And lonas
'was exceadinge glad of the wylde
' vyne.' * om. Tindale. t add as it were.
Tindale. J ouer, Tindale.
One singular phrase in ii. 3 common
to Coverdale and Tindale may be
noted, ' all thy wawes and rowles of
' water went ouer me. '
^ Like Rogers he neglected the
fragmentary 'Epistles.' See p. 176.

' His marginal renderings throw
great light on the authorities which
he consulted. These are traced to
their sources in App. iv.
* In I John he appears to follow
the first and second editions where
they differ in about an equal number
of places. But it is evident that the
first edition was his foundation, for
he follows it in one clear mistake of
reading iii. 11, that ye should love,
and in one error of grammar, iv. 20,
hateth, both of which were corrected
by Tindale on revision, and would not
have been reintroduced.
The changes are such as would
easily have been made while the book
was passing through the press.

Ill]

COVERDALE

165

he fixed himself. But though he is not original yet he
was endowed with an instinct of discrimination which is
scarcely less precious than originality, and a delicacy of
ear which is no mean qualification for a popular translator. (
It would be an interesting work to note the subtle changes 1
of order and turns of expression which we owe to him'.
In the epistle from which most of our illustrations have |
been taken 'the pride of life' and 'the world passeth
'away,' are immeasurable improvements on Tindale's 'the
' pride of goods', and ' the world vanisheth away ' ; and the ¦
rendering 'shutteth up his heart' (due to Luther) is as
much more vigorous than Tindale's 'shutteth up his
' compassion ' as it is more touching than the strange com
bination of the Authorised Version ' shutteth up his bowels
' of compassion!
Coverdale has a tendency to diffuseness, which in some
places (as Ecclus. xliv.) leads him to long paraphrases of
his text. The fault is one from which the Zurich Bible
also suffers, and he may have fallen into it from imitating
the style of his model too closely even when he abandoned
its words. But his phrasing is nearly always rich and
melodious. The general character of his version as com
pared with that of Tindale may be very fairly represented
by that of the Prayer Book Version of the Psalms as
compared with the Authorised Version in the Bible. In
both cases Coverdale's work is smooth rather than literal.
He resolves relatives and participles and inserts con
junctions, if in that way he may make the rendering I
easier^ Just as Coverdale valued highly the existence of many Hisaccount
•^ o .^ offiis work.
translations', so he claimed for himself the right to ex
tend this characteristic of diversity to his own work. He
thought that he could thus attain comprehensiveness by
variety, and secure in some measure for one translation ^^^^
the advantages which he found in many. ' Where as the -— y-
' most famous interpreters of all geue sondrye iudgmentes

V

' See Note at the end of the
Section, p. 167.

2 See p. 208.
' See p. 60.

JL

l66 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
' of the texte (so farre as it is done by y° sprete of
'knowlege in the holy goost) me thynke noman shulde
'be offended there at, for they referre theyr doinges in
' mekenes to the sprete of trueth in the congregacyon of
'god... Be not thou offended therfore (good Reader) though
' one call a scrybe, that another calleth a lawyer : or elders,
'that another calleth father & mother: or repentaunce,
'that another calleth pennaunce or amendment... And this
' maner haue I vsed in my translacyon, callyng it in some
' place pennaunce, that in another place I call repentaunce,
' and that not onely because the interpreters haue done
'so before me, but' — and this introduces a second
characteristic reason — 'that the aduersaries of the trueth
' maye se, how that we abhorre not this word penaunce,
' (as they vntruly reporte of vs). . .' '
The work There may be some weakness in this, and Coverdale
which he
'W^vh^ suffered for it ; yet it may not be lightly condemned. In
Bible. crises of great trial it is harder to sympathize with many
views than with one. There is a singularity which is the
element of progress ; but there is a catholicity which is
the condition of permanence; and this Coverdale felt.
'As y^ holy goost then is one, workynge in y° and me
'as he wyl, so let vs not swarue from y' vnite, but be
'one in him. And for my parte I ensure the I am in-
' different to call it aswell w' the one terme as with y'
' other, so longe as I know that it is no preiudice nor
'iniury to the meanynge of the holy goost... ^' He may
have carried his respect for some so-called ' Ecclesiastical '
words to an excessive length, but even in this respect his
merit was substantial. It was well that Tindale should
for a time break the spell which was attached to words
like charity, confess, church, grace, priest, and recall men to
their literal meaning in love, [cic^know ledge, congregation,
favour, elder ; but it was no less Well that the old words,
' [A Prologe. Myles Coverdale ^ [Preface to the Reader, in the
vnto the Christen Reader (prefixed to Latin-English New Testament, Nicol-
the Bible of 1535).] Remains, pp. son, 1538.] Remains, -p. i(). (Park.
19, 20. Soc.)

Ill]

COVERDALE

167

and with them the historical teaching of many centuries, \
should not be wholly lost from our Bibles. That they ) 0
were not lost was due to the labours of Coverdale ; but | >
his influence was felt not so much directly through his ;
own first Bible, as through Matthew's Bible, in which i,
a large portion of it was incorporated, and still more \
through the Great Bible, in which he revised more than i;
once his own work and that of Tindale with which it had f
been joined'.

' The classification of the books
in Coverdale's Bible (1535) is the
following : —
(i) [The Pentateuch.]
(2) The seconde parte of the olde
Testament. Josua — I Esdr. 3 Esdr. Hester.
Job — Salomons Balettes (with no
special heading).
(3) All the Prophetes in English.
Esay, Jeremy, Baruch, Ezechiel —
Malachy. (4) 'Apocripha. The bokes and
' treatises which amonge the fathers of
' olde are not rekened to be of like
' authorite with the other bokes of
' the byble, nether are they foiide in
' the Canon of the Hebrue.
'3 Esdras, 4 Esdras... 1 Mach. 2
' Mach. 'Vnto these also belongeth Baruc,
' whom we haue set amoge the pro-
' phetes next vnto Jeremy, because he
' was his scrybe, and in his tyme. '
(S) The new testament.
iv. Gospels. Acts.
The Epistles of S. Paul.
Romans — Philemon.
1. 2 S. Peter.
I. 2. 3 S. John.
Hebrews. S. James.

S. Jude.

The Revelation of S. John.
In Nycolson's new edition of the
Bible' (1537) the books are arranged
differently :
(i) The first part: Genesis — Ruth.
(2) The second part : i Samuel —
Esther. (3) The third part : Job — Salomons
balletes. (4) The Prophets: Esaias, Jere-
mias, Threni, Ezechiel — Malachias.
(5) The Apocrypha: 3 Esdr. 4 Esdr.
...Baruch...! Mac. 2 Mac.
The books in the N.T. follow the
same order as before.
The edition of 1550 follows the
order of that of 1537.
The edition of 1537 is described as
being ' newly overseen and corrected ' ;
but as far as I have been able to com
pare the texts the differences which
are not accidental are few and unim
portant. In I John I have noted only
the following : —
i. T oi the lyfe (of life 1535).
7 is lyght (is in lighte).
ii. 14 the wycked (that wicked).
28 be ashamed (be made ashamed).
iii. 18 My children (My title children).
iv. 3 the sprete (that sprete).
V. 10 because. ..of his Sonne. Omitted

m IS35-
1 1 the recorde (that recorde).

Note to p. 165.

The following samples taken from
a single Gospel (St Matthew) will

illustrate the felicity of Coverdale's
minute changes.

X

i68

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Coverdale, 1535.
i. 25 fyrst borne sonne A.V.
ii. 2 the new home kynge
iii. 4 a lethre gerdell A.V.
— 11 to repentaunce A.V. (unto)
— 14 I haue nede to be A.V.
iv. 8 Agayne, the deuyll toke hym
vp A.V. (taketh)
— 14 y' the thinge might be ful
filled A.V. (it)
V. 36 one heer whyte A.V.
— 39 the other also
vi. 10 Thy kyngdome A.V.
— 12 dettes A.V.
— — detters
— 32 do the heithen seke
— 34 Euery daye hath ynough of
his owne trauayll
vii. 21 Lorde Lorde A.V.
— — the will of my father A.V.
viii. 9 subiect to y= auctorite of an
other
X. 41 a righteous mans rewarde
A.V.
12 the violent A.V.
4 the shew breds
— 12 to do good
— 45 goeth he A.V.
xiii. 1 1 Vnto you it is geuen
— 13 &c. parables
— 30 tyll the haruest A.V. (until)
— 31 put he forth A.V.
— 58 because of their vnbeleue
A.V.
xiv. 24 for the winde was cotrary
A.V.
— 28 yf it be thou A.V.
XV. 23 crieth after us A.V.
xvi. 3 It wil be foule wedder to
daye A.V.
— — for the szkye is reed, &
gloometh
— 7 we haue take
— 20 charged he A.V.
— 23 y" thinges that be of God,
but of men
xvii. 5 ouershadowed A.V.
xviii. 10 do alwaye
— 26 haue paciece w' me A.V.
— 33 shuldest not thou then A.V.
(also)

XI.
xii.

Tindale, 1534.
fyrst Sonne
he y' is borne kynge
a gerdell of a skynne
in toke of repentauce
I ought to be
The devyll toke hym vp j^ayne
to fulfill that
one white heer
the other
Let thy kyngdome
treaspasestrespacers seke the gentyls
for the daye present hath ever ynough
of his awne trouble
Master, Master
my fathers will
vndre power
the rewarde of a righteous man
they that go to it with violence
y^ halowed loves
to do a good dede
he goeth
it is geve vnto you A.V.
similitudes
tyll harvest come
he put forthe
for there vnbelefes sake
for it was a cotrary wynde
if thou be he
foloweth vs cryinge
to daye shalbe foule wedder
& y' because the skye is cloudy &
reed
because we have brought
he charged
godly thingv, but worldly thing*
shadowedalwayes
geve me respyte
was it not mete also y' thou shuldest

Ill]

MATTHEW

169

xxii.
xxiii.

XXVI.
xxvii.

Coverdale, 1535.
20 All these haue I kepte
fro my youth vp A.V.
(things)
10 But whan the first came,
they supposed A.V.
28 But what thinke ye? A.V.
42 is become the heade stone in
32 the God of Abraham A.V.
9 one is youre father A.V.
15 to make one Proselyte A.V.
28 there wyl the Aegles be
gathered together A.V.
44 that ye thynke not A.V. (as)
45 in due season A.V.
21 entre thou in to the ioye of
thy lorde A.V.
64 From this tyme forth
6 the Gods chest
62 the daye of preparynge

Tindale, 1534.
I have observed all these thingis from
my youth
Then came y° fyrst, supposyng
What saye ye to this ?
is set in y^ principall parte of
Abrahams God
there is but one youre father
to bringe one in to youre belefe
eve thyther will the egles resorte
ye thinke he wolde not
in season covenient
entre in into thy masters ioye
hereafter A.V.
the treasury A.V.
good frydaye

§ 3. Matthew.
The Bible which bears Matthew's name consists of Matthew's
three distinct elements. The Pentateuch and the New posite.
Testament are reprinted from Tindale's published trans
lations with very slight variations'. The books of the Old
Testament from Ezra to Malachi, and the Apocrypha, are
reprinted in like manner from Coverdale. The remaining
books of the Old Testament from Joshua to 2 Chronicles
are a new translation. Nothing in the book itself indicates
the sources from which it was derived, and the direct
external evidence is vague and inconclusive. If it proves

' I have not collated any consider
able passages of the Pentateuch with
Matthew, though it would be interest
ing to compare a complete book in
the Pentateuchs of 1531 and 1534
vrith Matthew (1537). [In Mombert's
edition of Tindale's Pentateuch (1885)
a collation of Tindale and Matthew is
given, Proleg. pp. cxi-^cxix.] The
text of Matthew's New Testament is
examined below, p. 1 78.

In Mr Offor's MS. Collections for
a history of the English Bible (Bnt.
Mus. 26,670-3) there is a collation
of Tindale's Pentateuchs of 1530
(1531) and 1534 with one another,
and also with Matthew and Cover-
dale. Matthew appears to follow
the earlier edition almost without
exception: Coverdale generally the
later. I have not however verified
the collations.

170

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

strype'saccount of
it.

anything it proves too much. Thus Strype, following
Bale, relates that Rogers 'translated the Bible [in this
'edition] into English from Genesis to the end of the
'Revelations, making use of the Hebrew, Greek, Latin,
' German and English (that is Tyndale's) copies.' He also
it is said 'added prefaces and notes out of Luther, and
' dedicated the whole book to king Henry, under the name
' of Thomas Matthews {sic) by an epistle prefixed, minding
'to conceal his own name'.' No description could well
be more inaccurate. More than a third of the book is
certainly Coverdale's. The Preface to the Apocrypha
is translated from that in the French Bible of Olivetan^
The Prologue to the Romans is Tindale's. The dedication

' Strype, Cranmer, I. 117. With
singular inconsistency Strype else
where (p. 84) gives Foxe's account
(quoted below), which is different from
this in many essential particulars.
^ This insertion is very remark
able. I have not been able to detect
any other mark of the influence of
the French translation on Matthew.
[Of the preliminary matter ' The
' Summe and Content &c.' is taken
from Lefevre's French Bible of 1534,
as are the woodcuts in the book of
Revelation and the figure of S. Paul
in the Epistle to the Romans, &c.
The engraved title-pages to the Old
and New Testaments, the full-page
engraving before Genesis, and the
woodcut before Isaiah, are from the
Liibeck Bible of 1533-4. The head
ings of chapters in Matthew's Bible,
as well as the marginal notes and
references, are largely taken from
Lefevre. See Appendix xi. The
address 'To the Chrysten Readers,'
the ' Table of pryncypall matters,'
and ' The names of all the bokes ' are
from Olivetan. In the books of the
Old Testament, from Ezra onwards,
Matthew's Bible substantially follows
Coverdale, the editor making slight
changes in rendering, in which he

follows Olivetan, and in the trans
literation of proper names. See, for
instance, Ezra iii. 4, 12, iv. 12, x. 17;
Neh. ii. 20; Job vi. 4, 6, 13, 14, xix.
22, XX. 16; Prov. ix. 2, &c. Passages
omitted in Coverdale are added in
Matthew from Olivetan. See Neh.
vii. 6; Esther ii. 9. The changes in
the later books are fewer, but the
Prayer of Manasseh, as well as the
Preface to the Apocrypha, are trans
lated literally from Olivetan. Many
of the marginal notes in Matthew are
also from Olivetan, particularly those
which refer to the Versions. See
Judg. ix. 5, 6, 14, 16, XV. 8; i Sam.
xii. 6, xxvi. 25; 2 Sam. xxi. 16, xxiii.
32, 33; I K. X. II, &c.; Job i. 21, 22.
In Job I have traced eighteen of the
marginal notes to CEcolampadius, In
Jobum Exegemata, 1532.
By an Act of Parliament, 34 Henry
VIII., 1542-4, anyone who possessed
a Bible or New Testament, with
marginal notes or preambles, was
obliged, under a penalty of 40J., to
' cutte or blotte the same,' so as to
make them illegible. I have an im
perfect copy of Matthew's Bible which
has been so treated, and there is
another in the Library of the Bible
Society. W. A. W.]

Ill] MATTHEW 171
is signed by Thomas Matthew. It is evident that no
dependence can be placed on the details of such evidence.
The narrative of Foxe is not more satisfactory : ' In the fox^s
'translation of this Bible the greatest doer was indeed
' W. Tyndale, who with the help of Miles Coverdale had
'translated all the books thereof except only the Apo-
'crypha, and certain notes in the margin which were
'added after. But because the said W. Tyndale in the
'meantime was apprehended before this Bible was fully
'perfected, it was thought good... to father it by a strange
'name of Thomas Matthewe. John Rogers at the same
' time being corrector to the print, who had then translated
'the residue of the Apocrypha and added also certain
' notes thereto in the margin : and thereof came it
'to be called "Thomas Matthewe's Bible'."' It is un
necessary to dwell upon the errors in this account. Foxe
has evidently wrought out into a story the simple fact
that Tindale, Coverdale, and Rogers were all engaged
upon the work.
But although these original statements are thus loose, Rogers
and I have been unable to find any more trustworthy,
it can scarcely be doubted that Rogers did superintend
Matthew's Bible, and used in it the materials which Tindale
had prepared, and that these constitute the new translation
(Joshua — 2 Chronicles). If he had purposed to complete
the translation himself it is not likely that he would have
paused at the end of 2 Chronicles. On the other hand,
Tindale's engagements might have allowed him to com
plete thus much more of his work in the interval between
the publication of his Pentateuch and his death. The The version
, - . , offcnah
version of Jonah was an exceptional work, and furnishes from
^ , Coverdale.
no ground for supposing that he did not intend to proceed
regularly through the Old Testament. Perhaps, too, it
was from the exceptional character of this translation,
which was as it were a text for the Prologue, that Rogers
was led to adopt Coverdale's version of Jonah as well as
of the other Prophets, though he could not have been
' Acts and Monuments, v. 410.

172

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Matthew's
text com
pared with
the 'Epistles
frOTn the
Old Testa
ment.'

ignorant of Tindale's work ; and the fact that Coverdale
had used Tindale's rendering diligently left no over
powering reason for abandoning him'.
We are not however left wholly to conjecture in deter
mining the authorship of the original portion of Matthew's
Bible. The 'Epistles of the Old Testament' added to
Tindale's New Testament of 1534, contain several passages
from the Historical Books as well as from the Pentateuch ;
and generally it may be said that these fragments bear
about the same relation to the translation in Matthew
as those from the Pentateuch do to Tindale's published
text. There are from time to time considerable variations
between them, but still it is evident that the renderings are
not independent. It is of course possible that Rogers may
have consulted the fragments in the execution of his work,
but, as will appear directly, this supposition is practically
inadmissible, because the corresponding sections from the
Prophets and the Apocrypha are completely neglected.

[' In the year 1883 Dr Westcott
received a communication from Mr
Justice Bradley, a Judge of the
Supreme Court of the United States,
calling his attention to a passage in
Hall's Chronicle (1548), which has a
direct bearing on Tindale's share in
the translation of the Historical Books
of the Old Testament, as incorporated
by Rogers in Matthew's Bible. The
passage occurs on fol. 227 a under
' The xxvij yere of Kyng Henry the
' .viij.' and is as follows :
' This yere in the moneth of Sept-
' ember Wyllyam Tyndale otherwyse
• called Hichyns was by the crueltie of
' the clergie of Louay n cbndempned and
' burned in a toune besyde Bruxelles
'in Braband called Vylford. This
'man translated the New testament
' into Englishe and fyrst put it in
'Prynt, and likewise he translated
'the .V. bookes of Moses, losua,
' ludicum, Ruth, the bookes of the
'Kynges and the bookes of Parali-
'pomenon, Nehemias or the fyrst of

' Esdras, the Prophet lonas, & nomore
' of y' holy scripture. '
Now bearing in mind that Richard
Grafton not only printed and published
Hall's Chronicle, but continued it from
1 5 3 2 after Hall's death, and that in con-
junction with Edward Whitchurch he
had published Matthew's Bible in
'537> when he must have been in
communication with Rogers; and
moreover that Rogers returned to
England in 1548, the year in which
the Chronicle appeared, it is not
unreasonable to conclude, with Mr
Justice Bradley, that the paragraph in
question contained information derived
from Rogers, even if it were not writ
ten by Rogers himself. Tindale's com
pleted work on the Historical Books
probably ended with 2 Chronicles, the
rest being left unfinished, so that
Rogers preferred to give Coverdale's
Version of Ezra and Nehemiah with
slight changes instead of attempting
to supplement an imperfect work.]

Ill]

MATTHEW

173

Two examples will illustrate the extent of the coin- Example
cidence and variations between the versions, and serve
to shew how much dependence can be placed on this
indication of the identity of their authorship.

Tindale, 1534.
1 7 'Ln those dayes it chaunsed
' that the sonne of the wyfe of
'the house was sycke, & the
'sycknes was so great that
'there remayned no breth in
'him. 18 Then she sayde to
'Helias, what have I to do
' with the, thou ma of god ?
' Dydest thou come to me, that
' my synne shuld be kepte in
'mynde&ito sie my sonne? 19 And
' he sayde vnto hir, geve me thy
' Sonne, & he tooke him oute of
'hir lappe and caried him vp
'into an hie chamber, where
' he him selfe dwelt, & layde him
'on the bed. 20 And he called
' vnto the Lorde & sayde : O
' Lorde my god, hast thou dealt so
'cruelly with the wydowe with
' whome I dwell, as to kyll hir
' Sonne ? 21 And he measured
'the chyld .iii. tymes, & called
' vnto the Lorde & sayde : Lorde
'my God, let this childes soule
' come agayne into him. 2 2 And
'the Lorde herkened vnto the
' voyce of Helias, & this chyldes
' soule came agayne vnto him, and
'he revived.'

Matthew (Tindale).
17 'And after these thynges, it 1. Kings
happened that the sonne of the f""' ''~
wyfe of the house fell sicke.
And his sicknesse was so sore,
that there was no breath left in
him. 1 8 Then saide she vnto
Eliah what haue I to do with
the, O thou man of God? art
thou come vnto me, that my
synne shulde be thought on &
my Sonne slayne ? i g And Eliah
sayd vnto her: geue me thy
sonne. And he toke him out
of her lappe and caryed him
vp into a lofte wher he lay,
& layde him vpon his awne
beed, 20 and called vnto the
Lorde and sayde: O Lord my
God, hast thou bene so euell
vnto the wedowe wyth whome
I soiourne, that thou hast slayne
her sonne? 2 1 And he stretched
hym selfe vpo the lad thre
tymes, and called vnto the
Lorde and sayde : O Lorde my
God, let the laddes soule come
into hym agayne. 22 And the
Lorde heard the voyce of
Eliah, and the soule of the lad
came into hym agayne, and he
reuiued.'

To these versions that of Coverdale' may be added
for comparison. The differences from both the others are
' The text of 1537 agrees with that of 1535.

174 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
marked: 'And after these actes the sonne of the wife of
'y° house was sicke: and his sicknes was so exceadinge
' sore, that there remayned no breth in him. And she
' sayde vnto Elias : What haue I to do with the, thou man
'of God? Art thou come in vnto me, y' my sin shulde
'be kepte in remembraunce & that my sonne shulde be
'slayne} He sayde vnto her: Geue me thy sonne. And
'he toke him fro hir lappe, & caried him vp in to f
'chamber where he him selfe dwelt, and layed him vpo
'his bed, & called vpon the Lorde, and saide: O Lorde
'my God, hast thou dealt so euell with the wedow with
' whom I dwell, y' thou woldest slaye hir sonne } And he
'stretched out him selfe over the childe thre tymes, &
' called vpon the Lorde, and saide : O Lord my God, let
' the soule of this childe come agayne in to him. And the
' Lorde herde the voyce of Elias. And the soule of the
'childe came agayne vnto him, & he reuyued.'
The second example is similar in character :
Tindale, 1534. Matthew (Tindale).
^Jfi^e^ 5 ' And as he laye and slepte 5 ' And as he laye and slepte
' vnder flgenaper tree: beholde, 'vnder the Ginaper tree: be-
' an angell touched him, and ' holde, there came an Angell &
"sayde thus: vp and eate. 6 'touched hym, & sayde vnto
' And he loked vp : and beholde ' hym : vp and eate. 6 And he
'there was at his heed a cake 'looked aboute hym: and se,
' baken on the coles and a cruse ' there was a loffe of broyled
' of water. And he ate and ' breade and a cruse of water at
' dranke, and layde him doune ' his heed. And he ate and
' agayne. 7 And the angell of ' dracke and layde hym downe
'the Lorde came agayne the 'agayne to slepe. 7 And the
'seconde tyme and touched 'Angell of the Lorde came
' him, and sayde : vp and eate : ' agayne the seconde tyme and
'for thou hast a great waye to 'touched hym, & sayde: vp &
'goo.' 'eate, for thou hast a longe
' Journey e to go.'
These versions may again be compared with Cover-
dale's : ' And he layed him downe & slepte vnder the
'luniper tre. And beholde, f angell touched him, &

XIX. 5—7.

Ill]

MATTHEW

175

'sayde vnto him, Stonde vp, and eate. And he loked
'aboute him, & beholde at his heade there was a bred
'baken on the coles, & a cruse with water. And wha7i he
'had eaten and dronke, he layed him downe agayne to
'slepe. And y° angell of the Lorde came agayne the
'seconde tyme, & touched him, & sayde: Stonde vp, and
'eate, for thou hast a greate waye to go'.'
It must be remembered in considering these fragments
that they are taken from simple narratives, where there is
comparatively little scope for striking variations^. But
even so, as far as they go, they fall in with the traditional
belief that the new translation in Matthew's Bible is really
Tindale's and not a new work of Rogers'.

' The editions of 1535 and 1537
again agree.
" In a few verses of Genesis (xxxvii.
6-9) seven variations occur. See
p. 157, n. The passage Ex. xxiv. 12
—18, on the other hand, shews only
one variation. Ex. xx. 12 — 24 and
Num. XX. 2 — 13 are very similar in
both, but with variations.
' I am unable to speak of the style
of the two groups of books — the Pen
tateuch and Joshua — 2 Chron. A
careful comparison of the versions in
this respect could not fail to be fruit
ful ; but to be of any value it must be
minute. I can find nothing but vague
generalities in the authors to whom
I have referred. [Dr Moulton, in his
History of the English Bible (pp. 128
-9), pointed out three characteristic
renderings which are found in Tin-
dale's Pentateuch and also in the
Historical Books (Joshua — 2 Chron.)
in Matthew's Bible. The Hebrew
elon (A.V. plain) is represented by
' okegrove ' in Tindale's Genesis, and
by ' oak ' in Judges and i Samuel in
Matthew. Toph is uniformly rendered
' timbrel ' by Tindale in the Penta
teuch, and in the Historical Books in
Matthew, while Coverdale, except in
Ex. XV. 20, has 'tabret.' The expres

sion ¦ shut up and left ' (A.V.), which
occurs in Deut. xxxii. 36, is rendered
by Tindale (after Luther) 'presoned
' and forsaken,' and in the four pas
sages in which it is found in the
Historical Books in Matthew (i Kings
xiv. 10, xxi. 21 ; 2 Kings ix. 8, xiv. 26)
it is represented by ' in preson or for-
'saken,' 'presoned or forsaken,' 'the
' presoned or that is forsaken,' and
' the presoned and the forsaken.'
Dr Eadie (The English Bible, I. 321)
calls attention to the uniform render
ing ' ephod ' in Tindale's Pentateuch
and in the Historical Books in
Matthew, while Coverdale has 'over-
'body cote.' Tindale and Matthew
have 'Libanon,' while Coverdale has
' Libanus.' ' Tribulation ' is found as
the rendering of the same word in
Tindale, Deut. iv. 30, and in Matthew,
2 Sam. xxii. 7 and 2 Chron. xv. 4,
while in Coverdale it is different.
Coverdale always has ' the ark of the
'covenant,' while Tindale in the
Pentateuch has ' ark of the testament '
and once 'ark of the appointment,'
and both these renderings are found
in the Historical Books in Matthew.
In addition to these instances of
correspondence between the render
ings of Tindale in the Pentateuch

176

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Tindale's
fragtnent- ary trans
lationsneglected.

Is. li. 5.

But while Rogers thus incorporated into his Bible, as
we believe, all the complete translations of Tindale, except
Jonah, he took no account of the fragments which Tindale
had appended to the revised edition of his New Testament
as ' Epistles taken out of the Old Testament after the use
' of Salisbury.' This collection includes (if I have counted
rightly) twenty-three lessons from the Prophets and six
from the Apocrypha, besides others, from the Pentateuch
and Hagiographa. In those which I have examined
Matthew's Bible coincides verbally with Coverdale, and
Tindale's version is wholly different from both. Two
examples will be sufiicient to shew the extent of the
variation, and they are the more worthy of consideration
as the relation of Rogers to the two earlier translations
has been commonly misrepresented. There is nothing
which proves that he allowed himself more liberty in
dealing with Coverdale's work than in dealing with
Tindale's.

Tindale.
' My ryghteousnes is nye,
'and my salvacyon shall go
' oute, and myne armes shall
'iudge nacions, and ylondes
' shall loke for me & shall tarye
' after myne arme.'

Matthew (Coverdale).
' It is hard by, y' my health
' & my ryghtuousnesse shall
' goo forth, and the people shal
'be ordred with myne arme.
' The Handes (that is the Gen-
' tyles) shall hope in me, & put
' their trust in myne arme.'

Ecclus. XV.

' She shall exalt him amonge ' She shal brynge hym to ho-
Tindale has in Deuteronomy 'sprynges
' off Pisgah,' or ' springes of Pisga,'
and Rogers in Joshua 'sprynges (or
springes) of Phasgah,' this curious
transliteration, which he also substi
tuted in Deuteronomy, being taken
from Olivetan. The Hebrew word,
which when used in a friendly sense
is rendered 'to meet,' is in Tindale
(Gen. xiv. 17, xviii. 2, xix. i, xlvi.
29, &c.) and in Matthew (Josh. ix. 11;
Judg. iv. 18, 22, &c.) 'against.']

and those in the Historical Books in
Matthew's Bible, I have noted the
expressions ' pluck up your hearts ' in
Deut. xxxi. 6 ; Josh. x. 25, and i Chr.
xxii. 13 ; ' franchised city,' Num. xxxv.
25, 'franchised cities,' Josh. xxi. 13
(Coverdale alway s has ' fre ');' observe
'dismal days,' Lev. xix. 26; 2 Kings
xxi. 6 ; 2 Chron. xxxiii. 6 (A.V.
'observe times'). For what in the
A.V. is Ashdoth-Pisgah (Deut. iii. 17;
Josh. xii. 3, xiii. 20), and once
'springs of Pisgah' (Deut. iv. 49),

Ill] MATTHEW 177
Tindale. Matthew (Coverdale).
'his neyboures: and shall ope 'noure amonge his neyghboures,
' his mouthe eve in y° thyckest ' & in the myddest of the con-
' of the congregacio.' ' gregacyo shall she open his
'mouth'.'
It is then evident that Rogers did not undertake an The text of
elaborate revision of the texts of Tindale and Coverdale saiemiy
which he adopted. Still there are some changes in the '"''^""""'"
version which are unquestionably intentional {e.g. Prov. i. i ^,
Is. i. i), and numerous various readings in the margin
{e.g. Ps. xlvii. i.y. The numbering of the Psalms is ac
commodated to the Hebrew division. The interpolated
verses in Ps. xiv., which Coverdale had specially marked
as 'wanting in the Hebrew,' are omitted. The ' Hallelujah'
in the last Psalms is nobly rendered ' Praise the Ever-
' lasting"'. The characters in ' Salomons Ballet' (Canticles)
are distinguished by rubricated headings". But the dis
tinguishing feature of the edition is the marginal com
mentary on which the chief labour of the editor was
bestowed. This however belongs rather to the history
of doctrine than to the history of the English Bible".
And when this is set aside the textual peculiarities of
the edition are unimportant. In itself Matthew's Bible
has had no original and independent influence upon the
authorised text. Its great work was to present the
earlier texts in a combined form which might furnish
the common basis of later revisions. But in this respect
it is most unjust to call it Tindale's Bible. If regard be
had to the books taken from each it is in its primitive
form hardly less Coverdale's than Tindale's, though (if
we except the Psalms) much more of Tindale's than
' [Both these are from the Zurich * It would be an interesting and
Version of 1530.] easy task to trace out the sources of
^ [' Instraction ' is from Olivetan.] the commentary. Pellican was ob-
' [From Lefevre's French Bible of viously used. Some specimens of the
1534.] notes are given in App. v. See also
* [From Olivetan.] p. 71, n. i.
° [As in Lefevre (1534).]

178

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISPI BIBLE

[CH.

The New
Testament
of Matthew
takenfromTindales
revision of
1535-

of Coverdale's work has been preserved unchanged in
common use.
There is still one point in the history of Matthew's
Bible which is of considerable interest. The text of
the New Testament differs considerably in details from
Tindale's revised edition of 1534. This fact has lent
colour to the belief that Rogers revised the text of the
Bible throughout, for it has been assumed that Tindale
did not again revise his own work. The assumption and
conclusion were equally wrong. It has been seen already
that the remarkable New Testament of 1535 was again,
as the title-page affirms, 'diligently corrected and com-
' pared with the Greek,' and this last revision, and not
that of 1534, was adopted by Rogers. The differences
which exist between Matthew and this last Testament of
Tindale are very slight and can be explained in most
cases by the supposition of accidental errors : their agree
ment on the other hand extends to the adoption of some
certain mistakes. A complete collation remains yet to
be made, but on an examination of a large number of
passages I have found scarcely any characteristic readings
of the edition of 1535 which do not also appear in
Matthew's Bible of 1537'. From internal evidence it

' The following collation of Tin-
dale's Testaments of 1534, 1S35, and
Matthew of 1537 in Mark xvi. and
the Epistles to the Romans and Gala
tians will justify in all respects the
statements made in the text. The
error in Mark xvi. 17 is very remark
able. The readings in ( ) are those of
the Testament of 1534.
Mark xvi. 11 though (when 1534)
they heard... and (and he 1534) had ap
peared... je/(om.) they believed it not.
So Matthew (1537).
— 17 these things (these signs).
So Matthew.
— 19 sate him down (is set down).
So Matthew.
Rom. i. 5 unto -)- the obedience. So
Matthew.

16 the Jewj...the Gentiles... Not
Matthew. — ii. I in that (the) same. So
Matthew. 8 and (yet) follow. So Matthew.
9 Jewj . . . Gentilej ... Not Matthew.
— iv. 10 \n + the time of circum
cision. So Matthew.
— vii. 8 for -t- verily without the law.
So Matthew.
— viii. 3 inasmuch + as it was weak.
So Matthew.
15 not (no) received. So Matthew.
30 them also he c. (them he also c).
So Matthew.
— ix. 16 running (cunning). So
Matthew. xii. 13 be ready to harbour (diligently
toh.). So Matthew.

Ill]

THE GREAT BIBLE

179

seems likely that both these texts were taken from the
same corrected copy of Tindale. Such a hypothesis would
account equally for the discrepancies between them, since
the New Testament at least is most carelessly printed,
and for their agreement in errors which can only have
been derived from the original copy'.

§ 4. The Great Bible.
Matthew's Bible was essentially a transitional work.
It had hardly passed into circulation when a careful re
vision of it was undertaken. This, as all evidence external
and internal goes to prove, was entrusted to Coverdale.
It was thoroughly characteristic of the man that he should
be ready to devote himself to the perfecting of another's

Rom. xiii. 9 the commandments be
(these c). Not Matthew.
13 as were it in (the 1534) day.
Not Matthew.
— xiv. 15 with (thy 1534) meat.
Not Matthew.
— XV. 6 Christ -)-y««. So Mat
thew. — xvi. 5 the congregation that is in
their house (all the company that is
in thy house). So Matthew.
18 preaching (preachings). Not
Matthew. 19 innocent as concerning (inno
cents concerning). So Matthew.
Gal. ii. I thereafter (after that). So
Matthew. 2 between ourselves with them (apart
with them). So Matthew.
16 can be (shall be). So Matthew.
— iii. 4 then ye (there ye). Mat
thew omits.
9 -t- the faithful A. Not Matthew.
16 as one (as in one)... Not Mat
thew. Prof. Moulton informs me that
there are eight differences between
the editions of Matthew of 1537 and
1551 in these passages. [If the edition

The Great
Bible a re
vision of
Matthew'sby Cover-
dale.

of 1551 is that printed by Daye, the
number of differences is eleven : Mark
xvi. II (two), ig; Rom. i. 5, vii. 8,
30, xii. 13, xvi. 5; Gal. ii. 1, 2, iii. 4.
The edition printed by Hyll in the
same year differs from Matthew in five
passages : Mark xvi. 1 1 (two) ; Rom.
xii. 13, xvi. 19; Gal. iii. 4.]
Compare also App. III. and note,
p. 158.
' The Books of the Bible are ar
ranged in the following order:
The books of the Old Testament.
Genesis — The Ballet of ballets.
The Prophets : Isaiah — Malachi.
The Apocrypha : 3 Esdr. 4 Esdr. . . .
Baruch...! Mach. 2 Mach.
The New Testament.
The four Gospels. The Acts.
The Epistles,
IT Romans — Philemon.
IT I, 2 S. Peter.
IT I, 2, 3 S. John.
1" To the Hebrews.
IT S. James.
IT Judas.
IT The Revelation.
The order of the books in Taverner
(1539) '^ *-^^ same.

i8o

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Coverdale s
plan. fune z'ird,
1538-

A ugust gill.

Miinstei^s
edition his
chief help in
tlie Old Tes
tament.

labours ; and he has left us an account of his method of
procedure. ' We folowe,' he writes, ' not only a standynge
' text of the Hebrue, with the interpretacion of the
' Caldee, and the Greke', but we set, also, in a pryvate
'table, the dyversite of redinges of all textes...^.' And
again when the work had made some progress he enters
into greater details : ' As touchynge the maner and order,
'that we kepe in the same worke, pleaseth your good
' Lordship to be advertised, that the merke |^p° in the text,
' signifieth, that upon the same (in the later ende of the
' booke) there is some notable annotacion ; which we have
' writen without any pryvate opinion, onlye after the best
'interpreters of the Hebrues, for the more clearnesse of
' the texte. This mark J betokeneth, that upon the same
' texte there is diversitie of redynge, amonge the Hebrues,
' Caldees, and Grekes, and Latenystes ; as in a table, at
' the ende of the booke, shalbe declared. This marke '^x
' sheweth that the sentence, written in small letters is not
' in the Hebrue, or Caldee, but in the Latyn, and seldome
' in the Greke ; and that we, neverthelesse, wolde not have
' it extinct, but higlye accept yt, for the more explanacion
' of the text. This token f, in the Olde Testament geueth
' to understand, that the same texte, which foloweth it, is
' also alledged of Christ, or of some Apostle, in the Newe
' Testament. This (amonge other oure necessarie laboures)
'is the waye that we take, in this worke...'.'
It is obvious that a man who thus describes his plan
is not the mere press-corrector of another's revision, but
himself the editor of the entire work^. If there were any

' These would be accessible in the
Complutensian Polyglott. A copy of
this with the autograph of Cranmer
[? Cranmer's secretary] is now in the
British Museum. Coverdale may have
used these very volumes. [The Com
plutensian Polyglott has only the
Chaldee of the Pentateuch.]
- {State Papers, I. 576.]
^ {State Papers, I. 578-9.]
* It is a very important confirma

tion of this view that Fulke speaks of
the Bible of 1562 'most used in the
'Church Service in King Edward's
' time ' as ' Doctor Coverdale's trans-
' lation ' (Defence of Eng. Trans, p.
68). This was an edition of the Great
Bible. This passage also explains
the anecdote which he gives of the
criticism and revision of ' Coverdale's
Bible.' See p. 192, n. 2.

Ill] THE GREAT BIBLE iSl
doubt remaining it would be removed by the character
of the revision. About the time when Coverdale's own
Version was passing through the press a new Latin
Version of the Old Testament with the Hebrew text and
a commentary chiefly from Hebrew sources was published
by Sebastian Miinster (1534-5). It does not appear that
at that time Coverdale was able to avail himself of it.
The Zurich Version was sufficient. But a very slight
comparison of Munster with the Zurich Bible could not
fail to bring out the superior clearness of the former.
Even a poor Hebrew scholar must feel its general faith
fulness. Thus Coverdale found an obvious method to
follow. He revised the text of Matthew, which was laid
down as the basis, by the help of Miinster. The result
was the Great Bible.
One difficult passage given in full will be sufficient to
shew the certainty of this explanation of the origin of
the text of the Great Bible, and for the interest of the
comparison the Zurich original of Coverdale's translation
is added'. Matthew (Tindale). ' Thorou a windoive loked judges v.
' Sisaras mother and howled thorowe a lattesse, why abydeth
' his charet so loge, y' it cometh not, why tarye the wheles
' of his waggans f
' The wysest of her ladyes answered her : yee & she
' answered her awne word^ her selfe haplye they haue foiide,
' & deuyde the spoyle : A mayde, ye two mayd' for a pece :
' a spoyle of dyuerse coloures for Sisara, a spoyle of dyuerse
' coloures wyth brodered workes, dyuerse coloured browdered
' worcff for y° necke for a praye.'
Coverdale. Zurich Version.
His mother loked out at the Seyn mutter sach zum fen-
wyndowe, & cried piteously ster ausz, vnnd schrey mit
thorow the trallace : Why tar- klag durchs gatter : Warub
rieth his charet out so loge, bleibt sein wagen so lang aus-
' The italicised words are differently with the Greek and Latin. I have
rendered in the several versions, and kept the spelling of the German of
furnish the best means of comparison 1530.

1 82

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Collation of
Ps. li.

Coverdale.
that he cometh not? Wher
fore do the wheles of his cha
ret make so longe tarienge 1
The wysest amoge his ladies
answered, 6^ sayde vnto her:
Shulde they not finde & deuide
the spoyle, vnto euery man a
fayre mayde or two for a pray,
&= partye coloured garmetes of
nedle worke to Sissera for a
spoyle, partye coloured garmentes
of nedle worke aboute the necke
for a pray ?
Great Bible (1539, 1540,
1541)-
The mother of Sisera loked
out at a wyndowe, & cryed
thorow the lattesse : Why is
his charret so long a corny ng?
Why tarye the wheles of his
cartes ?
All the wyse ladies answered
her, yee ad her awne wordes
answered hir selfe. Surely they
haue founde, they deuyde y°
spoyles : Euery ma hath a ddsell
or two : Sisera hath a praye
of diuerse coloured garmetes,
eue a praye of raymet dyed w'
sodrye coloures, &" y' are made
of nedle worke : rayment of
diuerse coloures ad of nedle
worke, which is mete for him y'
is chefe in distributynge of y'
spoyles. The collation of a longer passage gives an exactly
similar result. The Fifty-first Psalm has no especial
difficulty, but Coverdale (Matthew) and the Great Bible

Zurich Version.
sen, das er nit kompt? Wa-
rumb verziehend die reder
seins wagens ?
Die weysest vnder seinen
frauwen antwurtet, vnnd sprach
zu jr: Sollend sy nit finden
vnd auszteilen den raub, eym
yeglichen mann eyn schone
matzen oder zwo zur auszbeiit,
vnd Sissera bundte gestickte
kleyder zur auszbeiit, gestickte
bundte kleyder vmb den halsz
zur auszbeiit ?

MiJNSTER.
Per fenestram prospexit, et
vociferata est mater Siserse,
per cancellos inquam : quare
moratur currus ejus venire?
ut quid morantur vestigia
quadrigarum ejus ? Sapientes
quseque dominse responde-
bant illi, quin et ipsa sibi
ipsi reddebat verba. Certe
invenerunt, dividunt spolia :
est puella vel duae puellse cui-
libet viro : habet Sisera prae-
dam vestium coloratarum
prsedam inquam vestium vario
tinctarum colore et quK acu-
pictse sunt : vestem discolorem
et acupictam, quae priori corn-
petit in spoliorum distributione.

Ill] THE GREAT BIBLE 1 83
differ in the following places. Every change it will be
seen can be traced to Miinster, except one which is
marked as coming from the Latin Vulgate\
I thy goodnes Coverdale.
thy * {greate) goodnes Great Bible.
— and acordnge vnto thy greate. . . C.
— according vnto the multitude of. . . G. B.
— secundum multitudinem... Miinster.
2 Wash me well C.
Wash me thorowly G. B.
plurimum M.
4 Agaynst the only, agaynst the... C.
Agaynst the onely G. B. : M.
— euell C.
this euell G. B.
malum hoc M.
— in thy saynges C.
in thy sayinge G. B.
in sermone tuo M.
— shuldest ouer come C.
[myghtest be] cleare G. B.
[sis] purus M.
6 thou hast a pleasure in the treuth, and hast shewed me
secrete wyszdom C.
thou requirest treuth in the inward partes, and shalt
make me to vnderstode wisdome secretly. G. B.
veritatem exigis in interioribus, et in occulta sapientiam
me scire fades M.
7 O reconcile me with... C.
[O purge me with. . . (Matt.)]
Thou shalt pourge me with... G. B.
Expiabis me M.
— wash thou me C.
thou shalt wash me G. B.
lavabis me M.
8 Oh let me heare... C.
' The initials are used for the different Bibles after the first quotation.

1 84 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
Thou shall make me heare... G. B.
Fades me audire... M.
13 that synners maye be conuerted... C.
and synners shall be couerted... G. B.
et peccatores ad te convertentur. . . M.
14 that my tonge maye prayse... C.
and my tonge shall syng of... G. B.
et cantabit lingua mea... M.
15 Open C.
Thou shalt ope... G. B.
aperies M.
— that my mouth maye. . . C.
my mouth shall... G. B.
OS meum annundabit... M.
16 yf^oxx haddest pleasure m... I would... C.
thovL desyrest no . . . els violdel... G. B.
non desideras... alioquin darem... M.
18 that the walles of lerusalem m.aye be buylded. C.
btiylde thou the walles of lerusalem. G. B.
cedifica muros J. M.
\g For then ^2X1... C.
Then shalt... G. B.
Tunc acceptabis. . . M.
— laye buUockes... C.
offre yonge bullockes. G. B.
afferent juvencos. M.
A complete collation of two other Psalms (xix., xlii.)
gives an equally complete coincidence of all the changes
introduced into the Great Bible with Miinster's render-
Exampies ings. It will be enough to quote one or two of the more
from Pss. , , ,
xix. xlii. remarkable :
xix. 6 there maye no md hyde himself fro the heate
therof C.
there is nothinge hyd from the heate therof. G. B.
nihil est quod absconditur a calore ejus. M.
7 The lawe of the Lorde is a perfecte lawe, it quicken-
eth the soule. The testimony... is true, & geueth
wisdome euen vnto babes. C.

Ill] THE GREAT BIBLE 1 85
The law of the Lord is a vndefyled law conuerting
the soule. The testimony... is sure, and geueth
wisdome vnto the symple. G. B.
Lex domini immaculata, convertens animam : testi
monium domini firmiim,, sapienter erudiens sini-
plicem. M.
xlii. 4 for I wolde fayne go hence with...& passe ouer with
them vnto... C.
for I went with...& brought the forth vnto...
G. B.
quippe qui transibam...deducens eos usque ad...
M.
8 therfore I remebre the londe of lordane C.
therfore will I remembre the cocernyng the land of
lordane G. B.
idcirco recordabor tui de terra lordanis... M.'
151 wil yet thanke him for the helpe of his counte-
naunce, and because... C.
I will yet thanke him which is the helpe of my
countenaunce, and my... G. B.
confitebor ei, qui est salus vultus mei et deus
mens.
In all the passages which have been hitherto quoted
the text of the three typical editions of the Great Bible —
Crumwell's, April 1539, Cranmer's, April 1540, Tunstall's
and Heath's, Nov. 1540 — is with one exception (or at most
two) exactly identical^ But this is not the case in all
the parts of the Bible.
In the Prophets the revision was less complete in the ThePro-_
first (Crumwell's) edition, and Coverdale appears to have againfefore
gone again carefully through this part of his work at '''*°'
' Here the preposition de of Miin- probably a printer's blunder.
ster has been wrongly rendered. In all the references to the Great
^ The variations which I have ob- Bibles I have availed myself of Mr
served are Ps. xlii. 12 add as with a F. Fry's exhaustive identification of
sword (Nov. 1540; May 1541 omits) every sheet of the different editions
from Miinster ; and Ps. xix. 10 than in his Description of the Great Bible
ye hony cobe and y^ hony (Nov. 1540; ofi^^^g &c. London, 1865.
as before, May 1541 follows 1539),

1 86 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
least before the publication of the second (Cranmer's)
edition. It is possible that the unsettled prospect of
affairs in Paris may have induced him to hurry the print
ing of the book ; or, which is not less likely, the greater
difficulty of the Prophets may have hindered him from
dealing satisfactorily with them on the first collation.
However this may be, the text of Cranmer's Bible presents
a second revision of the original Coverdale (Matthew),
and that again made by a more thorough use of Miinster.
A single chapter of Isaiah will shew the relation of the
two revisions to one another, to the original rendering
(Coverdale) and to Miinster. The German (Zurich) quo
tations determine the source of the first translation'.

Coverdale (Matthew).
Is. liii. I But ^ho geueth credence vnto oure preachyng? Or
to who is the arme of the Lorde knowne ">. 2 He shall
growe before the Lorde like as a brauch, & as a rote
in a drye ground, he shall haue nether bewtye nor fauoure.
Whe we loke vpon him, there shalbe no fayrnesse : we
shall haue no lust vnto him. 3 He shalbe the most symple,
and despysed of all, which yet hath good experience of
sorowes and infirmyties. We shall reken him so symple
& so vile, that we shall hyde oure faces fro him. 4 How
be it {of a treuth) he only taketh awaye our infirmite, and
beareth oure payne : Yet we shall iudge him, as though he
were plaged & cast downe of God: 5 where as he (not-
withstadyng) shall be wounded for oure offences, & smytten
for oure wickednes. For the payne of oure punishment
shalbe layde vpon him, and with his strypes shall we be
healed. 6 As for vs, we go all astraye (lyke shepe), euery
one turneth hys awne waye. But thorowe him, the Lorde
' I have added also for comparison The italics mark the words which
the renderings of Pagninus, that it were altered. The second English
may be clear that the translation is rendering is that of the Great Bible
from Munster and not independently of 1539.
from the Hebrew.

Ill] THE GREAT BIBLE 1 87
pardoneth all oure synnes. 7 He shalbe payned & troubled,
& shal not open his mouth. He shalbe led as a shepe to be
slayne, yet shall he be as styll as a labe before the shearer,
and not open his mouth. 8 He shall be had awaye, his
cause not herde, & without eny iudgmet : Whose genera-
cyon yet no md maye nombre, when he shalbe cut of from
the grounde of the lyuynge : Whych punishmet shall go
vpon him, for the transgression of m.y people. 9 His graue
shalbe geuen him with the condempned, & his crucyfyenge
with the theues. Where as he dyd neuer violence ner
vnryght, nether hath there bene any disceatfulnesse in
his mouth. 10 Yet hath it pleased y° Lorde to smyte
him with infirmyte, that when he had made hys soule an
offeryng for synne, he might se logelastynge sede. And
thys deuyce of the Lorde shall prospere in his hande.
1 1 With trauayle & laboure of his soule, shall he obtayne
great ryches. My ryghtuous seruaunt shall wyth his wys
dome iustifye & delyuer the multitude, for he shall beare
awaye their synnes. 12 Therfore wyll I geue him the
multitude for his parte, & he shall deuyde the stroge
spoyle because he shal geue ouer his soule to death, &
shalbe rekened amonge y^ trasgressours, which neuertheles
shall take awaye the synnes of the multitude, and make
intercessyon for the mysdoers.
I geueth credence
glaubt Zurich.
hath geue credece 1 5 39.
credidit Miinster (Pagninus).
oure preachyng 1539. vnserem predigen Z. the thynge we
(y we Nov.) haue hearde Apr. Nov. 1540. May
1 541. auditui nostra M.
2 He shall growe
er wirdt...wachsen Z.
For he dyd growe
Ascendit enim M. (et ascendit P.)
— he shall haue
er wirt. . .haben Z.
he hath

1 88 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
non est ei M. (P).
2 we loke 1539 we shall loke Apr. Nov. 1540, May 1541
videbimus M.
3 He shalbe the most. . .yet hath. . .
er wirt der aller schlachtest vnd verachtest, der doch die
schmertzen vnnd kranckheytenn wol kennet Z.
He is despysed & abhorred of m.en, he is soch a man as
hath...
Despectus est, et devitatus ab Jtominibus M. (despectus
est et abjectus inter viros P.)
— as hath good experience of sorowes and infyrmities
1539 (Z. see before).
as is full of sorowe & as hath good experience of
infirmyties. Apr. Nov. 1540, May 1541.
homo est doloribus {plenus) et qui expertus est infirmi-
tatem M.
— We shall. . . & so vile. . .shall hyde
wir werdend jn...vnnd verworffenn rechnen, das wir...
verbergen werdend Z.
We haue rekened hym so vyle, that we hyd. . .
fro hym 1539 von jm Z.
from him, f ye he was despised & therfore we regarded
him not Apr. Nov. 1540. May 1541.
(et quisque erat) quasi abscondens faciem ab eo : fuit
enim contemptus, idea non reputavimus eum M.
(despectus et non rep. eum P.)
4 omit of a truth.
— taketh awaye
hinnimpt Z.
hath taken on hym
ipse portavit M. (ipse tulit P.)
— infirmite: infirmities May 1541.
— and beareth oure payne
vnnd vnsere schmertzen tregt Z.
and borne oure paynes
et dolores nostras hos ipse sustinuit M. (et dolores
nostros portavit P.)
— shall iudge

Ill] THE GREAT BIBLE 1 89
so rechnend wir Z.
dyd iudge
reputavimus M. (P.).
4 of God 1539 als ob er uon Gott geschlagen vnnd
genideret sey Z.
of God : and punished Apr. Nov. 1540, May 1541.
percussum a Deo atque afflictum M. (p. a Deo et
humiliatum P.)
5 shall be wounded
verwundt...wirt Z.
was woiaded
vulneratus est M. (P.)
— payne of oure punyshment iS39 die busz vnserer
straaf Z.
chastysement of oure peace Apr. Nov. 1540, May 1541-
castigatio pads nostrce M. {ca'&'d^a^xQ pro pace nostraY^
— shalbe layde
wirt]v!\ auffgelegt Z.
was layde
/«/?V... super... M. (P.)
— shall we be healed
werdend wir gesund Z.
are we healed {we are healed Nov. 1540)
medicatum est nobis M. (sanitas fuit nobis P.)
6 we go all
wir alle irrend Tj.
we haue gone all
omnes no's,... err avimus M.
— turnethkert Z.
hath turned
respeximus M. (conversi sumus P.)
— pardoneth begnadet Z.
hath pardoned (M. see below).
— But thorow hym, the Lorde hath pardoned all oure
synnes 1539-
aber der Herr begnadet mit jm unser aller siind Z.

190 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
But the Lorde hath heaped together vpon him the iniquitie
ofvs all Apr. Nov. 1540, May 1541.
et dominus fecit concurrere in eo omnium, nostrum iniqui
tates M. (dominus pervenire fecit ad eum psnam
omnium nostrum P.)
7 H e shalbe payned. ..not open
er wirt geengstiget vnd verkiimmeret und wirdt...nit
auffthun Z.
He suffred violence and was euell intreated, & dyd not yet
ope. . .
Vim est passus et inique tractatus et tamen non ape-
ruit... M. (oppressus est et afflictus est et non
aperiet P.)
8 He shall be had awaye
er wirt vnuerhorter sach vnd on recht abgethon, des
geschlacht doch niemandt erzellen mag Z.
He was had awaye
sublatits est M.
— had awaye 1539 (see above)
had av/aye from preson Apr. Nov. 1540, May 1541.
de carcere et de judicio sublatus est M. (de clau-
sura. . . P.)
— no md maye nombre
Z. see above.
wlto maye nombre ?
quis enarrabit ? M. (P.)
— when he shalbe cut. . .
so er gleich... auszgehau wen wirt Z.
he was cut...
succisus est M. absdssus est P.
— shall ^o
gon wirt. Z.
dyd go (M. 'see below)
— my people 1539 meines volcks Z.
my people, f whych in deade had deserued that punysh
ment Apr. Nov. 1540, May 1541.
populi mei quibus plaga {debebatur) M. (Propter prs-
varicationem populi mei plaga fuit ei P.)

Ill] THE GREAT BIBLE 191
9 shalbe geuen
wirt...gegeben Z.
was geue
dedit M. (P.)
— his crucyfyenge with the theues
sein creiitzigung mit den rauberenn Z.
wyth the ryche md at his deeth
apud divitem in mortibus eius M. (cum divite inter
mortuos suos P.)
10 y" Lorde to smyte 1539 so hat der Herr jnn wollen
mit der schweche vmbringenn Z.
the Lorde thus to bruste {burste Nov.) hym wyth plages,
and to smyte Apr. Nov. 1540, May 1541
Domino eum sic conterere et infirmitatem inferre M.
(Dominus voluit conterere eum, segrotare fecit. P.)
— logelastynge (a l5ge lastinge Cov. 1535)
ein langwirigen somen Z.
longe lastynge
quod longos viveret dies M. (prolongabit dies P.)
II obtayne great ryches (optayne 1539) wirt er grosse
hab iiberkommen Z.
optayne frute, and he shall be satisfyed Apr. Nov.
1540, May 1 541.
vlAehit {fructum) et saturabitur M. (videbit, et satura-
bitur. P.)
— his wysdome
mit seiner kunst Z.
wysdome My ryghtuous... multitude (ryghteous 1539) Mein
grechter knecht wirt mit seiner kunst die menge
grecht machen vnd erlosen. Z.
— by the knowledge of hym whych is my ryghteous seruaunt he
shall iustifye the multitude Apr. Nov. 1540, May 1541.
cognitione sui qui Justus servus metis est Justificabit
multos. M. (in scientia sua justificabit Justus servus
mens multos P.)
12 the stroge spoyle 1539 den starcken raub Z.
the spoyle wyth the strongest Apr. Nov. 1 540, May 1541.

192 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
cum robustissimis dividet spolia M.
12 shal geue
vergiessen . . .wirt Z.

effudit M. (P.)
— shalbe rekened
gezellet wirt Z.
is rekened
numeratus est M. (P.)
— shall take awaye. . .make
hinnemmen...wirt Z.
hath take av^aye. . .made
tulit M. (P.)
From these collations the general character of the
versions of the Old Testament in the first two editions
of the Great Bible will be sufficiently clear, though a fuller
examination would probably bring out some details of the
method of revision into more distinct prominence. The
variations from the first edition (Crumwell's 1539) in the
second (Cranmer's, April 1540) are far greater in the
Hagiographa and the Prophets — the part of Matthew's
Bible which was Coverdale's own work — than those in the
earlier books: and the variations of the text of 1539 from
that of Matthew (1537) are more important throughout
than the changes introduced afterwards'. In other words
the edition of April 1540 exhibits a text formed on the
same principles as that of the edition of 1539, but after a
fuller and more thorough revision ^
' By some incredible inadvertence health : sing thy righteousness. 15
Mr Anderson describes Crumwell's shew forth.
Bible as having Matthew's text. The ^ This revision, as well as the partial
edition of April 1539 and the London one to be mentioned afterwards, was
reprint of April 1540 (Petyt and due to Coverdale, as appears from his
Redman) are both carefully revised Sermon quoted by Fulke (p. 98).
texts, as has been shewn already. ' M. Coverdale defended his trans-
The latter presents some variations 'lation, confessing that he did now
from Crumwell's Bible, but they ap- ' himself espy some faults, which, if he
pear to be due rather to the printers ' might review it once over again, as
than to any special revision : e.g. ' he had done tzidce before, he doubted
Ps. li. 14: O God, 0 God of my 'not but to amend.' This statement

Ill]

THE GREAT BIBLE

193

After April 1540 the text of the Great Bible does not Revision of
appear to have been systematically revised throughout, "Noi^^i-^i^
but still it is a remarkable and unobserved fact that in
parts the edition of Nov. 1 540 goes back from the text of
April 1540 to that of 1539, so that the edition of April
1540 exhibits the greatest approximation to Miinster. It
is impossible to tell without a wide collation on what
principle this reaction was carried out: a few examples
will exhibit its reality '-

April 1539; Nov. 1540;
May, Nov. 1541.
Is. i. 2, brought vp children.
— 4, a frowarde generacion,
vnnaturall chyldren.
— 7, as // were with enemy es
in a batayle.
— 8, lyke a beseged cytie.
— II, sacryfyces vnto me.
— 12, Whe ye apeare before
me.
— — who requyreth you to
treade.
— 13, Offre me no mo obla-
cions.
 your Sabbathes and
solempne dayes.
can only apply to Crumwell's and
Cranmer's Bibles. The changes in
the one revision of Coverdale's original
Bible are not of sufficient importance
to be thus described. Another passage
of Fulke is itself decisive : ' the Bible
'of 1562,' he writes, 'I take to be
'that which was of Dr Coverdale's
' translation, most used in the church
'service in king Edward's time'
(p. 68). This edition is a reprint of
the Great Bible.
The rendering in Is. Ivii. 5, 'ye
'take your pleasure under the oaks,
' under all green trees, and ye offer
W.

April, July 1540.
promoted children.
a seed of vngracious people cor-
ruptinge ther wayes.
as they were subuerted y' were
alienate fro y' Lorde.
lyke a wasted cytie.
sacrifices vnto me saith the
Lorde {the om. April).
when ye come to apeare before
me.
who requireth this of you to
treade.
Therfore offre me no mo obla-
cios.
your Sabbathes & gatherlge to-
gyther at y solepne dayes.
' children in the valleys and dens of
' stone,' quoted in the Hist. Account,
p. 103, to shew the existence of an
independent revision in Tunstall's and
Heath's edition of 1541, is found in
Cranmer's (April 1540), and is of
course based on Miinster : ' calefacitis
'vos apud quercus sub omni ligno
'frondoso et immolatis pueros...'
' At first I was inclined to think
that mixed sheets had been used for
printer's copy in the later editions, but
this hypothesis will not cover all the
facts of the case. 13

194

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

April 1539; Nov. 1540;
May, Nov. 1541.
Is. i. 14, Youre fastinges are also
in vayne. I hate your
newe holy dayes and
fastyinges, euen fro my
very hert. They make
me weery, I cannot
abyde them.
Neh. vi. 2, come, -f we maye.

April, July 1540.
I hate your newe mone dayes df
solepne feastes, eue fro my
very hert. L can not awaye
w^ suche vanitie &• holdingt
in of the people. They lye
vpon me as a burthen, anil
am wery of beringe the^.
that we maye.

In other parts of the Old Testament this phenomenon
is not observed, and the different editions are grouped
together without any certain law. Thus, for example, the
following readings occur : —

Prov. xii. 13, of parell.
April 1540.
Jer. iv. 7, he maye.
1539-
April 1540.
May 1541.
1553-
— 13, downe.
1539
April 1540.
May 1541, 1553.
— 28, purposed ad taken
vpon me.
April 1540.
May 1541, 1553.

of all peril.
Nov. 1540.
May, Nov. 1541.
/"may. Nov. 1540.

up.

Nov. 1541.

July, Nov. 1540.
Nov. 1541.

and taken vpon me.
July, Nov. 1540.
Nov. 1541.

TheNe7u The rovision of the New Testament was, like Cover-
jievised ' dale's original revision of Tindale, more independent ; and
ithe Latin, based upon a careful use of the Vulgate and of Erasmus'

' In the first three chapters of
Isaiah I have noted twenty other
passages in which the same groups
respectively agree in supporting diffe
rent readings ; and only five in which

the November editions differ from
1539. In other parts of the book, as
has been seen, the edition of Nov.
1540 follows closely that of April
1540. See pp. 187 ff.

Vulgate.

Ill] THE GREAT BIBLE igj
Latin Version. An analysis of the variations in the First
Epistle of St John may furnish a type of its general , .-^
character. As nearly as I can reckon there are seventy-
one differences between Tindale's text (1534) and that of
the Great Bible': of these forty-three come directly from
Coverdale's earlier revision (and in a great measure in
directly from the Latin): seventeen from the Vulgate
where Coverdale before had not followed it : the remaining
eleven variations are from other sources. Some of the new use of the
readings from the Vulgate are important, as for example
the additions in i. 4, ' that ye may rejoice and that your joy
' may be full' ii. 23, ' he that knowledgeth the Son hath the
' Father also! iii. i, ' that we should be called and be indeed
' the sons of God.' v. 9, ' this is the witness of God that is
'greater! All these additions (like v. 7) are marked dis
tinctly as Latin readings^ : of the renderings adopted from
Coverdale one is very important and holds its place in our
present version. 'Hereby we know that he abideth in us,
'even by the Spirit which he hath given us,' for which
Tindale reads : ' thereby we know that there abideth in us
' of the Spirit which he gave us.' One strange blunder also
is corrected ; 'that old commandment which ye heard' (as
it was in the earlier texts) is replaced by the true reading :
'that old commandment which ye have had' (ii. 7). No
one of the new renderings is of any moment (ii. 8, 18, 19,
20, 22, &c.).
As an illustration of the influence of Erasmus we may use of the
recur to the collation of his differences from Tindale in Erasmus.
Col. ii.^ In the following readings, nearly half of those
noted, the text of the Great Bible is altered from that of
Tindale (Matthew) to conformity with Erasmus (1519):
' The differences between the Great 'oneyo/rfand one shepherd' (John x.
Bible and Matthew are about twelve i6), for 'one flock' of the earlier
[?four] fewer (see p. 178, n. i), but translators. The old Latin rightly
I have not a complete table of them. distinguished between ^?-«.« and ovile,
''¦ One false rendering introduced but the distinction was lost in the
into this version from the Latin has later texts. [Corrected in the Revised
most unfortunately retained its place Version.]
in our present Bible ; 'there shall be ' See pp. 135 f.
13—2

196

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH,

The New
Testament
also revised
in 1540.

Greater use
of Erasmus.

' I for I would : how great care: 2 when they are knit
'together: 6 walk...Jti that ye be rooted and built in him:
'II forasmuch as ye have put off: 13 through sin and
' through. ..16 or of the new moon : 17 which are shadows ;
'23 by superstition and humbleness and by hurting of the
'body...' Some of these renderings might have been
derived independently from the Greek or from the Vul
gate ; others could not, as we must believe, have occurred
to two original interpreters ; and when they are taken
as a whole there can be no doubt as to their immediate
source'. The New Testament in the Great Bible of 1539 was
subject to a revision before the edition of 1540 no less than
the Old, and the revision was conducted on similar prin
ciples. What Miinster was for the Old Testament Erasmus
was in a great measure for the New. How powerful his
influence was in the original recension has been just seen,
and the review shews additional traces of the sway which
his judgment exercised over Coverdale. One or two ex
amples may be quoted" : April, Nov. 1540.
whych was of one man (quK
fuit unius hominis, Er.)
which is to be praysed for euer
(qui est laudandus in secula,
Er.)

April 1539.
Rom. V. 15, which was geuen
by one man...
— i. 25, which is blessed for
euer.

' One or two other passages may
be added in which the Great Bible
certainly follows Erasmus :
Luke xix. 42... even in this thy day,
thou wouldest take heed (Eras. 15 19,
curares). 1 Pet. i. 14. ..lusts by which ye were
led when as yet ye were ignorant of
Christ (Erasm. quibus dum adhuc
ignoraretis Christum agebamini).
Col. i. 10... that in all things ye
may please (Erasm. ut per omnia
placeatis). Col. iii. g. ..seeing that y& have put
off {Exasm. posteaquam exuistis). The

Latin New Testament of Erasmus was
printed with the English of Matthew
in 1538. The English Testament of
1540, said to be from the Latin of
Erasmus, I have not seen. [A copy is
in the Lambeth Library, and another
in the Bodleian. There is no date,
but the Calendar begins with 1540.]
^ Nearly all the examples given
are taken from the list of variations
in Mr Fry's treatise on the Great
Bibles. By using these for the analy
sis all suspicion of partial selection is
removed.

Ill]

THE GREAT BIBLE

197

April 1539.
Phil. i. 23, is moch better.

April, Nov. 1540.
is moche & far better (multo
longeque melius est, Er.)
repeted not of theyr euill dedis
(neque egerunt scelerum
pcenitentiam, Er. 1527).
the Lorde God of y° holy
Prophetes (Dominus Deus
sanctorum prophetarum Er!)
No change perhaps is more remarkable than that in
the difficult and famous passage of St James':
April 1539. April, Nov. 1540.
James i. 13. For God cannot for as God can not be tempted

Rev. xvi. 9, repeted not.

xxii. 6, the Lorde God of
Saynctes and Prophetes.

tempte vnto euyll, because
he tempteth no man.

with euill, so nether he hym-
selfe tempt the [tempteth] eny
man. (Nam Deus ut maUs
tentari non potest, ita nee
ipse quemquam tentat. Er.)
In other cases the revision follows the Vulgate (with oft>^'
° ^ Vulgate.
Erasmus) where the original text had deserted it, as for
example :

April 1539.
Rom. iv. 25, for to iustifie vs.
Gal. i. 10, Do I now speake
vnto men or vnto God?
Other go I about to please...
Eph. ii. 12, and had no hope,
& were with out...

April, Nov. 1540.
for oure iustificacyon.
Do I now perswade men, or
God? Other do I seke to
please...
hauynge no hope, and beynge
with out...

Sometimes the turn given to the rendering appears to
be original, as
Rom. i. 6, that are called of. . . the electe of. . .
Phil. i. 10, as hurte no mannes as ofifende no ma.
conscyence. But next to Erasmus the Complutensian edition con- oftheCom-
^ plutensian
tributed most largely to the changes in the revision. Thus Poiygiott.

' See Fulke, Defence of the English Translations, pp. 559 f. (ed. P. S.).

198

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

in the Revelation the following new readings are taken
from this source :
April, Nov. 1540.
{And the erth and the thynges
that therin are.)
for euer more {Amen).
the starres {of heauen).
also {with hym).
For {the accuser of our brethreri)
is
omit.iron {and marble)
{and candell lyght shalbe no
more burnynge {burninge no-
more Nov.) in the
measured y° cytie with the
(golden) rede.
the sayinges of {the prophecye
of) thys boke'.

April 1539.
X. 6, omit (i).
xi. 15, for euer more (2).
xii. 4, the starres (3).
— 9. also (4).
— 10, For he is (5).
XV. 2, and of hys marke (6).
xviii. 12, iron (7).
— 23, omit (8).

xxi. 16, measured the cytie w'
the rede (9).
xxii. 9, the sayings of this book
(10).

The Psalter
of the
Prayer Book
takenfrom
the Great
Bible.

In one respect the Great Bible has an important and
lasting interest for us : the Psalter which is incorporated
in the Prayer Book is taken from it. In the first Prayer
Book of Edward VI reference is made 'to the Great
English Bible ' for the numbers of the Psalms as appointed
to be read in the daily services which were necessarily
taken from it, and from that time the Psalter used in
churches has continued unchanged. No attempt seems
to have been made to substitute the Psalter of the Bishops'
Bible for that of the Great Bible ; and when, upon the last
revision of the Prayer Book (1662), it was directed that
the other lessons from Scripture should be taken from the

' This list includes only a few very
obvious differences, and makes no
pretensions to completeness even in
the chapters quoted. It is remark
able that all the readings are marked
as Latin readings [being printed in
smaller type], though 1, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8
are in the Greek text.
Mr Offor has collected all the 'in

terpolations ' (Latin readings) found
in the Great Bibles in his MS. col
lections for the history of the Bible
(Brit. Mus. Add. 26,670, pp. 209 ff-)-
For a fuller comparison of render
ings of the New Testament in the
different editions of the Great Bible,
see Note A at the end of the Section.

in] THE GREAT BIBLE 1 99
royal Version, a special exception was made in favour of
the Psalter. The choirs and congregations had grown
familiar with it, and it was felt to be ' smoother and more
' easy to sing'.'
A very slight comparison of the Psalter in the Prayer character-
Book with that in the Authorised Version of the Bible will 'psaitlr! "^
shew from what this acknowledged smoothness springs.
Apart from the partial correction of errors in translation,
the later version will be seen to be distinguished from the
earlier by a scrupulous fidelity to the Hebrew text.
Coverdale, like Luther and the Zurich translators on
whose model his style was formed, allowed himself con
siderable freedom in dealing with the shape of the original
sentences. At one time a word is repeated to bring out
the balance of two clauses : at another time the number is
changed : at another time a fuller phrase is supplied for
the simple copula, now a word is resolved, and again a
particle or an adverb or a pronoun or even an epithet is
introduced for the sake of definiteness : there is in every
part an endeavour to transfuse the spirit as well as the
letter into the English rendering. The execution of the
version undoubtedly falls far below the conception of it:
the Authorised Version is almost in every case more
correct : but still in idea and tone Coverdale's is as a
whole superior,- and furnishes a noble type for any future
revision. One or two examples will illustrate these general comparison
. , -. , . - . of the two
remarks. The materials for extending the comparison Psaiters.
are accessible to all, and nothing throws more light on
the actual history of our Bible^.
' The exception was not made with- in the Prayer Book or the revision
out an effort. The bishops concede 'made by the Bishop of St Asaph
'that the Psalms be collated with the 'and Dr Kidder' (id. 432).
' former translation mentioned in ^ I have not ascertained from what
' rubr. [? Great Bible], and printed text of the Great Bible the Psalter
'according to it' (Cardwell, j^zV;;. c/" was taken. It contains the latest
Conf. 362). The question was again changes which I have noticed. See
raised in 1689, and it was left to the pp. 183 ff. For a collation of pas-
Convocation to decide whether the sages from the Prayer-Book Psalter
Authorised Version should be inserted with the editions of the Great Bible,

200

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Prayer Book.
Ps.xix. I The heavens declare the
glory of God: and the fir
mament sheweth his handy-
work.
2 One day telleth another : and
one night certifieth another.
3 There is neither speech nor
language : but their voices are
heard among them.
4 Their sound is gone out ' into
all lands :
and their words into the ends
of the world.
5 In them hath he set a taber
nacle for the sun :
which cometh forth as a bride
groom out of his chamber,
and rejoiceth as a giant to
run his course.
6 It goeth forth from the ut
termost part of the heaven,
and runneth about unto the
end of it again : and there is
nothing hid from the heat
thereof
7 The law of the Lord is an
undefiled law, converting the
soul:the testimony of the Lord is
sure, and giveth wisdom unto
the simple.
8 The statutes of the Lord are
see Note B at the end of the Sec
tion. One general change in the Prayer-
Book Psalter is very greatly to be
regretted, and was probably only an
oversight. The insertions from the
Vulgate (e.g. Ps. xiv. 5 — 7, &c.), which

Authorised Version.
The heavens declare the glory
of God : and the firmament
sheweth his handywork.
Day unto day uttereth speech,
and night unto night sheweth
knowledge.
There is no speech nor lan
guage, where their voice is
not heard.
Their line is gone out through
all the earth,
and their words to the end of
the world.
In them hath he set a taber
nacle for the sun ;
which is as a bridegroom
coming out of his chamber,
and rejoiceth as a strong man
to run a race.
His going forth is from the end
of the heaven, and his circuit
unto the ends of it :
and there is nothing hid
from the heat thereof
The law of the Lord is perfect,
converting the soul :
the testimony of the Lord
is sure, making wise the
simple :
The statutes of the Lord are
were distinguished from the other
parts of the translation in the Great
Bible, stand unmarked in the Prayer-
Book. Would it not be legitimate
to print the Prayer-Book Psalter with
all these insertions in Italics ?
' Om. out Nov. 1540.

Ill]

THE GREAT BIBLE

201

right, and rejoice the heart :
the commandment of the
Lord is pure, and giveth light
unto the eyes.
9 The fear of the Lord is
clean, and endureth for ever :
the judgments of the Lord
are true, and righteous alto
gether.
10 More to be desired are they
than gold, yea than much
fine gold :
sweeter also than honey and
the honey-comb'.
II Moreover by them is thy
servant taught :
and in keeping of them there
is great reward.
12 Who can tell how oft he
offendeth ?
O cleanse thou me from my^
secret faults.
13 Keep thy servant also from
presumptuous sins, lest they
get the dominion over me :
so shall I be undefiled and
innocent from the great of
fence.
14 Let the words of my mouth
and the meditation of my
heart :
be alway"^ acceptable in thy
sight,
15 O Lord, my strength and
my redeemer.
I Why do the heathen so furi
ously rage together} and why

right, rejoicing the heart :
the commandment of the
Lord is pure, enlightening the
eyes.
The fear of the Lord is clean,
enduring for ever :
the judgments of the Lord
are true and righteous alto
gether.
More to be desired are they
than gold, yea, than much
fine gold;
sweeter also than honey and
the honey-comb.
Moreover by them is thy ser
vant warned:
and in keeping of them there
is great reward.
Who can understand his errors!
cleanse thou me from secret
faults.
Keep back thy servant also from
presumptuous sins; let them
not have dominion over me :
Then shall I be upright, and
/ shall be innocent from the
great transgression.
Let the words of my mouth,
and the meditation of my
heart, be acceptable in thy sight,
O Lord, my strength and my
redeemer.
Why do the heathen rage, and ps. i
the people imagine a vain

' The honey-comb and the honey.
Nov. 1540, 1541.
2 [In brackets in the Annexed Book,

which was attached to the Act of
Uniformity.]

202

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

do the people imagine a vain
thing ?
10 Be wise now therefore, O ye
kings :
be learned, ye that are judges
of the earth.
1 1 Serve the Lord in fear : and
rejoice unto him' with rever
ence.
12 Kiss the son, lest he be
angry, and so ye perish from
the right^ way ;
j/"his wrath be kindled, {yea,
but a little) blessed are all
they that put their trust in
him.
Ps.ixxviii. 1 6 He clave the hard roQ!&.% in
the wilderness :
and gave them drink thereof,
as it had been out of the great
depth.
17 He brought waters out of
the stony rock :
so that it gushed out like the
rivers.
18 Yet for all this they sinned
more against him ; and pro
voked the most Highest in the
wilderness.
' [In brackets in the Annexed Book
as from the Latin.]
2 The Books are arranged in the
following order in Crumwell's Bible
(April 1539) :
The Pentateuch.
The second part of the Bible :
Josua... Esther, Job.
The third part of the Bible : The
Psalter  Cantica Canticorum.
The Prophets : Esaye. . . Malachy.
The volume of the books called
Hagiographia : 3 Esdr. 4 Esdr.
...Baruch...! Mach. 2 Mach.

thing ?
Be wise now therefore, O ye
kings :
be instructed, ye judges of
the earth.
Serve the Lord with fear, and
rejoice with trembling.
Kiss the son, lest he be angry,
and ye perish from the way,
when his wrath is kindled
but a little. Blessed are all
they that put their trust in
him.
He clave the rocks in the wil
derness,and gave them drink as out
of the great

He brought streams also out of
the rock,
and caused waters to run
down like rivers.
And they sinned yet more against
him, by provoking the most High
in the wilderness^.
The New Testament :
The four Gospels. Acts.
The Epistles of Saint Paul :
Romans  Philemon, He
brews.
Epistle of St James.
I, 2 St Peter.
I, 2, 3 St John.
St Jude.
The Revelation.
In the list (but not in the text) Jude
is placed before i John.
The order is the same in Cranmer's
Bible (April 1540), and in Tunstall's

Ill]

THE GREAT BIBLE

203

Note A.

The following comparison of read
ings in representative editions of the
Great Bible has been based upon
collations most liberally placed in
my hands by Mr F. Fry. [They have
all been checked and corrected.] The
table will illustrate the extent of

intentional and accidental variation.
The notation is as follows :
C Cr.

15391540 April
1540 Nov.
1 541 Dec.

TH^ Cr4

St Matthew.

ill.V.

vn. ix.

XIV. XV.

xvi.xxi.
xxii.
xxiv.xxvi.
xxvii.

4 garment of
31 of </5i5 divorcement
29 like unto one
34 for to morrow day
16 hy their fruits
21 turned him abottt
28 they say (xv. 33 ;
xix. ro)
14 of the house
5 in the temple
23 that son
26 then appeared
3 r of all seeds
12 buried it &' went
3 do ye also trans
gress (xvi. 18)
17 in at the
14 John Baptist
42 in your eyes
42 they saye
46 that day forth
32 his branch
1 1 have the poor
19 in sleep

C
CCrj C C
C Crj Cr4
C Crj Cr4
C Crj Cr4
CC Cr J Cr4
C Cr, Cr4
C
CCrjCr4 CC Crj Cr4
CCr,
C Cr J Cr4
CCriCr4 CCrj
C Crj Cr4
C
C Cr^ Cr4
C

Acts.

1.
ii.

C Crj Cr4

C Crj Cr4
CCrj
C Crj Cr4
C

19 i&oa? field
18 they shall pro
phesy
iv. 30 so that thou
V. 2 laid it down at
xii. 23 but immediately
xiii. 33 in the_^?-j^ psalm C Cr^
xiv. 15 that ye should C Cr^ Cr4
XV. 31 rejoiced o^the C Cr^ Cr4
xvi. 10 called us for to C Crj Cr4
and Heath's (Nov. 1540): but in
Tunstall and Pleath the Preface to
the Apocrypha is left out, and the

rCr4

raiment of Crj THj
of divorcement THj
like one Cr^ THj Cr4
for the morrow day Cr^ THj Cr4
by their works THj
turned him THj
they said TH,

of that house
^the temple
the son
there appeared
of all the seeds

Cr, TH, Cr4
TH, TH,
Cr, TH, Cr4
TH,

buried it : went Cr, TH, Cr4
do ye transgress TH,

into the
John the Baptist
in our eyes
they sayde
that time forth
his branches
have poor
in my sleep

TH, Cr4
TH,TH, TH, Cr4
TH,
Cr, TH, Cr4
TH,
Cr, TH, Cr4

TH,

bloody field
they shall all pro
phesy TH,
so shalt thou TH, Cr4
laid it at TH,
and immediately Cr, TH, Cr4
in the second psalm TH, Cr4
that ye shall TH,
rejoiced at the THi
called us to TH,
reverse of the title-page to that divi
sion of the book is consequently
blank.

204 XX.
xxvi.
xxvii.
xxviii.

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

9 into a deep sleep C Cr, Cr4
1 8 may turn C
2 being with C
2 the people of the
country C
4 this man must
needs be C

into a dead sleep TH,
may be turned Cr, TH, Cr4
tarrying still with Cr, TH, Cr4
the strangers Cr, TH, Cr4
no doubt this man is Cr, TH, Cr4

i. 6 Ma/ ffl« called
— 7 ra//«fi? saints
— ^25 turned his truth unto
 is blessed
— 30 doers of wrong
iv. 25 rose agsiinfor to Justify us
vi. 14 let not sin have
— 20 ye were not under
xiv. I receive unto you
XV. 6 Lord Jesus
xvi. 2 in the Lord
— 22 chamberlain

Romans.
C the elect Cr, TH, Cr4
C saints by election Cr, TH, Cr4
C changed his truthy^;- Cr, TH, Cr4
C is to be praised Cr, TH, Cr4
C disdainful Cr, TH, Cr4
C was raised z.gwa. for
our justification Cr, TH, Cr4
C for sin shall not have Cr, TH, Cr4
C ye were void of Cr, TH, Cr4
C receive Cr, TH, Cr4
C Lord Jesus Christ Cr, TH, Cr4
C in Christ
C treasurer

Cr, TH, Cr4
Cr, TH, Cr4

111. 10 wise among you

V.
ix.

1 3 God shall judge
5 a sister to wife

I Corinthians. C wise to himself
among you

C
C

God judgeth
a woman a sister

Cr, TH, Cr4
Cr, TH, Cr4
Cr, TH, Cr4

2 Corinthians.

i. 1 1 of many occasions C
 the grace given C
iii. 15 their hearts C Cr, Cr4
vi. 3 in our office C Cr, Cr4
vii. 15 is more abundant C TH, Cr4
ix. 6 soweth plenteously
shall reap C

X.
xi.

2 same confidence
2 to make you a

chaste
xii. 10 in need
— 20 when I come
 and discord
xiii. 5 Prove yourselves
 examine your

C
CC Cr4
C C
C

of many persons Cr, TH, Cr4
the gift given Cr, TH, Cr4
their eyes TH,
in your office TH,
is found abund.ant Cr,
soweth (in giving)
largely and freely
shall reap Cr, TH, Cr4
same boldness Cr, TH, Cr4
that ye should make
yourselves a chaste Cr, TH, Cr4
in necessities Cr, TH, Cr4
if I come Cr, TH,
and seditions Cr, TH, Cr4
examine yourselves Cr, TH, Cr4
prove your Cr, TH, Cr4

Galatians.

10 speak unto men or
unto C
— go I about to C

persuade men or
do I seek to

Cr, TH, Cr4
Cr, TH, Cr4

Ill]

THE GREAT BIBLE

205

ii.

5 as concerning to be

by way of subjec

brought into sub

tion
Cr, TH, Cr4
jection
C
—
19 unto God
C
unto Christ
Cr, TH, Cr4
—
21 is dead
c
died
Cr,TH,Cr4
iii.
3 so unwise
c
such fools
Cr, TH, Cr4

16 in the seeds
C Cr, Cr4
in thy seeds
TH,
—
24 might be made right
*
should be justified
eous by
C
by
Cr, TH, Cr4
iv.
1 1 bestowed on you
C Cr, Cr4
bestowed in you
TH,
vi.
8 soweth in his flesh
C Cr, Cr4
Ephesians
soweth in the flesh
TH,
ii.
12 and had... and were
: C
having... and being
Cr, TH, Cr4
iii.
21 all generations from time
all ages world with
to time
C
out end
Cr, TH, Cr4
iv.
5 let there be but one
Lord C
one Lord
Cr, TH, Cr4
V.
10 accept that which is pleas
searching what is
ing unto
C
acceptable unto
Cr, TH, Cr4
—
1 3 are rebuked of the light C
are brought forth
by the light
Cr, TH, Cr4
—
16 avoiding occasion
C
winning occasion
redeeming the time
Cr, TH, Cr4
—
33 wife fear
C
wife reverence
Cr, TH, Cr4
vi.
4 the nurture
C
the doctrine
Cr, TH, Cr4
—
5 be obedient unto
C
obey
Cr, TH, Cr4
—
24 unfeignedly
C
sincerely
Cr, TH, Cr4
Philippians.
i.
10 as hurt no man's con
as offend no man
Cr, TH, 01-4
science
C
—
29 given of Christ
CCr4
given for Christ
Cr,TH,
ii.
5 was also in Christ
CCr,
was in Christ
TH, Cr4
iii.
19 whose belly is their God C
whose God is their
belly
Cr, TH, Cr4
iv.
12 I can both be low and
I know how to be
I can be high
C
low and I know
how to exceed
Cr, TH, Cr4
2 Timothy.
iv,
, 5 do the work of
C Hebrews.
do the work tho
roughly of
Cr, TH, Cr4
iv,
. 10 ceased also from his C Cr, Cr4
ceased from all his
TH,
V.
8 by those things
C Cr, Cr4
by these things
TH,
X.
22 hearts from an evil
C
hearts and the evil
Cr, TH, Cr4
xi.
16 God is not
C
God himself is not
Cr, TH, Cr4
¦ 40 had provided a
C Cr, Cr4
had promised a
TH,
xii
. 9 of spiritual gifts
C
of spirits
Cr, TH, Cr4
¦ — lyue
C Cr, Cr4
lyfe
TH,
206

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

James.

13 God cannot tempt unto
evil, because he tempt
eth no man C

V. 1 7 a man mortal

as God cannot be
tempted with evil
so neither he
himself tempteth
(tempt the Cr,)
any man Cr,TH,Cr4
a man under infirm
ities Cr, TH, Cr4

2 Peter.
ii. 14 with covetousness C with robbery Cr, TH, Cr4
I John.
iv. 10 to make agreement C to be the agreement Cr, TH, Cr4

Jude.

12 feeding themselves C

living lawless and
after their own
pleasure. Cr, TH, Cr4

Note B.

The following variations taken from
ten Psalms collated in Crumwell (C),
the Great Bible of April 1540 (Cr,), of
November 1541 (TH2)and the Sealed
Prayer Book of 1662, will illustrate
the relation of the Prayer Book

Psalter to the earlier copies. The
Prayer Book never preserves the
' italics ' of the Bibles. For the
coUations on which this table is
founded I am again indebted to the
kindness of Mr F. Fry.

Ps. i. I stood and sat (1662) for stand and sit in all the representative
editions of the Great Bible, and the early Psalters.
viii. 3 works TH^ : work C Cr,.
6 «/'the works TH^ : in the works C Cr,.
xxvii. I of whom Cr, TH^ : for of whom C.
— 5 hide me, and Cr, TH^ : keep me, and C.
— 1 an oblation with great gladness Cr, TH^ : the oblation of
thanksgiving C.
xxviii. I if thou make as though : if thou make thee as though C Cr,
THj. [So Psalter bound with 4to P.B. of 1552 [? 1553] in
Univ. Libr. Cambridge,' N° 674.]
— ¦ — hearest not [so Psalter 1552] : heardest not C Cr, TH^.
— 9 is my strength [so Psalter 1552] : is their strength C Cr, THj.
xxxiv. 16 from the earth [so Bible 1553]: from ^^the earth C Cr, TH^
[so Psalter 1552].
2 into the midst [so Cov. and Psalter 1552] : in the midst C Cr,
THj.
4 tabernacle [so Psalter 1552] : tabernacles C Cr, TH^.
8 destruction [so Psalter 1552] : destructions C Cr, TH^.
II refuge : defence C Cr, TH^. So Psalter 1552.
9 awake up my [so Psalter 1552] : awake O my C Cr, THj.
5 in thy righteousness [so Psalter 1552] : in righteousness
CCr, TH,.

xlvi.

Ivii.Ixv.

Ill] TAVERNER 20/
Ps. xci. I most high [so Psalter 1552] : most highest C Cr, TH^.
— 6 in darkness : in the darkness C Cr, TH^ [so Psalter 1552].
cxl. 6 / said unto the Lord Cr, TH^ (so Psalter 1552) : But my
saying is unto the Lord C.
— 8 0 Lord, let not his mischievous imagination prosper (so Psalter
1552), lest they be too proud Cr, TH^ (so Psalter 1552) : O
Lord let him. not have his purpose, lest they be too proud C.
— II evil shall hunt the wicked person to overthrow him Cr, TH^ :
a malicious and wicked person shall be hunted away and
destroyed C.
In no one of these examples is a Great Bible of April 1540 reads in
rendering taken from Crumwell's his name Ja and with a ^^ in the
Bible (C). In one case (Ps. i. 1) an margin to indicate a proposed note
archaism seems to have been removed upon the sacred name. But in Nov.
in 1662. In ten places (xxviii. I (bis), 1541 the curious misreading in his
9 ; xlvi. 2, 4, 8 ; Ivii. 9 ; Ixv. 5 ; xci. name yea and is found, and this cor-
I, 6) changes have been introduced ruption passed into the later editions
(apparently) without any authority. of the Great Bible (e.g. 1553), from
In xlvi. II a rendering has been which the first Psalters were taken.
adopted from the Genevan Bible [or The error was continued throughout
from ver. 7]. In the American Prayer the 17th century even in the Prayer-
Book Psalter two other changes made Book of 1662. I do not know when
(apparently) from the Genevan version the true reading was first restored'.
have fallen under my notice : v. 6 The earliest Prayer Book in which I
lies for leasing) ; Ivi. 8 wanderings have noticed it is one printed at Ox-
(iot Jlittings). ford in 1703, while the error is found
One of the most remarkable varia- in an Oxford edition of 1698. In
tions in the Psalter was due to a London editions the blunder was con-
blunder and has been (unauthorita- tinned several years later (1709).
tively) corrected. In Ps. Ixviii. 4 the

§ 5. Taverner.
The work of Taverner is very different from that of ^^^J^'^f
any of the revisers noticed before, and stamped with a '^'Jlf„^„f
very distinct individuality. Its character might be antici- "P^rficiai.
pated from the description of the man himself which has
been already quoted I Throughout he appears to aim at
vigorous and idiomatic language, and his New Testament
at least deserves more attention than has yet been paid to
it. Probably he undertook this part of the work, for
which his scholarship fitted him, first, and only afterwards
extended his labours to the Old Testament, for which he
had no special aptitude. As far as I have observed he
[' It is in the Scotch Prayer Book of 1637.] ^ See p. 83.

208 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
used no help but the Vulgate in the Old Testament, and
this only partially'. But scarcely a page perhaps will fail
to shew changes which are made for the sake of clearness
and force. Thus ' the child of death ' becomes ' worthye of
'deathe' (2 Sam. xii. 5): 'of mine own mind' is altered to
'of myne owne hed' (Num. xvi. 28): 'but and if is made
simply 'but if: 'like as a branch' simply 'like a branch,'
and so on. But in a passage like Is. liii. i — 5, where
Coverdale is greatly at fault, he introduces no real change
in the text before him^
His revision In tho Now Testament Taverner aims equally at com-
of the New , , . . , , , ,. .,. ...
Testament prcssiou and vividnoss, but he was familiar with the

jnore im

portant, original, and therefore could deal more happily with the
translation of Tindale, which still, like Coverdale, he
followed very closely. A few verses will shew the method
which he followed. Thus in the beginning of St John's
Gospel for 'the same' he reads 'this' (i. 2, 7), for to 'bear
'witness' simply 'witness' (7, 15); for Tindale's 'verity' he
writes 'truth' (14) ; for Tindale's ' confessed and denied
'not, and said plainly' he repeats the first word as in the
Greek ' confessed and denyed not and confessed' (20).
Sometimes in his anxiety to keep to the Greek text he
becomes even obscure or inaccurate, as 'all were made
'by it ' (3), ' to be made the sonnes of God, byleuynge on
'his name' (12), 'in to his owne (11), 'he -^as fyrst er I
'was' (15). But he introduced substantial improvements
into the translation by his regard for the article: 'that was
'the true lyght {a tr. 1. Tind.) which...' commyng in to...'
(9): 'Arte thou the Prophet?' (21, 25): 'I am a voyce of
'one cryinge...' (23). Two consecutive verses of the First
Epistle of St John furnish good examples of his endeavour
to find English equivalents for the terms before him. All
the other versions adopt the Latin 'advocate' in i John ii. i,
for which Taverner substitutes the Saxon 'spokesman!
' A good example occurs Josh. Mus. 26,670-3) there is a collation
xxiv. 27, ' leest y' after this tyme ye of Tindale's Pentateuch (1537, 1549)
'wyll denye and lye vnto your God.' vrith Taverner (1539, 1551)1 Vol. II.
^ In Mr Offor's MS. collections for pp. 153 — 158.
a history of the English Bible (Brit.

Ill]

TAVERNER

209

Tindale, followed by Coverdale, the Great Bible, &c.
strives after an adequate rendering of l\aa-/j,b<; (i John
ii. 2), in the awkward periphrasis 'he it is that obtaineth
'grace for our sins ': Taverner boldly coins a word which if
insufficient is yet worthy of notice : ' he is a mercystocke for
'our synnes'.'

' The following characteristic
changes introduced by Taverner have
been selected from a collation of
Tindale 1534.
xiii. 36 similitud'T'
— 36 to housse
— 41 thing/ that offende
— — iniquite
— 43 iuste
— 45 good
— 53 finisshed
— 58 for there vnbelefes sake
xiv. 6 counted
— 31 thou of lytell faith
— 36 vesture only
XV. 'r transgresse
— 6 made y'...
is with out effecte
— 13 plantes
— 18 procede out of
— 22 the Sonne
— — pytiously
— 26 whelpes
— 33 as shuld sufiise
— 37 the broke meate
xvi. 3 fassion
— 23 godly things
— — worldly thing/
— 24 forsake
xviii. I y° greatest
— 4 greatest
— 7 Wo be vnto
— — because of offences
— 9 offende
— 12, 13 nynty and nyne
— 14 perishe
— 16 all thinges
— — be stablissh ed
xix. 9 fornicacion
— — breaketh wedlocke
— 28 seconde generacion
W.

fourteen chapters of St Matthew, most
kindly placed at my disposal by Pro
fessor Moulton. Taverner 1539.
parables (from Ps. Ixxviii. 2)
home griefeswickednesryghteousfayre endedbicause of their vnbelefe
helde litle faythful
garmentebreakedefeated...plantyngecome forth of
thou sonne
soore
dogges to fyll
the fragmetes
countenaunce
thynges of God
thinges of men
deny
greater greater man
wo worth
for offendynges
let the .iiij. score and .xix.
be lost
euery word
standeaduoutrycommytteth aduoutry

newe byrth

14

2IO

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

XIX. XX.

xxi.
xxii.

Tindale 1534.
28 .xii.
25 lordes
34 immediatly
17 had his abydinge
2 a certayne kynge
5 they made light of it
— ferme place
6 vngodly
12 was eve spechlesse
19 tribute money
34 y' he had put the Saduces
to silence
39 and ther is another
2 seate
3 observe
4 heave at
6 synagoges
14 greater
16 he offendeth
22 seate
25 brybery
33 dapnacio
12 and because iniquite shall
have the vpper hande, the
love of many shall abate
24 y* verie electe
34 generacion
35 perisshe
— abyde
43 good man of the housse
51 will devyde him
— ¦ rewarde
35 herbourlesse
46 eternall
2 crucified
4 heelde a counsell
5 holy
8 had indignacion
13 memoriall
1 7 paschall lambe
24 shalbe betrayed
28 testament
— that shalbe shedde
— for the remission
30 sayde grace
41 willynge
42 fiilfylled
45 Take hede
52 sheathe
54 for so must it be

Taverner 1539.
the twelue
rulers
forthwithlodgeda man beynge a kynge
they regarded not
house in the coiitrey
fouly
had neuer a worde to saye
coyne of the trybute money
he hadde stopped the Sadduces
mouthes
and the seconde
chayre
kepemoue assembles
the greater
is bounde (18)
tronerauyne
iudgement and because of the aboundaunce
of vvyckednes, the charitie of
many shall waxe colde
euen the chosen persons
age
passenot passe
housholdershall hewe him
parta straunger (vv. 38, 43)
euerlastyngenayled to the crosse
toke counsell
feastfiiUdisdaynedremembrauncepassoueris betrayed (w. 45, 46)
couenaunt
shedde to the forgyuenesse
gyuen prayses
promptedone
beholdplace
that so it oughte to be

Ill]

TAVERNER

211

It would be tempting to dwell longer on this version,
but it appears to have exercised no influence whatever on
the later revisions. It remains simply as a monument of
one man's critical power, and in the very sharp personality
of its characteristics is alien from the general history of the
English Bible\

Tindale 1534.
xxvi. 61 felowe
— 63 peace
— — charge
— 64 skye
— 66 worthy to dye
— 68 tell
xxvii. 4 innocent
— 24 & that ye shall se
— 51 toppe...bottome
— 58 begged
— 62 foloweth good frydaye
— 65 Take watche men
xxviii. I The Sabboth daye at even
which dauneth the mor-
owe after the Sabboth
— 2 the angell
— 4 be came as deed men
Of these corrections it will be no
ticed that a large number exhibit an
endeavour after more idiomatic or
vigorous renderings : e.g. xiii. 36, 41 ;
xiv. 31 ; XV. 6, 33 ; xvi. 23 ; xviii. 7,
12 ; xxi. 17 ; xxii. 34 ; xxiv. 43 ; xxv.
36 ; xxvi. 2 ; xxvii. 24 ; or a taste

Taverner 1539.
man
tongue coniure
heauen gyltie of deathe
Prophecye vnto
gyltlesauyse you
hygheste. . .loweste
crauedfolowed the daye of preparing
the Sabboth
Ye haue a watche
In the euenynge of the Sabboth
dayes, which dawneth vnto one
of the Sabothes
an aungell
were as deed
for more homely or simple or native
words: e.g. xiii. 41, 43, 53; xv. 2,
18, 22; xix. 28; xxvii. 4. Some
renderings shew a delicate feeling for
the original : e.g. xv. 13, 22; xviii.
16 ; xxii. 2 ; xxvi. 24, 66.

' The Books are arranged in the
following manner :
The Books of the Old Testament
Genesis. ..The Ballet of balletes
The Prophets
Isaiah... Malachi
The Apocrypha
3 Esdras — 2 Maccabees
The New Testament
Four Gospels

Acts
The Epistles
13 of St Paul
St Peter i, 2
St John I, 2, 3
HebrewsSt James
Jude The Revelation.

14-

212

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH,

6. The Genevan Bible.

The cha
racter of the
Gefievan
revision.

New Latin
Versiofis.

Leo Juda.

The foundations of the English Bible were laid by
exiles in a strange country; and exiles contributed the
most important revision which it underwent before the
final settlement of the received text. Under the influence
of Calvin, Geneva had become the seat of a society of
devoted Biblical students, and the results of their labours
were made available for the review of the English version
by the Marian persecution. The more conservative party
among the refugees might have scrupled to use them with
out reserve, but no such feeling could hold back the seceders
from Frankfurt. For the first time the task of emendation
was undertaken by men who were ready to press it to the
uttermost. They spoke of their position as providential,
and in looking back upon the later results of their Bible
we can thankfully acknowledge that it was so. They
enjoyed, as they say in their preface, many advantages
over earlier labourers whose renderings 'required greatly
' to be perused and reformed.' ' Not,' they add, ' that we
' vendicat any thing to our selues aboue the least of our
' brethren, (for God knoweth with what feare and trembling
'we haue bene now [April 1560], for the space of two
'yeres and more day and night occupied herein) but
'being earnestly desired  and seing the great opor-
'tunitie and occasions, which God presented vnto vs in
'this Churche, by reason of so many godly and learned
' men : and suche diuersities of translations in diuers
'tongues, we vndertoke this great and wonderful worke,...
'which now God according to his diuine prouidence and
' mercie hath directed to a moste prosperous end.'
Some important versions indeed had been published
in addition to those which have been noticed already as
accessible to the first translators. Leo Juda, who had con
tributed greatly to the German Bible of Zurich, laboured
for many years at a new Latin Version of the Old Testa
ment. This was left unfinished at his death (1542), but
the work was completed by T. Bibliander and C. Pellican.

Ill] THE GENEVAN BIBLE 21 3
P. Cholin added a translation of the Apocrypha : R.
Gualther revised Erasmus' Latin New Testament ; and
the whole Bible, thus finished, was printed in 1544. The
version is vigorous, aiming rather at an intelligible sense,
than at a literal rendering of the words of the original.
Castalio (Chateillon) carried this freedom to a far greater Castaiio.
length, and in his singularly elegant version (iSSi) endea
voured to make the Hebrew writers speak in purely classical
Latin. In spite of Beza's vehement assaults Castalio exer
cised some effect on later Protestant versions ; but the
New Testament of his great adversary (1556) exercised
a far more powerful influence than either of these complete
Bibles. Beza made some use of the various readings of Beza.
Greek Manuscripts which had been collected in a con
venient form by Stephens in his Greek Testament of 1550
(ed. regia) ; but as yet, in spite of the great advances
which had been made in scholarship, the true principles
of Greek criticism were wholly unknown, and the text
which served as the basis of translation was as faulty as
before. These Latin versions, especially Beza's New Testament, Revision of
. . the French
contributed important help to the English revisers ; but it version.
was of still greater moment that they were associated at
Geneva with a group of scholars who were already engaged
in the work of correcting the French Version of Olivetan.
As early as 1 545 Calvin cursorily revised this Bible, chiefly,
as it is said, in points of style and expression. In 1551 he
went over the work again more thoroughly ; and again in
1558. The edition of 1551 contained a new version of the
Psalter by Louis Bud^ and of the Apocrypha by Beza.
But these successive revisions were confessedly provisional,
and it was not till 1588 that the version appeared which,
bearing the name of the venerable company of pastors at
Geneva, remained for a long time the standard Bible of
the French protestants'.
' For these details I am indebted and 1551. [See Petavel, La Bible en
to Le Long, as I have been unable to Erance, p. 171. A full account of
obtain access to the editions of 1545 Olivetan's version will be found in a

214 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
General Thus the English exiles found themselves surrounded
\£"Gcnevan by thoso who wore engaged in a task similar to their own'.
theo°u° They started indeed with a far better foundation than the
French revisers, and their labours shew no impatient desire
for change. In the historical books they preserved in the
main the old rendering, altering here and there an anti
quated word or a long periphrasis^. In the Hagiographa,
the Prophets, and the poetic books of the Apocrypha, the
changes were necessarily far more numerous. An analysis of
the new readings in a few representative passages will place
the general character of the revision in a clear light '-
I. Kings iii. (Great Bible.) 5 And m. Gibeon the Lord appeared to
Salomon in a dreame by night. And God sayd : aske
what thou wilt that I maye geue it the.
6 And Salomon sayd : thou hast shewed vnto thy seruaunt
Dauid my father great mercy, when he walked before
the in trueth, in ryghteousnesse, and in playnnesse of
heart wyth the. And thou hast kepte for hym thys
greate mercy, that thou hast geuen hym a sonne to syt
on his seat : as it is come to passe this daye.
7 And now, O Lord my God, it is thou that hast made thy
seruaunt kynge in steade of Dauid my father. And I
am but younge, and wot not howe to go out and in.
8 And thy seruaiit is in the myddest of thy people, whyche
thou hast chosen. And verelye the people are so manye
that they cannot be tolde nor nombred for multitude.
9 Geue therfore vnto thy seruaunt an vnderstandynge hert,
to iudge the people, that I maye decerne betwene good
series of articles by Reuss in the Rebekah, Joshua, Zebuliin, Abime-
Reruue de Thiologie, 3me serie, voU. lech, &c. Mr Aldis Wright called
III and IV, Strasburg, 1865-6.] my attention to this significant pecu-
' A revised Italian version of the liarity.
Bible appeared also [probably] at 3 xhe text of the Great Bible is
Geneva in 1562. taken from the edition of 1550, which
'^ A small sign will shew the scho- the revisers were most likely to use.
lar's instinct, and this is found in the The words altered in the Genevan
spelling and accentuation of the He- version are italicized : those substi-
brew names which is characteristic of tuted for them are given afterwards.
the edition of 1 560, as laakob, Izhak,

Ill] THE GENEVAN BIBLE 21 5
and bad. For who is able to iudge thys, thy so myghty
a people .''
10 And thys pleased the Lorde well, that Salomon had
desyred thys thynge.
5 And: om. So Pagninus, French 1556. viausque Miinster.
autem Leo Juda. (i)
— thou...it{so M.): I shal giue Postula quod dem tibi J. (2)
6 in (M. J.) .- & in P. Fr. (3)
— playnnesse: vprightnes rectitudine P. M. J. d'vn cceur
droit enuers toy Fr. (4)
— that thou (ut M. J.): and P. (5)
— seat: throne super thronum P. (6)
— it. . .passe : appeareth (in ital.) il appert Fr. (secundum
diem banc P. ut est dies haec M. ut haec dies [de-
clarat]J.) (7)
7 it... that: thou tu m'as fait regner Fr. (Similarly P.
M.J.) (8)
— younge: a yong childe puer parvus P. M. J. un petit
iouuenceau Fr. (9)
— wot: knowe (10)
8 And verelye... they: euen a great people which... populi
multi qui... P. et quidem populus est multus qui
M.J. qui est vn grand peuple qui... Fr. (11)
9 the: thy ton peuple Fr. (So 1539, P. M. J.) (12)
— so myghty a: mighty. (13)
Of these thirteen changes one seems to come from the
French (7), two are different readings adopted from Pag
ninus (i,, 3), seven are renderings closer to the Hebrew,
chiefly from Pagninus (2, 4, 5, 8, 9, 11, 12), and three are
simply linguistic changes (6, 10, 13).
In a passage from Job there is on the other hand con
siderable originality.
(Great Bible). 23 O that my wordes were nowe written: job xix.
O that they were put in a boke :
24 wolde God they were grauen with an yron penne in
leade, or in stone to continue.

2l6 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
25 For I am sure, that my redemer lyueth, and that I shall
ryse out of the earth in the latter daye :
26 that I shall be clothed agayn with this skynne, and se
God in my flesh.
27 Yea, T my selfe shal behold him, not with other, but with
these same eyes.
28 My reines are consumed within me, did not ye saye:
why doth he suffre persecuciof Is there found an occasion
in me f
23 put: writen euen describerentur P. exarentur J. (i)
24 Would... were (utinam P.): And (in italics) s'O^oque
]¦ (2)
— to continue: for euer ut sint in perpetuum P. ut in
perpetuum sint M. quo perpetuo durent J. (3)
25 that I... daye: and he shal stand the last on the earth
(novissimus resurget in pulvere M. alternative render
ing). (4)
26 that... and se: And thogh after my skin wormes destroy
this bodie, yet shal I se (et post pellem meam con-
tritam vermes contriverunt banc carnem et de carne
mea videbo deum P. Et postquam corroserint (vermes)
corpus istud videbo deum de carne mea M. : otherwise
J-) (5)
27 Yea,., .eyes: Whome I my self shal se, and mine eies shal
beholde and nonother for me (quem ego visurus sum
mihi, et oculi mei videbunt et non alienus P. Similarly
M. and J.) (6)
28 My reines: thogh my reines (none) (7)
— did.. .saye: But ye said (none) (8)
— why doth... persecution: Why is he persecuted? (ob
quid patitur persecutionem M.) (9)
— Is there... in me?: And there was a depe mutter in me
(none)' (10)
Throughout these verses the French rendering is widely
different ; and of the ten changes introduced into the text
' The margin of the French Bible of 1559 has Cause bienfondie.

Ill] THE GENEVAN BIBLE 217
of the Great Bible three of considerable importance are
apparently original (7, 8, 10). Of the remainder one
perhaps comes from the version of Leo Juda (2), four
from Pagninus (i, 3, 5, 6), one from Miinster (4), and one
is linguistic (9).
The revision of the Prophets is similar in kind to that
of the historical books though the changes are far more
numerous :
(Great Bible.) 2 The people that walke in darckenes is.
haue sene a greate lyght. As for them, that dwell in the
lande of the Shadowe of death, vpon them hath the
lyght shyned.
3 Thou hast multyplyed the people, & not increased theyr
joye. They reioyse before the, even as men make mery in
harueste, and as men that have gotten the victory, when
they deale the spoyle.
4 For thou hast broken the yocke of the peoples burthen :
the staff of hys shoulder and the rod of his oppressoure, as
in the dayes of Madian.
$ And trulie every batayll that the warryour accomplissheth
is done with confused noyse, & defylynge ther garmentes
with bloude : But this batayle shall be with burnynge &
consumynge of fyre.
6 For vnto vs a childe is borne & vnto vs a sonne is geuen.
Vpon hys shoulder doth the kyngdome lye, and he is called
with hys awne name, wonderfull : The geuer of councell,
the myghtie God, the euerlasting father, the prince of
peace,
7 he shall m,ake no ende to encrease the kyngdome & peace, &
shall syt vpon the seate of Dauid & in his kyngdome, to
set vp the same, & to stablish it with equytie and rygh
teousnesse from hence iorth for euermore.
2 walke {M.].): walked V. (i)
— As... dwell: thei that dwelled habitantibus P. J. (2)
3 people: natio gentem P. M. J. (3)
— reioyse : haue reioyced laetati sunt P. M. J. (4)

2l8 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
3 even... mery : according to the ioye secundum laetitiam
P.M. (S)
— that .. .victory : reioyce quemadmodum (sicut M.)
exultant P. M. J. (6)
— deale the : diuide a (7)
4 For thou... the : Forthe (8)
— the peoples: their ejus P. M. J. (9)
— the (P.) : & the P. M. J. (10)
— hys: their (his) (11)
— oppressoure : oppressour hast thou broken (8)
— dayes (temporibus J.); day P. M, (12)
— {Madian: Midian P. M. (13)]
5 And trulie: Surely (equidem J.) (14)
— that. . .accomplissheth (quod fit per praeliantem M.) : of
the warriour {proihgantis J.) (15)
— is. . .confused noyse (fit strepitu tumultuoso J.) : is with
noise So P. M. (16)
— defylynge ther : with tumbling of volutatione vest.
M.J. (17)
— with: in So M. J. (18)
— this batayle (hoc vero bellum M.) : this (ital.) (19)
— consumynge: deuouring M. J. (20)
6 Vpon... lye: & the gouernement is vpo his shulder fuit
(factus est M.) principatus super humerum ejus P. M.
otherwise J. (21)
— he is... name: he shal call his name (none) (22)
— The geuer of councell: CoUseller consiliarius P. M. J.
Conseillier Fr. (23)
7 he shall. . .peace : The increase of his gouernement and peace
shal haue none end (Multiplicatio principatus et pax
(erunt) absque fine M.) (24)
— & shall: he shal So J. (25)
— seate: throne So P. M. J. (26)
— in : vpon So P. M. J. (27)
— set... same: order it -vX ^\spox\at M. (28)
— equytie : iudgement judicio P. M. J. jugement Fr. (29)
— ryghteousnesse : with iustice justitia P. M. J. justice
Fr. (30)

Ill]

THE GENEVAN BIBLE

219

7 for euermore: euen for euer et usque in seculum
P.M. (31)
Of these thirty-one alterations by far the largest part is
due to the desire of greater literality : no less than fifteen
can be traced to Pagninus (i — 6, 9, 10, 12, 13, 16, 21, 23,
27, 31), five to Miinster (17, 18, 20, 24, 28), three perhaps
to Leo Juda (14, 15, 25), two are original (19, 22), and six
changes ^re linguistic (7, 8, 11, 25, 28, 29).
In the Apocryphal books the influence of the French
translation, which was due as we have seen to Beza, is
unmistakeable. One example may suffice :

Great Bible,
1550-
15 God hath
graunted me to
talke wisely, and
coueniently to hddle
the thinges that he
hathe graciouslye lent
me. For it is he,
that leadeth vnto
wisdome, and teach-
eth to vse wisdom a
right. 16 In his hande
are bothe we and
oure wordes : yea,
all our wisdome,
oure vnderstandinge
and knowledge of
all oure workes.
17 For he hathe
gyuen me the true
science of these
thinges: so that I
knowe howe the
worlde was made.

Geneva, 1560.
God hathe grant
ed me to speake ac
cording to my minde,
and to iudge worthely
of the things, that are
giuen me : for he is
the leader vnto wis
dome, and the direc-
ter of the wise.

For in his hand
are bothe we and
our wordes, and all
wisdome, &" the
knowledge of the
workes. For he hathe giue
me the true know
ledge of the things
that are, so that I
knowe how the
worlde was made.

French Bible
(Lyons), 1556'.
Et Dieu m'ha wisd. vH.
donnd de parler a
ma volunt'e, &= de
presumer choses di-
gnes de celles qui me
sontdonnees: car ces
tui est le conducteur
de sapience, & le
correcteur des sages.

Car nous sommes
en la main d'icelui,
nous & noz paroles,
& aussi toute sapi
ence 6^ discipline des
ceuures de science.
Car cestui m'ha
donnd la vraye sci
ence des choses qui
sont: a fin que ie
sache la disposition
de toute la terre, &

I have endeavoured to preserve the original spelling.

220

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Great Bible,
1550-
and the powers of
the elementes :
18 the beginninge,
endinge, and midd-
est of the times :
how the times altre,
howe one goeth after
an other, and how
they are fulfilled,
19 the course of
the yere: the ordi-
najinces of the
starres :
20 the nature and
kyndes of beastes :
the furiousnesse of
beastes : the power
of the windes : the
ymaginacyons of
men : the diuersities
oi yonge '^dxAes: the
vertues of rootes,
21 and al such
thinges as are secrete
and not looked for,
haue I learned: For
the workemaster of
all thinges hathtaught
me wisdome...
27 And for so
muche as she is one,
she may do all
thinges, and beinge
stedfast her selfe she
renueth all : and
amonge the people

Geneva, 1560.
and the powers of
the elements.
The beginning
and the end, & the
middes of the times :
how the times alter,
and the change of the
seasons. The course of the
yere, the situacion of
the starres.
The nature of liu-
ing things, and the
furiousnes of beasts,
the power of y°
windes, and the ima-
ginacions of men,
the diuersities of
plants, and the ver
tues of rootes.
And all things
bothe secret and know
en do I knowe: for
wisdotne the worker
of all things, hathe
taught me it...
And being one,
she can do all things,
and remaining in her
self, renueth all, and
according to the ages
she entreth into the
holie soules, and

French Bible
(Lyons), 1556.
les vertus des ele-
mens, le commence
ment, la consomma-
tion & le milieu des
temps, changemens
des mutations, &' les
diuisions des temps,
les decours des an-
nees, les dispositions
des estoilles,

les natures des
animaux, 6^ les cor-
roux des bestes, la
force des vets, &
les cogitations des
hommes, les differ
ences des plantes, 6f
les vertus des ra-
cines : & ay apprins
toutes choses secret-
tes &" manifestes.
Car I'ouurier tie
toutes choses m'ha
enseigne par sapi
ence^. . . .
Et combien qu'elle
soit seule, eViepeult
toutes choses, & es-
tant en soy perma-
nente, elle renouuelle
toutes choses, &/ar
les nations descendant

' The revision of 1588 has as a
marginal rendering ' car la Sapience

'qui est I'ouvrier de toutes choses
'm'a enseignS.'

Ill]

THE GENEVAN BIBLE

221

Great Bible,
1550-
conueyeth she her
selfe into the holy
soules. She maketh
Gods frendes and
prophetes :
28 for God loueth
noman but him in
whom wisdome dwell
eth. 29 For she is more
beautyfull then the
Sunne & giueth more
light then the starres,
and the daye is not
to be compared vnto
her: 30 for vpon the
day commeth night.
But wickednesse
cannot ouercome
wisdome, and fool-
ishnesse maye not be
with her.

Geneva, 1560.
maketh them the
friends of God and
Prophetes.

For God loueth
none, if he dwell not
with wisdome.
For she is more
beautiful then the
sunne, and is aboue
all the order of the
starres, and the
light is not to be
compared unto her.
For night cometh
vpo it, but wicked
nes can not ouer
come wisdome.

French Bible
(Lyons), 1556.
es saintes ames, elle
ordonne les amis de
Dieu & les pro
phetes. Car Dieu n' ayme
personne fors que ce-
lui, qui habile auec
sapience. Car icelle est plus
belle que le Soleil,
& par dessus toute
la disposition des es
toilles, elle compa-
ree a la lumiere est
trouuee la premiere :
car a ceste succede
la nuict, mais ma
lice ne vaincra point
sapience.

same books shew that the English The English
Version

Conversely the
version influenced the later French revision :

Lyons, 1556.
19 I'estoye aussi
vn enfant ingenieux,
& auoye d'auenture
trouuk vne bonne
ame. 20 !Mais estant vn
peu meilleur, ie vins
a vn corps sans
souillure. 21 Et quand ie

influenced
the later
French one
Geneva, 1560. Geneva, 1588. ofiin.

For I was a wit-
tie childe, and was
of a good spirit.

Yea, rather being
good, I came to an
vndefiled bodie.
Neuertheles, when

Or estoy-ie aussi wisd. via.
vn enfant ingenieux
& m' estoit escheute
vne bonne ame:
Ou plutost, estant
bon, i'estoye venu en
vn corps sans souil
lure. Quand done i'eu

222

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Lyons, 1556.
congnu que autre-
ment nepouuoye estre
continent, si Dieu ne
le donnoit, & que
celk mesmes estoit
souueraine sapience
de sauoir de qui es
toit ce don : ie m'en
allay au Seigneur, &
le priay, d^* lui dis de
tout mon coeur...

Geneva, 1560.
I perceiued that T
colde not enioye her,
except God gaue her
(and that was apointe
qf wisdome also, to
knowe whose gifte it
was) I went vnto the
Lord, and besoght
him, and with my
whole heart I said. . .

Geneva, 1588.
cognu que ie rie
pourroy' iouir, si
Dieu ne me la don
noit, & que cela
mesme estoit pru
dence, de sauoir de
qui estoit ce don, ie
m' en allai supplier
le Seigneur, & le
priai, disant de tout
mon cceur...

Sujnjnary
of the cha
racteristics
of the revi
sion of the
Old Testa
ment.

The revi
sion of the
New Testa
ment based
mainly on
Beza.

The examples which have been given exhibit very
fairly the method of revision which was adopted by the
Genevan translators in the Old Testament. In all parts
they took the Great Bible as their basis and corrected
its text, without ever substituting for it a new transla
tion. Even where the changes are greatest the original
foundation can still be traced, and the new work fairly
harmonizes with the old. One chief aim of the revisers
seems to have been to make the translation as nearly
verbal as possible, and consequently in a great number
of passages they replace the renderings of the Zurich
scholars (Coverdale) or Miinster by those of Pagninus.
At the same time there is abundant evidence to shew that
they were perfectly competent to deal independently with
points of Hebrew scholarship ; and minute changes in
expression shew that they were not indifferent to style.
The history of the Genevan New Testament is simpler
than that of the Old. It is little more than the record
of the application of Beza's translation' and commentary
to Tindale's Testament in three successive stages, first in
the separate New Testament of 1557 (Gt)^ next in the
Bible of 1560 (G), and lastly in the New Testament of
' [In quoting Beza's translation I Genevan version of 1560 could be
have only referred to the editions of influenced. W. A. W.]
1556 and 1559 ^y which alone the " Seep. 223, «. 4.

in X John.

Ill] THE GENEVAN BIBLE 223
L. Tomson in 1576' (T). The revisers undoubtedly
exercised an independent judgment in following his ren
derings. They did not adopt all the alterations which
he suggested ; and at times they introduced original
phrases ; but by far the greater part of the changes which
were made in the text of Tindale were simply due to
Bezal An analysis of the changes in one short Epistle will The change
render this plain. Thus, according to as accurate a cal
culation as I can make, more than two-thirds of the new
renderings in i John introduced into the revision of 1560
are derived from Beza, and two-thirds of these then for
the first time. The rest are due mainly to the revisers
themselves', and of these only two are found in the re
vision of 1557. Tomson adds barely five or six closer
approximations to Beza, of which one is important (v. 4
'hath overcome'); and once he definitely goes against
him (iv. 9 ' Herein was that love of God made manifest
'amongst us').
The general conclusion thus indicated will be made
still clearer by an examination of two short continuous
passages. The differences between the first New Testa
ment and the New Testament in the Bible (1560) will
thus appear, and it will be seen that the revision in the
latter extended to points of language as well as to points
of interpretation*:
' Tomson's New Testament pre- Bible. See for instance Gal. i. 10,
sents the fullest form of Beza's influ- 14, 15, 19, 21: ii. i, 2, 5, 6, 9, ro,
ence. One peculiarity is characteristic 11, &c. The corresponding coincid-
of Tomson alone. In his anxiety ences of the Genevan Testament
to express the emphatic force of the with the Great Bible against Tindale
Greek article he constantly renders it are very few : Gal. i. 9, 12 : ii. 4.
by 'that' or 'this,' and in many cases ' The most striking are: ii. 18, 19,
the effect is almost grotesque. One 20, 29 : iv. 5 : v. 6.
example will suffice : ' He that hath * It is very greatly to be regretted
Uhat Son hath that life : and he that that the New Testament of 1557 and
'hath not that Son of God hath not not the New Testament of the Bible
'that life' (i John v. 12). has been reprinted in Bagster's Hexa-
"^ The basis of the Genevan Testa- pla as the Genevan version. The
ment was certainly Tindale's (the last confusion which has resulted from
text, i.e. Matthew) and not the Great this error of judgment has led to end-

224 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
Eph.ii. (Tindale, 1534.) 12 Remeber I saye, f ye were at that
tyme w' oute Christ, & were reputed aliantes from
the comen welth of Israel, & were straugers' fro the
testamenf of promes, & had no hope, & were with out
god in this worlde.
13 But now in Christ lesu, ye which a whyle agoo^ were
farre of, are made nye by y° bloude of Christ.
14 For he is oure peace, whych hath made of both one,
and hath broken doune the wall y* was a stoppe bi
twene vs,
1 5 and hath also put awaye thorow his flesshe, the cause of
hatred (that is to saye, the lawe^ of commaundementes
contayned in the lawe written) for to make of twayne
one newe ma in him silfe, so makynge peace :
16 and to recocile both vnto god in one body thorow his
crosse, and slewe hatred therby :
1 7 and came and preached peace to you which were a farre
of, and to them that were nye.
18 For thorow him we both have an open waye in, in one
sprete vnto the father.
12 Remeber... at Gt : That ye were, I say, G. T.* iyos
inquam... /2/m^ B.) (i)
— reputed Gt : om. G. T. (so B.) (2)
— testamentes : couenants Gt. G. T. (pactis B. 1556,
1559) (3)
— this Gt : the G. T. (in mundo B.) (4)
13 lesu: lesus Gt. G. T. (5)
— a whyle agoo: once Gt. G. T. (olim B.) (6)
less mistakes in discussions on the ' euen the lawe (G. B.).
Authorized Version. The Testament ¦* The Testament of 1557 is marked
of IS57 has had no independent in- by Gt and quoted from Bagster's
fluence on the A.V. as far as I can Hexapla : G represents the first edi-
see. Compare Mr F. Fry on The tion of the Bible 1560: T, Tomson's
English New Testament of the Gene- Testament quoted from the Bible of
van Versioninihe. Journal of Sacred 1576. The rendering of Beza is
Literature, July, 1864. marked B. G gives the following
'The Great Bible reads: being words in italics : Eph. ii. 2 / jay, «'«''<
aliantes from. ..and straungers... i"; 15 that is, which standeth, so;
2 somtyme (G. B.). 16 his. Rev. ii. 9 / knowe, are 2°.

Ill] THE GENEVAN BIBLE 22$
1 3 nye Gt : nere G. T. (7)
— the bloude I say of Christe Gt. (inquam B. 1556, 1559)
G. omits T say. (8)
14 broken... vs : broken the stoppe of the particion wall Gt.
G. T. (intergerini parietis septum B.) (9)
15 and.. .awaye: In abrogating Gt. G. T. (inimicitiis...
abrogatis B. 1556, 1559) (10)
— cause of o'c^. Gt. G. T. (so B.) (11)
— to saye Gt : om. G. T. (so B.) (12)
— contayned... written: which standeth in ceremonies {or
dinances G. T.) Gt. G. T. (quae in ritibus posita
est B.) (13)
16 to : that he myght Gt. G. T. (ut conderet...et ut recon-
ciliaret B.) (14)
— thorow : by Gt. G. T. (per B.) (15)
— slewe: slaye Gt. G. T. (16)
17 and to them that were nye {and nye Gt): & to them
that were nere G. T. (17)
1 8 open waye in, in {by Gt) one sprete vnto the father :
entrance (so Great Bible) vnto the Father by one
Spirit G. T. (aditum per unum Spiritum ad Patrem
B.) (18)
Thus it will be seen that the Testament (Gt 1557)
differs from the Bible (1560) in nine places, half of the
whole number (i, 2, 4, 7, 8, 12, 13, 17, 18), and of these
variations two are of considerable importance (2, 17). In
one case the Bible deserts Beza where the Testament
followed him (13), one change is simply linguistic (7), but
in the other seven cases the Bible is supported by Beza.
Of the remaining nine changes common to the Testament
and Bible five are in accordance with Beza (3, 9, n, 14,
15), one is perhaps independent of him (6), and the remain
ing three are changes of expression (5, 10, 16). In this
passage Tomson agrees with the Bible.
(Tindale, 1534.) 8 And unto the angell of the con- Rev.u-
gregacion of Smyrna wryte: These thynges sayth he
w. 15

226 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [cH.
that is fyrste, and the laste, which was deed and is
alive.
9 I knowe thy workes and tribulacion and poverte, but
thou art ryche : And I knowe the blaspemy of them
whiche call them selves Iewes, and are not : but are the
congregacio of sathan.
lO Feare none of thoo thynges which thou shalt soffre.
Beholde, the devyll shall caste of you into preson, to
tempte you, and ye shall have tribulacion .x. dayes. Be
faythfull vnto the deeth and I will geve thee a crown
of lyfe.
1 1 Let him that hath ears heare, what the sprete sayth to
the congregacions : He that overcometh shall not be
hurte of the seconde deeth.
8 congregacion of Smyrna : Church of the Smyrnians Gt.
G. T. (Smyrnaeorum B. 1559) (Smyrnse Ecclesiae
B. 1SS6) (I)
— the: om. Gt. G. T. (2)
9 call them selves Gt. : say they are G. T. (se dicunt...
esse B.) (3)
— congregacion : Synagogue Gt. G. T. (synagoga B.) (4)
10 the devyll: it shall come to passe, that the d. Gt. G. T.
(futurum est ut...B.) (5)
— of: some of (so Great Bible) Gt. G. T. (6)
— to... you: that ye may be tryed Gt. G. T. (ut explo-
remini B. 1559 ut tentemini B. 1556) (7)
— Be Gt. : be thou G. T. (8)
— a: the Gt. G. T. (9)
II ears: an eare Gt. G. T. (aurem B.) (10)
— congregacions: Churches Gt. G. T. (ecclesiis B.) (11)
In this passage again Tomson's text agrees with that
of the Bible'. The Testament differs from it twice (3, 8),
and in both cases the Bible agrees with Beza. The re
maining nine changes are all, as far as the Latin can
express them, in accordance with Beza, and one is evi
dently due to him (5).
' An important example of his disagreement is given below, p. 228, n. i.

Ill] THE GENEVAN BIBLE 227
It is of more importance to place in a clear light the Examples
1 • . r ._! 1 • 1 T^ 1 . « ^ of right ren-
real origin 01 the changes in the English Genevan New derings takenfrom
Testament, because very many of them have passed from ^'^¦
that into our own Bible, and it has been forgotten to whom
the renderings are due. Thus Archbp Trench quotes five
passages to shew' 'the very good and careful scholarship
'brought to bear upon this [the Genevan] revision,' in
which 'it is the first to seize the exact meaning... which
'all the preceding versions had missed.' They are all
derived from Beza. In one case the English translator has
adopted his alternative rendering ; in the four others he
simply takes Beza's translation :
Luke xi. 17 one housse shall (doth Great Bible) fall upon
another {Tindale G.B.).
domus super domum cadit {Erasmus).
domus adversus se partita cadit {Beza 1556, 1559). ,
a house deuided against it self (an house G. T.)
falleth (Gt).
Acts xxiii. 27 cam I. ..and rescued him, and perceaved that
he was a Romayne ( Tind. G.B.).
superveniens...exemi, cognito quod Romanus esset
{Beza 1556, I5S9).
I came...& rescued him, perceauing that he was a
Romaine (Gt).
Acts xxvii. 9 because also that we (they G.B.) had over-
longe fasted {Tind. G.B.).
quod jam etiam jejunium [tempus designat Lucas
ex more Judaici populi] praeteriisset {Beza).
because also y« tyme of (om. the time of G. T.) the
Fast was now passed (Gt).
James i. 13 God tempteth not (cannot tempt G.B.) unto
evil {Tind. G.B.).
Deus tentari mails non potest {Beza).
God cannot be tempted with euyl (Gt)l
' On the Authorized Version, p. p. 197) is found in the Great Bible
113 11. after the first edition.
^ This rendering (as we have seen, IS— 2

228 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
Mark xiv. 72 [he] began to weep {Tind. G.B!).
animum adiiciens flevit {Beza 1556, 1559 not!).
waying that with himselfe, he wept (Gt).
The credit of recognizing the right turning remains,
but the Genevan translator can have no claim to original
sagacity on this evidence.
To place the relation of the Genevan translator to Beza
in a still clearer light it will be worth while, though it is an
ungracious task, to quote an equal number of cases where
under the same influence the Genevan version first goes
wrong.
Examples Matt. 1. 1 1 loslas bcgato lacim And lacim begate lechonias.
readings Lukc ii. 22 When the tyme of Maries purification... was
takenfrom
Beza. come.
Luke iii. 36 (Sala) which was the sonne of Arphaxad...
Rev. xi. I Then was geven me a rede, lyke vn to a rodde,
and tJte Angel stode by, saing...
Hebr. x. 38 But ii any withdraw him selfe.
Mark xvi. 2 When the sunne was yet rysing.
Of these, which include four arbitrary corrections of the
text, the second and fourth and fifth have been incorporated
in our present version : the first was abandoned by Beza in
his third edition : the sixth is suggested in a note' and has
modified the received rendering.
Bern's in- A comparison of the two groups of passages will shew
'^h^wh^k at once the strength and the weakness of Beza, and so
eneficia. ^^ ^^ rovisious which wcre moulded after him. In the
interpretation of the text he was singularly clear-sighted :
in the criticism of the text he was more rash than his
contemporaries in proportion as his self-reliance was
greater. But though it is a far more grievous matter to
corrupt the text than to misinterpret it, the cases in which
Beza has corrected the renderings of former translators
' One still more surprising change SaviKTes in Rom. vii. 6 (He being
has been adopted in A.V. though it dead in whom we were holden, T.).
is not in 1557, litroBavlano^ for Atto-

Ill] THE GENEVAN BIBLE 229
are incomparably more numerous than those in which he
has introduced false readings ; and on the whole his
version is far superior to those which had been made
before, and so consequently the Genevan revisions which
follow it'.
The notes of the Genevan Version contributed so The notes of
greatly to its influence that some examples of them may Bioie"'"""''
be added which will be sufficient to shew the general
character and scope of the commentary.
' Thogh we prouoke God iustly to angre, yet he wil ex. iv. 14,
' neuer reiect his.
' God repeteth this point because the whole keping of ex. xxxi.
' the Lawe standeth in the true vse of the Sabbath, w*- is to
' cease from our workes. & to obey the wil of Ged.
' For finding nothing in ma that ca deserue mercie, he ex. xxxhl
' wil frely saue his.
'Hereby it appeareth that Naomi by dwellTg amog Ruthi.g.
'idolaters was waxen colde in y° true zeale of God, w"
'rather hathe respect to the ease of y' body than to y°
' comfort of y" soule.
' Herein he shewed y' he lacked zeale : for she oght to 2 chron. xv.
'haue dyed bothe by the couenant, and by the Lawe of
' God : but he gaue place to foolish pitie, & wolde also
' seme after a sorte to satisfie the Lawe.
'Tabdr is a moutaine Westwarde fro lerusale, & Ps.ixxxix. 12.
'Herm6n Eastwarde : so the Prophet signifieth yt all
' partes & places of the worlde shal obey Gods power for
' the deliuerance of his Church.
' He speaketh this for two causes : y^ one, because a vi. 5.
' he y' was a mortal creature, and therefore had more nede
' to glorifie God then the Angels, did it not : and the other,
' because y^ more nere y* man approcheth to God, the more
' doeth he knowe his owne sinne, & corruption.
' The books of the Bible are thus 'Esdr. 2 Esdr.— i Mace. 2 Mace.
arranged: 'The Books of the New Testa-
' The Names and order of aU the 'ment. Matthew... The Epistle of
'Books of the Old and New Testa- 'Paul to the Romans. ..Titus, Phile-
'ment...' ['Genesis.. .Malachi. 'mon. To the Ebrewes. James...
'The Books called Apocrypha, i 'Jude. Revelation.'

230

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

xxxi. 35.

Ro-m.

Rom. ix.
IS.

1/

James v. i0.

Rev.

Rev. ix. 3.

V

' If the sunne, moone, and starres can not but giue
' light according to mine ordinance, so long as this woride
'lasteth, so shal my Church neuer faile, nether shal anie
' thing hinder it : and as sure as I wil haue a people, so
' certeine is it, that I wil leaue them my worde for euer to
' gouerne them with.
' He deuided the law of nature corrupt into vngodlines,
' & vnrighteousnes. Vngodlines conteineth the false wor-
' shiping of God : vnrighteousnes, breache of loue towarde
'man. 'As the onelie wil & purpose of God is the chief cause
' of election & reprobacion, so his fre mercie in Christ
' is an inferior cause of saluacion, & the hardening of the
' heart, an inferior cause of damnacion.
' Open that w'' greueth you, y' a remedie may be
' founde : and this is comanded bothe for him y' com-
' plaineth, & for hi that heareth y' the one shulde shew his
' grief to the other.
'The soules of the Saintes are vnder the altar which
' is Christ, meanig that they are in his safe custodie in the
•' heauens. ' Locustes are false teachers, heretikes, and worldlie
' suttil Prelates, with Monkes, Freres, Cardinals, Patriarkes,
' Archebishops, Bishops, Doctors, Baschelers & masters
'which forsake Christ to mainteine false doctrine'.'

The design
qftheBishops'Bible.

% 7. The Bishops' Bible.
The correspondence on the subject of the Bishops'
Bible which has been already quoted explains the general
design of the revisers". It was their object to remove
from the Great Bible all errors which seemed to impair
the sense, and at the same time to produce a popular
and not a literary version. In both respects — in the
alteration of the renderings and in the alteration of the

' In the New Testament the notes
in the Bible (1560) differ from those
in the Testament of 1557 (e.g. Matt.
xxviii. 15 ; Mark i. i ; Rom. xvi. 7),

but chiefly by additions made in the
Bible. ^ See pp. 96 ff.

Ill] the bishops' bible 231
language — they proposed at least in the first instance to
confine themselves to necessary changes, for the revision
was essentially conservative in its conception. But in the
execution of the plan some of the revisers certainly made
use of far wider liberty than the original scheme permitted.
The execution of the work is indeed, if a very partial The design
examination may be trusted, extremely unequal ; and the carrMmt.
Greek scholarship of the revisers is superior to their
Hebrew scholarship. How far the separate sections are
marked by the special characteristics of the men engaged
upon them I cannot say, and the inquiry is not one which
would reward the labour which it would cost. Still the
revision has received far less attention than it deserves,
and in the New Testament it shews considerable vigour
and freshness.
The historical books of the Old Testament follow the General
text of the Great Bible very closely'. The Hagiographa,
as far as I have examined them, are corrected with con
siderable freedom. The Prophets are altered very fre
quently, but in these the new renderings can generally be
traced to some other source. The influence of the Genevan
revision is perceptible throughout, but it is more obvious
in the Prophets than elsewhere. Castalio was certainly
consulted and had some influence with the revisers, but
with the exception of the Genevan version itself no fresh
sources were open to them in addition to those which the
Genevan exiles had used^.
One or two passages will illustrate what has been said^ Examples.
' [This is not strictly accurate. The historical books. In the poetical
changes may not be important, but parts, such as Gen. xlix., Ex. xv.,
they are numerous. In Gen. i. out of Num. xxiii., xxiv., Deut. xxxii., xxxiii.,
31 verses 22 are altered. In Gen. ii. Judg. v., i Sam. ii., 2 Sam. i., xxii.,
out of 26 verses 17 are altered. In xxiii., i Chr. xvi., the changes are
Gen. xiv. out of 24 verses 17 are equally numerous.]
altered. In Gen. xxii. out of 22 ^ See pp. 212, 213.
verses 12 are altered. In Gen. xxiv. ^ The passages are taken from the
out of the first 14 verses 8 are altered. Great Bible of 1550. The readings
In Ruth iii. out of 18 verses 8 are of the Bishops' Bible are from the
altered. These instances are taken first edition of 1568.
from the narrative portions of the

232 history of THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
Is. liii. Great Bible, 1550'. i But who hath geuen credence
vnto the thing we haue heard? Or to whom is the arme
of the Lorde knowne .¦¦
2 For he dyd grow before the Lord lyke as a braunch and
as a rote in a drye groiid. He hath nether bewtye nor
fauour. When we shall loke vpon him, there shalbe no
fayrnesse : we shal haue no lust vnto him.
3 He is despysed and abhorred of men, he is suche a ma as
is full of sorowe and as hath good experience of infirmyties.
We haue rekened him so vyle, that we hyd oure faces
from him, yee he was dispysed & therfore we regarded
him not.
4 Howebeit he only hath taken on him our infirmities &
borne our paynes. Yet we dyd iudge him, as though he
were plaged & cast downe of God : & punished
5 where as he {not with standinge) was wouded for our
offences, & smytte for our wickenes. For the chastisemet
of our peace was layde vpon him, and with his stripes are
we healed.
6 As for vs, we haue gone all astray (lyke shepe) euery one
hath turned his owne waye. But the lorde hath heaped
together vpon him the iniquitie of us all.
7 He suffered violence and was euel intreated : and dyd
not yet ope his mouth. He shall be led as a shepe to be
slayne, yet shal he be as styl as a lambe before the
shearer, and not open his mouth.
8 He was had awaye fro prison: his cause not hearde
and without any iudgement. Whose generation yet who
may numbre? he was cut of from the grounde of the
lyuinge: whiche punishment dyd go vpon him for the
transgression of my people, which in dede had deserued
that punishement.
9 His graue was geuen him with the condempned, and
with the ryche man at his death. Where as he did
neuer violence : nor vnright, neyther hath there bene
any disceatfulnesse in his mouth.
' The italics, as before, indicate in the revision. The renderings sub-
words and phrases which were changed stituted are given in detail afterwards.

Ill] THE bishops' bible 233
10 Yet hath it pleased the Lorde thus, to bruste him with
plages, and to smite him with infirmitie, that when he
had made his soule an offeringe for sinne, he might see
longe lastinge sede. And this deuyce of the Lorde
shall prosper in his hande.
1 1 With trauayle and laboure of his soule, shall he optayne
fruyte, and he shalbe satisfied by the knowledge of him
whiche is my righteous seruaunte: he shal iustifie the
multitude, for he shall beare awaye their sinnes.
12 Therfore will I geue him the multitude for his parte:
and he shall deuyde the spoyle with the strongest, be
cause he geueth ouer his soule to death: And is rek
ened amonge the transgressours, which neuertheles hath
taken away the sinnes of the multitude, and made inter
cession for the misdoers.
I the thinge we haue heard: our precuhing (our reporte is. un.
Geneva 1560) praedicationi nostrae Leo Juda' (i)
2 shall loke. (shall se G.) : loke videmus J. (2)
3 as is full...infirmyties : as hath good experience of
sorowes and infirmities, homo dolorum aegritudinis-
que gnarus C. (3)
— yee he was dispysed & therfore we regarded him not
(similarly G. and all) : omit (4)
4 infirmities {so 200) : infirmitie (5)
— Sf punished (and humbled G., similarly all) : omit (6)
S not with standinge : (in brackets and smaller type).
{om. G.) (7)
— the chastisemet of our peace (so P. M. G.) : the payne of
our punishment mulcta correctionis nostrae J. (8)
6 we haue gone all (G.) : we are all gone (9)
— heaped together... all (hathe layed vpon hym the iniquitie
ofvs all G.): throwen vpon hym all our sinnes in eum
omnium nostrum crimen conjecit C. (10)
7 dyd not yet (similarly M. J. G.) : dyd not P. (11)
8 He was had awaye. . iudgement : From the prison and
' The translation of Leo Juda will Miinster, and Castalio are indicated
be indicated by J. The Geneva ver- by G, P, M, C.
sion and the versions of Pagninus,

234 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
iudgement was he taken (he was taken out from prison
and from judgment G.) : so P. C. otherwise J. (12)
8 Whose generation . . .numbre : and his generation who can
declare ? (and who shall declare his age ? G.) genera-
tionem ejus quis enarrabit P. M. (13)
— he was : for he was (so P. M. J. G.) (14)
which... punishement (M): om. (so P. J. G.) (15)
10 thus, to bruste him with plages, and to smite (somewhat
similarly P. M. G.) : to smite (infirmando atterere
J.) (libuit autem Jovse eum aegritudine contun-
dere C.) (16)
1 1 With trauayle. . .shalbe. . . : Of the trauayle and labour of
his soule shall he see the fruite & be... so M. (he shal
se of the trauayl of his soule, (and) shalbe... G.) (17)
— by the knowledge. . .shal iustifie (M.) : My righteous ser
uaunt shall with his knowledge iustifie (by his know
ledge shall my righteous servant justify many G.)
cognitione sui multos justificabit Justus servus meus J.
similarly C. (18)
— beare awaye...: beare... (so P. M. J. C.) (19)
12 the multitude for his parte...: among the great ones\As
part. . . (give him a portion with the great G.) similarly
P. M. C. otherwise J. (20)
— the strongest (M) : the mightie (the strong G.) fortibus
P.J. (21)
Thus of the twenty-one corrections five are due to the
Genevan version (7, 12, 18, 20, 21): five more agree with
Pagninus (i i, 13, 14, 15, 19): three with Leo Juda (i, 2, 8):
three with Castalio (3, 10, 16); and one with Miinster (17).
One change is simply linguistic (9), and three are apparently
original (4, 5, 6).
In a passage from the Psalms the reviser shews far
greater originality and the influence of the Genevan revision
is considerably less':
' [The original version of the Psalms accompanied by the Great Bible ver-
in the Bishops' Bible of 1568 was re- sion printed side by side with it. It
printed in the quarto edition of 1569 only appeared once more, in the Bible
and in the folio of 1572, where it was of 1585. One peculiarity of this ver-

Ill] THE BISHOPS' BIBLE

235

Great Bible 1550. i The heauens declare the glory of P'--
God, & the firmamente sheweth his handy worcke.
2 One day telleth another : and one nighte certifieth another.
3 There is nether speache ner langage, but their voyces are
heard amonge them. Their sounde is gone out {gone May
1 541) into all lades : & their wordes Ito the endes of the
world.
4 In them hath he set a tabernacle for the sunne, whiche
commeth forth as a brydgrome out of his chaumbre, and
reioyseth as a giaunt to runne his course.
5 It goeth furtlie from the vtmost parte of the heauen, and
runneth about vnto the ende of it agayne, and there is
nothinge hid from the heate therof.
6 The lawe of the Lord is an vndefiled law couerting the
soule. The testemony of the Lorde is sure, and geueth
wisdome, vnto the simple.
7 The statutes of the Lorde are righte and reioyse the
herte, the commaundement of the Lorde is pure and
gyueth lighte vnto the eyes.
8 The feare of the Lorde is cleane, and endureth for euer,
the iudgementes of the Lorde are true and righteous all
together.
9 More to be desired are they then golde, ye then much fine
golde : sweter also then honye, and the hony combe.
10 Moreouer, by the is thy seruaunt taught, and in kepinge
of them there is greate rewarde.
II Who can tell, how ofte he offendeth? Oh dense thou me
fro {my) secrete fautes.
12 Kepe thy seruaunte also from presumptuous jot;2«j. Lest
they get the dominion ouer me : so shal I be vndefiled, and
innocente frome the greate offence.
1 3 Let the wordes of my mouth and the meditacyon of my
herte be (alwaye) acceptable in thy sight. O Lorde, my
strength and my redemer.
2 One... another: A day occasioneth talke therof vnto a
day: and a night teacheth knoweledge vnto a nyght.
sion is that the words 'God' and changed, as will be seen in the
'Lord ' are almost uniformly inter- examples here given.]

236 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH,
(Daie vnto dale vttereth the same, and night vnto night
teacheth knowledge G.) similarly P. M. (i)
3 There is... gone out: No language, no wordes, ¦no voyce
of theirs is hearde: yet their sounde goeth (non est [illis]
sermo, non verba, neque auditur vox eorum, in omnem
tamen... J.) (2)
4 hath he: he hath (3)
5 It...furthe: His settyng foorth is egressus ejus M. his
going out is G. (4)
— the: om. (5)
— runneth about: his circuite revolutio ejus P. M. his
compas G. (6)
— ende of it agayne : vtmost part therof ad extrema eorum
M.J. (7)
— the heate therof: his heat (8)
6 the Lord: God {so throughout), not P. M. J. G. C. (9)
— an vndefiled law: perfect G. (10)
8 cleane (2.1. G.): sincere svaeexws M. (11)
— true (J.) : trueth P. M. G. (12)
— and... all together : they be iust in «// /oj)/«feJ (justificata
pariter P. M. simulque justa J.) (13)
9 More.. . they : They are more to be desired... (14)
— sweter also (G.) : they are also sweeter (15)
10 is... taught : thy servaunt is well aduertised. (perspicue
admonetur J.) (16)
— greate (G) : a great (17)
1 1 tell. . .offendeth : knowe his owne errours (errores quis
intelligit M. errores quis animadvertat J.) (18)
— {my) secret faults : those that I am not priuie of (19)
12 sinnes: [sinnes] (20)
— Lest... dominion : let them not raigne So G. (ne domi-
nentur mihi P. M. J.) (21)
— shal... vndefiled: I shall be perfect ^eriectus eroV. (22)
innocente. . .greate : voyde from all haynous (innocens a
quovis grandiori scelere J.) (23)
13 (alway): omit. So G. (24)
— Lorde: God (25)

Ill] THE BISHOPS' BIBLE 237
Of these changes one-fifth appear to be original (1,5,
13, 20, 25): seven more are linguistic (3, 8, 9, 14, 15, 17,
19): three are coincidences with Pagninus (6, 12, 22):
five with Leo Juda (2, 7, 16, 18, 23); four with the Genevan
version (4, 10, 21, 24) : and one with Miinster (11).
There is but little to recommend the original ren- Therevision
derings of the Bishops' Bible in the Old Testament. As Testament
"ftlOTS ifit-
a general rule they appear to be arbitrary and at variance portant
/-1TT1 »-¥-« . r than that of
With the exact sense of the Hebrew text'. The revision of the aid.
the New Testament however will repay careful study.
Among the revisers was Lawrence, ' a man in those Lawrence's
" Notes.
'times of great fame for his knowledge in the Greek V
of whose labours Strype has preserved a singularly in
teresting memorial in a series of ' notes of errors in the
' translation of the N. T.^ ' Some of these are worthy of
quotation. Matt. xxi. 33. ' There was a certain man, an house-
' holder, which made a vineyard. octtk i(f>vTevcrei' dfitre-
'X&va (that is) which planted a vineyard. The word
'(made) is too general... I allow not such generalities in
'translation when our tongue hath as apt words as the
' Greek, ib. he putteth (made) for cSpv^ev (that is) he digged.
' The first error is amended in the Geneva Bible ; the
'second is noted in the margin.'
Matt. xxv. 20. ' I have gained with them five talents
' more : dXXa irivTe Tokavra eKepSrja-a i-ir avry, signifieth
' over and besides them. . . '
' It is possible that I have been rence, who was headmaster of Shrews-
unfortunate in the parts which I have bury School, but this is impossible.
examined ; for what I saw did not Strype says the writer of the notes
encourage me to compare very much was an eminent Greek scholar who ^
of the Bishops' text with the other had taught Greek to Lady Burghley, '
versions. once Mildred Cooke. Now Mildred '|
^ Strype's Parker, 11. 223. [There Cooke was married in 1546, when >
is no reason to suppose that Lawrence Thomas Lawrence, who took his de-
was a reviser. He seems to have gree in 1666, must have been an
criticised certain passages in the trans- infant. It was no doubt Giles Law-
lation of the New Testament of I668, rence. Professor of Greek at Oxford,
and his notes were at one time in the to whom Strype referred.]
possession of Strype. It has been ' Strype, App. Lxxxv. Lawrence
conjectured that he was Thomas Law- notices twenty-nine passages.

238 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [cH,
Matt, xxviii. 14. ' We will save you harmless: djiepijir
'vov<i (that is,) careless: d^\a^ri<; or d^ifjiMoi is harmless:
' d/iepi,f,ivo<;, careless. I may be harmless in body and
'goods, and yet not careless. This is not considered in
' the Geneva Bible.'
Luke i. 3,4. '/ determined also, as soon as I had searched
'out diligently all things from the beginning that then I
'would write unto thee... that thou... hast been informed!
This Lawrence translates : ' It seemed good to m,e having
'perfect understanding [as they that follow foot by foot]
' of all things from the beginning to write to thee in order...
' that thou. . .hast been taught by mouth!
Mark xv. 3. 'These words avro% Se ovhtv direKpivaTo
' be omitted both here and in the Geneva translation. Yet
' the Greek printed by Stephanus hath it.'
Mark xiii. 16. 'Let him that is in the field not turn
' back again unto the things which he left behind him. For
' all these words there be no more in the Greek but, 0 et?
' Tov wypov a)v, fj,rj 67rio-T/oei^aT&) et? rd oTriao) (that is) ke
' that is in the field let him not turn back, et? ra oiriirw
'signifieth no more but back: John vi. 66... This superfluity
' is in the Geneva translation.'
It is not known how far Lawrence's labours extended,
but an examination of a difficult passage of an Epistle will
prove that the reviser who corrected it was not deficient
in originality and vigorous scholarship':
Eph.iv. Great Bible, 1550. 7 Vnto euery one of vs is geuen
grace, accordyng to the measure of the gifte of
Christ.
8 Wherfore he saith : when he wente vp on hye, he led
captuitie captiue and gaue giftes vnto men.
9 That he ascended : what meaneth it ? but that he also
descended fyrst into the lowest partes of the erthe ?
10 He that descended, is euen the same also that ascended
vp, aboue all heauens, to fulfill al thinges.
1 1 And the very same made some Apostles, some Prophetes,
some Euangelistes, some Shepherdes and Teachers :
' The text is taken as before from the Great Bible of 1550.

Ill] THE BISHOPS' BIBLE 239
12 to the edifyinge of the saynctes, to the worke and
ministracion, euen to the edifyinge of the bodye of
Christe,
13 till we all come to the vnitie of faith, and knowlege of
the sonne of God, vnto a perfect man, vnto the
measure of the full perfite age of Christ.
14 That we hence forthe shoulde be nomore children,
wauerynge and caryed aboute with euery wynde of
doctrine, by the wilynes of men, thorowe craftynes
whereby they laye a wayt for vs to deceaue vs.
1 5 But let vs folowe the trueth in loue, and in all thynges
growe in him, which is the head, euen Christ,
16 in whome «/"all the bodye be coupled and knet together
thorowe oute euery ioynt wherwith one tninistreth to
another (accordinge to the operacion as euery parte
hath his measure) he tcreaseth the body, vnto the
edifyinge of it self thorowe loue.
7 Vnto: But vnto G.' (i)
9 That : But that (Now, in that G.) (2)
— meaneth: is G. (3)
— lowest G. : lower (4)
10 aboue : farre aboue G. (5)
II the very .. .made : he gaue G. (6)
— some (three times) : and some G. (7)
12 edifyinge: gatheryng together G. : that the Saincts
myght be gathered together Gt. for the repairing
of the saints T. (8)
— to: into (9)
— and: of (10)
— euen to: into (li)
13 come to : meete together into {meet together, in G.) (12)
— full... age : age of the fulnesse G. (13)
14 shoulde : omit G. (14)
— by: in (15)
' The notation is the same as be- Tomson's revision by T. The read-
fore. The Testament of the Gene- ings of the Bishops' Bible are taken
van Bible (1560) is represented by from the first edition of 1568. See
G, the Genevan Testament by Gt, p. 241.

240 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH,
14 thorowe: in (16)
— whereby... vs (whereby they laye in waite to deceiue G.):
to the laying wayte of deceyte (17)
15 let vs folowe G.: folowyng (18)
— and in... him: let vs growe vp into him in all thynges
(and in all things growe vp into him G.) (19)
— euen : om. (20)
16 if: om. G. (21)
— be: beyng G. (22)
— thorowe oute... another : by euery ioynt of subministration
(by euerie ioynt, for the furniture thereof G.) (23)
— operacion... measure: effectuall power in y measure of
euery part (effectual power, which is in &c. G.)
(24)
— he tcreaseth : maketh increase of (receiueth increase of
G.) (25)
— thorowe: in G. (26)
Of these twenty-six variations no less than sixteen afe
new, while only ten are due to the Genevan version ; and
the character of the original corrections marks a very close
and thoughtful revision based faithfully upon the Greek
The anxiously literal rendering of the particles (2) and
prepositions (9, 11, 12, 15, 16) is specially worthy of notice:
so too the observance of the order (19), and of the original
form of the sentences (17, 18, 20, 23, 24), even where some
obscurity follows from it. In five places the Authorised
Version follows the Bishops' renderings (3, 4, 10, 25, 26) ;
and only one change appears to be certainly for the worse
in which the rendering of the Genevan Testament has been
followed (8 Beza ad coagmentationem). The singular in
dependence of the revision as compared with those which
have been noticed before is shewn by the fact that only
four (3, 10, II, 18) of the new changes agree with Beza
and at least nine are definitely against him (4, 12, 15, 16,
17, 20, 23, 24, 25)'.
' According to Mr Offor (MS. from a revision of Sir J. Cheke's (?)
Collections, III. 54 ff.) the New Testa- New Testament published by Jugge
ment in the Bishops' Bible is taken in 1561. The collations which he

Ill]

THE BISHOPS' BIBLE

241

In 1572 a new edition of the Bishops' Bible was pub- second edi-
lished. In this the translation of the Old Testament, as Buhops' '
far as I have been able to examine it, is unchanged, but
that of the New Testament is carefully revised. The
later editions follow this revision with very few intentional
variations ; and I am not aware that the text of 1568 was
ever reprinted. As was natural this second edition was
taken as the basis of the Authorised Version, though there
are numerous cases in which the rendering of the edition
of 1568 is restored there'. The collation of a single
epistle will shew the extent of the differences, and the
proportion in which the respective readings were preferred
by King James' revisers '¦'-

Bishops' Bible 1568.
Eph. i. 2 Grace be...& from
— 5 predestinate 1569
— 10 heauen A.V.
— 13 In whom also ye
— 21 not in this worlde only
1569

ii. I And you
— 5 by grace are ye saved
(A.V. ye are)
— 6 in the heauenly
gives of John i., Acts i., Rom. i..
Rev. i., certainly go far to establish
the statement, but I have not been
able to consult the edition referred to.
The Testament which answers to it
in Dr Cotton's list is described as
'Tindale's.' Mr F. Fry has taken
great pains to ascertain the truth of
this statement, but has not been able
to find the least trustworthy evidence
in support of it. [I have not been
w.

Bishops' Bible 1572, 1578.
grace [be]... and [from] A.V.
1569(1)
predestinated A.V. (2)
heauens 1569 A.V. mg. (3)
In whom also ye [hoped] 1569
(similarly A.V.) (4)
not only in this worlde only
(1572) (5)
not onely in this world (1575 —
1602) A.V.
And [he quickened] you 1569
(similarly A.V.) (6)
by [whose] grace ye are saued
^569 (7)
in heauenly thynges 1569 (8)
able to verify all the statements in this
paragraph with regard to Beza. They
do not E^ree with the editions of 1556
and 1565. W.A.W.]
' Mr F. Fry has shevm (N. &' Q.
4"> S. vii. Jan. 28, 1871) that the edi
tion used by the Revisers of K. James
was probably that of 1602.
^ [To shew the intermediate charac
ter of the edition of 1569 I have in
dicated the renderings found in it.]
16

Revision of
the New
Testament,

242

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH,

Bishops' Bible 1568.
ii. 7 in kyndnesse
— 10 hath ordeyned 1569
— 14 the wall 1569
— 17 preached 1569 A.V.
 you which were A.V.
— 18 both haue 1569 A.V.
— 19 citezins 1569
— 22 ye also A.V.
iii. 3 shewed he
— 6 That the A. V.
— 7 am made 1569
— 8 Vnto me the least 1569

— 12 confidence which is by
— 13 in my
— 19 knowledge A.V.
— 21 Be praise 1569
iv. 14 in the wylynesse 1569
— 15 Christ
— 16 beyng coupled 1569
 ioynt of subministration
1569
V. 13 rebuked of the lyght,
are manifest 1569

— 15 howe ye walke
— 24 to Christ
— 26 clensyng [it] 1569
— 27 To make it vnto 1569
vi. I your fathers and mothers
1569
— 5 your bodyly
— 9 threatnyng A.V.

Bishops' Bible, 1572, 1578.
in [his] kyndenesse 1569 A.V
(9)
hath before ordeyned A.V. (10)
the mydle wal A.V. (11)
preached the glad tidinges of
(12)
you [whiche were] 1569 (13)
haue both (14)
fellowe citizens A.V. (15)
also ye 1569 (16)
shewed [God] 1569 (17)
[That] the 1569 (18)
was made A.V. (19)
vnto me whiche (who, A.V.)
am lesse then the least A.V.
(20)
confidence by 1569 A.V. (21)
for my 1569 (22)
[al] knowledge 1569 (23)
Be glory A.V. (24)
and in the wylynesse (25)
[euen] Christe 1569 A.V. (26)
being conueniently coupled (27)
ioynt, yeeldyng nourishment
(28)
rebuked, are made manifest of
the light (29)
mg. some reade, rebuked of f
light, are made manifest
that ye walke A.V. (30)
vnto Christ 1569 A.V. (31)
when he had cleansed [it] (32)
That he might present it vnto
(to A. v.), A.V (33)
your parentes A.V. (34)
[your] bodily 1569 (similariy
A.V.) (35)
threatenynges 1569 (36)

Ill] THE BISHOPS' BIBLE 243
Bishops' Bible 1568. Bishops' Bible 1572, 1578.
vi. 12 rule 1569 rules (37)
— spiritual craftynesse spiritual wickednesse 1569 A.V.
(38)
— 14 loynes 1569 your loynes A.V. (39)
 putting on 1569 hauyng on A.V. (40)
— 15 hauyng your feet 1569 your feete A.V. (41)
— 18 watche thervnto 1569 watching for the same purpose
A.V. (42)
— 23 Peace [be] vnto (to peace [be unto you] brethren
A.V.) the brethren 1569 (43)
A.V.
— 24 Grace be Grace [be], A.V. 1569 (44)
Of the changes introduced in 1572, i, 6, 7, 21, 26, 30, 34,
38, 39, 40, 41, 44 appear to be due to the Genevan version ;
but the revision generally bears the same mark of inde
pendent judgement as that of 1568.
The notes in the Bishops' Bible differ generally in their Thecom-
, Tnentary.
character from those in the Genevan. They are shorter
and more epigrammatic, and deal more frequently with
the interpretation than with the application of the text.
Yet there are in them, as will be seen even in the following
examples, many dogmatic statements which are of im
portance in estimating the standard theology of the age.
The chief part of the commentary on a single chapter
will shew the general range of the notes : a few detached
specimens will illustrate their doctrinal nature.
' Naturall sorowe yf it be in measure, is not to be Gen. 1.
' reprehended. ' to embalm : This was to the godly then an out- 2
' warde token of incorruption : but to y' ignoraunt a vayne
'ceremonie. ['but. ..ceremonie' omitted in 1569.]
'Am I God ? Or, In the place of God. '9
'That is, he woulde not turne that to their shame, 20
'which God had disposed to their wealth.
'kindly. To their heartes. 21
' born Or, brought vp, or nourished. 23
' The trueth of gods promise is immortall which men 24
16 — 2

244 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [cH.
' must loke for patientlye, and not prescribe God a
'tyme'.'
Ps. Ixviii. ' his name Everlasting. lah, a name of God that
^ ' signifieth hym to be alwayes, and other thinges to be
' of hym.
II 'preachers. The women that tolde it abroade.
12 ' the ornament of an house divided the spoil. That is,
' a woman, meanyng Debora.
14 ' in it. In the lande of promise.
30 ' the people lyke vnto calues. Calues of the people.
31 'princes. Embassadours. [In the text in 1569.]
33 ' the most hyghest eternall heauens. Vpon the heauens,
' the heauens of eternitie.'
Luke iv. 6. ' Satan betrayeth hymselfe, shewing his bold sacralege,
' vsurping the empire of the earth.
John xix. 'The misterie of mans redemption & sal nation, is per-
^° ' fected by the only sacrafice of Christ : the promise to the
' fathers fulfylled : the ceremonies of the law ended.'
Rom. ix. IT. ' The wyll and purpose of God, is the cause of the
'election and reprobation. For his mercie and callyng,
' through Christe, are the meanes of saluation : and the with-
• drawyng of his mercie, is the cause of damnation.'
Phil a. 12. ' Our health hageth not on our workes : & yet are they
' sayd to worke out their health, who do run in y° race
' of iustice. For although we be saued freely in christ
' by fayth, yet must we walk by the way of iustice vnto
'our health.'
Hebr. xiii. ' They that sticke to the ceremonies of the law, can not
' eate, that is, can not be partakers of our aulter, which
' is thankesgeuyng and liberalitie, whiche two sacrifices or
' offeringes, are nowe only left to the Christians^'
^ [Omitted in 1569.] ' The seconde part :' Joshua— Job.
2 [Omitted in 1569.] The books 'The thirde part of the Bible:'
are arranged in the following manner The Psalter — Malachi.
in the table of contents : ' The fourth part of the Bible called
'The order of the bookes of the ' Apocryphus : ' 3 Esdr.— i Mace,
'Old Testament.' 2 Mace.
'The first part:' Genesis— Deut- 'The order of the bookes of the
eronomy. 'newe Testament.'

Ill] THE RHEMES AND DOWAY BIBLE 245

§ 8. The Rhemes and Doway Bible.
The Rhemish Bible, like Wycliffe's, lies properly out- ¦pheRhem-
side the line of English Bibles, because it is a secondary asedmia^ .
translation based upon the Vulgate. But it is nevertheless f^mth^'" ''^
of considerable importance in the internal history of the
authorised text, for it furnished a large proportion of the
Latin words which King James' revisers adopted; and it.
is to this rather than to Coverdale's Testaments that wel,
owe the final and most powerful action of the Vulgate
upon our present Version.
The Rhemish translators give a very interesting and The tram-
ingenious defence of their method, but they express no count of'
obligation to the earlier English translations which still
formed the groundwork of their version'. They take
the current Latin Vulgate for their guide, and expressly
disclaim the intention of acting as interpreters where that
is obscure. What they say upon each point is well worth
quoting, and may serve as a commentary on Romish views
of Scripture at the end of the i6th century.
'We translate the old vulgar Latin text, not the The choice
'common Greeke text, for these causes. text.
' I. It is so auncient, that it was vsed in the Church
'of God above 1300 years agoe.
'2. It is that (...by al probabilitie) which S. Hierom
'afterward corrected according to the Greeke, by the
'appointment of Damasus then Pope...

' The fifth part. ' The coincidences with the Genevan
The four Gospels. The Acts. revision alone (i 560) in a single chapter
St Paul's Epistles : Romans— He- are striking. Rom. i. 6 the called of
brews. Jesus Christ ; 10 haue a prosperous
St James. journey; 12 be comforted together in
I, 2 St Peter. you; 17 revealed; 23 corruptible ; 28
I, 2, 3 St John. a reprobate sense ; id. are not con
st Jude. venient. Some of these words may
Revelation. have come independently from the
' This will appear, at least in the Vulgate, but a comparison with
New Testament, by a comparison of Wycliffe shews that it is unlikely that
any chapter in the Rhemish Version all did. Cf. ii. 5, 17; iv. 14 ; vii. 6,&c.
with the earlier English translations.

246

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Similarargumentsallied to
the Old
Testament
(1609 — 10).

'3. Consequently it is the same which S. Augustine
'so commendeth...
' 4. It is that, which for the most part euer since hath
'been vsed in the Churches seruice...
' 5. The holy Councel of Trent, for these and many
'other important considerations, hath declared and de-
' fined this onely of al other latin translations, to be
'authentical... '6. It is the grauest, sincerest, of greatest maiestie,
'least partialitie, as being without all respect of contro-
"uersies and contentions, specially these of our time...
' 7. It is so exact and precise according to the Greeke,
'both the phrase and the word, that delicate Heretikes
'therfore reprehend it of rudenes...
'8. The Aduersaries them selues, namely Beza, pre-
' ferre it before al the rest...
' 9. In the rest, there is such diuersitie and dissension
' and no end of reprehending one an other, and translating
'euery man according to his fantasie, that Luther said,
' If the world should stand any long time, we must receiue
' againe (which he thought absurd) the Decrees of Councels,
'for preseruing the vnitie of faith, because of so diuerse
'interpretations of the Scripture...
' 10. It is not onely better than al other Latin trasla-
' tions, but then the Greeke text it self, in those places
'where they disagree...
This last statement is supported by the argument that
as the first heretics were Greeks, the Greek Scriptures
suffered much at their hands. Further, it is shewn that
many Latin readings are supported by ancient Greek
authority ; but it is also allowed that some errors had crept
into the current text by the fault of scribes as in fide for
in fine {i Pet. iii. %), prcBscientiam io'c prcesentiam (2 Pet. i. 16),
placuerunt for latuerunt (Hebr. xiii. 2)'.
In the Preface to the translation of the Old Testament
the same arguments are repeated briefly. The Hebrew
text is said to have been 'fouly corrupted by Iewes,' as
' Preface to the New Testament.

Ill] THE RHEMES AND DOWAY BIBLE 247
the Greek by heretics. But in the interval between the
publication of the New and Old Testaments an authoritative
text of the Vulgate had been printed (by Clement VIII.
1592), and the English version of the Old Testament was
made to agree with this. ' Only one thing we haue donne,'
the editors say, 'touching the text. ..We haue againe con-
'ferred this English translation, and conformed it to the
' most perfect Latin Edition'.'
Their choice of a text being thus defended ^ the trans- Method 0/
lators explain also the principles on which they rendered
it. They claim for themselves absolute impartiality. Their
utmost desire was to reproduce the Vulgate in English •
without removing its technicalities or its obscurity. 'We
'haue vsed no partialitie for the disaduantage of our
'aduersaries, nor no more licence then is sufferable in
' translating of holy Scriptures : continually keeping our
'selues as neere as is possible, to our text & to the very
' wordes and phrases which by long vse are made venerable,
'though to some prophane or delicate eares they may
'seeme more hard or barbarous, as the whole style of
' Scripture doth lightly to such at the begin ing : ac-
' knowledging with S. Hierom, that in other writings it is
'ynough to giue in traslation sense for sense, but that in
' Scriptures, lest we misse the sense, we must keepe the
'very wordes.' They add, 'but to the discrete Reader
'that deepely weigheth and considereth the importance
'of sacred wordes and speaches, and how easily the
'voluntarie Translatour may misse the true sense of the
' Holy Ghost, we doubt not but our consideration and
' doing therein, shal seeme reasonable and necessarie : yea
'and that al sortes of Catholike Readers wil in short
' The delay in the appearance of Testament. It was probably one by
the Old Testament is set down by Hentenius. The text differs from the
the editors to 'one general cause, our Complutensian (Apoc. xvi. 7) and the
'poore estate in banishment.' When Clementine (Apoc. xxii. 9).
they published the New Testament = It may be noticed that the trans-
(1582) the Old Testament was lying lators retain without comment the in-
by them, 'long since translated.' terpolations in i Samuel; e.g. iv. i;
I do not know what edition of the v. 6 ; x. i ; xiv. 22 ; xv. 12 ; xvii. 36.
Vulgate they followed in the New

248

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Use of
strange words.

Difficulties
purposely left un
solved.

' time thinke that familiar, which at the first may seeme
' strange, & wil esteeme it more, when they shal otherwise
'be taught to vnderstand it, then if it were the common
'knowen English.'
Thus they retain Amen, Amen and Alleluia 'for the
'more holy and sacred authoritie thereof.' In the same
way they keep Corbana, Parasceue, Pasche, Azymes, the
bread of Proposition, just as we retain Pentecost. Neophyte
(i Tim. iii. 6) they defend by Proselyte; Didragmes, Pre
puce and Paraclete by Phylacteries. ' How is it possible,'
they ask, 'to expresse Euangelizo, but as we do, Evan-
' gelize .^...Therfore [also] we say Depositum (i Tim. vi. 20)
'and. He exinanited him self, (Phil. ii. 7), and, You haue
' reflorished (Phil. iv. 10) and, to exhaust, (Heb. ix. 28),
'because we can not possibly attaine to expresse these
' wordes fully in English, and we thinke much better, that
' the reader staying at the difficultie of them, should take
' an occasion to looke in the table following', or otherwise
'to aske the ful meaning of them, then by putting some
'vsual English wordes that expresse them not, so to de-
'ceiue the reader... The aduent of our Lord, and. Imposing
'of handes... come out of the very Latin text of the
' Scripture. So did Penance, doing penance. Chalice, Priest,
'Deacon, Traditions, aultar, host, and the like...'
From these principles it followed consistently that the
translators did not scruple to leave the version unintelligible
or ambiguous where the Latin text itself was so. This
they distinctly profess:

' In this table, which contains
fifty-five terms, the following words
occur as 'not familiar to the vulgar
' reader : '
acquisition, getting, purchasing Eph.
i. 14.
advent. The coining Matt. xxiv. 28.
adulterating, corrupting 2 Cor. ii. 17.
allegory, a mystical speech Gal. iv. 23.
cooperate, signifieth working with
others Rom. viii. 28.
evangelize. eunuchs.

holocaust, a kind of sacrifice... Hebr.
X. 6.
paraclete, John xiv. 16.
prescience, foreknowledge Acts ii. 23.
resuscitate, raise, quicken, renew
2 Tim. i. 6.
victims, sacrifices Acts vii. 42.
The list is a singular commentary
on the large infusion of classical words
into common language since the be
ginning of the xviith century. Comp.
p. 253-

Ill] THE RHEMES AND DOWAY BIBLE 249
'Moreouer, we presume not in hard places to mollifie
' the speaches or phrases, but religiously keepe them word
'for word, and point for point, for feare of missing, or
' restraining the sense of the holy Ghost to our phantasie.
'as Eph. 6 [12], Against the spirituals of wickednes in the
' celestials... James 4, 6, And giueth greater grace, leaning
*it indifferent to the Scripture, or to the holy Ghost, both
'going before...'
In itself then the Version has no independent merit The value
r \ .-1 T* -I'll oftlte trans.
as a version of the original texts. It is said indeed to tationiiesin its Tocabu-
have been compared with the Hebrew and Greek, but the t"ry.
collation must have been limited in scope or ineffectual,
for the Psalter (to take one signal example) is translated,
not from Jerome's version of the Hebrew, but from his
revision of the very faulty translation from the Septuagint,
which commonly displaced it in Latin Bibles. As it
stands, the Doway Bible is simply the ordinary, and not
the pure, Latin text of Jerome in an English dress. Its ,,
merits, and they are considerable, lie in its vocabulary.
The style, so far as it has a style, is unnatural, the
phrasing [as a rule] is most unrhythmical, but the language
is enriched by the bold reduction of innumerable Latin
words to English service^.
One or two examples will be sufficient to indicate its Examples
from the
merits and defects : ou Testa
ment.
Doway. Vulgate.
18 Incline my God thine eare, IncHna Deus meus aurem Dan. ix.
& heare; open thine eyes, tuametaudi; aperi oculos tuos
and see our desolation, & et vide desolationem nostram et
the citie vpon which thy name civitatem super quam invocatum
is inuocated: for neither in est noinen tuutn ; neque enim
our iustifications doe we pros- in justificationibus nostris pro-
trate prayers before thy face, sternimus preces ante faciem
but in thy manie commisera- tuam, sed in miserationibus tuis
tions. multis.
19 Heare 6 Lord, be pacified 6 Exaudi, Domine, placare, Do-
' I am not aware that English subject, but it would repay examina-
lexicographers have examined this tion.

250

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH,

Doway.
Lord: attend & doe, delay
not for thine owne sake my
God : because thy name is
inuocated vpon thy citie, &
vpon thy people 
24 Seuentie weekes are ab-
bridged vpon thy people, &
vpon thy holie citie, that pre-
uarication may be consummate,
and sinne take an end, &
iniquitie be abolished; and
euerlasting iustice be brought ;
& vision be accomplished,
and prophecie; & the Holie
one of holies be anointed.
25 Know therfore, & marke:
From the going forth of the
word, that lerusalem be built
againe vnto Christ the prince,
there shal be seuen weekes,
and sixtie two weekes, & the
streete shal be built againe,
& the walles in straitnes of
the times.
26 And after sixty two weekes
Christ shal be slaine : and it
shal not be his people, that
shal denie him. And the
city, & the sanctuary shal
the people dissipate with the
prince to come: df the end
therof waste, & after the end
of the battel the appoynted
desolation.

Vulgate.
mine, attende et fac : ne more-
ris propter temetipsum, Deus
meus : quia nomen tuum in
vocatum est super civitatem et
super populum tuum....,j
Septuaginta hebdomades ab-
breviatae sunt super populum
tuum, et super urbem sanctam
tuam, ut consummetur pmvari-
catio et finem accipiat peccatum
et deleatur iniquitas, et addu-
catur justitia sempiterna et im
pleatur visio et prophetia et un-
gatur sanctus sanctorum.
Scito ergo et animadverte;
ab exitu sermonis ut iterum
sedificetur Jerusalem usque ad
Christum ducem, hebdomades
septem et hebdomades sexa-
ginta duae erunt ; et rursum
aedificabitur platea et muri in
angustia temporum.
Et post hebdomadas sexa-
ginta duas occidetur Christus
et non erit ejus populus qui eum
negaturus est. Et civitatem et
sanctuarium dissipabit populus
cum duce venturo, et finis ejus
vastitas et post finem belli
statuta desolatio.

The correspondence with the Latin text is thus ab
solutely verbal, and it is only through the Latin that
the English in some places becomes intelligible. But on
the other hand Jerome's own greatness as a translator

Ill] THE RHEMES AND DOWAY BIBLE 251
is generally seen through the second version. A very
familiar passage will shew how closely the rendering can
approach our own even in the Prophets :
6 For a little childe is borne to vs, and a sonne is geuen is. ix.
to vs, and principalitie is made vpon his shoulder:
and his name shal be called, Meruelous, Counseler,
God, Strong, Father of the world to come, the Prince
of peace.
7 His empire shal be multiplied, and there shal be no
end of peace ; he shal sit vpon the throne of Dauid,
and vpon his kingdom : that he may confirme it,
and strengthen it in iudgement and iustice, from
this time & for ever : the zeale of the Lord of hostes
shal doe this.
The Psalter is the most unsatisfactory part of the ThePsaiter
whole book. Even where the sense is sufficiently clear to 'fiJanf-^
remain distinct through three translations, from Hebrew
to Greek, from Greek to Latin, from Latin to English, the
stiff, foreign style sounds strangely unsuited to words of
devotion ; and where the Latin itself has already lost the
sense, the English baffles understanding. One specimen
of each kind may be added :
8 The Law of our Lord is immaculate conuerting soules : ps. xix.
the testimonie of our Lord is faithful, geuing wise-
dome to litle ones.
9 The iustices of our Lord be right, making hartes ioy-
ful : the precept of our Lord lightsome ; illuminating
the eies.
10 The feare of our Lord is holie, permanent for euer
and euer ; the iudgmentes of our Lord be true,
iustified in themselues.
II To be desired aboue gold and much precious stone:
and more sweete aboue honie and the honie combe.
12 For thy seruant keepeth them, in keeping them is
much reward.
13 Sinnes who vnderstandeth .' from my secrete sinnes
cleanse me : and from other mens spare thy seruant.

tke Epistles,

252 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
This is not what a translation of the Psalms should be,
but the following passage is positively painful from the
ostentatious disregard of meaning in the words':
Ps. Ivii. 9 As waxe that melteth, shal they be taken away :
fyre hath falne on them, and they haue not scene
the sunne.
10 Before your thornes did vnderstand the old bryar: as
liuing so in wrath he swalloweth them.
II The iust shal reioice when he shal see reuenge: he
shal wash his handes in the bloud of a sinner.
12 And man shal say: If certes there be fruite to the
iust : there is a God certes iudging them on the
earth.
Tht version The translation of the New Testament is exactly similar
Testament to that of the Old ; and next to the Psalter the Epistles
peciaiiyin are most inadequately rendered. Neither the Psalter, in
deed, as translated by the Rhemists, nor the Epistles had
the benefit of Jerome's independent labour. He revised
the Latin texts of both hastily and imperfectly, but in both
he left much which he would not himself have written.
A few isolated quotations will be enough to shew the
character of the Rhemish Version :
Rom. v. 18 Therfore as by the offence of one, vnto al
men to condemnation : so also by the iustice of
one, vnto al men to iustification of life.
vi. 13 Exhibite your selues to God as of dead men,
aliue.
vii. 23 I see another law in my members, repugning
to the law of my minde, and captiuing me in the
law of sinne that is in my members.
viii. 18 I thinke that the passions of this time are not
condigne to the glorie to come.
ix. 28 For, consummating a word, and abbridging it
in equitie : because a word abbridged shal our
Lord make vpon the earth.
' The translation follows the Gal- translation is wholly different.
lican Psalter verbally. Jerome's own

hi] THE RHEMES AND DOWAY BIBLE 253
Eph. vi. 12 Ourwrestlingis...against Princes and Potestats,
against the rectors of the world of this darke-
nes, against the spirituals of wickednes in the
celestials.
Heb. xiii. 16 Beneficence and communication do not forget:
for with such hostes God is promerited'.
Such translations as these have no claim to be con- Examples
• 1 1 , 1 . f 1 of Latin
Sidered vernacular renderings of the text : except through «""-<^ ^^ich
. x^ & have been
the Latin they are unintelligible. But still they only '"i'>ptedin
represent what there was in the Vulgate incapable of """•
assimilation to an English version. And on the other
hand a single Epistle furnishes the following list of Latin
words which King James' translators have taken from the
Rhemish Testament: separated (Rom. i. i), consent (mg.)
(i. 32), impenitent (fi. 5), approvest (ii. \%), propitiation (iii. 25),
remission (id.), grace (iv. 4), glory in tribulations (v. 3),
commendeth (v. 8), concupiscence (vii. 8), revealed (viii. 18),
expectation (viii. 19), conformable (viii. 29), confession is
made to salvation (x. 10), emulation (xi. 14), concluded {-x!\.'^2),
conf ormed {-aii. 2), instant (xii. 12), contribution (xv. 26)".
But at the same time it must be added that the ^r'^'^/^"^
scrupulous or even servile adherence of the Rhemists to "^^^"f^^nd
the text of the Vulgate was not always without advantage.
They frequently reproduced with force the original order
of the Greek which is preserved in the Latin ; and even
while many unpleasant roughnesses occur, there can be
little doubt that their version gained on the whole by the
faithfulness with which they endeavoured to keep the
original form of the sacred writings. Examples of this
simple faithfulness occur constantly, as for instance : Matt.
xviii. 9, hauing one eye to enter into life ; id. 27, the dette
' AU the quotations are made from Doway... OySoxi, i863, pp. 183 ff.
the first editions. In the later (Chal- ^ [But consent is found in the
loner's and Troy's) editions of the Genevan margin, revealed in the
Rhemes and Doway Bible and New Genevan text of i. 17, 18, viii. 19;
Testament there are considerable al- impenitent is in Coverdale, and pro-
terations, and the text is far nearer pitiation, grace, instant are in the
to that in the A. V. Examples are Bishops' Bible in the passages quoted.
given by Dr Cottpn, Rhemes and W.A.W.]

254

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

form, of
expression.

The Greek
Scholarship
of the
Rhemists.

\

he forgaue him.; xx. I2, the burden of the day and the
heates ; id. 23, My cuppe in deede you shal drinke of;
xxi. 41, The naughtie men he wil bring to naught ; xxiii.
13, those that are going in, you suffer not to enter ; xxvi.
1 1, the poore you haue.
The same spirit of anxious fidelity to the letter of
their text often led the Rhemists to keep the phrase
of the original where other translators had unnecessarily
abandoned it: e.g. Matt, xviii. i, houre ; id. 6, it is ex
pedient; id. 9, the hel of fire ; xx. 20, the sonnes of Z.;
xxii. 2, likened ; id. 44, the foote stole of thy feete ; xxvi. 25,
Is it I Rabbi ? (contrasted with v. 22) and so v. 49.
When the Latin was capable of guiding them the
Rhemists seem to have followed out their principles
honestly ; but wherever it was inadequate or ambiguous
they had the niceties of Greek at their command. Their
treatment of the article offers a good illustration of the
care and skill with which they performed this part of
their task. The Greek article cannot, as a general rule,
be expressed in Latin. Here then the translators were
free to follow the Greek text, and the result is that this
critical point of scholarship is dealt with more satisfactorily
by them than by any earlier translators. And it must be
said also that in this respect the revisers of King James
were less accurate than the Rhemists, though they had
their work before them. For example the Rhemish version
omits the definite article in the following passages where
it is wrongly inserted by A.V. and all earlier versions ;
Matt. ii. 1 3 {an angel) ; Luke ii. 9 {an angel) ; John vi. 26
{signes, not the miracles). Much more frequently it rightly
inserts the article where other versions (including A.V.)
omit it : e.g. Matt. iv. 5 {the pinnacle) ; vi. 25 {the meate,
the rayment) ; xiv. 22 {the boate) ; xxv. 30 {the vtter dark-
nesse); xxviii. 16 {the mount); John v. 35 {the lampe)\
I Cor. X. S {the m.ore part) ; Gal. iii. 25 {the faith) ; Apoc.
vii. 13 {the white robesy.

' For most of these and of the
other references to the Rhemish Ver

sion, I am indebted to the kindness
of Prof. Moulton, who placed at my

Ill] THE RHEMES AND DOWAY BIBLE 255
There are also rarer cases in which the Rhemists sngUsh
furnish a true English phrase which has been adopted """^*'
since, as felow seruant (Matt, xviii. 28), kingdom against
kingdom (Matt. xxiv. 7), faile (Luke xvi. 9), darkened
(Rom. i. 21), foreknewe (Rom. xi. 2). Elsewhere they stand
alone in bold or idiomatic turns of expression : thratled
him (Matt, xviii. 28), workemen (Matt. xx. i), stagger not
(Matt. xxi. 21), vipers broodes (Matt, xxiii. 33), bankers
(Matt. xxv. 27), ouergoe (i Thess. iv. 6).
§ 9. The Authorised Version.
The Rhemish Version of the New Testament, supported The study
by Martin's attack on the English Bible, had once again gate re-
newed.
called attention to the importance of the Latin Vulgate be
fore the revision of King James was undertaken. During
the sixteenth century this had been in a great degree
thrust out of sight by the modern translations of Erasmus
and Beza, which had influenced respectively the Great and
the Genevan Bibles. At the same time the study of
Hebrew and Greek had been pursued with* continued zeal
in the interval which had elapsed since the publication of
the Bishops' Bible ; and two important contributions had
been made to the interpretation of the Old Testament.
In ii;72 Arias Montanus, a Spanish scholar not un- New Latin
J I ' sr Versions
worthy to carry on the work of Ximenes, added to the %'^fl2i'^t.
Antwerp Polyglott, which he edited by the command of '^^t„„„,^
Philip IL, an interlinear Latin translation of the Hebrew
text, based on that of Pagninus, whose readings he added
to his own. The translation is rigidly verbal, but none
the less it helped to familiarize ordinary scholars with the
exact forms of Hebrew idioms which were more or less
hidden in the earlier versions. Seven years afterwards
Tremellius, by birth a Jew, published an original Latin Tremeiuus.
translarion of the Old Testament (1579), with a com
mentary, which rapidly obtained a very extensive currency.
disposal a most exact collation of the portion of the Gospels.
English versions, reaching over a large

256 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [cH.
His son-in-law Junius added a translation of the Apo
crypha. The whole Bible was completed by a translation
of the New Testament by Tremellius from the Syriac;
but for this the New Testament of Beza was frequently
substituted'.
Vernacular Bosides thesc works, which were designed for scholars,
^rerszo'H'S three important vernacular versions also had been published.
French. Jn 1 5 87-8 an authoritative revision of the French Bible
was put forth by the venerable company of Pastors at
Geneva, which was based upon a careful examination of
the original texts. The chief part of the work is said
to have been executed by C. B. Bertram, a Hebraist of
distinguished attainments, and he was assisted by Beza,
Italian. Goulart and others. An Italian translation was printed in
.y^the same city in 1607 by J. Diodati, who was a professor
of Hebrew there. This translation has maintained its
place to the present day, and though it is free, it is of
Spanish. very great excellence. In the mean time two Spanish
versions had appeared, the first at Basle in 1569 by
Cassiodoro de Reyna, and the second, which was based on
Reyna's, at Amsterdam in 1602 by Cipriano de Valera.
All these versions have an independent value, and when
King James' revisers speak of their pains in consulting
'the Spanish, French and Italian translators,' there can
be no doubt that it is to these they referl
Thus King James' revisers were well furnished with ex
ternal helps for the interpretation of the Bible, and we have
already seen that they were competent to deal independ
ently with questions of Hebrew and Greek scholarship.
Like the earlier translators they suffered most from the
corrupt form in which the Greek text of the New Testa
ment was presented to them. But as a whole their work
was done most carefully and honestly. It is possible to
point out inconsistencies of rendering and other traces of
' [In the edition of 1585 the ver- ^ The French version [1566] of R6n^
sions of the New Testament by Beza Benoist (Renatus Benedictus) is said
and Tremellius are printed in parallel to have no independent value.
columns.]

versions.

Ill] THE AUTHORISED VERSION 257
compromise, but even in the minutest details the trans
lation is that of a Church and not of a party. It differs
from the Rhemish Version in seeking to fix an intelligible
sense on the words rendered : it differs from the Genevan
Version in leaving the literal rendering uncoloured by any
expository notes'. And yet it is most worthy of notice
that these two Versions, representing as they do the
opposite extremes of opinion, contributed most largely of
all to the changes which the revisers introduced.
The important use which was made of the Rhemish use of the
and Genevan Versions shews that the revisers did not hold Rhemish
themselves to be closely bound by the instructions which
were given them. The Rhemish Version was not contained
in the list which they were directed to consult"; and on
the other hand the cases are comparatively rare in which r
they go back from the text of the Bishops' Bible to an (
earlier English rendering. If indeed they had not inter
preted liberally the license of judgment which was given
them, they could not have accomplished their task. As it
is, their work is itself a monument of the catholicity of
their design.
An examination of the chapter of Isaiah which has
' The most extreme form in which Genevan version is unobjectionable ;
Calvinistic opinion appears in the but in other places an unfair bias
translation of the Bible is in the appears : ,
French translation of 1 688, which has Acts iii. 21 contain (cf. Coton, p.
been severely criticized by P. Coton 255).
in his Genive plagiaire in connexion i Cor. ix. 27 reproved (Coton, p.
vidth the other Genevan versions. One 1718).
or two examples may be quoted : i Cor. iv. 6 that no man presume
Rom. V. 6 desnu^s de toute force... du above that which is written (Co-
tout meschans. ton, p. i486).
 X. 15 Sinon qu'il y en ait qui And to this must be attributed the
soyent enuoy6s. avoidance of the word ' tradition ' in
Acts X. 35 qui s'addonne \ justice i Cor. xi. 2 ; 2 Thes. ii. 15 ; iii. 6.
(cf. Coton, p. 2091). One notable phrase at least has
Phil. ii. 12 employezvousi... (Coton, passed from the French through the
p. 1746). Genevan Bible into our own : Jerem.
John vi. 50 qui est descendu (Coton, xvii. 9 Le cceur est cauteleux, & des-
p. 158). esperemet malin par dessus toutes
 51 viuifiant (Coton, p. 174). choses (cf. Coton, 1926).
In all these places the English ^ Seep. 116.
W. 17

¦•^^,

258 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [cH.
been traced through the earlier versions will exhibit more
clearly than a general description the method by which
the revision was guided and the extent to which it was
modified by the different authorities which the revisers
consulted. The text of the Bishops' Bible is of course
taken as the basis.
Is. liii. Bishops' Bible, 1568, 1572. i But who hath geuen
credence vnto our preaching ? or to whom is the arme
2 of the Lorde knowen ? For he dyd growe before the
Lorde like as (om. 1602) a braunche, and as a roote in a
drye grounde, he hath neither beautie nor fauour : when
we loke vpon hym, there shalbe no fairenesse, we shall haue
3 no lust vnto him. He is dispised and abhorred of men,
he is such a man as hath good experience of sorowes and
infirmities : We haue reckened hym so vile, that we hyd
4 our faces from hym. Howbeit, he only hath taken on
him our infirmitie, and borne our paynes : Yet we dyd
iudge hym as though he were plagued, and cast downe of
5 God. Wheras he \notwithstandyng\ was wounded for
our offences, and smitten for our wickednesse: for the
payne of our punishment was layde vpon hym, and with
6 his stripes are we healed. As for vs we are all gone
astray lyke sheepe, euery one hath turned his owne way:
7 but the Lord hath throwen vpon hym all our sinnes. He
suffered violence, and was euyll intreated, and dyd ¦not
open his mouth: He shalbe led as a sheepe to be slayne,
yet shall he be as styll as a lambe before the shearer, and
8 not open his mouth. From the prison and iudgement
was he taken, and his generation who can declare? for
he was cut of from the grounde of the lyuyng, which
punishment dyd go vpon hym for the transgression of
9 my people. His graue was geuen hym with the con
dempned, and with the riche man at his death, wheras
he did neuer violence nor vnright, neither hath there ben
10 any A!isceY^tfulnesse in his mouth. Yet hath it pleased
the Lord to smite hym with infirmitie, that when he had
made his soule an offeryng for sinne, he might see long
lastyng seede : and this deuice of the Lorde shall prosper

Ill] THE AUTHORISED VERSION 259
II in his hande (hands 1602). Of the trauayle and labour
of his soule, shall he see the fruite & be satisfied : My
righteous seruaunt shall with his knowledge iustifie the
12 multitude, for he shall beare their sinnes. Therfore
wyll I geue hym among the great ones his part, and
he shall deuide the spoyle with the mightie, because
he ge'ueth ouer his soule to death, and is reckened among
the transgressours : which neuerthelesse hath taken away
the sinnes of the multitude, and made intercession for the
misdoers.
I Who hath believed our report^ (wil beleue our report
Genevan), credidit Pagninus. credit Tremellius (i)
— and so G. P. Tr. (2)
— revealed so G. revelatu^m est P. revelatur Tr. (3)
2 shall grow up before him as a tender plant {shall growe
...as a branche G.) {teneraplanta Tr.) (4)
— out of a so G. Tr. (5)
— no form nor comeliness (nether forme nor beautie G.)
non est forma ei neque decor P. Tr. (6)
— and when we shall see him so G. (omitting and)
(vidimus P. quando intuemur Tr.) (7)
— there is no beauty that we should desire him. (there
shalbe no forme that. . .him G.) et non erat aspectus
ut desideraremus eum P. non inest species cur de-
sideremus eum Tr. (1593) (8)
3 rejected of so G. (abjectus inter viros P. desiit viris
Arias Montanus. abjectissimus virorum Tr.) (9)
— a ¦man of sorrows and acquainted with grief, (a man
ful of sorows and hathe experience of infirmities
G.)
vir dolorum et expertus infirmitatem (notus aegritudine
A. M.) P. otherwise Tr. (10)
— and we hid as it were our faces from him ; he was
despised and we esteemed him not so G. and P.
otherwise Tr. (1593), velut homo abscondens faciem
a nobis... (11)
' The renderings given are those of to the italicised words in the text of
the Authorised Version corresponding the Bishops' Bible. 17 — 2

260 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [cH.
4 surely he hath borne our griefs (infirmities G. languores
'2!)anA carried OMX sorrows so G. P. Tr. (12)
— esteem him stricken, smitten of God, and afflicted
(judge hi, as plagued, and smitten of God, &
humbled G.) et nos reputavimus eum plagatum,
percussum a Deo (Dei A. M.) et humiliatum {afilic-
tum Tr.) P. (13)
5 Buthewas... so G. (14)
— transgressions so G. (15)
— he was bruised (broken G.) for our iniquities (so G.)
(16)
— the chastisement of onr peace was upon him G. P. Tr. (17)
— we are G. (18)
6 All we, like sheep, have gone astray G. (19)
— we have tu-med ewe'cy one to his... G. (20)
— and G. (21)
— laid on (upon G.) him the iniquity of us all G. (Vulg.)
(22)
7 He was oppressed and he was afflicted, yet he opened not
(did he not ope G.)... so G. (23)
— he is brought as a lamb (shepe G.) to the slaughter,
and as a sheep before her shearers (shearer G.) is
dumb, so he openeth not... so G. Tr. (ducetur...non
aperiet P.) (24)
8 He was taken from (out from G.) prison and from judg
ment and who shall declare his generation (age G.)
so G. P. Tr. (25)
— cut off (cut G.) out of the land of. . . so G. (26)
— for the tr. of m. p. was he stricken (plagued G.) so G.
(27)
9 And he made (dedit P.) his grave with the wicked.
G. P. Tr. (populus exposuit improbis sepulchrum
ipsius Tr.) (28)
— the rich in... G. (29)
— because he had done no violence... (thogh he had done
no wickednes G.) eo quod non iniquitatem (in-
juriam A. M.) fecerit P. eo quod non fecit violen-
tiam... Tr. (30)

Ill] THE AUTHORISED VERSION 26 1
9 neither was any deceit... G. (31)
10 Yet it pleased the Lord to bruise him; he hath put
him to grief: (Yet the Lord wolde breake him, &
make him subiect to infirmities G.) Et Dominus
voluit conterere eu'm, aegrotare fecit P. similarly
Tr. (32)
— when thou shalt ¦make his... (whe he shall make
his... G.) si posuerit seipsam pro delicto (posuerit
delictum A. M.) anima eius P. (quandoquidem ex-
ponebat se ipse sacrificium pro reatu, dicens Tr.
IS93) (33)
— he shall see his seed, he (& G.) shall prolong his days,
and the pleasure (wil G. P.) of... so G. P. Tr.
(34)
1 1 He shall see of the travail of. . . and shall be. . . so G.
(35)
— by his knowledge shall my righteous servant justify
many G. P. Tr. (36)
— iniquities G. P. Tr. (37)
12 divide (giue G. dabo Tr.) him a portion with the
great... (so G.) (cum multis P. pro multis Tr.)
(38)
— strong G. P. Tr. (39)
— hath poured out... unto... G. P. Tr. 1593 (40)
— he was numbered (counted G.) with... (so G.) P. Tr.
(41)
— and he bare the sin oi many... so G. P. Tr. 1585 (42)
— transgressors (trespassers G.) (43)
Thus as far as the variations admit of being reduced Analysis
to a numerical form about seven-eighths are due to the changes.
Genevan Version, either alone or in agreement with one
or both of the Latin Versions. Two renderings appear
to be due to Tremellius (4, 30): the same number to
Pagninus (10, 32), including the noble rendering 'a man
'of sorrows and acquainted with grief.' Three times the
Genevan translation is abandoned (30, 32, 33); and once
the rendering appears to be independent (33). But

262 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH.
throughout the most delicate care is given to the choice
of words, and there is scarcely a verse which does not bear
witness to the wisdom and instinctive sense of fitness by
which it was guided, e.g. 2 no beauty... (3 a man of
sorrows...) .4 our griefs... stricken... 5 bruised... 7 as a
lamb... 16 put him to grief... 12 transgressors. Even
subtleties of rhythm are not to be disregarded, as 7 he
opened not... % from "prison... 12 numbered...; nor yet the
endeavour after a more exact representation of the original,
as 10 he shall... 12 divide...
General The example which has been taken is undoubtedly an
character , . ,
of the re- extreme one, but it only represents on an exaggerated

vision.

scale the general relation in which the Authorised Version
stands to the Genevan and Bishops' Bibles in the Pro
phetical books. In the Historical, and even in the Poetical
books, it is far less divergent from the Bishops' Bible. In
the Apocrypha it is, as far as I can judge, nearer to the
Bishops' Bible than to the Genevan, but marked by many
original changes. A passage from Wisdom, which has
been already examined', will be suflficient to shew the
character of the revision in this part of the Bible, and
the independent freedom with which the reviser performed
his work.
Wisdom vii. Bishops' Bible, 1568, 1572. 15 God hath graunted me
to speake what my mynde conceaueth, and to thynke
as is meete for the thynges that are geuen me : For
it is he that leadeth vnto wisdome, and teacheth to
vse wisdome a ryght.
16 For in his hande are both we and our wordes, yea all
our wisdome and knowledge of \his\ workes.
17 For he hath geuen me the true science of the thinges
that are, so that I knowe howe the worlde was made,
and the powers of the elementes :
18 The begynnyng, endyng, and myddest of the tymes,
howe the tymes alter, howe one goeth after another, &
howe they are fulfylled, ^ p. 219.

Ill] THE authorised VERSION 263
19 The course of the yere, the ordinaunces of the starres,
20 The natures of lyuyng thynges, the furiousnesse of
beastes, the power of the wyndes, the imaginations
of men, the diuersities of young plants, the vertues
of rootes ;
21 And all such thynges as are either secrete or manifest,
them haue I learned. . .
27 And beyng [but] one, she (wisdom) can do all thinges :
and remaynyng in her selfe she renueth all, and in all
ages of tymes entryng into holy soules, she maketh
Gods friendes, and prophetes,
28 For God loueth none, if he dwell not with wisdome.
29 For she is more beautifuU then the sunne, and geueth
more lyght then the starres, and the day is not to be
compared vnto her.
30 For vpon the day commeth nyght : but wickednesse can
not ouercome wisdome.
15 what... conceaueth: as I would ex sententia Junius (i)
— thynke: conceive (Greek) (2)
— For G. : because (3)
— teacheth... a ryght: directeth the wise, (director of the
wise G.) (4)
16 yea all our wisdome : all wisdome also (5)
— \Jiis\ workes : workmanship (opificiorum scientia J.) (6)
17 the true science: certain knowledge cognitionem certam
J. (7)
— so that I G. : namely to (8)
— powers G. : operation (Gr. ?) (9)
18 howe... fulfylled: the alterations of the turning of the sun
and the change of seasons (how the times alter, and
the change of the seasons G.) solstitiorum mutationes et
varietates temporum J. (10)
19 course... of the: tJie circuits of years and the positions of:
anni circuitus, et stellarum situs J. (11)
20 thynges Qc.: creatures (12)
— the... beastes Qs.: the fttries of wild heasts (Gr.) (13)
— power of the G. : the violence of (Gr.) (14)

264 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [cH.
20 the imaginations G. : and the reasonings (Gr.) (15)
— young: om. so G. J. (Gr.) (16)
— the: and the G. J. (Gr.) (17)
21 haue I learned: I know G. J. (18)
27 renueth all G. : maketh all things new (19)
— maketh Gods frietids : maketh them friends of God {the
friends G.) (20)
28 if... not G.: but him that dwelleth nisi cum qui habitat].
(Gr.) (21)
29 geueth... the: above all the order of (G. is aboue... the
starres) (22)
29 and the... her: being compared with the light, she is
found before it cu^m luce comparata prior esse depre-
henditur J. (Gr.) (23)
30 vpon the day : after this (24)
— wickednesse... ouercome G. : vice shall not prevail against
sapientitz non est prcevalitura malitia J. (25)
Of these changes three seem to be due to Junius (10,
II, 25), and perhaps four others (i, 6, 7, 23): two to the
Genevan Version (4, 18), and perhaps two others (16, 17):
the remainder are either linguistic (3, 5, 8, 12, 19) or closer
renderings of the Greek (2, 9, 13 — 15, 20 — 22, 24).
fmi^df^'- ^^^ marginal renderings offer a certain clue to the
''mLocM authorities on which the revisers chiefly relied ; and an
analysis of those given in Malachi fully confirms the con
clusions which have been already obtained.
Malachi i. i by : Heb. by the hand of. per manum M.
5 from : or upon Heb. from upon.
7 ye offer: or bring unto &c. (i)
8 for sacrifice : Heb. to sacrifice.
9 God : Heb. the face of God.
— by your means : Heb. from your hand.
13 and ye have snuffed at it (Munster, Genevan):
or whereas you might have blown it away,
quum id vel difflare possitis Castalio ; quum
exsufflare possetis illud Tremellius. (2)

Ill] THE AUTHORISED VERSION 265
i. 14 which hath in his flock (G.) : or in whose
flock is. (quum sit in grege ipsius Tr.)
(3)
ii. 3 corrupt (G.) : or reprove increpabo Leo
Juda. (4)
— spread : Heb. scatter spargam M. J. (s)
— one shall take you away with it : or it shall
take you away to it. (et toilet vos ad se M.
Similarly Pagninus, J.: otherwise G.) it shall
take you with it Douay. ut abripiat vos
ad se Tr. (6)
8 stumble at the law : or fall in the law (fall
by...G.) (impingere in lege M. J.) (7)
9 have been partial in (G.) : or lifted up the face
against Heb. accepted faces, attollitis faciem
contra legem Tr. (8)
II loved (G. and all except Tr.): or ought to
love amaturus fuerat Tr. (9)
12 the master and the scholar: or him that
waketh and him that answereth, so M. Tr.
(10)
15 residue: «?;' excellency, so P. (11)
— a godly seed : Heb. a seed of God.
— treacherously: 0^ unfaithfully. (12)
16 that he hateth putting away (so Fr. 1588.
Sibi odio esse dimissionem ait Tr.) : or if
he hate her, put her away (similarly P. M.
J. C. G.) Heb. to put away. (13)
iii. 4 former: or ancient P. (14)
5 oppress: or defraud fraudant C. (15)
10 pour you out : Heb. empty out.
II destroy: Heb. corrupt.
14 his ordinance : Heb. his observation.
— mournfully : Heb. in black.
15 are set up: Heb. are built.
17 jewels (mes plus pr^cieux ioyaux Fr. 1588):
or special treasure, peculium M. J. C. Tr.
(16)

266

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

There-
vision of
the New
Testament.

Use qfthe
Rhemish Version.

Thus of the sixteen alternative renderings four are
found in Tremellius (2, 3, 8, 9), four in Miinster with
Leo Juda or Tremellius or both (5, 7, 10, 16), two in
Pagninus (11, 14), one in Castalio (15), one in the Gene
van (13), the Douay (6) and Leo Juda's Version (4) respec
tively ; while two alone cannot be certainly referred to any
one of these authorities (i, 12)'.
The revision of the New Testament was a simpler
work than that of the Old, and may be generally described
as a careful examination of the Bishops' Version (1572)
with the Greek text, and with Beza's, the Genevan, and
the Rhemish Versions^ Examples of words derived from
the Rhemish Version have been given already, but the use
of this version is so remarkable that it may be well to add
more unequivocal proofs of its reality. Thus in the Epistle
to the Romans the following phrases are found which are
common, I believe, to the Rhemish and Authorised Ver
sions alone ; and it is impossible that the coincidences can
have been accidental'.

Rom. i. 10 if by any means
— 13 I would not have you ignorant

' [The first of these is from
Miinster.] " See note at the end of the chapter
for a collation of some chapters of the
Bishops' Bible with the Authorised
Version. ' Some of the phrases, it may be
noticed, are found also in Wycliffe,
and these may be taken to represent
the amount of natural coincidences
in two versions made independently
from the Latin.
A still more certain proof of the
influence of the Rhemish Version
(Vulgate) on A.V. is found in changes
of words and phrases in the earlier
version which had been objected to by
Romish controversialists. Thus, among
renderings identical with, if not adopted
from, those of the Rhemish Version
in passages objected to by Martin, the

following may be mentioned :
Matt. ii. 6 rule.
— xxvi. 26 blessed.
John ix. 22 put out of the synagogue.
Acts i. 26 numbered ¦with.
— iii. 21 heaven must receive (so
Bishops').
— xiv. 23 ordained (for ordained
by election).
James v. 16 confess.
2 Cor. ii. 10 person.
— iv. 17 ¦worketh.
2 Thess. ii. 15 traditions.
Tit. iii. 5 regeneration (so Bishops').
Hebr. xii. 23 Church.
Other passages objected to, as Eph.
V. 5, Col. iii. 5, Tit. iii. 10, were
altered already in the Genevan Ver
sion : others, as 2 Thess. ii. 15, were
altered independently in the Author
ised Version.

Ill] the authorised version 267
i. 23 changed the glory (so 25)
— 28 did not like {liked not Rh.)
ii. 5 revelation of the
— ID glory, honour and peace to evety man that worketh good
— 13 for not the hearers of the law are just
— \'i) the work of the law
iii. 7 why yet am I also judged as a sinner
V. 3 and not only so
— 15 but not as the offence so also
xi. 14 provoke to emulation
xii. 16 be not wise in your own conceits
xiii. 4 minister unto thee for good
— 8 owe no man anything
The relation in which the different authorities stand
to one another in the execution of the revision will appear
from an analysis of the changes in a passage of moderate
difficulty. Bishops' Bible, 1572. 5 Let your conuersation be with- Hebrews
out couetousnesse, beyng content with suche things as
ye haue. For he hath sayde, I wyl in no case {not 1 568,
1 569) fayle thee, neyther forsake thee.
6 So that we may boldely say. The Lord is my helper,
and I wyl not feare what man may doe vnto me.
7 Remember them whiche haue the ouersight of you,
whiche haue spoken vnto you the worde of God : whose
ende of conuersation ye consydering, folowe their fayth.
8 Jesus Christ yesterday and today, and the same for
euer.
9 Be not caried about with diuers and strange doctrines :
For it is a good thing that the hart be stablished with
grace, and not with meates, whiche haue not profited
them that haue benne occupied therein.
10 We haue an aulter, whereof they haue no right to eate,
which serue in the tabernacle.
1 1 For the bodies of those beasts, whose blood is brought
into the holye place, by the hygh priest for sinne, are
burnt without y^ tentes.

268 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [CH,
12 Therfore Jesus also, that he myght sanctifie the people
with his owne blood, suffered without the gate.
13 Let us goe foorth therefore vnto hym out of the tentes,
bearyng his reproche.
14 For here haue we no continuing citie : but we seeke
one to comme.
15 By hym therefore let vs {do we 1568, 1569) offer sacrifice
of laude alwayes to God, that is, the fruite of lippes con
fessing his name.
16 7^0 doo good and to distribute forgeat not, for with suche
sacrifice God is wel pleased.
S beyng: and be Genevan (i)
— in no case (not 1568, 9) fayle: never leave {not leaue
Rhemish) (2)
— neyther G. : nor (3)
6 may : shall Rh. {can G.) facturus est Tremellius
(4)
7 ouersight of G. : rule over (gubernatorum Tr.) (5)
— whiche G. : who (6)
— ende. ..fayth: whose faith follow considering the end (what
hathe bene the end G.) of their conversation (7)
8 yesterday G. : the same yesterday (Rh. different) (8)
— the same {the same also is G.) : omit (9)
9 stablished G. : established Kh. (10)
— andG.: omit, so Rh. (11)
II holye place G. : sanctuary {sacrarium Beza) (12)
— tentes: camp G. (13)
12 Therfore G.: wherefore {quapropter 'Q!) (14)
13 out... tentes: without the camp Rh. {out of the campe G.)
(15)
IS sacrifice: M^ sacrifice G. (16)
— laude alwayes to God : praise to God continually {praise
alwayes to God G. Rh.) (17)
— lippes: our Yv^s {the M'^'^es G!) (18)
— confessing: giving thanks to {quce gratias agunt Tr.)
{whiche conf esse G!) (19)
16 To doo G. : but to do {beneficenticB vero B.) (20)

Ill] THE AUTHORISED VERSION 269
16 distribute G. : communicate (communication Rh. B.)
(21)
— sacrifice 1569; sacrifices 1568 G. (22)
Thus about seven changes are due to Beza (12, 14, 20),
or the Genevan version (i, 7, 13, 16); nearly an equal
number to the Rhemish (2, 4, 10, 11, 15, 21); two were
perhaps suggested by Tremellius' version of the Syriac
(5, 19) ; and six are original, reckoning three linguistic
variations (3, 6, 17).
The chief influence of the Rhemish Version was on the The use
of Beza' s
vocabulary of the revisers, that of Beza and the Genevan version.
Version on the interpretation. But still our revisers exer
cise an independent judgment both in points of language
and construction. Thus in the latter respect they often
follow Beza, rightly and wrongly, when the Genevan Ver
sions do not ; and again they fail to follow him where
these had rightly adopted his rendering. In the former
class such passages as these occur :
Mark xi. 17 called of all nations.
ab omnibus gentibus {Beza 1565).
Rom. vii. 6 that being dead wherein...
mortuo eo in quo... {Beza).
Hebr. xi. 1 3 and embraced them.
postquam... et ea amplexi fuissent {Beza).
I John ii. 19 they went out that...
egressi sunt e-x. nobis ut... {Beza 1585).
On the other hand the Authorised Version retains (by
no means unfrequently) the old rendering of the Great
Bible when it had been rightly corrected from Beza in
the Genevan revisions :
Matt, xxviii. 14 if this come to the governor's ears.
come before the Gouernour (Gt.), if y gouernour
heare of this (G.).
Quod si hoc auditum fuerit apud praesidem {Beza
158s).

2/0

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

periculum erat ne hoc nomine milites apud
Pilatum deferrentur {Beza note).
Acts xxviii. 4 suffereth not to live.
hath not suffered {Gen.) non sivit {Beza): ser
vanda praeteriti temporis significatio. Comp.
I John V. 4 vicit.
Eph. iv. 18 blindness.
hardness (Gen.).
obduratione {Beza, 1556, 1559).
I Pet. i. 17 If ye call on the Father...
I f y e call him Father... { Gen. ).
Si patrem cognominatis eum qui... {Bezel).
And still further, some right renderings of Beza are
neglected both by the Genevan revisers and by our own :
Mark vii. 4 tables.
lectorum (Beza : so Vulg. : beds Wycl Rh. and
A.V. marg.).
I Tim. vi. 5 that gain is godliness.
qucestui habent pietatem {Bezay.
Analysis of If we apply the same test as before and examine the
various ren- _ . , . . t^ ...r t x
derings in sources of the vaHous renderings given in St Mark, the
StMark. , . . , , , . , ,
same authorities, as we have already noticed, reappear, and
not disproportionately distributed.
Mark i. 4 for: unto Rhemish (i)
— 10 opened : cloven Genevan (2) or rent (se fendre
Fr. 1588) (3)
— 34 to speak because they knew him : to say that
they knew him (to speak that Rh.) G. so
Beza, 1598 and Fr. (4)
ii. 14 at the receipt of custom : at the place where

' Archbp Trench, to whom I owe
the references to most of the exam
ples just given, has collected some
very instructive instances of improve
ments (p. 121) : Hebr. iv. i : Acts
xii. 19 (Beza's note) : John i. 3, 4 :
Acts i. 4 (Beza) ; and striking phrases

(p. 37): Acts iii. 15; Hebr. ii. 10;
xii. 1. The list might easily be in
creased. It is unfortunate that Arch
bp Trench, like many other writers,
confounds the Genevan Testament of
1567 with the New Testament of the
Genevan Bible.

] nil] THE AUTHORISED VERSION 27 1
the custom was received (au lieu du peage
Fr.) (5)
ii. 21 new : raw Rh. (6) or unwrought (new and un
dressed Gt. escru Fr.) (7)
iii. 5 hardness : blindness Tindale, Great Bible, Rh.
(8)
— 10 pressed : rushed (Vulgate and Erasmus irru-
erent) (9)
— 19 into an house: home G. (10)
— 21 friends: kinsmen (kinsfolkes G.) (11)
iv. 29 brought forth: ripe (adolevit Castalio) (12)
vi. 19 a quarrel: an inward grudge (en auoit k lui
Fr.) (13)
— 20 observed him : kept him Rh. (le gardoit en
prison Fr. mg.) (14) £ir saved him (15)
— 27 an executioner : one of his guard (erant spicu-
latores principum satellites Beza note) (16)
— 45 unto Beth. : over against Beth. Beth, opposi-
tamB. (1598) (17)
— 56 him : it (so B. as alternative) (18)
vii. 2 defiled: common Ti. G. B. Gen. Rh. (19)
— 3 oft: diligently (summo studio B. note) in the
original, with the fist : Theophylact [quoted
by B.] up to the elbow. (20)
— 4 tables: beds Rh. B. (21)
— 9 reject: frustrate Rh. (22)
— 26 Greek : Gentile Rh. (23)
ix. 16 with them : among yourselves G. (24)
— 18 tearethhim: dasheth him Rh. (25)
— 43, 47 offend thee : cause thee to offend G. (26)
X. 42 are accounted (qui reputantur Tremellius) :
think good (qui font estat Fr., quibus placet
B.) (27)
— 52 made thee whole : saved thee Ti. G. B. Gen.
(28)
xi. 22 Have faith in God : have the faith of God
(have faith in God Rh.) (29)
— 29 question : thing Ti. B. Gen. (30)

272 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE [cH.
xiv. 3 Spikenard: pure nard (nard that was pure...
Ti. G. B. Gen.) (31) or liquid nard (so B)
(32)
— 15 killed: sacrificed G. (33)
— 26 hymn : psalm G. (34)
— 72 he wept: he wept abundantly (35) or he began
to weep Ti. G. B. Rh. (36)
xvi. 14 at meat : together G. (37)
Thus of the thirty-seven alternative renderings nearly
one-half agree with the Genevan Version (2, 7, 10, 11, 24,
¦2^, 33. 34, 37) or Beza's (4, 16—18, 20, 21, 27, 32); seven
agree with the Rhemish Version (i, 6, 14, 22, 23, 25, 29);
three more or less with the French (3, 5, 13); seven with
the earlier English versions (8, 19, 28, 30, 31, 35, 36); one
with Castaho (12); and one with the Vulgate (9).
General Onco again : the examination of the first Epistle of
I'yS." St John will shew very fairly how far K. James' revisers
generally availed themselves in the New Testament of
earlier labours, and how far they impressed a special
character upon the Version. In six (four) places, if I
reckon rightly, they have altered the construction of the
text: I John i. 3 'and ^r?^^ our fellowship w with...'
for ' that our fellowship may be with...'
(ii. 19 'they went out that they might be...' so
Beza 1585)
(ii. 29 ' ye know \!s\at. . .' B.)
for ' know ye that. . . ' G. so A.V. marg. ' ye
haue knowen' (Gt.)
iii. 16 ' Hereby perceive we the love of God, be
cause...' (B.)
for ' hereby perceive we (haue we perceiued
G.) love, that' (because Great Bible)...
iv. 17 ' Herein is our love (love with us marg. so B.
1598) made perfect, that...'
for ' Herein is the love perfect in us, that...'

Ill] THE AUTHORISED VERSION 273
V. 6 'This is he that came by water and blood,
even Jesus Christ...' (so B.)
for 'This lesus Christ is he that cam...'
(Tindale, G. B.)
or 'This is that lesus Christ that came...'
(G.)
The changes of words are far more frequent, and of
these a large number introduce phrases identical with .
those used in the Rhemish Version. Examples occur
i. 9 'confess' for ' \ac\knowledge' : ii. 2 (iv. 10) 'he is the
propitiation for..! for 'he it is that obtaineth grace for...' :
iv. 10 'to make agreement for..! {propitiatio Vulg.): ii.
17 'he that doeth..! for 'he that fulfilleth..! : ii. 20 'an
unction ' for ' an ointment ' : ii. 26 ' seduce ' for ' deceive ' {se-
ducunt Vulg.): ii. 28 (iii. 21, v. 14) 'have confidence' for
'be bold' {habeamus fiduciam Vulg.): iii. 15 'murderer' for
' manslayer' : v. 20 'an understanding that...' for 'a mind
to..! {sensum ut cognoscamus Vulg.)'
In other cases the revisers aimed at a more literal
exactness, as in iii. 14 ' have passed' for 'are translated' : iv.
18 'is made perfect' for 'is perfect': iii. i 'bestowed' for
'shewed' : iii. 9 ' doth not comrnit sin ' (committeth not sinne
Rh.) for ' sinneth not': ii. 22 (article): v. 9, 10 (tense) ; or
at consistency of rendering, as ii. 27 'abideth' for 'dwelleth' :
iii. 10 'manifest' for 'known'^; or at clearness, as ii. 24, iii. 8
'that he might destroy the works of the devil' for 'to
loose..!; or at emphasis, as ii. 3 'do know...' Once
an unhappy combination of renderings is attempted,
iii. 17 'Bowels of compassion..! {Bowels Rh. compassion
Tind. &c.): once a neater word is introduced, iii. 3
'purifieth' for 'purgeth'^.
' Other coincidences are found : ii. for ' painfulness ' in iv. 18 is less com-
% ¦which thing...: ii. guntil koz»... : ii. pletely successful: neither word ren-
10 occasion oi stumbling (ra3,xg. scan- ders icAXoffis.
dal): iv. 1 5 J.&1:// confess. The scrupulous and watchful care
^ The converse change of ' record ' with which the revisers worked is
to • vrituess ' in V. 8 is quite inexpli- nowhere seen more remarkably than
cable. in their use of italics to mark the
' The substitution of ' torment ' introduction of words not directly

W.

18

274

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

This analysis, in which I have endeavoured to include
all the variations introduced into the Authorised Version
will shew better than any description the watchful and far-
' reaching care with which the revisers fulfilled their work.
No kind of emendation appears to have been neglected;
and almost every change which they introduced was an
improvement. They did not in every case carry out the
principles by which they were generally directed ; they
left many things which might have been wisely modified;
they paid no more attention than was commonly paid in
their time to questions of reading'; but when every deduc
tion is made for inconsistency of practice and inadequacy
of method, the conclusion yet remains absolutely indis
putable that their work issued in a version of the Bible
better — because more faithful to the original — than any
which had been given in English before''-

represented in the original. The
detail may seem at first sight trivial,
and Luther neglected it entirely ; but
in reality it involves much that is of
moment. It is of importance as
marking distinctly that the work is
a translation ; and yet more the use
distinguishes in many cases an inter
pretation from a rendering : e.g. Hebr.
X. 38. This question has been ex
haustively treated by Dr Turton in
his pamphlet on The Text of the
English Bible (1833), who shews
conclusively that the Cambridge text
of 1638 bears clear marks of repre
senting very exactly the true form of
the Authorised Revision. In the use
of italics it is far more consistent
than the editions of 161 1 , which seem
to have been hastily printed.
' I have given an account of the
Greek text followed by the revisers
in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible,
II. 524 n. But the question is of no
real importance, as they do not ap
pear to have been influenced by any
consistent critical views, and the varia
tions are too superficial to admit a

general classification or discussion.
An examination of the headings of
the chapters, the running headings,
and the marginal references does not
fall within my scope, though in itself
interesting. Some remarks on these
points vdll be found in a paper by
Mr Kegan Paul in the Theological
Review for 1869, pp. 99 ff.
^ It is impossible to enter here
upon the question of the language of
the Authorised Version. Linguistic ]
changes were common in each suc
cessive revision, as has been aheady
noticed; but it does not at once
follow that no archaisms were re
tained. The following examples of
old words contained in the Genevan
Bible and altered in A.V. are inter
esting. I am indebted for them to
an anonymous [by the Rev. J. Gum-
hill] Essay called English retraced
(Cambridge, 1862), which contains
many excellent criticisms on die
English of the Genevan Version.
The readings of A. V. are given in
( ). The other notation is as before.

Ill] THE AUTHORISED VERSION 275
Ex. xxviii. 8 garde Genevan (girdle so Matthew, Bishops')
I Sam. ii. 26 profited and grewe M. G. Bp. (grew on)
I Sam. xxx. 18 frailes {mg. clusters) G. Bp. bondelles M. (clusters.
mg. lumps)
I K. XX. 39 be lost, and want G. be missed M. be myssed or lost Bp.
(be missing)
2 K. xix. 24 plant G. soles M. steppe of my goyng Bp. (sole)
Ps. cxxxvi. 23 in our base estate G. when we were brought lowe Bp.
(in our low estate)
Ps. cxlii. 7 art beneficial vnto G. (shalt deal bountifully with)
Prov. xxii. 6 in the trade of his way G. (in the way he should go. mg. in
his way)
Is. xxiii. 8 chapmen G. factours Bp. (traffickers)
Mark v. 35 diseasest Tindale, Great Bible, G. Bp. (troublest)
Mark x. 41 disdaine at Ti. G. B. G. Bp. (be much displeased with)
Mark xii. 42 quadrin G. (farthing Ti. G. B. Bp.)
Mark xv. 26 cause Ti. G. B. G. Bp. Rh. (accusation)
Acts xxi. 16 trussed up our fardeles G. made ourselves ready Ti. toke vp
oure burthens G. B. Bp. (took up our carriages)
Acts xxi. 35 a grece Ti. a stayre G. B. the grieces G. (the stairs
so Bp.)
Acts xxv. i8 crime G. (accusation) so Ti. G. B. Genevan Test. Bp.
Rom. xiv. 16 treasure Ti. G. B. commoditye G. (good so Bp.)
2 Cor. ix. 9 sparsed Ti. G. B. G. Bp. (dispersed so Bp.)
2 Cor. xii. 17 piU Ti. G. B. G. Bp. (make a gain of)
2 Tim. iv. 2 improue Ti. G. B. G. Bp. (reprove)
Tit. i. 8 herberous Ti. harberous G. a keper of hospitalite G. B. (a
lover of hospitality so Bp.)
Heb. viii. 2 pight Ti. G. B. G. Bp. (pitched)
I Pet. iv. 9 Be ye herberous Ti. G. B. G. Bp. (use hospitality) See above,
Tit. i. 8.
The valuable Bible IVord-Booh selves and not to the earlier texts.
(1866) of Mr Eastwood and Mr The charges brought by the Rhemists
I Aldis Wright [second edition, 1884] against the language of the earlier
! furnishes an admirable foundation English Versions are all summed up
' for a study of the English of A. V. by Martin and met by Fulke, Defence
There can hardly be a more in- of the English translations, pp. 218,
structive lesson in English than to 669 (ed. P. S.). The argument of
trace to their first appearance a num- Martin, it will be seen, loses all its
her of the archaisms there noticed. point, when applied to the Autho-
It will appear that not a few of them rised Version.
are due to K. James' revisers them-

276

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

Note to p. 266.

The following selection of variations in some chapters of St Matthew will
give a fair idea of the relation of A.V. to the Bishops' Bible.

Bishops' Bible, 1568, 1569, 1672.
i. 18 The birth

Authorised Version, i6ii.
Now the birth Comp. w. 21, 22;
ii. I, 13 ; iii. 15; iv. 12; vii. i\
viii. 18 ; X. 2 ; xi. 2, &c.

— betrouthed

espoused

23 is by interpretation

being interpreted is

I (a citie) of lurie

of Judaea

10 excedyngly with great ioy

with exceeding great joy

12 after they were

being Comp. ver. 22 ; iv. 13, 21 ; viii. 5.

13 it wyll come to passe, that

Herod will

Herod shall

16 as many as were

from

— searched out

enquired

23 Nazarite

Nararene

7 anger

wrath

9 be not of suche mynde, that

think not to

ye woulde

III baptize you in

I indeed baptize you with

16 (John) sawe

he saw

10 Auoyde 1568, 1569: get thee

get thee hence

hence behind me 1572

12 delyuered up mg. That is.

cast into prison mg. delivered up

cast in pryson

21 the shippe
a ship Comp. xiii. 2.
6 satisfied
filled
10 which suffer persecutiojii 5 68,
which are persecuted
1 669; which have been
persecuted 1672
1 1 lying, shall say all maner of
shall say aU manner of evil against
euyll saying agaynst you
you falsely
12 be glad
be exceeding glad
22 vnaduisedly
without a cause
44 hurt
despitefuUy use
47 singuler thyng do ye
do ye more than others
48 Ye shall therfore be
Be ye therefore
7 babble not much
use not vain repetitions
much bablinges sake
much speaking
19 Hoorde
lay
25 be not carefiill
take no thought Comp. w. 27, 28,
28 weery not [them selues] with
34-
toil not
labour
29 royaltie
glory
Ill]

THE AUTHORISED VERSION

277

Bishops' Bible, 1568, 1569, 1572.
vii. 4 suffer me, I will plucke (caste
I672) out a mote
— 24 of me these sayinges
— 29 power
viii. 7 when I come, I wyll
— II rest
— 32 russhed headlong
— 33 done of
ix. 21 touche but euen his vesture
only
— 36 were destitute
X. 9 Possesse not
— 15 easier
— 18 in witnesse to
— 21 their fathers, and mothers
— — put them to death
— 29 litle sparowes
 light
xi. 12 plucke it [vnto them]
— 19 and wisdome is (was 1572)
— 26 was it thy good pleasure
— 28 labour sore
— — laden
— — ease you
xii. 18 childe
^ — well delighteth
-^ 23 Is not this that
— 41 in the iudgement
xiii. II secretes
— 19 that euyll
— 28 the malicious man
— 32 make their nestes
— 46 precious pearle
— 54 commeth this wysdome and
powers (1568, 1569 :
mighty woorkes 1572) vn
to him
xiv. 8 platter
— 15 let the people depart
— 30 a myghty wynde
XV. 5 by the gyft that [is offered]
of me, thou shalt be helped
— 13 Euery plantyng 1568 : All
maner plantyng I669, 1572
— 39 parties
xvi. 3 lowryng redde
— — outwarde appearaunce
— 17 happy
— 18 congregation

Authorised Version, 1611.
Let me pull out the mote
these sayings of mine Comp. ver. 26.
authority I will come and
sit down
ran violently down a steep place
befallen to
but touch his garment
fainted Provide neither
more tolerable Comp. xi. 22.
for a testimony against
their parents
cause them to be put to death
sparrows Comp. xi. 16 ; xv. 26.
faU take it by force
but wisdom is
it seemed good in thy sight
labour heavy laden
give you rest
servantis well pleased
Is this the
in judgment
mysteriesthe wicked one Comp. ver. 38.
an enemy
lodge pearl of great price
hath this man this wisdom and these
mighty works

chargersend the multitude away Comp. xv.
the wind boisterous
It is a gift by whatsoever thou mightest
be profited by me
every plant
coasts red and lowring
face Blessed Comp. xi. 6.
church

278

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH. Ill

Bishops' Bible, 1568, 1569, 1572.
xvi. 20 lesus Christe
— 22 Lorde, fauour thy selfe
— 23 go after me
— 24 forsake
— 26 for a raunsome of
xvii. 16 heale
— 22 were occupyed (1568, 1569 :
were conuersant 1572)
— 25 tribute or toule
— 27 peece of twenty pence

Authorised Version, i6n.
Jesus the Christ
Be it far from thee. Lord
Get thee behind me
deny
in exchange for
cure Comp. ver. 18.
abode
custom or tribute
piece of money

CONCLUSION.
Thus step by step and in slow degrees, under every The Prayer-
Book con-
variety of influence, the English Bible assumed its present '^"1'''^''^
shape ; and the record of its progress is still partially i'"^'^^,-
shewn in our public services. Among its other manifold
memorials of the past, the Book of Common Prayer pre
serves clear traces of this eventful history. Some of the
Scriptural translations which it contains are original, some
are from the Great Bible, some from the Authorised
Version. The Offertory sentences and the 'comfortable
'words' are not taken from any version, but are a ren
dering of the Latin, made probably by Cranmer. The '^^^^^
same independence is found in the Evangelic Hymns, the ^°^j^
Benedictus, the Magnificat and the Nunc dimittis, which
differ more or less from the Great Bible and the Authorised
Version. But even here the labour of correction was not
neglected ; for after their introduction into the first Prayer-
Book of 1548 these Hymns were elaborately revised in
1549 and again in 1552. So also the Benedicite was re
vised in 1549, and the burden of the Hymn was altered
throughout in 1552.
The Psalms Venite, Jubilate, Cantate, Deus misereatur, ^^X
agree almost literally with the Great Bible (April, 1540), Gr^'^* Bible.
though even in these there are traces of a minute and
careful revision ; and the same remark holds true also of
the Psalms and the Occasional Services'.
' Two changes of tense are worthy Churching of Women) ' I found,' ' I
of notice. In the Cantate (Ps. xcviii. ' called' iot ' I shall fnd,' and ' I will
9) ' he cometh ' is read for ' he if ' call.'
'come'; and in Ps. cxvi. 4 (The

280

history of the ENGLISH BIBLE

[CH.

The Psalter.

Passages
from the
A uthorised
Version.

Historiccharacteris tics of the
Version.

But the great and enduring monument of the eariier
Version of Coverdale and Cranmer' is the Psalter itself,
which had, as we have seen, become so completely
identified with the expression of religious feeling that it
was felt to be impossible to displace if. When the last
changes in the Prayer-Book were made it was found, it
is said, smoother to sing ; but this is not a full account
of the matter, and it cannot be mere familiarity which
gives to the Prayer-Book Psalter, with all its errors and
imperfections, an incomparable tenderness and sweetness.
Rather we may believe that in it we can yet find the
spirit of him whose work it mainly is, full of humility and
love, not heroic or creative, but patient to accomplish
by God's help the task which had been set him to do,
and therefore best in harmony with the tenour of our
own daily lives.
But when the Psalter and the Hymns were left un
altered in 1662, the Introductory Sentences and the Epistles
and Gospels were at last taken from the Authorised
Version. Up to that time the Epistles and Gospels had
been printed from the Great Bible with a few, perhaps un
intentional, discrepancies, and the Introductory Sentences,
like those at present in the Communion Service, had been
an original translation. Thus the cycle was completed, and
each great stage in the history of our Bible represented
in the Prayer-Book.
Whatever else may be thought of the story which has
been thus imperfectly told, enough has been said to shew
that the history of the English Scriptures is, as was re
marked by anticipation, unique. The other great vernacular

' [It may be confidently stated that
the Prayer-Book Version of the Psalms
is due to Coverdale alone. If all the
words which are taken from Coverdale
(1535) be underlined with red, those
from the Great Bible of 1639 ^''''
blue, and those from the edition of
April 1540 (Whitchurch) with black,
it will be found that there remain

only slight verbal changes, with some
errors, which have been made in later
editions. There is no reason to sup
pose that Cranmer had anything to
do with the translation of the Psalter,
though he wrote the Prologue to the
Bible of April 1540.]
'^ See p. 199.

CONCLUSION 281
versions of Europe are the works of single men, definitely
stamped with their impress and bearing their names. A
German writer somewhat contemptuously remarks that it
took nearly a century to accomplish in England the work
which Luther achieved in the fraction of a single lifetime.
The reproach is exactly our glory. Our version is the
work of a Church and not of a man. Or rather it is
a growth and not a work. Countless external influences,
independent of the actual translators, contributed to mould
it; and when it was fashioned the Christian instinct of
the nation, touched, as we believe, by the Spirit of God,
decided on its authority. But at the same time, as if to
save us from that worship of the letter, which is the
counterfeit of true and implicit devotion to the sacred
text, the same original words are offered to us in other
forms in our Prayer-Book, and thus the sanction of use
is distinguished from the claim to finality. Our Bible in
virtue of its past is capable of admitting revision, if need
be, without violating its history. As it gathered into
itself, during the hundred years in which it was forming,
the treasures of manifold labours, so it still has the same
assimilative power of life.
One Version only in old times, the Latin Vulgate, compared
can in this respect be compared with it. This also was vuigate.
formed by private efforts silently and slowly till it was
acknowledged by the acceptance of the Western Church.
One supremely great man, Jerome, partly revised and
partly renewed it, and by a strange coincidence even he
could not displace the old Psalter which had been adopted
for public use. But the English Bible has what the Latin
Bible, as far as we know, had not. It has not only the 2^^i^.
prerogative of vitality while the other has been definitely
fixed in one shape, but it has also the seal of martyrdom
upon it. In this too it differs from the other great
modern versions. Luther defied his enemies to the last. '
Lefevre in extreme old age mourned that when the op
portunity was given him he had not been found worthy
to give up his life for Christ. Calvin died sovereign at

1525-

282 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
Geneva. But Tindale, who gave us our first New Testa
ment from the Greek, was strangled for his work at
Vilvorde : Coverdale, who gave us our first printed Bible,
narrowly escaped the stake by exile: Rogers, to whom
we owe the multiform basis of our present Version, was
the first victim of the Marian persecution : Cranmer, who
has left us our Psalter', was at last blessed with a death
of triumphant agony.
wordsofthe Xhc work was crowned by martyrdom and the workmen
tra?istators. laboured at it in the faith and with the love of martyrs.
The solemn words in which they commend the Bible to
their readers, the prayers which they offer for the spiritual
enlightenment of their countrymen, the confessions which
they make of their own insufficiency, have even now
lost nothing of their eloquence. These are the moral of
the story.
Tindale, < J hauc here translated,' writes Tindale, and these were
his first words, '(brethern and susters moost dere and
' tenderly beloued in Christ) the newe Testament for youre
' spirituall edyfyinge, consolacion, and solas : Exhortynge
'instantly and besechynge those that are better sene in
' the tongf then y, and that have hyer gyftf of grace to
'interpret the sence of the scripture, and meanynge of
'the spyrite, then y, to consydre and pondre my laboure,
'and that with the spyrite of mekenes. And yf they
' perceyve in eny places that y have not attayned the
'very sence of the tonge, or meanynge of the scripture,
' or haue not geven the right englysshe worde, that they
' put to there hande to amende it, remembrynge that so
' is there duetie to doo. For we have not receyved the
' gyft^ of god for oure selues only, or forto hyde them :
' but forto bestowe them vnto the honouringe of god and
'christ, and edyfyinge of the congregacion, which is the
' body of christ.'
Coverdale, 'As for the commendacyon of Gods holy scripture,'
writes Coverdale, ' I wolde fayne magnifye it as it is
'worthy, but I am farre vnsufficiet therto. & therfore
' But see note i, p. 280.

J53S.

CONCLUSION 283
' I thoughte it better for me to holde my tonge, then
' with few wordes to prayse or commede it : exhortynge
'y' (most deare reader) so to loue it, so to cleue vnto it,
'& so to folowe it in thy daylye conuersacyon, y' other
'men seynge thy good workes & the frutes of y° holy
'goost in the, maye prayse the father of heauen, & geue
' his worde a good reporte : for to lyue after the lawe of
' God, and to leade a vertuous conuersacyon, is the greatest
' prayse y' thou canst geue vnto his doctryne...'
'Euerv man,' writes Cranmer, 'that commeth to the Cranmer,
. 1540.
'readynge of thys holy booke ought to brynge wyth him
'fyrst and formoste thys feare of almyghtye God, and
'then nexte a fyrme and stable purpose to reforme hys
'awne selfe accordyng ther vnto, and so to continue,
'procede, and prospere fro tyme to tyme, shewynge hym
' selfe to be a sober and frutefull hearer ad learner, whych
'yf he do, he shall proue at the length well able to
' teache, though not wyth his mouth, yet with his liuynge
' and good example, whych is suer the moost lyuely, and
'effecteouse forme and maner of teachyng.'
' It remaineth, that we commend thee to God, and to Pfft^f",
' A uthonsed
'the Spirit of his grace, which is able to build further ^^^^"^'
'than we can aske or thinke. Hee remoueth the scales
'from our eyes, the vaile from our hearts, opening our
'wits that we may vnderstand his word, enlarging our
'hearts, yea correcting our affections, that we may loue
'it aboue gold and siluer, yea that we may loue it
'to the end. Ye are brought vnto fountaines of liuing
' water which yee digged not : doe not cast earth into them
'with the Philistines, neither preferre broken pits before
' them with the wicked Iewes. Others haue laboured, and
' you may enter into their labours ; O receiue not so great
'things in vaine, O despise not so great saluation! 
' It is a fearefull thing to fall into the hands of the liuing
' God ; but a blessed thing it is, and will bring vs to
'euerlasting blessednes in the end, when God speaketh
' vnto us, to hearken ; when he setteth his word before vs.

284 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
' to reade it ; when he stretcheth out his hand and calleth,
' to answere. Here am I ; here we are to doe thy will,
' O God. The Lord worke a care and conscience in vs to
' know him and serue him, that we may be acknowledged
' of him at the appearing of our Lord lesus Christ, to
' whom with the holy Ghost, be all prayse and thankes-
' giuing. Amen.'

APPENDICES.

I. Specimens of the earlier and later Wycliffite
Versions.
i II. Chronological list of Editions of Bibles and of
parts of the Bible of critical importance in the
History of the Authorised Version.
III. Collation of i John in the three texts of Tindale.
IV. An Examination of the sources of Coverdale's
Notes.
V. Specimens of the Notes of Tindale and Matthew.
VI. Specimens of the Latin-English Testaments of
Coverdale.
VII. Passages from the Pentateuch and Historical
Books in Tindale, Coverdale, &c.
VIII. The relation of the Wycliffite to the later
Versions.
IX. The Revision of the Authorised Version.
X. Phrases in the Psalms marked in the Psalter of
the Great Bible as additions from the Vulgate.
XI. Sources of the Notes in Matthew's Bible.
XII. Notes on the Translators of the Authorised
Version.
XIII. Rules for the translation of the Authorised
Version as reported to the Synod of Dort.

APPENDIX I.

Specimens of the earlier and later Wycliffite Versions.

Wycliffe.
Lord oure Lord ;
hou myche meruei-
lous is thi name in al
the earthe.
For rerid vp is thi
grete doing, ouer
heuenes. Of the mouth of
vnspekende childer
and soukende thou
performedist preis-
ing, for thin enemys ;
that thou destro3e the
enemy and the ven-
iere. For I shal see thin
heuenes, the werkis
of thi fingris ; the
mone and the sterris,
that thou hast found-
id. What is a man,
that myndeful thou
art of hym; or the
son of man, for thou
visitist hym?
Thou lassedest
hym a lytil lasse fro
aungelis ; with glorie
and worshipe thou

Vulgate.
Domine Dominus
noster, quam admi-
rabile est nomen
tuum in universa ter
ra! Quoniam elevata
est) magnificentia tua
super caslos.
Ex ore infantium
et lactentium perfe-
cisti laudem propter
inimicos tuos, ut de-
struas inimicum et
ultorem.

Quoniam videbo
cselos tuos, opera di-
gitorum tuorum : lu-
nam et Stellas, quae
tu fimdasti.
Quid est homo,
quod memor es ejus?
aut filius hominis,
quoniam visitas eum?
Minuisti eum pau-
lo minus ab angelis,
gloria et honore co-
ronasti eum :

Purvey.
Lord thou art oure Ps. via. i.
Lord ; thi name is ful
wonderful in al erthe.

For thi greet doyng
is reised, aboue he
uenes. Of the mouth of 2
3onge children, not
spekynge and souk-
ynge mylk, thou ma-
dist perfitli heriyng,
for thin enemyes ;
that thou destrie the
enemy and avengere.
For Y schal se thin 3
heuenes, the werkis
of thi fyngris ; the
moone and sterris,
whiche thou hast
foundid. What is a man, that 4
thou art myndeful of
hym ; ethir the sone
of a virgyn, for thou
visitist hym ?
Thou hast maad 6
hym a litil lesse than
aungels ; thou hast
corouned hym with

288

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

Wycliffe.
crounedest hym, and
settist hym ouer the
werkisof thin hondys.
6 Alle thingus thou
leidest vnder his feet,
7 shep and oxen alle;
ferthermor and the
bestis of the feeld ;
8 thefoulisofheuene,
and the fishis of the
se ; that thur3 gon the
sties of the se.
9 Lord, oure Lord ;
hou myche meruei-
lous is thi name in al
erthe.
Eph. iv. 8. For which thing
he seith, He sty3inge
into hi3, ledde caitifte
caytif, or prysonynge
prisoned, he 3af 3iftis
to men.
9 Forsoth that he
assendide, what is it,
no but for he dessen-
dide first into the
lowere partis of the
erthe?
10 He it is that cam
down, and that sti-
3ede vp on alle he
uenes, that he schulde
fulfille alle thingis.
1 1 And he 3af summe
sotheli apostlis ,
summe forsoth pro-
phetis, othere forsothe
euangelistis, othere
forsoth schepherdis
and techeris,
12 to the ful endynge

Vulgate.
et constituisti eum
super opera manuum
tuarum. Omnia subjecisti
sub pedibus ejus, oves
et boves universas :
insuper et pecora
campi ;
volucres casli, et
pisces maris, qui per-
ambulant semitas
maris. Domine Dominus
noster, quam admi-
rabile est nomen
tuum in universa ter
ra! Propter quod di-
cit : Ascendens in al-
tum captivam duxit
captivitatem : dedit
dona hominibus.
Quod autem ascen
dit, quid est, nisi quia
et descendit primum
in inferiores partes
terrse ?
Qui descendit, ipse
est et qui ascendit
super omnes caslos,
ut impleret omnia.
Et ipse dedit quos
dam quidem aposto-
los, quosdam autem
prophetas, alios vero
evangelistas, alios au
tem pastores et doc-
tores. ad consummatio-

Purvey.
glorie and onour, and
hast ordeyned hym
aboue the werkis of
thin hondis.
Thou hast maad
suget alle thingis vn-
dur hise feet; alle
scheep and oxis, fer-
thermore and the
beestis of the feeld ;
the briddis of the eir,
and the fischis of the
see ; that passen bi
the pathis of the see.
Lord, thou artonrt
Lord ; thi name is
wondurful in al erthe.

For which thing
he seith. He stiyinge
an hi3, ledde caitifte
caitif, he 3af 3iftis to
men. But what is it, that
he stiede vp, no but
that also he cam doun
first in to the lowere
partis of the erthe?
He it is that cam
doun, and that stiede
on alle heuenes, that
he schulde fille alle
thingis. And he 3af summe
apostlis, summe pro-
phetis, othere euange
listis, othere scheep-
herdis, and techeris,

to the ful endyng

THE WYCLIFFITE VERSIONS

289

Wycliffe.
of seyntis, into the
work of mynisterie,
into edificacioun of
Cristis body,
til we rennen alle,
in vnyte of feith and
of knowynge of God
dis sone, into a parfyt
man, into the mesure
of age of the plente
of Crist ;
that we ben not
now Utile children,
mouynge as wawis,
and be borun aboute
with al wynd of tech-
inge, in the weyward-
nesse of men, in sutil
witt, to the discey-
uynge of errour.

Vulgate.
nem sanctorum in
opus ministerii, in
ffidificationem corpo
ris Christi :
donee occurramus
omnes in unitatem
fidei, et agnitionis Fi-
lii Dei, in virum per-
fectum, in mensuram
aetatis plenitudinis
Christi :
ut jam non simus
parvuli fluctuantes,
et circumferamur om
ni vento doctrinse in
nequitia hominum, in
astutia ad circum-
ventionem erroris.

Purvey.
of seyntis, in to the
werk of mynystrie,
in to edificacioun of
Cristis bodi,
til we rennen alle,
in to vnyte of feith
and of knowyng of
Goddis sone, in to a
parfit man, aftir the
mesure of age of the
plente of Crist ;
that we be not now
litle children, mo
uynge as wawis, and
be not borun aboute
with ech wynd of
teching, in the wei-
wardnesse of men, in
sutil wit, to the dis-
seyuyng of errour.

W.

19

APPENDIX II.
Chronological List of Editions of Bibles and of parts of
the Bible of critical importance in the History of th
Authorised Version.

In the following list I have only included those editions which
have a direct literary bearing on the history of the Authorised
Version. It has no bibliographical object whatever. In foreign
versions it has generally seemed sufficient to mark the first edition
of each work. In the case of rare books I have indicated the
copies which I have been allowed to use. The principal sources
of the several English versions are added in brackets.

Foreign Translations.
1 516 Erasmus' first Edition of
the Greek Testament with
a new Latin Translation.
1 5 19 Erasmus' second Edition.
1520 The Complutensian Poly
glott, Hebrew, Chaldee,
Greek and Latin texts.
1522 Erasmus' Third Edition.
— •- Luther's German New
Testament (Sept. and
Dec.)
1523 Luther's Pentateuch.
1524 Luther's Historical AND
Poetical Books of
the Old Testament.
 Zurich Version of the
Prophets.

English Translations.

1525 Tindale's New Testament
in two shapes.
[Erasmus, Luther.]

CHRONOLOGICAL LLST OF BIBLES

291

Foreign Translations. ¦ , , »
1527-29, Zurich Version jfin-
. Jshed. -Mvv. ir<««'
1528- Sanctes Pagninus' Latin
Version of the Bible.
1532 Luther's Version finish
ed.
1534 Luther's Bible published.
1534-5 Seb. MiJNSTEl^'S Latin
Version of the Old Tes
tament. •
1 5 34- Lefevre's French Versiori.,
'1535 Olivetan's French Version.

' The newe Testament, dylygently
corrected and compared with the Greke
by Willyam Tindale: and fynesshed
in the yere of oure Lorde God a.m. d.
&. xxxiiii. in the moneth of Nouem-
ber. Second title:
The newe Testament. Imprinted
at Anwerp by Marten Emperowr.
Anno .M.D.xxxiiij.
[Univ. Libr. & Trin. Coll. Cam
bridge. Brit. Mus.]
^ The newe Testament, dylygently
corrected and compared with the
Greke by Willyam Tindale : and fy
nesshed in the yere of oure Lorde
God A. M. D. and xxxv.
No imprint. [Probably pirated.]
[Univ. Libr. Cambridge.]
^ The following are the title-pages
of the different issues of the first edi
tion of Coverdale's Bible.
(a) Biblia The Bible, that is, the
holy Scripture of the Olde and New
Testament, faithfully and truly trans
lated out of Douche and Latyn in to

, English Translations.

1530 Tindale's Pentateuch.' I*-' "

1534 Tindale's New Testament
revised'.
[First edition, Luther, Com
plutensian readings, Eras
mus.]
 Tindale's Pentateuch re
vised.
1535 Tindale's New Testament a-
gain revised^. [See p. 161.]
153s Coverdale's Bible^.
[Vulgate, Luther, Zurich,
Pagninus, Tindale.]
1536 Coverdale's Bible, second
edition*.
Englishe. m.d.xxxv.
Colophon :
Prynted in the yeare of oure LORDE
M.D.XXXV. and fynished the fourth
daye of October.
[Earl of Leicester. British Mu
seum (not quite perfect).].
(;8) Biblia The Byble : that is,
the holy Scrypture of the Olde and
New Testament, faythfully translated
in to Englyshe. m.d.xxxv.
[Marquess of Northampton.]
(•y) Biblia The Byble : that is, the
holy Scrypture of the Olde and New
Testament, faythfully translated in to
Englyshe. M.D.xxxvi.
[Earl of Jersey (now in the Earl
of Carysfort's Library). Gloucester
Cathedral Library.]
* Bible The Byble, that is the
holy Scrypture of the Olde and New
Testament, faythfully translated in
Englysh, and newly ouersene & cor
rected. M.D. xxxvii.
Imprynted in Sowthwarke for lames
Nycolson.
19—2

292

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

English Translations.
1537 Matthew's Bible'.
[Tindale, Coverdale.]
1538 Coverdale's Latin-English
Testaments.
/r 1539 April. First Edition of the ,
Great Bible^.
[Matthew, Miinster, Erasmus,
Complutensian Polyglott]
1539 Taverner's Bible^.
[Matthew's, Vulgate, Greek
text.]
• /1540 April. Second Edition of
\ the Great Bible*. ,:
j [First Edition, Munster,
Erasmus, Complut. Pol.]
j 1540 Nov. Fourth Edition of
'^ the Great Bible^
[First and second editions.]

[Baptist College, Bristol. Lincoln
Cathedral Library. British Museum
(imperfect).] ' The Byble, which is all the holy
Scripture : In which are contayned
the Olde and Newe Testament truely
and purely translated into Englysh
by Thomas Matthew.. .M,D,xxxvii,...
Set forth with the Kinges most gra
cyous lycece.
Colophon :
To the honoure and prayse of God
was this Byble prynted and fynesshed,
in the yere of oure Lorde God a,
M,D,xxxvii. ' The Byble in Englyshe, that is
to saye the content of all the holy
scrypture, bothe of y= olde and newe
testament, truly translated after the
veryte of the Hebrue and Greke
textes, by y'= dylygent studye of dy
uerse excellent learned men, expert
in the forsayde tonges... Prynted by
Rychard Grafton & Edward Whit
church. Cum priuilegio ad impri-
mendum solum. I639"- Fynisshed
in Apryll, Anno .M.ccccc.xxxix. A
Dno facta est istud.
[British Museum. Baptist College,

Bristol.] ' The most sacred Bible, Whiche
is the holy scripture, conteyning the
old and new testament, translated in
to English, and newly recognised
with great diligence after most fayth
ful exemplars, by Rychard Taverner.
Prynted at London... by lohn Byd-
dell, for Thomas Barthlet. Cum'
Priuilegio ad imprimendum solum.
M.D.xxxix. * The Byble in Englyshe... testa
ment, with a prologe therinto, made
by the reuerende father in God,
Thomas archbysshop of Cantorbury,-
This is the Byble apoynted to the
vse of the churches... Cum privi
legio. ..m.d.xl.... Colophon: Fynissh
ed in Apryll, Anno M.ccccc. XL. A
dho facta est istttd. i
[British Museum. Baptist College,
Bristol.] » The Byble in Englyshe of the
largest and greatest volume, aucto-
rysed and apoynted by the com-
maundemente of oure moost redoubted
Prynce and soueraygne Lorde Kynge
Henrye the .viii. supreme heade of
this his churche and realme of Eng-

CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF BIBLES

293

Foreign Translations.
1543 Leo Juda's Latin Version.
1550 Stephens' third edition, of
the Greek Testament (ed.
regia).
1551 Castalio'S Latin Version.
1556 Beza's Latin Version of the
New Testament.

1558 Revised edition of the Bible
of Olivetan.
[1559 Beza's first edition -of the
Greek ."¦ Testament with
Latin Version.]

[1565 Beza's second edition.]

[1569 Spanish Version of theBible
by Cassiodoro deiReyna.]
, 1572 Arias Montanus' inter
linear translation of the
Hebrew text with Pagni
nus' Version.

English Translations.

(¦¦¦

t.^ f!i«k.4«irVvfi

M4/.'"«'J ^

lande : to be frequented and vsed in
euery churche w'in this his sayd realme,
accordynge to the tenour of his for
mer Iniunctions geuen in that behalfe.
Ouersene and perused at the com-
aundemet of the kynges hyghnes, by
the ryghte reuerende fathers in God
Cuthbert hysshop of Duresme and
Nicolas bisshop of Rochester. Printed
by Edwarde Whitchurch. Cum
priuilegio ad imprimendum solum.
1541. Fynyshed in Nouemher anno
M ccccc XL. A Dno facta est istud.

1557 Genevan Testament'.
[Tindale, Beza.]

1560 Genevan Bible^.
[Original texts, Great Bible,
Leo Juda, Beza, French
Version.]
1568 The Bishops' Bible^
[Great Bible, Genevan, Ori
ginal texts, Castalio.]

1572 The Bishops' Bible, second
edition.
[First edition, Greek Testa
ment.]
1576 Tomson's revised Genevan
Testament.
[Genevan Bible, Beza, Greek
text.]
[British Museum.]
' The Newe Testament of our Lord
lesus Christ...
Co/o/,4o».-PrintedByConradBadius,
M.D.LVil. this X. of lune.
2 The Bible and Holy Scriptures
conteyned in the olde and newe
Testament. Translated according to
the Ehrue and Greke, and conferred
with the best translations in diuers
langages... At Geneva. Printed by
Rouland Hall. M.D.LX.
» The Holie Bible.

294

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

Foreign Translations.
1579 Tremellius' Latin Version
of the Old Testament,
and version of the Syriac
New Testament.
 Junius' Latin Vei-sion of
the Apocrypha.
1582 Beza's third edition of the
Greek Testament.

English Translations.

1582 Rhemish New Testament'.
[Vulgate, Genevan.]

1588 French Bible revised by
the Pastors £tt Geneva.
1 602 Cypriano deValera's Spanish
Version.
1607 Giovanni Diodati's Italian
^ Version. ,

' The New Testament of lesus
Christ, translated faithfiilly into Eng
lish, out of the authentical Latin...
1582. Cum privilegio.

1609-10 Douai Old Testament^.
[Vulgate, Genevan.]
161 1 Authorised Version.
[Original texts. Bishops'
Bible, Genevan, Rhemish,
Tremellius, Beza and
earlier Latin Versions.]
2 The Holie Bible faithfully trans
lated into English, out of the authen
tical Latin. ..Tom. i. m.dc.ix.
Tom. 11. M.DC.X.

APPENDIX III.
Collation of i John in the editions of Tindales New
Testament, 1525, 1534, 1535.
The reading of Tindale's revision of 1534 (T2) is given first:
that for which it is substituted is the reading of the original
translation (Ti, 1525). Where the reading of the revision of
1535 (T3) is not specified it agrees with T2. When the reading
of T3 alone is given Ti and T2 agree against it.
i, I ova. ' declare we unto you' z.i'ie'c 'he'gvxvixng' (i)
T1T3 om. 'concerning' before 'which' (33). So Mat
thew.
4 ' oure i'O'je' iox' youre io^e' (2). Not Matthew.
7 ' lesus Christ ' for ' Christ ' (3)
8 ' yf we saye ' for ' yf we shall saye ' (4)
ii. I ' synne not ' for ' j/^M/rf'« not sinne ' (5)
— ' yf . . .yet ' for ' and yf. . .yet ' (6)
2 T3 'youre synnes ' for ' oure synnes ' (34). Not Matthew.
3 ' we are sure ' for ' we knowe ' (7)
— ' knowe him ' for ' have knowen him ' (8)
5 ' therby ' for ' therin ' (9)
9 ' the light ' for ' the true light ' (10)
II T3 'the darkness' for 'thatt darknes' (35). Not Mat
thew.
'3 T3 'ye know' twice for 'ye have knowen! and so ver. 14
(36). So Matthew.
17 T3 'abideth euer' for 'abydeth for ever' (37). So
Matthew'-
* 2 1 T3 ' know not ' for ' knewe not ' (Matthew) (38)
22 'the same is the Antichrist ' for ' he is Antichrist ' (11)
[' But T, Tj T3 all read ' abideth ever.' The error is in Bagster's Hexapla.]

296 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
iii. I T3 ' on to us ' for 'onui,' (Matthew) (39)
— ' knoweth not him ' for ' hath not knowen him ' (12)
2 ' dothe not appere' for 'hath not apered' (13)
4 'for synne is ' for ' and synne is ' (14)
1 1 ' that we shuld ' for ' that ye shulde ', which is also in T3
(IS)
IS T-i' hate' {or ' hateth' (Matthew) (40)
1 6 ' and therfore ' for ' and ' (16)
— ' ought we ' for ' we ought ' (17)
17 'have neade' for 'in necessitie' (18)
18 T3 ' with //^^ dede ' for ' with dede ' (41). So Matthew.
1 9 'for therby ' for ' and hereby ' (19)
— 'can before him ^uiet our hertes' for ' will heioie hym
put oure hertes out of dout' (20)
20 ' !But' ior ' For' (21)
21 'Beloved' for 'Tenderly beloved': comp. iv. i, 7, 11
(22)
24 ' therby' ior ' herby' (23)
iv. I ' Ye beloved ' for ' Derely beloved ' (24)
— T3 'or not' for 'or no' (42). So Matthew.
3 T3 'that confesseth' for 'which confesseth' (Matthew)
(43)
5 '««!(/ therfore ' for ' therfore ' (25)
— T3 'and /-^a/ world' for 'and /¦/%« worlde' (Matthew) (44)
7 'Beloved' for 'Derely beloved,' so iv. 11 (26)
8 ' knoweth not ' for ' hath nott knowen ' (27)
20 'hate' for ' hateth' (28)
— ' For how ' for ' Howe ' (29)
V. I T3 'that Jesus Christ' for 'lesus is Christ' (Matthew)
(45)
7 'for there '...'are one.' In smaller type and in brackets.
In T3 the words are in ( ). In the first edition no
difference is marked (30)
8 ' For' for ' And' (31)
15 ' desire' for 'desired' (32)
In this list i, 4, 5, 10, 11, 18, 22, 24, 26, 29 are closer
renderings of the Greek text.
On the other hand 6, 9, 14, 16, 19, 21, 25, 31 are instances of

COLLATION OF I JOHN, TINDALE'S EDITIONS 297
the abandonment of the more literal renderings in order (as it
seems) to bring out the argument with greater distinctness.
The aorist which was first rendered by a perfect form is
rendered by an indefinite present in 8, 12, 13, 27: a mode of
rendering adopted for the perfect in 32. The change in 7 seems
to be a consequence of the change in 8 to avoid repetition.
An error of grammar is corrected in 28, and an improvement
of rhythm is introduced in 17.
Two false readings are corrected in 3, 15 ; and a new reading
adopted in 2. The spurious passage in v. 7 is marked (30).
The changes are more frequently away from Luther than to
Luther ; but it is impossible not to think that Luther suggested
the longest change of rendering (20), for which he has (1534)
'dass wxx...kdnnen vnser Hertz fur ihm stillen^!
Of the renderings first introduced in 1535 three are improved
translations (33, 35, 38): two are worse renderings for emphasis
(41, 44): one is a false reading [?a misprint] (34): one is a sub
stitution (as before) of an indefinite present for a perfect (36):
two appear to be indifferent (42, 43) : three are probably misprints
(39. 40, 4S)-
In the Epistle to the Ephesians the changes generally are of
the same character. Two of these very worthy of notice have
influenced our present text, of which one is the singularly
beautiful ' making melody in your hearts ' (v. 1 9) for 'playing ' :
and the other the strange substitution of ' which before believed in
Christ' (i. 12) for 'before hoped in Christ', which is ahered into
' trusted ' in A.V.
[The edition of 1534-5, printed by G. H., agrees with that of
1535 except in i John ii. 9, 11, 21, iii. i, 15, iv. 5, v. i.J
' The rendering for which it is substituted was also due to Luther (1522) :
' vnd bereden vnser hertz fur yhn.'

APPENDIX IV.
An Examination of the sources of the Notes iti Coverdale's
Bible of iS^S.
ii. 12' Sionxe cd\\ it Schoham. So Zurich (i)
18 to beare hi^m copany
Some reade : to stode nexte by him
Luther (1523): gegen yhm
Luther (1534): die sich zujm hielte
Zurich (1530): der zundchst bey jm stunde (2)
Pagninus : quod sit coram eo
Tindale : to beare him companye
Vulgate : simile sibi
iii. 6 a pleasaunt tre to make wyse
Some reade : whyle it made wyse
L. (1523) weyl er Mug mechte (3)
Z. dieweil er k. m.
P. concupiscibilis arbor ad intelligendum
T. a pleasant tre for to make wyse
V. aspectu delectabile
1 6 thy lust shal pertayne vnto thy huszbande
Some reade : Thou shalt bowe downe thy self before thy
husbande
L. (1523) ^M solt dich duckenfur deynem man (4)
Z. zu deinem man deine geliist oder begird
P. ad virum tuum erit desiderium tuum
T. thy lusfes shall pertayne vnio thy husbond
V. sub viri potestate eris
' In some cases I have given only contrast. Simply explanatory notes
the Versions from which Coverdale's as 1 Sam. xvi. 22, i K. ii. 17 are
renderings are derived : in others I neglected, and one or two others ;
have thought it worth while to add but the list of various renderings is
parallel renderings for comparison and nearly complete.

SOURCES OF NOTES IN COVERDALE'S BIBLE 299
iv. 7 Shal he then be subdued vnto the ? and wilt thou rule Gen.
him?
Some reade : Let it be subdued vnto the, and rule
thou it
L. (1534) Las du ir nicht jren willen, sondern herrsche
vber sie
Z. Stadt dan sein aufsehen zu dir, vnd wilt iiber in
fierrschen ?
P. in te erit appetitus ejus et dominaberis ei
T. Let it be subdued vnto the, ad see thou rule it (5)
V. sub te erit appetitus ejus et dominaberis illius
viii. 7 came agayne
Some reade : came not agayne
so Vulgate (6)
xi. 2 towarde the East (L)
Some reade : fro the East (T)
so Vulgate (7)
xvii. 2 I am the allmightie God (V. L. P. T.)
Some reade I am the God Schadai {that is : plenteous
in power, abundauni, sufficiet, and full of all good)
so Z. (1530) {das ist, ein vollmdchtiger, vnnd ein iiber-
flitssige genugsamme vnnd volly alles gutenn) (8)
xviii. 10 aboute this tyme twolue moneth, {yf I lyue)
Some reade : As soone as the frute cd lyue
L. (1523) nach der zeyt die frucht leben kan
L. (1534) so ich lebe
Z. so ich lab
P. revertar ad te secundum tempus vitae
T. as soone as the frute can lyue (9)
V. Revertens veniam ad te tempore isto, vita comite
xxiii. 4 bury my coarse by me
Some reade : my coarse that lyeth before me
L. (1523) der fur mir legt (10)
Z. mein leych bey mir
xxiv. 31 thou ^/M.f(?if of the Lorde (V. L. P. T.)
Some reade thou beloved
Z. du geliebter (11)

300

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

Gen. xxvii. 25 that my soule maye blesse the (V. L. P. T.)
that my hert maye wysh the good
Z. das ich von hertzen dir guts wunsche (12)
xxviii. I blessed him (V. L. P. T.)
Some reade : talked louigly with him
Z. redt fretintlich mit jm (13)
xxxiii. 19 an hundred pence (L., Z. vmb hundert grosschen)
Some reade : an hiidreth Idbes (So V. P. T.) (14)
xii. 44 called him Zephnath Paena
Zaphnath Paena, that is to saye : An expouder of
secrete thinges, or a man to who secrete thiges are
opened
L. (1534) Den heimlichsten Rat
Z. Zaphnath Paena, L. (1523) Zaphnath pamea
P. vir cut abscondita revelata sunt, vel absconditorum
expositor (15)
V. Salvatorem mundi
Ex- ix. 16 haue I stered y vp
Some reade : I haue holden the vp
L. (1523) hab ich dich erweckt
Z. hab ich dich aufrecht behalten (16)
P. Stare feci te
V. posui te
xvi. 15 This is Md (So L. Z. Das ist Man. Man est P.)
Some reade : What is this 2 (So V. T.) (17)
xvii. 15 The Lorde Nissi (L.)
That is : The Lord is he that lifteth -me vp
P. dominus elevatio mea (18)
xxix. 28 in their deade offrynges
Some call 'Cr& peace offeringes (So T.)
L. (1534) an jren danckopffem
Z. an jren todopffern (So L. 1523)
P. V)e ^dsxi^xUxs pacificorum suorum (19)
V. de victimis eorum pacificis
yosh. iii. 15 full of all maner waters of the londe
Some reade : of the harvest
L. (1524) vol an alien seynen vffern von allerley gewesser
der erndten (20)

SOURCES OF NOTES IN COVERDALE'S BIBLE 301
iii. 15 Z. voll an alien seinen gstade, von allerley gewdsser Josh.
der erdeti
P. omnibus diebus messis
V. tempore messis
iii. 3 moffellthe Ruth
Some reade : Anoynte the
Z. verhtille dich (So L.)
P. unge te (21)
xxiii. 28 Sela Mahelkoth (L. Z.) i Sam.
The rocke oi partinge asunder
P. petra divisionum (So L. marg.) (22)
viii. 18 prestes (So V. L. Z.) = •5'<»'«-
Some reade ; rulers
P. principes (23)
xxv. 6 And ^« gaue iudgmet vpon him 1 Kings
Some reade : And they talked with hi ^iudgment
L. (1534) sie sprachen ein vrteil vber jn
Z. sy redtend mit jm vom rechten (So L. 1523) (24)
V. locutus est cum eo judicium
P. locuti sunt cum eo judicium
Matthew, they reasoned with hym
vii. 20 rote you out ^chron.
Some reade : them
L. (1523) sie aus wurtzelen
Z. sy auszwurtzle
P. evellam eos (25)
V. evellam vos
ix. 10 so madest thou the a name Nehem.
Some reade : them
Z. jnenn (26)
L- {'^S'^z)yhn L. (i534)>e«
xiv. 5 — 7 These thre verses are not in the Hebrue (27) Psalms
xxxvi. (xxxvii.) 21 The vngodly boroweth and paieth not agayne
(So V. L. P. Z. (1530))
Some reade thus : The vngodly ledeth vpon vsury and
not for naught
Z. (1531, 1534, 1536) Auff wiicher leicht der Gottlos,
nit vm sunst (28)

302 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
Psalms xxxix. (xl.) 7 but fl body hast thou ordeined me (Hebr. x. 5)
Some reade thus : but myne eares hast thou opened
(So L. Z.) (29)
P. aures fodisti mihi
V. aures autem perfecisti mihi
Amos vii. 1 a masons trowell
Some call it a lyne
L. (1532) eine bleischnur (30)
Z. ein maurerkellen
P. perpendiculum
Malachi ii. 14 So dyd not the one
The one. This the interpreters reke to be spoken
of Abraham
L. (1532) Also thet der Einige nicht
Z. er hat nit allein einen menschen gemachet
P. nee unus quidem Abraham fecit ut facitis (31)
i,Esdr. iv. 52 as touchinge y' life'
Some rede, my life
Z. (1530) dein labenn .
Z- (iS3i> 1534. 1536) mein laben (32)
V. de vita tua
xii. I y° heade
Rede, I sawe, and beholde
Z. do hab ich gesehen (33)
XV. 55 receaue rewarde
Some rede, no rewarde (Z. 1531, 1534, 1536) (34)
Tobit i. 14 hauynge ten taletes of .ry/7^fr (V.)
Some reade : ten taletes oi golde
Z. zahennt Talent golds (35)
iv. 10 delyuereth/w fl^m//^
Some reade : fro all synne 6^ from death
P. ab omnipeccato et a morte So L. (1534) (36)
xii. 6 shewed his mercy vnto vs (P. Z.)
Some reade, vnto you So V. L. (1534) (37)
^ [Bagster's reprint has y«.]

SOURCES OF NOTES IN COVERDALE'S BIBLE 303
iii. 23 curious in many of his workes (P.) EccIus.
Some rede, thy workes
Z. deiner wercken (38)
xxxiii. 15 there are euer two agaynst two (P.)
Some reade : two agaynst one
Z. zwey gegen einen (39)
ii. 1 3 wrytynges of Jeremy ^ ^^^^
Some reade : Nehemias
Z. leremie
L. (1534) Nehemias
P. Nechemiah (40)
xii. 43 two thousande drachmas
Some reade : twolue thousande
Z. zweytausent So L. (1534)
P. duodecim milia (41)
i. 18 before they came together Matt.
Some reade : before they sat at home together
L. (1534) ehe er sie heim holet
Z. ee sy miteinanderen zu hausz sassend (So L. 1522)
(42)
Erasmus : priusquam congressi fuissent
Tindale : cam to dwell to gedder
xi. II lesse (T. 1534)
Some reade : least
L. (Sept. 1522) der kleynisl (43)
xvi. 13 y' y° sonne of ma is
Some reade that I the sonne of man am (T.)
L. (Sept. 1522) das da sey des menschen son
L. (Dec. 1522) das des menschen son sey (44)
Z. (1531) das da sey dess menschen sun
XX. 25 t!cxe gre'i.test exercise power (T.)
Some reade. The greatest deale with violence
L. (1534) haben gewalt
L. (Sept. 1522) die vherherrnn faren mit gewalt (So Z.)
(45)
xxiii. 25 excesse (T.)
Some reade : vnclennes
L. (1534) frasses

304

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

Matt

XXIII. 25.

Mark

UI. 21

Rom.

IX. 40

XV.

xvii. 18

UI. 21

L. (1522) vnreynes
Z. vnreyns (46)
P. injustitia
E. intemperantia
a boxe with precious oyntment
Some reade : A glas with precious water
L. (1522) eyn glas mitt kostlichem wasser (47)
T. an alablaster boxe of precious oyntment
in whom I delyte (T.)
Some reade : In who I am pacified
L. {\^22) ynn dem ich eyn wolgefallen habe
Z. in dem ich zu friden bin (48)
he taketh to moch vpon him
Some reade : He wil go out of his witt
L. (1534) er wird von Sinnen komen (49)
Z. Er thut jm zu vii So L. (1522)
P. in stuporem versus est
E. in furorem versus est
T. (1534) he had bene beside him selfe
councels (T.)
Some reade : coHcell-houses
L. (1522) radtheuser So Z. (50)
she sat hir downe agayne
Some reade : She sat vp (T.)
L. (1522) satzt sie sich widder

(5')

conuersation (T. 1525)
Some reade : conuersion
L. wandel
V. conversionem (52)

(T.)

new goddes
Some reade ; deuyls (T.)
L. Gotter
V. dcemoniorufn (53)
by faith (T.)
Some reade : By faith onely
L. (1522) alleyn durch den glawben So Z. (54)

SOURCES OF NOTES IN COVERDALE'S BIBLE 30S
X. 17 h^ hearynge (T.) Rom.
Some reade : '^y preachinge
L. aus Aer predigte So Z. (55)
Thus of the whole number (54) of alternative renderings twelve
(3> 4, 5. 1°. 29, 42, 43. 47. 49. 5°. 54. 5S) agree with Luther:
nineteen (i, 2, 8, 11, 12, 13, 16, 24—6, 28, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38,
39, 46, 48) with the Zurich Version : ten with Pagninus (15, 18,
21 — 3, 30 — I, 36, 40 — i) : nine with the Vulgate (6, 7, 14, 17, 19,
20, 37, 52, 53) ; and four with Tindale (9, 44 — 5, 51). Of these
the most remarkable coincidences with Luther are 3, 4, 10, 42,
47, 54, 55, with the Zurich Version 8, with Pagninus 15, 31, with
Tindale 9, 52, 53. Of the readings adopted the most singular
are 17, 19 (Luther) and 10, 20 (Zurich); 24 is apparently adapted
from the Vulgate.
Nothing could sum up the internal history of Coverdale's .
Bible more accurately than this analysis.

20

APPENDIX V.
Specimens of Notes from Tindale and Matthew.
Matt. i. i8. Tindale (Cologne), 1525. lesus is asmoche to saye as a saver,
for he onli saveth all men from their synnes bi his meretes with
oute there deserving.
Tindale, 1534- None.
Matthew. Messiah, it sygnifyeth, annoynted. lesus Christ
then is the earnest & pledge of Goddes promes, by whom y° grace
and fauoure of God is promesed to vs, wyth the holy goost :
whych illumineth lyghteth & renueth oure hertes to fulfyll the
lawe. [From Lefevre's French Bible of 1534.]
a. J.. Tindale, 1525. Of mathew they ar callid Magi, & in certeyne
coutreis i the est, philosophers conynge in naturall causes &
effectes, and also the prestes, were so callyd.
Tindale, 1534. None.
Matthew. These were nother kynges nor princes, but as
Strabo saith (whych was in their tyme) sage men amoge ¦f
Persiens as Moses was amonge the Hebrues, he sayth also y'
they were the prestes of y= Persiens. [From Lefevre's French
Bible of 1534.]
iii.g. Tindale, 1525. Put youre truste I goddes wordes only, &
not i abraham. Let saynctes be an ensaple vnto you & not youre
truste & cofidence For then ye make Christ of them.
Tindale, 1534. None.
Matthew. None.
vi. 34. Tindale, 1525. Trouble, is the dayly laboure. He wil hit be
ynough that we laboure dayly wyth oute forther care.
Tindale, 1534. None.
Matthew. It is comaunded vs i in the swet of oure face to

NOTES OF TINDALE AND MATTHEW 307
winne our bred, that trauayle must we dayly, dilygently & ernestly
do : but not be careful! what profet shall come vnto vs therof, for
that were to care for to morow : we must therfore comytt that to
God, which is readye to prospere oure laboures wyth his blessyng,
and that aboundaiitly, so that most shall we profet when we are
lest carefull.
Tindale, 1525. Compare dede too dede, so ys one greater ^.42.
then another: but copare them to god, so are they all lyke, ad
one as good as another, even as the spyrite movyth a ma, &
tyme & occasio gevyth.
Tindale, 1534. Couenanus.
Matthew. None.
Tindale, 1525. Tradicions of men muste fayle att the last: ^'.9-13.
god' word bydeth ever.
Tindale, 1534. Mennes preceptes. What defileth a man.
Plantes. Blynde leaders. With what a ma is defiled.
Matthew ver. 13. Origen and Chrisostom vnderstande thys
of the Pharises because of their euell opinions. Hilarius And
Erasmus vnderstand it of mennes tradicions.
Tindale, 1525. Stronge feyth requyreth fervent prayer, & xvn.^i.
prayer requyreth fastyng to subdue the bodye, that lustes vnquyet
nott a manes mynde.
Tindale, 1534. Prayer & fastynge.
Matthew. None.
Tindale, 1525. By this similitude maye ye pceave that no xx.i^i^.
similitude serveth throwgh out, but su one thyng coteyned i the
similitude. As this loge parable pteyneth butt here vnto, that
werke holy shall despise weeke synners, which same werke holy
shall not there have ther rewarde as these which come fyrst have
here butt shalbe reiecte & put awaye, because they chalenge hit of
merittr' & nott of mercy & grace.
Tindale, 1534, ver. 5. The Iewes reken one, whe the sonne
is vp an houre.
Matthew. None.

APPENDIX VI.
Specimens of the Latin-English Testaments of Coverdale.
(Coverdale's Bible.)
I That which was from y" begynnynge, which we haue herde,
which we haue sene with oure eyes, which we haue loked vpon,
and oure handes haue handled of the worde of life ; 2 and the
life hath appeared, and we haue sene, and beare wytnes, and
shewe vnto you y° life that is euerlastinge, which was with the
father, and hath apeared vnto vs. 3 That which we haue
sene & herde, declare we vnto you, that ye also maye haue
fellishippe with vs, and that oure fellishippe maye be with the
father and with his sonne lesus Christ. 4 And this wryte we
vnto you, that youre ioye maye be full. 5 And this is the
tydinges which we haue herde of him, & declare vnto you, that
God is lighte, and in him is no darknes at all. 6 Yf we saye
that we haue fellishippe with him, and yet walke in darknes,
we lye, and do not the trueth. 7 But yf we walke in Hghte,
euen as he is in lighte, then haue we fellishippe together, and
the bloude of lesus Christ his sonne clenseth vs from all
synne. 8 Yf we saye that we haue no synne, we disceaue
oure selues, and the trueth is not in vs. 9 But yf\ie knowlege
oure synnes, he is faithful! and iust to forgeue vs oure synnes,
& to dense vs from all vnrighteousnes. 10 Yf we saye, we
haue not synned, we make him a lyar, and his worde is not
in vs.
v. I that which (3) Nicolson. HoUybushe
eyen N. H.
beholiien N. H.
cocerning Regnault. ^/N. H. {de Vulgate)

LATIN-ENGLISH TESTAMENTS OF COVERDALE 309
2 is manifest N. H.
testify N. H. R.
euerlastyng N. H. R. {vitam ceternam V.), omitting that is
by N. H.
appeared N. H.
3 Eueth&t'K. {Quod vidimus Y .)
haue heard N. H.
do we shew N. H.
be N. H.
4 tlcese thynges N. R. {hcec V.)
do I write N. do we wryte H.
ye may reioice and {that R.) your N. H. R. (ut gaudeatis
et gaudium vestrum V.)
5 that N. H.
do shewe N. H.
ther is no darkenesse in hym N. H.
6 walke N. H. R.
7 as he also N. H. R. {sicut et ipse V.)
we haue N. H.
hys Sonne lesus Christe N. H.
8 do saye N. H.
9 ^/N. R. 37 H.
ryghteous that he do N. H.
dense N. H.
wyckednesse N. H.
10 do saye N. H.
that we N. H. R. {quoniam V.)
16 Yf eny man se his brother synne a synne not vnto death, let ^?^'"
him axe, and he shal geue him life, for the y' synne not vnto
death. There is a synne vnto death, for the which saye I
not that a man shulde praye. 17 All vnrighteousnes is
synne, and there is synne not vnto death. 18 We knowe,
that whosoeuer is borne off God, synneth not : but he that is
begotte of God, kepeth himselfe, & y wicked toucheth him
not. 19 We knowe that we are of God, & the worlde is set
alltogether on wickednes. 20 But we knowe, that the sonne
of God is come, and hath geuen vs a mynde, to knowe him

¦n V.

310 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
which is true : and we are in him y' is true, in his sonne
lesu Christ. This is the true God, and euerlastinge life.
21 Babes kepe youre selues from ymages. Amen.
1 6 JJe that knoweth N. H. R.
to synne N. H. R.
lyfe shalbe geuen vnto hym that synneth {synninge N. H.)
N. H. R.
/ saye not that any man shulde {do N.) pra.ye for that (N.)
R. H.
17 Euery wyckednesse N. H.
a synne N. H. R. omit not N. H. R.
18 euery one that N. H.
doth not synne N. H. R.
the generacion N. H. R.
hym N. H. R.
the N. H. R.
19 the whole worlde is set on {in N.) myschefe N. H. R.
20 And N. H. R.
vnderstandynge, that we maye N. H. R.
the true God N. H. R.
be {we are N. H.) in hys true sonne N. H. R.
The (This N. H.) same N. H. R.
2 1 Little children N. H. Lytle chyldren H.
you N. H. R.
om. Amen N. H. R.

APPENDIX VII.

Collation of Passages from the Pentateuch and Historical
Books in Tindale, Coverdale, Matthew, the Great Bible,
the Genevan Bible, and the Bishops' Bible.

Coverdale. / will synge vnto
¦f Lorde, for he hath done glori
ously: horse & charet hath he
ouer throwne in the see.
The Lorde is my strength, and
my songe, and is become my sal
uacion. This is my God, I wil magnifie
him : He is my fathers God, I
wil exalte him.

Zurich Version. Ich wil dem ex.xi\i,'2.
Herren singe, dan er hat herrlich
gehandlet, rossz vnnd wagen hat
er gesturtzt ins Meer.
Der Herr ist mein stercke, vii
lobgesang, vnd ist mein helffer '^t-<.f
worden. Das ist mein Gott, ich wil jn
beherbergen. Er ist meines vat- ''.A
ters Gott, ich wil jn erheben'.

Tindale (1530). Let vs synge vnto the Lorde, for he is
become glorious, the horse and him that rode vpon him hath he
ouerthrowne in the see.
The Lorde is my strength ad my songe, ad is become my
saluation. He is my God and I will gloryfie him, he is my fathers God
and I will lifte him vp an hie^^
Matthew agrees verbally with Tindale.
Taverner agrees verbally with Tindale.

' Luther's Version (1534), with the
Latin Version of the Wittenberg Bible
(1829), may be added for comparison :
Ich wil dem Herrn singen, denn
er hat eine herliche that gethan, Ros
vnd wagen hat er ins meer gestortzet.
Der Herr ist mein sterck vnd
lobsang, vnd ist mein Heil. Das ist
mein Gott, ich wil jn preisen, Er
ist meines vaters Gott, ich wil jn
erheben. In the Wittenberg Bible the passage
rans:

Cantemus Domino, gloriose enim
egit, equum et ascensorem deiecit in
mare. Fortitudo mea et carmen meum
Dominus, qui factus est mihi in sa-
lutem. Iste est Deus meus, et ornabo eum,
Deus patris mei, et exaltabo eum.
This is nearer to the Vulgate than
to Luther, and differs from it only in
the italicized words.
2 The italics mark variations be
tween Tindale and Coverdale.

,At.

312 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
Great Bible (1539, 1540, 1541)- I wyll. ..hath triUphed
gloriously: the horse & hym that rode vpon him :... my strength
a.ndL prayse, and he is... He is...glorifye him : my fathers God, and
I wyll exalte hym.
[Munster. . . . triumphando magnifice egit . . . Fortitudo mea et
laus dominus, factusque est. . . Iste Deus meus et decorabo eum :
deus patris mei, et exaltabo eum.]
Geneva. I will... hathe triuphed gloriously: y" horse and
him that rode upon him. . . .
The Lord is (ital.)... praise, and he is. ..He is. ..prepare him a
tabernacle: he is (ital.)... exalt him.
Bishops' agrees verbally with Great Bible.
Num.. -cvi. Coverdale. And Moses sayde: Luther (1534). Vnd Mose
=8—30. Hereby shal ye knowe that the sprach, Dabey solt jr mercken,
Lorde hath sent me, to do all das mich der Herr gesand hat,
these workes, and that I haue not das ich alle diese werck thet, vnd
done them of myne awne hert. nicht aus meinem hertzen. Wer-
Yf these men dye the comon den sie sterben, wie alle men-
death of all men, or be vysited as sehen sterben, oder heimgesucht
all 7nen are vysited, then hath not wie alle menschen heimgesucht
the Lorde sent me. But yf the werden, so hat mich der Herr
Lorde make a new thinge, and nicht gesand. Wird aber der
the earth open hir mouth, and Herr etwas newes schaffen, das
swalowe them with all that they die erde jren mund auflf thut, vnd
/i^Kfi, so that theygo downe quycke verschlinget sie mit allem das sie
in to hell, the shal ye knoive, that haben, das sie lebendig hinunter
these men haue blasphemed the jnn die Helle faren, so werdet jr
Lorde. erkennen, dass diese leute den
Herrn gelestert haben'.
Tindale. And Moses sayed : Hereby ye shall knowe that
the Lorde hath sent me to doo all these workes, and that I haue
not done them of myne awne mynde : Yf these men dye the
comon deth of all men or yf they be visyted after the visitadon oj
all men, then the Lorde hath not sent me. But and yf the Lorde
make a new thinge, and the erth open hir mouthe and swalowe
them and all that pertayne vnto them, so that they goo doune
quycke in to hell : then ye shall vnderstod, that these me haue
rayled vpon the Lorde.
' The Wittenberg Bible differs non ex proprio ex corde protulerim,
from the Vulgate only by rendering and by adding viri isti after blasphe-
universa opera hcec et non ex proprio maverint. The Zurich Bible simply
corde for universa quie cernitis et differs by dialectic peculiarities.

COLLATION FROM THE PENTATEUCH, ETC. 313
Matthew agrees verbally with Tindale.
Taverner agrees verbally with Tindale except in reading : of
myne own hed : But yf {om. and).
Great Bible (1539, 1540, 1541) agrees with Tindale except;
swalowe them vp with all that they haue, and'Ca.ey go . . .prouoked.
A note is indicated (in 1539, 1540) by ^^ to 'visited.'
[Munster. devoraverit eos una cum omnibus quee habent et
descenderint. . . : irritarint. . .dominum.]
Geneva, for / haue {ita.1.) not done them (ital.)...: the Lord
{om. then): but if: swalowe. ..go downe quicke into y' pit.
Bishops' agrees with Great Bible except in reading: for
I have not done them (Gen.): into the pit (Gen.).
Coverdale. And Josua wrote Luther. Vnd Josua schreib Jo^i^- xxiv.
this acte in the boke of the lawe dis alles jns Gesetzbuch Gottes,
of God, and toke a greate stone, vnd nam einen grossen stein, und
and set it vp there vnder an oke, richtet jn auff daselbs vnter einer
¦which was in y Sanctuary of y° Eiche, die bey dem Heiligthum
Lorde, and sayde vnto all the des Herrn war, vnd sprach zum
people: Beholde, this stone shall gantzen volck. Sihe, dieser Stein
be witnesse ouer you; For it hath sol zeuge sein zwisschen vns,
herdeall the wordes of the Lorde, denn er hat gehoret alle rede
which he hath spoken vnto us, and des Herrn, die er mit vns geredt
shall be a witnesse ouer you, that hat, vnd sol ein zeuge vber euch
ye denye not youre GOD. So sein, das jr ewrn Gott nicht ver-
losua let the people go euery leuck[n]et. Also lies Josua das
one to his inheritaiice. volck, einen jglichen inn sein

erbteil'.
Matthew. [Tindale.] And losua wrotte these wordes in
the boke of the lawe of God, and toke a great stonne & pitched
it on ende in y" sayde place euen vnder an ocke that stode in the
sanctuarye of the Lorde. And losua sayde vnto all the people :
beholde, thys stone shalbe a witnesse vnto vs, for it hath hearde
all the wordes of the Lorde whych he spake wyth vs. It shalbe
therfore a wytnesse vnto you, lest ye lye vnto youre God. And so
losua let the people departe euery man vnto hys enherytaunce.

' The Wittenberg Bible differs The Zurich Bible has the following
from the Vulgate only in reading significant variations: — ...schreyb
grandem (pergrandem), audivit (audi- disen handel... die inn dem Hey-
erit), and locutus est nobis, et erit ligthumb... zeiig uber euch sein...
testis (loc. est vobis).

314

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

2 Sam. xii.
I— S.

Taverner agrees verbally with [Tindale] Matthew except
in reading : spake with you : leest y' after this tyme ye wyll denye
and lye vnto your God (Vulg. see below).
Great Bible (1539, 1540, 1541) agrees with Tindale except
by reading : (i) that was : and (2) lest ye denye* {and dissemble
with). [Munster. (i) quse erat (2) ne forte abnegare velitis deum
vestrum ( Vulg. ne forte postea negare velitis et mentiri Domino
Deo vestro).]
Geneva agrees with Tindale except by reading : pitched it
there : that was : a witnes against you : lest ye deny your God :
7%/ Joshua....
Bishops' agrees with Great Bible exactly, only omitting the
added clause ' and dissemble with!

Coverdale. There were two
men in one cite, the one riche, the
other poore. The riche man had
very ¦many shepe and oxen: but
the poore inan had nothinge saue
one litle shepe which he had
boughte and norished it, so that
it grewe vp with him and his
children together. It ate of his
bred, and dranke of his cuppe and
slepte in his lappe, and he helde it
as a doughter. But whan there
came a straunger vnto the riche
man, he spared to take of his awne
shepe 6-» oxen (to prepare oughte
for the straunger that was come
vnto him) aiid toke the poore
mans shepe, and prepared it for
the man that was come vnto him.
The was David wroth with greate
displeasure agaynst that man, and
sayde unto Nathan: As truly as
the Lorde liueth, the man that
hath done this, is the childe of
death. ' The Wittenberg Bible agrees with
the Vulgate, except in reading et
creverat (om. quas), ut pararet {ut ex-
hiberet), and in one or two transposi-

Luther. Es waren zween
menner inn einer stad, einer
reich, der ander arm. Der reich
hatte seer viel schafe vnd rinder,
aber der arme hatte nichts, deH
ein einigs kleins scheflin, das er
gekaufft hatte, vnd er neerete es,
das es gros ward, bei jm vnd bey
seinen kindern zu gleich, Es ass
von seinem bissen vnd tranck
von seinem becher, und schlieff
jnn seinem schos, vnd er hielts
wie eine tochter. Da aber dem
reichen man ein gast kam,
schonet er zu nemen von seinen
schafen und rindern, das er dem
gast etwas zurichtet, der zu jm
komen war, vnd nam das schaf
des armen mans, vnd richtet zu
dem man der zu jm komen war.
Da ergrimmet Dauid mit grossem
zorn wider den man, vnd sprach
zu Nathan, So war der Herr lebt,
der man ist ein kind des tods, der
das gethan hat'.
tions, &c. which are probably various
readings of the Vulgate text. The
Zurich text has only two unimportant
verbal differences.

COLLATION FROM THE PENTATEUCH, ETC. 315
Matthew [Tindale]. There were two men in one citie,
a (i) ryche and a (i) poore. And the ryche (2) had excedyng
great aboundaunce of (3) shepe and oxe. But the poore had
nothyng saue one lytle lambe (4) whych he bought (5) & norysshed
vp. And it grew vp with hym and hys children (6), and did eate
of his awne meate and drancke of his awne cuppe, & slept in his
bosome, & was as dere vnto hym as his daughter (7). And there
cam a strauger vnto the ryche man. And he coulde not fynde in
his heart to take of his awne shepe nor of hys beestes (8) to dresse
for y' straunger y' was come vnto him. But toke the poore
manes lambe (4) & dressed it for the ma that was come to him.
And Dauid was excedyng wroth w' the man, and sayd to Nathan :
as surely as y' Lorde lyueth y^ felow (9) y' hathe done this thyng,
is y° chylde of deeth....
Taverner agrees verbally with Matthew except by reading:
to make of his own (error) : to prepare for the s. : is worthye of
deathe. Great Bible (1539, 1540, 1541) agrees with Tindale except
(i) the one — the other (Cov.): (2) The ryche man (C): (3) ex
cedyng many: (4) shepe (C): (5) had b. (C): (6) wyth his ch.
also: (7) was unto him as his d. : (8) and of his own oxen: (9) man.
Before 'the child of death' stands (in 1539, 1540) a ^^ to
indicate an intended note, such as is given in Matthew. [That is,
is worthye to dye.]
[MiJNSTER. (i) unus — alter (2) Dives (3) multos valde (4) ovis
(5) emerat (6) apud fiUos ejus pariter (7) eratque ei quasi filia
(8) atque de bobus suis.^
Geneva agrees with the Great Bible except in reading : had
none at all : his own morsels : Now there came : who refused to
take : As the Lord liueth : shall surely dye.
Bishops' agrees with the Great Bible except in reading : he
spared to take : as the Lord liveth (Gen.).
To the phrase ' The child of death ' a note is added : ' that is
shall surely die ' (Gen.).

APPENDIX VIII.
The Relation of the Wycliffite to the later Versions.
The History of our Enghsh Bible begins with the work of
Tindale and not with that of Wycliffe. Every step in the descent
of our present Authorised Version, from Tindale's first New
Testament and Matthew's composite Old Testament and Apo
crypha, is clearly made out ; but neither Tindale's nor Coverdale's
translation has any direct filiation on Wycliffe's. As far as
Tindale is concerned, his own explicit statement leaves no room
even for raising the question : ' Them that are learned Christenly,
' I beseche : for as moche as I am sure, ad my conscience beareth
' me recorde, that of a pure entent, singilly and faythfully I have
' interpreted itt [the New Testament] as farre forth as god gave me
' the gyfte of knowledge ad vnderstondynge : that the rudnes off
' the worke nowe at the fyrst tyme, offende them not : but thatt
' they consyder howe that / had no man to counterfet, nether was
' holpe with englysslie of eny that had interpreted the same, or soche
'lyke thtge i the scripture beforetyme.' And on the other hand
Coverdale is equally explicit (see p. 162) as to the sources from
which he himself derived help for his first great work. At the
same time the words of Tindale imply that he knew of the
Wycliffite versions (nor could it have been otherwise), and admit
the supposition that he had used them, though he deliberately de
cided that he could not (i) ' counterfeit' them, that is follow their
general plan, as being a secondary translation only, or (2) adopt
their language. It is possible however that some of the earlier
renderings may have obtained a traditional currency, and in this
way have affected Tindale's or Coverdale's own work. But
coincidences which can be referred to this origin are very rare
in Tindale, and the fact that they are much more frequent in
Coverdale's Latin-English Testaments appears to shew that they
were really due to the immediate influence of the Vulgate and not
to the Wycliffite translation of it.

THE WYCLIFFITE AND LATER VERSIONS

317

A few specimens will place the relations between the earlier
and later works in a clear light.

Purvey.
3 Blessid ben pore men in
spirit, for the kyngdom of heuenes
is heme. 5 Blessid ben mylde men, for
thei shulen welde the erthe.
4 Blessid ben thei that momen,
for thei schulen be coumfortid.
6 Blessid ben thei that hungren
and thristen ri3twisnesse, for thei
schulen be fulfiUid.
7 Blessid ben merciful men, for
thei schulen gete merci.
8 Blessid ben thei that ben of
clene herte, for thei schulen se
God. 9 Blessid ben pesible men, for
thei schulen be clepid Goddis
children. 9 Oure fadir that art in heuenes,
halewid be thi name ;
10 Thy kyngdoom come to ; be
thi wille don in erthe as in heuene ;
1 1 3yue to vs this dai oure breed
ouer othir substaunce ;
12 And for3yue to vs oure dettis,
as we for3yuen to oure dettouris ;
13 And lede vs not in to tempt-
acioun, but delyuere vs fro yuel.
Amen.

24 Therfor ech man that herith
these my wordis, and doith hem,
schal be maad lijk to a wise man
that hath bildid his hous on a
stoon. 25 And reyn felde doun, and
flodis camen, and wyndis blewen,
and russchiden in to that hous;

Tindale (1534).
3 Blessed are the povre in Matt. v.
sprete: for theirs is the kyng- 3~9-
dome of heven.
4 Blessed are they that mome :
for they shalbe conforted.
5 Blessed are the meke : for
they shall inheret the erth.
6 Blessed are they which hon-
ger and thurst for rightewesnes :
for they shalbe filled.
7 Blessed are y« merciful! : for
they shall obteyne mercy.
8 Blessed are the pure in herte :
for they shall se God.
9 Blessed are the peacemakers :
for they shalbe called the chyl
dren of God.
9 O oure father which arte in Matt. vi.
heve, halowed be thy name. '~'''
10 Let thy kyngdome come.
Thy wyll be fulfilled, as well in
erth, as it ys in heven.
1 1 Geve vs this daye oure dayly
breede. 12 And forgeve vs oure treas
pases, eve as we forgeve oure
trespacers. 13 And leade vs not into tept-
acion : but delyver vs fro evell.
For thyne is y= kyngedome and
y= power, & y"= glorye for ever.
Amen. 24 Whosoever heareth of me Matt. vii.
these sayinges and doethe the
same, I wyll lyken hym vnto a
wyse man which bylt hys housse
on a rocke :
25 & aboundance of rayne de
scended, & the fluddes came,
& the wyndes blewe and bet

3i8

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

I fohn ii.
17-

iii. 6.

Tindale.
vpon that same housse, and it
fell not, because it was grounded
on the rocke.
26 And whosoever heareth of
me these sayinges & doth them
not, shalbe lykened vnto a folysh
man which bilt hys housse apo
the sonde :
27 & abundaijce of rayne de
scended, & the fluddes came,
and y« wyndes blewe and beet
vpon that housse, and it fell and
great was the fall of it.

Purvey.
and it felde not doun, for it was
foundun on a stoon.
26 And euery man that herith
these my wordis, and doith hem
not, is lijk to a fool, that hath
bildid his hous on grauel.
27 And reyn cam doun, and
floodis camen, and wyndis blewen,
and thei hurliden a3en that house ;
and it felde doun, and the fallyng
doun therof was greet.
In the whole of the Sermon on the Mount I have only noted
the following coincidences in which the Wycliffite rendering may
have suggested that of Tindale :
vii. 3 litil mote W. {festucam) moote T.
— 6 al to tere 30U W. all to rent you T.
— 16 breris W. {Iribulis) bryres T.
— 23 knouleche to W. knowlege vnto T.
In the whole of the first Epistle of St John I have observed
only one coincidence in any way remarkable : iii. 15 mansleert
W., T., a common rendering which recurs in i Tim. i. g (so also
A.V.), while elsewhere Tindale uses murderers, and Purvey some
times mansleere and sometimes manquillere. The differences on
the other hand are very striking :
Purvey. Tindale.
The world schal passe, and the The worlde vannyssheth awaye,
couetise of it ; but he that doith and the lust therof : but he that
the wille of God, dwellith with fulfilleth the will of god abydeth

outen ende.
Ech man that dwellith in hym,
synneth not ; and ech that synn
eth, seeth not hym, nether knew
hym. He that woot that his brother
synneth a synne not to deth, axe
he, and lijf schal be 3ouun to hym
that synneth not to deth. Ther
is a synne to deth ; not for it Y
seie, that ony man preie.

ever. As many as byde in him synne
not : whosoever synneth hath not
sene him, nether hath knowen
him. Yf eny man se his brother synne
a synne that is not vnto deeth, let
him .axe, and he shall geve him
lyfe for them that synne not vnto
deeth. Ther is a synne vnto
deeth, for which saye I not that
a man shuld praye.

THE WYCLIFFITE AND LATER VERSIONS 319
In the Epistles of St Paul the differences between Purvey and
Tindale are even greater. Thus the only two striking phrases
common to them in Romans viii., trauelith with peyne (ver. 22 W.,
trwvayleth in payne T.) and tribulacioun, or anguysch (ver. 35), seem
to be due to the Latin parturit (o-uvcoStVci) and tribulatio an
angustia. A comparison of the Wycliffite versions of Ps. viii. given in
App. I. with the same Psalm in the Prayer-Book Psalter will shew
the wide difference between the Old Versions and Coverdale's
work.

APPENDIX IX.
The Revision of the Authorised Version.
The question of the revision of the 'Authorised Version'
of the Bible was discussed more or less seriously at various
times after the abortive attempt under the Commonwealth (see
p. 120), but did not take any practical shape till the present
generation. It is unnecessary to notice here the different private
attempts at revision, which at least kept the way open for a more
complete solution of the problem and furnished materials for the
work. The question assumed a new character when at length
in the year 1870 it was brought before the Convocation of the
Province of Canterbury. On Feb. loth the Bishop of Winchester
(S. Wilberforce) submitted the following motion to the Upper
House : ' That a Committee of both Houses be appointed, with
' power to confer wdth any Committee that may be appointed by
' the Convocation of the Northern Province, to report upon the
' desirableness of a revision of the Authorized Version of the New
' Testament, whether by marginal notes or otherwise, in all those
'passages where plain and clear errors, whether in the Hebrew
' {sic) or Greek text originally adopted by the translators, or in the
'translation made from the same, shall, on due investigation, be
'found to exist'.'
In the course of the discussion which followed, the Bishop
of Llandaff (A. Ollivant) proposed to include the Old Testament
in the scope of the inquiry ; and the motion was agreed to with
the addition of the words 'Old and' before 'New Testaments.'
Upon this the Bishops of Winchester, Bath and Wells (Lord
' Chronicles of Convocation, 1870, motion of a wider scope, or an anti-
p. 74. The words, 'Hebrew or' seem cipation of the motion as afterwards
to be either a relic of an original amended.

THE REVISION OF THE AUTHORISED VERSION 32 1
A. C. Hervey), St David's (C. Thirlwall), Llandaff, Gloucester
and Bristol (C. J. EUicott), Ely (E. H. Browne), Lincoln (Chr.
Wordsworth) and Salisbury (G. Moberly) were appointed mem
bers of the Committee to represent the Upper House. The
resolution was at once communicated to the Lower House ; and
the following members of that House were nominated to serve
upon the joint Committee. The Prolocutor (E. Bickersteth),
the Deans of Canterbury (H. Alford), Lincoln (J. A. Jeremie) and
Westminster (A. P. Stanley), the Archdeacons of Bedford (H. J.
Rose), Exeter (P. Freeman) and Rochester (A. Grant), Chancellor
Massingberd, Canons Blakesley, How, Selwyn, Swainson, Wood-
gate, Drs Kay and Jebb and Mr De Winton.
The Convocation of York, however, declined to meet the
advances of the Southern Province. A resolution was adopted by
that body in which they stated that ' although blemishes existed
'in [the text of the Authorized Version] such as had from time
' to time been pointed out, yet they would deplore any recasting
' of the text. [They did not] accordingly think it necessary to
'appoint a Committee to co-operate with the Committee appointed
'by the Convocation of Canterbury, though favourable to the
' errors being corrected'.'
In spite of this disappointment the Committee of the Convo
cation of Canterbury proceeded with their work.
On May 3rd, 1870, a report which 'was unanimously agreed
' to by all the members of the Committee who were present ' was
laid before the Upper House by the Bishop of Winchester and
before the Lower House by the Prolocutor"'. This report was
embodied in the following resolutions :
I. 'That it is desirable that a revision of the Authorized
'Version of the Holy Scriptures be undertaken.
2. 'That the revision be so conducted as to comprise both
' marginal renderings and such emendations as it may be found
'necessary to insert in the text of the Authorized Version.
3. 'That in the above resolutions we do not contemplate
'any new translation of the Bible, or any alteration of the lan-
'guage, except when in the judgment of the most competent
'scholars such change is necessary.
4. ' That in such necessary changes, the style of the language
employed in the existing version be closely followed.
' Chronicles of Convocation, p. 210. ^ Ib. pp. 209 ff., 234 f., 328 ff.
W. 21

322 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
5. 'That it is desirable that Convocation should nominate
' a body of its own members to undertake the work of revision
' who shall be at liberty to invite the cooperation of any eminent
' for scholarship, to whatever nation or rehgious body they may
'belong.' This report was adopted in the Upper House without any
amendment having been proposed ; and it was at once resolved,
without any opposition, ' That a committee be now appointed to
' consider and report to Convocation a scheme of revision on the
' principles laid down in the report now adopted.
'That the Bishops of Winchester, St David's, Llandaff, Glou-
' cester and Bristol, Salisbury, Ely, Lincoln, and Bath and Wells
' be members of the Committee.
'That the Lower House be directed to appoint an equal
' number from their own body as members of the Committee'.
' That the Committee be empowered to invite the cooperation
' of those whom they may judge fit from their Biblical Scholarship
' to aid them in their work.'
These resolutions were communicated to the Lower House
on the same day ; and the report and resolutions were discussed
in that House on May 5th. Various amendments were proposed
to the different sections of the report, but met with little support,
and the report was adopted without change. There was, how
ever, considerable opposition to the direction which fixed the
representatives of the Lower House at the same number as those
of the Upper House. It was urged that the usual practice of
Convocation with respect to joint Committees, according to which
the Lower House is represented in the proportion of two of its
members to one of the Upper House, ought to be observed in
this case. A resolution embodying this opinion was communi
cated to the Upper House, which however again affirmed its
judgment, still leaving to the Lower House the power of asking
for a larger number of representatives, if after this second expres
sion of opinion they thought it well to do so. The subject was
again debated in the Lower House, but it was finally decided,
by 27 voices to 25, to accept the number suggested by the Upper
' Chronicles of Convocation, pp. cation in the published records of
227 ff., 269 f. In the first place re- Convocation as to its introduction
ferred to the third paragraph does into the resolution agreed to by the
not appear, and there is no indi- Upper House.

THE REVISION OF THE AUTHORISED VERSION 323
House. On this the Prolocutor, in virtue of his office, nominated
the following members of the House to act on the joint Com
mittee: the Prolocutor [apart from all other considerations 'it was
judged necessary for the Prolocutor to be on the Committee '],
the Dean of Canterbury, the Dean of Westminster, the Arch
deacon of Bedford, Canon Selwyn, Canon Blakesley, Dr Jebb
(Canon of Hereford), and Dr Kay.
In the course of the debates some doubt was expressed as to
the exact duty of the joint Committee which was described by
the phrase 'considering and reporting a scheme of revision! The
phrase was interpreted by some as if it were equivalent to drawing
up a plan for making a revision ; but this interpretation was over
ruled. It was laid down that 'the scheme of revision' necessarily
included those changes by the adoption of which it was proposed
that the revision should be carried out '.
At this point then the action of Convocation as to the
work of revision was for a time ended. Thenceforward the joint
Committee had to carry out on their own responsibility the in
structions which they had received, and whenever 'the scheme
' of revision ' is completed they will present it with their report to
Convocation according to the laws of that body. It will then rest
with Convocation to adopt or reject or modify 'the scheme of
'revision' offered to them.
The Committee lost no time in carrying out the work with
which they were entrusted. ' At the first meeting [May 25th, 1870]
'the following Resolutions and Rules were agreed to, as the
'fundamental principles on which the Revision is to be con-
' ducted ;
'Resolved, —
'I. That the Committee, appointed by the Convocation of
Canterbury at its last Session, separate itself into two Companies,
the one for the revision of the Authorized Version of the Old
Testament, the other for the revision of the Authorized Version
of the New Testament.
' II. That the Company for the revision of the Authorized
Version of the Old Testament consist of the Bishops of St David's,
Llandaff, Ely, Lincoln, and Bath and Wells, and of the following
Members from the Lower House, Archdeacon Rose, Canon
Selwyn, Dr Jebb, and Dr Kay.
' Chronicles of Convocation, pp. 400 ff. 21  2

324

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

' III. That the Company for the revision of the Authorized
Version of the New Testament consist of the Bishops of Winchester,
Gloucester and Bristol, and Salisbury, and of the following
Members from the Lower House, the Prolocutor, the Deans of
Canterbury and Westminster, and Canon Blakesley.
' IV. That the first portion of the work to be undertaken by
the Old Testament Company, be the revision of the Authorized
Version of the Pentateuch.
' V. That the first portion of the work to be undertaken by
the New Testament Company, be the revision of the Authorized
Version of the Synoptical Gospels.
'VI. That the following Scholars and Divines be invited
to join the Old Testament Company : —

Alexander, Dr W. L.'
Chenery, Professor °
Cook, Canon'
Davidson, Professor A. B.''
Davies, Dr B.=
Fair bairn, Professor"
Field, Rev. F.'
Ginsburg, Dr°
Gotch, Dr'

Harrison, Archdeacon'"
Leathes, Professor"
M-^Gill, Professor"
Payne Smith, Canon "
Perowne, Professor J. S.'*
Plumptre, Professor"
Pusey, Canon'"
Wright, Dr (British Museum)"
Wright, W. A. (Cambridge)'^

' Professor of Theology to the Con-
gregationalists of Scotland.
^ Lord Almoner's Professor of
Arabic, Oxford.
' Canon of Exeter.
^ Professor of Hebrew in New
College, Edinburgh.
= One of the Tutors at the Baptist
College, Regent's Park. [d. 1875.]
" Principal of the Free Church
College, Glasgow, [d. 1874.]
' Formerly Fellow of Trinity Col
lege, Cambridge. Editor of the
Hexapla of Origen, &c.
* Translator and Editor of Ecclesi
astes, &c.
' Principal of the Baptist College,
Bristol. "> Archdeacon of Maidstone.
" Professor of Hebrew in King's
College, London.
'^ Professor of Oriental Languages

in the University of St Andrew's.
" Regius Professor of Divinity,
Oxford. [Dean of Canterbury, 1871.]
" Canon of Llandaff: Professor
of Hebrew and Vice- Principal of St
David's College, Lampeter. [Prae-
lector in Divinity, Trinity College,
Cambridge, 1872. Afterwards Hul-
sean Professor of Divinity, Dean of
Peterborough, and Bishop of Wor
cester.] '^ Formerly Fellow of Brasenose
College, Oxford. Professor of Di
vinity, King's College, London. [Re
signed 1874.]
'« Regius Professor of Hebrew,
Oxford. " [Professor of Arabic, Cambridge,
1870.] '8 Bursar (formerly Librarian) of
Trinity College, Cambridge.

THE REVISION OF THE AUTHORISED VERSION 325
'VII. That the following Scholars and Divines be invited
to join the New Testament Company : —

Angus, Dr'
DubUn, Archbishop of
Eadie, Dr^
Hort, Rev. F. J. A.^
Humphry, Rev. W. G."
Kennedy, Canon'
Lee, Archdeacon*
Lightfoot, Dr'
Milligan, Professor^
Moulton, Professor'

Newman, Dr J. H.'"
Newth, Professor"
Roberts, Dr A.''
Smith, Rev. G. Vance"
Scott, Dr (Balliol Coll.)'
Scrivener, Rev. F."
Tregelles, Dr'"
Vaughan, Dr"
Westcott, Canon '^

'VIII. That the General Principles to be followed by both
Companies be as follows : —
I. To introduce as few alterations as possible into the
Text of the Authorized Version consistently with faithfulness.
2. To limit, as far as possible, the expression of such
alterations to the language of the Authorized and earlier English
versions. 3. Each Company to go twice over the portion to be

' President of the Baptist College,
Regent's Park, London.
^ Professor of Biblical Literature
in the Divinity Hall of the United
Presbyterian Church, Glasgow, [d.
1876.] ^ Formerly Fellow of Trinity Col
lege, Cambridge. [Fellow of Em
manuel College, Cambridge, 1872.
Afterwards Hulsean Professor and
Lady Margaret's Reader in Divinity.]
* Foimerly Fellow of Trinity Col
lege, Cambridge. Rector of St Mar
tin's in the Fields.
^ Canon of Ely and Regius Pro
fessor of Greek, Cambridge.
" Archdeacon of Dublin. Arch
bishop King's Lecturer in Divinity in
the University of Dublin.
' Fellow of Trinity College, and
Hulsean Professor of Divinity, Cam
bridge. [Canon of S t Paul's, 1 8 7 1 . ]
* Professor of Biblical Criticism,

Aberdeen. ^ Professor of Classics. Wesleyan
College, Richmond.
'» Formerly Fellow of Oriel Col
lege, Oxford.
" Professor of Classics, New Col
lege, London [Principal 1872].
'2 Professor of Humanity, St An
drew's [1871].
'* Minister of St Saviour's-gate
Chapel, York.
'•• Master of Balliol College, and
Professor of Exegesis, Oxford. [Dean
of Rochester, 1870.]
" Editor of the Codex Bezcz, &c.
'" Editor of the New Testament in
the original Greek.
" Formerly Fellow of Trinity Col
lege, Cambridge. Master of the
Temple [and Dean of Llandaff].
'8 Canon of Peterborough. [Regius
Professor of Divinity, Cambridge,
1870.]

326 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
revised, once provisionally, the second time finally, and on prin
ciples of voting as hereinafter is provided.
4. That the Text to be adopted be that for which the
evidence is decidedly preponderating; and that when the Text
so adopted differs from that from which the Authorized Version
was made, the alteration be indicated in the margin.
5. To make or retain no change in the Text on the second
final revision by each Company, except two-thirds of those present
approve of the same, but on the first revision to decide by simple
majorities. 6. In every case of proposed alteration that may have
given rise to discussion, to defer the voting thereupon till the
next Meeting, whensoever the same shall be required by one-
third of those present at the Meeting, such intended vote to be
announced in the notice for the next Meeting.
7. To revise the headings of chapters, pages, paragraphs,
italics, and punctuation.
8. To refer, on the part of each Company, when consi
dered desirable, to Divines, Scholars, and Literary Men, whether
at home or abroad, for their opinions.
' IX. That the work of each Company be communicated to
the other as it is completed, in order that there may be as litde
deviation from uniformity in language as possible.
' X. That the Special or Bye-rules for each Company be as
follows : —
I. To make all corrections in writing previous to the
Meeting. 2. To place all the corrections due to textual considera
tions on the left-hand margin, and all other corrections on the
right-hand margin.
3. To transmit to the Chairman, in case of being unable
to attend, the corrections proposed in the portion agreed upon
for consideration. S. WINTON, Chairman!
May 25, 1870.
Of the scholars who were invited to take part in the work,
in accordance with this resolution. Canon Cook, Dr Newman,
Dr Pusey, and Dr W. Wright declined the invitation; and Dr
Tregelles was unable from ill health to take his seat among the

THE REVISION OF THE AUTHORISED VERSION 327
revisers. Dr Alford and Professor M'^Gill were removed by
death in 1871 from a work to which they had already rendered
important services. The Bishop of Lincoln and Dr Jebb resigned
their places on the original Committee of Convocation, shortly
after their labours had commenced'. On the other hand the
following new members were appointed : —
(i) For the Old Testament Company :
Mr R. L. Bensly, Assistant University Librarian, Cambridge.
Dr Douglas, Professor of Hebrew, Free Church College,
Glasgow. Rev. J. D. Geden, Professor of Hebrew, Wesleyan College,
Didsbury. Dr Weir, Professor of Oriental Languages in the University
of Glasgow [d. 1876].
(2) On the New Testament Company :
Dr Charles Wordsworth, Bishop of St Andrews.
Dr David Brown, Professor of Divinity in the Free Church
College, Aberdeen.
Dr C. Merivale, Dean of Ely. [Resigned 1871.]^
The Companies entered upon the work as soon as they were
organized. The New Testament Company met for the first time
on June 22nd (1870), in the Jerusalem Chamber, Westminster
Abbey : the Old Testament Company on June 30th.
' [The Bishop of Llandaff resigned and in 1875 :
in 1875, but continued a correspond- The Rev. T. K. Cheyne, Fellow of
ing member of the Company till his Balliol College, Oxford ; now Pro-
death in 1882. Archdeacon Rose fessor of Exegesis and Canon of
died in 1873 ; Canon Selvifyn and Rochester,
Bishop Thirlwall in 1875.] Dr William Wright, Professor of
^ [To these were added to the Old Arabic, Cambridge,
Testament Company in 1874 : Mr S. R. Driver, Fellow of New
The Rev. C. J. Elliott, Vicar of College, Oxford; now Regius Pro-
Winkfield, fessor of Hebrew and Canon of Christ
The Rev. J. R. Lumby, afterwards Church,
Norrisian Professor and Lady Mar- F. Chance, M.B., of Trinity Col-
garet's Reader in Divinity, Cambridge, lege, Cambridge.
The Rev. J. Birrell, Professor of To the New Testament Company
Oriental Languages, St Andrew's, was added in 1873, in place of the
The Rev. A. H. Sayce, Fellow of Bishop of Winchester,
Queen's College, Oxford ; now Pro- The Rev. Edwin Palmer, Professor
fessor of Assyriology, of Latin, Oxford, and afterwards
The Rev. jProfessor W. Robertson Archdeacon of Oxford.]
Smith, Free Church College, Aber
deen :

328 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
Before the first Session (June 22nd) a large number of the
revisers joined in the Holy Communion, which was celebrated by
the Dean of Westminster in Henry Vllth's Chapel. From that
time the Companies have continued their work regularly, except
during the summer vacation, the Old Testament Company in
bi-monthly sittings of ten days, and the New Testament Company
in monthly sittings of four days each.
Shortly after the work was commenced negotiations were
opened by the Committee of Convocation with the two Univer
sities of Oxford and Cambridge on the subject of the copyright
of the revised Version [i.e. the Authorised Version amended
according to the scheme of revision prepared by the Companies].
These negotiations led to an arrangement in 1872, by which the
Presses of the two Universities undertook to provide a sum
probably sufficient to pay the bare expenses of the production
of the work (travelling expenses, printing, &c.) in return for the
copyright. The revisers, it need scarcely be added, offer their
time and labour as a free contribution to the great work in which
they have been allowed to join. In the course of these negotia
tions it was for the first time laid down that the Apocrypha should
be included in the scheme of revision, the two Companies com
bining to produce this part of the work.
When the revision was fairly in progress in England, the
Committee of Convocation, according to the tenor of their in
structions, and a more specific resolution of July 7th', opened
communications with Biblical scholars in America. Dr Angus
arrived in New York in August 1870 and conferred with Dr Ph.
Schaff (a pupil of Neander, who stands in the foremost rank
among American theologians), and after the negotiations thus
commenced were brought to an end, the following groups of
scholars were organized to assist the English Companies by their
criticisms and suggestions. The Old Testament Company.
Prof Thomas J. Conant, D.D. (Baptist), Brooklyn, N.Y.
„ George E. Day, D.D. (Congregationalist), New Haven, Conn.
„ John De Witt, D.D. (Reformed), New Brunswick, N.J.
,, Wm. Henry Green, D.D. (Presbyterian), Princeton, N.J.
„ George Emlen Hare, D.D. (Episcopalian), Philadelphia, Pa.
' Chronicles of Convocation, 1870, p. 565.

THE REVISION OF THE AUTHORISED VERSION 329
Prof Charles P. Krauth, D.D. (Lutheran), Philadelphia, Pa.
„ Joseph Packard, D.D. (EpiscopaUan), Fairfax, Va.
„ Calvin E. Stowe, D.D. (CongregationaHst), Cambridge, Mass.
„ James Strong, D.D. (Methodist), Madison, N.J.
„ C. V. A. Van Dyck, M.D.' (Missionary), Beyrut, Syria.
„ Tayler Lewis, LL.D. (Reformed), Schenectady, N.Y. [d.
1877]".
The New Testament Company.
Bishop Alfred Lee, D.D. (Episcopalian), Wilmington, Delaware.
Prof Ezra Abbot, LL.D. (Unitarian), Cambridge, Mass.
Rev. G. R. Crooks, D.D. (Methodist), New York [resigned].
Prof H. B. Hackett, D.D. (Baptist), Rochester, N.Y. [d. 1875].
„ James Hadley, LL.D. (Congregationalist), New Haven, Conn.
[d. 1872].
,, Charles Hodge, D.D., LL.D. (Presbyterian), Princeton,
N.J. [d. 1878].
„ A. C. Kendrick, D.D. (Baptist), Rochester, N.Y.
„ Matthew B. Riddle, D.D. (Reformed), Hartford, Conn.
,, Charles Short, LL.D. (Episcopalian), New York.
„ Henry B. Smith, D.D., LL.D. (Presbyterian), New York,
attended only one session [resigned, and died, 1877].
„ J. Henfy Thayer, D.D. (Congregationalist), Andover, Mass.
„ W. F. Warren, D.D. (Methodist), Boston, Mass. [resigned].
Rev. Edward A. Washburn, D.D. (EpiscopaHan), New York.
„ Theo. D. Woolsey, D.D., LL.D. (Congreg.), New Haven,
Conn.
Prof Philip Schaff, D.D. (Presbyterian), New York'.
' Dr Van Dyck, the distinguished Professor Howard Osgood, D.D.,
translator of the Arabic Bible, cannot Theological Seminary, Rochester,
be expected to attend the meetings, N.Y.]
but may be occasionally consulted on ' [Besides these were :
questions involving a thorough know- The Rev.J.K.Burr, D.D., Trenton,
ledge of Semitic languages. N.J.
^To these were added : President Thomas Chase, LL.D.,
Professor Charles A. Aiken, D.D., Haverford College, Pa.
Theological Seminary, Princeton, N.J. Chancellor Howard Crosby, D.D.,
The Rev. T. W. Chambers, D.D., LL.D., New York University, New
Collegiate Reformed Dutch Church, York.
N.Y. Professor Timothy Dwight, D.D.,
Professor Charles M. Mead, D.D., Divinity School of Yale College, New
Theological Seminary, Andover, Haven, Conn.]
Mass.

330 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
'In the delicate task of selection, reference was had (so Dr
'Schaff writes'), first of all, to ability, experience, and reputation
' in Biblical learning and criticism ; next, to denominational con-
' nection and standing, so as to have a fair representation of the
' leading churches and theological institutions ; and last, to local
'convenience, in order to secure regular attendance. Some
'distinguished scholars were necessarily omitted, but may be
'added hereafter by the committee itself
' So far as I know, the selection has given general satisfaction.
'A few gentlemen (not included in the above list) declined the
'invitation for personal reasons, but not from any hostility to
' the pending revision. One of these, a learned bishop of the
' Protestant Episcopal Church, wrote to me : " Let me assure
' you, it is from no feeling that a revision is not needed, nor yet
'from any unwillingness to invoke aid in making it from others
' than members of the Church of England, that I have been led
'to this view of my duty." Another wrote: "Respecting the
' success of the enterprise I have little doubt. The result of the
'best scholarship of the Church in England and America will
' command assent, and the opposition will speedily subside.'" And
' a third one, hkewise a bishop, who is esteemed by all denomina-
' tions, expresses himself in this way : " I am glad that, as the revision
' in England was set on foot by a Convocation of the Church of
' England, and is proceeding mainly under such guidance and
' control, in constituting an American Committee, to co-operate,
' the work of formation has been given by the British Committee
' to a non-Episcopalian and to you^. This will greatly help not
' only the all-sidedness of the work, but, in case it shall be desir-
' able to introduce it into substitution for the present revision, will
' very materially prepare the way for such result." '
Meanwhile Dr Schaff visited England in 1871, and was present
by a special vote at one of the Sessions of the New Testament
Company. Having thus become familiar with the method of
procedure, he was able to make provision for the efficient
co-operation of the American Companies. The result was that in
December 187 1 the following constitution was adopted for their
guidance :
' I. The American Committee, invited by the British Com-
' Preface to ' Lightfoot On Re- = ' The italics are the Bishop's.'
vision.'

THE REVISION OF THE AUTHORISED VERSION 331
mittee engaged in the revision of the Authorized English Version
of the Holy Scriptures to co-operate with them, shall be composed
of Biblical scholars and divines in the United States.
' II. This Committee shall have the power to elect its officers,
to add to its number, and to fill its own vacancies.
' III. The oflficers shall consist of a President, a Correspond
ing Secretary, and a Treasurer. The President shall conduct the
official correspondence with the British revisers. The Secretary
shall conduct the home correspondence.
'IV. New members of the Committee, and corresponding
members, must be nominated at a previous meeting, and elected
unanimously by ballot.
'V. The American Committee shall co-operate with the
British Companies on the basis of the principles and rules of
revision adopted by the British Committee.
' VI. The American Committee shall consist of two Com
panies, the one for the revision of the Authorized Version of the
Old Testament, the other for the revision of the Authorized
Version of the New Testament.
'VII. Each Company shall elect its own Chairman and
Recording Secretary.
'VIII. The British Companies will submit to the American
Companies, firom time to time, such portions of their work as
have passed the first revision, and the American Companies will
transmit their criticisms and suggestions to the British Companies
before the second revision.
' IX. A joint meeting of the American and British Com
panies shall be held, if possible, in London, before final action.
'X. The American Committee to pay their own expenses.'
In the summer of 1872 Dr Schaff again visited England and
had further conference with members of the Revision Companies.
In July of that year all the details of co-operation between the
English and American Companies were arranged, the copies of
the ' first and provisional revision,' so far as it was then completed,
were forwarded to the American revisers for their private and
confidential use.
[The Revised New Testament was published in May, 1881,
and the Old Testament in May, 1885. The Revision of the
Apocrypha was undertaken by four Committees, three formed by
members of the New Testament Company and one by members

332 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
of the Old Testament Company. Of the former, one, called the
London Committee, consisted of the Bishops of Gloucester and
Bristol, Sahsbury, and St Andrew's, the Deans of Rochester and
Lichfield, the Master of the Temple, Dr Angus and Prebendary
Humphry. The Bishops of Salisbury and St Andrew's were
unable to attend. This Committee undertook the revision of
Ecclesiasticus. To the second, called the Westminster Com
mittee, were nominated the Archbishop of Dublin, the Dean of
Westminster, the Archdeacons of Dublin and Oxford, Dr Scrivener,
Dr Brown, Principal Newth, and Dr Vance Smith. Dr Brown
declined to serve. They revised the books of Tobit, Judith, and
I Maccabees. The third Committee, which met at Cambridge, consisted
originally of the Bishop of Durham (Lightfoot), the Dean of
Lincoln (Blakesley), Professors Hort, Kennedy, and Westcott,
Dr MiUigan, Dr Moulton, and Dr Roberts. The Bishop of
Durham, the Dean of Lincoln and Professor Kennedy were
unable to attend, and Dr Roberts was a corresponding member.
They revised the books of Wisdom and 2 Maccabees. It does
not appear from the minutes of the Committee that Dr Milligan
took any part in the revision.
The fourth Committee, consisting of members of the Old
Testament Company, also met at Cambridge. The following
were appointed to serve. The Dean of Peterborough (Perowne),
Professors Lumby and Robertson Smith, Mr (afterwards Professor)
Bensly, Mr Cheyne, and Mr W. A. Wright. Dr Field was invited
to assist in the formation of the text. The Dean of Peterborough
and Mr Cheyne were unable to take part in the work, and the
death of Dr Field in 1885 deprived the Committee of his assis
tance. They revised the following books : i and 2 Esdras, Esther,
Baruch, Song of the Three Children, Susanna, Bel and the
Dragon, and the Prayer of Manasses.
The Revised Version of the Apocrypha was pubHshed in 1896.
In 1898 the Revised Version of the Old and New Testaments
and Apocrypha was issued with marginal references. After the
publication of the English edition of the Revised Version the
American Revision Committee continued their organization in
order to prepare an American recension of the English Revision.
The result of their labours appeared in 1901.]

APPENDIX X.
Phrases in the Psalms marked in the Psalter of the Great
Bible in smaller type as additions from the Vulgate.
Some of the additions made to the text of the Psalter from
the Vulgate Latin are of interest : and, as copies of the Great
Bible are not always accessible, it will be worth while to give a
list of them. The fact that these additions form an integral
part of the text in the Prayer-Book Psalter has frequently led
to error ; and even a writer who proposes to discuss the relation
of the Bible and Prayer-Book Psalters as a scholar (Sir L. C. Lee
Brenton), appears to be wholly ignorant of the original notation,
which ought not indeed to have been abandoned in the reprint.
Ps.

i.

5

from the face of the earth.

ii.

II

unto him.

—

12

right.

iii.

2

his.

iv.

8

and oil.

vii.

12

strong and patient.

xi.

5

the poor.

xii.

I

me.

xiii.

6

Yea, I will praise the name of the Lord the most
highest.

xiv.

2

no not one.

—

5-

-7 Their throat  eyes.

¦ —

9

even where no fear was.

icviii.

6

holy.

—

49

cruel.

xix.

12

my.

—

14

alway.

XX.

9

upon thee.

334

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

xxii. I

look upon me.

— i6

many.

— 31

my.

— 32

the heavens.

xxiii. 6

thy.

xxiv. 4

his neighbour.

xxviii. 3

neither destroy me.

xxix. I

bring young rams unto the Lord.

xxx. 7

from me.

xxxiii. 3

unto him.

— 10

and casteth out the counsels of princes.

xxxvii. 29

the unrighteous shall be punished.

— 37

his place.

xxxviii. 16

even mine enemies.

— 22

God.

xii. I

and needy.

xlii. 12

that trouble me.

xiv. 10

wrought about with divers colours.

 12

God.

xlvii. 6

our (r°).

xlviii. 3

of the earth.

1. 21

wickedly.

H. I

great.

Iv 13

peradventure.

— 25

0 Lord.

Ixv. I

in Jerusalem.

Ixvii. I

and be merciful unto us.

Ixxi. 7

that I may sing of thy glory.

— 18

again.

Ixxiii. 1 2

and said.

— 27

in the gates of the daughter of Sion.

Ixxvii. 13

our.

lxxxv. 8

concerning me.

xc. 6

dried up.

xcii. 12

of the house.

xcv. 7

the Lord.

cviii. I

my heart is ready (2").

[cxi. end.

Praise the Lord for the returning again 0;

and Zachary the prophets. The heading of
Psalm cxii. in Vulg.]

LATIN ADDITIONS IN THE PSALTER

335

cxv.
cxviii. cxix. cxx.
cxxxii.
cxxxiv. cxxxvi.

9 2
25
97 64 I 2
27

15

house of
that he is gracious and.
me.
Lord. unto them.
neither the temples of my head to take any rest.
now. even in the courts of the house of our God.
O give thanks to the Lord of Lords, for his
mercy endureth for ever. [In April 1540. Not
in I539-]
thee, O.
O Lord.
and herb for the use of men.
he spake the word and they were made.
It may be added that Ps. Ixxii. 20 (Here end the prayers of
David the son of Isai) and Ps. cxiii. la (Praise the Lord) are
omitted in the Prayer-Book Psalter as well as the addition to
Ps. cxi. (cxii.). [But they are in the Bible of 1539-]
Other additions of the nature of glosses have been introduced
from Miinster [in April 1540] :
XX. 9 heaven.
at the last.
fretting a garment.
the things that thou hast done.
as it were upon a horse.
(children) appointed (unto death).
unrighteous (judges).
excellent (wisdom).

cxxxvii. cxlv.
cxl vii.
cxlviii.

xxxix.

4

—

12

1.

21

Ixviii.

4

cii.

20

cix.

30

cxxxvi.

5

APPENDIX XI.

Sources of the notes in Matthew's Bible (p. 72).

LEFfeVRE, 1534.
Gen. i. 22. Beneir po' aug-
menter & multiplier.
ii. 17. Telles repetitions de pa-
roUes signifient aucunesfois
hastiuete ou vehemence, au
cunesfois certitude, come
Pseau. 117. c.
Ex. xi. 8. Soudaine mutation de
parler en diuerses personnes,
come Ps. 15. a. c& ce est referre
a la fin du chapitre precedent.
Lev. xxii. 29. Action de graces,
est quant les benefices de dieu
sont recitej, par quoy la foy en
Dieu est confermee de tant
plus confidentemet attendre ce
que Ion desire. Ephe. 5. a.
I. Timot. 4. a. b.
Num. V. 22. Amen est vng mot
Hebrieu, qui signifie, aisy soit
faict, ou ce soit ferme, approu-
uat la parolle precedente : &
quat il est double il augmete la
confirmation, come en plusieurs
pseaulmes, & en Jea 5 & 6.
Deut. i. 27. Le seigneur est diet
hair aucun, quant il le met hors
de sa cure, & quil ne luy fait
pas de grace. Pseaulme 5. b. &
30. b.

Matthew, 1537.
Here is blessynge take for en-
creasynge & multiplyenge.
Soche rehersalls of wordes
dothe sygnifye somtyme an hasty-
nes or vehemece, somtyme an
assewrance that the thinge shalbe
performed that is promysed, as
it is Psal. cxvii. c.
A soudayne chaunge of speak-
yng to dyuerse personnes, as in
the Psal. XV. a., and thys is re
ferred to the ende of the chapter
that goeth before.
Thankes geuynge is when the
benefytes of God are recyted,
wherby the fayth to Godward is
stregthened the moare fastly to
loke for the thyng that we desyre
of God. Ephe. v. a. i. Timo. iiij. a.
&b. Amen is an Hebrew word &
sygnifyeth, euen so be it, or be it
fast and sewer, approuynge &
alowing the sentece going before :
and when it is doubled it aug-
menteth the confyrmacyon, as in
many Spalm. & John v. & .vi.
God is sayd to hate a man whe
he putteth him forth of hys hert,
& geueth him not of his grace.
Psal. V b and .xxx. b.

NOTES IN MATTHEW'S BIBLE
Lefevre, 1534.
Josh. ii. 12. lurer par le Seigneur

337

& iurer au Seigneur sont dif-
ferens, come est diet. 2. Paralip.
15. c.
Judg. iii. 9. Par ces saluateurs
sontentendu} les Ducj ou iuges,
lesquelj en Luc. 22. sont ap-
pellej bienfaicteurs ou bene-
ficiej. 2. Esd. 9. c.
Ruth iv. I. La porte es escrip-
tures signifie souuent le lieu
publique ou le peuple se ras-
semble, & ou les iugemens se
font & les causes. Car iadis se
faisoiet les iugemens es portes,
coe maintenat es maisons de la
ville. 2. des Roix. 15. a,
I Sam. XV. II. La repentance de
dieu est seullemet la mutation
du faict. Et comme affection
de misericorde & de patemelle
beneuolence est attribuee a
Dieu, aussy attribue lescripture
a dieu selon sa maniere de
parler affection de ire & de
fure': car autremet ne peul-
lent les hoes parler de Dieu,
Genese. 6. a.
2 Sam. i. II. Ropre ses veste-
mens estoit signe de grosse
tristresse, & aussy de gros cour-
roux po' le zele du Seigneur,
come Matthieu. 26. g. & I. 3. f. &
13. f.
I Kings i. 13. Cy apert comet
souuet estre assis signifie regner
& auoir domination ou iudica-
ture, come en plusieurs lieux
cy apres, & Matthieu. 19. d.
2 Kings i. 6. Lescripture a de
coustume de nomer les dieux
des getilj de nos infames, com
me pseau. 105. e. Aussy Beel-
w.

Matthew, 1537.
To sweare by the Lorde & to
the Lord are ij. thinges as it is
sayd. ij. Paralip. xv. c.

By these sauers are vnderstaded
Rulars or iudges : which in Luke
xxij. are called graciouse Lord-^
ij. Esdr. ix. e.
The Gates in the scripture do
oft tymes signifye the places
where the people dyd comenlye
assemble, and where Iudgementes
were geue and causes determyned:
for in olde time were soche
thynges done in the Gates, ij. Re.
xvi. a.
The Repentaunce of God, is
onely the chaungynge of the
deade. And as the affeccion of
mercy & of fatherly loue is at-
trybute to God : euen so dothe
the scripture attribute to God
after his maner of speache the
affeccyon of Anger and of furye
& of repetaunce also: for men
can not other wise speake of God.
Gene. vi. a.
The rentyng of his clothes was
a signe of great sadnesse, & also
of great anger for the |ele of the
Lorde, as in Mat. xxvi. g And
beneth iij. f. and xiij. f.
Here it apereth that to be sett
vpon the seate, sygnifyeth to bere
rule and to haue dominyon or
iurisdiccion, as in many places
here after and Matth. xix. d.
The scripture of custome nameth
the Goddes of the gentyles by in-
famouse names as in the Psal. cv.
e. Beeljebub sygnifyeth y= God of

338

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

Lefevre, 1534.
zebub signifie le dieu de la
mousche. Luc 11. c.
I Chron. xxviii. 2. La scabelle,
&c. estoit le propiciatoire auql
& sus leql Dieu auoit promis
aux Hebrieux de les exaucer &
parler a eulx leql estoit sus
larche, come appert Exo. 25. b.
2 Chron. vii. 2. La maieste du
Seigneur replissant la maison,
estoit come vne nuee visible
prefigurant q Dieu deboit estre
presche, loue, & annoce par
tout le mode en la cogregation
des fideles, comme il dit Nobre.
14. d. & Pseaulme. 7. d.
Ezra viii. 13. Les iunes dot le
scripture fait mention, ont este
publiques humiliatiSs auec sup-
plicatios faictes deuant Dieu,
ou po' quelque grande tribula
tion soufferte ou eminente, ou
po' singuliere penitece des
pechej, c5me est escript. i. roix
7. b. & 31 d. 2 Esdras. I. a. &c.
Neh. ix. 25. Ceste grasse terre
signifie terre fertile & abond-
ante en to' bies come est diet
du pal gras de Aser Genese.
49. c.
Esther iv. 3. Les Iuif| premiere-
ment estoient appellej He
brieux, de Heber premier filj
de Sale filj de Arphaxat, come
appert Genese. ii.b. & i. Para
lip. I. b. puis furet appellej Israel
de lacob, puis furent appellej
luifj de lung des fil| de lacob,
ascauoir ludas.
Psalm V. 3. II dit au matin, pour
le teps conuenable a oraison & a
ouyr la parolle de Dieu, auquel
teps conuenoit & au tabernacle.

Matthew, 1537.
a flee Luc. xi. c.
The fotestole &c. was y mercye
seate at which and on which God
had promesed y Hebrues to heare
the and speake vnto the: which
was vpon the Arcke, as it ap
peareth Exodi. xxv. b.
The glorye of God fyllyng the
house, was as a vysyble cloude
prefiguryng that God ought to
be preached praysed & magnifyed
thorow the whole worlde in y*
congregacion of y= faythfull, as
he sayth Nume. xiiij. d.
Fastynges, as the scripture
maketh mecyon, haue bene com
men humilyacions & supplycacios
done before God : other for some
great trybulacyon suffered or
comyng at had, or for a syngular
repetaunce & ernest forthynckjmge
of their synnes, as it is wrytten
I. Reg. vii. b. and .xxxi. d. ij. Esdr.
i. a. &c.
This fat lade signifieth a firute-
full grounde that aboudeth wyth
all good thinges as it is sayd of
fat bred of Aser. Gene. xlix. c.
The Iewes were fyrst called
Hebrues, of Heber the eldest
Sonne of Sale sone of Arphaxat,
as it appeareth. Genes, xi. b. &
I. Paral. i. c. after were they
called Israel of lacob, & after
Iewes of one of the sonnes of
lacob that is to wete of luda.
He sayth betymes & early in the
morning because y' tyme is con-
uenyent to praye and to heare
the word of God in: at which

NOTES IN MATTHEW'S BIBLE

339

LEFfeVRE, 1534.
& au teple de Dieu.

xxxvi. 4. Couche selon les es-
criptures, signifie les secretj du
cueur, come Pseaul. 4. b. &
Eccles. 10. d.
Prov. iv. 27. Par la dextre est
entendue faulse confidence &
mauvaise seurete : & par la sen
estre desperation. Ou decliner
a la dextre est adiouster aux
paroUes de Dieu & decliner a
la senestre est y diminuer, coe
est escript Deut. 18. b. & losue.
23. b.

Eccles. iv. 17. car dieu est pres
plus pour ouyr ta parolle, q
pour receuoir le sacrifice que
les fol| donnent.
Canticles.

Isaiah x. 12. Visiter souuet sig
nifie prendre vengeance, c5me
Exode. 32. g.
Jer. vii. 31. Ceste vallee estoit
le lieu ou les corps mortj & les
ordures de Hierusalem estoient
portees, la ou les ydolatres im-
moloient leurs enfans a Moloch.
Lam. iii. 5. Fiel pour amer-
tume, maledictions ou iniures.
Pseaulme. 68. e.
Ezek. xxxiii. 27. Ie suis viuat,
est le sermet que fait le Seigneur
en promettant quelque chose,
come Nom. 14. d. e.
Daniel.Hosea ii. 2. Mere icy signifie par

Matthew, 1537.
tyme also they customably came
together both to the tabernacle
and vnto the teple of God.
Bedde after the scripture syg-
nifieth ye secretes of the herte,
as in the Psal. iiij. b. & Eccle. x. d.
By the right hand is vnder
stande the false & wycked con
fidence in worckes, & by y= left,
desperacyo. To turne asyde or
adde to y' right hand is, to adde
that to the worde of god, which
God neuer comaunded. To turne
a syde or bowe to the left hande
is, to take awaye fro the worde of
God, or to do that which is for-
bidde. As it is written in Deuter.
xxviii. b. & losue. xxiij. b.
Some reade : For he is readier
to heare (vnderstad,thy worde) tha
to reseaue the sacrifices that foles
geue. The headings of the chapters
are taken almost literally from
Lefevre. To vyset doth often synifye for
to take vengeaunce, as in Exodi.
xxxij. g.
Topheth is a valleye wher vnto
all y* deed bodyes & fylthines of
lerusalem were caried & where
Idolatrers offred their chyldren
to Moloch.
Gall, for soroufulnes : as in the
Psalme Ixix. e.
As truely as I lyue, is an othe
which the Lorde comenly vseth,
when he promeseth any thyng.
Nume. xiiij. d. e.
No notes borrowed.
Mother here sygnifieth the
22 — 2

340

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

LEFfevRE, 1534.
figure la Sinagogue des luifj
ou leglise & la congregatio du
peuple. Esaie 50. a.
Joel i. I. Saict Hierome dit au
Prologue sus Osee, que les Pro
phetes qui ne mettet point le
teps de leur prophetic, ont pro-
phetise au mesme temps que le
precedent Prophete qui declaire
le teps de sa prophetic.
Amos vi. 12. Changer le iuge-
ment. &c. est deliurer le coul-
pable, & oppressor linnocet.
Deuterono. 27. c.
Obad. 20.
Jonah ii. 2. Lescripture parle
denfer comunement pour le lieu
commun a tous descendant en
la terre, come auej es Pseaulmes
& en Genese.
Micah vii. 2. Aguatter apres le
sang est faire la vie des homes
laborieuse & angoisseuse p me-
nasses, murdres & rapines, come
il declaire.. ..Prouerbes i. b.
Haggai i. 14. Susciter lesperit
de Ihome, est quat Dieu p son
esperit conforte & anime les
cueurs pour sans crainte entre-
predre quelque grand affaire.
Zechar. v. 2. Volume volant es
toit vng roUet q' se toumoit
autour dung basto: ce q en-
coire ceulx Dorient appellent
liure, & en vsent de tel|.
Malachi i. 7. Oflfrir le pain pollut
est faire quelque chose par
hypocrisie & no pour la gloire
de Dieu, come est diet Osee.
9. a.

Matthew, 1537.
Synagoge of the Iewes, or the
churche or congregacio of the
people, as in Esai. I. a.
S. Hierome sayth in the pro
loge of Osee, y' those prophet*
which shewe not the tyme of their
prophecye, dyd prophecy in the
tyme of the prophet that standeth
next before the, which declareth
the tyme of hys prophecye.
To turne iudgement is to delyuer
y° fautie, & to oppresse the in
nocent. Deu. xxvij. c.
The marginal notes are firom
Olivetan. The scripture speaketh of hel
comely as of a place come for al
the that go doune in to the earth,
as in to a graue, or to the depe of
y« see &c. as ye haue in Genesi
and in the Psalmes.
To labour to shede bloude, or
to lye in wayte for bloude, is, to
make mennes lyues laborous &
miserable, by threatnynges, mur-
thers, & violece. Prouer. i. b.
To wake vp the sprete of a man
is, when god by his sprete com-
forteth & boldeneth the hert to
take vpon him without feare any
acte or deade of greate import-
aimce. This flying boke was a roUe
turned rotid aboute a staffe, which
the inhabyters of the east part
of the worlde do yet call a boke,
and do also vse them.
To offer defyled bredde is, to
do any thing by hypocrysye, &
not to gloryfye God, as he hath
commaunded in hys worde, but
accordyng to the inuencions and
dreames of men. Osee. ix. a.

NOTES IN MATTHEW'S BIBLE

341

LEFfeVRE, 1534.
Matthew ii. i. Ceste Euangile
mostre assej q ces sages icy
nestoiet ne roix ne Princes :
mais come dit Strabo, q estoit
de leur teps estoient gens sages
q' enseignoiet aux getilj les
diuis enseignemes come estoit
Moyse aux Hebrieux & dit que
cestoiet les Prestres des Per-
seens.
Mark vi. 48. De ceste quatriesme
veille est diet Matth. 14. c.
Luke vi. 20. Christ appelle icy
poures ceulx q' le sont desperit
ascauoir qui ne se confient en
nuUe chose de ce monde, de-
laissej! & mesprisej des autres,
& aucunement affiige?, poures
& contritj de cueur, desquelj
leurs choses ne vont guieres
bie: & ne se adherent que a
Dieu, qui leur est tout en tout.
Mat. 5. a.
John xiv. 13. Le pere est glorifie
au filj quat on cognoit & quo
luy rend' grace de ce quil a
done son filj po' nous sauuer.
Acts xiii. 9. Du nom de Paul
plusieurs en dispuet, mais suy-
uant la plus saine opinion est q
paries Hebr. estoit appelle Saul:
& selon la maniere de parler
des gentilj & Romains estoit
appelle Paul.
Romans vii. 4. Estre mort a la
Ioy est estre faictj fibres de la
Ioy & de sa charge, & receuoir
lesperit p lequel nous puys-
sions faire selon la Ioy. Et ce
mesme est estre deliure de la
Ioy de mort. Gala. 2. d.
I Cor. i. 24. Les Grecj aucunes
fois signifient seuUement leur
natio, come Acte. 6. a. & au-

Matthew, 1537.
These were nother kynges nor
princes, but as Strabo saith (whych
was in their tyme) sage men
amoge y° Persiens as Moses was
amonge the Hebrues, he sayth
also y' they were the prestes of
y^ Persiens.

The fourth quarter is the iiij.
watche as in Mat. xiij. c.
Christ calleth them here poore
whych are poore in spirit : y' is,
which trust in no worldly thyng*
and are forsake and despysed of
other, beynge poore & cotryte in
hert, whych often do not prospere
in the worlde because they leade
a godly lyfe & put their hole trust
and cofydence in God, as in
Matth. 5. a.
The father is glorified by the
sonne, whe we knowledge and
geue thanckes that he gaue hys
sonne for vs to saue vs.
Of the name of Paul do many
dispute, but the most alowed
opynio is, that of the Hebrues he
was called Saul : & after y<= maner
of speache of y Gentyles and
Romaynes he was called Paul.
To be deed concermg the lawe
is to be made fre fro the lawe and
from the burthe therof: & to
receaue the spirite, by which we
may do after y" law. And the
same, is to be delyuered from the
lawe of deeth. Galat. ij. d.
The Grekes sygnyfye some time
their awne nacyon onely, as in the
Actes. vi. a. Some tyme all the

342

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE

LEFfeVRE, 1534.
cunesfois tous gentilj, come icy,
& Romains. i. b.
2 Cor. i. 17. Guy & non icy est
mis pour instabiUte, vanite, in-
constance, & diuersite de pier.
Gal. i. 16. Chair & sang signifie
icy les homes ou humai conseil,
coe Matthieu.
Eph. ii. 21. Teple es escript-
ures Apostoliques signifie le
peuple sainct assemble, ou le
cue' dung chascun Chrestien,
come 2. Corinth. 6. d. & i.
Corint. 3. & 6. d.
Phil. iv. 3. De ce livre de vie est
diet en la Pseaulme. 68 £
2 Thess. ii. 4. Estre assis au
temple de Dieu, est regner &
commander sus les consciences
des homes, selon ce qui est diet.
I Corint. 3. c. du teple de Dieu.
Hebrews v. 13, 14. Par le laict
est entendue la parolle non diffi
cile a entendre, & par la ferme
viande les choses plus difficiles
& haultaines.
James i. 4. Entier selon les Heb
rieux, signifie celuy q' en delais-
sant la prudence des filj de ce
mond & la finesse po' son prof-
fit vit de vie simple & sans
macule. Tel que estoit lacob,
du ql est diet Gen. 25. d.
I Peter i. 3. Vine esperace est
celle par laquelle nous sommes
certains de la vie etemelle.
2 Peter i. 10. Combien q la voca-
tio de Dieu soit ferme & cer-
taine : neant moins veult Lapos-
tre q par oeuvres declairions
aux hoes icelle estre vraye,
comme est diet.

Matthew, 1537.
Gentyles, as here, and Rom. i. b.
Yee yee, and Naye naye is here
put for vnstablenes, incostatnes,
faynig or flyttynge of with wordes.
Flesshe and bloudde here signi
fie men or mennes coiisell.
Temple in the Epystles of the
Apostles sygnyfyeth the congre
gacyon of faythfull holy & ver-
tuouse men. Sometyme it sygny
fyeth the hert of euery Christian :
as in ij. Corint. vj. d. & I Corin.
iij. and vj. d.
Of the boke of lyfe is spoke
in y" Psal. Ixviij. f.
To syt in the temple of God, is,
to rule in the cosciences of men,
and there to comaunde, &c.

By mylck are vnderstade
thynges easye to perceaue, by
stronge meate soche as are harde
& obscure
Sounde after y« Hebrues sygni
fieth him which in leuig the
wisdome of the chyldren of thys
worlde, & the procuryng for hys
awne profet, lyueth a symple life
and with oute blame. Soche a one
was lacob of who Genes, xxv. d.
A lyuely hope is that wher by
we be certertayne of euerlastyng
lyfe. Al though y« callyng of God
be stable & suer, neuerthelesse y
Apostle wyll, y^oure workes shulde
declare vnto men that we are
called.

APPENDIX XII. (p. 117.)
Gibson Papers, Vol. 5, No. 41 {Lambeth Palace Library).
About the Translators July 22. 1604.
I. Dn. Westminster was Lancelot Andrews, borne in London, The ist
brought up in Ratchffe Schole under Mr. Mulcaster; sent to sistforgb'
Pembroke Hall, was y' first who had exhibitio of Dr. Watts rycopy.'"
schoUerships. He was M'' of Pembroke, D.D. 1590 (I thinke)
Exceedingly commended by Dr. Whitaker. He wrote divers
things. Was I Chichester / (? King's) Almoner
Bishop of -j Ely and ] Dean of the Chappell.
' Winchester '
Died 1626, Septemb. 21, aged 71.
2. John Overall Dn. of PauK , was borne at Hadleigh, Suffolke :
of Trinity Colledge. M"' of Catherine Hall. Regius Professor
of Divinity, when Dr. Whitaker died about 1596. Bishop of
{Coventry .|^ ... Died 1 6 18. I have not seen anything of his in
print. Both these at Hampto Court Conference. Neither of
the appeared against Barret 1595, when all the Heads (but these 2
and the M' of Clarehall whyther Dr. (^'"^, °^ ) did.
^ (.Smith '
3. Dr. Adrian Saravia was a French man borne (as I have
heard): Prebend in Westminster.
/ Of y* divers degres of y® ministers of y* gospell.
Wrote < Of y° Honour due to priests and prelates,
( Of sacriledge.
Since his works new printed in Latin ad annum 1611, as Jus
Divinu page 1 7 tells us. He was a married ma, but never had
child. His wife was remaried to Dr. Robt. Hill. Francis Dee

344 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
Bp. of Peterboroug was his foster-son (as I haue heard), i.e. the
Dr. put him to Westm. Schole. Jno. Theme (?) procured him
chosen into your Trinity Colledge.
4. Dr. Clarke Cant. His workes I have scene in a thin
folio. I take it his name was Richard, but — quaere.
5. Dr. John Layfeild was D.D. 1603 (I take it), \
at Clement Danes.
6. Who is not in yours is Dr. Teigh. I have a catechism
made by Willia Tye dedicated to Prince Henry 16 12, wherein
he mentios that Christopher Tye his grandfather was Tutour to
Edw. 6. Christopher Tye was Dr. Musick 1545. This is all of
him. I suppose Will Tye might be chaplein to y' Prince, quaere
tom . . . (illegible.)
7. Mr. Francis Burleigh. There was a B.D. 1594 of this
name ; after D.D. 1607, but whyther the same or not I know not.
8. Mr. Jeffery King, Sussex Coll. Regall. There was one
Mr. King a Cambridge-ma, parson of Warbleton, 4 miles from
Battell Abbey to y° west. Mr. Joseph Bennett of my yeare, whe
he came to comence told me that he marled Mr. King's D'"', and
that he was at Harlleto for his father in law. Mr. King was
Yorkshire borne as he told me also.
9. Mr. Richard Tomso, Clare hall. There was a B.D. 1593.
Noe more doe I know.
10. Mr. Bedwell. I never heard of him in any
place but in this besines.

The 2nd I- Dr- Richardson was Dr. John Richardso borne at Linto
StsofTin 7 miles from Cambridge, to which he gaue y" old pulpit at
aiiie^?e)in S'° Marycs whe that which now stands was set up in August 1618.
yours. Of him see Catalog. Mss. Peterhouse and Trinity. He died
Aprile2i, 1625. Dr. Walford preached his funerall sermo, buried
in your Chappell. Gave part of his Library to Ema CoUedg.
My copy places this ma in y' second place after Mr. Lively,
and calls him Mr. and not Dr. Richardson. If myne be him, the
there might be some other Mr. Richardson, and the why not
Mr. Alexander Richardso ? quaere.

TRANSLATORS OF THE AUTHORISED VERSION 345
2. Mr. Edward Lively, Coll. Trin. fellow, profess' Hebrew.
3. Mr. Laurance Chaderto, Cheshire borne, came to Cam
bridge aged 20 years, 7th of the queen of X''' Colledg, fellow
there. Made Master of Ema by the Founder himselfe (who (as
Mr. Acknell told vs in his sermo 2 Oct. 1622, the day they chose
Dr. Presto M' Ema) the founder told him, that if he would not be
M' and take that charge, He would desist fro his purpose of
Founding the Colledge. He was lecturer a long time at Clements,
till he was D.D. 16 13. Then succeeded by Mr. Bentley. He
was one of the 4 at Hampton Court Conference for y^ ministers
who petitioned y'' King ; but with noe satisfactio to the. I have
heard, Mr. Humphrey Fen wrote to him, not to betray their cause,
as Mr. Fen told a friend of mine, and he told mee : who also
(Mr. Fen I mean) lamented that they should have 4 men to act
for the, whereof 3 never tooke the cause to Heart. Dr. Chaderto
died Nov. 1640.
4. Mr. Francis DUlingham Soc. Coll. Chr. There was one
of this name B.D. 1599. I make account that this ma you seeke
for was he who was pso of Deanin Bedfordshire. He died 1648.
In my Catalogue of silenced ministers I find one Mr. DiUingham
in Lincolne Diocese, whyther this or some other man I cannot
tell, but I am informed his name was Thomas, younger brother
To Francis. Francis was ps5 of Wildon in Bedfordsh., a single
man all his time: gave his estate to his brother Mr. Thomas.
He died 30 years ago. Wrote divers bookes. The father of
Mr. Dillingham of Barnwell, and Barto Segrave was a 3'''^ brother
to Francis and Thomas.
5. Mr. Thomas Harriso, fellow and vice-M' of Trinity. B.D.
but what yeare I dare not say, there were 2 or 3 of that name
about his standing. He lived all his time in y" Colledge. I have
heard that when Robt Earle of Essex came to Trinity Colledge,
as a student, That this Mr. Harriso was father of the Freshme that
yeare, and comended that son of his. quaere.
6. Mr. Robt. Spalding. Fellow Coll. Johan. B.D. 1600.
Hebrew Professor.
7. Mr. Roger Andrews, Brother to Launcelot Andrews, borne
in Londo. Fellow Pembroke.
Vicar of f<^h^g^^'l'"^^^^^- IPrebend. p'^hester) 2^.1604.
I. Cowfeild in Sussex. J (Southwell. ) 22—5

hath 6 m

346 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
D.D. 1609. Master of Jesus Colledg. Put out there as I take
it vpo complaint of y'' fellows to y' King.
8. Mr. Bridges, as your copy hath it. Mine reads him
Bing, and well as I conceive, This was Mr., or rather Dr. Andrew
Bing, 1603 D.D. Whe I came to Cambridge He was profess'
Heb. of Trinity Colledg. He used to sit next to Dr. Richardson,
a tall ma of a smiling countenance. Archdn. Norwich. He was
living in the beginning of the Parlem'. Left Cambridge 1621.
/ Mr. Medcalfej
Whe we sate in the Scholes for Bachelers < Mr. Cheney V stood
' Mr. Creiton )
to be Hebrew Lecturers, This man was 161 7 parso of Broughton
in Buckinghamshire, but he left it before his death.

The 3rd I. Dr. John Harding was parso of Halsey in Oxfordsh. 4 miles
your copy fro Oxon. toward y® east. Hebrew professor, and 6 or 7 yeares
before his death president of Magdalene. He was maried. His
wife died July last in Dr. Reignolds' lodgings in Corpus Christi,
Mrs. Reignolds was their only daughter. The Dr. died 16 17.
2. Dr. John Reignolds, Devonsh. of Corpus X" Coll. Fellow.
The upon exchange with Dr. Will. Cole, who was president, he
succeeded him in y° Colledg and Dr. Cole was Dn. of Lincolne.
He wrote divers things. A sermon of his I haue, wherein I
perceive he had knowledge of the Italia and French tongues
besides his vniversity languadges. He died May 21. 1607, buried
May 25 with much honour and lamentation. See Abel redivivus.
A letter of his to S' Francis Knowles that noe Scripture makes
difference betw. a Bp. and presbiter ag. Dr. Bancroft's sermo is
famous. 3. Dr. Thomas Holland, Shropshire, of Exeter Colledg.
fellow, then Rectour. Regius professour of Divinity above 20 years,
that is fro Dr. Humphreys death, 1589, till he died himselfe, 1612.
He was noe man for episcopacy. In the Act 1608 he concluded,
qu6d episcopatus no sit ordo distinctus a presbiteratu, eoq
superio' jure divino. He was succeeded in his 2 Universitye
preferments by 2 most learned me, Dr. Robt. Abbot in the chaire,
and Dr. John Prideaux in his rectorship and after in the chaire.
See more of him Abel redivivus: Mr. Sam. Clerk's lives: and
Mr. Hugh Holland's lives.

TRANSLATORS OF THE AUTHORISED VERSION 347
4. Dr. Rich. Killby, Leicestersh., is omitted in your copy.
He was D". D. fell, of Lincolne Coll. Hebrew profess' after Dr.
Harding ; was Rector of Lincol. Colledg. Died about such time
that King James did. Dr. Bret preached his funerall.
5. Mr. Miles Smith, against whose name you write Hereford,
I thus make it out; Mr. Miles Smith, Canon Residentiary in
Hereford. I have heard that he was of Corp. X" Coll§. quaere
com§. He was 161 2 made Bp. Gloster. See Goodwin de presu-
libus title Gloster.
6. Mr. Bret was borne in London, son of Robt. Bret.
Sir John Bret was Mr. Bret's elder brother, fellow of Lincoln
Colledg; tutour to our Mr. Robt. Bolto. He proceeded D.D.
whe he left Oxford he was made pso of Quainto in Bucking-
hamfihire. He was a maried ma, daughters of his 2 or 3 I have
seen. His wife was a citize's daughter of Oxford. After her
Husband's death (which was about Easter 1636,) she came and
lived in Northaraton. If you remember : you, Mr. Encen (?) and
she were susceptores to Sam. Ball, 1642. She died 1643 in
Northampton, caried to be buried by her husband. Dr. Bret
reported that the Bps. altered very many places that the trans-
laters had agreed upo : He had a note of y° places.
7. Mr. Faireclough. Enquiring after him, I find by
two Oxford me that Dr. Hen. Fearley was called Fearley alias
Farclough. The Dr. cannot be the man you seeke. He was too
young. He proceeded Dr. 161 7, and therfore was little above
20 years old, when the Bibles Translation was put forward.
Therfore He tell you what I met with all els where, viz. in my
wiues Brother's House, in a little Booke which relates y'= County
of Suffolke divided into 12 or 14 Classes. In Clare or Sudbury
Classis there is mentio of Mr. Fairclough. He is Minister of
Katto, or as in the mapp it is writte Kediton, 2 miles fro
Haverill to y" north, the same Town where Sir Nathan^ Barnar-
diston lives. He had (it may be hath) sons, scholars in Cam
bridge as I heard.

I. Dr. John Duport, Lecestershire borne. He died a little The4di
before I came to Cambridge. Dr. Bolle died Jan. 28, 1617. hath?.
This Dr. made verses for Bollen, but fell sicke, died, and was

348 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
buried himselfe before the other, as I heard in, Ema Coll§. One
sermon of this Dr. I have heard of, but never saw it.
2. Dr. Will. Brainthwait. Norwich ma borne, fellow of Ema.
B.D. 1593. M' of Caius Colledg. He was the 2nd Dr. for
seniority whe I came to Cambridg. Died Vice-Chancellor Feb.
15. 1618.
3. D' Jeremy Ratcliffe, Col. Tr. C. Soc. I find nothing
of him but that a D.D. comencB 1588.
4. Mr. Wood, Immanuel. It should be as mine
hath it Mr. Sam. Ward, Immanuel. Who was borne in the Bp"*
Durham. Fellow Ema. B.D. 1603. M' of Sidney. To speake
of him to you, is nedlesse for me. Yet one small thing I wil add,
that is this, He made y° Diall over the great gate in Eman.
Colledg. He died 1644.
5. Mr. Andrew Downes. fellow Johns Coll. greek profess'
all my time, and long before, for there is but one between him
and Mr. Barthol. Doddingto, who was professour in y° very
beginning of queen Elisab.
6. Mr. John Boyse, C. Job. This ma was neither Will. Boys,
Proctor of Clarhall, 1599; nor yet elegant Dr. Boyse, D" of
Canterbury; but a 3* B.D. 1590. Mr. Palmer tells me that this
Mr. Boys was prebend in Ely, and that he lived in y" isle. Was
living till within these 5 or sixe yeares.
7. Mr. Robt, Ward. Coll. Regall. I have nothing of him.
and Kgs. Col. Catal. A. 1588.

The 5th I- D" of X' Xh was Thomas Ravis D.D., borne he was at
according'to Maldou in Surrey, a Westminster scholler, fro thence sent
according to to Oxford. He took all Academicall degres, and enjoyed all
mine but 7. CoUegiat diguityes, onibus perfunctus est dignitatibus, i.e. was
student, canon, and D" of X' X"". Chaplein to ArchBp.
Whitgift. ViceChancellor of Oxford twise. Bp. of Gloster 1604,
and of London 1607. He died Decemb. 14, 1609, as appears
by his monument in Pauls, where he lies buried. He was a great
ma ag. y^ ministers who petitioned King James.

TRANSLATORS OF THE AUTHORISED VERSION 349
2i Dn. Winchester was Dr. George Abbot borne in Surrey at
Guilford ; younger Brother to Robt. Abbot. Chaplein to Thom.
Earl Dorset 1*° Tresurer. Master of University Coll. Vice-Chan
cellor 1603. Bp. of Coventry, of London, and ArchBp. all in
a yeare and quarters space. He made a chorographicall
descriptio of y" world. He wrote ag: Dr. Hill a papist. He died
August 4, 1633. A sermon of his at y^ Earle of Dorsets funerall
I have : not anything els.
4. Dn. of Winsor was Giles Tomso D.D., all these three at
Hampto Court Conference. He was made Bp. of Gloster 161 1,
but sate not above a yeare. of C. C. C. in Oxford but quaere.
3. Dn. of Worcester. Is not in my Copy at all, but in yours
it is as it seemes. Ag. the title you write Dr. Lake. Here I have
a doubt (though I grant that y^ Dn. of Worster was employed)
that Dr. Lake was not y" man. I deny not but Dr. Lake might
be Dn. Vigorn. but at this time, 1603 or 1604, I canot see how
possible. Reason is, 1597, Dr. Rich. Eedes was Dn. ; whe he
died Dr. Henry Parry succeeded ; when he preferred Dr. James
Montague came; when he made Bp. Aprill 19, 1618, Then
came Dr. Lake. I take it Dr. Henry Parry was Dn. at this time.
He was Corp. X" Coll. Chaplein to Henry Earl Pembroke,
to who he dedicated his translation of Vrsins Catechisme.
He was after Chaplein to the Queene, wayted that very March
whe she died. See Com). Prefer, to Q. Elis. Made Bp. Gloster
1607, and then of Worster 1610.
Dr. Arthur Lake was Warden of New Colledg. Master of
the Hospitall of Crosse near Winchester. Vice-Chancell. Oxford
that yeare when Wadham Colledg was built. He layd the first
stone and 2 Halfe-penies under it, made a taking speech, sayth
my Authour who heard it, in comendatio of good workes. 1616
He was Bp. of Bath and Wells. My Tutour Dr. Stoughto had
institution into Artus (?) fro him and much respect as he reported,
whe he came back to y° Colledge. 1624 in August.
5. Mr. Savin, was suerly S' Henry Savill, who might
be fellow of New Colledg, but not Warden. He was anno 1598
Warden of Merto Colledg I am sure. A great grecia witnes
his editio of Chrysostome, and a mathematicia. He erected
2 Mathematical lectures in Oxford ; read the both himselfe awhile.
His first lecturers were Dr. Bambridge and Mr. Brigs. Mr. John

350 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
Wallis of Ema Coll. is now Savile geometry reader. Sir Henry.
Savill was also Provost of Eaton Colledge, wherein he was
succeeded by Sir Henry Wotton.
6. Mr. Harman. My copy calls him Mr. Harmer.
There was one Harma vnder scholm' in Magdalene, but he will
be too young to be the man you seeke for.
7. Dr. Perin was cano X' X*", D.D. greek Professor.
Died an old ma in Oxford.
8. Mr. Ravins, or as mine hath him Mr. Ravens. I haue
nothing of him.

xhesixt I- D"- Chester was Dr. Will. Barlow B.D. 1594, D.D. 1599
^X?. of Trinity Colledg, Camb. I think. He was Chaplen to ArchBp.
Whitgift : wrote the Hampton Court Conference. Translated
several feuelyes (? feuilles) of Lavater which I have. Wrote
some thing to y' disparadgment of y° silenced Ministers, whereof
they complaine to K. James in a supplicatio of theirs to y° King
which I have. He was Bp. Rochester, the of Lincolne, died
1613. His father was Bp. of Chichester, of who that place in
Ascham's preceptor I thinke ment, p. 51, "A Bp. that now
liveth, a good ma, whose Judgment in religio I better like tha
opinion in pfectness in other learning.'' However this Dr. was
well scene in greek as his father little. He was a ma of strong
memory. 2. Dr. Hutchinson.
3. Dr. J. Spencer. Author geneal. There was a Dr. Spencer
who succeeded Dr. Reignolds in Corp. X" Coll. presidentship,
who had some pubUck place in y° Vniversity, Lady Margaret
professor, I suppose. Author geneal. I understand not what
that means. The genealogicall 
[The rest of the document is missing.]

APPENDIX XIII. (p. ii8.)
ACTA SYNODI NATION ALIS...DORDRECHTIANAE
habitae 1618.
Dordrechti. 4to, 1620.
Sessione Septima
XX Novembris die Martis ante meridiem.
[ACCOUNT BY SAMUEL WARD.]
Modus quem Theologi Angli in versione Bibliorum sunt
secuti :
Theologi Magnae Britanniae, quibus non est visum tantae
questioni subitam & inopinatam responsionem adhibere, officii
sui esse judicarunt, praematura deliberatione habita, quandoqui
dem facta esset honorifica accuratissima translationis Anglicanae
mentio, a Serenissimo'Rege Jacobo, magna cum cura, magnisque
sumptibus nuper editae, notum facere huic celeberrimae Synodo,
quo consilio, quaque ratione sacrum hoc negotium a Serenissima
ejus Majestate praestitum fuerit.
Primo, in opere distribuendo banc rationem observari voluit.
Totum corpus BibUorum in sex partes fuit distributum : cuilibet
parti transferendae destinati sunt septem vel octo viri primarii
Linguarum peritissimi.
Duae partes assignatae fuerunt Theologis quibusdam Lon-
dinensibus; quatuor vero partes rehquae divisae fuerunt aequa-
liter inter utriusque Academiae Theologos.
Post peractum a singuhs pensum, ex hisce omnibus duodecim
selecti viri in unum locum convocati integrum opus recognoverunt
et recensuerunt. Postremo Reverendissimus Episcopus Wintonen-
sis, Bilsonus, una cum doctore Smitho, nunc Episcopo Glocestrensi

352 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE
viro eximio et ab initio in toto hoc opere versatissimo, omnibus
mature pensitatis et examinatis, extremam manum huic versioni
posuerunt. Leges Interpretibus praescriptae fuerunt hujus modi :
Primo, cautum est vt simpliciter nova versio non adornaretur,
sed vetus, & ab Ecclesia diu recepta ab omnibus naevis & vitiis
purgaretur ; idque hunc in finem, ne recederetur ab antiqua trans-
latione, nisi originalis textus Veritas, vel emphasis postularet.
Secundo, ut nullae annotationes margin! apponerentur : sed
tantum loca parallela notarentur.
Tertio, vt ubi vox Hebraea vel Graeca geminum idoneum
sensum admittit; alter in ipso contextu, alter in margine ex-
primeretur. Quod itidem factum, ubi varia lectio in exemplari-
bus probatis reperta est.
Quarto, Hebraismi et Graecismi difficiUores in margine re-
positi sunt.
Quinto, in translatione Tobit et Judithae, quandoquidem
magna discrepantia inter Graecum contextum et veterem vul-
gatam Latinam editionem reperietur, Graecum potius contextum
secuti sunt.
Sexto, ut quae ad sensum supplendum ubivis necessario
fuerunt contextui interserenda, alio, scilicet minusculo, charactere,
distinguerentur. Septimo, ut nova argumenta singulis libris, & novae periochae
singulis capitibus praefigerentur.
Denique, absolutissima Genealogia et descriptio Terrae sanctae,
huic operi conjungeretur.
Then followed a discussion.
Sententiam suam...prolixe exposuerunt.

INDEX.

Ales, A., 64 f.
Anderson's Annals of the English
Bible quoted, 27, 32, 35, 36, 38,
39. 42. 47. 48. 5^. 55. 67, 76, 78,
86, 92, 107, 109, no, III, 112,
114, 118, 126, 131, 138, 192
Anglo-Saxon versions of Scripture,
4ff.
Anne of Bohemia, Q., studied the
Scriptures, i8 n.
Anne Boleyn's, Q., copy of Tindale's
New Testament, 48
Arber's edition of Tindale's quarto
fragment, 30, 34, 35, 36, 54 fF.
Arias Montanus' Latin Version, 255
Arundel, Abp, condemns Wycliffe's
writings and version of Scripture,
17
Authorised Version, scholars engaged
on, 112, 113
 rules for its execution, 114 ff.
 published, 119
 relation to earlier versions,
257 ff.
 use of italics, 273 n.
 character of the language, 274 n.
 compared with the Latin Vul
gate, 281 f.
 revision of, 320 ff.
Bancroft, Archbp, takes part in the
preparation of A.V., log ff.
Barnes circulates Tindale's New
Testament, 37
 attacks Wolsey: does penance
at St Paul's, 38 f.
Bede translates St John's Gospel:
his death, 5
Beza's New Testament, 213, 222,
227 ff.
Bible, study of, 20, 24, 80, 86, 94,
lOI
 new version proposed under
the Commonwealth, 120
 destroyed, 18, 35 ff., 86 f.

Bible, quotations from, by Elizabethan
divines, 107 n.
 Society, Catalogue of Bibles
in the Library of the, 93
Bilney, anecdote of, 27 n. : his Latin
Bible, ib.
Bishops' Bible, The, 95
 scholars engaged on it, 99 ff.
 specimens of the translation,
233. 235, 239, 258, 262, 267, 276 ff.,
311 ff
 enjoined to be used, loi
 specimens of the notes, 243 f.
 Bodleian copy of, 118 n.
 version of the Psalms in, 234 n.
Bodley, J., assists in bringing out
the Genevan Bible, 92
Bonner's, Bp, admonition on the
reading of the Bible in St Paul's
79
Bradshaw, Henry, on English copies
of Latin Bibles, 1 5 n. : on Tindale's
New Testament of 1536, 49 n.
Broughton's, H., translations of
Scripture, 121 n.
Biilbring, Dr Karl, The earliest com
plete English Psalter, 12 u.
Carieton, Dr J. G., ,on the Rheims
Version, 103 n,
Castalio's version of the Bible, 213
Chaucer's English quotations of
Scripture, 19 n.
Cheke's, Sir J., translation of St
Matthew, 88
Cochlseus' account of the preparation
of Tindale's first New Testament,
Complutensian Edition used by Cover-
dale in the Great Bible, 197
 Polyglott, 197 : Cranmer's copy,
180 n.
Conference at Hampton Court, 108
Cook, A. S., Biblical Quotations in
Old English Prose Writers, 7 n.

INDEX

355

Greek, the study of, in England,
25 n., 126, 127
 on the Continent, 127
Guest, Bp, on the revision of the
Great Bible, 97
Hebrew, study of, 127
Henry IV. takes severe measures
against the WyclifBtes, 17
Henry VI. gave a copy of Wycliffe's
Bible to the Charterhouse, 18
Henry VIII., Coverdale's Bible de
dicated to, 61
 Matthew's Bible dedicated to, 69
 declaration as to reading the
Bible, 79
James I. presses forward a new ver
sion of the Bible, 1 10 f.
John of Gaunt favoured Wycliffe,
18 n.
Joye revises Tindale's New Testa
ment, 45, 144 n.
'  specimen of his work, 46
 Tindale's comments on it, 53
Juda's, Leo, version of the Bible,
212, 215 ff.
Junius' translation of the Apocrypha,
256
Lawrence works on the New Testa
ment in the Bishops' Bible, 237
Lee's, Archbp, letter to Henry VIII.
on Tindale's New Testament, 33
Lewis' History of Translations, 120 n.
Lollard opinions in Purvey's Pro
logue, 14 n.
Luther's New Testament used by
Tindale, 132 f.
Luther's writings adapted freely by
Tindale, 146 ff.
Maiden's narrative, 81 f.
Marler, A., defrays the expense of
the Great Bible, 78 n.
Matthew's Bible, 67 n., 169 f.
 the New Testament from Tin-
- dale (1535), 178 f-
 notes, 71 n., 306 f.
Meteren, Jacob von, and Coverdale's
Bible, 57 n.

More, Sir T., attacks Tindale's trans
lation, 35
Munmouth's account of Tindale, 28 f.
Munster's, S., Latin translation of
the Old Testament used for the
Great Bible, 181 ff., 186 ff., 311 ff.
Nix, Bp, complains of the circula
tion of the English Testament, 42
Offor's, Mr, manuscript collections
for a history of the English Bible,
169 n., 208 n., 240 n.
Pagninus' Latin Version of the Bible,
128, 215 ff.
Parker's, Archbp, judgment on the
Genevan Bible, 94
 plans the Bishops' Bible, 94
Panes, Miss, A Fourteenth Century
English Biblical Version, 12 n.
Prayer-book, variety of translations
in, 279 f.
Psalter, the Prayer-book, 200 ff.,
206, 280 n., 333 ff.
 the Canterbury, 7 n.
Purvey revises Wycliffe's Version, 13
 Lollard opinions in his Pro-
logue, 14 n.
Reynolds, Dr, proposes a new Ver
sion at the Hampton Court Con
ference, 108
Rheims and Doway Bible, 102
 method of translation, 247 ff.
 specimens of the translation,
249 ff.
 influence on the A.V., 257,
266, 269, 273
Rogers (see Matthew's Bible), 89, 171
RoUe, Richard, of Hampole, 11 n.
Roye, W., his Rede me and be nott
•wrothe, 35 n.
Rudelius, Latin Bible edited by,
163 n.
Sandys, Bp, on the revision of the
Great Bible, 97
Scriptures, translation of, interrupted
by national causes, 4, 7
 zeal in studying, 20

356

INDEX

Scriptures, perils of possessing, 24
 burnt, 36, 39, 42
Selden's criticism on the A. V., 1 17 n.
Smith's, Bp Miles, Preface to the
Authorised Version, 108 n., 116 f.
Spalatinus' account of Tindale's New
Testament, 35
Stevens, Henry, of Vermont, on
Coverdale's Bible, 57 n., 58 n.

u

Taverner at Oxford, 126
 doing penance there, 42
 his Bible, 84, 207 ff., 311 ff.
Tindale, birth and early life, 25 f. ;
visit to London, 27 f.; exile, 29;
his first J\lew Testament, 29 ff.,
137; pirated editions, 45 n. ; trans
lates the Pentateuch, 44; Jonah,
44, 68 n.; revises his New Testa
ment, and adds ' the Epistles out
of the Old Testament,' 47, 156 ff.,
172 ff.; revises his New Testament
for the last time, 50, 144 ff.; his
martyrdom, 50; his character and
spirit, 51 ff.
 leaves a manuscript translation
of part of the Old Testament Qosh.
— 2 Chron.), 67, r72 n., 175 n.
 independence of his transla
tions, 132 ff., 152
 glosses oh the New Testament
of iS«5. 306 f.
 glosses on the New Testament
of 1534, 141 ff., 306 f.
 influence of Luther on his
writings, 146 ff.
 his prologues to the books of
the N. T., 149 ff.
 specimens of his translation,
133 ff-. 155 ff-. 173 f-. 176, 181,
224, 22s, 311 ff.
 comparison of the three texts of
his New Testament in i John, 295
 his translation of St Matthew
compared with Coverdale's, 167 n.
 his translation ot Jonah com
pared with Coverdale's, 68 n.

Tomson's, L., New Testament, 94 n.,
223 ff.
Tremellius' Latin Version of Old
Testament, 255
Trench, Archbp, on A. V., 270 n.
Tunstall, Bp, declines to receive
Tindale, 27
 orders the destruction of Tin-
dale's New Testament, 35 ;
preaches against the book, 35
 sanctions the third edition of
the Great Bible, 77
Turton, Dr, on The Text of the
English Bible, 274 n. ,
Tybalt's account of the circulation
of Tindale's New Testament, 37
Warham, Archbp, orders the de
struction of Tindale's Testaments,
35
 calls an assembly to discuss the
use of Scripture, 43
Whittaker, Dr, on Coverdale, 162
Whittingham engaged on the English
Bible at Geneva, 90 ff.
 his wife, 90 n.
Wright's, Mr A., Bible Word-book,
275
Wycliffe's translation of Scripture,
12 f.
 from the Vulgate, 13
 opposition to his work, 15
 remaining manuscripts, 18 S.
 disputed by Abbot Gasquet,
20 n.
 not used by Tindale, 130 n.,
App. viii. p. 316
 specimens of the Versions (see
Purvey, Arundel, John of Gaunt,
Anne of Bohemia), 287 ff.
 printed editions, 20 n.
Zurich Bible, 130 f.
 one of the chief sources of
Coverdale's, 163
 specimens of the translation,
181, 311 ff.

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