The Papacy in the 19 th
Century
A Part of " The History of Catholicism
since the Restoration of the Papacy"
By
Friedrich Nippold
Translated by
Laurence Henry Schwab
Rector of the Church of the Intercession
New York

G. P. Putnam's Sons
New York and London
Ube IRnicfterlJOcfter press
1900

Copyright, igoo
BY
LAURENCE HENRY SCHWAB

Zbe Knfcfiecbocfiec Dcess, Vtew £;or)i

CHAPTER I-

II—'
III- IV- V-
VI-
-^ VII-
L---VIII- ^ IX-
W''" X-
w«-XII- XIII- XIV-
XV-

CONTENTS
PACK
Introduction by the Translator  i
PART I
THE PAPACY AFTER THE RESTORATION IN 1814
-The Restoration of Pius VII., its Significance and
Consequences  n
The Restoration and Renewed Expansion of the
Order of Jesuits  31
The Era of the Concordats under Pius VII. . . 51
•The States of the Church under Pius VII. . . ' 63
Pope Leo XII. (1823-1829)  ^r
Pius VIII. (1829-1830) and the Revolution of 1830 . 82
The Reign of Gregory XVI. (1831-1846) ... 95
The First " Liberal" Period of the Reign of Pius IX.
(1846-1850)  "3
•Pius IX. at the Head of the European Reaction
(1850-1859)  126
-The Papacy durins the Reconstruction of Italy
and Germany (1859-1870)  i35
-The First Vatican Council  149
-Pius IX. in the International " Kulturkampf ' , 163
•The Peace-Pope, Leo XIII  192
-The Papacy and the Oriental Crisis . . . .211
•The Infallible Papacy in its Relations to Society,
to Learning, and to Religion  223
iii

iv Conieiits PART II
CATHOLICISM AND PAPALISM IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA
CHAPTER ' PAGE
XVI — The So-Called Catholic Emancipation in Great
Britain  253
XVII — The English Conversions and their Consequences
for the English Church — The Oxford Movement. 262
XVIII — The New Papal Hierarchy in England and the Fruits
OF the Papal System in Ireland .... 312
XIX — American Catholicism and the Roman Church in
THE North American Union  327
XX — The Latin States of America in their Relations to
the Roman Curia and in their Ecclesiastical
Development  346
XXI — Catholic and Papal  361

PART I
THE PAPACY AFTER THE RESTORATION
IN 1814

INTRODUCTION BY THE TRANSLATOR
" 'T'HE Roman Church is only Roman and everywhere
1 anti-national ; she endeavours to force everything
into her own forms and formulas and does not rest until
she has obliterated the national character of the Church
and stifled all national life in the Church. . . . The
Roman Church is everywhere a foreigner, even in Italy ;
for she everywhere pursues tendencies which are opposed
to the tendencies of the country." The truth of these
words, spoken by Bishop Herzog, is confirmed by the
history of the Papacy in this century as Professor Nip
pold has set it forth.
The average Protestant, when he thinks of the dangers
of Romanism, is apt to bring before his mind pictures of
Smithfield fires, the horrors of the Inquisition, or the
cruelties of Alva. Even so great an historian as Ranke
seems to have had something like this in mind when, in
the Introduction to his History of the Popes, he wrote
that the Papacy " no longer exercises any essential influ
ence — the times are past in which we had anything to
fear." True: we need no longer fear bodily harm, and
those who are anxious only to save their skin may set
their minds at rest. But are there not other considera
tions that may appeal with equal force to our anxious
solicitude ? Is not the possibility of national decay
something to care about ? The danger from the Church
of Rome to-day is not the stake or torture ; but it is the
danger from insidious moral and spiritual forces threat-
3

4 The Papacy in the igth Century
ening to stop a nation's progress, to corrupt a nation's
ethical standard, to darken a nation's intellect. The
greatest task which God has appointed to the religious
forces of this country to-day is to build up a government
in city, state, and nation, which shall be pure and just ;
and the papal system is the most determined enemy to
the accomplishment of that task.
Nippold has sketched the history of the Papacy in this
century as it is ; he has dealt with the facts according to
the common rules of evidence followed in secular his
tory. This method is to be clearly distinguished from
the method so frequently adopted by writers of ecclesi
astical history, who handle facts according to h priori
preconceptions, who look at Church history through the
medium of a theological, aesthetic, or sentimental haze,
who depict events and men as they ought to be or as
they would like them to be, not as they are. From such
this volume will receive no welcome.
The essential purpose of this history is to rescue Cath
olicism from its papal caricature and to maintain its
importance as a corrective to Protestant individualism.
In order to explain and emphasise this distinction be
tween Catholicism and papalism, it will be well to place
before the reader certain portions of the three additions
to the faith which the modern Papacy has imposed upon
the Church of Rome and which differentiate by a clear
line of demarcation the " papalism " of our time from
the Roman Catholicism of former generations: the De
cree of the Immaculate Conception, promulgated by the
sole authority of Pius IX. in 1854, the " Papal Syllabus
of Errors," likewise resting upon the sole authority of
the pope and issued by Pius IX. in 1864, and the Decree
of Papal Infallibility, nominally pronounced by the Vati
can Council in 1870, but in reality, like the other two

Introduction by the Translator 5
documents, imposed upon the Church by the pope and
the Jesuits. These three formularies are to-day just as
binding upon the Roman Catholic as the decrees of the
Council of Trent or any other creed or dogma, and will
furnish the official answer to the question, What is
modern Romanism ?
I quote from the English version of Schaff's Creeds of
Christendom. According to the Decree of the Immaculate Concep
tion the Blessed Virgin Mary has been " from the first
instant of her conception, by a singular grace and privi
lege of Almighty God, in view of the merits of Christ
Jesus the Saviour of mankind, preserved free from all
stain of original sin." Those who think otherwise " have
made shipwreck concerning the faith " and they " sub
ject themselves to the penalties ordained by law, if, by
word or writing, or any other external means, they dare
to signify what they think in their hearts."
The " Syllabus " of Pius IX. is a collection of eighty
errors which the pope condemns. Schaff says concern
ing it in a prefatory note: " This document, though
issued by the sole authority of pope Pius IX., Dec. 8,
1864, must be regarded now as infallible and irreform-
able, even without the formal sanction of the Vatican
Council. It is purely negative, but indirectly it teaches
and enjoins the very opposite of what it condemns as
error." Nippold states that the " Syllabus " has been
expressly declared infallible by Leo XIII. The follow
ing are among the errors condemned :
(11) The Church not only ought never to animadvert upon
philosophy, but ought to tolerate the errors of philosophy,
leaving to philosophy the care of their correction.
(13) The method and principles by which the old scholastic
doctors cultivated theology are no longer suitable to the
demands of the age and the progress of science.

6 The Papacy in the igth Century
(14) Philosophy must be treated of without any account
being taken of supernatural revelation.
(15) Every man is free to embrace and profess the religion
he shall believe true, guided by the light of reason.
(17) We may entertain at least a well-founded hope for the
eternal salvation of all those who are in no manner in the true
Church of Christ.
(18) Protestantism is nothing more than another form of
the same true Christian religion, in which it is possible to be
equally pleasing to God as in the Catholic Church.
(.24) The Church has not the power of availing herself of
force, or any direct or indirect temporal power.
(27) The ministers of the Church, and the Roman Pontiff,
ought to be absolutely excluded from all charge and dominion
over temporal affairs.
(39) The commonwealth is the origin and source of all
rights, and possesses rights which are not circumscribed by
any limits.
(42) In the case of conflicting laws between the two powers,
the civil law ought to prevail.
(45) The entire direction of public schools, in which the
youth of Christian states are educated, except (to a certain
extent) in the case of episcopal seminaries, may and must
appertain to the civil power, and belong to it so far that no
other authority whatsoever shall be recognised as having any
right to interfere in the discipline of the schools, the arrange
ments of the studies, the taking of degrees, or the choice and
approval of the teachers.
(47) The best theory of civil society requires that popular
schools open to children of all classes, and, generally, all
•/ public institutes intended for instruction in letters and philos
ophy, and for conducting the education of the young, should
be freed from all ecclesiastical authority, government, and
interference, and should be fully subject to the civil and
political power, in conformity with the will of rulers and the
prevalent opinions of the age.
(48) This system of instructing youth, which consists in
V^ separating it from the Catholic faith and the power of the

Introduction by the Translator 7
Church, and in teaching exclusively, or at least primarily, the
knowledge of natural things and the earthly ends of social
life alone, may be approved by Catholics.
(SS) The Church ought to be separated from the State, and
the State from the Church.
(74) Matrimonial causes and espousals belong by their very
nature to civil jurisdiction.
(77) In the present day, it is no longer expedient that the
Catholic religion shall be held as the only religion of the State,
to the exclusion of all other modes of worship.
(78) Whence it has been wisely provided by law, in some
countries called Catholic, that persons coming to reside therein
shall enjoy the public exercise of their own worship.
(80) The Roman Pontiff can and ought to reconcile himself
to, and agree with, progress, liberalism, and civilisation as
lately introduced.
The decrees of the Vatican Council are recorded in a
document of considerable length. The last two chapters
are entitled, " On the Power and Nature of the Primacy
of the Roman Pontiff " and " Concerning the Infallible
Teaching of the Roman Pontiff"; the latter ending
abruptly in the pronouncement of papal infallibility.
The very make-up of the document witnesses to the
purpose for which the council was called and to whose
accomplishment it was ruthlessly directed. Exclusive
emphasis has been laid upon the last chapter declaring
the infallibility; but Mr. Gladstone — one of the few
weighty public men who have recognised the importance
of the ecclesiastical factor in the national life — has
pointed out the far-reaching and practically important
nature of the claims made for the pope in the chapter
next to the last, " On the Power and Nature of the
Primacy of the Roman Pontiff." Here we read that
full power was given to him in blessed Peter to rule, feed, and
govern the universal Church by Jesus Christ our Lord. . . .

8 The Papacy in the igth Century
Hence we teach and declare that by the appointment of our
Lord the Roman Church possesses a superiority of ordinary
power over all other churches, and that this power of juris
diction of the Roman Pontiff, which is truly episcopal, is im
mediate; to which all, of whatever rite and dignity, both
pastors and faithful, both individually and collectively, are
bound, by their duty of hierarchical subordination and true
obedience, to submit not only in matters which belong to faith
and morals, but also in those that appertain to the discipline
and government of the Church throughout the world, so that
the Church of Christ may be one flock under one supreme
pastor through the preservation of unity both of communion
and of profession of the same faith with the Roman Pontiff.
This is the teaching of Catholic truth, from which no one can
deviate without loss of faith and of salvation.
-Equally emphatic statements follow, and no claim to
unconditioned and unquestioning obedience could go
further than that which is made in this chapter in behalf
of the pope.
The statement of papal infallibility follows in the next
chapter. After an introduction of some length, the
dogma is affirmed, the closing sentences reading as
follows :
Therefore — we teach and define that it is a dogma divinely
revealed : that the Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedra,
that is, when, in discharge of the office of pastor and doctor of
all Christians, by virtue of his supreme apostolic authority, he
defines a doctrine regarding faith or morals to be held by the
universal Church, by the divine assistance promised to him in
blessed Peter, is possessed of that infallibility with which the
divine Redeemer willed that his Church should be endowed
for defining doctrine regarding faith or morals; and that there
fore such definitions of the Roman Pontiff are irreformable of
themselves, and not from the consent of the Church.
But if anyone — which may God avert — presume to contra
dict this our definition: let him be anathema.

Introduction by the Translator g
Extraordinary short-sightedness is manifested in the
estimation of these papal documents. Whether the
pope has ever issued an ex cathedra infallible pronounce
ment is a matter of absolute indifference. The signifi
cance of these three documents lies in the fact that they
represent both the evidence and the means of an un
heard-of centralisation of power in the hands of one man
backed by a powerful society, and that this power enables
him and the society to shape the development and give
direction to the energies of a vast system — the Roman
Catholic Church; and that furthermore the first two
documents, the Decree of the Immaculate Conception
and the Syllabus, indicate the spirit in which and the
ends towards which this power is being used. The con
sequences are the same in America as in Europe: the
introduction of a subtle, dangerous poison into the
national life. Nippold has described the corrupting
action of this poison.
It is the distinction between the Roman Catholic
Church as such and the Roman Catholic Church as she
has become a helpless tool in the hands of the Papacy
that invests Nippold 's book with its peculiar interest.
And as one realises what injuries this subjection to an
alien power has done to the nations of Europe, one is
moved to ask whether these injuries — of which we have
had a foretaste — may not be averted from us by the one
act which alone can bring about this desirable object.
There is hardly any single event which could confer such
a boon upon this country as the return of the Church of
Rome in America to a true Catholicity, by sundering the
chain that is dragging her at the heels of a foreign despot
and by declaring herself independent. The Church of
Rome in America has in prominent and influential posi
tions men who unite high gifts with ardent patriotism
and pure devotion. But their labour is largely a labour
of Sisyphus while the yoke of Rome is upon them.

lo The Papacy in the igth Century
Will there be enough virility in the Roman Church in
America to throw off this yoke ? Perhaps it was a happy
augury for the future that at the Council of the Vatican,
of the only two votes which at the final decision were
cast against the infallibility, one was that of an American,
Bishop Fitzgerald of Little Rock, Arkansas.
Note: The original of this translation, forming the"
second volume of Nippold's Manual of the Latest Church-
history, is entitled The History of Catholicism since the
Restoration of the Papacy. It consists of three parts:
The Papacy, the History of Catholicism outside of Ger
many, and the History of Catholicism in Germany. The
first of these parts and six chapters of the second are
presented in this translation. The last chapter in the
translation has been transposed from its position in the
original and rewritten.
The translator has found it necessary to condense in
some places and to leave out parts that would be intel
ligible and interesting to German readers only. The
footnotes have been added by the translator where ex
planation seemed called for. Seignobos' Political His
tory of Europe since 1814., translated by Macvane, is an
admirable volume to refer to for the general history of
the period covered by Nippold.
The translation has been made with the sanction of
the author ; he is not responsible, however, for the
selection of those parts which are here presented.

CHAPTER I
THE RESTORATION OF PIUS VII., ITS SIGNIFICANCE
AND CONSEQUENCES'
THE restoration of the Papacy stands at the threshold
of a new epoch, and marks a new departure in the
history of that ancient institution. The after-develop
ment of Catholicism, and hardly less of Protestantism,
even that of the state and of civilisation, was led into new
channels by this departure. The pope had returned after
but a few years' absence. What makes the difference
between this return and the many similar occurrences of
the Middle Ages, so that the after-effects of this return
surpass even those of the return from the exile at Avig
non ? This question' forces itself upon us, and is easily
answered. For the cause which gave so widespread a
significance to this single fact was the well-known re
actionary tendency which sprang from the Revolution
and dominated the entire following period.
A direct result of the counter-revolution, the restora-
' Pius VII., elected pope in iSoo, formed the concordat with Napoleon
and crowned him emperor ; then quarrelled with Napoleon, was arrested
in 1809, kept a prisoner at Savona and Fontainebleau ; was restored and
returned to Rome after the peace of Paris in 18 14.
The year 1814 marks the most important turning-point in the history of
the nineteenth century. It saw Napoleon conquered and banished, the
Bourbons returned in the person of Louis XVIII., and the Congress of
Vienna, consisting of the plenipotentiaries of the various states, convened in
order to rectify the much-disturbed map of Europe. The era of revolution
is over and the era of legitimacy and reaction begins.

1 2 The Papacy in the igth Century
tion of the Papacy appears not as an isolated fact,
affecting only the city of Rome or the states of the
Church, but as one natural result of certain universal
tendencies. The conception of sovereignty as such
seemed to find its firmest support against the ideas of
the Revolution in the primacy of the Roman bishop, in
dependent as it was of any democratic influence. The
emancipation of this primacy from Napoleonic oppression
was therefore looked upon as the climax of all the victories
won over the Revolution. The decrees issued from the
threshold of the apostle's grave bore the seal of " divine
right " more directly than the mandate of any other
monarch, and it was owing to the support which the
principle of absolutism found in the Papacy that the
spirit which now took possession of Rome spread its in
fluence over one land after another. Therefore let us
consider the restoration of the Papacy first in its own
character and meaning, and then trace its consequences.
The allied armies had not yet entered Paris when Pius
VII., released from his prison at Fontainebleau, arrived
in Italy. At precisely the same time that Napoleon,
after his abdication on the nth of April, 1814, began his
melancholy retreat to the island of Elba, the pope entered
his ancient capital and attracted multitudes of devoted
souls from far and near. Former political enemies also
paid him their homage: Murat, with Charles IV. of
Spain, the queen of Etruria and the king of Sardinia.
But the people of Italy received him with no less joy,
and his entry into Rome on the 24th of May, 1814, was
like the return home of a victorious emperor. Even the
Protestants living in Rome wanted to raise a monument
to perpetuate the memory of a renewed Papacy. These
may have been enthusiasts — artists, half proselytes, or
perhaps secret converts; yet their action was but the
expression of the prevalent temper.

The Restoration of Pius VII. 1 3
The fact that this feeling of admiration for the Papacy
was especially strong in the artistic world proves how
great an attraction the residence of the pope, in the new
peace-era, exerted upon the art of all cultured nations.
The dearly bought peace had at last made it possible for
men to indulge the longing for Italy which Winkelmann
and Goethe had awakened, and very few gave heed to
the system of papal csesarism which, with its plans of a
world-empire only temporarily in abeyance, had once
more set up its throne in the ancient capital of the
world. Men saw only the return of the days of the
Renaissance, the days of Leo X., the days of Raphael
and Michael Angelo. One nation after another sent
its greatest masters to school in Rome, and the many
biographies of artists which treat of this period appear to
witness to a second Renaissance.
Rome became at the same time the home or the object
of pilgrimage for many noble persons. The old kings of
Spain and of Sardinia and the family of Napoleon came
to live there. The former found in the restored Papacy
a guarantee of legitimacy, the latter trusted to the grati
tude of the pope. The relatives of the fallen emperor,
especially his mother, Laetitia, and his brother. King
Louis of Holland, had in the time of their splendour
allied themselves with the papal interests, and now found
in Rome not only an asylum for themselves, but also the
hope of a happier future for their families. Even the
reigning house of Prussia had a representative in Rome
in the person of Prince Henry, who, in spite of his
delicate health, was a man of some influence.
At no previous time had the salons of the Roman
nobili seen more numerous and more influential guests.
The first princes of Europe, one after another, went on
pilgrimage to Rome : the emperor of Austria, the king of
Prussia, the Prussian, Bavarian, Danish crown princes.
Each of these visits was celebrated with festivities, in

14 The Papacy in the igth Century
which the artistic interests played a prominent part, but
which at the same time served the papal policy well. In
fact, all those personal connections which were then
begun were used to serve the purposes of the Curia.
The youthful diplomats who won their spurs in Rome
soon learned to know the advantage which a word of re
commendation from the Roman secretary of state to their
ministry at home gave them.
As the paradise of artists, the Mecca of princes, the
favourite stepping-stone of future statesmen, Rome
seemed once more the capital of the world ; and it was
inevitable that the veneration paid to the holy city should
be attributed to the influence of the Roman bishop. For
the master of Rome, master in the temporal as well as the
spiritual sphere, was no other than the pope-king. Since
the time when Constantine yielded the seat of empire in
the old Rome and the Roman bishop took the emperor's
place as his legitimate successor, the condition of things
had perhaps never been more promising.
" It was the deep humiliation, the long misery, of the
Church herself, that had changed public feeling in her
favour; she who had once been feared had become an
object of pity and sympathy. ' ' So says Gervinus. ' And
this sympathy, as he points out, was given to Pius VII.
personally. His long imprisonment had made him appear
as a martyr, and the patience and mildness which he had
shown had everywhere won men's hearts. Everybody
was ready for concessions, and few remembered that
these concessions were made, not to the good-natured
person of the pope, but to the callously selfish hierarchy.
Indeed, the sacrifices made to the Papacy were not felt
as such. The revolutionary chaos which had lasted a
full quarter of a century had awakened such a longing for
peace and at the same time for authority, that the pre
tended rock of St. Peter appeared in a manner as the
¦ History of the Nineteenth Century, 1858.

The Restoration of Pius VII. 1 5
altar upon which thank-offerings were paid to God for the
return of peace. Pius was celebrated not only as one
who had suffered most from the demon of the Revolu
tion, but also as the representative of counter-revolution
ary and conservative interests.
The Papacy derived its greatest advantages, however,
from the victories of non-Roman Catholic nations. For
the arms of England, Russia, and Prussia had made its
restoration possible. And after the pope had been re
stored their princes did all they could to strengthen his
throne. Alexander I. of Russia, much given to emotional
politics, saw in the pope only the princely martyr. Prus
sia insisted upon the restitution of the states of the
Church more strenuously than did Austria; the latter
with all its legitimacy would gladly have kept a piece for
itself. Even the regent of England entered into corre
spondence with Pius, and in spite of existing laws received
his ambassador with particular favour.
In the introduction to the memoirs of this ambassador
(Consalvi) there is a collection of characteristic letters
from other illustrious Protestants, who far surpassed
born Catholics in the glorification of the papal idea. The
latter had known enough to discriminate to a certain de
gree between Catholicism and Papalism. The ignorance
of born Protestants in Catholic matters had made no such
distinction. It is no mere chance that the biographies of
such papal autocrats as Leo I., Nicholas I., Gregory VII.,
Innocent III. were written by converts ; and it shows to
what extent principles formerly held dear were forgotten,
that not a few Protestant historians — both secular and
ecclesiastical — became instrumental in preparing the way
for the restoration of the papal power.
In the Catholic world De Maistre and his associates had
cultivated the soil by preaching papal infallibility as the
only sure support for the power of princes. The German

1 6 The Papacy in the igth Century
Romanticists, too, who out of the clear atmosphere of the
present dreamed themselves back into the incense clouds
of the Middle Ages, proclaimed the pope as the ultimate
arbiter of national differences.
The ruling statesman of the following era himself stood
under the influence of a tendency which was just as much
opposed to the Reformation and all that the Reformation
stood for as it was favourable to the Papacy. A master
of social form, adroit and facile, with an excellent know
ledge of human nature, understanding how to judge and
treat each man aright. Prince Metternich was not a man
of creative ideas. His policy, which was bent upon the
outward preservation of the existing status, was blind to
the existence of ideal motive powers. His opposition to
the modern world of ideas made him an enemy to the
foundation of that modern world in the Reformation.
Metternich's frivolous private journalist, Gentz, the
representative of world-worn voluptuousness without
moral principle, was a useful instrument in carrying out
this policy. By name a Protestant, he outdid the anti-
Reformation attitude of the chancellor.
Under such auspices Austrian statesmanship, which
since Austria's accession to the alliance against Napoleon
had reached the acme of influence, showed itself, where
political interests did not run counter, sympathetic
and helpful to the pretensions of the Papacy. As the
only Catholic state of the first order in the alliance
against Napoleon, Austria at once sent its own am
bassador to Rome, who became the first adviser of the
pope. The restored dynasties met the renewed Papacy with
even greater sympathy. The principle of the solidarity
of throne and altar had become the accepted doctrine,
and the Bourbons of France, Spain, and Naples and the
king of Sardinia outdid one another in devotion to the

The Restoration of Pius VII. 17
Holy See. On the other hands, the ancient tradition of
the national churches fell into disrepute as the products
of unbelief and revolution.
It need hardly be said that this universal love of the
Papacy had not the remotest connection with religious
motives. At the founding of the Holy Alliance ' such
ideal motives had played a part; but the pope himself, in
company with the sultan of Turkey, had refused to join
the alliance because it was based upon the equal rights of
the several Churches. And the diplomats of the Congress
of Vienna were quite as much above transcendental weak
nesses as the fallen emperor whose spoils they parted
among themselves. In all the bargaining which took
place, in which the German and Italian peoples were
treated as mere geographical ideas, and where hardly any
but such political creations as contradicted the nature of
things could count upon general consent, ecclesiastical
levers served merely as means to an end ; and religious
aspirations received even less consideration than did the
interests of national life.
But the attempted subjugation and gagging of the in
dependent national spirit needed for its effectiveness the
' 18 15, between the emperors of Austria and Russia and the king of
Prussia. By this act the three sovereigns, ' ' having reached the profound convic
tion that the policy of the powers, in their mutual relations, ought to be
guided by the sublime truths taught by the eternal religion of God our
Saviour, solemnly declare that the present act has no other aim than to
manifest to the world their unchangeable determination to adopt no other
rule of conduct . . . than the precepts of that holy religion, the pre
cepts of justice, charity, and peace." This high ideal was completely belied
by subsequent events, which, in view of these lofty pretensions, show the
extent to which Christianity may be abused to serve base purposes.
Religion, as interpreted by the sovereigns, became a means towards reac
tion and absolutism.
This very interesting document may be read in full in the Translations
and Reprints from the Original Sources of European History, published by
the University of Pennsylvania (series of 1894).

1 8 The Papacy in the igth Century
spiritual police not less than the political, and the only
point of view under which religion was of any value con
sisted in the inculcation of bhnd obedience to the divine
rights of the privileged orders. For this purpose the
modus operandi of the Jesuit order proved far more useful
than the faith of the Reformation, — the latter resting
upon personal conviction, — an.^ the Danish historian
Nielson ' aptly characterises the kind of religion which
the Congress of Vienna recognised when he distinguishes
" between the perfumed court and congress-Christianity
and that of the apostles and the early Church.
So far as the result was concerned, however, it mat
tered far less what were the motives by which the eccle
siastical policy of the Congress was guided than what was
the disposition of the political rulers. And there is no
doubt that this was the most favourable possible to the
pretensions of the Papacy.
We have also to consider, as a matter of extreme im
portance, the attitude of the restored Papacy towards the
conditions and problems of the time. The pope might
have taken the same stand as his predecessors in the
Middle Ages, who knew how to assume the leadership
and give direction to the leading ideas of the time.
Could not, therefore, the pope even now place himself at
the head of the great national movements and thereby
once more gain a controlling influence ? With the wide
spread demand for a reconciliation of the old and the
new, for constitutions and popular representations, was
not the opportunity given into his hand of making him
self master of this tendency, and as supreme shepherd
calling upon the princes for the fulfilment of this de
mand ? Could he not in this way have won the lasting
sympathy of the nations, following the example of the
' History of the Papacy in the Nineteenth Century, translated into Ger
man — a very excellent work.

The Restoration of Pius VII. 19
powerful popes of the Middle Ages, in the struggle of
princes and peoples ? This is the question which Ger
vinus puts.
Let us add to the question put by this illustrious
historian his own answer. In the Middle Ages it was
possible for the pope to stand at the head of the spiritual
movement, because th^ whole civilisation of the Middle
Ages was nourished .and supported by the Church. At
that time it was perfectly natural that the pope should
make himself the herald of the ruling sympathies and
antipathies, and that by calling men to war for the glory
of God and of the Church he should render himself ter
rible to all temporal princes, and that he should reap
popularity by his efforts.
But now, such identity of interests between people and
pope was simply impossible. The Papacy was by its
whole tendency since the Reformation too closely identi
fied with opinions opposed to the popular wishes, and the
dominant liberalism was intimately associated with a freer
way of thinking in religion ; for the enjoyment of political
liberty led to the desire for ecclesiastical liberty, and
among a free people no limits could be set to enlighten
ment. Thus the restored Papacy must consistently with
its own character assume a reactionary attitude towards
all the popular aspirations of the time.
But the opposition of the Papacy to political liberal
ism, to the demand for popular representation and similar
measures was, after all, a mere incident in the general
stand which it took and by which it expressed its un
wavering enmity to the modern world of ideas. In
deed, the Papacy was never consistent in its opposition
to any one set of ideas or any one institution. We shall
find hardly any political or social movement with which
the Papacy has not entered into some sort of alliance in
order to make it useful to its own purposes. We find

20 The Papacy in the igth Century
even an approach to the political-liberal tendencies of the
times, as the reigns of Clement XIV. and Pius VI. (the
latter at least in its first half) prove. Even Pius VII.
personally, as bishop of Imola, had made considerable
concessions to the Revolution; Napoleon characterised
the sermon which he preached touching the invasion of
the French in 1797, as a Jacobite sermon.
It is evident, therefore, that in order to discover what
is essential and fundamental in the character of the re
stored Papacy, we must go deeper; and we shall not
understand the Papacy, with all its religious and ecclesias
tical pretensions, until we have learned to recognise in it
the revival of the old Roman caesarism under the name
of St. Peter, claiming sovereign rights over land and
people, so that all concessions and gifts made to the
Papacy were in reality only a restitution of what was
rightly its own, and had been only for a time alienated.
And under the ecclesiastical mask of this new caesarism
there was included that absolutism in the religious sphere
which denied the right of every adverse opinion.
Since the era of " Illumination " ' there had been less
antagonism than ever between the original Catholic ideal
of Christian universalism and the Protestant principle of
Christian individualism. But so soon as the restoration
had given it a free hand, papal absolutism was forced in
consistency with its own character to wage a war of ex
termination against so-called heresy. Its opposition to
constitutionalism and liberalism was only the result of
this ecclesiastical absolutism. And in obedience to the
same impulse the Church placed itself in antagonism to
the principles of free scientific research; for the latter
would appear just as dangerous as the spirit of a pure and
'"Illumination," or " illuminism " (Aufklarung), denotes the general
intellectual movement in Germany towards the end of the last century,
which was characterised by great activity of thought and a breaking away
from ancient traditions.

The Restoration of Pius VII. 21
free religion to a power whose entire growth rested upon
a chain of the most outrageous deceptions.
The endeavour to destroy nonconformists by force had
become so entirely second nature to the Papacy that even
amid the storms of the Revolution every moment favour
able to this purpose was used. Galileans and Theophi-
lanthropists ' were the first victims. Immediately after
Consalvi's departure with the new French concordat
(1801), the national synod of the French Church was dis
solved, and the first announcement with which Talleyrand
greeted the new nuncio, Caprara, was that the public
worship of the Theophilanthropists had been closed.
Among the papal conditions of the emperor's coronation
one of the first had been the demand that Catholicism
should be declared once more the ruling religion of the
state. This rude insult to the ideas of 1789 failed of
being put into effect. But the clergy of the Revolution
were obliged to render a humiliating recantation, and the
right to preach was taken from married priests, who thus
were as far as possible deprived of their means of exist
ence. Similar measures were attempted outside of
France. When, with the accession of King Louis Na
poleon, Roman influences had gained the upper hand in
the Netherlands, an attempt was made to deprive the old
Catholic Episcopal Church of its bishops. The difference
between the epoch of restoration and the years of revolu
tion consists therefore only in this, that oppression and
persecution, which had been sporadic and temporary, after
the Restoration became the ruling principle which de
termined the development of the whole following period.
For a short time it seemed as if at least the most gen
eral reforms which followed the French domination — in
spite of its revolutionary and anti- national character —
would meet with toleration in Rome. At first there was
some talk of the necessity of administrative improvement
' A sect formed in France in 1796.

22 The Papacy in the igth Century
and the reform of abuses in ecclesiastical orders, but only
too soon were such efforts branded as revolutionary tend
encies. And more and more the restored papal rule
inclined to recognise as valid only the old condition of
things before the Revolution and before the era of
Illumination. Nevertheless, in comparison with the reign of his suc
cessors, that of Pius VII. enjoys, with those who allow
themselves to be deluded by the sound of words, the
name of a liberal government. The cardinals were
divided into two parties, the Zelanti and the Liberali.
It was the latter party which, through Consalvi, who was
again made secretary of state, gave its name to the papal
policy under Pius VII. It is extremely important, how
ever, not to be misled in our judgment by a foreign use
of language. For both parties were equally representa
tive of the specifically papal idea; both stood with equal
emphasis for the immutability of the papal Church sys
tem ; both were equally unwilling to give up any former
claims. The Liberali were only inclined to momentary
concessions in consideration of the conditions and needs
of the present, although they were careful to make their
concessions so prudently that the appearance of papal
infallibility did not suffer. The Zelanti, on the other
hand, clung to the most antiquated pretensions and
would give their consent to no kind of sacrifice; they
knew but one object — unconditioned restoration of the
old. The latter outnumbered their opponents in the restored
Curia from the beginning, and their chief. Cardinal Pacca,
enjoyed to a high degree the confidence of the "pope. But
no less did Consalvi stand well in the latter's favour ; his
wise statesmanship had made him indispensable. And
so the play of intrigue, which was never absent in the
Curia, revolved about the greater or less influence of these
two factions, although they were in perfect agreement

The Restoration of Pius VII. 23
as to the ultimate end. During Consalvi's absence,
as ambassador of the pope in England and at the Con
gress of Vienna, the Zelanti had a freer hand. But even
after his return, when he again took the control of affairs,
the spirit of the government remained the same, and the
liberal phraseology of which Consalvi was master, while
all illiberal measures were put upon others, served only
to deceive good-natured and ignorant people as to the
real ends sought.
Among the diplomats of the nineteenth century Con
salvi may claim, with Talleyrand and Metternich, a place
in the first rank. His early education — as the special
protigd of Cardinal York, the last legitimate successor of
James II. — had initiated him in political secrets. Not
long afterwards, in the social circle of the exiled aunts of
Louis XVI., he had entered into close relations with the
most influential representatives of the opposition to the
Revolution. As the secretary of the conclave at Venice
(which elected Pius VII.), he had his first opportunity of
showing his diplomatic skill. He appealed simultaneously
to the protection of Austria and Russia, wrote to the
nominal king, Louis XVIII., and understood how to
neutralise the suspicion of the republican leaders.
When he returned to Rome, Pius VII. made him his
secretary of state. Immediately afterwards, when the
French concordat was drawn, he showed his strategical
dexterity. The celebrated contradictions between the
despatches which he wrote then and the memoirs drawn
up during the later conflict with Napoleon have given
much occupation to the learned world. The attempts to
solve these contradictions start from the naive presump
tion that for Consalvi language served another purpose
than for Talleyrand.
Yet a peculiar value attaches to these memoirs for the
expressions they contain of the author's bitter animosity

24 The Papacy in the igth Century
against Napoleon. It was owing to this very feeling that
soon after the fall of Napoleon Consalvi became most in
fluential among the allies. He was assiduous in cultivat
ing the relations with England which he had entered into
in his younger years (through the mediation of Cardinal
York), so that English statesmen took him into their
confidence, and that even in the divorce trial of Queen
Caroline he ofiSciated as the confidant of the court.
But his greatest services, next to the French concordat,
belonged to the Congress of Vienna; here he not only
took formal precedence of all other ministers, but his
intimate relations with the leaders of Austrian and French
politics, his amiable flatteries for the representatives of
Russia and England, the prudent use he made of the
ladies' salons, gave him a decisive influence in the most
important questions. His celebrated note of the 23d
of October, 1814, in which he demanded the re-establish
ment of the Papacy in its full possessions, including
Avignon, made impossible demands; but it certainly
effected a richer harvest at the final settlement. And
the non-fulfilment of the other claims gave occasion to a
protest similar to that once made against the peace of
Westphalia, — protests which not only belong to the nature
of the so-called Curial language, but which, as soon as
the favourable moment has come, are made the basis of
new claims on the part of the Papacy, which never de
sists from its divine rights, and is therefore infallible.
Upon his return from the congress Consalvi once more
took the headship of the Roman government. The pro
test which he had made in Vienna was still more impress
ively repeated in a papal allocution. In the restored
states of the Church the same administration continued
as during his absence. After the restoration of the
temporal power of the pope, Italy was looked upon and
treated as a conquered land, of which the powers at
Vienna disposed with sovereign authority.

The Restoration of Pius VII. 25
The dexterous hand of Consalvi is traceable in the re
jection of the endeavours which the noblest and the most
devoted German Catholics made for a more closely united
German national church, in the restrictions placed upon
the liberty of the press, and in the interference in the
affairs of the German Confederation. The fine, smooth
handwriting of his letters is, indeed, characteristic of this
smooth diplomat, to whom the Romans themselves gave
the name of Siren, and who understood admirably how
to make the most of the fable of a liberal Papacy. And
the master's dexterity was shown by his pupils : above
all, Bernetti and Capaccini, whose heartiness and bon.
hommie delighted the diplomats, while they made every
effort to nullify the inner-Catholic reform aspirations,
quite after the manner of Loyola.
As to the reform notions of Consalvi, so highly praised
by Niebuhr and Ranke, there remains no more doubt
about their true value since Curci's ' remarkable revela
tion concerning the suppressed plan of reform made by
Cardinal Sala. During Consalvi's absence in the year
1815, Sala had rewritten and begun to publish his funda
mental propositions {Piano di riforma umiliato a Pio VIL).
Consalvi had all the copies destroyed. The greater part
of the work is completely lost ; only an extract from a
small part has become known, through the memoirs of
Sala, published in 1880, by Professor Cugnoni." The
only reason for this action on the part of Consalvi appears
to have been his fear that the author might become dan
gerous to himself. Sala's propositions give evidence of
superior ability. Curci adds to his account of this chap
ter of history the significant sentence: " To such miser
able jealousies does God sometimes grant the decision
' A Jesuit, expelled from the order ; wrote on the relations of Church and
State, upholding Italian nationality ; suspended ; submitted, and was re
conciled in 1884.
^ Memorie delta vita e degli scritti dei card. G. A. Sala, 1880.

26 The Papacy in the igth Century
concerning the highest interests of the Church and of
Rome." In contrast to Consalvi and his party, Cardinal Pacca,
the head of the opposite party, has the reputation of
an eager zealot. The real difference lies perhaps in his
greater honesty and frankness. At least the hatred
which he cherished to the Revolution and to all that he
confounded with it did not make him blind to the imper
fections of the Church. On the other hand, his own ex
periences would naturally lead him to view in the same
light Revolution and Illuminism or the tendency towards
national churches.
As nuncio in Cologne, hardly twenty-five years old, he
had been able to counteract the Punctations of Ems ' by
awakening the jealousy of the bishops against the arch
bishops. The university of Bonn, founded by the arch
bishop of Cologne, as well as the diocesan synod called
by his colleague of Mainz," with the enlightened teachers
of the one and radical reform tendencies of the other,
found in him an energetic opponent. He foresaw the
fate of the pre-revolutionary Church more clearly than
others, and for that very reason demanded all the more
thoroughgoing energy, and would know nothing of half-
measures or of forbearance towards other forms of belief.
The arguments by which the restoration of the order of
Jesuits was pushed are traced to his inspiration. And
' A conflict between the pope and the archbishops of Germany was occa
sioned by the assumptions of the nuncios. At the Congress of Ems in 1786
the archbishops of Mayence, Treves, Cologne, and Salzburg demanded the
old episcopal rights ; conceded to the pope only the primacy of honour ;
denied appeals to him ; and demanded the abolition of the nuncios. This
act was called the " Punctation of Ems."
' This synod discussed a partial abolition of clerical celibacy ; only those
that had the cure of souls were to be bound to celibacy ; the use of the ver
nacular in the Church service, restriction of the adoration of saints, the
reading of the Bible and the repeal of the existing law against it were also
treated.

The Restoration of Pius VII. 27
with all this, we find nowhere such a lack of higher con
siderations, especially of religious ideas, — such as charac
terises the curialistic diplomacy in general, — as in the
memoirs of Pacca.
Standing in the middle between the two diplomats, of
whom one represented a watchful prudence, the other an
energetic aggressiveness, Pius VII. comes personally to
the front only when it was intended to make an impres
sion through his mild, amiable personality. In early life
he had suffered severe trials ; as bishop of Tivoli he had
devoted himself to an ascetic piety. The sermon which
he preached at the entrance of the French into Imola,'
and the concessions which he had made during his im
prisonment, had drawn bitter words from De Maistre.
But when he returned to Rome, he was looked upon as
an unflinching martyr.
It is not on record that his piety ever took offence at
the means which his political advisers considered neces
sary. On the other hand, every single country was soon
made to feel that the old curialistic spirit again ruled in
the Vatican. In Rome all sails were set to make the
best of the favourable wind. Rarely (so says Gervinus)
has the Vatican proved its old accustomed all-seeing
activity and its dexterity in seizing the right moment
better than at this time.
As the first result of the restoration of the Papacy there
meets us the re-establishment, though now only for the
states of the Church, of the old congregations of car
dinals. First of all, that of the Index and of the Inquisi
tion. The congregation of the Index in 181 5 forbade
all political books. The same fate befell even Alfieri's
patriotic poems. In the congregation of the Inquisition
there were in a short time 724 charges of heresy pending.
After these congregations had been again set up came
' See page 20.

28 1 ke Papacy in the igth Century
the turn of the dissolved monasteries. By a single edict
there were restored 1824 monasteries and 622 nunneries.
The founding of new institutions soon assumed almost
greater dimensions than in those epochs of flourishing
monasticism which are illustrated by the names of the
Benedictines, the Cluniacs, the begging friars, and the
legion of orders which arose in the struggle with the Re
formation.
„ Of a similar character were the prohibitions and con
demnations which accompanied these measures. The
larger part was directed against the freemasons. And in
a class with the secret associations were placed the Bible
societies that had arisen during the last ten or twenty
years. The first official condemnation of the latter,
which was subsequently followed by a series of others,
finally put together in the Syllabus of 1864, is pronounced
in the briefs of July 29 and September 3, 18 14, sent to the
archbishops of Gnesen and of Mohilew. In these dioceses
a new translation of the Bible had been spread, one of the
translations into all the Russian dialects made by the aid
of Alexander I. There is hardly a sharper contrast con
ceivable than that between this Russian emperor, seeking
to make the word of salvation accessible to his subjects,
and the so-called vicar of Christ in Rome, who forbade it
to laymen. The Bible societies are characterised by
Pius as
a pest, godless machinations of innovators, a crafty invention
to shake the foundations of religion, a new kind of tares which
the enemy has sown. . . . The people are to be warned,
that they may not fall into the traps which are prepared for
them to their eternal perdition. It is for the common welfare
that such attempts, which are made by its enemies for the de
struction of holy religion, be frustrated. The translations of
Holy Scripture in general do more harm than good, and none
is to be tolerated which is not sanctioned by the Holy See and
furnished with explanations by the Church-fathers.

The Restoration of Pius VII. 29
The restored Papacy could not define its " religious "
tendency more distinctly than by this anathema upon
the reading of the Bible. The examples which Pius
herein followed are unmistakable. Innocent III. (1198-
12 16), the greatest world-ruler among the popes, had
given the first prohibition of Bibles, and a few years later
the synod of Toulouse (1229) — and this was the most
significant of all its proceedings against the Albigenses
and Waldenses — had anathematised the reading of the
Bible by the laity. After this, it was not until the era
of the counter-Reformation that similar measures were
again taken. The anti-Protestant decrees of the Council
of Trent concerning the Bible, its reading and interpreta
tion, were soon followed by the first edition of the Index
under the authority of Pius IV. (1564), in which the read
ing of the new translations of the Bible in the vernacu
lar was threatened with eternal damnation. After this,
it is not until the time of the Jansenist disputes that we
meet with equally decided expressions of enmity to the
Bible, in the most notable of the bulls directed against
the inner-Catholic reformation — the Unigenitus bull
(1715)- On the other hand, in the period of the Illumination at
the end of the last century, even among Catholic popula
tions, the Bible had been spread abroad through the in
fluence of the bishops, who at that time were more
Christian Catholic than Roman Catholic; and the re
ligious revival which in England and America represented
the counterpart of Continental revolutionary tenden
cies, had, by means of various religious associations,
produced a marked effect among foreign Catholics.
Against this danger Pius, after his return, thought it
necessary to make his first stand, and he took up again
the policy of Innocent III. Following it, he thought
himself able to cope with Revolution and Reformation.
But even the condemnation of Bible societies might

30 The Papacy in the igth Century
appear as an isolated event, of more theoretical than
practical significance. That which gave to the restora
tion of Pius VII. for all time its ominous significance
was the first act of world-wide importance which he
undertook after his return — the restoration of the Society
of Jesus. For not only was this, far more than the pro
hibition of the Bible, an unmistakable sign of the spirit
in which the renewed Papacy undertook its task ; we see
in the influence which the Society at once began to exert
upon all conditions the source of that great stream which
drew the entire further development of Catholicism into
its current. It will therefore be our next task to trace
this stream in its many windings.
From the same source we shall observe a second stream
to flow, which drew European and non-European coun
tries alike within the sphere of the Curia's power. The
concordats which followed under the same pope have
exerted a hardly less intense influence upon the relations
of Church and State than the restoration of the Jesuits
exerted upon the development of the Church.
And besides these two tendencies we should not forget
a third, which, beginning at the same time, powerfully
affected the development of the religious life of the
people under the dominion of the Jesuits and of the con
cordats : the alienation of the life of the people from the
Church which outwardly ruled it. And here, too, we can
trace in one single sphere the type of what happened
in all countries influenced by the Vatican ; for there is
no place where the moral nature of the restored Papacy
appears so distinctly as in the states of the Church.

CHAPTER II
THE RESTORATION AND RENEWED EXPANSION OF THE
ORDER OF JESUITS
ON the 24th of May, 1814, Pius VII. arrived in Rome.
On the 7th of August of the same year he went in
solemn procession and — as Pacca tells us — amid the
acclamations of the multitude to the Church of the
Jesuits, and there read mass at the altar of St. Ignatius.
Immediately afterwards, in the neighbouring oratory, in
the presence of numerous cardinals and bishops and of the
Sicilian Jesuits and their provincial, the pope caused the
master of ceremonies to read the bull, Solicitudo omnium
ecclesiarum. The care of the churches confided to him lays upon him
the duty of using all the means in his power to meet the
spiritual needs of Christendom. Since for this reason, by
the briefs of May 7, 1801, and July 13, 1804, the Society
of Jesus had again been sanctioned in Russia and in the
kingdom of both Sicilies, the unanimous wish of almost all
Christendom has caused active and energetic demands to
be made for the general restoration of the order; especially
since there have been diffused on all hands the very abundant
fruits which the Society has produced in those regions where it
existed. The scattered stones of the temple and the destruc
tion of discipline, caused by the late calamities and misfortunes,
demanded his consent to such unanimous and right wishes.
He would become partaker in grievous sin towards God, if in
31

32 The Papacy in the igth Century
the midst of the heavy storms which were raging round the
vessel of Peter he turned away the strong and experienced
rowers who offered themselves to break through the raging
billows which every moment threatened inevitable ruin.
Therefore he had resolved to carry out what had been his
dearest wish since his elevation to the apostolic throne and by
his present irrevocable decree commands that the orders be
fore given touching Russia and both Sicilies should from this
moment be extended to all parts of the states of the Church as
well as to all other states and dominions. This decree shall
remain for all time unchangeable and inviolable; any action
contrary thereto, proceeding from any person whatsoever, is
declared to be null and void, and especially is the decree of
Clement XIV. pronounced invalid and of no application.
We should not omit to note the remarkable contrast
between the ex cathedra decree of Pius VII. and the ex
cathedra decree of Clement XIV. of July 21, 1771. For
after Clement XIV. had expressly ordered that no re
storation of the order should ever be valid, Pius never
theless undertook this restoration. But aside from this,
\t would be difircult to conceive of a more decided con
trast than that presented by the reference of the one
pope to the petitions addressed to him from all sides for
dissolution and the appeal of the other to petitions like
wise directed to him from all sides for restoration, than
between the picture which one draws of the good fruits
of the order and that which the other presents of its evil
deeds and its abominable sentiments.
These violent contrasts, however, in the verdicts of two
equally jnfaniblepoges admit of a simple explanation, if
we bear in mind the great change in the spirit of the
times brought about by the intervening Revolution. It
was simply the fruit of the Revolution which fell into the
lap of the order as well as of the Papacy.
In our time it may seem peculiar to the candid student
of history that men suddenly seemed to recognise the

The Restoration of the Jesuits 33
deliverer from the Revolution in the same order which
by its war of extermination against Huguenots and Jan-
senists had been chiefly instrumental in preparing the
way for the Revolution. But amid the terrors of the
Revolution its underlying causes had been forgotten.
Men were influenced by what was nearest, and the reason
ing of the papal brief was widely echoed. With an in
creasing sense of triumph it was everywhere published
abroad that the only reason why the insolent philosophy
of the century had risen against its rulers was that the
Society of Jesus, the ancient bulwark of throne and altar,
had been destroyed, and these had thus been deprived
of their surest support. Only by making haste to raise
from its grave the order which understood, as no other
body did, how to keep the people in obedience to their
divinely appointed spiritual and temporal shepherds, was
there any ground to hope that the straying might be
brought back and the faithful preserved from infection
by the revolutionary poison.
This reasoning, however, was not allowed to pass
wholly without contradiction. In a manner truly pro
phetic, to which after-experiences have given a most tell
ing force, Wessenberg ' foretold the consequences of the
restoration of the Society :
The causes why the order of the Jesuits in its modern de
velopment is wholly irreconcilable with the welfare of the
Christian Church as well as that of nations and of the agree
ment between the two, are so numerous and of such force that
' " One of the noblest representatives of liberal Catholicism in the begin
ning of the present century " (Schaff-Herzog). Appointed vicar-general of
the diocese of Constance. Elected bishop of Constance in 1817, the pope
refused to confirm him, and he retired to private life. " The reasons of the
Curia's aversion to him were, that he advocated the establishment of a national
church of Germany, and the revival of general councils, and that as vicar-
general he had introduced the German language into the liturgy and choir-
singing of the churches of his dioceses, and sent his seminarists to Pestalozzi
to learn the new method of instruction."
3

34 The Papacy in the igth Century
it must appear in the highest degree astonishing, that the heads
of states should now again see in the order a powerful support
of their authority. Its principles are of such nature that they
must inevitably corrupt Christian faith and morals and unsettle
the relation of Church and State. All kinds of unbelief,
heathen and Pharisaic opinions, are cherished by them. The
doctrine of probabilities, of the reservatio mentalis, and the
sanctificatibn of the means by the end, of the invalidity even
of oaths, when a supposedly higher end makes this probable,
and others, which the order has invented and which it every
where maintains, destroy the foundations of all Christian
morals. The Jesuit-ultramontane doctrine of Church-law is
inconsistent with the maintenance of any real secular authority
and with the independence of national government. For this
order, true to its character and the spirit of its teaching, as the
experience of centuries proves, aspires to an universal despot
ism over all minds, over all organs of State and Church life,
so that none but a stone-blind man can fail to see that this
order is the most mighty and the most dangerous secret society
for grasping the actual power of Church and State. Should
the order succeed in again winning a position for itself in
Germany, we may look forward to a bitter and long struggle
of light with darkness, a struggle which will become dangerous
to the peace of the Church as well as to the quiet of nations.
Even statesmen, especially Catholic statesmen, were
at this time not so friendly to the Jesuits as they after
wards became. It is asserted upon good authority that
in the beginning Prince Metternich and the Emperor
Francis were little inclined to the restoration of the
order. In Bavaria we find the same temper prevailing,
shared even by the romantic crown prince. In Italy and
in Spain the order met with serious suspicion from all
independent men. Portugal and Brazil made decided
resistance to the reception of the followers of Loyola.
And even Consalvi thought it prudent to give evidence
of his liberality by a criticism of the measures adopted
during his absence.

The Restoration of the Jesuits 35
But the world stood before an accomplished fact. The
Vatican had executed the secretly prepared stroke, and
opposition was disarmed. The settlements of the order,
which had been allowed to remain, in Russia and Sicily,
had already served as stations for new recruits. The
former Russian provincial, Brzozowski, had only to as
sume the name of ^general in order to connect the new
with the old organisation. In the city of Rome itself a
considerable number of Jesuits soon came together. On
the very day that the Society was restored it received
back the three palaces which it had formerly possessed in
Rome. The following year saw the foundation of new
colleges in Viterbo, Urbino, Orvieto, Ferrara, Terni,
Tivoli, Fano, Feventino, and Benevento.
At the same time affiliated orders began to group
themselves around the Society. The orders of the
Fathers of the Faith and the Redemptorists and the con
gregations of the Sacred Heart of Jesus formed auxiliaries.
Out of the many associations with masonic, liberal, and
revolutionary labels, into which the ex-Jesuits had re
tired, there issued new congregations for all classes and
strata of the people, but all placed under the supreme
direction of the Company. Even the older monastic
orders, which until then had formed a counter-influence
to the Jesuits, one after another succumbed to its author
ity, and were obliged to modify their former independent
constitutions according to the Jesuit model.
It is a problem of considerable historical importance to
trace the secret activity of the Company in the interval
between its dissolution and its restoration; but we are
still without the requisite data. for even an approximate
solution of this problem. The most important plans of the
leaders have very rarely been intrusted to paper. Only
meagre fragments exist of contemporary literature during
the wars of the Revolution, in which there is any mention

36 The Papacy in the igth Century
of the attempts repeatedly made under Pius VI. for
the restoration of the Jesuits. We should not even know
that these attempts were considerably increased immedi
ately after the enthronement of Pius VII., if he had not
himself testified that even at that time he had been
favourable to the idea. And all that is known to us of
any further steps taken to carry out the plans for the
restoration of the order is the promise given by Pius
upon Pacca's request at Fontainebleau, August 7, 1812,
to restore the order after his own liberation. But al
though we may not be able to trace the devious ways in
which the abettors of the Jesuits sought to accomplish
their ends, it is now our task, as with the old order so
with the new, to learn to know the tree by its fruits.
These very soon become plain enough.
Since the restoration of the order the Papacy itself has
become its auxiliary in a sense different from before. In
the history of Catholicism from 1540 to our own day
popes friendly to the Jesuits have alternated with those
who were opponents of their tendencies. The act of
Pius VIL, however, precluded the possibility that
another Clement XIV. should ever lay violent hands
upon the order; and under the reign of his successors
the order has carried out one by one the plans which be
fore it had attempted in vain. Any possible fluctuation
of the papal policy in the future has now been provided
against. For the " pious opinions," of which none had
any more authority than any other, have been replaced
by formulated " dogmas "; the condemnations, hitherto
isolated and without system, have been put together in
the system of the Syllabus of Pius IX. ; the ecumenical
council, which to the Catholic Church of old stood as the
highest court of appeal, has been obliged to pronounce
its own abdication. And thus the Papacy, made infalli
ble and declared incapable of improvement, has been de
graded to the level of the Company of Jesus, just as the

The Restoration of the Jesuits 37
autocratic caesarism of Rome at the summit of its ab
solutism became the prey of the Praetorians.
Along with the Papacy, the bishops also succumbed
to the rule of the Jesuits, although not till after long
struggles. The opposition, apparently suppressed, again
and again gave astonishing signs of life. But all these
inner-Catholic attempts at reform have always been de
feated by Jesuit strategy, which knew how to find abet
tors everywhere. The political leaders of the so-called
Catholic parties could soon without fear of contradiction
identify Catholicism and Jesuitism. Bishops, who found
their support not in their dioceses but in Rome, main
tained that a good Catholic must be a friend of the
Jesuits, and characterised every act of self-defence on
the part of Protestantism against the eternal war which
the Jesuits had sworn as an attack upon the Catholic
Church. The new order, even more than the old, threw its
energies into a war to the death against evangelical
liberty of conscience. The battle against the Revolution
and revolutionary ideas was held to be a continuation of
the old battle against the Reformation. In order to sup
press the former, the results of the latter were marked for
destruction, and the character of the new crusade which
the order at once inaugurated against the Evangelical
churches is in nowise distinguished from the intrigues
which brought about the Thirty Years' War and the
revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
It has been elsewhere asserted," with entire justice,
that all abetment and recognition of the principles and
the activity of the order on the part of a Protestant
Christian is not an act of justice, but a betrayal of his
own past and future and an act of ethical laxity. And
yet there are among the rulers of the Protestant churches
many who accept the designation of Protestant Jesuits
' In an article by Steitz in Herzog's Real-Enzyklopaedie, vi. , p. 56.

38 The Papacy in the igth Century
as an honourable one ; and in the war of extermination
against the ancient Catholic traditions the order is now,
as formerly, supported by the ignorance of Protestant
statesmen. The evidence of the order's activity in modern society
forces upon the candid observer this conclusion, that
there is no more significant and no clearer turning-point
in contemporary history than the restoration of the
Society of Jesus. And we find evidence, astonishingly
soon, not only of the spread of the order's influence, but
also of the character of that influence upon science and
religion. In opposition to independent research, such as had
begun to flourish, especially among German Catholics, a
new scholasticism was taught as the only correct theology.
In place of independent and impartial historical study,
history became again the handmaid of polemics. Awk
ward historical documents were systematically destroyed,
and a very extensive literature proceeding from the Jesuit
school sought to preclude the reading of independent
works. Antiquated fanciful cults were brought forward again.
The worship of the Sacred Heart was spread through all
civilised languages by means of " living rosaries " and
" monthly roses"; the Madonna cult, worship of relics,
and exorcisms, first performed in private, then more and
more publicly, were accredited by miracles. And such
systematic externalisation of dogma and cult was soon
followed by the proper ethical fruits.
The parish clergy were either won over to their interest
by the emissaries of the order, or, where they would not
yield, they became a prey to the worst persecutions. In
Catholic congregations, the civil existence of all who did
not show themselves ready to identify Jesuitism and
Catholicism was zealously undermined, and a disposition
was developed towards those of another faith which made

The Restoration of the Jesuits 39
their injury and defamation appear the first duty of
Christian charity.
The new order followed the old in devoting its greatest
activity to the education of the young, to the training up
of a generation devoted to its own interests. To this
end served, as before, the colleges and seminaries for
clerics, who upon the completion of the course, and espe
cially at the taking of the doctor's oath, vowed fidelity to
the order, and in return, if they appeared at all useful,
received the reversion of bishoprics, canonries, and pro
fessorships. To these schools for the clergy were soon
added all kinds of institutions for the training of youth,
especially for the children of the higher orders.
It was particularly for the latter that the Jesuit system
of study was calculated. The strict coherence of the
system, its logic which shrank from no consequences, the
ready judgment concerning everything that plays any
part in human development, and in general the stand
point of infallibility: all this was calculated to impose
upon the youthful mind. If to this were added family
traditions, by which a youth saw himself called to a
position of authority over the servile, unthinking masses,
we need not be surprised to find the modern pupils of the
Jesuits spellbound within a magic circle, just as was the
case in the days of Ferdinand II. and III. and the Thirty
Years' War. Among the first of these institutions, that
of Klinkowstroem in Vienna deserves mention, which,
however, is antedated by the English college at Stony-
hurst. The new order as well as the old produced a consider
able number of able specialists. In the domain of the
exact sciences, especially, the modern Society of Jesuits
counted many real celebrities. And no more than the
learning, is the ascetic piety of many individual Jesuits
to be undervalued among the forces over which the lead
ers of the order disposed. In the precepts of Loyola

40 The Papacy in the igth Century
himself, together with a fantastic romanticism and a cer
tain worldly wisdom, there is noticeable the manner in
which his thoughts attach themselves to the words of
Jesus. The success of the new order is quite unintel
ligible if one does not appreciate the whole power of this
enthusiastic devotion.
All this learning and piety, however, are in the service
of a system which not only presents the sharpest contrast
to the gospel of Jesus, but which undermines the founda
tions of all morality. It is no mere chance that the
manual of Gury, which teaches how to evade the moral
law and how to defy the civil laws, has become the
favourite schoolbook of the Jesuits and their associates.
And Jesuit morality will remain proverbial until the order
succeeds in suppressing the sources of real morality in
the public conscience.
It may succeed in doing this if the independent re
sponsibility of conscience is sacrificed to an infallible
authority. But wherever the national conscience gains
utterance, it will always express itself in the same way as
it did in the laws of the Swiss confederation, of the new
German empire, and of the French republic. We must
consider the decrees of these national representative
bodies as a moral verdict upon the order, and this moral
verdict was not the outcome of sectarian polemics, but is
based upon numerous original works of the first Catholic
scholars, which set before us the real fruits of the re
newed as well as of the dissolved order. Protestant
representations might be charged with sectarian bias.
But such a picture as — to choose one out of many —
Father Curci draws of the Jesuit " fruits " is even less
liable to a reproach of this kind than are the researches
of Dollinger.
It would be difficult to find a more competent judge of
the order than Curci,' — for forty years a member, the
¦ See Chapter I., page 25, note i.

The Restoration of the Jesuits 41
founder of the principal Jesuit organ, the Civiltct Catho
lica, and the writer of the most eloquent defence of the
order against the attacks of Gioberti. Even after his
celebrated proposals for reform (rejected by Pius IX.,
adopted in all essential points by Leo XIII.), Curci de
clares expressly that he does not give up his former
devotion and admiration for the Society, even though
with bleeding heart he must make public the causes by
which the order, " at least apparently, has become the
unhappy cause of the dire evils which to-day are visited
upon the Church in Italy." But this historic fact forces
him (in his The New Ltaly and the Old Zealots) to " dis
close the network of deceptions, which owes its power to
the fact that it is hidden and little known. " An arrogant
and superstitious faith in its power and perfection has
made the order depraved beyond redemption.
It has covered with its authority and name all the base plans
that have been formed and executed by the group of agitators
and ambitious characters to the injury of the Church and the
desecration of the Holy See, and so has stained itself with one
of the worst blots of infamy which darken history.
A large share of the blame, Curci thinks, he must as
cribe to his former organ, the Civilth Catholica. On the
methods of Roman journalism generally (including those
of the Jesuit press-bureau) he makes this remark :
Its character is such that in time it destroys in the soul
of the reader all respect for truth, one might almost say, for
justice, and drags him down to the level of all kinds of falsifi
cations and juggleries and sophistries and calumnies and invec
tives, and especially to the level of its own low ruffian-manners,
in which unworthy means it is not far behind the worst of its
opponents. Curci adds in the same connection an account of how
he himself before the year 1870 sought to effect a re
organisation of the order, with the aid of the order's

42 The Papacy in the igth Century
superiors outside of Italy. But he was met with the same
Sint ut sunt aut non sint which the last general of
the order had opposed to the alternative of dissolution or
reform. A provincial, to whose influence over the general
Curci appealed in behalf of his proposed reform, gave the
answer: " There is only one remedy, but the general
cannot apply it." — " Why not ? " — " Because the only
effective remedy would be to dissolve the order."
It is no exaggeration to say that modern national de
velopment hinges upon the national attftude towards the
Jesuits ; for the order or against the order, is the shib
boleth of contemporary history. Moreover, in future the
history of the Jesuits and that of the Papacy may be
treated as one and the same, and we shall now endeayour
to bring into view the threads of the network which the
order spread during the reign of its restorer, Pius VII.,
starting from Rome and extending over all countries.
Next to the states of the Church the other restored
Italian states, where it had been hated more than any
where else, were soon blessed with the renewed order.
In Sicily it had been restored since 1804. From there
it was brought to Naples by Ferdinand I. after his vic
tory over Murat (1814); and here, under him and his
successors, it steadily gained in influence. In Piedmont,
under Victor Emmanuel I., and in Sardinia, under
Charles Felix, it acquired great influence. Yet among
the most energetic and the best educated Italians opposi
tion to the order grew in proportion to the spread of its
power. In the Austrian dependencies its progress was
somewhat slower. But here, too, Jesuit influences were
at work in the suppression of dissent. In Modena, where
the censorship was put into their hands, they took all
obnoxious books even from private libraries. In Tus
cany, the reforms of Bishop Ricci ' stood in the way of
' The reforming bishop of Pistoya (1780). In 1791 Ricci was compelled
to abdicate, and retired to private life.

The Restoration of the Jesuits 43
the order's progress; but here, too, they were in the end
successful. As the Italian, so the Spanish restoration. Ferdinand
VII. reversed the act of expulsion passed by Charles III.
(1767), and declared all charges against the Jesuits to be
fabrications by the " enemies of the religion of Christ."
Excess of reaction led in Spain sooner than elsewhere to
a revolution, and the revolution was directed principally
against the Jesuits. After the French invasion and the
second restoration of Ferdinand (1823) their power in
creased. The seed which they had sown soon bore fruit
in the wars of the Carlists.
In Portugal affairs took at first the opposite course.
King John VI. (-j- 1826) declared his resolution never to
suffer the Jesuits in his dominions. His son Don Pedro
followed in his footsteps, and, like his father, leaned
upon the liberal anti-Jesuit party. But during the usurp
ation of Pedro's brother, Don Miguel, the Jesuits were
able to steal into the country.
In order, however, to approve itself as the counter-
agent of the Revolution, which, according to the papal
brief, was the principal object of its restoration, it was a
matter of especial importance to the order to gain a firm
foothold in France, the land of the Revolution. The
restored Jesuits became hardly less fatal to France than
the old society. All subsequent political disturbances in
this country are intimately connected with the victories
and the defeats of the order. Let us trace its first
appearance in France after the Restoration.
Before this time, even under the reign of Napoleon,
Jesuits were not wanting in France, though they were
concealed under other names. As the conflict between
emperor and pope grew more pronounced, especially
during the imprisonment of the latter in France (1809-
1814), the ex-Jesuits gained increasing influence over

44 The Papacy in the igth Century
Pius, and his scruples about the open restoration of the
order were quieted. Even in the family of the Bona-
partes, the Jesuits found favour with Cardinal Fesch,
Napoleon's uncle. Yet not until after the legitimate
monarchy had been set up again in France, under the
protection of foreign troops, could the restoration of the
Company of Jesus be carried out. Then there immedi
ately began a rapid invasion of the conquered country by
the Jesuits.
The order was still nominally prohibited by the law of
the land; nevertheless the government took measures to
help its return. In October, 1814, Louis XVIII. issued
an ordinance concerning the small seminaries, which
withdrew the superintendence over them from the uni
versities and gave to the bishops full liberty in the choice
of teachers. The result was to render ineffective the old
decrees against the Jesuits. A second ordinance, of Sep
tember, 18 16, by which, to remedy the lack of preaching,
missions were organised, gave them a still greater ad
vantage. They understood well how to use these missions for
their own advantage, especially to arouse the fanaticism
of the lower classes. The last act of the solemn services
was generally the setting up of a huge cross, to which the
converted attached hearts of lead graven with their
initials. At the same time the people were excited
against the Protestants, and the hatred thus inflamed led
to horrible massacres, especially in the south of France.
Every effort was made to render the revolutionary and
Napoleonic epoch hateful to the lower classes, and this
effort was eminently successful.
But still more successful was another effort — the insti
tution of Congregations of the Affiliated, of Jesuits a
robe courte, or in dress-suits, which served the purposes
of the order without taking the vows. These congrega
tions were masterfully calculated to influence the minds

The Restoration of the Jesuits 45
of those whom it was desirable to win. There were va
rious such congregations for the various classes. Count
Artois and his daughter-in-law, the duchess of Angou-
leme, stood at the head of the congregation composed of
the highest nobility. The higher and middle classes,
artisans, domestics, soldiers, even children, had their spe
cial sodalities. And how varied was the list of names,
how innocent the objects: " for the propagation of the
faith," " for the defence of religion," " for the defence
of the holy mysteries and the holy sacraments. ' ' Besides
these there were the societies " of the sacred heart of
Jesus or Mary," " of the holy rosary," " of the holy
sepulchre," also the " society of regenerated France."
The centre of these congregations was the Pavilion
Marsan (the seat of Count Artois), and there, even under
Louis XVIII., they formed a secret government along
side of the constitutional authorities. Under Charles X.
their tendencies became dominant. Their full influence,
however, upon political as well as ecclesiastical condi
tions must be studied in connection with the history of
the French Church.
With the history of the Jesuits in France their progress
in the smaller neighbouring countries is intimately asso
ciated. Among the mixed peoples of the Southern
Netherlands their successes were almost greater than in
France itself. Of all the countries in which the Reform
ation had been suppressed through Jesuit influence, the
provinces of the Netherlands which Spain had recon
quered had been most deeply impregnated with the
poison of the order. By means of the Inquisition and
the Index, with the help of learning and art, a bulwark
had been thrown up against the dangerous desire for
liberty which prevailed in the Northern Netherlands.
And the inner-Catholic movements towards reform, in
the land which long cherished the traditions of Erasmus,

46 The Papacy in the igth Century
had been subdued in the persons of Jansen and his
friends. The Company of Jesus was lord over all conditions of
life, as in a second Paraguay. Even after the dissolution
of the order, its spirit remained supreme, as is plainly
shown by the revolution against the Emperor Joseph 1 1.
(1790). Soon after this the French arms carried Jacobite
rule into this land, the first which yielded to the arms of
the Revolution. But as in France, so here, too, the
excesses of the Revolution prepared the way for a coun
ter-revolution. After the Restoration Belgium immedi
ately becomes one of the most important centres of the
order. For the interests of the Jesuits nothing could have been
more opportune than the suicidal decree of the Congress
of Vienna, which riveted together the Northern and the
Southern Netherlands ' — in every way the antipodes the
one of the other. The Jesuits were in the forefront
of the agitation immediately set on foot against the Pro
testant dynasty of William I. At the same time the old
States-General were opened to their settlement. Two
of the first four generals of the new order, Roothan and
Beckx, were born Belgians. The Dutch Jesuit institute
in Katwyk, with its numerous dependencies, is a model
of modern Jesuit strongholds. In the revolution of 1830,
in the constant increase of Jesuit intrigue in Holland, in
the repeated attempts to subject the neighbouring Prus
sian provinces to the same tendencies, we shall again and
again have to follow up the footprints of the Jesuits.
At the same time the Jesuits pushed westward, into
the Catholic cantons of French Switzerland. Fribourg
had opened its gates to them in the year 181 8, and they
' The Congress of Vienna in 181 5 formed the kingdom of the Netherlands,
comprising the former republic of Holland and Austrian Belgium, under
King William I., the former stadtholder.

The Restoration of the Jesuits 47
at once undertook to demolish all that the last generation
had with much labour achieved. The Franciscan father,
Girard, working in the spirit of Pestalozzi, but upon a
positive and churchly basis, had so greatly promoted the
interests of education in Fribourg, that his work was
generally accepted as a model. But Girard's work found
no favour in the eyes of the Jesuits. In its place a great
Jesuit school (aided by a bequest of a million and a half)
was founded. Fifty-seven priests and fifteen professors,
almost all foreigners, have here laid their magic spell upon
thousands of boys, chiefly of noble parentage. In Fri
bourg the most influential Jesuit pupils of Austria and
Germany were trained ; and from Fribourg proceeded
the efforts to bring the other Swiss cantons under sub
jection to the Jesuits.
In Northern Switzerland the order was not officially
introduced until later. But Vulliemin, in his History of
the Swiss Confederation, gives the following instructive
picture of the condition of affairs immediately after the
Restoration in those places which had been given over to
the Jesuits :
A new spirit came over the Catholic cantons. The same
spirit began to prevail simultaneously in the German and the
French parts of Switzerland. In villages where the children
of both confessions had lived together in daily intercourse,
parents and children were commanded in future to avoid mix
ing with Protestants; in places where the same building had
served as a place of worship for members of both faiths there
arose rich churches solely for the Roman worship. The
nuncio came out of the obscurity in which he had long re
mained. His manner was the same as that which Rome had
cultivated in the last century. The bishops prohibited the
reading of the Bible and withdrew their sanction of mixed
marriages. Associations spread tales of miracles and appeals
for pilgrimages over the land. Religious zeal everywhere
found ready means to accomplish its purpose. The severe

48 The Papacy itt the igth Century
discipline of the army, the general at the head, was to lead to
victory. The plan, according to the watchword given, was to
destroy Carthage and to build Rome.
In the following generation the fruits of this sowing
had ripened. The war of the Sonderbund,' similar in its
beginning to the revolution in Belgium, resulted in the
defeat of the Jesuits. But the work begun under Pius
VII. in Fribourg was not without lasting results.
It took longest for the order to gain a foothold in Ger
many. The repeated attempts at reform which German
Catholicism made bear witness to the failure of Jesuit
influences at the time. Even in Austria their progress
was slow, and they had to hide themselves for a time
under other names — Liguorians, or Fathers of the Faith.
In Bavaria, King Maximilian and King Louis were long
suspicious of the Jesuits. In Prussia the order received
no official sanction during the reign of Pius VIL, although
the Rhine province felt the influence of the neighbouring
Belgium. Dresden was one of the flrst centres of opera
tion of the order in Northern Germany, and from here
proceeded a strong missionary influence. The conver
sions of the dukes of Kothen and of Gotha were followed
by numerous others among the nobility.
Whichever way we turn, everywhere we see the order
immediately after its restoration devoting its accustomed
energy to the founding of new strongholds, and in all
countries we trace the operations of the pious fathers,
especially in the greatest crises and the bloodiest wars.
And yet it is a remarkable fact that the pontificate of Pius
VIL, which had restored the Company, saw its downfall
in the country where it had remained in existence after the
' The seven Catholic cantons, under the leadership of the Jesuits, wished
to establish a separate confederacy ; this led to the war of the Sonderbund,
1847.

77^1? Restoration of the Jesuits 49
dissolution under Clement XIV. In Russia, Catherine,
and her successors, Paul I. and Alexander I., had all been
favourably disposed to the order, and it had flourished.
So great was the confidence of the order in its own future
throughout Russia, that a comprehensive plan had been
formed to bring the whole educational establishment of
the empire under its power. But their first successes
made them forget their prudence, and they called down
upon themselves the vengeance of the orthodox Church.
In the year 1820 they were expelled for ever from the
empire. The following causes are named in the decree
of banishment: "Their political wrangling, their pro
selytising, their peace-destroying intrusion into the
family life of noble houses, the gross use they made of
the weaknesses of the female sex." This banishment
made an end of their open, but not of their secret,
activity. Poland became, as formerly, their headquar
ters, from where with untiring zeal they stirred up new
revolutions. But the motives which prompted Alexander
I., so long their friend, to expel them are thoroughly
typical of what happened in all those countries which
sooner or later were obliged to adopt the same course.
Thus the restoration of the order opened an era of
counter-reformation, as in the year 1540. In the choice
of means the new Jesuits were no more scrupulous than
the old. The latter had formulated the murder of tyrants
into a doctrine, and had found willing hands for their
theories, as in the murders, quickly following one upon
the other, of William of Orange (1584), Henry III. of
France (1589), and Henry IV. (1610), and in the repeated
attempts upon the life of Elizabeth of England. The
new Jesuits found zealous instruments in many Poles
and Irishmen. There is hardly a revolution in which
they did not have a hand. When the revolution was
succeeded by the inevitable reaction, they knew how to

50 The Papacy in the igth Century
make themselves conspicuous as the deliverers from the
revolution. The military and irresponsible management
of the order made it the special favourite of the military
sovereigns, who were for controlling spiritual movements
by means of the drill-sergeant's discipline. And there
was nowhere a parallel to the compact organisation of the
order. The history of the restored Company of Jesus teaches
us to realise the significance of the fact that several
thousands of educated, in part learned, men, associated
for a common purpose as instruments without a will of
their own, seconded by hundreds of thousands of affiliated
members, with great financial means, with favour from
above, guided by prudent calculation, with unparalleled
dexterity in the use of all circumstances, wage daily and
hourly war against modern culture.'
' " To the general characterisation given in Chapter II. should be added
a copious collection of quotations, for which, however, it is to be regretted,
space is wanting. But we must here insist most emphatically upon the ne
cessity of a systematic study, by Protestant scholars, of the writings of the
Jesuits themselves, very much more thorough than has hitherto been made.
Besides the Catholic historians, there are few who have even a superficial
knowledge of the Jesuit literature " (Extract from the author's note in the
literary-critical supplement). In this note the author gives a brief review
of the comprehensive literature dealing with the topic of this chapter.

CHAPTER III
THE ERA OF THE CONCORDATS UNDER PIUS VII.'
THE restoration of the order of Jesuits was, according
to the bull of Pius VIL, prompted by the havoc of
the Revolution and the need of some weapon against it.
The same cause lies behind the second great phenomenon
of the time, whose connection with the first now demands
our attention. The period which saw the Jesuits resume
their open activity was also the period of the new con
cordats between the Vatican and the several states, which
brought to the Curia unexpected triumphs over the secu
lar powers as well as over the ancient national churches.
These great triumphs, like the restoration of the Jesuits,
are chiefly due to the counter-revolutionary spirit of ab
solutism which was prevalent, whose influence was every
where felt. In the concordats ecclesiastical and political
absolutism entered into alliance, against independent re
ligious and national development, against the principles
of the Reformation as well as those Of the Revolution.
As we study the history of each separate country, we
are led again and again to this absolutism as the final
cause of the political and ecclesiastical disorders which
followed. The spirit of the Restoration, prevalent among
the ruling classes, placed itself in direct opposition to the
' The era following the restoration of Pius VII. in 1814, during which he
made "concordats" with all those governments in Europe and America
where the Church was allied with the State.
51

52 The Papacy in the igth Century
ideals of national progress. But we must not neglect to
notice other secondary causes which contributed to pro
duce the disorders. They are to be found in the ignorance
of ecclesiastical affairs among statesmen ; in the continued
influence of the Napoleonic concordat of 1801, and in the
prudent use by the Curia of present conditions.
The ignorance among the negotiators (mostly Protest
ant) as to the true conditions of Catholicism, is almost
incredible. The consequence of this ignorance was an
utter incapacity to follow the tortuous path of curialistic
reservations. German ministers proceeded upon the
assumption that the Febronian ' liberal views, to which
they were accustomed in Germany, were everywhere in
vogue. Most statesmen remained in absolute ignorance
of Roman principles, and they never realised that these
principles were the very same as those that had prevailed
in what was to the statesman a forgotten past. " When
they began negotiations with the Curia," — says Otto
Mejer in his History of the Roman-German Question, —
" they left entirely out of view the character and relations
of the opinions accepted at Rome and the range of thought
which directed the negotiations on the part of the Curia."
Still more fatal -was the ignorance and consequent
neglect which especially the Protestant negotiators mani
fested in regard to the national aspirations of Catholicism.
The confusion, customary in Protestant theology, of the
infallibility of the Church and the infallibility of the pope,
' Bishop Hontheim, of Treves, in the year 1763, published a work On the
State of the Church and the Legitimate Po'wer of the Roman Pontiff, under
the pseudonym " Justinus Febronius." Hontheim stood in connection with
the Jansenists and his work was an effort to transplant the Gallican system
into Germany. He upheld the episcopal against the papal system; the
pope does not represent the Church, the ecumenical council is the true
representative. The bishops are the successors of the apostles. Catholic
princes are called upon to combine for the restriction of the papal power. —
These opinions were long held and taught by Hontheim • but in the end, at
eighty years of age, he was obliged to recant.

The Concordats under Pius VII. 53
gave no little impulse towards the final adoption of the
latter dogma. In the same manner it was considered an
axiom by Protestant diplomats that the office of bishop
had its source in the higher office, in the divine right of
the Papacy. The pope created bishoprics and sanctioned
bishops. Most of these gentlemen had probably never
heard of the constitution of the ancient Church, the very
reverse of this (as it is found especially in Cyprian, the
real originator of Catholic Church principles), and were
ignorant of the independence of the original Germanic
churches (according to the energetic testimony of Colum-
ban and Willibrord, the true apostles of the Germans).
Just as little did they seem to know of those indispens
able foundations of an independent state, about which
the disputes in the Middle Ages concerning investiture
centred, or of the endeavours for reform within the
Church made by the great councils of the fifteenth cent
ury. The thorough investigations of Protestant his.
torians of the eighteenth century concerning State and
Church (Plank, Moser, Walch, Le Bret) were as good as
non-existent for the politicians of the Restoration. Did
they not date from the period of unbelieving, revolution-
breeding rationalism, whose products were to be so soon
as possible forgotten ?
The principles in vogue within the Catholic Church
itself in the era before the Revolution were looked upon
as especially heretical. Rome did not wish to be re
minded of these principles ; and to bring to remembrance
awkward historical data, which did not agree with Roman
dogmas, was at Rome considered in itself heretical. The
diplomats, to whom heresy and the spirit of revolution
were synonymous, thought this quite in order. It was
therefore an easy matter by the use of heretical epithets,
such as Jansenism, Febronianism, Josephinism, to im
press the revolutionary stamp upon all efforts to main
tain a certain independence of national churches.

54 The Papacy in the igth Century
One must go far back in history to find parallels to
these methods. We discover their prototype in the sec
ond third of the fifteenth century, when the acquisitions
of the great reform councils of Constance and Basle were
bargained away; and in the time of the counter-reforma
tion, when, at the Council of Trent, opposition to the
Reformation was bought at the price of the triumph of
papal principles. The same concentration of Catholicism
in the Papacy, which had brought to a standstill the inde
pendent expansion of national life, which had smothered
the aspirations of councils and of the Reformation, was
now counted upon to act as a dam against the Revolution.
There was only this difference between the present and
the former periods: in those times it was Catholic and
mostly spiritual statesmen who, with an eye to their own
end, lost sight of the impairment of ancient Church
liberties ; while now Protestant statesmen in the ignorance
of a childlike faith placed themselves at the service of the
Curia. When the agents of the states proceeded upon
the assumption that the pope nominated bishops and
created sees, they conceded claims which the older
Catholicism had always disputed.
We must not leave out of sight the special pattern
which was, consciously or unconsciously, followed by the
diplomats of the Restoration. All the concordats were
but imitations of that which Napoleon Bonaparte as first
consul had concluded in the beginning of the century.
By this concordat the ancient French pre-revolutionary
Church had been suppressed, its legal bishops deposed,
the new bishops made the subject creatures of the pope,
the great mass of the clergy degraded into curates ad
nutum episcopi, and the congregations turned over to the
mercy of the clerics who were drilled in the new semin
aries. And this entire new Church system was simply
a copy of the political absolutism under which the son of

The Concordats under Pius VII. 55
the Revolution had humbled a people that dreamed of
liberty and equality. The restored powers had but to walk
in his footsteps, both in regard to the end sought and to
the means by which that end was to be accomplished.
We are not in ignorance of the motives which prompted
Napoleon in this matter. He was guided by the same
principles as in the negotiations just previous to this with
the Mohammedan Muftis, to whom he spoke of himself
as a good Mohammedan. This is what he said to the
philosopher Cabanis: " The concordat is a religious vac
cination ; in fifty years there will be no more religion in
France." Nevertheless, it was of the highest importance
to his policy that he should appear before the people as
the saviour of an endangered religion ; and to the pope,
when he invited him to the coronation, he spoke of the
concordat as ' ' the regeneration of Christianity in France. ' '
The necessity of this regeneration of Christianity is ex
plained in a speech of Portalis delivered in the legislative
body (after the expulsion of the members from whom
opposition was expected) :
Because the morality of citizens is necessary for the state,
religion is necessary ; for morality without dogma is justice
without a tribunal. The great multitude needs commands
and therefore an abstract religion without ceremonies does
not suffice. One must take religion on faith as the work of
God, for all is lost as soon as one sees in it the hand of man.
If Christianity has certain peculiar dogmas, these fill out the
empty space which is left by the reason.
A significant sign of the times in which the " regenera
tion of Christianity " was brought about was the device
of General Berthier to get the generals into church for
the solemn act of Napoleon's coronation: he invited
them to breakfast and when the party broke up he ar
ranged to meet the procession as it was going to the
church, so that they could not do otherwise than join it.

56 The Papacy in the igth Century
Such was the salvation of religion, the restitution of
the altars, the regeneration of Christianity, in the era
which carried Napoleon to victory. Nevertheless the
concordat was a mighty triumph for the Church, if by the
Church we understand the hierarchy. Only Galileans,
like d'Haussonville and Archbishop Affre, and Protestant
idealists have come to a different conclusion. Yet this
difference in judgment is no contradiction. For to the
latter the Church stood for religion in the spirit of Christ,
to the papalists the Church stood for the hierarchy. And
hierarchical absolutism has rightly recognised its twin-
brother in Caesarian absolutism.
In the ecclesiastical policy of Napoleon we see the
origin of the politico-ecclesiastical reaction over the whole
of Europe. Wherever the power of the empire extended
his initiative was followed. The Italian concordat, the
concordats of the states of the Rhine Confederation, the
concordats with Bavaria and Wiirtemberg (whose com
pletion, however, was deferred to a later period), were
imitations of the French and date from the time of Na
poleon himself. The example which he set of exploiting
the most sacred human needs for political purposes proved
even at that time exceedingly contagious ; and the con
querors of Napoleon had only to follow an established
method in order to share with the pope in the exploita
tion of the popular faith.
They forgot that the final result of the Napoleonic con
cordat had been the first and severest defeat of Napoleon.
Just as little did it occur to them that the course which
was alone in accord with the principles of the gospel and
of modern times had already been taken by the American
Union, and had been crowned with the best success.
Whenever anyone pointed to the American principle and
its happy results, the republican name of the Union
sufficed to cast suspicion upon its liberty of conscience
as revolutionary and demagogic.

The Concordats under Pius VII. 57
Napoleon's ill success on the other hand was attributed
to the fact that he had deviated from the principles of his
concordat and had been disobedient to the divine admon
ition of the Holy See. The view soon became preva
lent which found the first cause of his misfortunes in the
papal ban.' As long as he stood upon good footing with
the pope, he was favoured by fortune. With the papal
ban the divine wrath descended upon him. According
to this view it is not surprising that after the Restoration
his enemies followed his example of using ecclesiastical
interests as a means for political ends — with the same
result for them all in the end.
But, in order to explain the incredible gains which the
Papacy made, we must allow due weight also to the
political genius of the Vatican. The priestly politicians
have always outwitted secular statesmen, and one day
the latter were surprised by a clerical declaration of war.
A Consalvi against a Niebuhr had victory assured from
the start. It was a part of the far-seeing calculation of
the papal secretary, whose eye surveyed the whole broad
field in the negotiations for the concordats, to push for
ward the conventions with the " friendly " governments
and retard those with the others. In this way the former
became the models for all. In the history of the old
popes none of the successors had ever given up a claim
which a predecessor had in any instance carried through,
and now the decisions of the Spanish and the Sardinian
concordats were brought to bear upon France, the French
concessions were used against Bavaria, the Bavarian con
cordat against Naples, the Neapolitan against Prussia,
the Prussian bull of circumscription against Hanover and
the Church province of the upper Rhine.
' The coronation, in which the pope was made to serve the ends of the
emperor, was shortly followed by a rupture between the two. On the lOth
of June, i8og, the states of the Church were by imperial decree incorporated
in the French empire. The pope immediately excommunicated Napoleon.

58 The Papacy in the igth Century
In the mean time not only did each of the state men
think he had obtained more for himself and his govern
ment than his colleagues, but they all looked upon the
concessions they had made to the Curia as a gift vouch
safed by the latter. None understood that according
to the view of the Vatican a concordat was anything
but a valid compact between two independent contracting
parties, that it was only a concession made for the moment
to human ideas of justice, which the Holy Father could
take back at any time by virtue of his divine right.
Spain was one of the most " friendly " governments.
Immediately after the Restoration, the ecclesiastical de
crees of the Cortes of 1812 were suspended and the con
cordat of 1782 restored. Little Sardinia followed Spain.
By the new agreement with Rome not less than ten
bishoprics were restored and richly endowed.
In the Neapolitan kingdom, owing to certain long
standing disputes with the Curia, the process was slower ;
but Consalvi finally obtained his purpose by means of a
court intrigue. The old-Catholic Josephine ' traditions
were entirely suppressed by the new concordat ; and the
Roman Catholic Church was declared the only Church
recognised by the law.
In France, the result of the protracted secret negotia
tions was a concordat concluded in 181 7, by which the
Napoleonic concordat of 1801 was abolished and the old
concordat of I5i6with its pre-Reformation articles was
restored. This compact, however, excited decided op
position among the representatives of the state and those
of the Gallican traditions, and in a short time had brought
forth a considerable body of literature, pro and con. Ac
cording to the constitution, the project had to receive the
sanction of the legislature, to which it was submitted by
the ministry as aprojet de loi. The legislature demanded
' This refers to the era of the liberal emperor Joseph II. of Austria
(1765-1790).

The Concordats under Pius VII. 59
important changes. The pope's answer to these de
mands was that " the intended changes are impractic
able, the whole proceeding inadmissible ; for whatever
was prescribed by the pope in ecclesiastical affairs, with
the sanction of the king, had already the character of a
valid legal enactment and could not be submitted to the
deliberations of a legislative assembly." The result of
this impertinent answer on the part of the pope was that
the projet de loi was withdrawn. The compact was sus
pended, and the Napoleonic concordat of 1801 thereby
became again valid, and remained so. But the objects
of the Vatican were indirectly achieved. And the ultra-
montanisation of the French Church proceeded energetic
ally, the Curia looking upon the concordat of 1817 as the
actually valid agreement. All further conventions were
merely provisional.
However great were the acquisitions of the Papacy in
the Latin countries, the question here was essentially
about the restoration of an ecclesiastical system which
had held undisputed sway before the Revolution. The
change which the Restoration effected consisted in the
increased influence of the Curia upon the inside affairs of
the Church. It was quite different in the Germanic
countries, especially in Germany, where the destruction
of the old empire had entirely altered the ecclesiastico-
political conditions. When they undertook to reduce
these conditions to order it never occurred to the states
men of the time to accomplish their object by consti
tuting an independent national Catholic Church; they
employed what appeared to them the simplest means:
the subjection of the Church to the authority of Rome.
Catholics of national proclivities were slighted by those
who should have afforded them every possible help, and
the Curia understood how to use every favourable mo
ment to flsh in troubled waters.

6o The Papacy in the igth Century
The attitude of the Vatican at this time makes it very
evident where the restored Papacy recognised its most
dangerous enemy. The revolutionary and destructive
principles which at times assumed a threatening attitude
towards the Church, yet again and again afforded to the
Church the opportunity of presenting itself to the leaders
of the state as the most powerful ally against the Revolu
tion. We therefore find the papal diplomacy maintaining
close relations with these same revolutionary tendencies
in Belgium and the Prussian Rhineland, as well as in
Poland and Ireland.
On the other hand the tendency which was opposed
with deadly hatred by the papal party and, wherever
possible, utterly annihilated, was that ideal of a national
Catholicism, full of religious enthusiasm, of moral energy,
and of intellectual aspirations, which dated from the pre-
revolutionary era and had been preserved through the
storms of the Revolution. The opposition to this na
tional tendency is especially manifest in the intrigues set
on foot by the Curia against Wessenberg (vicar-general
and bishop-elect of the diocese of Constance).' The
favourable moment for breaking the influence of Wessen
berg and his friends had come and was thoroughly used.
Catholic Germany was to be ultramontanised, and German
Catholic theology, which after the wars of liberation had
taken up its task with renewed enthusiasm and which
soon raised itself to a level with Protestant theology, was
throttled in its infancy.
The history of the German concordat is closely inter
woven with the general development of German Cathol
icism, and must be studied in connection with this general
development. Here we shall only briefly refer to the
concordats with the other states. It is remarkable that
Austria is not among the German governments which at
this time formed a compact with Rome. The reason
' See page 33, note.

The Concordats under Pius VII. 6i
was that in Austria the liberal traditions of the time
of the emperor Joseph long prevailed ; and the Curia
gave another illustration of its temporising principles:
it waited for a more favourable time. Russia, how
ever, the ally of Austria, accepted from Pius VII. in
1818 a bull of circumscription for Poland, and Alexan
der I. richly endowed the Polish Church. For Ireland
also Consalvi won large concessions from the English
government. The policy of the concordats was nowhere more fatal
than in the United Netherlands, that union soldered
together by the Congress of Vienna. The unnatural
position of the new state — made up of Protestant Hol
land and Catholic Belgium — was recognised and taken
advantage of from the start by the Curia. Among the
many negotiations which Consalvi carried on in behalf of
the concordats, in which he always succeeded in getting
the better of the state agents, there is none other which
puts his diplomatic skill in so clear a light as the appar
ently unsuccessful negotiations with the new royal gov
ernment of the Netherlands. This government was more
bent on winning the clericals by concession than on
remaining true to the glorious traditions of the States-
General, and like all the rest believed that its best support
was in the Roman Curia.
In the year 18 17 the ambassador from the Netherlands
in Rome offered the concordat of Napoleon as a basis of
negotiations. The Curia refused to treat upon this basis,
and referred to the recently concluded concordat with
Bavaria as a model. The government asked the Curia
to name the points in which it wished to have the Napo
leonic concordat (which was still in force for Belgium)
changed. Consalvi answered that this concordat was
entirely out of the question, and he refused to even
name a basis for new negotiations: " The Holy See
could not take the initiative ; rather was it in accordance

62 The Papacy in the igth Century
with the well-known and unchangeable character of
the general papal laws that the modifications desired
should be indicated by those who desired them."
The government took no account of the popular de
sire for poHtical liberty, and sacrificed more and more
to clericalism. The final result was the concordat of
1827, which became one of the prime causes of the revo
lution of 1830 in Belgium and of the internal disorders in
Holland. Here too, as everywhere, the path which Consalvi
chose led to the goal — the universal triumph of the papal
principle. To the era of the concordats are primarily
traced the successes of the papal system in every coun
try, successes which surpassed even those of the first
counter-reformation. The spell of that wonderful magic
with which Consalvi with his far-sightedness knew how
to captivate the diplomats, for a long time warped even
the judgment of historians. No less a writer than Ranke
has written a panegyric of Consalvi ; and in the preface
to his History of the Popes he states emphatically that
" the times when there was any cause of fear are past."
But Ranke's judgment was based upon the despatches of
Niebuhr,' the blinded minister of Prussia at the court of
Rome.
' A number of references by the author to the great historian of Rome
have been left out in the translation, because calculated more particularly
for German readers. The author is unsparing in his criticism of Niebuhr.
He was at this time ambassador from Prussia to the Vatican, and although
so keen-sighted in historical matters at a distance, he was entirely blind to
the tendencies of contemporary ecclesiastical forces, and did much to sup
press the national aspirations of German Catholicism and to subject the
Church in Germany to the absolute power of the Papacy.

CHAPTER IV
THE STATES OF THE CHURCH UNDER PIUS VII.
IN the eyes of the papal diplomacy there was something
more important even than the restoration of the Order
of Jesus and the new concordats : this was the recovery
of the states of the Church. If this oldest and most
legitimate monarchy, the necessary support for the au
thority of the Pontifex Maximus, were not rescued from
the Revolution, no other monarch could count upon sav
ing his dynasty : such was the argument among diplomats
who knew nothing of the first principles of independent
statehood. And the Congress of Vienna thought no
more of the fraud and violence which had marked the
foundation and enlargement of the Church state than of
the utter incapacity which its priestly rulers had so often
shown in its government.
It was an old story. And for that very reason, in
order to understand the influence upon the Papacy of
the restoration of the temporal power, we shall have to
glance back to the time when the Papacy first acquired
this power, to the time of the donation of Pepin in
755 A.D.,' which Napoleon as the successor of Pepin and
of Charlemagne declared abrogated.
Two centuries of continued conspiracy against imperial
' The gift by Pepin of the exarchate of Ravenna, the Pentapolis (Ancona,
Sinigaglia, Fano, Pesaro, Rimini), and the territory of Bologna and Fer
rara, was the foundation of the papal states.
63

64 The Papacy in the igth Century
rule at Constantinople and of renewed persecutions of
the Lombards had gone before this donation. Only then
did the Papacy realise its long-cherished hope, by means
of the usurpation of the new Carlovingian dynasty in the
kingdom of the Franks, the Curia lending its powerful
aid to this coup d'itat. It was the keys sent to Pepin
from the sepulchre of St. Peter, the letters written from
heaven by St. Peter, and the miracle of the transferred
relics, which, together with the lust of conquest on the
part of the Franks, gave the death-blow to the Lombard
kingdom and brought about the separation from the
Byzantine empire in the eighth century. Not until this
had taken place could the donation of Pepin and of
Charles create a temporal dominion for St. Peter.
The Prankish emperor, as overlord of Rome, reserved
to himself certain rights ; but even these were forgotten
under the weak successors of Charlemagne. Pope Nich
olas I., in the middle of the ninth century, supported by
the pseudo-Isidorian decretals, was able to set up as
independent prince and to dictate his commands to an
enervated dynasty as well as to the patriarch of Constan
tinople and the primate of Gaul.
Upon the ruins of the empire, hastening to decay,
the papal monarchy was gradually built up. But what a
picture the history of those who followed Nicholas pre
sents in the tenth century ! The horrible drama of the
trial of the disinterred body of Formosus,' the papal por-
nocracy under Theodora and Marozia," set forth only
too clearly the blessings which the temporal power of the
popes in its beginning brought upon the people of the
papal states.
Looking at the history of Rome with the eyes of a
¦ 896 A.D. " The body of the dead Formosus was exhumed, and he was
put in state upon the pontifical chair, and tried and condemned by (pope)
Stephen, and all his adherents deposed."
' Beginning of the loth century.

The States of the Chttrch under Pius VII. 65
Roman, we are not puzzled to understand why such men
as Arnold of Brescia and Rienzi found their most faithful
adherents in the papal city, and why the history of
mediaeval Rome is but a series of revolts against the
temporal power of the Papacy.
As the immediate subjects of the pope the Romans
enjoyed certain advantages, for they chiefly benefited by
the large sums of money which flowed into Rome from
all countries. But the reverse of the picture was not so
pleasing, as Italian patriots well understood. For indol
ence and aversion to work and want of respect for the
law distinguished the people of the Church state from
their neighbours. The Pontine marshes, however, and
the brigandage are not the worst fruits of ecclesiastical
government. Italian patriotism, which sought to build
up the longed-for Italian nationality upon the sacred
institution of the family, feared above all things the
loosening of ethical ties, especially those of matrimony.
Among so many thousands of celibate priests, who were
infallible in the eyes of their penitents, evil consequences
were inevitable. And they were not wanting. As in
France the love of French comedy for the adultery cult,
and in Belgium the many actions at law on account of
rape of children by ecclesiastics, are traceable to this
cause, so the Roman cicisbeo is proverbial in all the
world. One of the most learned and gifted of the popes
— Pius II. , as ^neas Sylvius (-|- 1464), had given the
first example of a licentious adultery novel {Euryalus and
Lucretid), and it is not surprising that even to this day
he has found such imitators as the father of the Countess
Lambertini, Cardinal Antonelli. We may not, for good
reasons, go into further details; but it would be more
than unhistorical to simply ignore these moral results
of the papal monarchy. More than twenty-five years
ago, long before the inevitable disaster overwhelmed
the states of the Church, a highly honoured Italian
5

66 The Papacy in the igth Century
theologian, the pupil and friend of Passaglia, pointed to
this the worst side of the priest-state.
Where the principle is a bad one, its better represent
atives cannot prevent evil consequences. The reforms
which the better popes of the eighteenth century, espe
cially Clement XIV., had been able to carry out were
short-lived. The storms of the Revolution, therefore,
which everywhere played havoc with rotten state insti
tutions, in Germany, Switzerland, and Holland, nowhere
did such thorough work in clearing the atmosphere as in
the papal possessions. Nowhere did this great judgment
of God work better results than here.
After the Revolution, Rome, like all other states, was
affected by the new spirit of the times. The first ten
years of our century show a marked contrast, as well to
the former as to a later period, in the care of general
education. The same is true of all other interests.
The French system, which came in at the Revolution,
put an end to clerical prerogatives, and this effected a
number of useful reforms. By opening the offices to
laymen public order and safety were secured. Agriculture,
commerce, and industry were in every way furthered;
and in spite of the evil consequences of the continental
blockade there was a marked improvement in the welfare
of the people.
All these conditions were changed in a moment when
the papal monarchy was restored to its former rights.
Nothing else was possible, from the very nature of the
Papacy. It is a mistake to suppose that the Zelanti had
demanded a return to the old conditions and had stood
in the way of the enlightened and progressive Liberali,
who wished to retain the reforms of the French period.
For it was not till after the return of Consalvi from
Vienna that the Motu Proprio of the 6th of July, 1816,
set up the new administration of the state. The system

The States of the Church under Pius VII. 67
as such is independent of personalities. The renewal of
the canon law was the inevitable consequence of the re
newal of the Papacy, and the canon law brought con
fusion into all legal relations under the civil law. For
the source of all right was the grace, i.e., the arbitrary
will, of the pope ; and justice became venal.
Ranke in one of his writings praises the administration
of Consalvi and has even a word of excuse for the system
which united the spiritual and temporal government in
the hands of the same officers. His assertions were
refuted by Dollinger in 1861 in his Church and Churches.
The very worst of the later abuses are traced to Con
salvi's Motu Proprio of 1816. The uniformity which
Consalvi professed to retain from the system introduced
by the French was a mere uniformity of destruction, for
it consisted in the suppression of all municipal and pro
vincial institutions and privileges. At the same time all
power was placed in spiritual hands. The states of the
Church became what they had not been even in the Middle
Ages, an absolute bureaucracy after the French model,
only the officers were prelates of the Church. Dollinger
characterised the raw material from which these officials
were taken as that class of Roman ecclesiastics " who
with very insufficient le^al and with no economic studies,
more trained than educated, more familiar with Church
ceremonies than with the complexities and the interests
of civil life, place their confidence in the patronage of a
cardinal or a monsignore."
One of the first measures of the pope after his return
was the renewal of the monasteries and the restoration
of ecclesiastical property. The effects of the French con
fiscation — whatever its justice may have been — had
passed off and the people had grown used to the new
conditions. Now all the chapters and monasteries re
ceived back whatever property had not been alienated
and were indemnified for what had been sold with

68 The Papacy in the igth Century
five-per-cent. state-bonds. The state thereby lost con
siderable income, had to shoulder a heavy debt, and
became involved in endless money troubles.
The second step was to restore to ecclesiastics and no
bles their antiquated prerogatives. At the same tiine the
suppression of all provincial and municipal constitutions
brought upon the laity the loss of those privileges which
they had here and there enjoyed. Taxes and burdens
belonged to the people, revenue and rights to the clergy.
On every hand we find the march of progress arrested
and turned back. Instead of street-lamps and vaccina
tion, which were abolished as revolutionary novelties, the
restriction of the Jews in their Ghetto was restored. The
question of closing their quarter every evening was dis
cussed. This point was yielded, but it was insisted that
three hundred Jews should listen to a sermon for their
conversion every Saturday.
Social conditions went back even more. Everything
was farmed out, even the victualling of prisoners, and
the farmers economised on the fare of these unfortunates
(mostly political criminals who failed to acknowledge the
benefits of the most legitimate of all monarchies), and so
saved themselves from loss.
Regular treaties were made with the brigands, Con
salvi having furnished the model. Robbery and assassin
ation became the order of the day to such an extent that
the accounts of these events form a special department
of literature in the next ten or twenty years. And while
robbers received annuities and the police left a free field
to the bandits, police spies were placed in the service of
the politico-ecclesiastical inquisition.
The administration of finance fell into such confusion
that in 1816 and 1817 an association of counterfeiters
could operate for a considerable time with impunity.
Even the funds of benevolent institutions were robbed to
a degree which passes belief. Nowhere did the Bourse

The States of the Church under Pius VII. 69
grow into such an upas-tree as here in the paradise of
priests. The famous rich bankers, who received papal
titles as counts and princes, have almost all strange
antecedents. The feeling among the best people about this sort of
" restoration " soon became evident. There were risings
as early as the years 1816 and 1817. Nor were these due
to the notorious secret associations. The correct papal
doctrine teaches that all the evil in the world comes from
the Carbonari, the Freemasons, and the Protestant sects,
and in the first ten years of the Restoration a number of
books were published about the Carbonari, which the
young diplomats used as true histories. Only these
accounts forgot to state that the first model of a secret
society was that of the Jesuits, and that their own polit
ical allies, such as Cardinal Ruffo's Sanfedisti, had learned
the art of conspiracy from the Jesuits. The Carbonari in
their turn got their methods from the Sanfedisti, besides
following them in tracing their origin to remote antiquity.
The secret association of the Carbonari (charcoal-burn
ers), as far as we can trace it, was founded under Napoleon,
in France, by irreconcilable Republicans, and was then
carried to Naples, when Murat became king in iSio. At
a time when there was a general desire to get rid of for
eign rule in Italy it seemed to offer the best means to
that end, and the society spread over the whole kingdom.
The importance of the association was enhanced when
Murat himself, in 1815, entered into alliance with the
conspirators, intending to use their plan for the unifica
tion of Italy to further his own interest. The Neapoli
tan troops carried the association into the states of the
Church. Murat was defeated, dethroned, and executed;
but the association, far from being broken up, spread
over all Italy. It derived its chief importance from its
opposition to the ill-considered measures of the restored

70 The Papacy in the igth Century
Papacy in the administration of the states of the Church.
The anathema hurled at the Carbonari would have been
effective only if the abuses had ceased at the same time.
The year 1820 showed the glowing of the embers
under the ashes. The revolution broke out in Spain
and soon spread to Naples and Piedmont. Fermentation
at once began in the states of the Church. It did not
come to a public outbreak, because the Austrians soon
marched in and put down the rising in Naples and Pied
mont. But this forcible restraint of popular feeling was
only outwardly effective. Niebuhr's letters of 1820 and
1 82 1 repeatedly express his fear that the states of the
Church might be carried away by these movements.
To the great Powers of the Restoration the papal
measures of administration appeared so imprudent, that
in May, 1821, they issued a common note, which cen
sured certain defects and proposed improvements. These
propositions were ignored, as were many that followed ;
nevertheless, these demands for such reforms as seemed
indispensable to the Powers of the Restoration after the
movement of 1820 are among the most important signs
of the times. All the more because they proceeded from
such men as Niebuhr, who, as even his great admirer,
Mrs. von Bunsen, says, could find no other cause for the
revolution in Naples than the influence of the Jacobite
spirit of destruction. This, he thought, could be sup
pressed only by force.
The diplomats in Rome needed no special powers of
observation to discover the heel of Achilles of the Papacy,
which even in the days of Boccaccio and Machiavelli had
been very evident. But this appreciation of the tem
poral power as the Papacy's vulnerable point led them to
wrong conclusions, and their expectations that the in
evitable loss of secular dominion would carry with it the
forfeiture of the Papacy's commanding position in the
spiritual sphere were doomed to disappointment.

CHAPTER V
POPE LEO XII. (1823-1829)
THE nature and consequences of the principles which
governed the actions of Pius VII. became more and
more evident under the reign of his successor. Upon the
death of Pius (August 21, 1823), the Cardinal Annibale
della Genga was chosen, and assumed the name of Leo
XII. As nuncio in Lucerne and Cologne, Munich and
Paris, he had made himself known as an expert and as
tute diplomat; in Paris he had, after a sharp personal
conflict, yielded to the jealousy of Consalvi. After the
Restoration of 18 14, therefore, he at once joined the
Zelanti as the enemy of Consalvi. His election in the con
clave was a victory for this party. No sooner, however,
was he initiated into Consalvi's plans than he recognised
in the latter his master, and continued to follow with
energy the paths he had marked out.
It was a remarkable lesson which the new pope received
from the secretary of his predecessor. In a lecture of
several hours' duration, whose gist is known to us through
Consalvi's own communication to the French ambassa
dor, the duke of Laval, he gave to his present chief a
survey of all the various countries and the connections
which he had formed in them. From France, Spain,
England, and Austria, to Russia and the South Ameri
can republics, he opened up perspectives of the future,
and filled his former opponent with such admiration, that
Leo afterwards pronounced his predecessor fortunate in
71

72 The Papacy in the igth Century
having had such a minister. Everywhere was shown pru
dent consideration of existing circumstances, consistent
" dissimulation " of antagonistic principles, at the same
time everywhere magnificent expectations. Giving equal
consideration to Bourbons and Bonapartes, outwardly
yielding towards the Spanish court, but at the same time
making advances towards the insurgent colonies of South
and Central America, in Poland adding fuel to the ec
clesiastical opposition, and counting upon the good will of
Austria, which had " never yet proved obstinate," — such
was Consalvi's own representation of his political prin
ciples, while at the same time he pointed to the successes
which were expected in England, and as a new means of
agitation advised the proclamation of a year of jubilee.
Out of gratitude for this view of the future which he
had opened up, Leo XII. appointed Consalvi prefect of
the Propaganda. Though the latter died soon after
(January, 1824), the principles of his policy remained.
The accession to the throne of the candidate of the Ze
lanti was marked only by a more decided emphasising of
the lines drawn under Pius VII.
A circumstance characteristic of the accelerated re
action under the present reign was the permission given
by Leo XII. for the publication of two writings, whose
issue Consalvi, from motives of political prudence, had
prohibited. One, by the Dominican Philippo Anfossi,
declared the restitution of spiritual property necessary
for the salvation of those who had obtained such property
without the sanction of the holy see. The other, by
Carolo Fea (superintendent of the Capitoline Museum
and the Chigi Library), maintained the supremacy of the
papal see over temporal princes and in temporal things.
Before this he had only been allowed to prove the dog
matic infallibility of the pope.
Not only were others permitted, under the new pontifi
cate, to express such views; Leo himself acted in the

Pope Leo XII. 73
same spirit. As cardinal, he had been considered no
friend of the Jesuits. As pope he showed them more
favour than his predecessor. Soon after his accession
the Collegium Romanum was restored to the Jesuits, on
which occasion their sacred customs and their great learn
ing were extolled ; and the various memoirs of these
times tell of the continued increase of their possessions
in Rome during the following years.
The new encyclical of Leo XII. (May 5, 1824) con
demned, under the name of tolerantism, liberty of faith
and of conscience, and anathematised the Bible societies.
The spread of the Bible in the language of the people
was called a fatal practice, a godless invention, which,
by means of perverted interpretation, was making of the
Bible a gospel of the devil. The condemnation of dis
senters was more specifically emphasised in the brief of
the 2d of July, 1826, to the clergy of Poitiers: " Every
one who separates himself from the Roman Catholic
Church, however otherwise blameless his manner of life,
has on account of this one crime, because he is excluded
from the unity of Christ, no part in the eternal life;
God's wrath hangs over him."
Following the advice of Consalvi, Leo ordered a jubilee
for the year 1825 — to the praise of God for the victory
over the Revolution. Special indulgences were pro
claimed for prayers in behalf of the extirpation of heresy.
With the jubilee was connected the beatification of the
Spanish minorite Julianus. The accounts of the miracles
upon which his claims were based, and which were pic-
torially represented in St. Peter's Church, were so auda
cious as to fairly challenge modern ethics and modern
culture. One of the three miracles required for the
beatification pretended that the new saint had caused
half-roasted birds to fly away from the spit.'
' The Romans thought a saint who should reverse the process deserved
the preference (Nielsen).

74 The Papacy in the igth Century
The pomp of the processions during the year of jubilee
was extraordinary. The Propaganda boasted that during
this time 1 50 Protestant and Jewish souls had been rescued
from damnation. The duke of Angouleme ' received the
holy sword. Frederick the Great, in his time, had laughed
at this sword, when his enemy, the Austrian general,
Daun, received it (after the battle of Hochkirchen, 1758).
Now it gave a new glory to the man who put down the
Spanish revolution and restored Ferdinand VII. (1823).
The widowed queen of Sardinia received the golden
rose. The populace in Rome expressed its opinion of the
successes of this year of jubilee by setting up a large
bottle {fiasco ") ; and behind a pious exterior was con
cealed the worst kind of immorality. But to the world
without the jubilee had placed the Papacy in a glowing
light. And to follow up the advantage, the indulgences
were extended to other countries for the first half of the
year 1826, the year following the jubilee.
The reign of Leo XII. is also marked by acquisitions
of a more substantial nature, the fruits of the prudent
policy of Consalvi, A number of new concordats were
negotiated : among these was the concordat with Han
over, which had held out for some time, but now was
obliged to take shelter under the bull of circumscription
for Prussia (1827). Of great importance for the papal
policy was the reorganisation of the ecclesiastical pro
vince of the Upper Rhine. This included the dissolution
of the see of Constance and the definitive removal of
Wessenberg.' ' Commander of the French forces which invaded Spain in 1823 and sup
pressed the revolution.
" A bottle (fiasco) was found cut in the wall of St. Peter's close by the
door by which on the previous day the pope had entered in solemn proces
sion to open the year of jubilee.
' See note i, page 33.

Pope Leo XII. 75
A further victory was inaugurated by the brief con
cerning the newly founded see of Basle. The conference
of the state diocese was able to oppose only a. theoretical
claim of independent state-rights to the papal pretensions
which this brief contained. The same is true of the con
cordat with the Netherlands, which paralysed the last
remnant of governmental authority in the revolution-
loving provinces.
Besides the European concordats, there were those
with the South American republics, which, with their
newly awakened love of political freedom, had begun to
aspire to ecclesiastical independence. They now became
sons of the Vatican, more obedient even than their
brothers in the mother-country of Spain. In these more
than half-barbarous lands it was possible to introduce
once more the unadulterated principles of the Curia,
especially its intolerance towards dissenters. The same
countries were afterwards held up by the reactionaries of
Europe as the ideal of the true liberty of the Church.
Thus was the Church newly established on both sides
of the ocean and everywhere the vacant bishoprics re
stored ; and all along the line we see the victory of the
papal principle over the old rights of the national
churches. These triumphs of the papal policy all appear as the
ripened fruits of the seed sown by Consalvi. Leo's sec
retary of state, the aged Sommaglia, did not equal his
predecessor in diplomatic skill; but the pope found a
satisfactory substitute in Bernetti. The latter had in
herited from Consalvi the art of appearing liberal towards
the politicians, and thereby making the guileless phrase
ology of the Curia current among these very politicians.
Scarcely less important were the services now rendered
by Monsignore Capaccini, also a pupil of Consalvi, whom
the latter had drawn from a mathematical professorship
into the diplomatic service. Bunsen, in spite of later

76 The Papacy in the igth Century
disappointments, continued to preserve a kind remem
brance of him, and in 1828 he warmly recommended him
to the English nobility. Capaccini, on this same journey
to England, sought to persuade the old Catholic arch
bishop of Utrecht that it was his first duty as a Christian
to do violence to his own convictions and render a blind
obedience to the pope. In England he undertook to
quiet the fears of statesmen in regard to the policy of
the Curia. At the same time the Irish bishops, with the
assent of the papal legate, declared officially that the
theory of papal infallibility was not in accordance with
Catholic Church doctrine. The so-called emancipation
of the Catholics (1829), founded upon this declaration,
was one of the first events of the following papal reign ;
to Leo XII. belongs "the merit of having prepared the
way for it.
All these successes would not have been possible had
not the spirit of the times now, as before, been favour
able. For the action of the several governments, which
after the suppression of the revolutions in Naples and
Spain (1820-23) made the muzzling of popular aspirations
their first concern, was greatly to the advantage of the
Papacy; and with this factor we must couple another,
equally favourable to the Papacy, — the prevailing tend
ency in the still fashionable French literature.
Lamennais' celebrated journey to Rome took place
before the year of jubilee, 1825. He was everywhere
hailed as conqueror. His fervent propagandism in be
half of the conception of liberty, which Gregory VII. and
Boniface VIII. had represented in opposition to the
temporal rulers, prepared a welcome for him in Rome
such as a simple author had never yet received from the
wearer of the tiara. The pope hung Lamennais' picture
in his bedroom. He offered him the cardinal's hat, and
made him rich presents. Besides several audiences, he

Pope Leo XII. "jy
invited him to an intimate conversation. The pope him
self ordered apartments for him in the Roman college,
later he was offered rooms in the Vatican. Cardinals and
prelates vied in their efforts to make his acquaintance.
Among all these honours, Lamennais thought much of
the fact that several Jesuits visited and expressed their
agreement with him. In later times Wiseman said of
Lamennais' journey to Rome: " He stood at this time
at the summit of his fame, and was considered one of the
most highly gifted representatives, not only of the faith
but also of the strictest Roman principles."
The significance of Lamennais and of the ideas for
which he stood represents an important chapter in the
history of French and Belgic Catholicism. Even before
his journey to Rome he had exercised an increasing in
fluence in favour of the papal system, by a whole series
of writings as reckless as they were brilliant. The jour
ney to Rome gave the highest authorisation to his activ
ity. After his return from Rome he began his war of
extermination against Gallicanism, a war which became
fatal in its influence upon the history of France ; and the
blessing of Leo XII., as well as of his successor, accom
panied him in this work. But the Lamennais of the first
period can only be understood as the representative of a
general and growing tendency, whose after-effects meet
us in all lands, and are not at all confined to the Church.'
While thus the power of the Papacy as a spiritual
institution was being strengthened, the temper of the
population of the Church-state was becoming from year
to year more hostile to the papal monarchy. The reign
of Leo XII. shows in this respect a remarkable change in
comparison with that of Pius VII. There is no doubt
that the personalities of the two popes made a great
' Lamennais died a most determined opponent of the Church of Rome
(i854).

78 The Papacy in the igth Century
difference. Pius VIL, the persecuted martyr, the mild and
amiable man, had formed many personal friendships even
among the enemies of the papal policy. His monument,
for which Consalvi had left a considerable sum, was
executed by the Danish Protestant, Thorwaldsen. The
lines of his face bear a mild and soft expression. Grego-
rovius tells us, in his masterly work on the sepulchral
monuments of the popes, that the princes of the Church
of the time of the Thirty Years' War appear so thoroughly
typical of this warlike period that they would be in place
in the camp of Tilly or of Wallenstein ; the monument of
Pius VIL, on the other hand, reminds one of the suffer
ings of the Revolutionary era, which won so much sym
pathy for the pope.
These personal sympathies were wanting to Leo XII.
His earlier and later life had shown contrasts somewhat
too highly coloured. As nuncio in Germany and in
France della Genga was known to be the father of a large
family of illegitimate children. So much the greater was
the outward appearance of piety which Leo XII. as pope
assumed, more especially in his precepts for others.
Priests were forbidden round hats, short coats, and
worldly neckties. Special prescriptions were given for
the dress of women. Attendance upon church was
forced upon the Jews more strictly than under Pius VIL,
their ghetti were surrounded by walls, all mercantile con
tracts between them and Christians were declared invalid.
Theatres, even private ones, were placed under strict
censorship ; also the products of science. The scientific
standard of the censors under Leo XII. may be judged
by the fact that one of them confiscated the writings of
Galvani (the discoverer of " galvanism "), confounding
them with the works of Calvin.
With such a spirit animating the government it is not
a matter of surprise that the disposition towards it of the
population, especially that part which expected something

Pope Leo XII. 79
more from the state than panem et circenses, was not
favourable. The ill will of the Romans increased every
year after \!a.e fiasco of the year of jubilee. The pope
was obliged, in the year 1826, to enlarge the prisons of
the Inquisition; at the same time he hurled renewed
anathemas against Carbonari and Freemasons. The
effect was the same as before.
Valuable light is thrown upon the reign of Leo XII. by
Dollinger in his Church and Churches {^vOoYi^ed. in 1861);
and since the events of 1870 there is an added interest in
comparing the conclusions which the author lays down
in this work with the subsequent course of events. The
book is the most brilliant and most enthusiastic pleading
for the primacy of the Papacy, the most acute and able
polemic against the churches separated from the Papacy.
Nevertheless, it cost the author the irreconcilable resent
ment of the papal party.
The explanation of the apparent contradiction lies in
the historical portraits which he draws of the popes.
Nothing which could be said to the credit of any of them
is forgotten. Of Leo XII. he says (p. 555) not only that
" the sick, weakly pope worked indefatigably," but we
learn that he was animated by the best purpose, that he
felt how unbearable the present conditions and institu
tions were, and only deceived himself as to the choice of
means and in his effort to put new life into what was
dead. What, then, was the result of his reign ? The
restoration of the Inquisition, the institution of a widely
ramified system of espionage for watching over officials
and the morals of the people. Besides this, the surrender
of the entire system of education into the hands of the
clergy, the reintroduction of the Latin language in the
legal processes of several tribunals, and prohibition of
vaccination. This is DoUinger's summing up: " Leo's
administration became the most unpopular of any for the

8o The Papacy in the igth Century
past hundred years." The sources upon which this judg
ment is founded are the annals of Coppi, the highly
esteemed Roman prelate, who was himself frequently
consulted in state affairs, and the official reports of the
French ambassador, Chateaubriand.
Not only did native Romans become, under the second
of the Restoration popes, more inimical to the papal
power than under his predecessor; keen-sighted foreign
observers also, even when they came to Rome full of
sympathy for the fight that the Papacy in its stronghold
waged against modern infidelity, found themselves bitterly
disappointed. As second chaplain attached to the Prus
sian embassy, young Richard Rothe ' was called to Rome
at the time of the change of popes. During his univer
sity studies at Heidelberg he had fallen under the influ
ence of a strongly "catholicising" conception of the
Church. He began to admire Gregory VIL, and became
enamoured of a character like that of Francois de Sales.
In this mood he came to Rome. Here he soon received
a very different idea of the Papacy and its satellites. He
became, indeed, more imbued with the noble magnificence
of the Catholic Church-ideal, but he now learned to make
a clear distinction between Papalism and Catholicism.
After a short stay in Rome (a few months before the
accession of Leo XII.) Rothe writes that it is impossible
for him to describe how the Roman cult disgusts him.
In speaking of the first " circular letter " of the new pope,
he characterises " the incredibly impudent tone " as most
offensive. His letters give vivid but melancholy pictures
of the Anno santo and the new saints. The year of jubilee
moves him to complain that the Church in Rome has
become a perfect institution for excise. As the founda
tion of the whole Roman system he recognises complete
religious infidelity. He entered into controversy with a
' The celebrated German theologian, author of Theological Ethics.

Pope Leo XII. 8i
Jesuit father, but found his opponent too far beneath
any possible intellectual standard. The sum and sub
stance of his judgment of what he learned in Rome is
given in the following words :
The Catholic Church in this place has no conception of the
spiritual life which since the Reformation has developed in
European Christendom. One becomes here more and more
convinced that the Reformation gave birth to a really new
spiritual world. W^hat would have become of Europe, not
only as regards religion, but also in science, art, and politics,
without the Reformation ?
The desperate struggle of the Curia against Protestant
ism appeared to him in Rome so entirely hopeless that he
says : " In order to become indifferent to all machinations
of Catholicism against Protestantism, and to lose all fear
of the former, one needs only come to Rome."
The death of Leo XII. (February 12, 1829) occurred
under such striking circumstances that even the Swiss
guard on duty spoke of poisoning, and Massimo d'Azeglio
expressed the same suspicion. Hase says: " He made
himself generally hated in Rome; from prince to beggar,
nobody was his friend." In a letter written by Bunsen's
wife, published in his biography, she says :
The simultaneous deaths of the pope and the banker Tor-
Ionia have brought out the most striking contrast in the public
opinion ; the death of Torlonia was universally lamented, while
that of the pope was received with indecent joy. The time of
the year in which it took place (that is, the interference which
it caused with the carnival) was the only circumstance con
nected with it which was not welcome to the populace of Rome.
Bunsen recognised more clearly than most of his con
temporaries the spirit of the restored Papacy. But it
was only in sleepless nights that he thought of the dan
ger which it threatened to the modern state or the Pro
testant Church.

CHAPTER VI
PIUS VIII. (l 829-1 830), AND THE REVOLUTION OF
1830
LEO XII. was succeeded by the aged and sickly Pius
VIII., who died within a year. So short a reign
could produce no important changes ; its historical char
acter consists in carrying forward the principles of the
Restoration. Only diplomats who have no real understanding for
ecclesiastical questions speak of liberal or illiberal popes.
The fact is that all individuals, no matter what their differ
ences, have to yield to the machinery of the Curia. Pius
VIII. in some aspects of his character may remind us of
Pius VIL, and Pius IX. resembled both in that the first
phase of his reign was characterised by greater mildness.
On the other hand, the sharp, rugged, ungenial nature of
Leo XII. seemed to be renewed in Gregory XVL, and
then to a greater degree in Leo XIII. But the course
of the papal policy has remained invariably the same
under the government of one and all. It is this un-
changeableness of policy which has found its mystical
expression in the dogma of infallibility.
Pope Pius VIII., formerly Cardinal Castiglioni, has
been pictured as a man of mild spirit. Like the former
pope whose name he adopted, he had suffered under the
persecution of Napoleon. The process of his election
was inaugurated in the conclave by an enthusiastic speech
82

Pius VIII 83
which Chateaubriand delivered, who as French ambassa
dor in Rome delighted the society of the nobility, but
who was unable to change the course of politics.
It was said to the credit of the new pope that he was
freer from nepotism than his predecessor. But his first
circular letter made it unmistakably evident that from
the moment of the " adore tion " the individual was lost
in the system. His salutation to Christian society con
sisted in the customary series of anathemas against liberty
of conscience under the name of indifferentism, against
the Bible-societies, and against national development as
represented by the aspirations of Carbonari and Free
masons. The renewed anathemas had the usual effect. Even
under the short reign of Pius VIII. there were disturb
ances in the Romagna. It was during this reign that
Cardinal Rivarola, sent to quiet these movements, con
demned at one stroke 509 persons (among them 30 noble
men, 156 owners of estates or merchants, 74 officials, and
38 soldiers). It was considered a sign of special leniency
that the sentences of death were commuted to other
punishments. But neither strictness nor leniency could
improve untenable conditions. Hardly had Pius VIII.
been laid in his grave when open revolution broke out in
the state of the Church itself.
But, however weak in its own home, even this short
reign chronicles triumphs in foreign politics. A few
weeks after the accession of Pius VIII. the emancipation
of Catholics in England, for which preparations had long
been made, became law (April, 1829). Wellington's Tory
ministry, in their desire to outdo the Whigs, carried the
emancipation through in a manner which did not stop
with satisfying the just demands of the times, but tore
down bulwarks indispensable for the protection of the
state. At the same time the defections to the Church of

84 The Papacy in the igth Century
Rome, which had already begun, made increasingly rapid
progress among the upper ten thousand.
In the same year, 1829, the order of the Jesuits received
in the person of the Belgian Roothaan one of its most
capable generals. The Company had spread to such an
extent that assistants had to be given to the general for
the four provinces — France, Spain, Italy, and Germany.
In France, the well-wishers of the order had come to
consider its triumph assured for all time. The opposition
to the order had indeed grown so powerful during the
last period of Leo XII. that, in spite of the personal
antipathies of Charles X., it brought about the liberal
ministry of Martignac (1828). This ministry did attack
the root of the evil: by the ordinance of June 16, 1828, it
forbade the members of prohibited congregations to per
form their offices in the smaller seminaries. But for this
very reason it had soon to yield to the intrigues of the
court. In its place the ministry of Polignac was called
(1829), the very incarnation of clericalism. Its work was
the July ordinances of 1830.' With these the bottom
was knocked out of the barrel: the July revolution was
effected with hardly any serious conflict, and the most
popular war-cry of the opposition was, " A bas les
Jesuites." The fall of the friend of the Jesuits in France, Charles
X., however otherwise unwelcome, gave to the Papacy
an opportunity of showing itself as the guardian of legit
imacy against the revolution. Charles had done more
service in the pope's cause than anyone, and might
surely calculate upon the solidarity of conservative in
terests so often appealed to by the Curia. But the pope
was by no means of that mind now. The papal policy
' These ordinances of July 26, 1830, by which the elections recently held
were declared illegal, the electoral system changed so as to restrict the
suffrage to the rich landowners, and the publication of newspapers and
pamphlets without the royal consent was prohibited, were the immediate
cause of the revolution of 1830.

Pius VIII 85
did not for a moment hesitate to sacrifice the royal tool,
just as, by the concordat with Napoleon, it had sacrificed
the legitimate pre-Revolutionary bishops of France; just
as in after times it was to sacrifice the German bishops
who had compromised themselves in the papal interests.
Charles X. had been more papal than the pope himself.
Consalvi, in his time, had not concealed his personal con
tempt for this prince, who was a blind devotee of the
system of the Restoration. In the programme which he
drew up for Leo XII. he said expressly that it would
cost the pope some effort to induce Louis XVIII. to
forget the journey of Pius VII. to Paris for the coronation
of Napoleon, but that the king's brother (Charles X.) had
never heard of this journey, or had at least forgotten it.
But Pius VIII. did not even content himself with leaving
Charles X. in the lurch ; shortly before his death he ex
pressly made it the duty of the French clergy to subject
themselves without resistance to the new order of things,
to pray for the new ruler, and to show him fidelity and
obedience. This relation of the Papacy to the July revolution in
France exhibits the connection, which we observe else
where on a much larger scale, between the Papacy and
the revolutionary movements ' of this time. Lamennais
' The author's contention that the Church of Rome has regularly sought
and obtained profit from revolutionary movements is confirmed by a com
petent witness in regard to the recent riots in Milan. Dr. Nevin, rector
of St. Paul's Church, Rome, writes under date of July 7, 1898, in a com
munication to The Churchman, as follows : ' ' There is no doubt about it, that
the clerical authorities in North Italy, for some time since, did all in their
power to stir up sedition against the existing government. Any tools they
could find — socialistic or anarchical — they have been not slow to turn
against their country. And the country had a close call last May." In the
same letter Dr. Nevin adds this interesting information : ' ' Within this
month six Roman priests have applied to me here to be received into the
Church as a refuge from the impossible evils of the Papacy, and I have little
doubt but that a movement for Catholic reform will soon arise in Rome
itself."

86 The Papacy in the igth Century
is again the storm-bird of the general revolution ; he en
joyed the blessing of Pius VIII. as well as that of Leo
XII. After his brilliant reception in Rome by Leo XII.
he had entered into the second phase of his activity.
His first beginning had been as the pupil of de Maistre
in the struggle against political revolution ; now, in the
name of the Church, standing as it does above the state,
he had become himself the leader of the revolutionary
movement. In the year 1829 appeared his work. Concerning the
Progress of the Revolution and of the War against the
Church. The subjection of the state to the infallible pope
was here preached, quite in accord with the bull, Unam
Sanctam, of Boniface VIII.' Gregory VII. was repre
sented as the great patriarch of European liberty. But
the living pope as well had it in his power — so Lamennais
declared — to reduce this doctrine to a present fact and to
depose disobedient princes; for it is the Church alone
that defends liberty. The rapid spread of this work sur
passed that of all his other writings. In the course of
the year 1829 four editions appeared in Belgium alone.
Immediately after the July revolution Lamennais
founded the Avenir. This journal soon found its chief
task in adding fuel to the insurrection in Belgium (1830)."
At the same time he laid down with masterly skill the
principles intended to regulate the clerical use of the
press, which through him became a factor in papal poli
tics. A " general agency for the defence of religious
liberty " was likewise founded by his associates, and
spread its ramifications over the whole of Europe.
Lamennais not long after experienced the same fate as
' 1302 A.D. ; " Subesse Romano Pontifici, omni humanse creaturse declar-
amus — omnino esse de necessitate salutis."
^ The most serious consequences of the French July revolution of 1830
were the revolutions in the United Netherlands (Holland and Belgium,
united by the Congress of Vienna) and in Poland.

Pius VIII 87
Charles X. As soon as he had done his duty he was
dismissed. But as long as Pius VIII. reigned, whatever
Lamennais did found favour with the Curia. The con
stitution of Belgium, with its mixture of liberal and cleri-
cal phrases, bears the stamp of his thought. The leaders
of the revolution in Poland (1830), like Lamennais,
preached liberty in the sense of Gregory VII. O'Con-
nell, the leader of the repeal agitation in Ireland, with
all his oratorical gifts, was intellectually the pupil of
Lamennais. The influence of the ideas represented by Lamennais
was very effective towards the increase of the papal
power. And this proves anew that the restored Papacy,
as well as the greatest of its predecessors, — Gregory I.,
Nicholas L, Gregory VIL, and Innocent III.,— knew
well how to draw the vital ideas of the time into its
service. For Lamennais is to be understood only as the
incarnation of modern ideas. The last period of his life
proved unequivocally that to satisfy the longings and
strivings of the nations was the sacred object of his
endeavour. The prudent use, however, which the Papacy made of
his ideas reveals to us only in part the Curia's attitude
towards the revolutionary movements. To fully under
stand this attitude, we must not confine our survey to
the ideal enthusiasm of Lamennais and his friends ; we
must also take into view the more remote causes of the
revolution in each separate state.
To begin with Belgium : the events of the year 1830
throw light upon the nature of the liberty which the
clerical party there demanded. The complaints against
the ruling house of Orange were not different from those
which at the close of the last century had been made
against Joseph II. of Austria. The first grievance urged
in the pastoral letters of the bishops against the

88 The Papacy in the igth Century
administration of the United Netherlands was that equal
rights were given to the various forms of worship ; what,
above all, they demanded was the suppression of dis
senters, by the restoration of the ancient prerogatives of
the hierarchy. In Belgium as well as in Austria under
Joseph, spiritual lust of power concealed itself behind
the mask of liberty.
We find the same abuse of liberty as a popular watch
word in Poland and in Ireland. The constitution, which
Czar Alexander I. had granted to the Poles in 1815,' while
he denied it to the Russians, promised the healing of old
wounds, and held out the prospect of a better future to
the oppressed estates. The historian Gervinus, himself
a true liberal, recognises the first cause of the Polish
revolution in the fact that the improvements which had
been effected in the social condition made the demagogues
of the hierarchy anxious lest the people should gradually
become accustomed to the new order of things. Even
during the reign of Alexander I. the clergy and the nobility
had laid their mines for a violent outbreak. If Nicholas
(1825) drew the reins tighter, the reason lay in the extent
to which the revolutionary parties had gained ground.
It was not, however, until the revolution of 1830 to 1832
had done its work that the unhappy Poles lost all that
was left them of their bright prospects. But the word
liberty, in the mouth of Roman Polonism, retained in
these new struggles the same meaning it had in the
' The new kingdom of Poland was created by the Congress of Vienna in
1815. Alexander I. of Russia, who was made king of Poland, maintained
the independent existence of the state of Poland, and the latter was joined
to Russia by mere personal union. The kingdom of Poland kept all its
institutions, its Roman Catholic Church, its schools conducted in the Polish
language, its currency, postal system, etc. " At this period of absolutism
no other people of central Europe had as much political liberty as the
Poles" (Seignobos). Nevertheless agitation was immediately begun in
Poland against the Russian government, ending in the insurrection and war
of 1830 to 1832. The defeat of the Poles was followed by the complete
wiping out of Polish independence and the Russification of Poland.

Pius VIII 89
past. It meant the annihilation of every other form of
belief. In Ireland the course of events was no different. Catho
lic emancipation had taken place a year before the July
revolution of 1830; and Catholic emancipation gave the
impulse to the movement for the repeal of the Union.
Not until after the emancipation did O' Council find the
time ripe for his demagogic activity. So-called liberty
of conscience served in Ireland as well as elsewhere to
fan the flames of religious and race hatred.
It was mainly in the Roman Catholic countries, Bel
gium, Poland, and Ireland, that the French July revolu
tion of 1830 led to a violent overthrow. But the same
year witnessed for the first time — though even now only
sporadically — similar outbreaks upon Protestant ground.
The so-called revolutions in Switzerland do not come
under this category. But the temper of the spirits in
Germany presents a striking phenomenon, for in the dis
turbances of 1830 we observe essentially the same tend
encies which eighteen years later won a temporary
victory ; and these tendencies brought forth new move
ments and gave to the history of the times an entirely
new aspect, presenting a decided contrast to the entire
previous development of the reformed countries.
The reason of this contrast between the past and the
present demands impartial examination. But where else
can we look for this reason except in the prevailing spirit
of the Restoration period, in its diametrical opposition to
the ideals of the Reformation and to the principles of
the eighteenth century, and its disappointment of the
just expectations of the wars of liberation ?
The last word of the policy of Metternich was its inter
national hatred of the Reformation. This policy was
transmitted to the other courts of Europe. Everywhere
national aspirations were forcibly suppressed in favour of

90 The Papacy in the igth Century
the arbitrary creations of diplomacy ; all spiritual life was
equally suppressed in favour of a hierarchy which the
rulers forced upon the people. In short, we find again
the same principles active that had been victorious in the
counter-reformation of old.
Where there was such a heaping of inflammable ma
terial, it was unavoidable that the sparks, borne with
lightning speed from France over the various countries,
should kindle a flame. The policy of the rulers was once
more successful in suppressing the political movement.
But the irritation of the popular mind found vent in
other spheres: in the poetry of "young Germany," in
the dissolution, by Strauss and Feuerbach, of the found
ations of faith, in the undermining of the national au
thority among the growing generation.
To this gradual impairment of the ethical foundations of
the national life are also to be traced the triumphs which
the Vatican won over the state in the revolutionary dis
orders of the following times. But events were happen
ing, under the inspiration of the anti-revolutionary spirit,
with its centre in the Curia, which even at this early date
paved the way still more directly for these triumphs.
Great importance belongs to the reign of Pius VIII. in
this respect, for it prepared the way for the first Prussian
ecclesiastical conflict and provided the means for stirring
up the population of the upper Rhine against the laws of
the state. Both these movements belong to the history
of German Catholicism. But the cause of both, which
lay in the policy of the Papacy itself, calls for our atten
tion in connection with the reign of that pope who played
the chief part in the business.
The concessions which the Prussian state had made
when the concordat was passed — concessions which Pius
VII. characterised as mirifica — were accepted by the
Curia, but no concessions were made in return. The one
thing which the state required, in order to guarantee the

Pius VIII 91
equality of the churches, and which was quite rightly
placed at the head of the demands for an honest compact
between Church and State, equal matrimonial rights,
had been declared by the Curia and its henchman Niebuhr
to be inadmissible for discussion. The consequences
soon appeared. Not only did the Evangelical part of the
community find itself oppressed ; the state itself, up to
its highest tribunal, was reduced ad absurdum.
In order to appreciate the later conflict we must here
enter into some local details. The striking helplessness
of the state against clerical tactics appears very clearly in
the events previous to the negotiations with Pius VIII.
Cases had multiplied from year to year where Roman
Catholic clergymen, before the marriage between two
parties of different faith, exacted the promise that all
prospective issue without regard to sex should be trained
in the Roman Catholic faith, and professed themselves
unable to perform the marriage without this promise. In
vain had an order of the cabinet of 1825 insisted that the
demand of such a promise could not be permitted either
to the Evangelical or the Catholic clergy. In the two
following years violations of this principle of equality
only increased in number.
The following case, which can be substantiated by the
official papers of the Prussian ministry of public worship,
is one of the most singular. It happened in the little
town of Bocholt in the diocese of Munster. The Roman
clergyman in this place had refused to marry a Protestant
dyer and a Catholic woman without the aforesaid promise.
The law in Prussia orders that where the parents have
not otherwise decided, the children should follow the
faith of the father. The man sought to obtain from the
magistrates the relief which according to law they were
bound to give. Upon their advice, he went to the bishop
with a petition for relief. The bishop refused. There
followed a complaint, which through the several lower

92 The Papacy in the igth Century
tribunals was taken before the president of the province
of the Rhine. He, unable to give relief, made a personal
report to the king. A communication from the cabinet
was issued to the president, destined for the eyes of the
bishop. The bishop took refuge behind the clergyman,
and the latter refused to yield. There followed renewed
correspondence between the president and the bishop,
again without result. Finally, the man was advised by
the state authorities to have his marriage performed by
the Protestant clergyman. He did so. Then the Catho
lic priest refused the woman absolution. The husband's
domestic tribulations now began, and in a few months he
declared that if he got no relief by the end of the year
he would give the promise and have the ceremony re
peated according to the Catholic form. The priest was
then called upon to state his reasons for refusing absolu
tion. He took refuge behind the sanctity of the confes
sional. In the end, the president could only demand
that " the priest should be called upon to declare under
oath that the Catholic wife was not excluded from the
Communion in consequence of the husband's refusal to
give the promise, but for other causes connected with the
state of the woman's soul, which he as confessor was not
at liberty to divulge."
It was the natural consequence of the politics of the
Restoration and of the concordats that the state was
absolutely unable to protect the equality of the different
churches. Bunsen had succeeded Niebuhr as Prussian
ambassador in Rome. The latter's view still prevailed,
according to which the bishops were to be " kept in
order by the pope." The question of mixed marriages
was the critical one. Negotiations were carried on for
a year with Leo XII. He had given a verbal promise
and an understanding seemed almost reached, when Leo
died.

Pius VIII. 93
Negotiations were resumed with Pius VIII. A propo
sition was made by a number of cardinals to disallow
all mixed marriages without a papal dispensation: the
bishops were to insist upon the conversion of the non-
Catholic party before marriage ; and the draft of an en
cyclical in this sense was laid before the pope. This
proposition was not carried into effect, but the pope took
the opportunity of impressing upon the Prussian bishops
that " the most certain dogma of our religion is that,
outside of the true Catholic faith, no one can be saved."
After long waiting for a decision of the vexed question,
the king of Prussia finally lost patience and declared that
if the papal court did not within six months adopt meas
ures of relief, the matter would be settled by the au
thorities of the state. Shortly before the end of this
time-limit there appeared the brief of Pius VIII. of March
25, 1830.
But what a masterpiece of Jesuitical tactics this brief
was, with its purposely ambiguous expressions, capable
of the most diverse interpretations ! Under Archbishop
Spiegel of Cologne it was interpreted as allowing the
claims of the state ; under his successor it was made to
mean the opposite. In later times the clerical press de
clared that the brief never permitted a priest to celebrate
a mixed marriage.
The ambiguous contents of the brief only increased
the difificulties of the situation. King Frederick William
HI., not satisfied with its vagueness, long urged a change
of the brief. But its author. Cardinal Capellari, himself
succeeded to the papal throne as Gregory XVI. As
pope he insisted upon the literal reading of the brief, and
so he succeeded in bringing to an open rupture the con
flict which had been long preparing and in inflicting the
first decided defeat upon the hated modern state which
claimed equal rights for all the churches.
We have to record also a measure taken in the short

94 The Papacy in the igth Century
reign of Pius VIII., whose effect was to undermine the
loyal and peace-loving spirit of the Catholics of South
Germany. His predecessor had paralysed the influence
of Wessenberg by the dissolution of the see of Constance.
Still the South German governments preserved something
of Wessenberg's spirit. They agreed (January 30, 1830)
that only a German, who had a record of particular ex
cellence in the cure of souls and in the office of teaching,
should be made bishop, and that any bishop thus elected
was bound before consecration to render the oath of
allegiance to the head of the state. The papal brief of
Pius VIII. of June 30, 1830, condemned these " erron
eous doctrines," and called upon the bishops to instruct
the faithful concerning the objectionable character of
these principles of the government.
On his death-bed Pius VIII. lamented that it had not
been possible for him to canonise Alfonso da Liguori.
But he did accomplish the erection of an opposition
patriarchate to the orthodox patriarchate of Constan
tinople.

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CHAPTER VII
THE REIGN OF GREGORY XVI. (1831-1846)
IF we measure the advance of the modern Papacy along
the line of the three tendencies named at the close of
the first chapter, the reign of Gregory XVI. records the
most rapid progress. No other pope has taken his stand
in the same spirit of enmity against the demands artd the
wants of our modern world ; none has by his consistent
energy achieved so great triumphs in the struggle against
the inconsequence and the incapacity of the temporal
powers. At the same time, the process of corruption
and decay within the soil in which the Papacy itself is
rooted now reached its climax. In our review of these
events we begin where the reign of Gregory itself begins,
with the revolution against the papal authority which
broke out openly in the states of the Church.
Hardly anywhere was the French July revolution
greeted with so much joy as in the papal states, and
almost on the same day, the 2d of February, 1831, on
which Gregory was chosen pope, the long-smouldering
dissatisfaction broke out in the insurrection of Bologna.
The movement spread quickly through the other pro
vinces and cities ; and not only did native Carbonari take
part in it, but some came from foreign countries, as the
two sons of Queen Hortense, of whom the older perished
in the struggle; the younger (afterwards the Emperor
Napoleon III.) was saved in a most romantic manner.
95

96 The Papacy in the igth Century
Even the holy father in Rome was for a time in such
peril that preparations were made in Civita Vecchia for
his embarkation ; but an open revolt in the capital was
finally prevented.
The occurrences at Bologna were highly significant.
Representatives from all those parts of the states of the
Church which had thrown off the temporal rule of the
pope came together, February 26, 183 1, for the purpose
of forming a legislative assembly. This assembly at
once adopted unanimously a resolution that the rule of
the Curia in the districts represented by the congress had
ceased. A union for a common government was effected,
and a committee formed the draft of a new constitution.
This triumph was of short duration ; Austrian troops soon
moved in and put down the insurrection.
But the ministers of the great Powers in Rome united,
as they had done in the year 1820 (just as was afterwards
done with Turkey), to urge upon the holy father a reform
of the abuses which, to the everlasting disgrace of his
administration, had now become matters of common
notoriety. The memorandum of May 31, 1831, which
emphasised the necessity of radical reforms, was com
posed by Bunsen at the request of the other ministers.'
It showed the sympathy for the legitimate rule of the
popes which Bunsen had inherited from Niebuhr. This
sympathy, however, did not at a later time prevent the
party inimical to reform, interested in the continuance of
the abuses, from pursuing the author with its particular
hatred. In reply to this memorandum, there appeared soon
after (July 5, 1831) a declaration of the papal secretary
of state, Bernetti, which announced a transformation of
the whole system of administration in the papal states.
Bernetti followed in the steps of Consalvi in making
liberal concessions with reference to the administration
' Bunsen had succeeded Niebuhr as Prussian minister at Rome in 1827.

The Reign of Gregory XVI. 97
of justice and finance and the participation of the laity
in the government. On the other hand, the two most
essential reform proposals — the right of voting for the
municipal and provincial councils and the appointment of
a council of state from the laity — were ignored ; more
over, the promised reforms in the administration and in
the finances were, with few exceptions, never carried out.
This papal declaration, however, appeared so satisfactory
to the diplomats that immediately afterwards the foreign
troops evacuated the territory of the pope.
But the inhabitants of the ecclesiastical provinces were
not so easily satisfied. The city of Bologna made a
solemn protest and sent a memorial to the ministers of
the Pentarchy of great Powers.' This memorial explained
the shortcomings of the administration, and pointed out
that even an administration undertaken with honest in
tentions would afford no sufficient remedy, so long as the
cause of all the evil was not removed and the temporal
and spiritual government entirely divorced. This desire,
everywhere freely expressed, was not fulfilled. The dis
satisfaction continued, and the Austrians had no sooner
departed when, in January, 1832, new disorders broke
out in the Marches.
The papal troops, gathered from the dregs of the
population like the notorious soldiers of the keys of
former times, were incapable of restoring order. At the
same time they were guilty of such outrageous acts of
violence that the irritation rapidly increased, and the
tottering papal chair was obliged once more to call Aus
trian bayonets to its aid. Their second entry into Bo
logna, however, excited the jealousy of France, and
suddenly a French fleet appeared at Ancona (February,
1832). In the papal states and in all Italy this occupation of
' Austria, France, Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia : the five chief ne
gotiators at the Congress of Vienna.

98 The Papacy in the igth Century
Ancona excited great hopes ; for the government of
Louis Philippe still preserved an appearance of liberality.
The citizens of Ancona were so exuberant in their joy that
the pope excommunicated them. But the French expe
dition had quite other objects than those which the Italian
patriots hoped for. Instead of helping the Italians they
restored the papal administration, and after this there was
no more mention of the improvements announced in the
preceding year. As long as Ancona and Bologna were
occupied, the peace of the state was not disturbed. But
how little had been gained in behalf of a real peace, how
the fire continued to smoulder under the ashes, how the
influence of the secret societies was not in the least
broken, became evident when the occupation ceased in
1838; a few years later, new risings, murders, and dis
orders of all kinds showed that public order had not
been secured.
In 1843 3.nd 1844 there was bloody guerilla warfare
when an attempt was made to put down the disturbances.
In 1845 an insurrection of greater magnitude broke out
in Rimini. All these attempts were suppressed by the
Swiss regiments and the rough bands of papal volunteers,
and were punished with imprisonment, exile, and execu
tions. But — as Dollinger affirmed in 1861 — the govern
ment seemed to have no conception of " the intense
bitterness produced by the consciousness that heavy
tribute was exacted for the payment of foreign mercen
aries, which were used to hold the people in subjection
and to enable the power of the state to refuse all popular
demands." Bernetti had been succeeded in 1836 by Lambruschini
as secretary of state (the same who as papal nuncio in
Paris had persuaded Charles X. to publish the famous
July ordinances of 1830), and popular dissatisfaction,
which had been steadily increasing, assumed much larger
dimensions under the latter. Nothing now stood in the

The Reign of Gregory XVI. 99
way of Gregory's desire to restore everything to the
mediaeval standard. But to what purpose was it that, in
pursuance of this policy, the larger part of the educated
youth of Rome languished in imprisonment or in exile ?
To what purpose was it that continued arbitrary absolut
ism made it appear as if there were no further cause for
fear ? To what purpose was it that railroads and learned
conventions were prohibited, access to the Vatican
library made more difficult, and the entire system of
education placed in the hands of the Jesuits ? All this
did not make the social condition of the papal state any
better. In the fifteen years of Gregory's reign the debt of the
state increased from twenty to forty million scudi ; sev
eral items of income had to be mortgaged for a number
of years, and yet there was a yearly deficit of two to
three millions. More than once the necessities of the
lower classes increased to actual famine. The number
of political prisoners had reached six thousand ; and thfe
best part of the ambitious youth of the land remained in
exile, where it became thoroughly imbued with the ideas
of Mazzini, who had been already active during the
revolution of 1830.
But nothing so much showed how completely demoral
ising the policy of Gregory had been as the absolute
necessity which was felt at his death of choosing a suc
cessor who represented different ideas. There was the
feeling that it was simply an impossibility to continue
the government along the same lines ; this decided the
choice of Pius IX., and this prompted the latter to make
his celebrated reforms.
Gregory assumed towards the whole civilised world
and the needs of our modern era the same attitude as he
did in the government of the Church-state. He main
tained the old papal inflexibility, he insisted on all the

loo The Papacy in the igth Century
former claims, opposing himself to all modern ideas. As
a young ecclesiastic in 1799, he had written an essay to
celebrate the " triumph of the Holy See " brought about
by the reaction against the Revolution. As pope he
exhibited an enmity towards modern culture such as one
would think proper in a Camaldulite monk. His edict
on the subject of studies, of September 12, 1831, is full
of the most timid and intolerant restrictions. But his
most celebrated document, as a disavowal of all that is
dear and precious to the present generation, is the en
cyclical by which he announced to the episcopacy his ac
cession to the papal throne ; which, however, was delayed
by the revolution in the states of the Church, and did
not appear till after the suppression of the disturbances,
August 15, 1832. In this encyclical the pope declares
implacable war upon the freedom of science and learning
and upon all really liberal views, in politics as well as in
the Church.
The cause of the existing wide-spread unbelief and of the re
volt against the exclusively valid dogmas of the Church is a false
science. Academies and schools are shockingly full of new
abominable teachings, by which the Catholic faith is not only
secretly and hiddenly opposed, but by which it is openly
attacked in merciless warfare. Through instruction and ex
ample on the part of teachers the minds of the youth are cor
rupted, the vast subversion of religion and the shocking decay
of morals is effected. Therefore, in order to keep such novel
ties from the Church, we must insist upon it that to the pope
alone belongs the right of judging concerning doctrine and
the government of the whole Church; the bishops must there
fore cling to the Roman See, and the priests be obedient to
the bishops. The discipline which has received the approval
of the Church may not be disapproved or subjected to the
power of the state. It is absurd to speak of a regeneration of
the Church, it is abominable to attack the law of celibacy and
to doubt the indissoluble nature of the matrimonial bond. But

The Reign of Gregory XVI. loi
especially are we to fight against indifferentism, or the illusion
that one may be saved in any faith ; from this is derived the
insane idea that every man has a claim to liberty of conscience.
This pernicious error is promoted by the immoderate liberty
of opinion which prevails to the destruction of the Church
and the State. Thence come changes of opinions, the corrup
tion of youth, the contempt of religion and of its laws among
the people, and the ruin which threatens the commonwealth.
The sources of all these revolutionary movements, which sub
vert all the rights of magistrates and bring slavery to the people
under the appearance of liberty, are above all the criminal and
insane tendencies of the Waldenses, Beghards, Wiclifites, and
other similar sons of Belial. And for no other cause do the
present innovators exert their powers but in order to boast
with Luther that they are free from all laws ; and the sooner
to attain this end they do not shrink from the most infamous
crimes. Herewith is connected the injurious and thoroughly
detestable freedom of the press, in consequence of which the
most absurd and insipid doctrines and errors spread them
selves with ease; and it is foolish to assert that the effects of
the bad writings are destroyed by written refutations. There
fore the Roman Index is a beneficent institution, and it is a
grievous error to deny to the Church the right of the prohibi
tion of books.
In the end, the bishops are exhorted to constancy in
opposing all innovations, and princes are called upon to
give them their aid because the peace of the state de
pends upon the welfare of the Church. " The favour
of the blessed Virgin Mary, who alone suppresses all
heresies, will bless these efforts.
This encyclical has since become the type of all follow
ing papal allocutions, especially in its proficiency in
damning and scolding. It has been surpassed as the
strongest manifesto of the Papacy only by the Syllabus-
encyclical of 1864. All of Gregory's official acts are,
moreover, in agreement with it. Only a few of the

I02 The Papacy in the igth Century
principal ones need here be named. The year 1839 saw five
new canonisations, accompanied by many miracles, among
them that of Liguori. The year 1841 witnessed a special
threat of excommunication against all who failed to in
form concerning those whom they knew to have broken
the rules of fasting; this measure placed a premium upon
denunciations of servants against their masters. In the
year 1844 was published a more explicit condemnation of
the Bible societies, with the command to deliver copies
of the forbidden book to the bishops. At the same time
the old rules for the treatment of heretics were made
more stringent ; Catholic theologians pursuing independ
ent researches were condemned, and the opposition to
the governments which sought to preserve the rights of
states was continued.
But all these actions of the pope were no longer isolated
phenomena, manifestations of personal antagonism to a
hostile world. On the contrary, they indicate a general
policy ; for we now meet with a number of literary pro
ductions which give evidence of the existence and the
spread of a papal " school " in Rome. The increased
importance of this " school " is distinctly traceable in
the Gregorian era. It does not, of course, imply the
production of works of unbiassed scientific research, but
we cannot deny to this new school a high degree of learn
ing. Names such as Mezzofanti ' and Angelo Mai ' gave
to the college of cardinals the reputation of a learned
congregation. Perrone issued edition upon edition of
his Pralectiones Theologicce, combining the defence of the
curialistic system with the most disgusting vilification of
the Reformation. Cantu wrote his Universal History in
the spirit of an " orthodox " historian ; it was translated
into all the principal languages. Rosmini elaborated a
' A linguistic genius. He understood more than fifty languages.
"^ Papal librarian, learned in classical and patristic literature. He discov
ered the palimpsests.

The Reign of Gregory XVI. 103
philosophical system, in which numerous modern ideas
were incorporated in the defence of ancient tradition, and
for a long time enjoyed protection in high quarters
against charges brought before the Congregation of the
Index. Among learned astronomers the name of the
Jesuit Father Secchi began to enjoy a growing reputa
tion. The colleges of the restored Company, constantly
increasing in number, began to rival the old order in the
effort to train eminent specialists. And now the Doctores
Romani, in the service of the Jesuits, began to spread
themselves over the several national churches. The
consequence was the rise of a special papalistic literature.
In proportion as the influence of the Society of Jesus
increased in its opposition to the conciliatory tendencies
which had been dominant since the days of Clement
XIV., each country which was subjected to its influence
found itself more and more confronted with its own
" Jesuit problem." During the period between the
revolutions of 1830 and 1848 this problem comes into
view in several places. In one country the pious fathers
created the revolution, in another they provoked it. The
acute crisis was again in France ; the great question here
was. What attitude shall the new government take to
wards the Jesuit problem ?
The answer to this question shows us the vacillating
character of Louis Philippe's system. So long as popu
larity was pursued as the great object, we find great
alacrity in instituting proceedings against the hated
order. The year 1831 brought the abolition of the
ordinance of 18 16, which had permitted the preaching of
mission sermons, and the confirmation of the ordinance of
1828 against the appointment of Jesuits in the seminaries.
But so soon as the government showed a desire to win
over the clergy, and when the bishops raised the cry of
" freedom of instruction " (from every other supervision

I04 The Papacy in the igth Century
but their own), the Jesuits knew at once how to make
use of the favourable turn to further their own interests.
With that masterly ability which the order has always
shown of choosing the right man for every position, they
now used the pulpit orator Ravignan, — who delighted
the Parisian haute vol^e, — to smooth their path. After
Ravignan had gained sufficient popularity, he openly
acknowledged himself a Jesuit, and in his book, De
I' existence et de I'institut des Jesuites, he asserted that, in
spite of the law,' there were more than two hundred
Jesuits in Paris (1844). It was officially stated that the
order possessed forty-three houses in France, among
them the large mother-house in the Rue des Postes in
Paris, and that the number of the professed was three
times as large as had been given out. At the same time
it was revealed through testimony given in a suit at law
that they had resumed their mercantile activity ; just as
had happened in 1764, when the same thing was shown
in the course of a legal investigation which brought about
the overthrow of the old order in France.
The government, however, did nothing, in spite of the
open defiance of the law. But the mind of the people
made itself distinctly known. Michelet and Quinet in
their lectures in the College of France brought this law
lessness to the light. Cousin put the question of its
toleration in the House of Peers, Thiers in the House of
Deputies. At the same time, the great excitement pro
duced by Eugfene Sue's jfuif Errant proved how general
was the belief in the immoral tendencies of the order.
Finally the government laid before the chambers a bill
concerning secondary instruction, in which it was ordered
that all teachers should give assurance of belonging to
no prohibited congregation.
But when it came to carrying out the law that had
been passed by the chambers, the ministry was obliged
' The Jesuits had been expelled from France in 1831.

The Reign of Gregory XVI. 105
to negotiate with Rome. The end of the matter was
that the government declared officially that their pro
posals had been accepted at Rome. The general of the
Jesuits, for appearance sake, temporarily closed a few of
their institutions; in reality, however, the condition of
affairs remained as it had been. And soon after this
Guizot openly took sides with the Jesuits when he inter
fered in the affairs of the Swiss Sonderbund.
In Switzerland the order had established itself in Fri
bourg, and during the reign of Gregory it succeeded in
gaining a foothold in Schwyz (1835). In 1839 ^ motion
was made in Lucerne to call the Jesuits to the public
school of the canton ; this, however, was not carried out
until the liberal government had been overthrown in
1841. The clerical attempt at insurrection in Aargau
failed, and its only consequence was the dissolution of
the monasteries in which the insurrection had centred.
On the other hand, in Wallis the liberal party was again
defeated (1840), and their attempt to regain the ascend
ancy frustrated at the expense of some bloodshed.
These isolated instances were only the precursors of
more determined action. Soon after, those cantons that
favoured the Jesuits, including the three original cantons
together with Lucerne, Fribourg, Wallis, and Zug, com
bined to form the rebellious Sonderbund (separate feder
ation). In opposition to this revolutionary measure,
whose instigators the Jesuits were known to be, all the
rest of Switzerland was united in holding that the peace
of the country called for the banishment of the order. A
motion to this effect was made in the Diet, but was lost ;
and in 1844 Lucerne showed its contempt for this meas
ure by officially giving to the Jesuits the administration
of the system of education. The liberals were persecuted,
and the Jesuits installed with great solemnity. The
motion for the dissolution of the Sonderbund failed of a

io6 The Papacy in the igth Centttry
majority in the Diet (April, 1846), and at the death of
Gregory, two months later, the party of the Jesuits seemed
dominant in Switzerland.
In proportion as the order of Jesuits succeeded in iden
tifying itself with the Church was the opposition increased
to those tendencies in Catholic theology that were not in
sympathy with the order. In this respect, as in others,
the reign of Gregory is remarkable. Up to this time, the
war against national-Catholic aspirations had been waged
indirectly by means of the concordats, Now the time
seemed to have come for making a direct attack upon
the much-dreaded freedom of learning. The condem
nation of the teachings of Hermes,' which showed both
ignorance on the part of his opponents and lack of
scrupulousness in the use of means on the part of the
Vatican, forms an epoch in Catholic theology ; it was the
first act of the great drama in which from this time on
all conscientious and honest investigators became the
victims of Rome's enmity. The disavowal of Lamen
nais assumed a similar significance for the development
of French Catholicism.
Few indeed as yet foresaw the full consequences of the
system pursued at Rome. The followers of Hermes on
the one side and the friends of Lamennais on the other
submitted. In the glowing enthusiasm for the Catholic
Church-ideal which both shared, their leaders remained
now, as before, the most powerful champions of the
Church in its struggle with the state. Montalembert
and Baltzer outdid one another in the same champion
ship. But it is a striking fact that both were obliged
before their death to acknowledge that they had fought
for an " idol."
' An eminent Roman Catholic scholar, professor in the university of
Bonn, the leader of German liberal theologians. His work. Introduction to
Christian Catholic Theology, was condemned by the pope.

The Reign of Gregory XVI. 107
The movement which philosophy and science had in
augurated throughout the intellectual world received the
consideration of Gregory only so far as he was enabled
to hurl his anathema against it. It was especially the
university according to the German ideal, which from
this time on became the object of particular hatred in
Rome. The representatives of these universities saw as
yet no danger in Rome's anathemas, while the masses,
under the heel of the hierarchy, rendered willing obedi
ence to the papal mandate.
Gregory's disputes with the temporal powers show
very clearly how successful had been the disciplining of
the masses whom the politicians of the concordats had
delivered into the hands of the Papacy. For in this field
his stubborn, consistent policy achieved its greatest
triumphs. Even those changes which brought large
momentary losses in the end led to the triumph of the
papal policy. Thus it was with the wars of the Carlist
revolution in Spain.' The pope gave indirect aid to the
pretender. The party of the queen-mother Christina
more than once resorted to measures of retaliation, such
as the dissolution of the monasteries, a measure which
greatly affected the material possessions of the Church in
Spain. The Curia, on the other hand, did not hesitate
to use extreme measures. The allocution of February i,
1836, refused recognition to the queen, Isabella; the
allocution of March i, 1841, even ordered general public
prayers for the country of Loyola. And yet, in spite of
this opposition, no sooner had Isabella become indepen
dent sovereign than concession upon concession was
made to the Vatican.
' Upon the death of Ferdinand VII. in 1833, his brother, Don Carlos,
refused to acknowledge the female succession and claimed the throne.
Christina, the widow of Ferdinand, assumed the title of governing queen
until her infant daughter, Isabella II. , should attain her majority. This is
the origin of the two parties, the Carlists and the Christinas.

io8 The Papacy in the igth Century
But the victory over deeply fallen Spain was not to be
compared in moral significance to the triumph over the
modern state of Prussia. In pursuance of what has been
said in the preceding chapter concerning the measures of
Pius VIII., we may here describe briefly the preparations
which were made by the Curia for its battle in Germany,
the great Church war of Cologne.'
Pius VIII. had, on the 25th of March, 1830, issued a
brief on the subject of mixed marriages." The obscure
and ambiguous expressions of this brief had been found
unsatisfactory by the Prussian government. After a
prolonged correspondence, an order of the cabinet of the
27th of February, 1831, decided upon the return of the
brief with the express declaration that the Prussian
government entertained no desire that the pope should
sanction anything that was opposed to the general prin
ciples of the Catholic Church, but that it was only a
question of expunging such expressions as would neces
sarily lead to dispute. The demand which the Church
made of the exclusive right to the education of the child
ren of mixed marriages carried dissension into countless
families. To prevent this, to preserve equal rights for
all : this was to the state an obligation it could not shirk.
The Prussian government, although in returning the
brief it was conscious of performing its duty toward its
own subjects, showed little knowledge of the state of
affairs in Rome and their slippery ways. The new pope
had been, in his former position, the chief author of the
brief, and understood better than anyone the purpose
of the ambiguous expressions. While the French minis
ter had been instructed in the most decided terms that
'The "Church war of Cologne,'' with which this and the following
paragraphs deal, turned upon a difference on the subject of mixed marriages
between the ministers of the state and the Roman Catholic authorities of the
diocese of Cologne, and ended in a compromise in 1S40.
^ Page 93.

The Reign of Gregory XVI. 109
mixed marriages would not be tolerated, and a brief to
the Bavarian bishops of May 27, 1832, had been couched
in unmistakable language, Prussia, with whom the Vati
can could not deal in the same autocratic manner, was
treated to ambiguous expressions, and only those who
read between the lines of the brief could understand the
real wishes of the pope.
At the same time we observe that the Vatican, in its
intercourse with the states, began more and more to look
for help to the revolutionary spirit which was active in
undermining the authority of governments. An official
report of the Prussian minister during these negotiations
contains the following account in reference to this subject :
It is undeniable that the revolution in Belgium and the
prevalent opinion, which is steadily gaining adherents among
the most opposite parties, concerning the freedom of the
Church from the state, has given to the Roman court a less
compliant disposition towards the temporal power and espe
cially towards Protestant governments.
The longer the determination of the question of mixed
marriages was postponed, the more did the difficulties
of the situation increase, aggravated as they were by the
general condition of ecclesiastical affairs. As we look
back upon the activity of Archbishop Spiegel of Cologne,
we see how almost incredibly difficult was the situation
of this pious and patriotic prince of the Church. At
every step he was hindered in his noble endeavours by
the ill-will of Councillor Schmedding of the Prussian
ministry. This man, the superior of the archbishop by
virtue of his office in the state, was a useful tool in the
hands of the papal policy, which was systematically bent
upon undermining the religious peace.
The archbishop of Cologne, in answer to a question of
the ministry, handed in an opinion which, with a thorough
knowledge of the policy of the Curia, proved how upon

I ID The Papacy in the igth Century
the basis of former determinations of the canon law the
papal brief might be reconciled with the just demands of
the state. Therewith was presented the means for a
satisfactory solution of the question. But Schmedding's
report of the negotiations ignored the archbishop's pro
posals. Under these circumstances Bunsen was appealed tO' for
aid, and he was recalled from Rome. He proposed a
direct negotiation with the archbishop. Count Spiegel
came for this purpose to Berlin, and the result was the
convention of June 9, 1834. Loyally carried out, it
would have led to mutual peace among the churches and
to the strengthening of the state ; but thereby it would
have achieved the opposite of that which the Curia pur
posed. As long as Archbishop Spiegel lived (died 1835) re
ligious peace was preserved. But no sooner had he closed
his eyes than systematic attempts were begun to inflame
the passions of the Catholic population. The first meas
ure in this direction was the papal brief against Hermes
(see note i, page 106), which escaped the injunction of the
royal placet by being smuggled into the Rhineland from
Belgium. The government itself came to the aid of the
Curia by the choice of Baron von Droste as the successor
of Count Spiegel in Cologne. In the new archbishop the
Vatican gained a useful tool for furthering its own policy,
and the note of the secretary of state, Lambruschini, of
March 15, 1836, at once formally opened the war.
This note, together with the short-sighted policy of
Niebuhr and the brief of Pius VIII., is the source to
which is to be traced the conflict which soon came to a
violent outbreak. At the time that this note was issued
the Curia announced the intention of sending a nuncio
to Berlin. At the express command of the king this
offer was rejected as " an innovation in every way objec
tionable, under whatever form it might be made," and

The Reign of Gregory XVI. 1 1 1
this refusal was meant " not only for the present case,
but generally once for all, without any ambiguity and
definitely, with such degree of decision that any future
repetition of this attempt should thereby be obviated."
When the Curia made the same attempt the following
year in St. Petersburg, the king of Prussia at once took
measures looking to an agreement of both governments
in their policy touching this matter. But what the
nuncio could not directly accomplish was brought about
indirectly by Archbishop Droste. And thus, in the
policy pursued by the Vatican, we recognise the immedi
ate cause which brought about the Church war of Cologne,
in which the triumphs achieved by Gregory XVI. were as
great as the wounds inflicted upon the religious peace of
Germany. The accession of Frederick William IV. (1840) was fol
lowed by the embassy of Count Bruhl to Rome, and the
nomination of Schmedding to the newly established
" Catholic " department of the ministry of public wor
ship. The opposition on the part of the German Catho
lics to this appointment was so effectually put down by
means of the bureaucracy that the Curia was relieved of
the necessity of taking any direct steps in the matter, and
was able to ascribe to the government the odium of the
inquisitorial measures.
The papal histories of the reign of Gregory XVI. make
the triumphs of the Curia in its disputes with Spain and
Prussia secondary to the moral triumph of the Papacy
over the Russian emperor. When Nicholas I. visited
Rome in 1845 he had the courtesy to pay a visit to the
pope. From this " audience " (to use the clerical lan
guage of the visits of reigning sovereigns to the pope-
king) he is said to have returned quite pale and under
great emotion. Gregory himself is reported by the same
authority to have said afterwards to his intimate friends

112 The Papacy in the igth Century
that he had told the emperor the truth. There is no
trace of any direct consequences of this conversation, as
far as we are concerned with the future actions of the
emperor. But the entire later development has proved
that the " papistical " policy has always shown itself
superior to the " caesaro-papistical. "
On all sides did Gregory XVI. win success except in
the ecclesiastical state itself. Leo was little loved, but
Gregory XVI. died under the glowing hatred of the
Roman population. In spite of increasing financial
straits, the expenses of his Swiss guard were constantly
increased. One of his last decrees had freed his family
from the inheritance taxes. He ennobled his barber.
At the baptism of the latter's son, thirty-one patriarchs,
archbishops, and bishops stood sponsors.

CHAPTER VIII

THE FIRST "LIBERAL" PERIOD OF THE REIGN OF
PIUS IX. (1846-1850)
THE history of no pope is so full of change and so rich
in events as that of Pius IX. We find in his pon
tificate a curious interweaving of all the separate threads
which we have followed in the history of the modern
Papacy ; the various tendencies which began with the Res
toration seem to have approached more closely their goal.
The first thing which strikes the student of history is
the remarkable series of reforms with which Pius began
his reign. These are, however, but the natural reaction
from the Gregorian extreme, and their effect could be
none other than to show the impossibility of a reconcilia
tion between the progress of the age and the Papacy.
The final overthrow of the temporal dominion of the
Papacy was founded in its own unnaturalness.
If politically Pius made the attempt to reconcile him
self with the liberal tendencies of his time, ecclesiastically
he never had any such intention. Even his last acts,
which threw the world into such commotion, had their
origin much earlier than in the days of his exile at Gaeta
(1848 to 1850). They were the direct consequences of
all the former steps of the restored Papacy, and are not
explained by personal embitterment or mystical religios
ity. Only in crudeness of expression did the last pro
ductions of Pius IX. surpass everything that went before.
rx3

114 The Papacy in the igth Century
, But whatever were Pius' principles, political and eccle
siastical, his pontificate shows a marvellous series of
triumphs for the papal system, triumphs which were
achieved in spite of the antagonism of this system to
the spirit of the times. No former year had been so
favourable in its results to the policy of the Roinan
Church as the year of revolution, 1848, with the era of
reaction which immediately followed. We shall have to
note in almost all countries a considerable intensification
of the ultramontane tendencies, crowds of conversions,
concordats more favourable than ever, " Catholic " fac
tions holding closely together, and, above all, a closer
connection of the national churches with Rome. Espe
cially in the second period of the pontificate of Pius IX.,
from his return to Rome to the Italian war, did fortune
smile upon him. But even his later years, following the
Council of the Vatican, though they brought apparent
reverses, only prepared the way for the triumphs of his
successor. So long a reign as that of Pius IX. would have been of
great importance apart from the many crises which fill it.
By its connection with the general history of the times,
this reign divides itself naturally into four periods : the
first (1846 to 1850) shows the irreconcilability of the
Papacy with modern ideas; t-he second (1850 to 1859)
brings before us the triumphs which it achieved in spite
of this fact ; the third (1859 to 1870) shows, in connection
with the Italian and the Austrian-Prussian war, that on
both sides of the Alps people had begun to grasp the
idea that the conflicts with Rome represent a decisive
battle for some of those things which humanity holds
most dear, while at the same time the Curia was sharpen
ing new weapons for this battle; finally, in the fourth
period (1870 to 1878) we have before us the great war,
whose battle-field is the world, which began with the
Vatican Council.

The First " Liberal" Period of Pius IX. 1 1 5
When, to the great joy of the Romans, Gregory XVI.
died, on the ist of June, 1846, the choice of his successor
vacillated for a short time between Gregory's secretary
of state, the like-minded Lambruschini, and the fifty-
four years' old Count Mastai Ferretti from Sinigaglia; in
two days the conclave elected the latter (June i6th). A
man now ascended the throne of St. Peter whose per
sonal amiability and agreeable appearance could not but
win sympathy ; the Roman people in particular greeted
the choice of this genial and popular cardinal with extra
ordinary enthusiasm. The high degree of his theological
ignorance, coupled with a still higher degree of vanity,
was known to but a few of the initiated.
Persuaded of the necessity of discarding the system of
Gregory and of not disappointing the Romans in the re
forms they expected of him, Pius began his reign with
an attack upon the numerous abuses, and with the re- f
trenchment of avoidable expenses. A month later ap
peared the decree of amnesty, which restored manyy
political prisoners to life and to their friends. Like an
electrical current the glad tidings of this act ran through
the hot-blooded populace, and from Rome loud jubilation
spread over all Italy.
An opposition was indeed immediately formed against
the reform-loving pope. The governments began to ex
press doubts ; the so-called sella Gregoriana, the adherents
of Gregory and his policy, made demonstrations. But
Pius was not frightened ; his further actions gave evidence
that he was convinced of the necessity of far-reaching
reforms, and that he was determined that no obstacle
should frustrate his purpose. When the council of state
protested, he formed a new council from the younger
prelates, and nominated the liberal Cardinal Gizzi as
secretary of state.
There followed (April to July, 1847) ^ "^'^ Roman a
municipal constitution (whereby there was formed an

1 1 6 The Papacy in the igth Century
assembly of a hundred members with a senator at the head
and eight conservators) ; a council of state (consisting of
the deputies of the provinces as a diet for counsel and
debate), and the institution of a guardia civica (citizens'
guard). Measures of similar tendency were the permis-
/ sion of greater freedom to the press, the sanction of rail
roads, the admission of the laity to the ofifices of state,
the taxation of monasteries, personal investigation of
/ monasteries and hospitals, circulars to the generals of
j orders, and the dismissal of the Swiss soldiers.
When finally Pius protested against the occupation of
y Ferrara by the Austrians,' he became the hero of all
Italy and appeared to be at the head of the Italian
national movement. At the anniversary of his acces
sion Rome was brilliantly illuminated (June i6, 1847);
the manifestations of joy and emotion continued un
til the beginning of 1848. The pope was celebrated
as the prince whose chief care it was to moderate the
expressions of joy on the part of his subjects.
The hopes which the younger Italy placed in Pius are
shown by the letter of Mazzini of September, 1847:
" There are two kinds of men, the superstitious and the
hypocrites; but humanity cannot live without faith and
religion. The poge should therefore place himself at the
head of a new religion of humanity. His chief duty
however is to bring about the unity of Italy." In Pro
testant countries the glorification of the liberal pope was
hardly less than in Catholic. Princes with arbitrary
tendencies were referred to his example. Public opinion
proclaimed everywhere the praise of his name.
But the same pope, who began with political reforms,
gave even then distinct evidence that in every other re
spect he was the genuine representative of the unchange-
' Austria had occupied the castle of Ferrara with her troops, claiming the
authority of an article in the decrees of the Congress of Vienna.

The First " Liberal " Period of Pius IX. 117
able Papacy ; this he did by his encyclical of November
9, 1846, in his letter to the archbishop of Cologne of July
3, 1847, and in the bull concerning the oriental question
of July 23, 1847. Soon followed the most unequivocal
document, the allocution of December 17, 1847 (contain
ing the pope's negative to the demand of Mazzini). Over
the existing political excitement, these ecclesiastical acts
were at the time little regarded ; in the eyes of the histor
ian reviewing the past great significance attaches to them.
The encyclical at his accession was composed in the
same tenor as Gregory's pastoral letters. It is full of
bitter lamentations over the times,
in which the most violent and dreadful war is inflamed
against the interests of Catholicism by those who, united in
infamous associations, alienated from sound doctrine, and
turning the ear from the truth, are bent upon bringing forth
out of darkness all sorts of monstrous opinions and spreading
them among the people. This is done, not only by the de-
niers and blasphemers of God, but also by those who dare to
interpret God's word by their own judgment, according to
their own reason, while God Himself has established a living
authority which teaches the true meaning of his heavenly
revelations and composes all disputes in matters of faith and
of morality by an infallible judgment.
The Bible societies are again condemned,
which, repeating the device of the ancient heretics, contrary
to the rules of the Church, translate the books of the sacred
Scriptures into every vulgar tongue, accompany them with
perverse interpretations, distribute them free in immense num
bers and at great expense to all individuals of both sexes,
even to the uneducated, and have no hesitation in teaching
the people that everyone may reject tradition and the authority
of the Church and interpret the words of the Lord and pervert
their meaning according to his private judgment.

1 1 8 The Papacy in the igth Century
Under the same anathema fall
the perverse instruction in philosophical studies, the abom
inable system of religious indifferentism, the detestable attacks
upon the holy state of priestly celibacy, which are favoured
even by ecclesiastics, who allow themselves to be overcome by
flatteries and the allurements of sensual pleasure, and the
doctrines of communism, which are opposed even by the rights
of nature.
Good and bad are damned in promiscuous variety; al
ternating condemnations and lamentations make up the
accustomed greeting of the vicar of Christ.
In like manner, the letter to the archbishop of Cologne
renewed the condemnation of the teachings of Hermes '
which Gregory XVI. had pronounced, with the same
ignorance of the German system that the first condemna
tion had shown. The bull issued at the same time for
the oriental Church was meant to show to the oriental
Christians that as schismatics they had just as little
rights as the Protestant heretics; without the slightest
consideration of the Greek patriarch or of the English-
Prussian bishop, " the exercise of the jurisdiction of the
Latin patriarch was restored " in Jerusalem.
It was especially the allocution of December, 1847, i^^
which Pius guarded himself against all conclusions that
might be drawn from his political in reference to his
ecclesiastical position. Solemnly he protests against the
idea " that it should ever enter into his mind to permit
the slightest diminution of the authority of the Holy See
or of received laws, or to cherish other traditions than
those of the Church." He expresses grievous sorrow
that so many of the enemies of the Catholic truth should have
allowed themselves to place the most absurd opinions on an
equality or to mingle them with the teachings of Christ, and
' See page 106, note i.

The First ' ' Liberal " Period of Pius IX. 119
to spread the godless system of religious indifference ; that
some have even done him the abominable injury of pretending
that he was as it were the partaker of their folly ; that espe
cially from some of his ordinances for advancing the civil wel
fare of the ecclesiastical state, which surely contained nothing
contrary to religion, as well as from the amnesty granted at
the beginning of his pontificate, they concluded that he was
of such benevolent spirit towards the Whole human race as to
believe that one could be saved outside of the Catholic Church.
Thereby they have inflicted upon him so great an injury that
he is not able in words to express his detestation of it.
Politically, Pius would be liberal; ecclesiastically, re
actionary. The inner contradiction in this position was
made evident with surprising rapidity in the develop
ments which immediately followed. Soon the liberal
party, encouraged by himself, went beyond him, and the
old Italian national ideas proved stronger than the so-
called rock of Peter. At the very beginning of the year
1848, one after another of the Italian states became the
scene of insurrections. In Lombardy there was the
greatest fermentation against the foreign dominion. In
Sardinia Charles Albert made preparations to take the
sword of Italy into his hands.' The events in Naples'
carried the Romans away in enthusiastic sympathy. And
into this powder-cask, which the pope himself was accused
of opening, fell the spark of the Paris February revolution
of 1848.
It was the pope himself who more than any other had
started the movement to which the throne of the French
citizen-king fell a sacrifice, and which in rapid succession
' The war between Sardinia and Austria in 1848 and 1849. The Sar
dinians were defeated by Radetzki at Custozza and Novara, Charles Albert
abdicated in favour of his son, Victor Emmanuel.
^ Ferdinand II. , king of the two Sicilies (including Naples), was obliged,
in consequence of the disturbances in his kingdom, to grant a constitution
and appoint a liberal ministry.

1 20 The Papacy in the igth Century
led to risings in Vienna and Berlin. He had at first re
joiced and not concealed his joy that the son of Philipp
Egalit6 had been overthrown and that the state of the
godless Joseph II. was shaken to its foundations. But
it lay in the nature of the revolution itself that, once
started, it should turn against the sovereignty of the pope
himself. A foretaste of this had been given in the year
1847. When Gregory XVI. died, the reactionary party of the
Sonderbund in Switzerland, favoured alike by Guizot,
Metternich, and Frederick William IV. of Prussia, seemed
in a position to make light of its enemies.' But a few
months later there had taken place in Berne and Geneva,
in Zurich and in Waadt, a change in the government, by
which the democratic tendencies of 1830 were carried a
step further. This change also secured a majority in the
Diet against those who favoured the Jesuits. In July,
1847, the dissolution of the unconstitutional Sonderbund
was pronounced ; in September it was resolved to carry
out this dissolution by force of arms.
The rebellion was disappointed of the help which had
been promised, and a rapid campaign of a few weeks
dissolved the Sonderbund. The victors, the noble Gen
eral Dufour at their head, made every effort to draw the
bonds of federation closer than ever with those whom
they had conquered. But upon one point they insisted.
The perpetual banishment of the Jesuits was pronounced
to be the fundamental law of the federation. While
therefore in the neighbouring states everything was in
confusion, Switzerland adopted the new constitution,
which became a source of strength outwardly and in
wardly, and which acted as a bar to the desire of inter
vention in the following era of reaction.
This expulsion of the Jesuits from Switzerland is not
to be understood, as it would have been a few years later,
' See page 105.

J

The First " Liberal " Period of Pius IX. 1 2 1
as a measure of hostility to the Papacy itself. Pius IX.
was then considered rather as an opponent than as a
friend of the order. The reports of his nuncio, Luquet,
from Switzerland (published in Lucerne, 1861) are very
comprbmising to the pious fathers. But the further
course of events only too soon made the order of Loyola
and the Papacy appear as synonymous terms.
On the other hand, the most significant symptom of ^
those days is found in the unanimity with which the /
popular voice, wherever it found expression, turned
against the order. In Februarj^j[848, the Jesuits were
driven from Sardinia and from Lombardy. Naples and
Sicily followed the example of their North Italian
brethren. In the same February (before the revolution
had swept over Austria and Prussia) the Bavarian Jesuit
college in Altotting was closed. And before long, even
in the ecclesiastical states, the Society was dissolved and
its goods confiscated.
Not only had Pius IX. started the revolutionary con
flagration in Europe ; he was soon obliged to experience
it in his own land. When every day brought new ac
counts to Rome of the progress of liberal principles in
neighbouring states, the impatience of the Romans over
the half-measures of the Papacy could no longer be re
strained. Pius, until then adored as a god, was now im
petuously urged to further concessions. He was obliged
to yield. On the 14th of March, 1848, appeared they/ 7
Roman constitution, and at the same time a reform min- •^^
istry was appointed containing only two clerical members.
Alongside of the college of cardinals, to which belonged
the functions of a senate, there were instituted two
chambers to which was given the right to grant taxes and
to approve of all laws.
In spite of these concessions, the news of the revolu
tions in Vienna and in Milan created new disturbances.

1 2 2 The Papacy in the igth Century
The Austrian minister was insulted, volunteers from
Rome went to the aid of the Lombards, and the ill will
of the people vented itself particularly against the Jesuits.
Before the end of March they were obliged to leave Rome
and the ecclesiastical states.'
In vain was the appeal for moderation which, on the
31st of March, 1848, Pius addressed to the Italian people.
In vain did he go so far as to declare that he
recognised in the events of the last months more than the
work of man, even the voice of God ; that he, as one to whom
was given the voice to interpret the silent eloquence of the
works of God, was moved to rejoice over so much that ap
peared religious and noble in the storms raging around them.
/ More was demanded ; people wanted the ecclesiastical
state to take part in the war against Austria. The min
istry of Mamiani and the Chamber of Deputies gave loud
voice to this demand. The commander of the papal
troops, without the authority of the pope, crossed the
Po. Tumult followed tumult in Rome.
Once more the pope raised his voice in warning, in the
allocution of April 29, 1848:
I As the successor of Peter, who embraces in love all peoples,
\every war is to him an abomination ; but he is filled with hor
ror at the idea that they wished to place him at the head of an
Italian republic. He had not been able to calm the fiery zeal
of those of his subjects who wished to participate in the events
in upper Italy. But in this he had had the same experience
as other and far mightier princes; he himself had sent his
troops to the borders of the Church-state only for its protec
tion. As the father of all the faithful he can take no part in
political factions and can wish for nothing but the peace of
the whole world, especially of Italy.
He made the same declaration in answer to every new
urging.

The First " Liberal "• Period of Pius IX. 123
The enthusiasm for the pope cooled with astonishing
rapidity, and soon was turned into coldness and hatred.
One event followed on the heels of another: the dismis
sal of the Mamiani ministry, the failure of several other
attempted ministerial combinations, the nomination of
Count Rossi to the presidency of the ministry and to the
ministry of the interior, his attempts to re-establish quiet
and order, his assassination on the steps of the chamber
of deputiesJ^£ovemberj_4j_i848), the tumultuous deputa
tions to the pope (in favour of a democratic ministry,
recognition of Italian hationality, the continuation of the
war against Austria, and the calling of a constituent
assembly). Then came the approval by Pius, under coercion, of
all demands made upon him, while the bullets penetrated
into his rooms ; the flight of most of the cardinals ; finally
the celebrated flight of the pope himself to Gaeta in the
carriage of the Bavarian ambassador (in the night of No
vember 24, 1848). The rupture between the Papacy and
Italian freedom was thereby for ever decided. Pius him
self, as a neutral and well disposed historian says, was
" evidently less of a prophet than of a reed which is
shaken to and fro by the wind."
From Gaeta the pope protested before all the world
against the ministry that had been forced upon him, and
declared all the measures that proceeded from it to be
wanting in legal sanction and invalid. In Rome a pro
visional junta was formed and the ministry Corsini-
Camerata-Galetti called a constituent assembly.
Again, and more decidedly, Pius protested on the ist
of January, 1849,
against this call of a so-called national assembly as a detestable
sacrilegious crime against his independence, which deserves
the punishment pronounced against it by divine and human
laws. According to the decrees of the Council of Trent the

124 The Papacy in the igth Century
major excommunication is to be passed upon all who in any
way call in question the sovereignty of the pope. It is a
matter of conscience and duty for him to preserve and defend
the sacred pledge of the patrimony of the bride of Christ.
Still he will not forget that he is the vicar of Him who exer
cises not only justice but also mercy. He therefore prays day
and night for the conversion and salvation of those who have
been led astray and hopes fervently that they will soon return
into the fold of the Church.
The Romans felt no inclination to return to the fold ;
they laughed at the anathema. The only effect of the
pope's manifesto was to bring to full expression the ill
will which had long been cherished against the regime of
the priests. All classes of people agreed in the energetic
desire to rescue the temporal sceptre from the spiritual
power ; in the union of both they recognised the ultimate
source of all corruption and of the general decline. The
constituent assembly which was opened on February~57
1849, 01^ the 9th of the same month solefhhly decreed the
' deposition of the pope as temporal prince, and proclaimed
the Roman republic. There followed, on the i8th of
February, the law which confiscated all property of the
dead hand as belonging to the state, with the expressly
declared intention that the eradication of every remnant
of the clerical system was a necessity in order to further
the cause of religion and to offer the best proof of the
purity and the sacredness of the work of the republic.
Political history informs us that at the same time the
second war between Sardinia and Austria broke out in
Upper Italy.' Charles Albert of Sardinia drew once
more the sword of Italy, and Toscana was liberated by
Guerazzi ; but the decisive victory of Radetzki at Novara
(March 23, 1849) completely destroyed the high hopes of
the Italian patriots.
' There had been a truce from August, 1848, to March, 1849.

The First ^''Liberal" Period of Pitts IX. 125
The effect upon the Romans was that the constituent
assembly now nominated a dictatorial triumvirate, with
Mazzini at its head. This triumvirate appealed to the
people with a solemn proclamation :
Our programme is our mandate. Preservation of the repub
lic, protection against dangers within and without, a worthy
representation in the war for liberation: this is our duty and
we shall perform it. The very victories which oblige the
enemy to thin out his army by expansion may sooner or later
lead to his defeat. Your forefathers were always victorious
because they declared him to be a traitor who yielded to dan
ger, and you will not be unworthy of these forefathers, not
unworthy of the banners which we have brought from the
graves of our ancestors for the hope of Italy and the admira
tion of Europe.
The pope again protested against these steps ; at the
same time he called for the intervention of the Catholic
Powers. The French republic under the presidency of
Napoleon accepted the call to destroy the sister-republic.
But although the French landed at Civita Vecchia in
April, 1849, '" overwhelming numbers, the resistance of
the Romans under the leadership of Garibaldi was so
heroic that they did not complete the conquest until the
end of June.'
The pope still remained outside. September 12, 1849,
he published at Gaeta a motu proprio promising reforms
in the finances and the administration. September 18,
1849, there followed a decree of amnesty with almost
more exceptions than concessions. It was not till April,
i8jOj^ that he returned. The Romans remained coldly
silent ; his only support was the French bayonets. The
capital of Christendom did not thereby become more
churchly-minded. ' From this time the Papacy was upheld in Rome by the French, in the
Legations by the Austrians, The French occupation of Rome lasted until
1870.

CHAPTER IX
PIUS IX. AT THE HEAD OF THE EUROPEAN REACTION '
(1850-1859)
THE measures with which Pius began his reign had
been in effect a protest against the principles of
Gregory; in April, 1850, the pope returned to Rome to
follow from henceforth in the steps of his predecessor.
All his subsequent measures have a decidedly Jesuitical
stamp. No pope had yielded to the wishes of the Jesuits
to the same extent as did the penitent Pius. His rela
tions to his own subjects became more and more strained,
until finally there came the inevitable reaction. Never
theless, the external triumphs of this period were almost
greater than those which Pius VII. achieved after the
restoration of the Papacy.
During the same year, 1848, in which the pope, after
having been idolised, became a hated exile, the power of
the Papacy was in almost all countries extraordinarily
increased. A number of very dissimilar causes co-op
erated towards this result, the mistakes of opponents
no less than the efforts of friends. The governments
above all, seduced by the magic formula of the " solidar
ity of conservative interests, ' ' increased the favour form
erly shown to the Curia as the " oldest conservative
power." So-called " orthodox " Protestants coquetted
with Roman ecclesiasticism ; in all Protestant churches
' See the division of the pontificate of Pius into four periods, page 114.
126

The European Reaction 127
the crypto-papal tendencies gained in influence and par
tially succeeded in capturing the ecclesiastical authorities.
Even more effective were the operations of the revolu
tionary party, which, blind to the true significance of
religion, tended to strengthen the influence of the priest
hood. The public elections often showed that the cities
were outvoted by the people of the country under the
leadership of the priests; unbelief, as always, brought
superstition in its wake.
All external conditions were shaping themselves favour
ably to the Papacy ; Protestantism was powerless, or else
its representatives gave open aid to the enemy ; and all
the while the compact force of Curialism, working with
immense and magnificent energy, knew how to use the
right moment to fish in troubled waters. The general
demand of those days for the destruction of absolutism
in the state was exploited in the interests of ecclesiastical
absolutism, and the revolution for which the Vatican was
chiefly responsible was made use of to get rid of unfavour
able influences.
The rushing waters of the revolution were led into the
bed of clerical societies; there was formed a whole
series of German " Catholic " associations, the deposit of
revolutionary fermentation. Alongside of the open so
cieties were the secret congregations and fraternities, and
in the track of both came the Jesuit missions. All these
separate apparently scattered forces were not split up, but
were made to operate toward the same common end:
not only to make the Church into a state within a state,
but also to subject to it the whole spiritual life of the
people, in the school, in matrimony, and in the press ;
and this end was achieved by the wise policy of the epis
copate, which from the first moment made it the object
of their efforts to exploit the triumphs of the revolution
in their own interests. To all this are to be added the
tactics of the Vatican itself, turning all circumstances to

1 28 The Papacy in the igth Century
immediate advantage. Thus it was enabled, by its direc
tion of the army of auxiliaries, to convert the year of its
adversity into a year of triumph.
Among the acts of the pope which belong to this period
we consider first those of a religious character. All these,
whether they had to do with the canonisations of in
dividuals or with questions of dogma, show him to be
entirely in the hands of the Jesuits. After these, we
shall consider his political measures, in allocutions and
concordats. The series of beatifications was opened immediately
after his return from Gaeta, July 16, 1850, with the
Jesuit, Peter Claver. Other members of the Company
of Jesus were John de Britto (beatified May 18, 1852)
and Andrew Bobola (July 5, 1853), and later the well-
known German Jesuit, Peter Canisius (August 2, 1864).
Among the other orders, only the order of the Brothers
of Mercy received an accession to the beatified, in John
Grande (October i, 1852); besides these, two founders of
new congregations, Paul vom Kreuze (October i, 1852)
and John Leonardi (July 9, 1861), and three virgins were
received into the same class. The biographies of these
worthies are full of unnatural asceticism and unnatural
miracles. The pope did not yet, at this period, undertake any
canonisations. The twenty-six Japanese martyrs had to
wait until the convention of bishops in the year 1867.
But as early as the year 1854 we hear of a new miracle-
working effigy of Mary and an indulgence of the papal
vicar-general in connection with it; and not less than
three jubilees were crowded into the years between 185 1
and 1857.
All these are, however, events of secondary importance,
such as happen under every pope. But this period of
Pius IX. has made itself ever memorable by another

The European Reaction 129
unparalleled event, the definition of a new dogma, — that.^
of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary. A
writer who enjoyed the approval of the pope expresses
himself (some years before the papal infallibility was
made the order of the day) in the following manner con
cerning this event, in a pamphlet published in Vienna,
1865, entitled Pius IX. as Pope and as King :
This is an event peculiar to the pontificate of Pius IX., such
as no former pontificate has to show; for the pope has defined
this dogma independently, in the plenitude of his own author
ity, without the co-operation of a council ; and this independ
ent definition of a dogma includes, though not expressly and
formally, nevertheless without a doubt and actually, another
dogmatic decision : namely, the decision of the question
whether the pope in matters of faith is infallible in his own
person, or whether he can claim this infallibility only at the
head of a council. Pius IJOdidjiot, by his actipn of De-
cember^_8j_^i854, jth^Qi^ticany definCj jb^^ ^id practically
cTaim, the infallibility of the pope.
That is to say, the newly conceived idea of ultramontan-
ism, rejected by the ancient councils, has received the
papal sanction. Herein, and not in the dogmatic ques-'
tion, lies the historical significance of this event.
How much the pope had at heart this favourite doctrine
of the Jesuits, which had been rejected by the most
eminent representatives of the mediaeval Church, was
shown by the fact that the first public act of his exile in
Gaeta, the encyclical of February 2, 1849, announced to
the bishops the creation of a commission for the decision
of this question, and commanded them to express their
views upon it. Pius in this letter said " that from child
hood nothing had been so near his heart as to adore the
most blessed Virgin Mary with especial piety and devotion
and with the most sincere heartfelt love, and to accom
plish all that would serve to the greater honour of this

130 The Papacy in the igth Century
Virgin and to the furtherance of her glory and worship. ' '
He furthermore expressed his hope that " the most blessed
Virgin, who had ever saved Christian people from all evil,
would, in her merciful love as mother, turn from him his
adversities and sorrows and change his grief into joy."
After his return to Rome, which according to this view
he owed to the intercession of Mary, the matter, always
dear to his heart, became still more important, and all
hesitation and difificulties were overcome by the revela
tions of hysterical women and the appearances of Madon
nas to children. The miracles of La Salette and the
newly added miracles of Lourdes finally turned the scale.
The commission created for taking counsel concerning
the new dogma rendered in December, 1853, by the
mouth of Passaglia, this decision, " that to the Virgin
Mary, on account of her sanctity and grace, surpassing
, ,. that of human nature, which could not be explained on
1 V natural grounds, was to be ascribed, on the basis of
Scripture, of tradition, and of the existing cult, a concep
tion untainted by hereditary sin." Passaglia furnished
more extensive proof in a work of three volumes.
The answers of the bishops to the request for their
views were not quite so unanimous. None of them, in
deed, opposed the dogma ; but thirty-two declared them
selves against the opportuneness and four against the
competence of the proposed vconvention ; and among
these voices in opposition were that of Sibour in Paris,
Diepenbrock in Breslau, and Schwarzenberg in Salzburg.
Four hundred and forty prelates yielded to the desire of
the pope.
On the 1st of August, 1854, Pius published the call for
a council in Rome ; at the same time he called for the
prayers of the faithful, and proclaimed the indulgence of
a jubilee. The intended council, when it met, was nothing
more than an episcopal conference of 192 prelates, which
held its first session on November 20th in the Vatican,

The European Reaction 131
and on December 4th assented nearly unanimously to the
proposition of the pope. On the 8th of December Pius
celebrated a solemn high mass in the Sistine Chapel,
placed upon the effigy of the Virgin a diadem of dia
monds, and proclaimed the celebrated bull, Ineffabilis
Deus. In this bull he declared
by virtue of the authority of Jesus Christ, that of the apostles ;/
Peter and Paul, and of his own: that the doctrine, which main
tains that Mary in the first moment of her conception was by
special grace and special privilege of God preserved from all
stain of hereditary sin, had been revealed by God and was
therefore to be believed firmly and constantly by all the
faithful. The allocution of the following day gave expression to
the papal joy and pictured the errors and the evils of the
time, the war with which was placed under the protection
of the immaculate mother of God.
The far-reaching nature of the revolution which had
taken place in the development of Catholicism from the K
former episcopal aristocracy, predominant even at Trent,
to a direct papal absolutism was made evident by the very
slight opposition manifested to an event unheard- of in
the history of the Catholic Church. The whole modern ]
world appeared to care for it jusF about as much as for a j
dogmatic decision of the Dalai Lama of Thibet or of the
Mikado of Japan ; even the representatives of the Catho
lic episcopate were silent at the evident flouting of their j
rights. The wish of Frederick William IV. to put into
effect a common protest of the Evangelical churches
against the " unbiblical " doctrine failed by virtue of
the absence of any common authority.
The few voices which made themselves heard in oppos
ition were isolated. In Italy four priests appealed to
the ancient doctrine of the Church against the new de
cision; they were excommunicated. The same fate

132 The Papacy in the igth Century
overtook a priest, Braun, from the bishopric of Passau
in Bavaria, who had likewise used his knowledge of the
middle ages to his own injury. Nevertheless there were
occurrences which proved that under a smooth surface
all was not so quiet as it seemed : such were the tragical
assassination-0^f-Are-hbishop_.Sibi2ur_of Paris (i857)7^w-ith
the exclamation of the ecclesiastical murderer, "JDlown
_with goddesses " ^' h bas les ddesses"), the attitude of
opposition maintained by the Chamber of Deputies and
the government in Portugal, the public ridicule of the
dogma in Brussels, finally the pastoral letter of the-jcjld-
'--Cai]icdic_bishaps_iruHQlland. This last document fs, from the Catholic point of view,
undoubtedly the most important. The letter of the
bishops to the pope accompanying it proceeds upon the
assumption that " their duty of watching over the purity
of the .Catholic faith forbids their keeping silence, foras
much as the new dogma is entirely novel in its teaching."
They furthermore protest against the slight cast upon
the episcopal office in the treatment of its representatives
by the papal see, and finally appeal from the decision of
the pope to a future general council. The pastoral itself
contains a conclusive refutation of all the arguments cited
in the papal decree in favour of the new dogma. In
regular order, with literal citations from the Scriptures,
the Church fathers, the papal constitutions, and other
official writings, it is shown :
i^that the dogma in question is taught neither by the sacred
Scriptures nor by tradition ; that it had its origin in the four
teenth century and even after this time expressed only the
sense of a party; that the wonderful consensus of Catholic
pastors and believers, which the pope asserted, has never ex
isted; that the old papal constitutions concerning this dogma
were only intended to allay the disputes to which it had given
occasion, without deciding for or against it; finally, that, for
asmuch as the immaculate conception had not been believed

The European Reaction 133
either everywhere or at all times or by all, it could not consti
tute an article of faith.
The decrees of the Council of Trent are more particularly
examined ; the dispute of the Scotists and the Thomists
in the fourteenth century, also the battle fought in Spain
after the Council of Trent between Dominicans and
Jesuits, are exhaustively treated ; and from the decisions
of former popes it is clearly proved that none of them
dared to settle so uncertain a matter by his own arbitrary
decision. But, however convincing this polemic was to the veter
ans of ancient Catholicism, Jesuitism had already gained
the victory in the Catholic Church. The dogma of
Mary, more than anything else, indisputably proves this
fact; it did not require the erection of monuments to
Mary in Rome, Cologne, Aix-la-Chapelle, and elsewhere.
In the allocution already referred to on the day after the
proclamation of the dogma, the pope in consistory de
clared with triumphant joy: " We know the feeling of
admiration which has been awakened in the hearts of
men for the Catholic religion, which like the light of the
sun shines before the eyes of all." What was meant by
the term ' ' Catholic religion ' ' had been long before ex
plained by the paraphrase of Boniface VIII., to the effect
that it " was necessary for all human creatures to obey
the pope of Rome under pain of loss of salvation."
The growing strength of the Papacy in the new epoch
manifests itself in the bulls by which the hierarchy was
" restored " in England and in Holland, the former on
September 29, 1850, the latter on March 4, 1853. The
agitation which these measures produced in both countries
was only too much justified by the conduct of the Curia
in those nationalities where a longer rule made more de
cided measures possible. Thus the new concordat with

134 The Papacy in the igth Centttry
Spain, of the year 185 1, expressly prohibited the tolera
tion of any other than the papal Church, likewise the
compacts with several South American states. The
ecclesiastical dispute in the upper Rhinelands, which
reached its climax in 1854, was intended to establish the
rule of the Curia where the denominations were equally
divided. The Austrian concordat of August 18, 1855,
had buried the last remnant of Josephine ideas and made
the imperial state once more the paradise of the hierarchy ;
and after prolonged futile negotiations the smaller states
succumbed to the pressure of Austria. The conventions
with Wiirtemberg and Baden, the compromises with
Hesse-Darmstadt and Nassau, were worthy offshoots of
the Austrian concordat. Everywhere we see again the
immutable policy of the Curia gaining ground in the
struggle against the modern state.
The time had come — so the Vatican thought — when it
might with impunity set the whole civilised world at
naught. The abduction of the eight-year-old Jewish
boy, Mortara, in Bologna, under the pretence that two
years before he had received private baptism from his
Christian nurse, was, in spite of all protests, sustained
(July, 1859).' The mediaeval superiority of the pope to
every human law seemed to have returned. The divine
retribution was soon to follow.
' Edgar Mortara was seized by order of the archbishop of Bologna. The
French government interfered to obtain his release, and Sir Moses Monte-
fiore went to Rome for the same purpose. A protest against the seizure was
signed by the archbishop of Canterbury, by bishops, noblemen, and gentle
men of England.

CHAPTER X
THE PAPACY DURING THE RECONSTRUCTION OF ITALY '
AND GERMANY (1859-I870)
IN the beginning of January, 1859, the French Moniteur
published a series of letters from Rome, by Edmond
About, which made a startling disclosure of the corrupt
regime prevalent in the ecclesiastical states. Among
other things we read this :
The Roman Church comprehends, not counting the Jewish
boy Mortara, 139 millions of souls. It is governed by seventy
cardinals or princes of the Church, as it first was by twelve
apostles. The cardinals are nominated by the pope, the pope
by the cardinals. From the day of his election the pope be
comes infallible — at least according to the view of de Maistre
and the best Catholics of our time. Bossuet did not believe
this, but the popes have always believed it. If the head of
the Church declares that the Virgin Mary was born without
taint of hereditary sin, the 139 millions of Catholics are
obliged to take his word for it. This discipline of thespirits
is much to the credit of the nineteenth century, and posterity
will be grateful to us for it. It will acknowledge that we,
instead of breaking our necks over theological disputes, have
' " The process [the union of Italy] occupied eleven years and was made
in five successive annexations : Lombardy, 1859 ; Tuscany, Modena and
Parma, Romagna, January, i860 ; Kingdom of Naples, the Marches, and
Umbria, at the end of i860 ; Venetia, 1866 ; Rome, 1870. The first three
operations formed a continuous series which ended in the creation of the
Kingdom of Italy." — Seignobos. 135

136 The Papacy in the igth Century
devoted ourselves to the building of railroads and telegraphs,
and to the construction of steam-engines, without entering
into quarrels about the infallibility of a man. But even a
generation so busy as this may feel itself obliged for once to
turn its attention from its own business and to apply it to the
spark which for years has been secretly smouldering in the
ecclesiastical state, which within twenty-four hours may set
all Europe in a blaze.
There follows a description of the wretched condition of
affairs in the ecclesiastical state, given with that mastery
of style which is the special gift of the French. But it was
not so much the literary excellence which gave to these
letters their importance; the most significant fact was
that they appeared in the Moniteur, and that, after it had
been inhibited, they were sold without hindrance all over
France. Soon followed the war of 1859, i^ which France and
Sardinia were united against Austria.' The offer of the
pope to give up the foreign garrisons was made too late,
nor could the intervention of England prevent the war.
The brave Austrian army was defeated at Magenta and
Solferino, more in consequence of the incapacity of its
leaders than of the bravery of its enemies. Again the
destiny of Rome was decided in the fields of upper Italy.
As soon as the Austrians had evacuated the papal pro
vinces (they left Bologna June 13, 1859), the provinces
rose in insurrection against the pope. The bloody con
quest of Perugia by the papal troops only increased the
bitterness of feeling, and at the end of June the whole
of the Romagna was freed from the rule of the pope.
Then came the unexpected peace of Villafranca (July
II, 1859) between France and Austria. This peace
promised the restoration to their sovereigns of Tuscany,
' Napoleon and Cavour had formed an alliance, whose object was the
expulsion of the Austrians from Italy.

Reconstruction of Italy and Germany 137
Modena, and Parma,' and the papal states were to be re
stored to the pope, but only in case this were possible
without armed intervention. There was, however, not
the least expectation of a peaceful restoration on the part
of the inhabitants of the Romagna, and the encyclical of
June 1 8th concerning the necessity of the temporal power,
as well as that of September 26th concerning the spoli
ation of the Romagna, were ineffectual to accomplish the
purpose. The year 1859 was not to expire without making the
dangers of the future appear even more threatening than
the losses of the present. The pamphlet. The Pope and
the Congress, issued anonymously from Paris, and calling
forth within a few weeks more than a hundred other
writings /r£» and con, made the problem of the temporal
power of the pope a burning question of the day. This
pamphlet not only raised the question as to how the head
of a Church which excommunicates heretics could at the
same time be the head of the state which protects liberty
of conscience ; it made the direct demand upon the pope
to sacrifice his temporal power to the love of peace, the
welfare of his subjects, the general good and the peace of
Europe ; he was to be indemnified by other sources of in
come, and was to keep Rome as his capital. This plan
(which in its essence Napoleon I. had favoured) was re
peated, somewhat modified, in the letter which Napoleon
III. addressed to the pope, December 31, 1859, in which
he demanded renunciation of the lost provinces, and
promised the guarantee of the Catholic Powers for the
rest of the papal territory. The pope was to acknow
ledge the king of Italy as his vicar over the Romagna;
' The duke of Modena, jthe duchess of Parma, and the grand duke of
Tuscany had been obliged to take refuge in Austria and Switzerland. Pro
visional governments had been formed and the union of these duchies with
Sardinia proclaimed.

138 The Papacy in the igth Century
the Catholic Powers were to provide an army corps for
the preservation of order in Rome.
The above-mentioned pamphlet was generally ascribed
to the counsellor of state. La Gueronniere. The allocu
tion of January i, i860, characterised it as a network of
hypocrisy and contradictions. The encyclical of January
19th, in answer to Napoleon's demand, contained the first
instance of the Non possumus, which later became so
celebrated: " The pope cannot give up what belongs not
to him, but to all Catholics; by such renunciation he
would violate his oath, his dignity, and his rights, en
courage insurrection in the remaining provinces, and
injure the rights of all Christian princes." In answer
to all further proposals Pius, by the mouth of Antonelli,
persevered in this refusal.
At the same time all the means of which papal Rome
had the disposition were put into motion. The episco
pacy of all countries entered a protest against " an act
of violence, by which an attack is made upon the most
ancient of all possessions, and by which all ideas of right
and all legal relations are brought into question." Bishop
Dupanloup of Orleans was pre-eminent in the general
chorus by the most violent invectives; the Prussian
bishops, expressing their opinion in a joint manifesto,
would have reduced their Protestant prince ' to the posi
tion of a servant of the pope-king. Innumerable were the
demonstrations by which the Catholic nations were stirred
up, the addresses, assemblies, sermons, associations for
prayer, etc.
The greatest actual profit was derived from the Peter's
pence which was everywhere called for; but even the
costliest gifts were totally consumed in the fitting out of
a papal army " which consisted of sundry knights of the
faith, of drunken Irishmen, of vagabonds from all nations,
and Austrian soldiers on furlough." As leader of this
1 Frederick William IV., 1840-1861.

Reconstruction of Italy and Gerrnany 139
army, the old African hero, Lamoricifere, aspired to the
fame of a modern Don Quixote.
To these worldly weapons was added the once-dreaded
excommunication. After the vote taken in the annexed
countries ' excommunication was on the 26th of March,
i860, solemnly pronounced upon all those
who had been guilty of rebellion, invasion, usurpation, and
any of the other outrages named in the allocution ; all instig
ators, helpers, counsellors, and adherents of such, all those
who had facifitated the execution of these deeds of violence
or had executed them; finally all those who, themselves sons
of the Church, had reached such a degree of impudence that,
while continually protesting their reverence for and devotion
to the Church, they attacked her temporal power and despised
her authority.
No names were given, but the indications as to who were
meant were clear enough.
But the existence of the states of the Church was
so much opposed to the most essential needs of the
Italian people, that little heed was given to its claims."
In fact, the effect was rather the opposite of that in
tended. The clerical agitation and the papal preparations
for war after Garibaldi had undertaken his celebrated
expedition to Sicily and had crossed to the mainland
(i860), served as a pretext for demanding the dissolution
of the papal army of foreign mercenaries, and for the
entrance of Italian troops into Umbria and the Marches.
The engagement of Castelfidardo (September 18, i860),
' By a vote taken in March, i860, Tuscany, Modena, and Parma pro
nounced for union with Sardinia.
^ The following events in Italy must here be recalled : Garibaldi con
quered Sicily and Naples from Francis II. in i860. In the same year the
Sardinian troops entered the papal states and defeated the troops of the
pope at Castelfidardo in the Marches. Naples and Sicily voted to join
the kingdom of Sardinia. The whole of Italy except Venice and the Cam-
pagna was now united, and in February, 1861, the first Parliament of united
Italy was opened by Cavour.

140 The Papacy in the igth Century
in which the papal troops were defeated by the Piedmont-
ese, left to the Curia only the cheap consolation of de
corating the fallen with martyr crowns. The conquest
of Ancona took away the last stronghold except the actual
patrimony of St. Peter. Umbria and the Marches be
came, like Naples, the booty of the " Piedmontese beast
of prey," and after the conquest of Gaeta the first Italian
Parliament was able to greet the first king of Italy (Feb
ruary, 1 861).
The end of the open war only changed the scene of the
struggle ; and the war of opposing principles became all
the more embittered. While the pope is being supported
by the episcopate and foreign nations rival one another
in demonstrations of devotion, two addresses are issued
from Rome, in May, 1861, with ten thousand signatures,
for the liberation of the capital of Italy. A series of new
pamphlets, — Pope and Emperor — Rome and the French
Bishops — France, Rome, and Ltaly, — was published in
Paris. Cardinals such as Liverani and d 'Andrea, popu
lar preachers such as Gavazzi, scholars such as Passaglia,
however much they differed among each other, were
united in their opposition to the papal rule, and an over
whelming majority of the lower Italian clergy ranged
themselves with them on the side of the nation.
The party of Passaglia, representing the so-called Pas-
saglism, formed a sign of the times whose significance is
inferior to none. Whether Passaglia was right or wrong,
whether his voice commanded attention in Rome or not,
— not in the result of this movement lay its chief import
ance, but in the fact that it existed at all, and that an
exceedingly large part of the lower clergy enthusiastically
adopted these views. Terribly incisive were the repre
sentations of this Italian, priest and Jesuit :
Who is so blind, so short-sighted, as not to see that the Italian
people is running into the danger of forsaking the paradise of

Reconstruction of Italy and Germany 141
the Church ? that this danger is not far off but near, not small
but very great ? A large number of Italians have already
openly or in secret separated themselves from this mother and
thus she is robbed of a multitude of chosen children; a large
part of the clergy are in dispute with the majority of the laity;
almost all the pastors are separated from their flocks, and the
pastor of pastors himself, the successor of St. Peter, the august
vicar of Christ upon earth, hurls censures and excommunica
tion against the Italian kingdom and against Italian society.
Better it were to consider whether in the present disposition
of the Italians the excommunication hurled against them may
not awaken more of bitterness than of improvement, may not
rather mortally wound than cauterise the wound.
That this representation was not exaggerated was
proved by the immense approbation which Garibaldi
found in all Italy, even when he declared that " he pro
fessed the religion of Christ, not the religion of the pope
and the cardinals, the enemies of Italy," and when he
called upon the people to ' ' cut the cancer of the Papacy
out of Italy." Even in the German Rome, in Munich,
where, according to repeated rumours, the exiled pope
would most likely have sought a refuge, Dollinger, the
provost of the Collegiate Church, delivered in April,
1861, his lectures on the states of the Church, those
lectures which created so much excitement and whose
real significance only few guessed at the time.
The diplomatic fencing which began in 1861 and con
tinued almost during the entire decade, especially between
Rome and Paris, may well be passed over in an account
of ecclesiastical history. The policy of the Vatican is
illustrated by the assembly of European bishops that
took place in Rome upon occasion of the canonisation of
the Japanese martyrs (1567), with the address of submis
sion signed by 21 cardinals, 4 patriarchs, 53 archbishops,
and 187 bishops, which advocated the necessity of the
temporal dominion of the pope (June 8, 1862), and the

142 The Papacy in the igth Century
allocution of the latter on the following day. Italian
popular sentiment is shown in the addresses of the lower
clergy, published by Passaglia, whose signatures soon
reached to beyond 10,000, as well as in the enthusiastic
address in which, in answer to the vituperations of the
foreign bishops, the Italian Parliament gathered round its
king (June i8th).
Garibaldi's expedition to the capital, with the watch
word, " Rome or death," suffered shipwreck at Aspro-
monte (August 29, 1862)'; but the suppression of this
insurrection by the government secured the recognition
of Italy by the great Powers. The convention between
France and Italy of September, 1864, which made Flor
ence the capital instead of Turin and promised the with
drawal of the French troops, soon proved to be simply
another provisional arrangement.
In the pope's answer to this movement he changed his
base from the political to the ecclesiastical ground. This
answer was given in the encyclical of December 8, 1864.
The Syllabus which accompanies this encyclical, treating
of the errors to be avoided by papists, comprehends about
everything on earth that is subject to the papal anathema,
and places itself in opposition to all the best elements of
modern civilisation just as much as to revolution and to
infidelity. The chief enemy whom Pius attacks in his Syllabus re
ceives the name of Naturalism, as the comprehensive de
signation of all those errors that oppose themselves to
the influence of the Church upon individuals and upon
nations. All the consequences, as well, of this naturalistic
view of things are individually condemned : so the " damn
able pernicious errors " of freedom of religion and of
' The Italian government was obliged to interfere in this attempt of
Garibaldi, and sent troops against him, by whom he was wounded and
captured at Aspromonte.

Reconstruction of Italy and Ger^many 143
worship, of the independence of the temporal from the
spiritual power, the theory of popular sovereignty, and
the errors of socialism and communism. Through the
influence of all these monstrous principles human society
has become endangered; it can only be saved by the
restitution of all rights belonging to the Church over
princes and peoples. For while the pope, in his own
opinion, may bring all worldly affairs before his tribunal,
princes may not, upon any pretext, interfere in matters
of religion. The Catholic religion is alone entitled to the
public exercise of worship, every other form of worship
is to be suppressed, and the crime of heresy is to be
punished. The Syllabus of eighty errors, cited by name, divides
itself into ten chapters : naturalism and absolute rational
ism, moderate rationalism, indifferentism, socialism to
gether with secret associations and Bible societies, errors
concerning the Church, concerning civil society, con
cerning morals, concerning matrimony, concerning the
temporal power of the popes, finally the errors of modern
liberalism. The last-cited error, which really compre
hends all others, is this, that the pope can and must recon
cile himself with progress, liberalism, and with modern
civilisation. In spite of the unambiguous anathemas of the Syllabus,
a good deal of ingenuity was spent, especially in France
and Germany, to soften and change the meaning of some
expressions. Even Curci' attempted to show, in 1881,
that all the sentences of the Syllabus could not have the
same binding power as articles of faith, because they
originated in different kinds of acta Pontificis, in briefs,
encyclicals, allocutions, etc., and that not one of them
was taken from an actual dogmatic bull. But quite irre
spective of the fact that this only suggests again the
' See page 25, note i.

144 The Papacy in the igth Century
well-known question. When does the pope really speak
ex cathedra ? the extension of infallibility to the anathe
mas of the Syllabus has been expressly decided by Leo
XIII. (April 21, 1878).
More memorable, however, than the arts of interpreta
tion by which the majority of learned Catholics thought
to reconcile themselves to the Syllabus, was the indiffer
ence which the Protestant world once more showed to
wards these renewed papal pretensions. Most scholars
looked upon the Syllabus as a rusted sword. The histor
ian Sybel has declared that the frivolity or the ignorance
with which the statesmen disregarded this frank declara
tion of papal sovereignty has few parallels in history.
The Curia did not conceal its purposes, neither did its
Jesuit press. To all attempts at a mutual approach which
the kingdom of Italy made (such was the mission of
Vegezzi in 1865 ' and many others which did not become
known to the public), the papal secretary of state an
swered with the now proverbial Non possumus.
In the relations to other states also the old irreconcil
able spirit was inclining to more drastic modes of expres
sion than ever before. This statement applies to the
school dispute in Baden, to the insurrection of the Poles
against Russia (1860-63), so full of horrors, to the Sisy
phus-like attempts of the poor Emperor Maximilian of
Mexico to satisfy the insatiable demands of the clerical
party. A like intensification in the language of the
Curia is shown in the brief of September, 1865, against
" that abandoned society generally called Freemasons."
The fact that the king of Prussia was the head of the
' This mission was for the purpose of an agreement with the pope about
the bishoprics which remained unfilled. The Italian government wished
to have the number of bishops reduced. If there had been 59 instead of
230, there would still have been a bishop to every 250,000 souls, a third of
the number in the Belgian dioceses. The pope would not hear of this, and
the negotiations were broken off.

Reconstruction of Italy and Germany 145
national lodge gave to this papal declaration of love a
peculiarly piquant flavour.
The Curia has always been accustomed to mingle
spiritual pretensions with political intrigue. And its
hopes were, after the issue of the Syllabus, founded upon
the increasing confusion of the political situation, espe
cially upon the growing tension between Prussia and
Austria. From the centres of the anti-Prussian agitation
the emissaries of the Jesuits understood how to lay far
and wide their network of wires. The grand duchy of
Baden was undermined by the agitations. Ranke's
disclosures of the religious background to the preparations
for the Seven Years' War find in no small degree their
parallel in the events leading up to the war of 1866 be
tween Austria and Prussia. That in the eyes and in the
sense of the Curia it was a religious war is attested by the
expression of Antonelli when the news was brought to
him of the battle of Sadowa: "Casca ilmondo." In perfect
agreement with this view, Windhorst afterwards traced
to this battle-field the origin of the Kulturkampf in
Prussia. The policy of Prussia towards the Curia, which
was at that time very compliant, cannot well be charged
with being the cause of this conflict. The simple truth
is that the papal principle stood in irreconcilable opposi
tion to the modern state as represented by Prussia : the
clerical journals of the time leave no doubt of that fact.
The war of 1866 added the Venetian territory to the
Italian state (Lombardy had been won in 1859). And
now the national demand, which would be satisfied with
nothing else but Rome for the capital, became all the
more urgent. The national hero, who during the ofificial
war had been forced into the background, thought to cut
with the sword the Gordian knot of double-tongued
policy.' But hardly had Garibaldi with his little band
¦ In October, 1867, Garibaldi renewed his cry, "Rome or death," and
gathered about eight thousand followers. The Italian government, which,

146 The Papacy in the igth Century
started for Rome, when the French emperor ordered the
return into the ecclesiastical state of the troops that had
been withdrawn the year before. At Mentana — so says
the official report of the French general — the chassepots
performed miracles. Once more was Rome kept out of
the hands of her children by a foreign occupation.
The nature of the hopes which the Curia cherished, and
to which these miracles of Mentana gave fresh impetus,
was made manifest at the so-called centenary of Peter,
June 20, 1867. The pompous assembly of bishops gave
to the pope-kingship a dogmatic consecration. The
bishops declared solemnly :
The see of St. Peter has remained for eighteen centuries
immovable and inviolate as the organ of truth, the centre of
unity, the foundation and bulwark of freedom, while kingdoms
and empires have been perpetually rising and falling. There
fore they offer to the pope the well-merited testimonial of their
reverence and give public expression to their wishes for the
preservation of his temporal power and for the sacred cause
of religion and of justice which he defends. It is the dearest
and most sacred object of their hearts to believe and to teach
what the pope believes and teaches, to reject the errors that
he rejects, to march under his leadership, to fight at his side,
prepared with him to meet all dangers, all visitations, and all
trials.The pope's answer to this episcopal address and his pub
lic allocutions breathed an intensified war spirit and a
hope " to break through the ranks of his enemies."
A teacher of religion in a Prussian gymnasium proved
the temporal possessions of the popes to be the special
work of divine Providence, and exemplified it by the
in 1864, had engaged to protect the possessions of the pope, could not give
him aid. Garibaldi persevered and fought at Mentana, near Rome. He
had beaten back the papal troops, when the French advanced and began to
shoot down Garibaldi's men by hundreds with their chassepots.

Reconstruction of Italy and Germany 147
unhappy end of the Hohenstaufen emperors. Archbishop
Manning and Bishop Martin issued pastoral letters to
prepare for the completion of the work by the general
council which the pope had in view.
But even the most pronounced devotees of the Papacy
were surpassed by Pius IX. himself in total disregard and
unconcealed contempt for liberty of conscience. The
canonisation of Pedro Arbues, which he performed, was
the exaltation of the Inquisition in the person of one of
its most detestable executioners. By placing the so-
called " martyrs of Gorkum " ' upon the Roman calen
dar, judgment was pronounced upon the war for the
liberation of the Netherlands. Whether the canonisation
of Balthasar Gerards (the murderer of William the Silent),
which had been proposed in the college of cardinals at
the time of the first counter-reformation, came again
under consideration is not known.
Alzog, an orthodox writer of "correct " opinions, has
himself testified of Pius IX. that " he performed more
beatifications and canonisations than any of his prede
cessors." Upon the same occasion he refers to the de
cree of December 10, 1863, by which doubts concerning
the genuineness of relics, especially the little bottles of
blood, were rebuked " to avoid giving offence to the
faithful." It is remarkable that Alzog in this connection
allows himself the observation that " this decree is not
suflficient in view of the frequent reappearance of renewed
doubts." Such rebellion against a papal decision, which
surely was delivered ex cathedra, will probably have to
be cancelled in the next edition.
Hardly a year passed without all sorts of spectacles and
demonstrations, in which not only was the Papacy identi
fied with Christianity, but the pope himself personally put
in the place of Christ. The year 1869 was distinguished
' The nineteen priests and friars who were put to death by William de
la Marck when he captured Gorkum tor the United Provinces in 1572.

148 The Papacy in the igth Century
by the semi-centennial jubilee of the pope's priesthood.
It was celebrated with great pomp not only in Rome, but
in the smallest parishes. In Germany there was much
sung on this occasion the so-called " Pius hymn," which
addresses the pope explicitly as sinless :
Pius, the priest, in humble admiration
We look to thee, a sinful generation ;
No sin in thee we see ;
Thou wonderful flower of the altar.
Of our nature the highest exalter —
We point with pride to thee.

CHAPTER XI

THE FIRST VATICAN COUNCIL

THE inner organic connection between the encyclical of
December 8, 1864 [The Syllabus encyclical], and the ecu
menical council called by His Holiness Pope Pius IX., which
is to be opened this year, is self-evident. The plans which
were there initiated are here to be extended, completed, and
by the most solemn act at the disposition of the Church to be
made the most common and lasting possible property of the
Church.
With these words the German organ of the Jesuits, the
Voices from Maria-Laach, introduced its readers into the
business of the council before it had met. At the same
time (February 6, 1869), the Roman organ, the Civiltk
Cattolica, created a sensation by publishing an article in
which the proclamation of the personal infallibility of the
pope was expressly defined as the means to the dogma-
tisation of the Syllabus. Louis Veuillot seconded this
proposal in the Univers in an article full of the coarsest
vilification of all possible opponents.
The papal bull of eorvwocat\oY^^^^EterniPatris{J\^j:^^_Q,^
1868), ]Sad: given no clu^^^^^^
proposed to submit to the counciL According to this
bull," the purpose was simply the salvation of the Church
and of society from threatening calamities, the extirpa
tion of modern error, and the destruction of the enemies
of the Church. The memorable letters, which soon fol-
149

150 The Papacy in the igth Century
lowed, addressed to the oriental bishops (September 8,
1868) and to the Protestants (September 13, 1868), made
use of the occasion for urging their subjection. Even
the measures of preparation for the council itself gave no
clue as to whether the expectations of the Jesuit papers
were authorised or not.
At the same time, the character of those in whose hands
these preparations had been placed was very significant.
Count Reisach was first made president, after his death
Cardinal de Angelis took his place. Bishop Fessler was
chosen official secretary. In the seven special commis
sions appointed before the sitting of the council, there
was a decided predominance of the element to whose in
fluence the proclamation of the Syllabus is traceable.
Bilio, the chief author of the Syllabus, and Perrone, the
violent and foul-mouthed controversialist against Pro
testantism, played an important part. Other Italian
theologians of the same tendency were Spada, Cordoni,
Bertolini. On a par with these was the Frenchman
Freppel and the Belgian Deschamps, who made them
selves equally prominent by their immoderate zeal. The
English convert Manning and his countryman Talbot
had also long been known as violent infallibilists. Among
German theologians, only the Jesuit father, Schrader,
and the two Wiirzburgers, Hergenrother and Hettinger,
occupied positions of any prominence. The most emin
ent theologians of Catholic Germany were at first entirely
left out. Later some of them were called in, but, as if in
mockery, were given the most trivial questions of form
to occupy themselves with: Hefele and Alzog with
costumes and ceremonial, Haneberg with the rites of
oriental monasteries.
The_guestions to_be subnittt.e.d to_the_cauncil we^^e-made
\l known_only in the most general outlines. The seven
commissions, at the head of each a cardinal, divided
among themselves the order of business, the ceremonial,

The First Vatican Council 151
matters of ecclesiastical politics, missions, the orders,
dogmatics, and discipline. The counsellors whom they
called in were by a special oath obligated to silence con
cerning the transactions. No knowledge whatever of
these preliminaries was given to the foreign bishops.
On the other hand, everything was done to add to the
outer splendour of an event which was to surpass all
former spectacles. To this purpose there was even pro
claimed the indulgence of a jubilee (April 11, 1869).
The language proceeding from the Jesuit press, coupled
with the official silence and the painful feeling of uncer
tainty about what was imminent, called forth a decided
movement among Catholics, especially those of the more
advanced countries. The character of this movement
is explained by a Church historian of orthodox submis-
siveness, who says that " in Germany, even among the
most faithful and highly esteemed Catholic laymen, ap
prehensions made themselves felt, which they considered
themselves obliged in a most respectful address to lay
before their bishops. "
The German bishops thereupon issued the first pastoral
from Fulda, which was intended to allay these apprehen
sions. For,
nevermore will or can a general council declare a new doc- 1
trine which is not contained in the sacred Scriptures or the/
apostolical traditions. Nevermore will a general council pro
claim doctrines which are in opposition to the rights of the
state and of its magistrates, which without necessity set them
selves at variance with the existing conditions and the needs
of the present time. The purpose of the council rather can
be no other than to place the ancient and primitive truth in a
more clear light. Just as unfounded and unjust is the suspicion
that freedom of deliberation will be curtailed at the council.
With no less decision did the most highly esteemed
leaders of the French episcopacy declare themselves.

152 The Papacy in the igth Century
Darboy of Paris and Dupanloup of Orleans at their head.
They were joined by Gratry, Maret, Montalembert, in
learned expressions of opinion full of deep feeling. In a
literary production of the first order " Janus " placed the
claims of the Papacy in the light of its own history. The
work of " Janus " was by indirect indications attributed
to Dollinger; another writing. Considerations for the
Bishops of the Council Concerning the Question of Papal
Infallibility, was with more certainty attributed to him.
The Voices from the Catholic Church, which appeared
during the year of the council, had their centre in Munich.
Bonn and Breslau, Tubingen and Fribourg were well
known as faculties of old-Catholic views. Even the
leader of the ultramontane party in Switzerland, Philipp
Anton von Segesser, protested, " on the eve of the
council," energetically against the " so-called papal
system, which in reality is nothing but the translation
of the Byzantine theory of sovereignty into the ecclesias
tical sphere, and against the effort arising from this theory
to transfer the doctrine of the infallibility of the Church
in matters of faith to the person of the pope. " " For
this consecration of monarchical absolutism in the sphere
of the Church must bring the Church into complete
antagonism with the whole political formation of the
present and place the relations between Church and
State upon the basis of a mutual war of extermination."
Neither statesmen nor Protestants could therefore com
plain of any lack of warning voices on the part of the
most competent judges in Catholic circles. The f)resid-
ent of the Bavarian ministry, Prince Hohenlohe, brother
of the cardinal, made himself the organ of those earnest
Catholics who recognised the inevitable danger to the
state and to liberty of conscience ; he was supported by
the votes of the theological and law faculty in Munich.
But his suggestion of common measures for preven
tion (in the circular of April 9, 1869) was everywhere

The First Vatican Council 153
considered inopportune. Bismarck and Beust ' were in
remarkable accord in the answers they gave. The en
lightened liberals met Hohenlohe's pessimistic views with
derision. Not long after, as a reward for his German
patriotism, he was overthrown by the Bavarian patriot
party. The latter was warmly seconded in this work of
piety by the chief of the Lutheran Church of Bavaria,
Herr von Harless. In Paris and Rome the removal of
Hohenlohe encouraged the opposite party to advance
with increasing boldness.
Diplomacy, which by this time had become inquisitive,
was quieted with the assurance given by Antonelli that
the holy see would not " propose " its own infallibility.
The pope did, indeed, not propose it, he only caused it
to be proposed. But in the application of the means,
which Pius personally used for the intimidation of op
ponents, nothing was left unattempted, from friendly
persuasion to angry threat and brutal force. Those that
hesitated he scolded as sectarian enemies of the Church
and of the apostolic see, among whom the only difference
was that some might be more the slaves of princes, some
more ignorant, and some more cowardly. The so-called
liberal Catholics of France especially gave him cause for
renewed outbreaks of anger. The gentle prince of peace
did not even hesitate to prohibit the mass for the repose
of the soul of Count Montalembert, who died during the
council. About the same time, the German Voices from the
Catholic Church were placed upon the Index. More and
more manifest became the decisive influence of the So
ciety of Jesus. Their accustomed arts of refined crafti
ness and cunning intrigue were perhaps never exercised
in the same degree. Ample experience had taught the
prudent fathers to understand the spirit of the times.
They knew that a momentary excitement would not last
¦ Chancellor of the Austrian empire.

154 The Papacy in the igth Century
long (this had been the experience in England and Hol
land at the institution of the new hierarchy, and every
where at the publication of the Syllabus); that wise
statesmen would soon weary of ecclesiastical affairs. A
no less clear observer, Dollinger, came in the year 1869 to
the same conclusion, namely, that there would be no
sudden great apostasy, no open revolt on a large scale ;
all would remain placid, only too placid.
After the council had been opened on Pius' favourite
day, the 8th of Decemberj[i86^, there came to light,
one by one, fKe^studied measures ^F preparation by
which the predetermined end was to be brought about.
Behind the scenes all had been set in order, while of the
fathers of the council themselves those that were not
among the initiated groped in the dark. The very
vessels in which the Holy Ghost was to dwell were dis
tributed in the most remarkable manner. There were
267,members entitled to a vote. Out of these, the whole
of Germany was represented by fourteen~votes, and
among these were Martin of Paderborn and Senestrey of
Regensburg, almost the most passionate advocates of the
papal theory. Of Italian votes, which were at the certain
disposition of the pope, there were 276. The thirty gen
erals of orders had, contrary to all usage, received the
right of voting. Besides these, there were 119 bishops
in partibus and missionary bishops, who almost all lived
in Rome at the expense of the pope. For, as Alzog said.
Pope Pius IX. had, with his accustomed considerate
attention, provided suitable lodgings and decent susten-
tation for the prelates of small means coming from far."
Of their theological knowledge the most incredible stories
were soon in circulation on good authority. In like man-
,ner the literary status of the eighty Spanish and South
lAmerican bishops excited much derision.
But even among the minority, although it far out-

The First Vatican Council 155
balanced the majority in moral, theological, and official
weight, there soon appeared serious defects of knowledge
and greater weakness of character. Besides, their posi
tion was from the beginning weakened by the servile sub
mission to the pope which prompted them to call in
question less the truth than the opportuneness of the
Jesuit dogma. Still we must be just. The poor bishops
repeatedly applied to their governments demanding
whether, in case of continued opposition, they might
count upon governmental support. They were left with
out answer. This is asserted especially in the case of
Bishop von Ketteler of Mayence.
To intensify the disproportion in numerical strength
between the two parties, the order of business (proclaimed
by the bull, Multiplices inter, of November 27, 1869) was
especially designed by the dispositions it made to prevent
the opposition from asserting itself. The machinery
did the service required of it ; one cannot help feeling that
the whole thing was a farce. No^ proposition _was._a.d.T.
mitted unless it had the sanction of a deputation ap-/
pointed by the pdpeT The distribution of the members
of the commissions was such that Alzog naively com
plains: " The constitution of the dogmatic commissions
is the most questionable proceeding in the human activ
ity of the council." The presidents of the special_con-
gregations (committees) were nominated by the^gope.
In the generaT congrFgations the right of speech might
be refused to any member. In the public sessions all
discussion was excluded, members could only vote placet
or non placet.
The rule of unanimity, which had formerly prevailed\
where dogma was to be determined, was abrogated, and
a simple majority was required. The acoustic arrange
ments in the hall where the sessions were held were as bad
as they could be. The demand of another hall was re
fused. Even the use of the stenographers' reports was

156 The Papacy in the igth Century
denied the fathers of the council. When one of them (in
the first general congregation of December loth) com
plained of the proceedings as a manifest contravention of
the Tridentine decisions, he was called to order by the
president with the assertion that this matter had been de
cided by the pope and was not submitted to the council.
On the 14th of December another papal law was com
municated, which took the discussion of the question of
censorship out of the hands of the council. But, worst
of all, the propositions themselves (the„.^^^^^3Eere
distributed oiily singly and piecemeal, so that iiq general
survey of their number or of their contents was possible.
The complaints and the protests of the fathers against
these arbitrary proceedings had no other effect than the
change of some unessential details. These very changes
proved in the end to be rather injurious than advantage
ous ; in place of viva-voce addresses, written presentations
were now demanded, which could, without attracting at
tention, be consigned to the waste-paper basket.
In short, the same bishops who in their own homes
stood above the officers of the state were in Rome treated
as papal lackeys. One of them complained that more
decency was preserved in an assembly of cobblers than in
the council. But even this expression appears mild com
pared with the ofificial protest of the bishops of the
minority :
e consider it no longer compatible with our episcopal dig
nity, with our official position in the council, and with the
'ghts which belong to us as members of the council, to prefer
any requests, after our experience has fully taught us that
not only are our requests not consideredj but that they are
ngiel£nZfEdught~woriLy.-a£^n- answer. There is nothing left
us but to raise our protest against a proceeding which appears
to us equally injurious to the Church and to the apostolic see,
that in so doing we may repudiate the responsibility for any
possible evil consequences as well before men as before the

The First Vatican Council 157
judgment of God. To this end may this declaration be for
ever a witness.

Not until the machinery had been put fairly in motio.n
was the purpose of the whole proceeding, hitherto kept
a secret, gradually made known. The first two public
sessions were consumed with formalities; the first with
the opening ceremonies, the second with the confession
of the faith (January 6, 1870). Immediately after this,
however (beginning of January, 1870), a proposition for
the proclamation of the infallibility was set in circulation
and signatures to it collected. At the same time agita
tion was begun in the press (the Civilta and Unith Cat
tolica in Rome, Univers and Monde in Paris, Tablet in
London, etc). Pius IX. presently issued briefs in
praise of the agitators (f. i., to Guferanger, the abbot of
Solesmes). The minority in opposition were now roused to activity.
And however fruitless their efforts were, historical interest
in the proceedings of the council will always turn atten
tively to these as the most important witnesses for
Catholicism against Papalism.
In opposition to an address which issued from the CoF-
lege of Jesuits in favour of the dogma, a counter-address
was set in motion which implored the pope not to listen
to the former. The most eminent bishops of Germany,
Austria, and FrancepwliQse-TKcKn25eis-iTr"mrfflb&f of souls
far surpassed those of the infallibilists, had placed them
selves at the head of this movement. These were the
very men who in their own countries were known as the
first champions of clerical pretensions. After the council
they all made " the sacrifice of the reason," as one of
them called it, and forced their subordinate clergy to
render obedience to the now divinely revealed dogma.
The following were leaders of the opposition in the
council : Rauscher (Vienna) and Schwarzenberg (Prague),

158 The Papacy in the igth Century
Melchers (Cologne) and Forster (Breslau), Ketteler (May
ence) and Scherr (Munich), Darboy (Paris) and Dupan
loup (Orleans). The most learned opponent of the new
dogma, who knew it to be irreconcilable with the history
of the Papacy, was Bishop Hefele of Rottenburg, in
Wurtemberg ; for no man understood better than he the
question of the heretical pope, Honorius I.' The most
open and pugnacious enemy was the bishop of Croatia,
Strossmayer. The greatest surprise, however, was occasioned by the
opposition of the bishop of Mayence, whom his diocese
knew above all as the enthusiastic patron of the Jesuits.
In Rome, Bishop Ketteler had circulated a special pam
phlet against the dogma. After all other attempts to
move the pope had proved futile, he went so far in an
audience on July 15, 1870, as to go down on his knees three
times before the pope and to entreat him not to throw the
Church into such danger. Pius declared to him at the
time that the matter had gone too far to allow of any
change being made. This happened on the same day
on which there was incorporated in the language of the
formula of infallibility the passage which has given to it
its thoroughly revolutionary meaning.
The disposition prevailing among the bishops of the
opposition forms one of the most interesting phases in
the history of the council. Long they refused to believe
the incredible. Then we see them wandering to and fro
like a floclc of sheep which feel the nearness of the wolf.
They cherish now this, now that hope. And all the
while the Jesuit machinery was going its undisturbed
course ; all necessary measures had been taken.
The pope, who when he was plain Abbot Ferretti had
believed in the infallibility, was now penetrated with the
idea. He met a reference to ancient tradition with the
' Died 638, anathematised by name as a Monothelite heretic by the Coun
cil of Constantinople in 680.

The First Vatican Council 159
answer: "La tradizione son' io" (" I am the tradition ").
In return for the loss of their former independence to
ward the pope, the bishops were promised so much more
power in their jurisdiction over the lower clergy. This
object was accomplished by the schema concerning the
life and official duties of the lower clergy, which con
tained surprising information concerning the morality of
the latter. Such were the bribes which were offered to
the bishops ; it was an intensification of absolutism from
grade to grade.
The course of affairs was predetermined, and the only
question was concerning the manner in which the new
dogma should be introduced into the ancient doctrine of
the Church. The second of the so-called dogmatic
schemata gave the opportunity. The schemata of disci
pline, laid before the council together with the others,
treated of practical ecclesiastical questions (among them,
the question of a new uniform catechism). The first
dogmatic schema was devoted to a condemnation of
" Rationalism." The second dogmatic schema treated
in fifteen chapters of the Church of Christ. The second
part of this schema was devoted to the primacy of the
pope; in the original document, however, it contained
no word about his infallibility.
The fathers of the council were given but the shortest
time to sanction this schema, which was not communi
cated to them until they had arrived in Rome. For the
first ten chapters they were allowed ten days (till March
4th). And yet in this time 120 written proposals con
cerning these chapters were handed in.
When, on the 6th of March, the second part, concern
ing the primacy of the pope, was to be taken up, it was
found that there had been inserted between the eleventh
and twelfth chapters the sentence : ' ' Romanum pontifi-
cem in rebus fidei et morum definiendis errare non posse."

i6o The Papacy in the igth Century
This newly proposed all-important question was given ten
days for consideration, and it was only through a determ
ined effort that the limit was extended to the 25th of
March. In spite of the short space of time, some 150
written remonstrances were handed in.
The bishops of the opposition also brought before the
council new considerations of great importance, in which
(besides the numerous dogmatic objections) special refer
ence was made to the change in the relation to the state
which would follow from the dogma, in which attention
was also called to the declaration made by the Irish
bishops before the Catholic emancipation.' But all these
efforts were without effect. A majority had been secured
for the dogma, and the pope followed the principle that
majority makes authority.
Thus was inaugurated the so-called general debate
upon the fundamentally altered second part of the dog
matic schema, entitled " Constitutio dogmatica de ecclesia
Christi." It lasted from May 14th to June 3d, in four
teen general congregations.'' Then, although forty an
nounced speakers had had no opportunity of speaking,
a motion was made to close the general debate. Again
it was to no purpose that eighty-one bishops protested ;
they were simply voted down, and on the 6th of June
the council proceeded to the special debate.
The first three of the chapters now under debate (of
the institution of the apostolical primacy in St. Peter, of
its continuance in the Roman popes, of the nature and
' The Irish bishops had declared that the infallibility of the pope was not
in harmony with Catholic doctrine. This declaration made possible the
passing of the Catholic emancipation bill by the English Parliament in
1829. ' All propositions were first considered in one of the standing committees ;
then in a " general congregation " where they were discussed in ' ' general "
and ' ' special " debate. If accepted, they were proclaimed in a public
assembly. After the reading of the decree in the public assembly, the last
vote was taken. The pope might then either give or refuse his sanction.

The First Vatican Council 1 6 1
character of the primacy of the Roman pope) consumed
the time until the 14th of June.
The special debate on the fourth and last chapter, con
cerning the infallibility, lasted from June 15th to July
4th. The speakers in opposition were during its course
frequently interrupted and forced to silence by loud ex
pressions of displeasure and impatience. ]
After hurried consultation in commission, the council
proceeded on the 13th of July to the vote. There were
present 601 fathers of the council. Of these, 88 voted
non placet, 62 placet juxta modum (conditionally), 45 li
placet. Once more, apparently out of consideration forj
the scruples of the middle group, the question was re-,
ferred to the commission. On the i6th of July their
report was made. i
It was not until this stage of the proceedings that the
additional clause, spoken of above, was inserted, which
has given to the dogma its revolutionary significance :\
" Romani pontificis definitiones esse ex sese, non autem \
ex consensu ecclesiae, irreformabiles. " Not only in and |
by themselves, but with explicit exclusion of the agree- \
ment of the Church, the papal decrees became thereby '
" incapable of reform." The majority did not refuse to
accept even this.'
In such manner, immediately before the fourth public ;
session of July i8th, was the vessel brought into port. \
 ,J
'- The infallibility is decreed in these words : ' ' Sacro approbante Concilio
docemus et divinitus revelatum dogma esse definimus : Romanum Pontifi-
cem, cum ex cathedra loquitur, id est, cum omnium Christianorum Pastoris
et doctoris munere fungens pro suprema sua apostolica autoritate doctrinam
de fide vel moribus ab universa Ecclesia tenendam definit, per assistentiam
divinam, ipsi in beato Petro promissam, ea infallibilitate poUere, qua di-
vinus Redemptor Ecclesiam suam in definienda doctrina de fide vel moribus
instructam esse voluit ; ideoque ejusmpdo Romani pontificis definitiones
esse ex sese, non autem ex consensu ecclesiae, irreformabiles. Si quis autem
huic nostrae definitioni contradicere, quod deus avertat, prsesumpserit —
anathema sit,"

1 62 The Papacy in the igth Century
"This public session itself^had no other than formal signi
ficance. But the bishops of the mih6riry''drd~no1reveH
-attend if. ^ By a "written representation of the day lief ore,
they confirmed aund_ renewed3hee^ of opinion
given in the general congregation ; but at the same time
they declared that their filial piety and devotion towards
the holy father did not permit them, in a matter that
touched his person so closely, publicly and in his presence
to vote non placet. And so there were only«35 voting
members present, of whom only two voted No.' And
without fear of further opposition Pius IX. could pro
claim the bull. Pastor ceternus. A violent storm at the
time shook the cupola of St. Peter's. On the following
day came the declaration of war by France against
Prussia. ' These two were the American bishop Fitzgerald of Little Rock, Arkan»
sas, and the Sicilian bishop Riccio.

CHAPTER XII
PIUS IX. IN THE INTERNATIONAL "KULTURKAMPF"
THE ecclesiastico-political plans of the Jesuits had
been long prepared, and the pope was more and
more dominated by the order. The i8th and 19th of
July, 1870, witnessed the realisation of these plans. The
prpclamation of the new dogma was to coincide with the
victory of Roman Catholic France, in order to establish;
the Papacy in the full possession of its new autocracy..
So the Jesuits calculated, and no such comprehensive
plans had ever been made except when Philip II. of
Spain, the emperor Ferdinand II. , and Louis XIV. of
France undertook to establish uniformity of belief.
The influences which prompted the Empress Eugenie,
in spite of the hesitation of her sick husband, to fan the
flames of war (" her little war," as she called it) are
noticed even in the work of the Prussian general staff,
which otherwise, in all questions'of a non-military nature,
preserves the utmost reticence. The Jesuit keepers of
the empress's conscience received their directions from
the same Jesuit college at Rome in which the addresses
in favour of the new dogma had been set up and the
further acts of the council comedy had been prepared.
As soon as the last difficulties which had stood in the
way of the proclamation of papal absolutism had been set
aside, Benedetti, the French ambassador, received the
163

164 The Papacy in the igth Century
order for the insulting demand upon the king of Prussia
which he made at Ems.
But, however masterly the manner in which the threads
had been spun, the unexpected issue of the great war
was destined once more to upset the calculations of the
pious fathers, just as had been the case with other revo
lutions in which they had played an active part, — that of
Don Carlos in Spain and of Don Miguel in Portugal, the
Swiss war of the Sonderbund, and the seven days' cam
paign of 1866. The bravery and the discipline of the
German army, for the first time feeling itself united, tore
in pieces the network woven with so much astuteness.
Indeed, the result of the war, so frivolously set on
foot, was not only the unification of Germany and the
overthrow of the Napoleonic empire, but also the libera
tion of Rome from priestly misrule. On the 3d of Sep
tember, 1870, at Sedan, were fulfilled the most daring
predictions of German seers. On the 20th of September
the Italians at last entered their capital, amid the ac
clamations of the people. When the pope again hurled
his savage anathemas against a united people, he was
simply reminded that the truth of the old story of the
fall of man had been once more confirmed. It was said
among the Italians that the holy father had yielded to
the voice of the tempter to make himself equal to God ;
but on the very day that he had eaten of the forbidden
fruit his papal monarchy had fallen a prey to death. The
declaration of war, connected as it was with the; dogma
of infallibility, was immediately followed by the with
drawal of the French troops from the states of the
Church, and as soon as foreign bayonets ceased to be at
their disposition the rule of the priests was doomed to an
ignominious collapse.
Although the political consequences were the reverse
of what the papal Curia had hoped, their expectations
were fully realised in the ecclesiastical sphere. Here

The International "Kulturkampf" 165
they had wisely calculated that amid the storms and hor
rors of war the new dogma would make its way un
noticed ; and they reaped the fruits of their calculations.
The shrunken council was adjourned on the 20th of
October, 1870, without bringing to an issue the questions
of discipline or the catechism. But what interest was
there in these secondary questions, when the main object,
the overthrow of the ancient constitution of the Church,
had been carried against all opposition ?
It now appeared very clearly how untenable had been
the position of the bishops of the opposition. They were
not satisfied with a speedy subjection for themselves ; but,
where their subordinates were not capable of the same
feat of instantly reversing their convictions, they sought
to bring them to it by force. As concerns the prelates
of France : the fact that their patriotism interfered with
their opposition to the new dogma may be attributed to
the distress of their humiliated country; their leader,
Darboy, was soon enough to meet the same end as his
immediate predecessors, Sibour and Affre. But this ex
cuse is wanting to the German bishops, who, in August,
1870, again met in Fulda and issued from the grave of
St. Boniface a second pastoral letter, which stood in the
most pronounced contrast to the former epistle.'
The Breach of faith and lack of veracity of the German
Bishops is not only inscribed on the title-page of a con
temporary pamphlet, but is deeply engraven on the hearts
of the people. The same gentlemen who before had
given the assurance that the council would proclaim no
new dogma now declared that all true Catholics were
bound for the salvation of their souls to submit them
selves unconditionally to the unanimous decrees of the
council, which were in no wise impaired by the differences
of opinion that had appeared during the deliberations.
Even more contemptible seem to us the devices by
' See page 151.

1 66 The Papacy in the igth Century
means of which the dogma of the infallibility (as a few
years before was done with the Syllabus) was construed
to yield a meaning foreign to its intention. These mis
interpretations were, moreover, contrary to the express
personal declarations of the pope.
Not one of all the bishops who in the council opposed
the dogma remained true to his convictions. To be
sure, they had the same excuse then as for their vacillat
ing conduct during the council : they not only lacked all
support from their governments, but the latter even
urged them to submission. The sacrificio dell' intelletto
of Bishop Hefele is traceable directly to the intervention
of the court of Wurtemberg.
In some places formal steps were taken against the
proclamation of the dogma. Austria suspended the con
cordat, Bavaria refused the placet to the papal bull, several
of the smaller states declared themselves unable to sanc
tion the ecclesiastical innovation. But nothing was
gained with these formalities. Although the other gov
ernments did not with the same brutal frankness consti
tute themselves the beadle of the Curia as did the ministry
of von Miihler in Prussia, which gave its aid to Arch
bishop Melchers for the expulsion from his parish of
pastor Tangermann, who opposed the dogma, yet no
where was there a suggestion of any common consistent
action. In the meantime the wisdom of liberal journalism made
fun of the dogma, but the patrician circles as well as the
lowest classes of the populace were better disciplined, and
the numerous clerical associations and corporations proved
more powerful than the conscientious scruples of the
learned. While the German troops were in the field against the
foreign enemy, the bishops, submissive to the pope, pro
nounced excommunication upon those who remained
true to their ancient faith. Like rocks in the raging sea

The International ''''Kulturkampf" 167
they stood at their isolated posts ; foremost among
them, Dollinger. The sacrifice which these enthusiastic
representatives of the Catholic Church ideal made for
their faith has never been appreciated at its full value by
Protestants. The case of the Bavarian congregation of Mering, with
its brave pastor Renftle, is proof that, if the Catholic
congregations had had other leaders, a large majority
would have remained faithful to the old Catholicism.
But an isolated parish like this in Bavaria had so much
to suffer from the fanatics that surrounded it, that only a
firm and well-defined attitude on the part of the state
would have availed to assure its existence. The states,
however, did not take up the battle which was forced
upon them until it was too late, and even then they op
posed to the unyielding and consistent attitude of the
Curia the inadequate sophistical arts of advocates. The
long series of disorders which are comprehended under
the name Kulturkampf canr\ot be too clearly distinguished
from the religious opposition to a dogma which stood in
direct contradiction to the essence of all religion.
We shall in the following pages attempt to represent
the connection between these conflicts as we trace them
in the several countries, and their common centre. A
detailed account would exceed the limits of this work.
Not, indeed, for the reason often given, that the de
velopment in whose midst we stand is not ripe for his
torical representation. Behind this argument there too
frequently lurks a certain prudence, or rather moral
cowardice, which fears to give offence to those in power.
The independent historian is bound to keep himself free
from such considerations, as well as from any considera
tion of service to sect or party. But a full history of the
Kulturkampf would call for first-hand testimony from
both sides, and this task does not come within the sphere

1 68 The Papacy in the igth Century
of this work. We can only expect to draw correctly the
lines which mark the more and more intensified struggle
between Catholicism and Papalism. To this end it will
be necessary to call attention to certain events of the last
period of Pius IX. and to the inheritance which he be
queathed to his successor.
The sum and substance of these events and this inherit
ance may be expressed in one word : it was war against
modern society. The absolutistic coup d'etat which over
threw the constitution of the Church changed the relation
of the state to the Church into a condition of perpetual
war, which might be interrupted by a shorter or a longer
period of truce, but which must necessarily break out
again and again.
The accustomed predilection of politicians for allowing
themselves to be deluded by the Curia has not been
lessened since the Vatican Council, and it only required a
few diplomatic courtesies from the successor of Pius IX.
to throw into oblivion even the infallible bull, Unam
Sanctam,^ with its consequences as they affect the state.
But Pius did not descend to courtesies, and the remainder
of his reign was taken up with anathemas against modern
unbelief, which refused to subject itself to the infallible
oracle of the Vatican, and with abuse of the leaders of
the state and ' of popular representation in the several
states. No single state was spared in this war against all.
The most irreconcilable of these struggles, although ap
parently it was not connected with religious affairs, was
that of the Curia with the Italian people. On the 20th
of September, 1870, the Italian troops had entered Rome,"
greeted this time with the unmistakable acclamations of
the populace. The result of the popular vote in the city
of Rome for annexation to Italy was over 40,000 Yeas to
' The bull which marks the height of the papal pretensions, A.D. 1302.
See page 86, note i.
' In consequence of the withdrawal of the French troops.

The International "Kulturkampf" 169
something more than 40 Noes, and the relative proportion
was the same in the rest of the hitherto papal territory.
Thereupon King Victor Emmanuel issued the decree of
the incorporation of Rome with the national state. Gari
baldi's wish was fulfilled : Rome was the capital of a united
Italy. Although this was the end of the temporal sovereignty
of the pope, the Italian government presently gave the
clearest proof that it intended no diminution of his
spiritual claims, rather that it would in every way protect
and increase them. The guarantee laws of 1871 gave the
pope not only for all time the rights and honours of a
sovereign and a dotation which surpassed the amount of
his former income, but offered at the same time full
liberty for the exercise of his ecclesiastical sovereignty
and entire renunciation on the part of the state of the
royal placet and of any claim to co-operation in the in
vestiture of bishoprics and of benefices. Cavour's watch
word of " a free Church in a free State " was thus
realised, and indeed the state suffered the most decided
limitations in its own proper sphere. At the same time
the pope was so much more protected than formerly in
his struggles with foreign powers, that nobody could now
get at him to do him harm, so that very soon the official
German press accused the Italian guarantee laws of
making the pope impossible of attack by means of these
defences. But not long after the same ofificial press main
tained the defence of the pope against Italy ; this was in
payment for the help which had been given in putting
through the law for the monopoly of tobacco in Germany.
The oppositions and jealousies of the several states
were in fact much more advantageous to the Papacy now
that it was no longer tied down by its own temporal
sovereignty. The pope was sure of French sympathy in
his war with Germany, and of German sympathy in his
war with France. For the moral power of future popes

1 70 The Papacy in the igth Century
no moment was indeed more favourable than that in
which the Italian soldiers entered through the breach in
the Porta Pia, and thereby sundered the fetters by which
the universal spiritual dominion was bound to the local
temporal sovereignty. But no man recognised this less
than did Pius IX. The Jesuit father, Curci, showed a
clearer sight, but he received for it an ill reward.
Pius declared the Incorporation of Rome with Italy to
be a robbing of God Himself. The Italian government
he would call nothing but the " subalpine government."
No year passed without protests against its evil deeds.
The guarantee laws were spurned as a fraud, a deceit, as
an insult to the holy apostles Peter and Paul.
Among numerous similar demonstrations we notice
especially the elevation of the holy "foster-father"
Joseph to the position of patron-saint of the Church and
the solemn consecration of the whole world to the Sacred
Heart of Jesus. The pompous celebration at the twenty-
fifth jubilee of the pope's accession and the fiftieth of his
consecration as bishop, and those on his birthdays were
used for similar agitations. In place of the dotation,
which year by year was refused, there were collected in
all countries uncounted millions in the shape of Peter's
pence for the poor captive in the Vatican. His fictitious
captivity was compared with the sufferings of Him who
had not where to lay His head. The several events of the
passion even were applied to the Christ, who was again
crucified in the person of the pope. Noble Parisian ladies
gave the pope a golden crown of thorns, which he gra
ciously accepted. In Belgium there were sold, among
the poor, wisps of straw from his prison, and photographs
in which the pope appeared imprisoned behind iron bars.
But the passionate struggle which Pius waged against
his own people was surpassed in importance by the war
against the young German empire. In Italy, in spite of all

The International ' ' Kulturkampf " 171
the bitterness of opposing principles, there were not want
ing ecclesiastics who identified themselves with the in
terests of the people. The northern barbarians, on the
other hand, had not only to contend with the grasping
ambition of a Gregory VIL, but the story of the medizeval
Papacy in its opposition to the SaHc, the Hohenstaufen,
and the Bavarian dynasties was repeated. The Church
became the enemy of the state, and the wedge of internal
self-dismemberment was driven into the nation which had
only just been externally united.
The far-sighted policy of the Jesuits, by which the pro
clamation of the new dogma and the breaking out of the
war with France were to take place at the same moment,
has approved itself especially with regard to Germany.
The war drew the attention of the governments and of
the people from what was happening in the Church.
Prince Bismarck is known to have said that after the
French war he was surprised by the mobilisation of the
clerical party. The Prussian state officials had given
almost no thought to the dogma and its significance.
The warnings of Prince Hohenlohe ' were coolly repudi
ated in Berlin, and had no other consequence than the
fall of the clear-sighted Bavarian minister. When Count
Harry Arnim, the Prussian ambassador in Rome, having
been converted from his former disparagement of the
inner-Catholic movement, pointed out the consequences
of the dogma as it affected the state, he found the poli
tics of Berlin occupied with quite different cares. But
the unexpected victories of the German army brought in
their train the liberation of Rome from the papal yoke.
Thereupon deputations, first of the bishops, then of the
laity, demanded at Versailles the interference of the
German empire in behalf of the restoration of the tem
poral power of the pope — that is, war against Italy in
addition to that against France. It was the negative
' See page 152.

1 72 The Papacy in the igth Century
answer to this demand that led to the formation of the
party of the Centre, the centre namely of all parties op
posed to the German empire newly born on the i8th of
January, 1871.
The contradictory principles, whose operation determ
ined the future political and ecclesiastical history of the
new empire, now stood clearly defined one against the
other. The war between State and Church was inaugu
rated. But while on the clerical side both object and
means were clearly understood, the state took hold of the
affair at the wrong end, and the means applied all bear
the character of incompetence and impracticability. In
order to understand the future triumphs of the papal
policy, we must here recall the principal mistakes of its
opponents. If we compare the so-called Kulturkampf in Germany
with the former ecclesiastico-political struggles of the
century, we can draw only one conclusion : all the teach
ings of history concerning the purposes and the means of
the curialistic policy were utterly neglected. The Prus
sian successes in the field were due above all to the fact
that the enemy was never undervalued, that every step
made by the opposing army was carefully watched, and
every precaution taken to meet each emergency. For
the great ecclesiastical struggle there was lacking all
knowledge of the enemy as well as all preparation in the
home camp. The futile struggle of Napoleon with the
Church, after he himself had raised it out of the dust,
should have suggested a careful calculation of the forces
before the breaking out of the war. This first struggle
between emperor and pope had ended in the success of
the Curia, and so had all similar contests since. Only
quite recently, the so-called restoration of the Catholic
hierarchy in England and Holland had shown clearly
enough how little power there was in any sudden excite
ment of the popular mind as compared with tactics which

The International " Kulturkampf" 1 73
count not by years, but by decades and by centuries,
which take all such momentary outbreaks previously
into calculation.
Nor was it necessary to go to foreign countries to learn
the lesson ; for the severe defeats and losses which the
Prussian state had suffered since the ecclesiastical conflict
in Cologne should have pointed out the necessity of not
living from hand to mouth in ecclesiastical politics. But
instead of learning from the principles put into practice
in the campaigns of 1866 and 1870, Prussia went into the
war just as blind and just as ignorant of the enemy as in
the year 1806.
The causes, therefore, which brought about the clerical
triumph over the ecclesiastical policy of Bismarck are not
far to seek. The very qualities which make the states
man who deals with material forces powerful render him
less fit for a correct judgment of things which are not of
this world. All judging of religious-ecclesiastical affairs
from the political-military point of view is doomed to
disappointment. The question here is not of armies
which are reviewed on parade, but of apparently trifling,
even invisible forces. Napoleon ridiculed the ideologists ;
he suffered bitter punishment for his contempt of ideas.
The German policy in the Kulturkampf met with the
same fate.
The papal account of Church history in the nineteenth
century even now begins, not without reason, with the
victory over the first French emperor and concludes with
the triumph over the first German imperial chancellor.
Posterity, more unprejudiced and better informed than
the present generation, will hardly be able to pronounce
any other judgment than that the German statesman
who of all possessed the greatest mind failed in almost
every instance in which he dealt with ecclesiastical ques
tions. The confusion of political and ecclesiastical party
divisions was by his action greatly intensified.

1 74 The Papacy in the igth Century
Although this issue of the ecclesiastical policy of a
statesman whose work lay in an entirely different direc
tion is easily explained from the nature of things, we
must not overlook the hindrances which from the begin
ning stood in the way of success. The influence which
the Jesuit associates en robe courte exerted during this
century at the various courts reminds one of the shrewdest
and most successful operations of the seventeenth cen
tury. This is true almost more of Protestant than of
Catholic courts. In the former, the opinion prevailed
that one could never go too far in toleration, with the re
sult that many channels were opened for the worst forms
of intolerance. Nowhere was this more true than in the
society of the Berlin nobility. The influence of the
family Radziwill, related to the royal house, worked
hand in hand with that of a large and compact circle of
lower, higher, and highest dependents of the court.
The so-called Catholic circles in the closest neighbour
hood of the court were at the same time in every
conceivable manner seconded by those Protestant court
chaplains who were secretly undermining the normal
development of the Evangelical Church of Prussia. This
is especially true of that specifically clerical tendency
whose character is defined in the phrases: " throne,
bayonet, and catechism " and " connubium imperii et
sacerdotii," which looked upon the papal cohort as an
enviable pattern and a most desirable ally in the guardian
ship of the popular faith. It was the underground
machinations of the " Protestant Jesuits" that prepared
the way for the papal triumph over the state and over
the Evangelical Church.
At the time of the clerical mobilisation, Herr von
Miihler, the predecessor of Falk, was minister of public
instruction. It was during his administration that the
president in chief of the Rhine province offered his

The International " Kulturkampf" 1 75
official aid to Archbishop Melchers of Cologne in carrying
out the violent measures, alluded to above, against the
honoured pastor Tangermann in Unkel. Driven from
his parish (one of royal patronage) on account of his op
position to the new dogma, Tangermann remained true
to his conviction. Whoever is at all familiar with the
disposition of the Catholic clergy at that time knows how
many hundreds of men with less courage of their faith
were restrained from following their convictions by the
attitude of the Prussian government in this case.
Not till after the end of the German-French war was
there recognised the necessity of taking a stand against
the clerical intrigues. Even then it was a long time be
fore it became clear to the authorities what was at issue.
Many were the mistakes made by the Falk ministry;
but they were one and all connected with the false system
which at Berlin was made the basis of all proceedings.
While in the enemy's camp the most approved instru
ments always worked in the most fitting places, on the
part of the state men were called to the direction of the
struggle — overnight recognised as necessary — whose life-
work had hitherto been entirely different. The chief of
the new ministry, Falk, had in all former positions dis
tinguished himself by legal acumen and human warmth
of character. But not only did he himself enter into an
entirely new field, he was obliged largely to depend upon
coworkers who systematically opposed him. Of the
men whom he himself called to his assistance, the most
influential (ministerial director Forster) was an ofificial of
high character and a man of clear legal head, and he
rivalled his chief in the power of work; but he lacked
all knowledge of Catholic popular life and of the forces
which conditioned it.
In the ministerial " general staff," as Windhorst de
risively called it, there prevailed a spirit of clever
ambition, which was very little burdened with religious

I 'jd The Papacy in the igth Century
convictions, and attached itself to every political faction
that promised advantage for its own career. The minis
try, as such, in spite of the warning given a generation
ago by Bunsen to separate worship from education, still
combined the most heterogeneous tasks. There was not
the remotest idea of any such concentration of forces as
obtained in Rome.
The first and purely defensive measure against the
growing danger of treachery in the home camp, the dis
solution of the so-called Catholic department, falls into
the time of the administration of Miihler (July 8, 1871).
The other m'easure of the same year, the so-called pulpit
paragraph against the misuse of the pulpit for political
incendiary addresses, was proposed by the Bavarian min
ister, Lutz, and accepted by the German Reichstag (De
cember 10, 1871). It was not until the beginning of
1872 that the law concerning the superintendence of
schools was enacted as the first positive measure of the
Falk ministry (February).
That there was in Berlin no desire for a war with the
Church was proved soon after by the proposition which
Prince Bismarck made in Rome to accredit one of the
cardinals (Hohenlohe) as Prussian ambassador to the
Curia. With a lack of consideration unheard of in
the annals of diplomacy, the pope refused this proposi
tion (May 2, 1872). In spite of this personal insult, the
imperial chancellor declared repeatedly that he would not
give up the hope of a peaceful agreement, if not with the
present, with the succeeding pope. The German empire
now, however, adopted, with the enthusiastic approval
of the public, the example given by free Switzerland of
the exclusion of the disturbers of the peace, the order of
Jesuits (July 4, 1872); but by this step no change was
made in the direct relations between Church and State.
In the same month, Pius IX. had, in his reply to the
address sent him by the German " readers' association,"

The International " Kulturkampf" lyj
predicted the destruction of the great image by the little
stone coming down from the heights (according to Daniel
ii., 34). His Christmas allocution described the proceed
ings of the German emperor as impudentia ; and in general
he missed no opportunity by writing and by speech to
infuse personal venom into the struggle of principles.
Against all this the state was so defenceless that certain
articles of the Prussian constitution had to be changed
(April 5, 1873) before the first of the so-called " May
laws " could be passed.
The essence of these laws consisted in the obligation
which was imposed upon the bishops of reporting to the
president of their province the names of the clergy whom
they wished to nominate, an obligation which in a num
ber of other states had long been recognised by the Curia.
It was the refusal of this demand that made the struggle
an acute one, because it led to the accusation and deposi
tion of the bishops by the state, in the spiritual courts
which in the meantime had been instituted.
Nothing, however, caused so much bitterness as the
letter of the pope to the German emperor in which the
latter was openly treated as the pope's subject by virtue
of baptism (August 7, 1873).
The bishops, deprived of all independence by their
acknowledgment of the infallibility, were forced to do
service to the foreign enemy of their people. In frank
repudiation of the oaths which they had taken at their
institution into ofifice, they carried the war into the par
ishes by intentionally leaving their religious needs un
provided for. The pope called the evils thus produced a
Diocletian persecution of the Church. And the association
of German Catholics, founded and directed in Mayence,
carried on (simultaneously with the French " revenge
processions " to Lourdes) an open revolutionary agitation.
The government then sought another temporary ex
pedient in the new May laws of the year 1874 concerning

1 78 The Papacy in the igth Century
the right of election of parishes and the dismissal of
recalcitrant ecclesiastics. The first of these laws also
sanctioned the inauguration of the so-called " state-
Catholicism." The latter movement was in every way
favoured by the state, while every effort was made to
prevent the growth of the old-Catholic movement. A
more effectual step was, however, taken when civil mar
riage was made obligatory. This was carried through in
spite of severe conscientious scruples on the part of the
pious emperor.
The so-called May laws are commonly held to have
been the occasion of the conflict between Prussia and the
Vatican, but the real origin of this trouble is to be traced
farther back, to the coup d'dtat of the Vatican Council
and the papal desire for intervention in Italy. Among
the first answers to the May laws we recognise the at
tempt on Bismarck's life by Kullmann (July 13, 1874) and
the papal encyclical Quod nunquam (of February 5, 1875).
The first showed, according to the explanation given by
the Germania, the ' ' intensification of Catholic anger over
the ecclesiastical policy of Bismarck " ; the encyclical
gave the most clear-cut expression to the irreconcilable
opposition of the infallible ecclesiastical autocracy to the
modern state. The Prussian laws were characterised as
not being made for free citizens, as not appealing to a
rational obedience, but as being imposed upon slaves and
forcing obedience by the power of terror. Not enough
with thjs theory : the pope expressly declared the laws of
the state to be null and void, because in contradiction
to the divine constitution of the Church. All those im
pious men who incurred the crime of accepting a spiritual
ofifice without episcopal nomination were visited with the
major excommunication. There followed a series of
other, in part childish, demonstrations and commenda
tions of recalcitrant bishops.
The Christmas allocution of the same year raged

The International "Kulturkampf" 179
against the second Nero, other addresses stormed against
the modern Attila. At the same time, the French desire
for a war of revenge was in every way fostered, and in
Germany a close alliance was entered into with all other
tendencies working for the dissolution of the state; in
deed, the various alliances between the Ultramontane
and the Social-Democratic parties more than anything
else stamp this religious war with a peculiar character.
The laws of 1875 followed, as the next step on the part
of the state, after the papal declaration of invalidity
against the state laws; they were the following: the so-
called " Sperrgesetz " (law of inhibition) concerning the
administration of episcopal incomes (April 22d),' the ex
clusion of all orders with the exception of those that de
voted themselves to the care of the sick (May 31st), the
formal cancelling of certain articles of the Prussian con
stitution (June i8th), and the changes in the administra
tion of property (June 20th). The last received the
approbation of the clerical party; against all the other
laws protest and agitation was renewed at every conceiv
able opportunity.
As long as the reign of Pius IX. lasted, the mutual
embitterment increased more and more. The party of
the Centre and the clerical press understood so well how
to discipline the dependent classes of society that every
election brought them new victories. To be sure, this
did not imply any positive success. The laws were uni
versally executed. In spite of all agitation, the general
result was such that it would only have required a few
years of peace to make the new system of laws at home
in the popular life. Towards the end of the reign of
Pius IX., the condition of affairs forms a striking paral
lel to that period of the reign of Innocent III. which
' This law stopped payments from the state to the bishops and other
clergy who would not pledge themselves in writing to obey the laws of the
state.

1 80 The Papacy in the igth Century
immediately preceded the assassination of the emperor
Philip of Suabia (1208). Modern researches have estab
lished the fact of an undoubted yielding, in this period, on
the part of the most powerful of the mediaeval popes. It
was the assassination of Philip that gave the final victory
to the Papacy. The same significance for the parallel
struggle of the nineteenth century attaches to the at
tempts upon the life of the emperor by Hodel and by
Nobiling (1878). Only Pius himself did not live to reap
the fruits of these events in the furtherance of his own
plans. The other German states had been drawn into the
struggle of the Papacy against Prussia in so far as many
of the measures necessary for protection concerned the
empire. But aside from this, almost every one of the
states had its own Kulturkampf. The only exceptions
were Saxony, whose dynasty retained the position taken
since the conversion of Augustus the Strong, and Wiir
temberg, where Bishop Hefele, an opponent in the coun
cil, had by the favour of the court and the anger of the
pope been changed into a peace-bishop.
In Bavaria, on the other hand, the " patriotic " party
in every Landtag attempted repeated attacks upon the
ministry. The latter made concessions to the clericals
and used every means at the disposal of the bureaucracy
to render the old-Catholic movement ineffectual. Never
theless it was not suflficiently compliant to the so-called
" extremists." More and more concessions were secretly
made to clericalism. At the same time, the liberal
party, which had shown its usual depreciation of the re
ligious factor, suffered more and more losses in the repre
sentation and in the magistracy.
More violent was the war in Baden. The archiepiscopal
see, which had become vacant, remained unfilled, because
the Curia would not accept the nominee of the cathedral

The International " Kulturkampf" i8i
chapter. Dean Orbin, who was acceptable to the govern
ment. The clerical revolutionary agitation, which was
doubly dangerous in this border-state, prompted the
ministry to pass the Church law of April 19, 1874, which
defined more stringently the conditions for the appoint
ments to parishes, and among other things made rules
for the examinations of theological students in both
churches. The Curia refused to accept this law, and
parishes remained unfilled, but the liberal party in Baden
lost a number of seats at every election by its own discord.
Even in Hesse-Darmstadt, the domain of Bishop von
Ketteler, several new laws were adopted in the year
1875; these laws were in all essentials formed after the
Prussian Church laws. Here, too, a number of parishes
remained unoccupied, and after the death of the bishop
the episcopal see shared the same fate.
The most curious proof of how unavoidable were the
conflicts which the Vatican Council had forced upon all
the states, lies in the extraordinary similarity between
the Kulturkampf in the German empire and in republican
Switzerland. An act of usurpation on the part of Pius
IX., cancelling all former laws and agreements, called
the Swiss confederation to the war : namely, the separa
tion, carried through against all representations and pro
tests, of Geneva from the diocese of Fribourg, and the
nomination of an intriguer, Mermillod, to be the " apos
tolical vicar " of Geneva (1873). The undisguised con
tempt which he manifested for existing legal conditions
forced even the peace-loving confederate council to expel
Mermillod from Switzerland and to break off diplomatic
relations with the Curia; the papal nuncio received his
passes. This conflict with the pope on the part of Switzerland
was accompanied by a series of internal struggles in the
majority of the separate cantons. There was a conflict

1 82 The Papacy in the igth Century
in Geneva, where Mermillod from the neighbouring Fer-
ney fostered the opposition to the authorities in every
possible way, and where the state, following the example
of other states, had to protect itself by adopting a new
Church law. This law left the choice of clergymen to
the parishes, and as the papal faction would not consent
to this, the most important parishes fell into the hands
¦of the recently organised Christian Catholic Church.
When the clerical agitation went so far as to attempt to
deprive the commonwealth of its sources of income, the
great council met this attack by the dissolution of all
spiritual corporations and the prohibition of all religious
processions and ceremonies in public places. The clerical
party then attempted to pass a law for the separation of
Church and State. So far their efforts have been futile.
But there is no means of foretelling the future, where
the government changes so often, and where these changes
usually bring the opposite principles in ecclesiastical af
fairs into power.
Besides the disorders in Geneva there were disturbances
in the diocese of Basle. When the bishop of Basle,
Lachat, under the influence of his chancellor, Duret, ex
communicated and deposed pastors Egli and Gschwind,
who had remained true to the old faith, official recogni
tion of him was withdrawn by a majority of the cantons
of the diocese. Only Lucerne and Zug remained faithful
to the bishop. Berne became the centre of this conflict.
The ministers who were attached to the deposed bishop
refused obedience to the state laws. They were declared
to have forfeited their positions. Against this judgment
of the court they resorted to open force and produced
such commotion in their parishes that the military had
to be called in, and the agitators were driven from the
country. At the same time the new Church law which
had been accepted by a large majority came into opera
tion ; the object of this law was to lay the foundation of

The International "Kulturkampf" 183
a new Church by giving the choice of the minister to all
Swiss citizens entitled to a vote. The so-called " intru
sion " of the new state pastors and the character of the
agitation against them forms one of the most interesting
chapters in the ecclesiastical history of Switzerland.
The then government of Berne showed a strict con
sistency of action, and if the conduct of the other cantons
had been like that of Berne the result would have been
wholly different. But this canton, standing alone, found
in the struggle with the papal world-power no help out
side its own borders ; on the contrary, it was rather dis
avowed by the federate council on account of the decree
of banishment against the deposed ministers. The final
result was the amnesty declared at the change of govern
ment in 1878, and the effect of this amnesty was the
complete destruction of the recently inaugurated state-
Catholicism. The Catholic theological faculty, which
was founded during the course of these disorders, proved
to be the only really promising result of the Kulturkampf
in Switzerland.
Even Austria, which since the days of Consalvi had
been held in high esteem at Rome on account of its pro
verbial good-nature, was not preserved from ecclesiastical
quarrels after the Vatican Council. Before the council
there had already been marked premonitions of these
quarrels. Immeasurable concessions had been made by
the concordat to the Curia. But the constitutional state
could not remain untouched by the general demand of
the times for equality of the confessions, independence
of the school, and civil marriage. The protests of the
bishops were futile, and the new laws received the im
perial sanction on the 25th of May, 1868. This brought
out the papal manifesto declaring the "abominable"
laws invalid. The papal allocution declared: " We re
ject and condemn these laws on the strength of our

184 The Papacy in the igth Century
apostolical authority, and by the same authority we decide
that they have been and will be altogether void and
without all authority." As a consequence, there followed
further incendiary pastorals from the bishops. Warned
by these proceedings, the Austrian government joined in
the representations made in Rome against the proposed
new dogma of infallibility. When these were disre
garded, the concordat was, on the ground of the change
in the situation consequent upon this dogma, declared
abrogated (July 30, 1870).
In spite of this apparent energy, it was four years be
fore the Austrian government brought before the Reichs
tag the new laws which were now rendered necessary.
These fell into four groups : concerning the appointments
to spiritual oifices, concerning the support of the clergy
and the improvement which it was thereby intended to
effect in the condition of the lower clergy, concerning the
recognition of new religious associations, and concerning
monasteries. The House of Representatives accepted all
four laws, while the House of Peers wished to have the
law concerning monasteries modified. During the nego
tiations the pope issued an encyclical, in which he called
upon the bishops for the most energetic resistance, and
at the same time he appealed to the emperor in a letter
demanding the veto of the laws. When the latter never
theless confirmed the first three laws (May, 1874), the
bishops issued a declaration to the effect that they would
render obedience to the laws only in so far as they were
in agreement with the concordat.
Hereby was declared the same opposition as in Prussia :
the divine constitution of the Church against the tempo
ral law-giving power of the state. But the papal policy
had not forgotten the traditions of Gregory VIL, who
during the struggle with Henry IV. conceded to the
king of France and the Norman dukes exactly the same
things in behalf of which he waged a life-and-death

The International ' ' Kulturkampf " 185
struggle with the German king. The Curia, while at all
times it recognised in the state of Frederic its mortal
enemy, counted in Austria upon the slow but sure opera
tion of influences favourable to itself.
As a matter of fact, the happy-go-lucky way which
generally characterises the Austrian bureaucracy mani
fested itself again in ecclesiastical affairs. Although the
separate articles of the new laws were partly even more
severe than those of the Prussian code, yet, while in
Prussia the courts were to decide in cases of collision, in
Austria the decision was given to the administration, so
that it depended upon the pleasure of that body whether
they would apply or ignore the laws. When the long-
pending law concerning monasteries had at last been
adopted by the House of Peers, the nuncio succeeded by
his influence in preventing the imperial confirmation.
The law concerning marriages left the numerous abuses
in force which had been called forth by the precedence
of canonical over civil law. The incorporation into the
university of the Evangelical theological faculty in Vienna
was persistently refused. Officials high and low rivalled
each other in abuse of the old-Catholics. The bishop of
Linz, among other provocations of which he was guilty,
vilified in the grossest manner the Evangelical deacon
esses' institution, and the clericals of the Tyrol repeatedly
excited popular fanaticism against the Evangelical foreign
congregations of Meran and Innspruck. The emperor
Francis Joseph showed repeatedly that personally he was
very anxious for religious peace. But year after year a
series of new events in all the provinces gave evidence of
a continued forced retreat on the part of tolerant Joseph
inism before the advancing intolerance of the papal
principle. In this same period Spain as well as Austria was fated
to feel the weight of the pretensions which followed as a

i86 The Papacy in the igth Century
consequence upon the declaration of infallibility by the
Vatican Council. Again, it was one of the revolutions in
this country, so devoted to the Papacy, which placed all
the boundlessness of these pretensions in the clearest
light. The republican constitution of 1869 conceded,
with certain limitations, the long-suppressed religious
liberty, and the year 1870 saw a law for civil marriages
passed; but the restored monarchy (Alfonso XII., Janu
ary, 1875) soon carried through a number of new limita
tions. The decree of February 10, 1875, gave back to
the hierarchy the power to conclude marriages and the
administration of the marriage law, and civil marriage was
tolerated only for those " who profess another than the
true faith," and for " bad Catholics"; all marriages of
resigned priests, monks, and nuns were prohibited, and
such marriages already concluded were declared invalid.
The proposed new constitution tolerated dissenting
worship, but forbade all public manifestations thereof.
Pius IX. immediately protested against this article,
because it abrogated the concordat of Isabella in its
" noblest " part (namely, the suppression of dissenters),
and because it embodied a serious act of enmity against
the Catholic Church. Nevertheless the Cortes of 1876
sanctioned the article in question. But the Evangelical
congregations have since been exposed to numerous in
vidious and petty annoyances, whose origin is only too
apparent. And the protest of the Papacy, renewed again
and again, against all toleration of other churches in
Spain has once more revealed unmistakably its never-
ceasing war against the civil rights of modern society.
The relations of the Papacy to Russia had become
embittered past remedy after the coarse insult which Pius
IX. had inflicted upon the Russian ambassador at the New
Year's reception of 1866, so that the Vatican Council could
hardly bring any intensification of the opposition in this
quarter. But Pius has since then not only sought in

The International " Kulturkampf" 187
every way to intensify the internal crises of Russia, but
has given his aid to Turkey in the war against the
schismatic state. What the result has been, the partici
pation of the pope in the oriental crisis and the internal
condition of the Russian Church show.
As long as Germany was ablaze with the Kulturkampf,
France, conquered in war, was the focus of a fanatical
papal agitation. The third republic went beyond the
regime of the Restoration, of the July monarchy, and of
the empire in its subserviency to the papal principle, and
the hope of an alliance with the black International in the
war of vengeance against Germany by no means confined
itself to demonstrative pilgrimages of hundreds of thou
sands to La Salette, Lourdes, and Paray le Monial, to
the accompaniment of the pilgrims' song, Sauvez Rome et
la France. The foundation of the so-called free Catholic
universities owes its origin to the same situation.
It is so much the more remarkable that at exactly the
same time that Germany sought an understanding with
the Curia the Kulturkampf emigrated into France. One
could hardly conceive of a clearer proof that it was a
question of the same problems in all states, though through
the adroitness of the curialistic policy these problems
might present themselves in this and that place at differ
ent times. The conflict in France was not only quite
equal to that in Germany, but the rigour of the opposition
was rather increased by the alliance of the clerical ten
dency with the anti-republican parties. The passionate
fury of the opposition to the educational laws of Ferry
rivals the worst excesses of the German clerical press.
The Curia itself interfered both directly and indirectly.
It nevertheless succeeded in avoiding an official rupture
in France, as it had done in Austria. The strategy of
Leo XIII., different as it was from that of his prede
cessor, made itself felt in the French Kulturkampf ; and
we shall therefore reserve the special consideration of this

1 88 The Papacy in the igth Century
conflict until we speak of the general policy of this
pope. What is true of France is again true of Belgium. Dur
ing the reign of Pius IX., it remained the centre of a
clerical agitation whose influence extended to all neigh
bouring countries. And yet it was not spared its own
Kulturkampf, and in the conflict with Belgium more than
in any other country the diplomacy of Leo XIII. gave
proof of its true moral character.
To what extent clerical encroachments have since the
Vatican Council increased in England and Holland will
appear later. Whether the acute or the lingering chronic
Kulturkampf hrings with it worse consequences forthe
ethical religious life of Catholic populations, is a question
which we can decide only when we consider and compare
the conditions of the countries under the former and the
latter infliction. But the mere review of the acute
struggles of the last period of Pius IX. would be incom
plete, did we not turn our attention from European
countries to America. The conflict of the Curia with
the Brazilian government was for some time considered
an instructive type by those European states which met
the same fate. The Berlin official press, which a few
years later liked to choose its foreign illustrations from
among the concessions of other states to the Curia, at this
time could not refer enough to the parallel with Brazil.
The origin of the struggle lay here no less than else
where in the impossibility of reconciling the protection
which the state affords to liberty of conscience with the
claim to exclusive right made by the papal principle.
After long-continued religious oppression, especially of
the immigrant Evangelical Germans, the Brazilian state
finally declared its recognition of marriages performed
according to Protestant rites, and the civil effects of
excommunication were declared abolished. The same

The International " Kulturkampf" 189
liberal government, which in these questions brought
about the equal rights of all citizens, then endeavoured
to protect itself against clerical agitation by sustaining
the placet and by demanding that the bishops should
give notice of newly appointed clergy. All these ex
cesses of a " godless infidelity " were, as is customary
in Catholic-Latin countries, attributed to freemasonry.
The bishops, at their head Oliveira and Olinda, made
the anathematising of Freemasons their favourite occu
pation. A papal brief (June, 1873) came to their aid.
As soon as the latter appeared, Oliveira published it
without having obtained the placet, inflicted the greater
excommunication upon a minister who belonged to the
lodge, and placed all those fraternities under the interdict
that refused to expel masonic members. Brought for
this before the highest court, he was condemned to sev
eral years' imprisonment at the same time that similar
processes began in Prussia against the rebellious bishops.
The banishment of the Jesuits, who had distinguished
themselves in the agitation against the Freemasons, made
the parallel complete.
But even before Prussia inaugurated those measures
which set a premium upon open violations of the law,
Brazil had preceded it on this path. The amnesty for
the transgressors of the law was soon followed by a com
plete clerical reaction. According to the accounts of the
clerical press itself, the confinement of the crown prin
cess, which was then imminent, was made use of in favour
of this reaction. Such use Loyola himself had well
understood to make of similar occurrences, and he had
instructed the brothers of his order in the same policy.
In the Catholic Latin countries of South and Central
America, we see the claims of the papal principle carried
out more consistently than anywhere else. The concor
dat of Ecuador bears an especial significance in this re
spect. During the Kulturkampf in unbelieving Europe

190 The Papacy in the igth Century
the clerical press repeatedly comforted itself with this
model state. In the year 1873 the government of Presi
dent Moreno, although it could not cover even the most
necessary expenses in their own country, devoted a tenth
of all the receipts of the state to alleviating the distress
of the prisoner in the Vatican. In the meantime, the
social condition of Ecuador was becoming from year to
year worse. It was therefore not long before one of
those revolutions so common in these half-barbarous
countries broke out, and President Moreno lost his life
(1875). The clerical press in Europe in innumerable
articles extolled this condottiere as a saint and a martyr.
But before the end of the reign of Pius IX. the concordat
with Ecuador, which had so often been held up as a
model to other states, was abolished (1877).
The greater the number of moral defeats which the
policy of Pius IX. has suffered since the Vatican Council,
the more has the papal press pleased itself by the com
parison of his sufferings with those of Christ. The
parallel was carried so far as to suggest a new incarnation
of Christ in Pius. Even before the year of the council, we
saw the Pius hymn used for the spread of the doctrine
that a sinful generation found no sin in Pius. After the
declaration of infallibility, men no longer shrank from the
last consequences: the words of Christ, " Which o^you
convinceth me of sin ? " were applied directly to Pius.
He himself illustrated most drastically this sinlessness
by an effusion of language which became every year more
passionate. Probably no satirical author has ever added
so much to the dictionary of abusive epithets. But
abuse and invective were far outdone by his coarse cari
cature of biblical truths. The personalities which Curci
has communicated concerning the self-deification of this
pope during his last years are so disgusting that we can
not occupy ourselves with them ; yet the judgment of a

The International " Kulturkampf" 191
man who since the year 1842 had stood in personal rela
tions to the pope deserves careful consideration. Neither
may we forget the service which Gladstone rendered by
gathering from the official edition of Pius' Discorsi a
collection of his favourite expressions. And we must read
the familiar addresses made to the faithful of all coun
tries who were admitted to audience, if we would form a
correct appreciation of the agitations and conflicts of
which he was the author ; for in these the nature of the
pope as such receives more unadulterated expression than
in the allocutions and encyclicals which are inspired and
corrected by others.
Secretary of State Antonelli took charge of the money
exactions. The property which the latter left amounted
to more than a hundred millions ; his natural daughter
(the Countess Lambertini) in vain' demanded her part.
Before this celebrated suit revealed to his astonished con
temporaries the private character of the cardinal, there
had already been drawn for the world of the " faithful "
a picture of Antonelli in the character of saint : this was
done by the German Monsignore Dewaal. The canonisa
tion of Pius IX. himself was agitated immediately after
his death. His remains have long ago performed the
requisite number of miracles.

CHAPTER XIII
THE PEACE-POPE, LEO XIII.
AS Pius IX. advanced in age, the idea became preva
lent among certain classes which had been violently
excited by the clerical press, that this pope would not die
until he had gained a victory over his enemies. The
sufferings of Pius had already been compared with the
passion of Christ, and the last prediction to the favourite
disciple was applied to him: " This disciple shall not
die." In the Vatican, however, they are accustomed to
a more matter-of-fact calculation, and during the reign
of the one pope thought is taken for that of his successor.
Immediately upon the death of Pius (February 7, 1878),
the conclave met, and after a session of only two days Car
dinal Joachim Pecci was proclaimed pope. He took the
name of Leo XIII., in honour of the predecessor, Leo
XII., who had conducted him through the first steps
along the path of priestly world-dominion. In fact, both
the methods of his reign and its results bear a remarkable
resemblance to those of his patron.
Leo XII. personally, though little loved by the Ro
man people, by his adroit management made himself
sympathetic to the ministers of the foreign powers ; Leo
XIII. appears in contrast to his vain and loquacious pre
decessor as a diplomat of noble and dignified character.
From the very first moment he understood the use of
measured words and engaging speeches. He personally
192

The Peace-Pope, Leo XIII. 193
announced his accession to those states with which Pius
IX. had come to an open rupture and gave expression to
the desire for a resumption of friendly relations. This he
did to the German and Russian emperors, and to the Swiss
federate council. This mere act of courtesy would have
sufficed for the politicians to give him the name of a
peace-loving pope in distinction from Pius. But in
ofificial negotiations also Leo XIII. was never wanting
in theoretical assurances of peace. The most celebrated
of these is his brief of February 28, 1880, to the deposed
Archbishop Melchers of Cologne, in which he expressed
his willingness to permit the announcement to the state
officials of newly chosen pastors. But the negotiations
undertaken upon this tolerari posse (which afterwards be
came proverbial) showed clearly how little thought there
was of any real concession.
Anyone familiar with the official utterances of Leo
XIII. will find the talk of the papers about the " peace-
pope " unintelligible. As bishop of Perugia he had in a
pastoral letter characterised Protestantism as " a pest, the
most pestilential heresy, a stupid, fickle system, originat
ing in arrogance and godlessness." The knowledge of
the Reformation which he here showed corresponded to
the general standard of education of the Italian episcopate
(admirably characterised by Rothe in the era of Leo XII).'
But even after he had become infallible Joachim Pecci
remained throughout true to the intellectual standard
that had characterised him as bishop.
There has hardly been a single pope who considered
the most contemptible falsification of history in regard to
the Reformation as less beneath his dignity than Leo in
his second encyclical. In this — making adroit use of the
social-democratic and nihilistic assassinations — he praised
to the terrified governments the Church as the sole
guardian of society ; and he took the same opportunity
' See page 80.
13

194 The Papacy in the igth Century
to stamp the Reformation, " the insane war which since
the sixteenth century had been waged by the innovators
against the Catholic Church," as the mother of the
" death-dealing pest " of socialism. Even more pro
nounced were his expressions about the Evangelical
schools in Rome, about " the impudence without parallel
with which in Rome even under the eyes of the pope
such schools were established, in which tender children
were fed with abominable errors, and from which pro
ceeded influences the most harmful and the most in
jurious to manners."
As " supreme head of the Catholic Church " he took a
very positive stand. His very first encyclical appealed
expressly to the infallibility of the apostolical see and
asserted just as explicitly the condemnation of all errors
condemned by his predecessors. His references to Mary
as the immaculate queen of heaven, and to Joseph as the
heavenly patron of the Church, prove that he occupied
the same theological position as Pius IX. He also em
phasised the necessity of the restoration of the temporal
sovereignty of the holy see, at the same time repudiat
ing ambition and the lust of power, and declaring that
he was actuated solely by the desire for the public wel
fare and the salvation of humanity ; and he renewed all
the protests of his predecessor against the secularisation
of the states of the Church.
The most significant, however, of all the utterances of
Leo for the appreciation of his personal attitude, and at
the same time the most pregnant of consequences by
virtue of its influence upon all the separate churches, is
his third encyclical (of August 4, 1879). This encyclical
made the philosophy of Thomas Aquinas the foundation
of all studies in schools and seminaries. Even this did
not disturb the belief of the liberal press in the peace-
pope, and it does in truth require somewhat more

The Peace-Pope, Leo XIII. 195
knowledge of ecclesiastical history than newspaper writers
and diplomats usually have at their disposal to appreciate
the significance of the Thomistic system, not only for the
ology and the Church, but just as much for the state and
for society. But anybody familiar with this system.
knows that even the most frantic outbursts of Pius IX.-
against the opponents of the papal principle are of in
ferior significance in comparison with the fact that the
whole future generation, as far as the influence of the
Papacy reached, were to be educated in views which with
an unsurpassed consistency preach irreconcilable war
against the modern world of ideas.
Knowing the educational methods of the Jesuits, one-
might have foreseen that their habit of setting up the
Thomistic against the Kantian system would be made a
model for other educational institutions. The Dutch
and Belgian Jesuits, who to-day, as in the first century
of the order, count among their number the real leaders-
of the society, had long ago adopted this contrast as the
central point of their instruction. Thomas Aquinas had.
supplied the scholastic foundation of papal infallibility
(upon the basis, namely, of the garbled editions of the
Church-fathers which Pope Urban IV. had sent him);
and therefore after the dogmatisation of the infallibility
it was really only a question of time that the teacher of
the middle ages should be declared prceceptor urbis et
orbis for the present generation.
Pius IX. was too much engrossed in the struggles of
the moment and of too great ignorance — an ignorance
strangely interwoven with his conceit of infallibility — to
proceed as far as this. But his prudent successor did not
wait long to take this last step. Indeed, his third en
cyclical was the necessary consequence of the second and
of its vilification of the Reformation. In the latter the
Reformation had been made the mother of socialism, and
the tottering thrones had been referred to the rock of

196 The Papacy in the igth Century
Peter. The next thing was to anoint with fresh oil the
alliance, which dominated even the era of the Restora
tion, between spiritual and temporal absolutism. What
was better adapted to this purpose than the system of
Thomas, which guaranteed to the princes their absolut
ism, if they only placed themselves at the feet of the
higher authority of the Papacy ?
This political purpose was acknowledged without any
ambiguity in the Thomas-encyclical of Leo: " Surely,
families and civil society would be much more tranquil
and secure if in the academies and the schools a healthier
doctrine and one more consonant to ecclesiastical dogma
were taught, such as is found in the works of St. Thomas."
In all respects this system was to furnish that which
the present time needed. With regard to philosophy,
Thomas has once for all set at rest the discord between
reason and faith. For,
while he has strictly sundered reason and faith and yet has
kept both of them in friendly alliance, he has preserved the
rights and exalted the dignity of both, in such manner that
reason, borne by the wings of faith to the summit of human
power, could hardly rise higher, and that faith could hardly
expect from reason more frequent and stronger aid than it has
obtained through Thomas.
Even greater is his merit in behalf of natural science.
For,
one can hardly imagine what strength, what light, what aid
this philosophy is able to give, especially in regard to the nat
ural sciences. It is a matter of importance to repudiate the
wrong which has been done to this philosophy by accusing it
of putting hindrances in the way of progress and of the
growth of the natural sciences. As the schoolmen have al
ways taught in the science of anthropology that only from
material things can the human mind raise itself to the know
ledge of those things which are not bound to body and matter,

The Peace-Pope, Leo XIII. 197
so they have of themselves recognised that nothing is more
useful to the philosopher than to search the secrets of nature
and to occupy himself long and much with the study of
physical things.
Nevertheless, all this eulogy of St. Thomas, as well as
all the compliments paid to princes and statesmen, to
philosophers and naturalists, in the last instance only
serve the purposes of the papal monarchy in its suppres
sion of every dissenting view.
The carefully selected teachers are to endeavour to infuse
the teachings of Thomas into the minds of their pupils and to
explain to them their eminent worth and excellence. But
from those books, which are asserted to have been drawn
from the fountain of St. Thomas, but which in reality have
emanated from foreign and unwholesome sources, the minds
of the young shall by your efforts be guarded.
This reference to the Index was calculated to prove
how little the Thomas-encyclical of Leo was meant to be
only a matter of theory. The new task which the pope
thus imposed upon the Church was immediately under
taken. ¦ Father Beckx, the general of the Jesuits, testified
in solemn audience the gratitude as well as the obedience
of the society. The papal communication to Cardinal de
Lucca (of October 15, 1879), ordered the formation of
an academical association and of an official edition of
Thomas' works. The command issued from Rome im
mediately became in every country the foundation of the
entire clerical system of education. For Thomas Aquinas
became the standard and the authority not only for the
scholarship of the Church in general, but for the entire
system of education. One of the most eminent authori
ties on the Thomistic system has pronounced judgment
in the following words upon the dangers which this kind
of training of the Catholic youth has created for Christian

198 The Papacy in the igth Century
states : " Compared with the struggles which then become
inevitable, the present Kulturkampf appears only as a
childish, good-natured prelude."
For Protestant statesmen and the great mass of news
paper writers even this encyclical of Leo did not serve as
a warning. They knew neither the thorough work of
the Gottingen philosopher Baumann concerning Thomas'
doctrine of the state, nor Holtzmann's striking exposition
of its practical consequences. It was futile that an ec
clesiastical historian of original research like Reinkens
pointed out the historical contradictions in the papal
document, and that a philosopher like Knoodt explained
the significance of Thomas as an universal teacher in his
influence upon the cause of Christian learning. The un
welcome proofs of old-Catholic scholars only increased
the desire to render these disagreeable censors harmless.
And the priest-rule which had invaded the Protestant
ecclesiastical administrations once more did its best to
help the pope.
We have considered it necessary to devote a somewhat
detailed consideration to the Thomas-encyclical as fun
damentally the most important measure of Leo. But
his canonisations are of no less pathological interest.
Joseph Labre, a man debased by indolence and filth, was
set up as a type of papal piety. In the year 1786, the
historian Schlozer wrote that this " wretched stinking
lazy beggar would doubtless be put on the calendar as
saint, did we not live in the eighteenth century." In the
nineteenth century Labre has become a saint in good
standing. Clara of Montefalco, canonised at the same time, en
joyed the patronage of Leo XIII. much as the immacu
late Virgin Mary enjoyed that of Pius IX. Leo declared
in his address upon occasion of her canonisation, that he
remembered with joy even now how as bishop of Imola

The Peace-Pope, Leo XIII. 199
he had twice visited her wonderful relics, and how he had
read mass before the altar under which they rested, and
added these emphatic words: " Now that we are placed
at the head of the universal Church our veneration for
this virgin is doubled, our trust in her is entire and per
fect." This " veneration " and this " trust " of the pope
were founded upon the more than wonderful fact that
not only was the body of the saint well preserved since
her death in 1308, but that more especially her heart (as
the pope testified ex cathedra) showed traces of the in
struments of the passion. Thus favoured by the highest
authority, this virgin was of course accredited by a par
ticularly large number of miracles. At the public cele
bration of December 8, 1881 (which on account of the
continued " imprisonment of the pope" took place for
the first time not in St. Peter's Church, but in the gallery
connected with the Vatican), there were exhibited twelve
pictures, of which six treated of the miracles performed
by Clara, while only two fell to the share of each of the
other saints (Labre, Giambattista de Rossi, and Lorence
of Brindisi).
Such was the attitude of the pope towards modern
culture, and analogous thereto was the position he as
sumed towards the modern state, founded as the latter
was upon equal rights for all its members. The peace-
pope occupies towards the state an attitude of almost
greater hostility and intolerance than his immediate pre
decessor. We call attention in this respect to the fourth
encyclical (February, 1880), which denies to the state
every right of regulating the law of matrimony, because
this belongs only to the Church. To this encyclical are
traced all subsequent attempts to curtail the rights of
other churches in mixed marriages.
Even more unambiguous in the expressions it gives to
the papal hopes for the future, is the encyclical of Sep
tember 17, i8?2, recommending the Franciscan tertiaries.

200 The Papacy in the igth Century
These were the same tertiaries which in the war of
Gregory IX. against Frederic II. had rendered the most
valuable services to the Curia in stirring up the masses.
The changes of the laws which governed this order, made
under the authority of a special commission of cardinals
in June, 1883, testified to the special value which Leo
XIII. placed upon the organisation of clerical secret as
sociations among the laity. New indulgences were sub
stituted for the old, " such as accord with the needs of
the nineteenth century." The fourteenth year was de
termined as the time of reception into the order ; mar
ried women were obliged to obtain the consent' of their
husbands ; from this condition, however, the father con
fessor could grant dispensation. The members are strictly
to avoid dangerous books and newspapers; a special
paragraph exhorts them to make their will in time.
Special visitors are appointed to watch over the observ
ance of the rules and may punish and expel guilty
members. In all the negotiations which Leo undertook with in
dividual states, it was made manifest that wherever he
yielded in matters of secondary importance this was
always done with the reservation that the opponent ac
cepted all other hierarchical pretensions of the Curia. In
his ability in making the diplomats believe that the policy
of the Curia was inoffensive he surpassed even the great
master Consalvi. The diplomats again lent their ear to
the papal insinuations; and not even in the era of the
Restoration after the Congress of Vienna, or in the period
of reaction after the revolution of 1848, did the papal
principle find more compliant adepts than it did now
among the diplomats.
Whence, we ask, was this general readiness in the face
of all the teachings of history, even in the face of the
very manifestoes of the pope, this readiness to accept

The Peace-Pope, Leo XIII. 201
Leo XIII. as the peace-pope ? The answer to this ques
tion is found in the all-important fact that now again, as
in the days of Leo XII., when Bunsen, with his far
sightedness, showed how the Papacy was favoured by
the tendency of the times, it was not so much the good
or evil will of single individuals, but it was the general
spirit of the times which set in motion the current to
wards the Church of Rome.
Let us consider somewhat more carefully, as typical
of the change in the general sentiment, the condition of
affairs in Germany. Germany had been severely visited
by ecclesiastical wars ; and these ecclesiastical wars had
become tedious to a generation accustomed to rapid living
and devoted to material interests. How could one ask
men who had practical business to attend to that they
should continue to " plague themselves with these ec
clesiastical absurdities" ? In the eyes even of educated
liberals ecclesiastical matters were only the concern of
stupid peasants.
On the other hand, whoever has traced the mutual
relations of the clerical and the democratic press in Ger
many with any attention, must have been struck with
the arguments which the Frankfurter Zeitung ' brought
forward to neutralise the measures of defence adopted by
the state against the Church. Even among the follow
ing of Eugene Richter,' for whom the religious problem
for a time had a certain interest as a part of the Kultur
kampf, antipathy against a compactly ordered state very
soon gained the upper hand. Just as happened in the
year of revolution, this party found itself repeatedly side
by side with the party of clericalism in its war upon the
authority of the " police-state."
At the same time, " Gambettism " in France was cher
ishing thoughts of revenge, and the German government
• A radical sheet.
^ The leader of the left wing of the radical party.

202 The Papacy in the igth Century
considered only the political necessity of hindering a
clerical alliance with this foreign tendency, while it
neglected the cares of its own household.
The pious soul of the emperor was disturbed by facts
which came to his ears designed to prove that the war
upon the Curia was becoming a war upon religion. It is
true that clerical zeal played a large part in the collection
and preparation of such facts. But it is no less true that
the decade after the war with France was also the decade
of Strauss' Old and New Faith, of Hartmann's Self -Dis
solution of Christianity, and of Hellwald's pseudo-Darwin-
istic history of civilisation — to name only the most eminent
representatives of modern naturalism. At all times has
religious nihilism been the best ally of clericalism. And
so it happened this time.
There followed the mania of crimes which fill the period
of social-democratic and political-nihilistic revolution.
The attempts on the emperor's life by Hodel and Nobiling
(1878) followed in quick succession, and in their wake
came that epidemic of murderous attacks from which
hardly one of the crowned heads remained spared — the
kings of Italy and of Spain no more than the queen of
England. Not long after, the nihilistic era in Russia
heaped horror upon horror. The greater the concessions
of English statesmen, the more did agrarian murders in
Ireland come into fashion. Even the President of the
United States succumbed to the bullet of an assassin.
And all these abominations were considered in large
circles as triumphs of liberty, as meritorious acts in be
half of humanity in the war against tyranny.
It is one of the chief objects of the present work to
make the reader understand that the Papacy owes all its
triumphs, which largely make up the ecclesiastical history
of the nineteenth century, to the ever recurring revolu
tions of this century. That which to-day seems a comical

The Peace-Pope, Leo XIII. 203
paradox to the enlightened Philistine, the future will
make an all too serious reality. From the convulsions of
the great French Revolution, through the great changes
of 1830 and 1848, we have found the same course of
events again and again repeated. Can we therefore
wonder that the terrorism of the international revolution
since the Paris Commune of 1871 has again led to the
same rotation of events ?
In one of the great crises, between the two attempts
upon the German emperor's life by Hodel and by Nobil
ing, there appears upon the scene a pope who is counted
among the wisest of all wise calculators that have ever
worn the tiara ; — a man who began his spiritual rule with
the most friendly and the most harmless greetings to the
state governments; — who so feelingly recorded his wish
for an abrogation of abuses and disorders ; — who presently .
offered himself as an ally against the death-dealing pest
of the revolution. Such a " vicar of Christ " must have
appeared to anxious souls a true messenger of peace.
Of what significance were, compared with his promise of
help, sundry theoretical differences in the use of language ?
It was an accepted part of his office that the pope should
anathematise the Reformation, as well as that he should
be the eulogist of the good old times of the middle ages.
But this style of the Curia was well known as an innocent
thing; it had long become a matter of habit to overlook
this sort of language on the part of the pope. Now as
formerly the example of Niebuhr was considered as the
proper one for imitation. Why should the antiquated
theories which " it was so easy to forgive the good man "
prevent one from grasping the hand, now proffered, of the
long and ardently longed for peace-pope ?
We do not at all believe that in this hasty picture we
have recounted all the factors that have come together in
the legend of the peace-pope and have made it the favour
ite dogma of newspaper readers. But if one has a clear

204 The Papacy in the igth Century
discernment of but one or the other of the motives which
are so strangely intermingled, all the conquests in the
various countries, which actually dropped into the lap of
Leo, cease to be so puzzling as at the first glance they
seem to be.
Let us begin our consideration of these conquests, just
as we did that of the war during the last period of Pius
IX., with the country of the Papacy itself, with Italy.
A careful consideration of the religious condition of
Italy will afford us a view into one of the most severe
crises of civilisation which a people that had fallen out
with the augurs of its religion has ever had to pass
through. The opposition between the spiritual life of
the modern world and the influences of the hierarchy,
begun at the restoration of Pius VIL, confirmed through
each of the following papal reigns, and intensified to its
climax by Pius IX., was nowhere more acute than in
Italy. Two different worlds, on the one side the satel
lites of the Papacy, on the other the representatives of
the popular sentiment, were brought together on the
same ground.
It has been said of France in the eighteenth century,
that under the dominion of the Church it had lost re
ligion, and the same may be said even more truly of the
Italy of the nineteenth century. Scientific research
which had taken a magnificent upward start, poetry
which is cultivated by poet-heroes of giant stature, the
newly flourishing schools of law which have chosen
modern international law for their special field, indeed
the whole national life as such occupies not only an in
different, but mostly an hostile attitude towards the ec
clesiastical rdgime. The accustomed Church form of
piety has lost its magic influence over the younger gener
ation ; everywhere we meet a searching after something
to take its place, and yet nothing has been found to

The Peace-Pope, Leo XIII. 205
satisfy the religious needs of this people, religiously so
sceptical and artistically so productive. Neither the
enthusiastic but obscure mysticism of the national hero
Garibaldi, nor the several attempts of Gioberti, Passaglia,
and so many others, to reconcile Church and people,
nor the missionary labours of the Protestant churches,
strangers as they are to the popular heart, have been able
to fill the empty void. The tone-giving classes of society
are hopelessly estranged from the Church, and alongside
of these we find the immense mass of the illiterate, who
with the majority of the women are now as before in the
hands of the priests.
So long as Pius IX., by his violent language, stirred
up the minds of the people, the hatred of the Papacy
thus produced overshadowed all other party divisions.
The wise counsels of Curci to give up the irrevocably
lost temporal power in order to bring the people who
stood in need of their old Church back into the fold,
were spurned with contempt while Pius lived. But
hardly had the reign of Leo begun, — although Curci him
self was still ofificially disavowed and was even obliged
to recant his own written defence — when the essence of
his method was recognised and followed. Theoretical
protests were continued as before, but the emphasis was
laid upon practical ways and means of transforming uni
versal suffrage slowly but surely into a tool in the hands
of the clergy. The immaturity of the political parties
and their constant war, which made a caricature of the
parliamentary system, played into the hands of the
clerical policy. A short-sighted liberalism poured a mass
of unpractical measures over Italy, as it had done else
where. The dissolution of the theological faculties in
the universities, greeted as a liberal measure of progress,
took away the last means of exerting a reconciling in
fluence upon the education of the clergy. On some oc
casions, as at the jubilee of the Sicilian Vespers or at the

2o6 The Papacy in the igth Century
erection of the Arnold monument at Brescia, popular in
dignation over centuries of suppression of the national
spirit by the hierarchy might find a pathetic expression.
But nowhere was there any strong organisation opposed
to the constant subterranean machinations of clerical
demagogism. The elections, as well in the smaller as in the larger cities
(even in Florence), have already made the local magistrates
dependent upon the clergy. It can be but a question of
time that the representation of the people and therewith
the government shall fall a prey to the same fate. Not
until then will there be fully revealed the irreconcilable
opposition between culture and the Church. But even
at this day it is beyond doubt that the reign of Leo XIII.
measures a long step on the road towards the new sub
jugation of the popular and state life by the Church.
What in Italy is a prospect of the future has in Ger
many become historical fact. For here the fiction of a
peace-pope has sown the seeds of much more serious dis
orders than all the former reverses of the state. The
situation which Leo found at his accession we have
already recognised as the most auspicious conceivable.
The correspondence which he opened with the German
emperor was interrupted by the attempt upon the latter's
life by Nobiling. To the papal demand for a change of
the laws, the crown prince answered on June lo, 1878,
as regent in the name of the emperor, to this effect, that
no Prussian monarch could accede to such a demand for
changes in the constitution and the laws of the land ac
cording tft the prescriptions of the Roman Church; but —
he added — although the differences of a thousand years
could not be reconciled, yet the manifestation of a spirit
of conciliation on both sides was not thereby excluded,
and ought surely to open for Prussia the way to peace
which had never been closed to other states.

The Peace-Pope, Leo XIII. 207
But the results of all efforts were purely negative.
The pope would not accede to the practical application
of the duty of reporting nominations to Church offices,
although he himself had said it was to be "tolerated"
and although it was allowed without any difficulty in
almost all other countries.
The events which followed show a reversal of the
policy hitherto pursued by the government. In 1879
Bismarck made an alliance with the clerical party. Falk
resigned from the ministry of public worship. Von
Schlozer was sent on a special mission to Rome to open
communication with the Vatican and the vacant bishop
rics were filled. These measures mark the end of the
Kulturkampf, and the Vatican remained master of the
field. The most remarkable parallel to the achievements of
the first years of Leo XIII. in Germany is found in the
Church's progress in Switzerland. The letter to the
federate council, in which the pope expressed a wish for
the restoration of the former relations, had at first no
direct result. A political and religious reaction had,
however, set in in Switzerland and elsewhere, especially
in the canton of Berne, and Leo (here as everywhere
carefully calculating) gave to the Roman Catholics of the
Jura permission, which before had been denied on prin
ciple, to take part in Church elections. This enabled the
leaders of the clerical party to take their stand apparently
upon the ecclesiastical law of Berne and to dominate the
liberal faction. The cantonal synod of Berne itself be
came in this manner the tool of the Ultramontanes, and
the newly formed state-Church organisation in the Jura
came to a premature end.
Italy, Germany, and Switzerland represent those states
which, whether through the force of political influences

2o8 The Papacy in the igth Century
or on account of the mixture of confessions in their popu-
lations, lived in a state of continued illusion with regard
to the significance of the papal system, and as a conse
quence, the peace-pope everywhere reaped a series of the
most important triumphs.
Very few events in the history of the modern Papacy
have brought to it greater advantages than the restora
tion of the Prussian embassy at the holy see.' The
thoroughly unnatural character of this political represen
tation at an ecclesiastical seat of authority for such a
state as Prussia has been demonstrated by the losses
which the state suffered in rapid succession; and the
Curia showed a masterly proficiency in putting to good
use in its negotiations with other powers the favours re
ceived from Prince Bismarck (which in the clerical press
were represented as a manifestation of good-will on the
part of the holy father towards the hostile state).
As in the era of Consalvi and his concordats one state
was played against the other, so now the acts of the great
German statesman were held up as a model before the
Russian, the English, the Swiss, and the American gov
ernments. Here it was the Irish, there the Polish-
nihilistic troubles, against which the good services of the
Church were extolled as the universal remedy. In
Switzerland, every new case of official dishonesty and
every form of social evil were attributed to the sins of
the Kulturkampf. The vanity of young America was
flattered by the bestowal of cardinal's and chamberlain's
titles and by papal blessings upon clerical editors. Above
all was it now possible to frighten the Italian state, which
was being undermined by the Irredentists, with the threat
of Bismarck's help towards the restoration of the papal
monarchy. In the fall of 1882, a much discussed article
in the Berlin Post actually placed a policy of this nature
in view. ' See page 207.

The Peace-Pope, Leo XIII. 209
The German chancellor was obliged to subordinate his
relations to the Curia as well as every other question to
the purpose of securing the external position of the
young empire against the hidden and the open plans of
revenge on the part of France. His accustomed mastery
on his own ground again proved itself most brilliantly at
the very time that the Curia counted upon his aid in its
plans against Italy. As just before the French war of
1870 the secret compacts entered into after the war of
1866 with the South German states were made known to
an astonished public, so there now loomed up unexpect
edly above the horizon the great peace alliance between
Germany, Austria, and Italy.
The disappointment which the Triple Alliance caused
to the Curia in its hopes for the destruction of Italy was
presently manifested by its coquetting with France,
which was allured with the prospect of the aid of ' ' the
greatest international power," if it would desist from its
Kulturkampf, and by the reproaches heaped upon Austria
that it had so basely repudiated its sacred duty at all
times to sacrifice itself for the holy father. The same
double game that the Curia had played towards Napoleon
between 1859 and 1870 it played again after the restora
tion of the Prussian embassy, by putting forward its poli
tical side in ecclesiastical questions and its ecclesiastical
side in political questions. While the new conservative
Prussian government recognised hardly any higher obli
gation than the satisfaction of the religious needs of the
Catholic population, and to secure this object descended
to the most humiliating and inconsistent conduct, the
policy of the Curia, aspiring to universal dominion, had
more important ends in view than such trivialities.
The sagacious use made by the pope of the Oriental
crisis appears in so many special symptoms that it must
be referred to a separate chapter. But our survey of the

2IO The Papacy in the igth Century
policy of the peace-pope would be one-sided did we not
here again turn the reverse of the medal to the light.
For while the schismatic and heretical nationalities, as
well as those of mixed confessions, were more and more,
long before they suspected it, drawn within the sphere of
power of the Propaganda, the reverse took place in the
territories where the papal system had before held undis
turbed sway and for that very reason had already become
known by its fruits. The very countries which Pius IX.
in his struggle against Italy and Germany regarded as
his most sure support refused their services to the over-
wise policy of Leo XIII.
The manifest reverses in Belgium and France may be
kept ever so much hidden from the faithful, — the moral
loss cannot be denied. In France the Polish nuncio
Czacki was able to avoid an open rupture, and since the
publication of the Triple Alliance the " Catholic inter
ests of France " in foreign parts have been more than
ever emphasised. On the other hand, Belgium has be
fore all the world broken off its diplomatic relations with
the Curia. Not long after, the same thing happened in
the most aspiring of all the South American states — in
Chili. Even in the most devoted of the papal countries
— in Ireland, — where Leo had long overlooked the crimes
committed (which in effect was equal to a direct coun
tenancing of them), as soon as he expressed a mild
condemnation, the threat was immediately made of
" boycotting " the pope.
To make up for this, Colombia has received a new
papal nuncio, since whose arrival the religious exercises
on the streets have increased to an extraordinary degree.
And whoever from the central point of the Vatican at
tempts to survey the universal field can hardly fail of the
conclusion that the reign of the peace-pope has not by
any means reached the zenith of its achievements.
[Written in 1889.J

CHAPTER XIV
THE PAPACY AND THE ORIENTAL CRISIS
THE unheard-of and unhoped-for triumphs which it
achieved in the German Kulturkampf justly sur
passed in the eyes of the Curia all other victories and
were extolled in every key by the ofificial papers. They
took particular pleasure in comparing the result of the
modern struggle in Germany with the end of Frederic
Barbarossa. And it was made sufficiently manifest that
they hoped the subsequent phases of the Hohenstaufen
epoch might be repeated. Indeed, the hatred with which
the popes of the middle ages persecuted the house of
Hohenstaufen appeared insignificant compared with the
language now used by the curialists against the Prussian
state and its dynasty, where the press was free to express
its opinion, as in Switzerland and Holland.
The triumph achieved in the young German empire
has exerted an incalculable influence. But in the eyes
of the Papacy the German empire forms after all only a
fraction in its all-embracing calculation. Only the Curia
knows by what powerful material means it is to-day sup
ported in the great republic beyond the ocean, or what
advantage it is destined to derive from the constant con
spiracies in Ireland and the ever-renewed conversions
among the upper ten-thousand in England. The ancient
cradle of European liberty in the Netherlands stands on
ground that is already undermined. And already the

212 The Papacy in the igth Century
press of the Propaganda proclaims with rejoicing that
Denmark and Norway and Sweden are beginning again
to become " Catholic."
Nevertheless all that has been achieved in American
and European countries, which once were counted the
supports of Protestantism, is insignificant in comparison
with what has been set on foot in the East, and with the
concessions which since the Congress of Berlin the diplo
mats have made to the Curia.
Let us first make clear to ourselves the steps which,
since its restoration, the Papacy has taken towards the
solution of the Oriental question in its own sense. Con
salvi himself was not content with distributing in the
several European countries the inflammable material
which was intended to undermine one state after another
and make it pliant to the pretensions of papalism. The
lecture which he gave to the successor of Pius VIL'
proves to what extent even he had fixed his eye upon
the remote East.
Neither Leo XII. nor Pius VIII. nor Gregory XVI.,
in spite of all that occupied them nearer home, left out
of consideration the schismatic Oriental churches. Al
most every year the Propaganda occupied new stations
in the East. The rapid increase in the orders offered
useful instruments in plenty. The Jesuits especially have
been able to win positions all over Asia, by direct and in
direct means, in ways similar to those by which the first
generation of the old order drew India and China and
Japan within their sphere. Just as the inquisition at
Goa, in the sixteenth century, extirpated the Thomas-
Christians of India (the Nestorians of those parts) who
had dared to defend their independence, so the mountain
tribes of the Nestorians have in our century been for the
most part annihilated. ' See page 71.

The Papacy and the Oriental Crisis 213
From the same Mosul, where the plans against the
Nestorians had been prepared, the Roman outposts have
spread themselves over the most remote parts of inner
Asia. The large number of settlements of religious
orders in Syria and the strong colonies of monks in
Egypt, and on the other hand the wretched condition of
the Oriental churches, heavily oppressed by the state-
system, leave no room for any illusions. Even in Pales
tine, where the Greek Church, supported by Russian
means, had its securest position, and where even the
Evangelical mission had the advantage of the Roman, the
latter has more and more outstripped its rivals.
One of the first acts of Pius IX. was the installation of
a Latin patriarch in Jerusalem in opposition to the Greek
and the Evangelical bishops. The same pope issued the
bull Reversurus to cripple the independence of the United
Armenians ' ; and the patriarch of Babylon learned at the
Council of the Vatican how much the Jacobites had to
submit to from the pope.
The wisely calculating and indefatigable tactics of Lea
XIII. tended greatly to the exploitation of the Oriental
crisis in the interests of the Papacy. For the reign of
Leo, even in its first years, has done more than all his
predecessors in distributing the forces for the approach
ing world-conflict around Constantinople. One cannot
fail to see that in Rome the time was considered to have
come for playing the cards that had hitherto been kept
concealed. From the invitation given to the Slavic
churches to adopt the faith in the infallible pope, down
to the so-called restoration of the patriarchate of Alex
andria — again with disregard of the rightful holder of
this dignity — a long series of papal measures affecting
the East has come to our knowledge.
The papal bull concerning the adoration of the ancient
• The ancient Christian Church of Armenia.

214 The Papacy in the igth Century
apostles to the Slaves, Methodius and Cyrillus, openly
expressed the hope that under their patronage the schis-
matical churches of the East might be brought under the
obedience of the Papacy. It was for the purpose of
playing the part of leader in this struggle that the Cro
atian bishop Strossmayer did penance for his opposition
at the Vatican Council. His pastoral letters concerning
the necessity of a union of the Slavic churches with
Rome sought to make the liturgy serviceable to this end.
Not yet is all opposition overcome. The national jeal
ousy of the Croats among the Serbs prompted the arch
bishop of Agram in 1882 to order the giving up of the
celebration which Strossmayer had appointed in Dia-
kovar for the 5th of June (the day of the apostles to the
Slaves). Not yet is all remembrance of the mission of
Methodius and Cyrillus, which originally proceeded from
the Greek Church and which only after long opposition
yielded to Roman oppression, obliterated from the pop
ular mind. But, aided by its silent allies in the Austrian
bureaucracy, the papal Propagc|.nda gains one parish after
another. And nowhere is any compact organisation
opposed to it.
Great as is the importance of Strossmayer's activity in
Croatia, ofificially sanctioned by Leo XIII., Galicia is
even more important for forming a judgment upon the
operations of the Curia. Long has the Society of Jesus
attempted to undermine the Russian Church from Galicia
as a basis.' In this quarter, also, the time has come for
an open advance. On the 15th of June, 1882, the mon
asteries and the property of the Ruthenian order of Ba-
silians were delivered over to the Jesuits. This was done
by means of a coup d'etat, such as the Society of Jesus
' The Galicians are made up of Poles who are Roman Catholic, and
Ruthenians, who belong to the United Greeks, a branch of the Greek
Church which acknowledges the supremacy of the pope.

The Papacy and the Oriental Crisis 2 1 5
frequently resorts to in its dealings with other corpora
tions. The same papal bull that sanctioned this shameful
breach of law prescribed the erection of a central institu
tion for the training of novices in the monastery of Do-
bromil, in which Catholics of the Latin rite are received
and at the same time are given permission to accept the
Greek rite; the pope thereby sanctioning the " dispensa
tion from the public exercises of religion " for which the
Swiss convert Haller and the murderer of William of
Orange, Balthasar Gerard, received secret absolution.
All preparations had been secretly made to render the
enemy quite defenceless against this sudden attack. As
the only Greek Catholic order and of great influence up
on the Ruthenian and the neighbouring Russian popula
tion, the Basilians had long been a thorn in the eyes of
the Jesuits. A provincial of the Basilians, by the name
of Farnicki, was employed as a tool for the suppression
of the order and the spoliation of its goods. He asked
for reforms from the pope. The kind of " reform" in
which the Latin monasteries of Galicia were superior to
the Greek was shown in the year 1869 by the legal action
of Barbara Ubryk in Cracow. But without any more ado
the apostolic letter of Leo ordered the surrender of the
Basilian monasteries to the order of Loyola. They ap
plied to the government for redress. But Vienna had
forgotten the proverbially approved faith and loyalty of
the Ruthenians. The Polish national hatred of the Ru
thenians dictated the answer, that " the government
found no occasion for intervention, because the ecclesi
astical reform in question had been carried out by the
supreme authority of the Church, in agreement with the
supreme authority of the state."
The metropolitan Sembratowicz of Lemberg (in Ga
licia) continued to oppose the measure. He was soon
after set aside and supplanted by a Roman-Polish coad
jutor. Afterwards he was superseded by a successor of

2i6 The Papacy in the igth Century
the same name, and the first pastoral of the latter ex
horted his people to obedience to the holy father, to
whom they owed so much gratitude, and to union with
the Polish " brothers."
So much we know from facts that have reached the
public. A correspondent of one of the organs which
zealously seconds the contemporary Oriental policy of
Austria (the Kolnische Zeitung) has gone so far as to
assert that ' ' the Greek Catholic Church is being offered
as a sacrifice to the alliance of the Hapsburgs with the
Latin Church." In the eyes of the Curia the so-called
union of the United Greeks with Rome has never been
considered otherwise than as a transition to their com
plete subjection. And the champions of this union
themselves are no longer able to deny that this object
is in view. In January, 1883, Provost Naumowicz ad
dressed his celebrated memorial to the pope, in which
the union of the Greek Catholic Church with Rome is
declared to be impracticable for the future. In a letter,
written at this time, to the Vienna Allgemeine Zeitung he
complains of " the truly incredible intrigues of the Jesu
its," which call to mind the methods of the Inquisition.
In Bosnia, the Roman Propaganda derived the greatest
possible advantage from the Austrian occupation.' A
system of oppression of the Oriental Church in favour of
the Latin was immediately begun. Ecclesiastical ques
tions played a prominent part among the causes of the
insurrection of 1881. Since the beginning of the year
1883 interesting stories have been told of a so-called
" auxiliary association for Bosnia and Herzegovina,"
which has gained many members among the clerically
disposed section of the aristocracy in Austria. The Ult
ramontane newspaper Vaterland, in Vienna, has declared
the purpose of this apparently innocent association
' After the treaty of Berlin in 1878.

The Papacy and the Oriental Crisis 217
to be the "bringing back" of the adherents of the
Greek Catholic Church in the occupied provinces to
" Catholicism." Roman agitation, under the wings of Austrian diplo
macy, has extended as far as Servia, where it caused the
overthrow of the national ministry Ristic, after which
young king Milan deposed the Servian metropolitan.
Almost as much has in the last years been accomplished
by the Papacy in Roumania ; while the advance of the
papal interests in Bulgaria cannot be even approximately
calculated since the Roman emissaries succeeded in bring
ing about the Bulgarian schism. The Curia appears so
sure of its success that it no longer considers it necessary,
as heretofore, to throw a veil over its proceedings. The
Osservatore Romano has made the following announcement
(November, 1882):
As the first practical result of the latest pastoral visit of Mgr.
Vanutelli, apostolical delegate and patriarchal vicar in Con
stantinople, we publish the joyful news that an entire Bulgarian
village, Allihodoilona, consisting of seventy families, has been
converted to Catholicism. We have every hope that this con
version will be followed by others, and that perhaps the time
is not distant when the whole Bulgarian nation shall return to
the Catholic faith. Such an event, to realise which without
doubt all the efforts of the holy see are bent, will undoubtedly
exert a wholesome influence upon the future of the Bulgarian
nation, upon its political fortunes, and upon its civilisation.
In Turkey itself the papal gains are even greater than
in the countries separated from Turkey. Not for nothing
had Pius taken the part of the crescent in the war of
Russia against Turkey : his reward was, among others,
the violent suppression of the party inimical to the
Papacy, the anti-Hassun faction of the Armenians. And
Leo XIII. has been no less active in this direction than
his predecessor. At the time that the "Armenian

2 1 8 The Papacy in the igth Century
question " was again brought before the public by Eng
land, a brief of Leo (February, 1883) ordered the erection
of an Armenian college in Rome. The patriarch Hassun
was nominated as the first patron of this college; the
pupils were to be selected by the bishops out of their
dioceses and sent to Rome.
At the same time clerical emissaries from Bosnia are
labouring for the further extension of the Austrian-
Roman occupation. Repeatedly have reports come from
Scutari that the former members of the Albanian league
and other prominent Albanians have addressed to the
emperor a request to occupy Turkish Albania with Aus-
tro-Hiingarian troops.
The Slavic-Roman Propaganda, which is everywhere
planning further inroads into the domain of the Greek
Church, is here as elsewhere favoured by the results of
the last Oriental war to such an extent that it already
considers the game won. Vienna is influenced by the
political motive of holding the orthodox Montenegrins
in check by means of the " Catholic " Albanians.
As long as the realisation of national unity in Italy and
in Germany was prevented by force, a lasting peace in
Central Europe was impossible. Does not this experience
point the way to the only natural solution of the Oriental
crisis ? But while the papal diplomacy, opposing itself
to this natural solution, has kept its end steadfastly in
view, German newspaper readers have been instructed in
the wisdom of the policy of patching up the Turkish
state, although it is evidently doomed to dissolution. In
order to further the plans of the Papacy, German and
Russian interests have been represented as irreconcilable
— contrary to fact. Attempts were systematically made
to foment a war between Germany and Russia. In alli
ance with the Polish emigration, Vambery and his Mag-
yarised Jewish associates have repeatedly sought to incite

The Papacy and the Oriental Crisis 219
the English against Russia. The more far-sighted meas
ures which Gladstone had in view were covered with
ridicule by the German papers. DoUinger's sober refer
ences to what was brewing in the far East were treated
no better. They were considered the fixed ideas of a
childish old man. The fact lay far beyond the compre
hension of the wise men of the day that, unless a decided
change took place, the Papacy must triumph in the East
as it had triumphed in the West.
Throughout the unnatural evolution of European his
tory, before the solution of the German and Italian ques
tions, we have everywhere been led back to one and the
same point of departure : the Congress of Vienna, devot
ing its energies to the policy of papal restoration. To
day we ask ourselves this question : Will not the coming
generation pronounce a similar judgment upon the con
sequences which have followed upon the Congress of
Berlin ? If we examine without bias such results of this
congress as are already manifest, we shall again see the
chief advantage fall to the Curia.
The ofificial organs of the Austro- Hungarian press assert
more and more openly that the great future task of this
state is, marching under the banner of the Roman Papacy,
to conquer the ground from under the Oriental schism,
supported as it is by Russia. In proportion as the Ger
man element in Austria is sacrificed to the Czechs and
Poles, to the Slovenes and Magyars, the more clearly
appears the idea of the future which dominates the
Roman Catholic Slave and Magyar state. At the settle
ment of the concordat with the Curia it was asserted that
the many-tongued state stood in need of an ecclesiastical
cement, and now the good-will of the pope is expected
to secure to Austria the dominion of the East.
The consequences of the concordat were made mani
fest in the years 1859 ^"d 1866. Austria, as long as it
followed the leading ideas of Joseph II., fought its way

220 The Papacy in the igth Century
through all the struggles of the Revolution to a glorious
victory over the emperor of the Revolution. The Aus
tria of the concordat, on the other hand, reaped at Sol
ferino and Koniggratz the harvest of its priestly rule.
And to-day, Austria's confidence in the help of the Curia
is doomed to disappointment ; for whoever in the Balkan
peninsula marches under the banner of the Papacy will
never win the heart of Servian or Roumanian, of Bul
garian or Greek.
What for Austria has been a distant fear to far-seeing
patriots, has become for Russia a melancholy fact. After
a bloody war with Turkey, in which the most terrible
sacrifices were made, came a peace which gave Cyprus to
the one rival for the dominion of Constantinople, Bosnia
to the other. It is surely not surprising that the embit
terment produced by such a result played into the hands
of the revolutionary party. For here too we must look
to the violent suppression of natural forces for the cause
of the volcanic eruption. As in the aspiration for unity
in Italy and in Germany, so in the rising national instinct
of the Russian people there had been a natural force,
which was not understood by the politicians who over
commercial interests and exchange speculations forget
that nations no more than individuals live from bread
alone. No more did they understand that the restora
tion of an Oriental Catholicism, cherished by a whole
people, was a higher ideal than that represented by the
hierarchical artifices of the Papacy. And so the Papacy
won its victory, and as a consequence we have witnessed
in Russia the fall from the height of an enthusiastic pop
ular faith into the abyss of nihilism.
In the survey of the Oriental crisis the horrors com
mitted by the nihilists come under our consideration
only so far as their authors have sapped the health and
strength of their own country. The crises of the un
happy country are still on the increase. Almost every new

The Papacy and the Oriental Crisis 221
chemical discovery has put new weapons into the hands
of the heroes of dynamite. Those unfortunates who
sacrificed themselves for their crimes were utterly unable
to understand that no popular welfare can grow out of
revolutionary deeds of terror. In the meantime, the
moral force of the state has been more and more weak
ened. And who profited by this but the ever-watchful
Papacy ? The same year, 1882, in which the Basilian
monasteries of Galicia were sequestered by an arbitrary
papal act, saw the " compact of peace " between Russia
and the Vatican. The six articles of the compact com
prehended nothing but concessions made by the state to
the Curia, to whose tender mercies even the United
Greek Church was given over.
Russia demoralised in its vital parts, Austria aspiring
to oppose the papal banner to the Greek cross, France
following the traditional policy of supporting its " Cath
olic mission " in the East, Italy internally and externally
crippled by Roman priests, Greece an untimely birth to
begin with, — who can be surprised that the papal policy
is emboldened in its attempt to solve the Oriental ques
tion in its own sense ?
But how few of those politicians who can accurately
weigh all external factors have an eye for the religious-
ecclesiastical forces which in this Oriental question play a
more important part than anywhere else ? Who remem
bers to-day that it was the provocation of the French
Jesuits among the Maronites which led to the Syrian
butchery of i860 ? Other questions have caused it to be
forgotten that the cause of the Crimean war grew out of
the question of the holy places.
As often as the French government pleases to empha
sise the " Catholic interests " of France in the East, the
other great powers simply stand aside. This was seen in
the destruction of the national faction of the United

2 22 The Papacy in the igth Century
Armenians ; it was again seen ten years later in connection
with the vice-royalty of Syria. Under the moderate
and energetic Rustem Pasha the long and sorely visited
province enjoyed some years of peace. France demanded
his recall. The demand was conceded. Rustem was
obliged to yield his place to the " Catholic" Wassa
Pasha. There is a deep significance in this: for Syria
and Palestine are the most important battle-fields in the
ever-recurring struggle between the Greek mother-Church
and papal usurpation. Neither Wittenberg nor Geneva,
neither Dordrecht nor Westminster, possess over against
the name of Rome any such moral power as there is in
the name of Jerusalem.
Human foresight cannot foretell what will be the future
phases of the Oriental crisis. The craftily woven nets
may suddenly break. The history of the Jesuit order is
made up of a remarkable combination of high-flying plans
and sudden defeats. For the present only one thing is
certain : that the curialistic policy is operating in the
East with the same far-seeing calculation with which it
had long before the event spun its threads for the Vati
can Council, and that, as with the council, so now it
thinks it can count upon opponents who are unprepared
and in disagreement among themselves. Perhaps Glad
stone's Egyptian expedition will give a new shape to the
complicated situation on its ecclesiastical side as well as
the political. [Written in 1889.]

CHAPTER XV
THE INFALLIBLE PAPACY IN ITS RELATIONS TO SOCIETY,
TO LEARNING, AND TO RELIGION
OUR survey of the history of the Papacy since the
Restoration has shown us a continuous growth of
power. While it is true that hitherto no princes have been
deposed as in the middle ages, that heretical nations
have not been extirpated by crusades, and that the In
quisition has not been set to work as in the time of the
counter-reformation of the sixteenth century, yet this
difference, due to modern progress, is only formal. All
former pretensions of the Papacy have remained the
same. It is considered a damnable error to suppose that
by deposition, crusade, and Inquisition the Papacy has
ever exceeded its prerogatives. The popes of our own
century have declared laws of the state which demand
equal rights for all subjects to be null and void ; and re
calcitrant peoples have been coerced by a new kind of
interdict. The same papal principle which created the /
Inquisition has sworn irreconcilable war upon the modern
ideas of freedom of faith and of conscience, and has
claimed as a divine right the supremacy over all baptised
people. The tone assumed in papal allocutions and encyclicals
is at present more one of lamentation over the hindrances
that now restrict the exercise of this divine right than
of joy over what it has achieved. But a calm review of
223

224 The Papacy in the igth Century
the triumphs won by the Papacy forces upon us the con
clusion that they are simply preliminary successes, that far
greater triumphs are bound to follow. As to the remoter
consequences of the infallibility-dogma, we get very
clear ideas of what will inevitably happen from the writ
ten opinions of the minority bishops during the council.
And the decade that has since elapsed has only confirmed
their forebodings. The seeds sown from land to land
are even now ripening. *
The historian of the future, unlike the historian of the
present, will have to deal not with a Papacy which aspires
to infallibility, but with a Papacy which has attained
infallibility. What is its relation to Society, to Learning,
and to Religion ? By what means has it been enabled
to lay a ban upon one and the other, to a degree not
thought of even by Gregory VII. and Innocent III. ?
Let us consider, first, the relation of an infallible Papacy
to Society.
Whoever compares the means at the disposal of the
Papacy with those of its opponents, temporal as well as
ecclesiastical, will at once recognise the former as far
superior. For while the leaders of the state dispose only
of political ways and means, and religious conviction is
the only sphere of influence open to the churches free
from Rome, the essence of the papal principle is the
•^exploitation of religious ideas for worldly ends. The
external body of the Church is put in the place of the in
dwelling Spirit. The faith of the pious in an invisible
world with its spiritual gifts and heavenly treasures is
used in the interest of a visible world of external power
and worldly pomp. The religious needs of the human
soul are made available to further the interests of a hier-
-* archy which is devoid of religious character. The religion
of Jesus itself is placed in the service of the same csesarism
which centralised the ancient world-dominion of Rome.

The Infallible Papacy 225
This ancient world-dominion brought with it the end
of Roman liberty: in order that the empire might be
preserved, the central and commanding place was given
to the emperor, and he was raised to a position among
the gods. A corresponding necessity has brought about
the proclamation of papal infallibility ; and it is probable
that in the future course of history the modern papal-
csesarism will experience the same consequences of self-
deification that the ancient csesarism did. But whatever
may be in the future, there is one fact of present and
undoubted reality: no single temporal prince, however
absolute, has ever claimed and exercised such super
human sovereignty as the successor of Pius IX. What
is the secret of that power ?
The answer to this question will be found in several
reflections. First of all: this limitless papal absolutism
is proclaimed as the true principle of liberty. The rule
of the pope must — so it is said — guarantee the freedom
of the Church; freedom, namely, from the police-guard
ianship of the secular governments. This thesis, in itself,
carries immense moral weight ; all the greater from the
opposition in which it is placed to the Byzantinism in
the other churches. There is good reason why in every
struggle between Byzantinism and papalism the former
has succumbed.
But beyond this : in the very idea of the papal system,
as it is developed by the Jesuit order, there lies a magic
power. For there is no slight inspiration in the thought,
when a man knows himself to be a link in the chain which
embraces the whole world. What statesman is able to
place prospects so grand before his followers ? Vulgar
ambition aspiring to external titles cannot compare with
the inspiring feeling of being a silent partner in this world-
dominion. The most important factor, however, in the great power
of the Papacy is found in the exploitation, already

226 The Papacy in the igth Century
mentioned, of the religious needs and aspirations of the
great masses of people to further the political ambitions of
the Papacy. Innumerable simple pious souls find in the
sovereignty of the pope over the world-powers the image
of divine Providence. In the use made of this and of all
other latent forces which belong to the Catholic-ecclesi
astical religious type, we find the ultimate cause of the
rehabilitation of the papal power after every defeat. Not
only did a Luther surpass in moral influence a Charles
V. ; a Francis of Assisi also wields a power compared
with which the best-drilled army corps is insignificant.
The religious orders, which have so greatly increased in
numbers and in importance during this century, give
us a measure of the powers which are in the service of
the Papacy. As long as these forces remain enslaved
we cannot hope for a permanent triumph over the
Curia. And our own generation has, more than any
former, placed them at the disposal of the pope.
The entire political development of the nineteenth cen
tury in all its crises has been steadily serviceable to the
Papacy.

V t

We have traced the first beginnings of the papal reha
bilitation back to the storms of the Revolution. We have
earned that the papal principle owed its subsequent tri
umphs to the general tendencies of the Restoration era.
The type of statesmanship which under the aegis of Met
ternich had obtained the ascendency in the various coun
tries sought to overcome revolutionary ideas by the
so-called solidarity of conservative interests. The inter
national police system of the great powers, inaugurated
at the various congresses following the Congress of Vienna
(at Aix-la-Chapelle, Troppau, Laibach, and Verona),'
and at the still more fatal Carlsbad conferences,' made
no objection to the worst measures of the so-called legiti-
• 1818, 1821, and 1822. » 1819.

The Infallible Papacy 227
mate governments ; the national ambitions of the people,
on the other hand, were treated as capital crimes. Pop
ular aspirations, thus suppressed, took refuge in secret
associations, formed on the models of the Jesuits and the
Sanfedists. Therefore, these associations, the Carbonari,
Freemasons, and others, were now looked upon as the
incarnation of the satanic spirit of the times. To cast
out this spirit seemed possible only by shutting out the
modern world of thought from the spiritual life of the
nations and by bringing back the pre-Revolutionary or
rather the pre-Reformation circle of ideas. Who was
better able to do this than the Papacy, which had opposed
itself with its ban to the entire development of things
since the Reformation ? The rigid unchangeableness of
its principles, which, even in the stormy years when the
foundations of all the states had been shaken, had been
at least apparently preserved, was imposing to unbelievers
even more than to the faithful, and Protestant diplomats
saw in the anathemas pronounced upon toleration, in the
pretension to dominion even over Protestant souls, only
one reason more for their admiration of the Papacy, while
the reversal of history practised by the romanticists ex
tolled the time when the Papacy held sway not only over
the souls but also over the bodies of men, through the
state acting as its bailiff.
Not only was the general atmosphere of the Restoration
favourable to the Papacy, so was also the trend of public
policy in the several countries. The restoration in
France of the ancien rdgime with the shadows clinging to
it of the massacre of St. Bartholomew and of the dra-
gonades, the tearing asunder of Italian nationality into
quivering shreds, the annihilation of the constitutional
aspirations in Spain, the suppression of the Greek struggle
for liberty : — all these measures were in accord with the
papal policy and favourable to it.
Especially was this the case in Germany, the country

2 28 The Papacy in the igth Century
of the Reformation. While Arndt was suspended ' and
Schleiermacher disciplined," the papal emissaries were
able to cast their nets in the centre of Protestantism, and
secret converts were intrusted with supreme authority
over the Evangelical churches. It is more than half a
century since Schleiermacher wrote his last prediction :
Living piety and free-minded courage will more and more
disappear from the clerical profession; the rule of the dead
letter from above, anxious, spiritless sectarianism from below,
will approach each other more and more closely, and from
their conjunction will arise a whirlwind which will drive many
helpless souls into the ready nets of Jesuitism.
Since then innumerable multitudes have taken the way
to Rome.
The Restoration policy — thoroughly unnatural as it
was — brought in its train new revolutionary outbreaks.
So we have the July revolution in 1830, and after it the
revolution of February, 1848, which shook all Europe to
its foundations. Since then, one revolutionary move
ment has followed another. Each new movement under
mined the established order of the state, and thereby
brought to the Curia new acquisitions which surpassed
in importance even those made during the era of the
Restoration. We have already seen, in tracing the history of one
pope after another, how the Papacy profited by the re-
/ peated revolutions. The same popes who were looked
upon as bulwarks against the revolution have again and
again added fuel to the spirit of revolution. At the very
time that legitimacy saw in the pope its best support for
the suppression of unwelcome aspirations for liberty,
Lamennais had given out the watchword that the Papacy
had ever been the guardian of liberty, that Gregory VII.
' From the chair of history in the university of Bonn, in l8ig, because he
insisted on the constitutional reforms which the king had promised.
^ Charged by the Prussian government with " demagogic agitation."

The Infallible Papacy 229
had been the patron of all those who fought for popular
liberty against tyrants. The immense success of the
ideas of Lamennais is proved not only by the history of
French Catholicism, but also by the Church history of
Belgium, Ireland, Poland, and Germany. The author
himself succumbed to the disagreement between his ideal
and his idol, yet the school which he founded has become
more and more influential and therewith more and more
demagogical. Thus has the Papacy of the nineteenth century found
ready allies in the most opposite quarters. We can hardly
conceive of any form of constitution where it did not
know how to apply its lever. In the absolute monarchy,
there meet us in the nineteenth as well as in the seven
teenth century the affiliated members of the Jesuit order
in the guise of chamberlains and ladies of the court, who
know all the side doors and back stairs. In the consti
tutional monarchy, the leaders of every policy, liberal as
well as conservative, are made to feel the power of a
party to which every political question is but a means
for the strengthening of clericalism. In parliamentary
states, where all continuity of government perishes in the
quickly recurring intrigues for position, the Church milit
ant has found it so much the easier to gain possession of
one attribute of the state after another. In most repub
lics, the constantly changing majorities offer the surest
guarantee that in a few years the opposite principles will
have the ascendency. Only one thing remains the same
in this continual change, and that is the masterly skill of
the Curia in making instantaneous use of every favourable
moment in every suitable place.
The truest interpreter of its tactics is the German party
of the Centre, as in the one year it allies itself with the
social democrats, in the other with the high conserva
tives, in the third with the followers of Eugene Richter.'
' See page 201, note 2.

230 The Papacy in the igth Century
The party of the centre has used in the interests of the
Papacy all those factions which from whatever motive
opposed themselves to the modern state. The only fac
tions which enjoyed its perpetual hostility were the hated
middle parties of the national liberals and the free
conservatives, precisely those which through all changes
of policy have laboured for the strengthening of a state
system founded upon equal rights for all its citizens.
In this relation of the papal system to political parties
there is nothing less than chance. The papal Church can
attain its purpose of assuming to itself the functions of
the state only in weak states. And its purpose is very
far-reaching. For not only school and educational sys
tems, not only state and municipal authorities, not only
the property of congregations, but also industry and art
must be subject to this Church, in a state which acknow
ledges the Jesuit liberty of the Church. The state is
allowed to retain the collection of taxes. In return for
this it is obliged to yield willing obedience to the divine
right of the infallible hierarchy. Its first duty consists
in preparing the way for true toleration and a genuine
religious peace by preventing other religious communions,
which may claim the same rights as the papal Church,
from defending themselves against its attacks. In mixed
marriages the state is bound to guarantee the freedom of
the Church to claim the children for itself alone and to
declare marriages performed by other clergymen to be
concubinage ; and it is the duty of the state to prevent
every unwelcome criticism of the divine attributes of the
infallible pope as well as those of the fathers of the coun
cil who proclaimed this infallibility.
Alsace and the Dutch provinces afford at this time the
most striking object-lessons. In these countries munici
pal and state authorities are being brought into subjection
to the Roman clergy, and there is not a social position
whose occupant has not been taught by experience that

The Infallible Papacy 231
his material existence is in the hands of this same
clergy. In the countries of the Reformation the condi
tions are hardly better than in France, of which the
historian Nielsen testifies: " In proportion as Ultramon- v
tanism is victorious in France, Catholicism loses in France
the character of a Church and sinks to the position of a
party." The evidences of the influence which this party
has exerted upon popular morality in the various coun
tries meet us again and again, from the war of Don
Miguel in Portugal and the repeated Carlist wars in
Spain, the revolution in Belgium, and the Swiss war of
the Sonderbund, down to the bands of pious assassins in
Poland and Ireland.
If the history of the past and present affords any indi
cation of what is to be expected in the future, we cannot
doubt that the triumphs so far achieved by the papal
policy over secular politicians will be very much increased.
The majority of statesmen treat the Church only as a
means to an end ; ecclesiastical ofifices are, in their hands,
only a means of compensation in matters of the excise
and the custom-house. To-day they assume one position
toward ecclesiastical questions, to-morrow exactly the
opposite. This is really quite in the nature of things,
inasmuch as their public functions accustom them to deal
with entirely different matters. And it is quite natural,
too, that the representatives of each state think only of
their own state; whereas all these separate states are
comprehended by the Curia in one general survey of the
whole world. Its nets are laid everywhere. At all times
and in all places it acts according to the same unalterable
maxims, which, however, allow the greatest flexibility of
method in regard to the existing position of affairs.
The instruments and agencies which are at the disposal
of the Papacy for the realisation of its plans are many and
various. We find in the first place that the most influen-

232 The Papacy ?'« the igth Century
tial social strata have rendered the most willing service.
The number of converts alone from princely families and
from those of counts and barons is not smaller than the
representatives in the pay of the pope of the so-called
youngest of the great powers — the press. More inde
fatigable still, as affiliated members of the restored order
of Jesuits, is that class of noble ladies, whose type is the
Empress Eugenie. Loyola himself had taught the order
to make use of the influence of ladies of high position for
ecclesiastical purposes, and their female penitents have in
our century rendered very considerable service to the
cause. From the autobiography of the Prince-Bishop
Sedlniczki, we know how important a part the converted
duchess of Kothen and a mistress of Prince Hardenberg
played in the intrigues which led to the resignation of
this long-suffering prince of the Church. The Arch
duchess Sophie of Austria through her various sisters
frequently exerted a decisive influence upon the other
German courts. Moreover, among the most obedient
female servants of the Curia are those who to outward
appearance are of another faith.
Together with these female influences, which were too
often decisive, we find the great majority of male diplo
mats and leaders of the state closely allied with the papal
/interests. There is no temporal state which can so richly
reward its servants as the so-called vicar of Him whose
kingdom was said not to be of this world. Orders and
promotions and titles of all kinds are given to those to
whom the hope of what is beyond possesses little reality.
The rank and file of the Catholic clergy have been
made to feel the masterly skill of the Roman policy,
which makes use of the mutual jealousy of the various
orders of monks in order to dominate them all. Espe
cially in the war upon the national-Church tendency
within the several ecclesiastical bodies have such indirect
methods played an important part. When we add to

The Infallible Papacy 233
this that the opponents of the Curia within the ranks of
the clergy were usually quite defenceless, not even pro
tected by the representatives of their own states, but
again and again betrayed by the latter into the hands of
the common enemy, we have an adequate explanation of
the complete change that has taken place in by far the
largest part of the Catholic clergy. On the one side were
alluring prospects, on the other the danger of moral or
material annihilation. When no other handle was found
against Bishop Wessenberg, his honourable name was as
sailed. When Sembratowicz protested against the spolia
tion of the Basilian monasteries,' he was denounced to
the government as a traitor. The farther removed from
the scene of action, the more unhesitating the use
of the accustomed Jesuit means. The methods which the
clerical press employed in dealing with the lives of the
reformers is now applied to contemporaries. If anyone
dreams of any possible rights as belonging to the state
or to another Church or to science, the attempt is first
made to intimidate, and if that is impossible, to bring
moral ruin upon him. The enormous means at the dis
posal of the Church militant make it an easy matter to
spread the clerical literature to the remotest parts, And
to silence dissenters. How many an opponent has finally
become discouraged and has given up the battle which
he has waged single-handed against the world-ruling
organisation !
And yet, all these factors would not have sufficed to
secure to the Papacy the yearly increasing influence over
all social conditions, had not again and again the help of
the Protestant Jesuits come to the rescue. The tendency
which aims to bring back Protestantism to the standard
of traditional orthodoxy is of the greatest service to the
Papacy. The self-rending in which the Protestant leaders
have been pleased to indulge has now, as before, played
' See page 215.

234 The Papacy in the igth Century
into the hands of that Roman arrogance which considers
the destruction of the schismatic churches as merely a
matter of time. In order to suppress a displeasing theo
logical tendency, the Protestant hierarchs have exposed
themselves to the ridicule of the Ultramontanes, who as
sert that Protestantism owes the preservation of whatever
faith is left in their decaying churches to their alliance
with the papal party.
Such are the forces at the disposal of the Papacy, and
no one familiar with the position of affairs can doubt that
any of the pope's present following will refuse their serv
ices in the future. And now consider all these forces
marshalled by the rigid dictatorship which the new dogma
has introduced. For the society of the future no longer
faces the old ideal conception of Catholicism, which in its
essence coincides with the idea of the invisible Church of
the Reformation, and whose claims of exclusive power
of salvation really only amount to this, that it promises
salvation to all who do not maliciously harden themselves.
This Catholic conception of the Church has been de
stroyed and the papal system put in its place.
It was not for a theoretical fancy, for an altered theo
logical formula, that the Jesuits spent more than ten
years in making their preparations and in conquering
every opposition. Papal infallibility has very real practi
cal ends. Hitherto the scholastic and Roman element
has been second to the religious and Christian; the
Roman Catholic could be devoted to his country and
could have a heart for science ; the hope of the future for
a reunion of the separated churches was based upon the
presumption of a mutual approach. All this has been
changed since the Council of the Vatican. In distinction
from the mild and pious type of Catholicism which in
spite of all oppression preponderated in the hearts of the
people, a fanatical Jesuitism has been declared the only
/ authorised religion. Jesuitism and papal rule are now

The Infallible Papacy 235
inseparable conceptions. Clothed with divine authority,
the dictator in Rome demands the blind obedience of all
Catholics. By divine right there is claimed the subjection
of all baptised heretics under the ever-renewed incarnation
of Christ in the pope. By divine authority the temporal
rule of the state is restricted, and the independent exer
cise of the divine prerogative of the state is called in
question. The ideal Church hitherto existing has been completely
materialised and sacrificed to the world-dominion of the
pope. The minority bishops at the Council of the Vati
can entreated the pope not to sanction the theory of the
bull, Unam Sanctam. But in spite of their entreaty the
constitution. Pastor ceternus, was issued, July 18, 1870,
and precisely what they wished to avoid has happened.
The same bishops immediately gave the most unam
biguous proof of the change that had taken place by pro
ceeding with all the means at their disposal to persecute
those who before had shared their own views. As vicars
of the pope they have no more sacred duty than to per
secute dissenters and to teach the faithful that the worldly
magistracy exercises authority over them only by the
grace of the pope. For the prophecy of the one shepherd
and the one flock means in the future that every creature
must be subject to the pope.
Analogous to this position of an infallible Papacy
towards society and the state is its relation to science
and learning. Along with the denial of rights to dissent
ers and the refusal to acknowledge the laws of the state
when they conflict with the infallible oracles of the Pap
acy, goes the papal proscription of the liberty of scientific
investigation ; and no possible means is neglected of de
stroying all independent research and of putting obedience
to the revelations of the pope in its place. In the first
period of this century Catholicism, especially in Germany,

236 The Papacy in the igth Century
could boast of numerous schools full of the spirit of inde
pendent research. One after another, they have been
suppressed by the Curia. At this day the Roman Index
has become the highest authority over science wherever
the power of the Papacy extends.'
At present its decrees preserve only the believers in the
Papacy from dangerous literature. The question of the
future will be of establishing its authority over unbe
lievers. Measures looking to this end have already been
taken. The Prussian laws, e. g., threaten with three
years' imprisonment whoever exposes to hatred and con
tempt any institution of the Roman Catholic Church,
and only one more step is required, namely, to define
these institutions as synonymous with those of the Pap
acy. The state has allowed Vaticanism to be put in the
place of Catholicism. Thereby both the congregations
of the Index and of the Inquisition have in fact been
placed under the protection of the law.
The protection of these institutions by the power of
the state is now one of the prerequisites of the peace be
tween Church and State, and it will not be long before
the courts are called upon to protect the religious peace,
as it is guaranteed by the Index and the Inquisition.
The Protestant pastor of Geldern was compelled against
his will to decorate his house on Corpus-Christi day.
He afterwards gave an exposition of the reformed con
ception of the mass. For this he has been condemned
by the court. In the same week the Germania news
paper, which had declared the legal marriage of a Prus
sian school inspector to be concubinage, was acquitted
(November, 1882).
The law of the state is obliged to protect the Roman
" dogma." In accordance with this dogma the religious
peace is violated if anyone dares to give the actual his-
' Compare the admirable monograph of Reuss, The Index of Prohibited
Books.

The Infallible Papacy 237
tory of the Papacy, or if anyone has the hardihood to
speak of the blessings of the Reformation or to look upon
the characters of the Reformation in any other light than
that which is permitted by the infallible pronouncements
of the Papacy.
The same infallibility which controls the action of the
government prescribes rules to the historian. " The
tradition am I," said Pius IX. " Dogma has conquered
History," boasted Manning after the Vatican Council.
When Hefele's ' history of the councils, revised after
the decrees of the Vatican, appeared, it was found that
the bishop had overcome the scholar. How could it be
otherwise ? The condemnation of an heretical pope by
an ecumenical council cannot be allowed to have taken
place. The Council of the Vatican has declared it im
possible. What, compared with this, do the sources of
history signify ?
With good reason did " Janus " ' on the eve of the
council point out the one essential condition for the gen
eral triumph of the dogma, namely, that all libraries
should be burned and that the civilised nations should
become strangers to all knowledge of their past, some
what like the Maoris of New Zealand. The disciples of
the pope are well advanced on their way to this goal.
The achievements of the Reformation era in the destruc
tion of unwelcome books and historical documents have
been well-nigh surpassed in the nineteenth century.
The disappearance of the most important documents in
the archives of Wtirzburg, testified to by J. B. Schwab,
has numerous parallels. Augustine Theiner has wit
nessed to the same thing in regard to the original records
of the reign of Clement XIV. ; the minister of public
' Bishop of Rottenburg in Wurtemberg, one of the most learned scholars
of the Roman Catholic Church, author of a standard history of the Church
councils, which he was subsequently obliged to revise in accordance with
the decrees of the Vatican Council. See page 158.
' Dollinger.

238 The Papacy in the igth Century
worship, Falk, in regard to irreplaceable documents of
the Prussian ministry.
The leaders of the papal party make no concealment
of this noble principle. The valuable collection of the
Gallia Christiana contained the history of the pre-Revolu
tionary Church of France, and in that history were many
awkward facts for the papal system. Abb6 Gu^ranger
of Solesmes issued a new edition. His principles of his
torical research made no secret of the fact that the in
terests of the Papacy must be the highest criterion to
the historian. The extent to which the new edition of
the Gallia Christiana followed these principles was shown
by the words in its praise spoken by Veuillot (in the
Univers of August 28, 1874), to the effect that in re
dressing the expressions of the old authors no pains had
been spared to " create a monument worthy of the
devotion to the vicar of God."
The Fribourg Church-lexicon has been transformed on
the same principle. In the second edition important
sentences in many articles of the first edition have simply
been placed on their heads, and that without the slightest
indication of the total transformation of the former ac
count. In a short period the first edition will have dis
appeared, and no one will be able to compare the two.
Then it will be possible to teach coming generations that
the infallibility of the pope has been taught always,
everywhere, and by all. Numerous drastic examples of
the same method have been given from French catechisms
and manuals and from German books of devotion.' We
already have Muller's translation of the Imitatio Christi,
approved by Melchers, the archbishop of Cologne, in
which at a certain place we read for licentiousness " in
the monasteries," licentiousness " in the higher classes."
' The latter by Bishop Reinkens, the former by Michaud, professor in
the old Catholic seminary at Berne : De la falsification des catdchismes
franfais et des manuels de thMogie par le parti, romaniste, de 1&/0 a 1S68.

The Infallible Papacy 239
Until now nobody had known that in ccenobiis meant " in
the higher classes."
It would be unjust to charge this systematised falsifica
tion of historical documents to the dogma of the infalli
bility. For the authority of the Papacy rests from the
beginning upon the same system. An unbroken chain
extends all the way down, beginning with the fairy tale
of St. Peter's Roman bishopric. From the falsification
of the Nicene canons and the invention of the synod of
Sinuessa,' which never took place, we are led to the
pseudo-Isidorean decretals; and again from the falsifi
cations of the Gregorian era to the deceit practised upon
Thomas Aquinas through the pseudo-Cyril sent him from
Rome." There is system and method in this never-ceasing im
position. It is the same method as that which maintains
the belief in witches and demons (identified with the
Christian faith since the infallible pronouncement of In
nocent VIII.), as that which is used in the miracles of La
Salette and Lourdes and Marpingen, as in the revelations
of Marie Alacoque and Catharine Emmerich, as with false
relics confirmed as genuine by papal seal and documents.
The works of eminent scholars have exposed these facts. °
But these works are placed upon the Index. The faith
ful may not read them. To secure unbelievers from
temptation, such unpleasant books, as soon as the mo
ment appears favourable and no new edition is to be
feared, are bought up and rendered harmless. For years
it has been impossible to obtain a copy of the writings of
Gratry and Maret against the infallibility and of many
similar works. " Janus " also is disappearing.
' Said to have taken place in the year 303.
^ Compare page 195.
'Compare on this subject the writings of "Janus" (Dollinger); also
" Paulinus ": Mdrtyrer der Katakomben und die romische Praxis ; Reusch :
Die deutschen Bischoffe und der Aberglaube ; and Friedrich : Mechanismus
der vatikanischen Religion.

240 The Papacy in the igth Century
The conception of history that Papalism has put in the
place of " infidel " research is sufificiently illustrated by
the Roman breviary, the daily reading of all the Roman
clergy. Besides this — to choose but one out of the hun
dreds of papal periodicals — we mention the Monthly Roses,
disseminated in all languages for the adoration of the
Sacred Heart. The so-called "historical" works on
the " miracles " in the nineteenth century, approved by
the Church, are almost innumerable, and are spread
abroad in countless editions. To cite only a few ex
amples: we call attention to the work of the Abbe
Curicque, Voix prophetiques ou signes, apparitions et pre
dictions modernes (specially approved by Bishop Rass of
Strassburg), to the work of Sausseret, translated into
German and scattered abroad in several editions. Appari
tions and Revelations of the Most Blessed Virgin Mary, to
Francois Joseph's Miracles de Salette, and Marie Antoine's
Manuel dupdl&in de Lourdes. But — how many Protestant
scholars are familiar even with these easily accessible
works ? And yet it has long been evident that these are
the sources from which clerical parliamentarians have
derived their knowledge of history and their judgments.
And already the bold attempt has been made to set up
this idea of history, as it is disseminated in clerical
pamphlets, against the results of modern science.
During the sessions of the Vatican Council there ap
peared a pamphlet by Scheeben : The Pope and his Latest
Calumniators, directed against the warning voices of
"Janus" (Dollinger) and others. The judgment here
pronounced upon Dollinger (1869) is characteristic:
The manner in which Janus fulfils the conditions of scien
tific investigation and the mendaciousness with which he con
ceals his true views and purposes warrants us in concluding
that we have before us no competent historical scholar — that
there are in theology and history, as well as in conduct and
life, bunglers and swindlers.

The Infallible Papacy 241
And wherein consists this lack of the " conditions of
scientific investigation " ? The answer is contained in
one word on the last page: Dollinger gives a " heretical
representation of the ancient constitution of the Church. "
Whoever applies the light of history to the pretensions
and impositions of the Papacy gives a " heretical " repre
sentation. For it is the business of dogma to prescribe
to history what it may tell and what not.
Even more explicit is the announcement made in the
" historical-political papers," where the " dogmatic-his
torical method " is upheld as the only valid one. This
is the definition of Dr. Pohle :
In the Church of Christ breathes and rules the Holy Ghost,
and by virtue of this breathing and ruling dogma and history
form a wonderful harmony. There are reasons in the very
nature of the case why there can be no fact of Church history
which should stand in any real contradiction with dogma, or
even with the spirit of dogma. Ecclesiastical history possesses
in dogma an unerring guide through the manifold historical
transformations of the centuries — and the interpretation of
historical facts must lean closely and submissively upon
dogma.
This " leaning" upon dogma is to be understood to
apply first and foremost to the account of the Reforma
tion. " Infallible " judgment on this event is given in
the bulls of Leo X. The historian has simply to follow
these bulls. " A Catholic author must consider it his
strict duty to make the alone valid and therefore object
ive ecclesiastical view of the religious schism a distinctly
emphasised principle of his own historical conception." '
Formerly these beautiful theories were found only in
orthodox seminary books, pamphlets, and periodicals,
and in the clerical press, whose method of refutation
¦ See vol. iii. of the Historical Manual of the Gorres- Society.
16

242 The Papacy in the igth Century
was not by reasons but by vilification of dissenters.
But since the triumph of the infallibility dogma they
appear in the open light of day with the claim to in
fallibility and exclusive right. At the convention of
Catholics in Frankfurt (September, 1882), the same con
vention which in the name of Germany welcomed the
cult of St. Teresa a Jesu, Herr Windhorst declared ex
plicitly that the whole of German history had been falsi
fied ; that history falsified was taught in popular schools,
in gymnasia, and in the universities. It was important
that a correct account should be given; here was the
arsenal which Catholics required to furnish them with
weapons for the struggles that were forced upon them
every day.
The watchword given out by the leader of the Centre
has been promptly taken up by the clerical press in Ger
many. The Schlesische Volkszeitung expressed against
those who were going to celebrate the four hundredth
anniversary of the birth of Luther the threat, that if this
was attempted an answer would be given in the shape of
a picture of the real Luther, at which every decent man
would have to be ashamed. The promise was literally
fulfilled in a biography prepared for the Luther-jubilee.
There is nothing new in this whole method. Only the
boldness is new with which it is publicly applied, now
that the defeat of the German empire in the Kultur
kampf has been followed by its inevitable consequences.
For with a defiance which can hardly be exceeded the
Protestant heresy is treated as in reality a thing of the
past. Like mushrooms the books spring up which en
large upon the text furnished in the statements made by
Leo XIII. on the Reformation as the origin of all the
evil of our time.
One repeats what the other has said on the papal con
struction of history, until the number of echoes really ap
pears as a sort of public opinion. The modern fabrication

The Infallible Papacy 243
of books does not demand any effort of the mind. Ham-
merstein's Recollections of an Old Lutheran takes its data
concerning the Reformation and the reformers from Evers'
Catholic or Protestant ; Evers has collected his tirades from
Janssen's History of the German People. From the latter
work the entire clerical press dates with touching una
nimity a new era in the writing of history. And in fact
no work is so well fitted to stand as a type of the posi
tion of an infallible papalism towards historical science. '
The conception underlying Janssen's book does not in
the least differ from that of the whole papal literature on
the Reformation. This literature had in the eighteenth
century retired from the public gaze into obscurity, but
since the beginning of the nineteenth century it has
everywhere again come to the front. None of the tricks
by which history is perverted are new, as anybody knows
who is at all familiar with the school of the old as well as
of the new Jesuits. The supercilious appearance of
' Janssen's History of the German People from the End of the Middle
Ages appeared in 1876 and the following years. It claimed to be purely
"objective." It is in effect a reconstruction of German history from the
Ultramontane point of view. It was one of the literary sensations of the
times. The following commentary on the method of Janssen and his school will
be found instructive. It is taken from a review, published in The Nation
of May 17, 1900, of Dr. Gasquet's recent book. The Eve of the Reforma
tion. The appearance of this volume proves that the style of historical
literature against which Nippold protests is spreading from Germany to
England. After stating the title of the book, the review begins :
"Under the above title Dr. Gasquet, known to scholars chiefly by his
book on Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries, has grouped a series
of ' studies ' upon various aspects of the English Reformation. ' Studies '
is an attractive but misleading word. One studies in order to learn some
thing ; but that has not been the purpose of Dr. Gasquet's investigations.
He knew beforehand all that was necessary for him to know, and he has
studied only to find illustrations of a thesis with which he starts. He is
avowedly a disciple of Janssen, whom he quotes at length and whom he
describes as ' the historian of Germany ' for his period. His method, which
is the same as that of his master, was bound to be applied sooner or later
to this phase of the Reformation, as it has been already with so much effect

244 The Papacy in the igth Century
superiority which Janssen assumed in his answer to " my
critics " was possible only because of the almost entire
ignorance until then prevailing among Protestants, as
well of the inner life of Catholicism as of the papal repre
sentation of history. On one side was the incessant, in
defatigable claim for the reversal of all history according
to the infallible oracle in Rome, on the other side was the
customary ignorance of Catholic literature.
What Protestant critics remained ignorant of was clearly
appreciated among Catholic scholars. The real intellect
ual leaders of Catholic theology have long ago freed us
from the trouble of exposing the means used by Janssen
and his followers. DoUinger's address on sectarian and
non-sectarian teaching of history, i. e. , on the contradictio
in adjecto contained in the former, gives us his judgment
on the work of Janssen. Bishop Reinkens has character
ised Janssen's transformation of history and his methods
in the following language: " Apparently he allows the
documents to speak; but by suppression, by a slight
colouring, by unnoticed transposition of cause and effect,
he says the opposite." Various well-informed authors,
such as Hoffmann, for many years his literary associate,
and Baumstark, have given a faithful characterisation of
Janssen and of the diametrical opposition between his
in other directions. It consists in laying down certain propositions and
then supporting them by contemporary evidence, carefully selecting such as
bear in the desired direction, and ignoring all that might seem to weaken
the case. An essential feature is also the apparently frank admission of
certain errors and weaknesses on one's own side, and of a certain proportion
of good intention on the side of the opponent. Such a method aims to dis
arm criticism at the outset. It would produce its effects by an appeal to the
sense of fairness and of logical sequence."
The last sentence of the review will be interesting to readers of this
volume as expressing — almost in identical language — one of its main theses :
the irreconcilableness of the Papacy and the modern world : " We welcome
this book and all its kind, for the service they do in showing the irrecon
cilableness of the issue between the Roman principle and everything the
modern world has come to value and respect."

The Infallible Papacy 245
" objectivity" and the honest writing of history. All
this only proves how necessary it is to heed the warning
of the gospel against those who come to us in sheep's
clothing, but who inwardly are ravening wolves.
More celebrated than Janssen as an exponent of the
same construction of history is Conrad von Bolanden,
who has " corrected" almost every period of German
history. In his Enemies of the Empire, the chancellor,
Marcus Trebonius, the author of the first Diocletian per
secution, bears the features of Prince Bismarck ; his four
volumes of historical novels on Frederick the Great have
drawn the picture of the founder of the Prussian state
after the method usually applied to Luther ; and his other
books caricature the German character and vilify the
Reformation and the modern world of ideas. Yet no
German author has so widespread an influence.
At the same time the fabrication of novels, which has
been begun in the papal interest, has undertaken to
satisfy the demand for such reading, and no other literary
products of this class but those that have passed the
censorship of the confessor can find an entrance into
Catholic families. Whoever studies the catalogues or
even the shop-windows of the great clerical book con
cerns in the centre of Catholic Germany, will find every
year new works in numerous editions of which the ordi
nary history of literature takes hardly any notice.
More influential than the thick volumes of history with
their learned notes, more influential even than the so-
called Catholic novels, are the numerous collections of
pamphlets, to which we have already frequently referred,
from which the speakers of the Centre have for some time
derived their historical knowledge. The same methods
are here used to bring awkward historical data and the
problems of natural science and philosophy into harmony
with dogma ad majorem dei gloriam. Whether the re
presentations agree with the truth is a matter of very

246 The Papacy in the igth Century
little moment. There had been, even before the coun
cil, a good deal of activity in this direction. Neverthe
less we observe after the council a world-wide difference
from before. For from the proclamation of the in
fallibility dates, strictly speaking, the rise of the clerical
press, which disseminates the papal construction of history
among the masses. From year to year the organs of
clericalism have increased in number. And now the
same language, which before they had only dared to use
against the Hohenstaufen emperors or ^the reformers, is
applied to the great leaders of the classical period of
literature. The Jesuit father, Baumgarten, has already
achieved the moral assassination of Goethe.
Not yet has the effort been successful, as it was in the
seventeenth century, to separate the German people into
two hostile camps. But Holland is to-day a striking
illustration of the far-reaching results of Jesuit training
systematically carried out. The periodicals and news
papers of the Jesuits have there trained up a generation
which has lost every feeling for the glorious struggles for
liberty in the Netherlands.
The effect of the clerical universities upon the popular
life is shown by the condition of Belgium. The French
imitation, under the third republic, of these so-called
" free " universities is of too recent date to show the same
effects as in Belgium. Germany has followed suit, and
an attempt has been made to establish " free " German
universities.' This has not yet been successful. But in
¦ The following notice found in the New York Nation of July 14, 1898,
will be of interest in this connection in explaining the true nature of the
Roman Catholic " free " universities :
' ' A curious episode in modern university annals was the migration, about
half a year ago, of eight professors of the so-called ' free ' Roman Catholic
University in Freiburg in Switzerland. This institution was established
some six or seven years ago for the special purpose of demonstrating that
freedom of scientific research was perfectly compatible with the spirit and
trend of the Church. It was called ' free,' in contrast to the universities of

The Infallible Papacy 247
all the state universities sectarian associations of students
have been formed, who now possess their own song-books
with thoroughly " corrected " songs, and in which the
young generation is systematically taught to look for the
ideals of the future, not to Frederic II. and Joseph II. ,
but to Ferdinand II. ; not to William of Orange, but to
Philip II. ; not to Gustavus Vasa and Gustavus Adolfus,
but to Sigismund of Poland ; not to Elizabeth, but to
James II.
Not only history, but every other scientific discipline
has been similarly affected by the malign influence of
papal infallibility. The science of law has been obliged
with much labour to clear a path through the immeasur
able network of frauds upon which has been built the
pseudo-Isidorean papal law. Natural science has not
only had to lament the persecution of Giordano Bruno
and Galilei, but is to-day challenged by every new canon
isation and every new pretended miracle. We claim,
however, for historical research the position of an ad
vance guard. Building upon the foundation of empiri
cal investigation as laid by natural science, and yet, as the
history of man, fixing its attention intelligently upon
Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, which were regarded as controlled
unduly by the state. Experience has now shown that in this ' free ' uni
versity, the ' Lehrfreiheit,' the ideal so dear to continental scholars, has not
been able to establish its throne. The professors who have severed their
conriection with the Freiburg University, namely, Drs. Effmann, Gottlob,
Hardy, Jostes, Lorkens, von Savigny, Streitberg, and Sturm (all, we
believe, Roman Catholic laymen and Germans), have united in the publi
cation of a Memorial (Denkschrift), in which they give the why and where
fore of their exodus. From this document it is apparent that the French
Dominican monks are in absolute control of the University, and any teach
ings not in conformity with the interests of this order have in recent years
brought down upon the heads of the offenders the opposition and even per-
.secution of the fathers, which finally ended in withholding the salaries of
several teachers who would not withdraw views not acceptable to those in
authority. The Denkschrift is an interesting and instructive document,
and again shows how inevitably ecclesiastical authority and freedom of
scientific research merely for truth's sake come in collision."

248 The Papacy in the igth Century
the deepest impulse that humanity knows — religious
enthusiasm, beyond all other branches of science it has
to bear the most embittered hatred of Vaticanism. For
that very reason, under the leadership of Dollinger, it
bears the banner in the never-ceasing struggle between a
truth-loving science and the conceit of infallibility.
The undermining of the state and the destruction of
the scientific sense of truth do not exhaust the fatal herit
age which the principle of infallibility leaves to the future.
For the state and science, however fundamental as factors
in the development of civilisation, are but subordinate to
that factor which, after all, makes men men — religion.
Only the knowledge of what religion has become under
the influence of papalism enables us rightly to judge its
real nature.
In order to obtain a complete survey of the effect upon
religion of the infallible dominion of the Papacy, we
should be obliged to give our first consideration to those
countries in which heretical influences are as good as
excluded. But with the success of the policy which
seeks to build impassable barriers between the Roman
Catholic population and their fellow-citizens, the condi
tions in countries of mixed population approach those of
Spain and South America. In Germany it has proceeded
so far that Baedecker's guide-books, because they bear
the stamp of no sect, are forbidden by the clerical press,
and others are substituted, which along with the sacred
places recommend Catholic hotels and Catholic shops.
In Germany again, where there are state and communal
savings-banks, we flnd also institutions of credit founded
for Catholic apprentices and Catholic masters, who
through them reap larger dividends, but also greater de
pendence. There are even musical associations and con
certs with the sectarian stamp; the interdict is placed
upon mixed societies as well as upon mixed schools.

The Infallible Papacy 249
No one who has not from infancy lived in a Catholic
atmosphere can form any judgment of the systematic
transformation of a population by nature tolerant, as it
has been gradually brought about through sectarian
schools forced upon them by unwise statesmen, and as it
has been intensified to a degree of overbearing arrogance
in consequence of the surrender in the Kulturkampf. It
is no longer questioned that Christianity consists in the
subjection of the nations to the pope, or that the faith of
the individual rests upon the sacrifice of the reason. The
realisation of this faith in life consists in the hatred and
persecution of dissenters. Whoever resists the motherly
love of the Church must sooner or later fall a prey to
God's vengeance. Every means is allowable for the
making of proselytes. A man like Cardinal Diepenbrock
could declare to a Catholic priest that it did not matter
even if the man whom you wished to convert did not
believe in anything himself, if only by his submission his
children could be won.
The prevalent disgraceful language of the clerical press
is an indication of an increasing deterioration of all ethi
cal conceptions among the people. What Father Curci
reports of Italy, that the gospels of the New Testament
are the book least known to the people, represents an
ideal which, among the other nations subjected to the
Papacy, is more and more approaching reality. Can it
be otherwise, when all that Christ censures and opposes
is made the criterion of Christianity, when demonstrative
processions and public reading of the breviary take the
place of the prayer in the closet, when the worship of
God in spirit and in truth is materialised, when the in
fallible man in Rome is put in the place of Christ ?
The entire literature of devotion is carefully purified
from the evil works of the last century, which know a
true life of Christian piety only as an ethical life. What
happened in France in the eighteenth century after the

250 The Papacy in the igth Century
prohibition of Quesnel's work on the New Testament is
the case in Germany to-day. In the place of a devotion
which fostered the ethical life in the pursuit of life's
vocation, the modern Jesuit religiosity has placed Ma
donna-visions, the cult of the Sacred Heart, exorcisms,
and stigmatisations. The fact that Catharine Emmerich
was judicially proved to be an impostor was no bar to the
ecclesiastical celebration of her jubilee and the glorifica
tion of her miracles in special pamphlets. A drastic
revelation of the influence of the modern Jesuit cults
upon the popular life is given by the legal action con
nected with the miracles of Marpingen.' The latter
were a favourite argument for the infallibility in the
German Kulturkampf, and in the historical manual of
Cardinal Hergenrother they are treated as undoubted
facts. " God will allow a stronger and a worse Papacy to
come up, because we have too readily submitted to the
papistical maxims," The nineteenth century has taken
every pains to fulfil this prediction of the pious Spener
and to leave to the twentieth century an inheritance simi
lar to that which the seventeenth had prepared for the
following century, before the second reformation to which
God called Spener. Will the twentieth century return
once more to the likeness of the " Frederician era " ?
' The Virgin and Satan were said to have been seen by children and
miracles were wrought, in 1876. See The Marpingen Miracles before the
Royal Police-Court, Saarbriicken. According to the stenographic report (in
German), Saarlouis, 1879.

PART II
CATHOLICISM AND PAPALISM IN ENGLAND
AND AMERICA

251

CHAPTER XVI
THE SO-CALLED CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION IN GREAT
BRITAIN '
FRANCE, the land of the great Revolution, is the
centre of the papal reaction in the nineteenth
century. From France the movement has extended in
all directions, just as the French fashions did in the reign
of Louis XIV. and in the era of the encyclopedists. The
leaven spread from France first to its northern neighbour,
the Netherlands ; but it affected in no less degree Catho
lic Switzerland and Western Germany.
In all these countries of the European continent the
teachings of the new Papacy found the soil already pre
pared. For not only had a large part of the Catholic
population remained devoted to the papal interests
through the era of Illumination in the last century, but
the same population had suffered almost more than the
French from the horrors and the havoc of the Revolution,
and had naturally become so much more susceptible to
the influence of the Restoration-spirit. These conditions,
' It has been the custom among Roman Catholics in Germany to repre
sent the repressive and precautionary measures which the English govern
ment since the Reformation has from time to time adopted against English
Roman Catholics as the extreme of religious intolerance and persecution.
This must be borne in mind by the reader as the point of view from which
the present chapter is written. Our author's protests against the perversion
of English history and the false ideas of religious liberty have in view the
misrepresentations current among the papists of Germany.
253

254 The Papacy in the igth Century
however, which told powerfully in favour of papalism,
were entirely absent in England, among the people of
the twofold reformation, the victorious opponents of the
Revolution. And yet, even during the storms of the Revolution the
triumphs of the Papacy in England were most pro
nounced — a fact whose explanation is to be found not
so much in local as in those general causes which lie in
the very nature of our modern spiritual life. The
victories of Roman Catholicism in England are but the
counterpart to the progress of Protestantism in all those
countries which had before been hermetically closed
against it. There is a remarkable balancing of gain and
loss between the opposing churches, as is seen by a com
parison of general statistics. And this peculiar phenom
enon is the result not only of the physical changes that
have taken place, of mixed intercourse, of more fre
quent travelling, and of the mingling of the most diverse
nationalities ; but is largely due to the modern principle
of liberty of conscience.
For, ever since this ancient Christian principle has won
the battle over ecclesiastical ambition and greed, the
oppressed of every country enjoy the advantages of free
motion and general toleration. And, in England as else
where, the oppressed minority has profited by the modern
spirit. Catholic emancipation, long resisted and finally
carried out by its former opponents, is directly traceable
to the universal spiritual process, which has made itself
everywhere felt since the American war of revolution and
the so-called ideas of 1789.
More diflficult to understand than Catholic emancipa
tion is the immense stream of conversions, by which the
English, so proud of their liberty, were brought in droves
to submit to the authority of the pope. Nevertheless,
with emancipation to prepare the way, we shall learn to
understand these conversions as in no way the result of

Catholic Emancipation in Great Britain 255
mere change. But not only do the general causes and
the several stages of this movement deserve a closer
examination than has hitherto been given them ; we must
turn our attention also to the reaction and to the ultimate
effect of these conversions upon the English Church
itself. Catholic emancipation and the multitude of conver
sions raised the hopes of the Curia for the ultimate sub
mission of England to the Papacy, and Pius IX. knew
what he was about when, in the year 1850, to show his
gratitude for the Emancipation Act, he established the
papal hierarchy alongside of the national. He showed
a like prudent calculation a few years later (1853) when
the same step was taken in Holland. In both cases the
result was the same. After a period of high but short
lived popular excitement both England and Holland
submitted to the papal encroachment. England has
been taught by her experience in Ireland the conse
quences of the complaisance she has shown to the Papacy.
The history of Ireland in the last years affords the
most instructive illustration of the blessings of infallible
Vaticanism in its influence upon faith and morals, upon
domestic and national welfare; and the almost uninter
rupted series of open assassinations and secret conspir
acies, by which every act of leniency and of toleration
on the part of the English was answered, may well be
considered a prognostic of the ultimate influence which
the British conversions will exert upon the following
generation. We take up now the first of those memorable phenom
ena, about which the entire Catholic Church history of
Great Britain in the nineteenth century groups itself, the
so-called Catholic emancipation — that is, the repeal of
those laws which limited the political rights of Roman
Catholics. So many erroneous opinions are still held in

256 The Papacy in the igth Century
regard to these laws, that their origin and execution de
mands some explanation.
It is not to be denied that English history contains
abundant evidence of intolerance towards Roman Catho
lics, and we have no desire to palliate the far-reaching
consequences of religious hatred such as prevailed in
former generations in Great Britain. But we must also
remember this lesson, which English history teaches us,
that English legislation against the Church of Rome was
not simply the expression of religious persecution.
It is not just to compare the duty of self-defence
against an open enemy, whose challenge is to a life-and-
death struggle, to whom all means for the destruction of
his opponent are equally just, with that spirit of persecu
tion which is of the very essence of the papal principle.
The inalienable duty of the national leaders to find means
of protection against the political dangers with which the
papal policy for centuries threatened England, brought
great hardships upon the British Catholics. But we
have no right to blame the result and to ignore the
cause. The history of England since the Reformation shows
frequent attempts to repeal the oppressive laws. Such
were the transactions of the year 1648. It was proposed
at that time to extend toleration to all those who should
repudiate the following three propositions: that the pope
had the power to release a subject from obedience to his
government, that he could grant dispensation from an
oath given to a heretic, and that it was lawful upon his
command to kill those whom he had condemned as
heretics. Fifty-nine English Catholic noblemen, besides
a number of priests, had declared themselves against
these propositions. But Innocent X. immediately pro
nounced that whoever had subscribed to this declaration
made himself liable to the penalties imposed upon the
denial of the papal power. ' ' For this reason the penal

Catholic Em,ancipation in Great Britain 257
laws against the Catholics remained in force for more
than a century longer." '
Let us, in the interest of unbiassed history, stigmatise
every religious persecution, but let it be done with even-
handed justice, wherever we find it, in this church or in
that. It is not just to speak of the martyrdom of papists
under Henry VIII. and to ignore the fact that he con
demned to death a far larger number of those of the
reformed faith. It is equally unjust to parade the op
pression of Catholics under Elizabeth and to conceal the
number of Protestants Bloody Mary had sent to the stake.
It is unhistorical to paint romantic pictures of the beauti
ful Mary Stuart and to draw a veil over the attempts
upon the life of Elizabeth by her adherents, attempts
whose plans are traced very near to Mary herself.
Up to the present time only timid efforts have been
ventured towards attributing the expedition of the great
Armada to Philip II. 's interest in religious liberty. But
this is what we are coming to, among those who talk of
the suppression of religious liberty in England, who
would lead you to think there had never been such things
as the papal deposition of Elizabeth, the powder plot
under James I., the Irish massacre under Charles I., and
the intrigues against popular liberty of the convert
James II.
It was precisely these events which obliged England
to have recourse to measures of defence. Nor was it
otherwise in the last great duel between Louis XIV. and
William III. of Orange. The reign of William taught
mutual toleration to warring Episcopalians and Presby
terians, and even relieved the hated revolutionary sects
of Baptists and Quakers of the persecutions they had
suffered. But is it reasonable to expect, at the time
when Louis XIV. gave to French Protestantism its
death-blow, that William III. should rise to the standard
' Quirinus, Roman Letters from the Council.
17

258 The Papacy in the igth Century
of the nineteenth century and risk his own and his
country's very existence ? It is true that, after the
battle of the Boyne, the Orange lodges of Irish Protest
ants imitated the example of the Jesuits ; it is also true
that the London festival of Guy Fawkes' day in so far
copied the autodafks as to burn an efifigy in revenge for
the death agonies of hundreds of thousands of living
victims. But we may not forget that only with the
dawn of the eighteenth century, when the creation of
Louis XIV. had crumbled into ruins, did the idea of
general religious liberty become first a philosophical
doctrine and then was made the common possession of
all those whom the Papacy declares to be unbelievers.
Nevertheless, however necessary the laws against
Roman Catholics may have been for the defence of Eng
land, this does not alter the fact that these laws were
opposed to the recognition, now rapidly spreading, of
the modern principle of universal liberty of conscience.
If from the time of the papal deposition of Elizabeth to
the days when William III.'s life was attempted and the
time of the repeated invasions of the Stuart pretenders
(1715 and 1745) it was high treason, not only in name but
in fact, to obey the commands of the pope against the
government of the country, the consequent liability of
every Roman priest to the penalties of felony could not
but be pregnant with evil for the future. Still more in
vidious was another measure, by which the property of a
Catholic went to the nearest Protestant heir, if the former
had been educated in foreign parts, and every Protestant
son of a Catholic father was permitted to claim his in
heritance during the life of the latter.
As a matter of fact, the very measures which were
designed to secure the outward influence of the state
Church could not but very seriously undermine her moral
power. The exclusion by the Test Acts from public
ofifice and from Parliament alienated Roman Catholics

Catholic Emancipation in Great Britain 259
from the rest of the population. The adherents of all
other forms of worship were obliged to pay tithes to the
Episcopal Church, and had at the same time to provide
for their own churches and schools, while the state
Church was suffering from a system of sinecures in the
hands of a mercenary clergy. And naturally, this condi
tion of things won increased respect among their flocks
for the poor Roman clergy.
But it takes, as a rule, a long time before such experi
ences impress themselves upon the popular imagination.
When in 1780 Lord Saville proposed some slight mitiga
tion of the " Act for preventing the further growth of
popery" of William III., the dangerous Gordon riots
(described in Dickens' Barnaby Rudge) proved how deep-
seated in the popular consciousness was the feeling against
the Papacy. Nevertheless, before the end of the last
century a change had taken place in the position of Eng
lish Catholicism. For not only was Lord Saville's law-
soon afterwards passed in spite of the Gordon riots, even
the establishment, by Thomas Weld, of the Jesuit col
lege of Stonyhurst, near Liverpool, was sanctioned, and.
many French priests, who had refused the oath and fled
to England, found a welcome there and were able ta
exert a certain influence in the times of the first conver
sions to Rome.
Immediately after the period of the Revolution, the
liberal party embodied in its platform the repeal of the
Test Acts which had closed the public ofifices to Roman
Catholics. The spirit of the times was in favour of the
abolition of the old restrictions. As early as 1817 a
motion for the repeal was made in Parliament. For a
considerable time the attempt was frustrated by the
resistance of the Upper House. As late as the year 1824
the Peers rejected the so-called Emancipation. But re
sistance only increased the efforts of those who were

26o The Papacy in the igth Century
determined to extend the principle of liberty of conscience
even to its opponents. Consalvi, acting for the pope,
brought his expert influence to bear upon English states
men. The Chevalier Bunsen, as Prussian ambassador in
Rome, used his English connections to the same purpose.
The chief objection which was made by those who
stood up for the old laws lay in the papal encroachments
and pretensions. This objection was overcome by the
official declaration again made by the Roman Catholic
bishops of Ireland (following upon former declarations
made in 1661, 1757, 1788, 1793, and 1810), to the effect
that the Catholic Church does not teach the infallibility of
the pope. This " declaration," made in the year 1826 by
the Catholic bishops, the apostolic vicars, and their coad
jutors, not only stands as an unequivocal testimony to
the doctrine of the Church as it was then held, but is in
vested with a peculiarly solemn character, because it was
upon the ground of this declaration (sanctioned by the
Curia) that emancipation was demanded. And during
the sessions of the Vatican Council in 1870 a number of
the older English bishops expressed themselves emphatic
ally to the effect that English Catholics had obtained their
political and legal position in consequence of the repeated
declaration and upon the express condition, that they do
not teach the doctrine of papal infallibility. Gladstone's
pamphlet on the Vatican decrees has recorded the arts of
deception which have been resorted to in order to gloss
over this inconvenient fact.
The declaration of the bishops seemed to prove that
the repeal of the Test Acts threatened no danger to the
state, and under the last ministry of the Duke of Welling
ton and after a celebrated speech by Sir Robert Peel, the
Tories carried through the programme of the Whigs.
On the 13th of April, 1829, the royal sanction was given
to the act of both Houses, which opened Parliament and
the public ofifices to Roman Catholics on condition of

Catholic Emancipation in Great Britain 261
taking an oath of allegiance which was worded in general
terms. The stone once set rolling, almost every year brought
new gains to the Papacy. The Irish Ecclesiastical En
dowment Act, which abolished a half of the bishoprics of
the Irish state Church and thereby called forth the first
opposition of the Puseyite party, was a new concession to
the papal Church. The same motive induced the Peel
ministry to enact the inheritance bill, by which testaments
in favour of the Church of Rome and her institutions,
orders excepted, were permitted. Not long afterwards
followed the state endowment of the Jesuit seminary of
Maynooth. In 1847 fouJ" more royal colleges were estab
lished at the expense of the state, at which religious in
struction was left in the hands of the Church. But when
Pius IX. proclaimed the so-called restitution of the hier
archy in England, the hopes of the Curia had been raised
to such a degree that attendance at these state colleges
was forbidden.

CHAPTER XVII
THE ENGLISH CONVERSIONS AND THEIR CONSEQUENCES
FOR THE ENGLISH CHURCH — THE OXFORD
MOVEMENT'
WE have traced the so-called Catholic Emancipation
chiefly to the spirit of the times ; but this explan
ation will not suffice for the second phenomenon to which
we now turn our attention : the stream of conversions to
the Church of Rome. There must be other deeper lying
causes for the fact that large numbers of this people, so
proud of its ancient liberties, bowed their necks under
the Caudine yoke of recantation, and more especially,
that it became the fashion among the upper ten thousand
to kiss the pope's foot. A correct appreciation of these
causes is of far greater importance to the historian than
the statistics of the converts with their titles and incomes,
which is the favourite theme of the Vatican press.
Among the motives which led to the conversions were
some which were specifically ecclesiastical, but we shall
also have to consider a series of more general factors in
the process, partly preparatory, partly co-operant. And,
in a reactionary tendency such as we have before us, we
must not fail to look for those underlying ideals, without
which we shall be entirely unable to understand the
significance of this or indeed of any other movement.
' The German point of view from which this chapter is written must
again be borne in mind. The Romeward movement in England was the
cause of exultation to German papists, and they made a great show with the
names of English converts. 262

The Oxford Movement 263
Among the preparatory causes we place the social in
fluence of the immigrant foreign priests, and the romantic
literature and poetry, in which the influence of Scott,'
Byron, and Moore was supreme. But it lay in the nature
of things that the seed already sown could bear fruit only
after emancipation had prepared the soil. How great
were the expectations which emancipation raised in
Rome is proved by the well-known statement of the
Count de Maistre, who declared the acquisition of the
Church of St. Peter in Geneva and of St. Sophia in Con
stantinople to be the necessary consequences of English
Catholic emancipation. And we read elsewhere this pre
diction, that " with the 25th of April, 1829, there begins
a new era; the entrance of O'Connell into Parliament
and his refusal to take the oath of supremacy have given
the signal for the religious regeneration which sooner or
later, but inevitably, must lead to the most complete
victory of the new faith." In fact, we see that the con
cessions obtained through emancipation were used as a
stepping-stone to new favours for the papal Church.
Among the factors which from the beginning co
operated towards the same end, we have also to consider
the political events since the July revolution of 1830.
The friendly relations to the young Belgian state, and
especially the high estimation in which King Leopold
was held among the leading classes of England, influ
enced English statesmen more and more in favour of the
' ' ' The following of Walter Scott's novels are especially used in the
interests of the Papacy : Waverley, with the character of Flora ; Rob Roy
(where the heroine and her father represent the Roman faith) ; Montrose
and Woodstock, with the struggles in behalf of Charles I. and II. ; more
particularly, Old Mortality and Heart of Midlothian, with their repulsive
caricatures of puritanical fanaticism ; and Peveril of the Peak, where the
papistical conspirators appear as patient lambs and the defenders of Protest
antism as persecutors. The novels of the crusades, also, as well as Ivan-
hoe and Quentin Durieard, throwing a romantic nimbus about the middle
ages ; and the twin volumes. Monastery and Abbot, especially in the last
part, are used with great skill." — Note in the literary-critical supplement.

264 The Papacy in the igth Century
example which Belgium had set in the treatment of
religious questions.
Other causes, of entirely different nature, contributed
to bring about the same result. The distrust, which had
prevailed in Great Britain since the time of Frederick the
Great, towards German neology was greatly increased by
the appearance of Strauss' Life of Jesus and Feuerbach's
Nature of Christianity. At the same time, the Prussian
ecclesiastical policy with its police interference appeared
to the English as one of rude violence. And the increas
ing alienation from their former allies, from the home of
the Reformation and of modern philosophy, carried with
it an alienation from the lasting impulse of Reformation
ideas. Furthermore, with the growing inroads of the
dissenters among the adherents of the state Church grew
the opposition of the latter towards the so-called sects ;
and the Church itself was driven more and more in the
opposite direction. The greater, in fact, the progress of
political and religious radicalism, so much the more re
actionary grew the conservative tendency in politics as
well as in religion.
The prevailing tendencies of thought outside the An
glican Church help us to understand why within the
Church itself anti-Protestant inclinations so frequently
triumphed over its Protestant character. But we must
take into consideration also the reaction from the evan
gelical school, in order fully to understand the new high-
Church tendency. This school had been very influential
towards the end of the eighteenth century, and from its
union with dissenters proceeded the great Bible and
missionary societies, and with them the aspiration towards
an ideal Catholicism. But, as had been the case with
Lutherans and Calvinists on the Continent, so here An
glican sectarianism took up arms against these creations
of an era of tolerance and enlightenment.
At the same time, the repeal of the Test Acts drove

The Oxford Movement 265
the high-Church party into opposition to the policy of
the government. And not without reason. For, the
ecclesiastical convocations having fallen into disuse and
Parliament having assumed ultimate authority over
Church affairs, the constitution of the state Church was
dangerously affected by the repeal. Dissenters and
Roman Catholics now sat in the House of Commons.
And the House of Commons did not hesitate to pass the
Irish Ecclesiastical Properties Act, by which ten Irish
bishoprics were dissolved, without any consideration for
the apostolical succession of their occupants. Cambridge
being the centre of the low-Church tendencies, the bitter
feeling over these measures made itself particularly felt
at Oxford. Here Thomas Arnold, Whately, and Hamp
den had not long before taught in the spirit of the later
broad-Church school. But from the year 1833 (the year
of the Irish Ecclesiastical Properties Act) Oxford became
the centre of Puseyism.
The movement which is associated with the name of
Pusey was really far from new. It had a number of pre
cursors. From the very beginning the English Church
had intended to occupy the middle ground between
Catholicism and Protestantism, and the old high-Church
school had emphasised their relationship with the Church
-of Rome and their repudiation of Protestant sects.
Without doubt this middle position of the Church of
England is an important factor, not only in the national
development, but in the universal progress of humanity.
And the hope that the amalgamation of the Catholic and
the Protestant principles, first realised in England, is
destined to play a highly important part in the future, is
justified by the victorious opposition of a national Catho
licism in the United States of America to the invasion of
Roman ecclesiasticism.
Nevertheless we may not ignore those elements in the

266 The Papacy in the igth Century
Catholicism of the Church of England which might easily
cause a gravitation towards the Church of Rome. The
Church of England has never realised the Catholic ideal
in its purity : for it has lacked the necessary attributes
of freedom and independence. Henry VIII. and Eliza
beth, and, to a greater degree, the Stuarts and the first
Hanoverians, exercised an arbitrary ecclesiastical tyranny,
and the system of James I., under the principle " No
bishop, no king," made of the Church a means to a
political end. The supremacy of the crown thus ap
peared to be inconsistent with the independence of the
Church, and it was quite natural that the only alternative
should seem to be the primacy of the Roman bishop,
whose authority the king had usurped.
The very defects of the national Church thus led to an
idealisation of the papal system. But it is also to be
noted that the Anglo-Catholic conception of the Church
itself carried with it an element which would necessarily
favour a tendency in the same direction, and as a result
of this tendency we find in the Tractarian movement a
decided approach to Roman doctrine. Not the invisible
kingdom of God, but the visible Church, represented by
the hierarchy, was held to be the sole exponent of revela
tion. The bishops have received from the apostles the
gift of the Holy Ghost. Without this apostolical succes
sion there is no true Church. The fellowship with Christ
is conditioned upon the fellowship with the bishops as
the successors of the apostles.
With the teaching of the apostolical succession is con
nected that of ecclesiastical tradition. The more dissent
ers appealed to the Scriptures against the high Church,
so much more were the defenders of the latter thrown
upon tradition — " a turn of the dispute," so an acute
observer said, " which led the party farther in the Catho
lic direction than they had wished or intended." And,
as a logical consequence, the Bible was accepted as the

The Oxford Movement 267
rule of faith only as interpreted by tradition, and the
right of authoritative exposition of Scripture was allowed
solely to the Church as the keeper of tradition.
The same tendency affected the doctrine of the sacra
ments. Baptism, not faith, justifies. The Holy Com
munion stands or falls with the real presence of Christ.
And finally, the rest of the Catholic sacraments, celibacy
and the monastic life, the adoration of saints and relics,
were justified ; it is only necessary to guard against the
abuse to which for a time they were liable. This re
actionary tendency was only partially carried through in
the so-called Puseyite movement ; it was left to Ritualism
to supplement what was wanting.
We find these fundamental ideas of the " Catholic
movement " emphasised by Pusey's American biographer,
John Henry Hopkins, in the American Church Review
(January, 1883), who himself claims to be an enthusiastic
adherent of this movement. He, too, asserts that the
conception of the Church lies at the foundation of the
Catholic movement, the Church as founded by Christ and
the apostles, and therefore independent of Parliament or
of Congress. He finds the apostolical succession as well
as the doctrine of the sacraments, especially the real
presence, justified by the belief in the divine life of Christ
in the Church and its worship. His contentions give not
only to the Tractarians but also to the Ritualists a more
reasonable basis. . The revival of ancient ecclesiastical
architecture, music, and hymnology, the restoration of
old forms of dress and rites, not only have for their ob
ject the honour and glory of ecclesiastical mysteries, but
also serve the pedagogical purpose of increasing the at
traction of the Church for the uneducated masses.
Either, says Hopkins, the workingman must be won for
the Church by these and similar means or he falls a prey
to Moody and Sankey and the Salvation Army on the
one hand, to the Roman Propaganda on the other.

268 The Papacy in the igth Century
The Tracts for the Times, whose publication began in
1833, which is generally supposed to mark the beginning
of the Roman movement in the Church of England, have
a long introductory history, and before we enter upon the
consideration of the Tractarian movement, in its various
stages, and of its after-effects, it will be in place to take
a survey of the earlier more isolated cases of apostasy to
the Church of Rome — sporadic conversions which we
must distinguish from the Puseyite movement proper and
its later excrescences.
As early as the end of the eighteenth century occurs
the name of one who preceded Manning and his asso
ciates in their new ecclesiastical career, the subsequent
London apostolical vicar and bishop in partibus, Bramston
(died 1836), and we read a similar story in the life of
Baggs (died 1845), who was influenced by his Irish
mother, and was afterwards particularly favoured by
Gregory XVL In the flrst decade of this century we
meet only with a few officers and noblemen, converted
in France, important for nothing but their names, like
Lord Stuart and Lord Holland, and with a number of
ladies, who either married into French families (Polignac,
Choiseul, Delange), or were influenced from France ; who
in their turn influenced a larger number of others, of the
nobility and of the middle classes.
It is interesting to note that in the long list of annual
conversions the female element is predominant and has
precedence in point of time. Modern proselytism in
England began with the women, in order by their in
fluence gradually to win over the families, at least in the
second generation. In this process there was little scruple
as to the morality of the means, as is proved by the
account of Miss Loveday's conversion, which has been
published in German as "a memorable contribution
to the history of religious toleration in the nineteenth
century " (1822). The deluded father is here pictured

The Oxford Movement 269
as the representative of intolerance. The truth of the
matter was that his daughter had not only been secretly
converted, but was hidden from him for a considerable
time in various French convents, so that the French
Parliament engaged in lively debates upon the subject of
this outrageous abduction.
Still more characteristic is the story of Miss Pittar's
conversion, translated into French by Mermillod (1861),
the title of the translation representing her as " a Pro
testant woman converted by her Bible and the Prayer-
book." She was influenced to conversion behind her
husband's back; and after his death she took away her
children from the care of their guardians. As a reward
for her pains, both of her sons became Jesuits.
Among the female converts before the time of Newman
and his friends we find a Miss Gladstone. Her illustrious
brother had himself been strongly influenced by the
Tractarian movement, in the time when he wrote his first
work upon Church and State. It may have been chiefly
his close relations with Bunsen which counteracted New
man's overpowering influence, to which many of Glad
stone's nearest relatives and friends succumbed. It is
necessary to recall these earlier years of Gladstone's de
velopment in order to realise in its full significance his
later attitude against " Vaticanism." With this anti-
Roman position of his maturer age the subsequent atti
tude of his sister presents a remarkable parallel. In spite
of her conversion to the Roman Church we find in her
the same distinction of papalism and Catholicism, which
afterwards placed even Newman for a time in opposition
to the new dogma and brought him into discredit with
Pius IX. Miss Gladstone died some years after the
Vatican Council under the spiritual ministrations of the
old-Catholic pastor Tangermann in Cologne.
More important, however, than the list of converts is
the polemic literature of the time which appeared under

270 The Papacy in the igth Century
their names. Miss Agnew's Geraldine, a Tale of Con
science (1837), became the type of an extensive literature
of fiction representing the course of conversion. Geral
dine passed through numerous English editions and three
successive translations into German were undertaken.
Among other books of the same kind we may mention
Sir Leopold Wright's Return to the Catholic Church, in
the form of a letter, which appeared not only in English
but also in German and French. Not long after we
note the writings of Richard Waldo Sibthorp, who in
two letters answered the question, " Why did you be
come a Catholic?" and of Francis Wackerbath, who
before his conversion had written a similar letter to Sir
Robert Peel. Lisle Phillips wrote about The Future
Union of Christendom (1857). Henry Digby was, among
the older converts, an exceedingly industrious polemical
writer. Before his conversion he wrote The Rock of
Honour. Later he published a large number of works,
each of many volumes, which, however, never became
popular, because they were too " learned " for the
younger fanatics. We mention the Mores Catholici of
ten volumes, the Compitum, or The Meeting Ways of the
Catholic Church, of eight volumes, and The Chapel of
St. John, or a Life of Faith in the Nineteenth Century, not
to speak of several collections of poetry and devotional
writings. Much has been made of converts who had made names
for themselves in other spheres. Especially characteristic
are the biographies of the painters Stanfield and Herbert
and of the architect Pugin. One would gather from such
works that modern England possessed hardly any other
artists of note. The same is true of the antiquarian
Turnbull. But the most significant in the older literature of apos
tasy are the detailed biographies of George Spencer, sub
sequently the " Father Ignatius of St. Paul," and a most

The Oxford Movement 271
zealous proselytiser, and the fiery Frederick Lucas,
founder of the Tablet. These biographies afford the best
opportunities for the study of the psychology of conver
sion before the era of Tractarianism. The cause of
Spencer's conversion (which happened in the year 1830)
was the confusion of faith and dogma. His argumenta
tion is as follows : There can be but one faith, therefore
the English Church, divided into so many parties, cannot
be the true Church ; such can only be the Church which
preserves the unity of the faith.
The conversion of Lucas took place in the year 1839,
when the Tractarian movement had attracted general at
tention. Lucas had been interested from the beginning.
But he, Quaker by birth, never shared the pious attach
ment to the English Church which was so strong in
Pusey and his friends; to him, therefore, the scruples
which for a long time held Newman back were as un
reasonable as the more pacific disposition of born Catho
lics. Nevertheless, his Reasons for Becoming a Catholic
(1839), ^" attempt to make Roman doctrines acceptable
to Protestants, appears in a certain sense as a model of
what shortly afterwards Tract Ninety attempted to do
for the Thirty-nine Articles.
After this survey of the older forerunners, we enter
upon the Tractarian movement itself. It is necessary to
distinguish its several stages. Even before the publica
tion of the Tracts for the Times, which gave to the move
ment its name, the Tractarian tendency had given signs
of its existence. Perceval's Christian Peace-Offering, for
instance, had manifested the sympathy for the Roman
Church which characterised the Tracts from the begin
ning. This writing, published at the time of Catholic
emancipation, intended to prepare the way for the inter
communion of Anglican and Roman " Catholics." All
errors and defects of the papal Church were represented

272 The Papacy in the igth Century
as mere excrescences on a true branch of the true Church,
which did not touch the vital parts. And while the
author expressed the hope of complete reunion in this
direction, hardly any abuse was strong enough for Inde
pendents, Baptists, Calvinists, and Lutherans.
With Perceval we reckon Froude as one of the earlier
forerunners of the young Oxford school. It was he
especially who reverted to the ecclesiastical ideals of
Laud ; he characterised the Reformation as a badly knit
fracture, and saw in the " rationalistic " spirit which pro
ceeded from the Reformation the antichrist of the
Apocalypse. Keble's programme, in the Churchman' s
Manual, for united action and for changes in the Cate
chism, also dates from before the Tracts for the Times.
We find, furthermore, before the movement proper, large
numbers of sermons and treatises in reviews and news
papers, and an extensive literature of stories, poems, and
romances ; the type, as it were, of an industry which was
afterwards carried on openly in the interests of the
Papacy. Far more influential than all the above-mentioned
names, even at that time, was the man who gave to
the whole movement its name, Edward Bouverie Pusey.
The number of Puseyites who went over to the Roman
Church runs high into the thousands, if we include the
laity. Pusey himself remained to the end of his life true
to the declaration which he made at the most difficult
period, that he would live and die in the bosom of the
English Church, and that this should be his only answer
to all attacks upon him. And however men's judgments
formerly differed as to his work, at his death in 1882 he
carried with him into the grave the universal respect of
his fellow-men. The organs of all Church parties in
England recognised him as one of the most eminent men
of the whole country. His American biographer goes so

The Oxford Movement 273
far as to call him the greatest theologian the English
Church has ever had. And it is certainly highly signifi
cant as regards the position and influence of an English
theologian, that he was neither archbishop, nor bishop,
nor even dean, but simple professor, and yet he guided
the entire development of his Church into new channels.
Pusey's studies in Germany had exerted no less in
fluence upon him than the same studies had in his time
upon Cranmer. Only this influence was in the opposite
direction. He had learned to know German biblical
criticism, but at the same time to hate it with his whole
soul as undermining the authority of the inspired Scrip
tures. If even at this day his otherwise clear-sighted
admirer Hopkins condemns German critics as enemies of
the holy Scriptures, we may form an idea of the frame of
mind in which the youthful contemporary of Hengsten-
berg returned to England. But we cannot deny to him
an accurate knowledge of the hated criticism. He also
occupied himself extensively with natural science and
was unusually familiar with rabbinical literature. His
prefacie to a work upon the Jewish expositors of the 53d
chapter of Isaiah has become almost proverbial for its
rabbinical learning. The list of learned works and
treatises by his pen is imposing ; large literary undertak
ings were started by him, such as a comprehensive com
mentary to all the books of the Bible and a new edition
of the Church-fathers. He personally contributed to the
former a commentary on Daniel and the Minor Prophets,
to the latter the Ante-Nicene Christian Library. At the
same time we find him in the forefront of all ecclesiastical
movements, everywhere contending for the authority of
Church doctrine, but even more for the practical tasks of
the Church in the popular life ; and the Tractarian move
ment brings him before us as the first leader of a party
to which a great future was assured.
These much-talked-of tracts are themselves by no
18

274 The Papacy in the igth Century
means the work of one man, but represent the outcome
of discussions concerning the defects of the Church and
the means of remedying them, in which Pusey, Newman,
Palmer, Keble, and Hook participated. We find in
them from the very beginning all the fundamental ideas
which we have already designated as the heritage of the
Laudian tendencies in the high Church : above all, the im
portance assigned to the apostolical succession as the
sole means by which the Holy Ghost is transmitted, and
to ancient ecclesiastical tradition as the source of doctrine
alongside of the Scriptures and as the standard of inter
pretation. From these premises are drawn the natural
conclusions as regards the doctrines of justification and
of the Holy Communion, the prerogatives of the clergy,
and liturgical rites. The Catholic character of the Eng
lish Church was emphatically maintained and all fellow
ship disclaimed with so-called Protestantism.
There is, however, as yet no purpose discoverable in
any of the tracts of a separation from the English Church.
It was rather the express object of the authors to main
tain the Church's doctrinal basis in the Thirty-nine
Articles. This was done even by the famous Tract
Ninety, although it openly proclaimed the break with
all the principles of the Reformation. For it aimed par
ticularly to show that it was possible upon the basis of
these very articles to defend the specifically Roman doc
trines. Purgatory and absolution, adoration of images
and transubstantiation, the worship of Mary and the in
vocation of the saints, celibacy and the papal authority :
all these are, according to the author, not absolutely,
but only in corrupted form, contrary to the Thirty-nine
Articles. It is possible to be a loyal Anglican and yet to
accept the decrees of the Council of Trent. The Roman
Church itself is the older sister Church ; Protestantism is
the religion of the corrupt human heart and the Protest
ant Churches are anti-Christian sects.

The Oxford Movement 275
The author of Tract Ninety will now claim our atten
tion more than any other, even than Pusey. For the
latter gave place in the course of the following years to
Newman. And the several periods of Newman's life
form, as it were, the pivots about which moves English
ecclesiastical history during the next score or more of
years. Pusey's American biographer, as well as his English
friends, ascribe to Newman a power of personal attraction
quite indescribable ; at the same time he is spoken of as a
man who felt strongly the need of authority. Newman's
theology has in fact something of the genus varium et
mutabile semper which Virgil ascribes to women. From
the evangelical school he turned to the high Church,
from this to Rome. But after he had refused to follow
Manning's agitation for the infallibility dogma and had
characterised the Society of Jesus as an insolent, aggres
sive faction, he stood in the last years of Pius IX. as
good as under the ban. And, in spite of the wise policy
of Leo XIII., who sought to cover up these differences,
there is no doubt, as Hopkins rightly remarks, that New
man was much more honoured and loved in the English
Church than in the Roman ; while the romanising ten
dency of his influence ceased with his secession, the
personal devotion remained. But before we consider
Newman's personal influence upon others, we shall have
to examine the effects of Tract Ninety and of Tractarian
ism in general.
Hardly one of the tracts gives any evidence of a scien-
tiflcally honest investigation in the German meaning of
the word (that is, where the result was not certain before
the investigation). It is true that there was no lack,
among the authors, of patristic learning and of dialectical
skill. And their courage grew not only with their suc
cesses but also with opposition. Among their successes
we count the favour they found with the majority of the

276 The Papacy in the igth Century
bishops, who saw the considerably weakened authority
of their ofifice strengthened by the Oxford men. Fore
most in opposition was the Christian Observer (represent
ing the evangelical party), which as early as the year 1834
pointed out the dangers of the new tendency for the
Church. At that time Newman had propounded his Via
Media, in which he vindicated for the English Church the
middle position which in fact represents her peculiar
character. The struggle grew from year to year more intense, and
more and more unmistakably the new school claimed not
only toleration but sole right in the Church. This was
shown in 1836 in the Hampden dispute, when the Oxford
men attacked Hampden's nomination as professor.
Thomas Arnold at the time vigorously defended his
friend against the charge of infidelity. The following
year, 1837, witnessed a new conflict, occasioned by Wil
liams' tract on official reserve in the communication of
religious truths. The publication of Froude's Remains
in the years 1838-39 increased the intensity of the an
tagonism by revealing the real nature of the ends Froude
had been pursuing. " It was now made perfectly plain
that the younger generation had been taught to see in
the Reformation a deplorable calamity, to treat the other
Evangelical Churches with contempt, and the Roman
Church as the older sister of the English, or in fact as
her mother."
But it was Tract Ninety which finally knocked the
bottom out of the barrel. Its sophistical character was
only too evident. Newman did not so much investigate
the doctrinal intentions of the Thirty-nine Articles ; his
endeavour was rather to ascertain how far they could be
twisted and interpreted, in order to reconcile the doc
trines rejected by the authors with the letter of the
articles. It was a real Jesuitical reservatio -mentalis, by
means of which the young generation was taught to give

The Oxford Movement 277
a different meaning to the obligation of ecclesiastical
formularies. Wiseman, from the Roman side, could
point out with little trouble that such a position must
necessarily lead farther.
The subsequent events in which were manifested the
consequences of the premises enunciated in the Tracts
for the Times are to be sharply distinguished from the
attitude of the authors at the time. They were as yet
very far from thinking of leaving the English Church;
on the contrary, they hoped so to increase their influence
as to bring about ultimately the reunion of the separated
Churches, that is, to bring over their whole Church to the
Papacy. It is therefore necessary to leave their later
writings out of consideration, in order at this point to fix
our attention upon the situation as it had been created
by Tract Ninety. The challenge which it contained was
of course too peremptory for the bishops who had hitherta
favoured the movement to look on in silence. In March,,
1 84 1, the vice-chancellor of Oxford broke with the Trac
tarian party. Bishop Bagot of Oxford, personally much
inclined towards the party, notified Newman that Tract
Ninety was offensive and calculated to disturb the peace
and the quiet of the Church. The archbishop of Canter
bury forbade the publication of further polemical tracts.
Newman submitted by his letter of March 29, 184 1, to the
bishop's order, and stopped the publication of the tracts.
Pusey, who until now had covered the whole party
with his name, attempted to defend Newman's position.
He himself was suspended for three years from the uni
versity pulpit, on account of a sermon which had been
too controversial. But he did not follow Newman in the
latter's subsequent career; he contented himself with
" deprotestantising " the English Church. Pius IX.
afterwards said of him, he had rung the bell for the
entrance of England into the Catholic («'. e., Roman)
Church, but himself stopped at the door.

12 yS The Papacy in the igth Century
This period of transition, before the conversions in
large numbers had begun and Newman himself took the
last step, illustrates the attitude which his party originally
endeavoured to assume and to occupy. A few months
after he had outwardly submitted to his bishop Newman
took it upon himself to suggest to the Protestants of the
Continent to submit themselves to the Roman bishops of
their dioceses. The claim, put forward at a later time
by Bishop Martin of Paderborn, that his jurisdiction ex
tended to the Protestants living in his diocese (to " all
baptised persons"), was sanctioned in principle by New
man in the declaration which he made to the Evangelical
pastor Sporlein of Antwerp : to the effect that he, as a
cleric of Antwerp, was subject to the spiritual power of
the bishop of that city. The circle of young men sur
rounding Newman expressed their agreement with this
view. Even after the crisis occasioned by Tract Ninety,
Newman remained for more than four years on the divid
ing line between the two Churches. One after another
of his disciples and friends preceded him into the Church
of Rome. Among them are many of slight importance,
but also no small number of those who before their con
version occupied prominent positions and who by their
ascetic piety as well as by their learning and their power
of logic exercised an influence upon large circles. The
numerous writings by these men, partly before, partly
after their conversion, represent at this day an important
chapter of modern English ecclesiastical literature.
They are not always agreeable reading; nevertheless
in the period now beginning we have before us one of the
most powerful spiritual movements of our century, one
which for those who were caught in its influence was all
but irresistible. In his pamphlet on the Vatican decrees,
Mr. Gladstone has expressed himself as follows: " The
ecclesiastical historian of the future will perhaps conclude

The Oxford Movement 279
that Newman's withdrawal was a more important event
than the partial alienation of John Wesley, whose loss to
the English Church is the only one which in magnitude
can be compared with the loss of Newman." He em
phatically designates him as the leader, at the time, of
religious life in England; no one but Newman himself
was able to deprive him of this ofifice and this power.
Newman was, according to Gladstone,
in the extraordinary, perhaps unparalleled, position in a critical
period to give to the religious thought of his time and his
country the most powerful impulse it had long received from
any man ; then to be the principal, though without doubt in
voluntary, cause of an equally remarkable dissension and dis
sipation of the representatives of this mode of thought into a
number of divided and mutually antagonistic groups.
The testimony which Gladstone bears to the existence
of dissensions will be confirmed by those who, in the
literature of the years 1841 to 1845, trace the remon
strances and the warnings on the one side and on the
other follow the writings published in increasing numbers
by converts. It is manifestly a period of separation of
heterogeneous elements, which came about in the natural
order of things and then just as naturally assumed ever
larger dimensions. Many of those who were formerly in
favour of the Tractarians began to hesitate : among them
the same Perceval who had been one of the first pro
moters of the movement, and an increasing number of
bishops. Measures are now taken to dam the stream,
more, to be sure, in the spirit of the seventeenth than of
the nineteenth century : such as greater stringency in the
requirement of subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles
at matriculation in the universities. On the other hand,
the advance guard of the army, which is looking towards
Rome, more and more engages our attention.
As yet it is mostly younger men, with unknown names.

28o The Papacy in the igth Century
most of them personal pupils of Newman, who shared his
hermitage at Littlemore and then left it in order openly
to transfer their allegiance to the Church of Rome.
Somewhat better known are William Lockhart, who went
over in August, 1843, ^iid Charles Seager, who in October
of the same year took the same step in Rome. Charles
Scott Murray, who followed them, was the eighteenth
immediate pupil of Newman who since 1841 had taken
this step.
A much greater sensation was made by the course
which William George Ward pursued. He had been the
editor of the British Critic, in which Newman, after the
cessation of the Tracts, had defended his position. Ward
published, in 1844, his Ideal of a Christian Church, in
which he went far beyond the principles of Tract Ninety.
This writing is characterised, on the papal side, as the
boldest which the Puseyites had till then published.
Ward in fact endeavoured to represent the promulgation
of the most pronounced Roman maxims as entirely com
patible with his official position in the Church of Eng
land. The universal opposition which this called forth,
and the legal action instituted against him, which ended
with his deposition, obliged him to relinquish his ofifice.
After his conversion Ward undertook the publication of
the Dublin Review. He also published a number of
writings upon special topics, of which we mention one
which was written in the true Jesuitical spirit of quib
bling, concerning The Authority of Doctrinal Decisions
which Are not Definitions of Faith (1867).
But even Ward's far-reaching audacity was soon sur
passed by that of Frederick Oakeley. He too had begun
his literary activity by a defence of Tract Ninety, in
which, like Ward, he went beyond it and recommended
auricular confession, celibacy, and a form of worship
which served as a model for subsequent ritualism. Now
he entered the lists in defence of Ward and claimed even

The Oxford Movem-ent 281
more decidedly than the latter the right of retaining
spiritual ofifice in the Church, in order that he and others
might fulfil their mission for the conversion of their
parishes. He tried the patience of his colleagues in the
Church until it became necessary to take legal steps
against him, which ended in his deposition.
There is thus evident, even while they are both on the
way to Rome, a certain divergence in the two lines of
procedure, that of Ward and Oakeley on the one hand,
of Newman on the other. Oakeley's polemical zeal after
wards carried him farther and farther and greatly intensi
fied the confusion existing in the company of the converts..
He finally had the audacity to glorify as " the Church of
the Bible " (1865) the same papal Church which in every
way had sought to counteract the dissemination of the
Bible and, where it could not altogether prevent it, had
sanctioned the grossest falsifications.
And yet even Oakeley's infatuation was surpassed by
that of his friend, Frederick William Faber. Besides
Faber's own writings, the Sights and Thoughts in Foreign
Churches, written before his conversion, the customary
letter to a friend concerning the motives of his secession,
and a large number of ascetic and proselytising works
dating from the latter part of his life, we are in possession
of a laudatory biography of him by Father Bowden. If
anyone desires a superabundance of malicious expres
sions of defamation poured out upon everything con
nected with the Reformation and with Protestantism, he
could hardly find a better source to draw from. Even
the heroes of English literature, a Milton, a Shelley, a
Byron, are treated by Faber in the most contemptuous
tone. His associate and peer in this berserker madness
was his bosom friend, William Anthony Hutchinson.
The latter had the hardihood to write a special pamphlet
(soon translated into German), in which he represented
the Loretto fable as true history, and we are not sur-

282 The Papacy in the igth Century
prised that this orthodox papal " historian " treats a
scholar of Dean Stanley's eminence as if he were an
ignorant schoolboy.
We have selected these names from among a large num
ber of theological converts, because they exercised a de
cisive influence upon the man who had hitherto been the
head of the school. It is evident that the " leader, at
the time, of the religious spirit in England," in the more
than four and a half years from the suppression of the
Tracts for the Times to his secession, never gave up the
hope of being able to avoid the last step, and that he
sought to avoid it because he thought it possible to carry
his whole Church over with him to Rome. With this
purpose in view he attempted several large literary works,
such as the Lives of English Saints, which dates from the
period of his hesitation. Most of these works came to a
standstill, and even his Essay on the Development of
Christian Doctrine remained a fragment. The book
gives clear evidence of how the author was drawn hither
and thither and could not rise above an attitude of vacil
lation. More and more did the man, who so long had
influenced others, become the object of others' influence.
Even such young men as Dalgairns, who had reported to
the Paris Univers the situation as it was created by Tract
Ninety, are seen to exert an increasing influence upon
his decisions.
It was Dalgairns who brought Father Dominicus, the
priest who occupied himself with receiving " recanta
tions," to Newman. The journey of the father on a
rainy day has been neatly dressed up in true novel style.
Dalgairns had gone over on the 29th of September, 1845,
Ambrosius St. John followed him on the 2d of October.
On the 8th of October, late in the evening. Father Do
minicus came to Newman, took his confession, and re
ceived him into the true Church. During the next days
there followed a large number of friends, who had only

The Oxford Movement 283
waited for Newman to set the example: Bowles and
Stanton on the 9th of October, Woodmason on the loth,
and soon afterwards Cofifin, Newman's companion on his
journey to Rome.
Newman's literary activity is too comprehensive to be
exhaustively treated in this connection. Immediately
after his secession he published the open " retraction "
of his errors (antedated the 6th of October). He ex
pressed himself somewhat more fully in Loss and Gain,
or the Story of a Convert (1848). But his activity con
sisted from this time mainly in the introduction into
England of the congregation of the Oratorians, of which
he himself had become a member. From 1852 to 1858
he presided as rector over the university of Dublin.
Quite naturally, a large number of the younger converts
made their confession by preference, to him.
With Newman's apostasy begins the first period of a
regular pilgrimage to Rome. The mere names of the
theologians who went over in the years following fill a
number of pages. We select only those who have re
corded the reasons for their apostasy in any noticeable
writings. Among these are Thomas William Marshall,
Edward Browne, Albany Christie, William Wingfield,
Leicester Buckingham. The first belongs to the older
group who with Newman sought to avoid isolated action.
Witness his Notes on the Catholic Episcopate. But after he
had recognised the inevitableness of recantation, he drew
up a list of twenty-two motives by which he endeavoured
to persuade others to follow him. Later he wrote a
larger work on missions, in the style of Wiseman's Mill
ions and Martyrs (the former represented as the means of
Protestant, the latter as the power of Roman Catholic mis
sions). Browne's conversion pamphlet bears the form of a
letter to the editor of the Church and State Gazette. Chris
tie wrote for the glorification of the Papacy (identified

284 The Papacy in the igth Century
with Catholicism) as the only real counterweight to polit
ical tyranny. Wingfield began as Anglican with a defence
of prayers for the dead ; at a later time he wrote books of
travel in the interests of the Papacy. Buckingham finally
added another to the many Jesuitical fabrications whose
aim was to prove the innocence of Mary Stuart.
More interesting, however, than any of these is a pair
of friends whose mutual relations remind us of those of
Faber and Hutchinson. They are James Spencer North-
cote and Healy Thompson. Northcote wrote his first
work upon the fourfold dilemma of Anglicanism (1846);
later he wrote on the Roman catacombs and the Virgin
Mary (proving the papal dogmas concerning Mary out of
the gospels). Both together founded the Clifton Tracts,
in which, by the boldness of their method of reconstruct
ing history, the authors have out-distanced even the
" historians " of the German tract associations, who cer
tainly are not to be accused of too great modesty in this
respect. The first seventeen issues of the Tracts, or the
first division, treated the Reformation in the light of the
papal bull against Luther. The second division has
" made the refutation of historical falsehoods, such as
are current in England, its object"; the third consists
of dogmatic, the fourth of devotional or entertaining
treatises. Among the theological controversialists of the year
1846 we name a few who are particularly eminent : Henry
Formby, author of a popular illustrated Church history
and of a pamphlet against rationalism in education ; David
Lewis, author of an exceedingly violent work on the nature
and the extent of the royal supremacy ; the two Morrises,
one Pusey's assistant in the Hebrew professorship, the
other afterwards the secretary and biographer of Wise
man ; Richard Simpson, author of a number of works on
the persecution of Catholics in England and of a life of
the Jesuit Campion. With these theologians go a few

The Oxford Movement 285
forerunners of the subsequent droves of converts from the
aristocracy: the Scottish Lord Monteith, who with his
large fortune rendered material services to the Propa
ganda ; and Lady Georgiana Fullerton, who followed in
the steps of the authoress of Geraldine, and wrote numer
ous proselytising novels, which have been all translated
into German.
Among the converts of the year 1847 John Gordon
leads the way. His work. Some Account of the Reasons of
¦iny Conversion to the Catholic Church, passed through seven
editions in ten years. From out of the circle of the
Oxford school there followed him in the same year his
brother William Thomas Gordon, Richard Gell Mac-
mullen, Thomas Wilkinson, Edward Caswall (known
among Romanists as a poet), Robert Ornsby (author of
a life of Francis de Sales and companion of the young
duke of Norfolk), and a number more. Early in the
year 1848 these were joined by Robert Knox Sconce,
whose work, A Few Plain Reasons for Submitting to the
Catholic Church, was widely circulated.
Most of these Anglican theologians became after their
conversion Roman priests or monks and as such devoted
themselves with energy to the making of new converts.
The movement which proceeded from the clergy ex
tended more and more into other strata of society, as we
see from the lists of the same year, which contain the
names of General Tyler, Lord Macaffrey, the lawyer
Wetherfield, the painter John Pollen, and the publisher
James Burns.
The stream of converts steadily increased, even before
the Gorham case, when the attitude assumed by Manning
in consequence of the decision gave it a new impulse and
a new character. Even during the storms of the year of
revolution, 1848, the movement did not stand still.
Among the converts of this time is James Burton Robert
son, a poet of some talent, whom the papal press places

286 The Papacy in the igth Century
on a level with Milton and above Young. We find also
the name of the baronet William Drummond Stewart,
whose wealth enabled him " to form the nucleus of a
Catholic congregation in a region wholly Protestant";
also that of Colonel Jerrett, the rich landed proprietor
and justice of the peace, and Thomas Yonge, " nephew
of Lord Senton and member of one of the most prominent
families in Hampshire," and various judges and lawyers.
The great majority of writings by converts dating from
that time breathes the fanaticism of infallibility. In
justice to the authors we are bound to acknowledge that
they were men of conviction, who unflinchingly followed
duty wherever it led them. There can be no doubt that
in them the English Church lost a number of highly
gifted and influential members.
And yet — if we candidly compare the time before and
after 1845, we can hardly resist the conclusion that the
crisis brought about by Newman's secession acted like a
stori;n which clears the atmosphere. However great was
outwardly the loss to the English Church, the gain to its
inner life was much greater. These men in fact no longer
belonged to a Church which after all was rooted in the
Reformation. The English Church occupied an untenable
position so long as the Tractarians held their places in her.
Hence the sultry, oppressive atmosphere caused by the
feeling of an imminent, inevitable catastrophe. When
the dreaded event had happened, when the inevitable
separation had taken place, the Church seemed again to
breathe freely, like the newly sown field after the thunder
and Hghtning of the storm. All respect for Newman's
learning and — we accept Gladstone's testimony for it —
his subjective honesty. Objectively there is scarcely
conceivable a greater piece of dishonesty than Tract
Ninety. No candid man can blame Newman because
his conviction led him into the papal Church. But we
may justly blame him for delaying so long.

The Oxford Movement 287
To be sure, if we consider Newman's later life, we shall
understand why the step was so difficult to take. Again
we say, all respect for the weight of his personality, and
that not only in view of his earlier, but even more in view
of his later activity. But was the latter not a labour of
Sisyphus ? We read the answer in his own writings.
There is hardly anything more pathetic than his auto
biography (published after long delay in the year 1864)
and the controversy with Pusey to which it gave rise.
How touching are the repeatedly expressed regrets for
the happy years from 1833 to 1841 ; and how significant,
when we compare the broken life of the following years !
And why broken ? It was not the attacks of his former
associates in the faith that clouded his after-life, but
those of his eager disciples to whom the master was not
sufficiently zealous. He was obliged to relinquish his
position in Dublin after many painful experiences. And
when at last he was about to realise his dearest wish,
the establishment of an oratory at Oxford, he was most
humiliatingly disavowed by Pius IX. (1867).
The manner in which the orthodox papal press at that
time spoke of him is paralleled only by the treatment ac
corded to Dollinger after his celebrated lectures in which
he advocated the abandonment by the pope of the tem
poral power. He was accused, with Dollinger, of an
attempt to " germanise " the Church, which must be
protected from this fate by the Papacy. Newman did
not conceal his opposition to the dogma of the infalli
bility. But when the crisis came, he lacked DoUinger's
strength of conviction. Such unreserved opposition as
that which was shown by born Catholics would have
meant for the convert a disavowal of his whole former
life. It is the fate of numerous converts that they are
not able publicly to retract their recantation without
stultifying themselves. Newman is a prominent illustra
tion of this. After maintaining for some time his refusal.

288 The Papacy in the igth Century
he had to resign himself to accepting the cardinal's title
from the peace-pope Leo XIII., and suffer himself to be
represented as bought over.
Although a large number had followed Newman in his
apostasy, still the years we have been considering do not
by any means bring us to the real climax of the era of
apostasy. This was brought about by the Gorham case
(1849), that new crisis in the Anglican Church, in conse
quence of which the antagonistic elements diverged more
than ever, following a sort of centrifugal movement. In
all previous party divisions within the Anglican fold, the
question had practically been between the two parties of
the high and the low Church. But the appearance of
Puseyism within the first party, together with the oppo
sition of evangelicalism, with its more practical tendency,
had called forth a more strictly scientific movement. We
trace its beginnings in the opposition of the older Oxford
men, the school of Thomas Arnold, Whately, and Hamp
den, to their younger successors.
As the "romanising" tendencies of the Puseyites
became more evident, the " germanising " movement
asserted itself more decidedly in opposition. The united
action with Germany in the establishment of the Jerusa
lem bishopric called forth from Newman a decided pro
test; on the other hand it drew closer, among a large
number, the connection with Germany. The growing
strength of the so-called broad-Church school, which
maintained intimate relations with German theology,
forms one of the most interesting phases of Protestant
Church history in England; but in the chapter of that
history which brings before us the progress of Anglo-
Catholicism we meet only with an intensified antagonism
on the part of those who would have nothing to do with
the German Reformation, with German theology, and
with what they were pleased to call German unbelief.

The Oxford Movement 289
The Gorham case first brought these new antagonisms
into prominence. Gorham really opposed the magic con
ception of baptism as identical with conversion. But as
the Thirty-nine Articles maintained this conception even
more decidedly than the Lutheran symbols, he departed
from the confession of faith as much as Tract Ninety had
done in the opposite direction. It is the peculiarity of
the crisis that attaches to his name that the party which
hitherto had been the occasion of the increasingly numer
ous conversions to Rome now set itself up as the guardian
of the faith and would tolerate no other interpretation
than its own. Gorham's Tractarian bishop refused to con
firm him in the living to which he had been presented,
and the bishop's proceedings were approved by the higher
ecclesiastical court ; but the royal privy council acquitted
Gorham of the charge and instituted him in his parish.
This action, in the eyes of the Puseyites, showed more
than ever the supremacy of the crown in the light of a
tyranny and the Church as hopelessly subjected to the
state. Hence a growing excitement and more and more
angry protests, in which Pusey himself took part. But
again he separated himself finally from his associates.
It was the subscribers to the so-called Gorham protests
whose submission to Rome marks the real climax of the
whole stream of conversions. And both Newman and
his friends and the old-Catholics of England were more
and more pushed to the rear and deprived of their in
fluence by those who from this time on went over to the
Church of Rome.
Again, we find a number of dii minorum gentium lead
ing the way. Almost all of them entered the service of
the Roman Church and henceforth devoted their lives
principally to the conversion of others. The fact that
at the one Church of the Redeemer at Leeds almost
simultaneously five of the clergy took the same step
proves to what extent the action of one man determined

290 The Papacy in the igth Century
that of another. Soon the forerunners of minor import
ance were followed by the real leaders, such men as
Wilberforce, Manning, and Palmer. And to these men,
who since then have been the heads of the new Roman
hierarchy, were now added regular processions of the
aristocracy to the rock of St. Peter.
With the theological leaders of the new movement as
well as with the Tractarians, we must unreservedly
recognise the ecclesiastical ideals which determined their
action. We find these expressed in the words of the
men themselves. For we meet now, even more than
before, with a voluminous controversial literature. Prom
inent among the writings in which the new converts
justified their action is the " farewell letter " to his
former parishioners of Henry William Wilberforce. A
few years later he was followed by his brother, Robert
Isaac Wilberforce, who at his conversion published a
pamphlet against the royal supremacy. The third
brother. Bishop Samuel Wilberforce, became, with Pusey
and Keble, the leader of the subsequent reaction.
If we compare the literature as a whole which belongs
to the new era with that which dates from the earlier
days of Newman's secession, we observe a considerable
disparity. In place of the earnest, conscientious struggles
which characterised the former period, we now find a
tendency to rhetorical pathos; in place of the ancient
Church-ideals we find a growing emphasis placed upon
the Church as a world-power. Vulgar materialisation of
religious ideas is mingled with a still more vulgar ambi
tion. The reason of this change is not far to seek. The
older forerunners made sacrifices for their convictions;
the younger generation followed the favourite fashion.
Newman and Manning have been much compared ; but,
aside from the fact that both entered the Church of
Rome, the parallel is justified only in so far as both be
came cardinals. But even touching this external fact the

The Oxford Movement 291
difference is striking : Manning won the coveted title by
his agitation for the new papal dogma, while Newman
was reluctantly prevailed upon to accept it. As the
religious-ethical attitude of the two men was one of con
trast, so was their outward position: the successor of
Wiseman in formal capability and hierarchical dexterity
far excelled Newman, whose coveted ideal was the her
mit's life. Manning therefore exerted upon the latest
development of the papal Church, under an infallible
pope, an influence which extended far beyond England.
Manning's course, before his conversion even, shows-
very vividly the contrast between the two periods of
conversion, the one led by him, the other by Newman.
Manning, even in his earliest controversial writing, in
connection with the Tractarian movement (1842), took
his stand upon the mere external mechanical conception
of Church unity. It was in consequence of the Gorham
decision that he identified this conception with the ex
clusive claim of his own party to represent the Church.
He stood personally at the head of the protesting move
ment. He himself described at a later time the scene at
the subscribing of the protest: " At the moment of sub
scribing, one of the authors of the protest, turning to the
others, exclaimed : ' If the Church of England does not
repudiate this judgment, I suppose we are all ready to
leave her ?' ' For my part,' answered one of us, ' I
shall never leave her, cost what it may.' " The one that
put the question was Manning, the other was Pusey.
The protest was repudiated by the bishops, and the
subscribers were considerably embarrassed. They had
recourse to an appeal, against the bishops' judgment, to
the rest of the clergy. This meant, from their point of
view, to whom the apostolical succession of the bishops
was the corner-stone of the Church, open revolution.
But the appeal had no great success.

292 The Papacy in the igth Century
In order to understand Manning's plans in connection
with the general ecclesiastical situation, we must not for
get that the year of the judgment in the Gorham case,
1849, was the year of the establishment of the papal
hierarchy in England. This wisely calculated coup d'itat,
carried through regardless of consequences — the ex
pression of the pope's gratitude for Catholic emancipa
tion, which made clear to those who had laboured to
bring about emancipation that the Papacy did not recog
nise its opponents' rights, — will be fully considered in
another connection. But in reviewing Manning's earlier
and later position, the fact is of no slight importance that
he delayed his open conversion until the furious storm
occasioned by the " anti-papal aggression " had calmed
down. It was not until October, 185 1, that he considered
the time propitious for the contemplated step.
The first three years after his conversion were spent in
Rome, and from there he returned as Doctor Romanus.
As such he was affiliated with the Jesuits. His wife had
died, and there was therefore nothing to prevent his en
trance into the Roman hierarchy. He had in Rome
been admitted to the order of Oblates of St. Charles Bor-
romeo, and after his return he founded a monastery of
this order in Bayswater, a suburb of London. Bayswater
is said to have become, in consequence, a half-Roman
suburb. Somewhat later Manning also transplanted the
Soeurs du S. Sion and the Geneva school brothers to
England. During the last years of Wiseman he almost
forced the latter into the background.
More significant still are the events at his nomination
to succeed Wiseman. This was a new act of violence on
the part of the Papacy, in no way inferior to that which
had been inflicted upon the English Church by the im
position of the Roman hierarchy. Both the chapter and
the provincial bishops had proposed three other can
didates. Pius IX. simply forced his favourite Manning

The Oxford Movement 293
upon them. The latter entered upon his new dignity
with the public expression of the hope that the English
schism, like the Arian and the Donatist, would fall to
pieces and in the course of a few centuries would remain
only as an historical curiosity.
The position of primate of the Roman opposition
Church in England gave to Manning the outer form, and
it depended upon him to give to this form a substantial
meaning. In this he was successful. To render an ac
count of what he did for the Roman world-power by means
of his many sensational demonstrations would require a
special work. One of his first acts was " the erection of
a cathedral commensurate with the size of the Catholic
population and the dignity of the archdiocese." One
of the many rich converts. Sir John Sutton, furnished
the means for the purchase of the ground.
Such outward manifestations are proper to the nature
of the papal Church, which devotes itself by preference
to spectacular exhibitions. Far more important were the
attacks made by the new archbishop upon the Church of
the land, whenever the latter passed through a new crisis.
These later crises, which ensued as by a law of nature in
consequence of the forced union of three heterogeneous
tendencies in the Church of England, are not to be over
looked, if we would fully grasp the reasons for the con
tinual progress of the Roman Propaganda in England.
Every time broad-Church criticism or low-Church friend
liness toward dissenters made itself prominent, the high-
Church party renewed its opposition. So it was with
the agitation called forth by the Essays and Reviews,
with the opposition to Bishop Colenso, with the grow
ing animosity against the modern methods of nature
study ; so it was, again, when the efforts of Moody and
Sankey, of Pearsall Smith, or the comedies of the Salva
tion Army were patronised by the " Evangelicals."
With a dexterity in which he was equalled only by

294 The Papacy in the igth Century
Bishops Dupanloup and Ketteler, Manning understood
how to use these crises in such a way as to force the con
viction upon the Anglo-Catholic party that their ecclesi
astical, ideal was capable of realisation only in union with
Rome. We mention, by way of illustration, his letter to
Pusey at the acquittal of the authors of the Essays and
Reviews. The very title. The Crown in Council, was ad
mirably calculated to stir up the Puseyite antipathy to
the supremacy of the crown. The first letter (which
Pusey did not answer) was soon followed by a second,
on The Work of the Holy Ghost in the Church of England.
This work of the Holy Ghost consisted, of course, prin
cipally in conversions to Rome. It is a question whether
Pusey would have made any reply to the renewed chal
lenge, had not Newman's History of my Religious Opin
ions demanded an answer. At any rate, we may say of
Pusey's Eirenicon, in which, over against Newman's and
Manning's defection to Rome, he gave the reasons for
his remaining in the Church of England, that it had a
considerable effect in staying the stream of theological
conversions. All of Manning's attacks upon his mother Church wit
ness to the same talent and also to the same fanaticism.
His zeal turned every means to account. There is in the
contemporary history of England, political as well as
ecclesiastical, hardly an important event with which the
Roman primate in one form or another has not con
nected his name. It is true, as has been said, that he
" obtained a position in English society such as no
Catholic {i. e., Roman) bishop has had since Reginald
Pole." The personal peculiarities by which Manning
gained this position have been described as " his many
connections and his fine manners." The etiquette of
the salon offered to the representative of Rome the best
field of operations for his intended conquests among the
society of the nobility. The courtesy of the cultured

The Oxford Movement 295
Englishman smoothed the path, step by step, for his
further plans. Scarcely an appeal can be found in behalf
of a philanthropic work which is not subscribed to by
the delegate of the pope in England.
But the same man, whose advances were met in the
most friendly spirit by the representatives of the religious
circles of England, more and more unreservedly set
papalism in the place of Catholicism. In full opposition
to Dollinger and Newman he dared, as early as 1865, to
defend the temporal power of the pope with arguments
which nowhere sounded more sophistical than in Great
Britain. The new dogma of Pius IX. found hardly any
more passionate defender. Although Manning liked to
have his name appear in connection with movements
outside the Church, yet when in 1866 the establishment
of an association of prayer for the reunion of the churches
was agitated, he forebade the participation of the faithful
in it. The reason was given that ' ' it was of questionable
expediency, even dangerous, for a Catholic to take part
in such associations, because in spite of the strongest faith
he might easily be induced to make the most serious con
cessions. "
What the state as such had to expect from a realisation
of Manning's ideas is made clear by one of his latest
writings on The Catholic Church and Modern Society. In
the final conclusions which he draws in the fourth section
we read this sentence :
The Catholic Church can only to a limited degree maintain
political relations with those European states that have sepa
rated themselves from the unity of the faith. In them we find
either regalism introduced, as in England, Denmark, and
Sweden, or caesarism, as in Prussia. Inasmuch as these states
have departed from the canon law of Catholic Christendom,
they have rendered cordial co-operation impossible.
What the ' ' canon law of Catholic Christendom, ' ' in other

296 The Papacy in the igth Century
words, the papal system as founded upon the pseudo-
Isidorian decretals, demands, has been made sufificiently
evident since the Vatican decrees. The departure of these
states from this ' ' canon law ' ' consists in the fact that
they acknowledge, not only the ' ' rights ' ' of the Propa
ganda, but also the rights of other beliefs. As long as
they are unwilling to renounce this fundamental error and
to place the temporal power at the disposal of the ' ' unity
of the faith " for the extirpation of heretics, they have
" rendered cordial co-operation with the Catholic Church
impossible." But it is time to turn from Manning himself to those
who followed his example. For with all the difference
between the personalities of Newman and Manning, the
conversion of both had the same result, in so far as it be
came the signal for a number of those who were of the
same mind. In the one year 185 1, in which Manning's
defection took place, we count besides those already
named twenty-two high ecclesiastics who took the same
step. Nor did the movement come to a standstill in the
following years, although it gradually somewhat abated.
But we find in the number of later theological converts
no eminent qualities or performances, excepting titles,
connections, and property.
Only one name, and that the name of a man who was
a leader in the beginning of the Tractarian movement,
demands special mention in connection with Manning.
It is William Palmer, the same who, as early as 1839,
in his treatise upon The Church of Christ from the
Anglo-Catholic Point of View, had shown evident tend
encies towards Rome, and who in 1842 in his Letter
to a Protestant Catholic hurled loud anathemas against
Protestantism. Nevertheless, Palmer did not immediately follow either
Newman or Manning. On the contrary, we see him in

The Oxford Movement 297
1853 entering into negotiations with the Russian synod
concerning an alliance with the Church of England — ne
gotiations which, like all others, failed on account of the
Filioque. After his return. Palmer called down upon him
self episcopal censure, because he had acted without the
authority of the episcopate. His action, from the stand
point of the Episcopal Church, was as revolutionary as
Manning's appeal to the clergy had been. Nevertheless,
he made a similar attempt with the Scottish bishops,
anticipating, in view of the Tory origin of their Church,
a more favourable reception of his plans than he had
found in England. Not till after this step had proved
futile did he journey to Rome, in 1855. The exercises
of St. Ignatius finally overcame his scruples against open
conversion. He remained in Rome and wrote a pam
phlet in which he turned history into romance by telling
us what is not found in the catacombs, but what in the
interests of the Papacy ought to be found there.
With Manning and Palmer there passed into the
Roman Church the last leaders of the old Tractarian
movement who left the Church of England. For not
only did the closer circle around Pusey not follow them ;
Keble also, who in the beginning of the movement
played a conspicuous part, afterwards turned back. In
the subsequent development of the Church of England,
Puseyism was succeeded by so-called Ritualism, whose
object was to romanise the worship of the Church. The
several usages which the ritualists gradually introduced
into the service, vestftients and candles, elevation of the
host and incense, and many others, appear to be so
trivial and childish that it is difificult to understand how
serious men could busy themselves with such things.
Nevertheless, even to a man like Hopkins, Ritualism
stands for a genuine ecclesiastical ideal, and the tendency
concealed at its first appearance a far greater danger than
that of the old Tractarians. The dogmatic niceties of

298 The Papacy in the igth Century
Puseyism had little interest for the religious laity. Rit
ualism, on the other hand, was bound to exert a strong
influence in accustoming the laity to Roman usages.
This enables us to understand the attention which the
new movement attracted, and the many controversies
occasioned by the youthful zealots who were its noisiest
agitators. For it is a fact that British Church-history of
the last twenty-five years is largely made up of renewed
aggressions on the part of the ritualists and legal actions
instituted against them (Bennett, Cheyne, Mackonochie,
etc.). It was a natural consequence that of the accused
and condemned ritualists a considerable number in the
end found their way to Rome. We have, however —
with the exception of the literary stragglers already men
tioned — not been able to find any persons of eminence
among the converted ritualists.
The English daily papers every year print the names
of new converts, and the display made with these Hsts
rather increases than diminishes. And yet there is the
greatest conceivable contrast between this display and
the reality. How different is the picture which Newman
draws in his History of my Religious Opinions, a book
which is considered by Roman Catholic authorities to
mark the height of his fame and public influence and to
represent the most considerable literary triumph which
Catholicism has obtained in England, but which, on the
other hand, called down upon the most eminent of all
converts the irreconcilable hatred of Pius IX., and from
whose publication (together with Pusey's Eirenicon) we
date the first ebbing of the tide in the stream of converts.
Why does Newman speak so emphatically of the " little
band " ? Why does he make the remarkable declara
tion: " So long as we Catholics in England are so weak,
the Church of England represents us " ? The effect of
the secessions to the Church of Rome was not what was
expected. In fact, ever since the Vatican Council the

The Oxford Movement 299
Anglo-Catholic party has, more than all others, become
conscious of the utter antagonism of Catholicism and
papalism: a fact which forebodes for the future a con
tinually increasing reaction.
Great parade has been made by the representatives of
the Papacy with the names of converts of high position.
But, although we do not deny the learning and the logic
of the converted theologians, we have no such respect
for those bearers of illustrious names who have figured so
prominently in the lists of converts. Who, that has fol
lowed with interest the course of public affairs in the ten
years after 1870, does not remember how in the most
childish demonstrations against Bismarck's policy the
names of Earl Denbigh, Earl Gainsborough, Sir George
Bowyer, and many more were paraded before the public ?
These gentlemen were made out to be the born repre
sentatives of the English Catholics. Most of them
were in reality the mere irresponsible tools of adroit
proselytisers. And what shall we say of the ladies who belong to the
same category, — the many duchesses, marchionesses,
countesses, and baronesses ? Revelations, like those
made by Earl Nelson concerning the unworthy means
by which his son, still under age, was converted behind
his father's back, are repeated with almost all these
young converts. Indeed, the reading of the " conver
sions ' ' too often creates the impression that these people
were simple idiots. The authors of the lists of converts
seem to have understood the principle that in matters
of religion men are not to be counted but weighed, in the
sense that not their persons but their money-bags were
to be weighed. The great sums which the converts in
different lands have placed in the hands of the papal
party, rival the treasures of the greatest magnates of the
exchange. But for this very reason the great majority
of the cases which come under the head of conversions

300 The Papacy in the igth Century
among the nobility afford neither a religious nor a theo
logical, but only an exchange interest.
Lord Fielding, afterwards Earl Denbigh, was won over
by Bishop Gillis. In the same year Sir George Bowyer
seceded to Rome. His chief claim to fame lies in the
introduction of the order of the Knights of St. John into
England. Since then this order, together with that of
the Holy Sepulchre, the papal order of the Golden Spur,
and the Roman title of count, has played a similar part
in the lists of noble converts as the dignities of papal
house-prelates, prothonotaries, cardinals, and the like
have played with converted clerics.
The number of gentlemen and ladies who followed at
this time is legion. Among them are : Sir John Simeon,
member of Parliament for the Isle of Wight ; Sir James
Hope Scott, by his first wife (a granddaughter of Walter
Scott) owner of Abbotsford ; Robert Biddulph Phihpps,
who spent large sums in restoring a ruined church on
his estate and gave his library to a monastery ; and the
poet, Aubrey de Vere. In the one year, 185 1, that of
Manning's secession, sixteen other illustrious families are
counted. It is a fact which hardly requires an explana
tion that after the " return ".to Rome had become the
fashion the number of those who took part in the move
ment steadily increased, and also that the religious mo
tives which operated here and there in the beginning
were more and more lost sight of. And as was the case
with the large majority of the converts from the German
aristocracy, so with their English associates we meet
often with the most pronounced political reactionary
tendencies. Among the nobility, the conversions of the marquis of
Bute and of the marquis of Ripon made the greatest
sensation. The latter became afterwards, under Glad
stone, viceroy of India. Of the female sex we find a
still larger number, among whom are the duchesses of

The Oxford Movement 301
Hamilton, Leeds, and Buccleugh, and Lady Herbert of
Lea, who defended her secession in an open letter to her
brother, and who wrote Impressions of Spain, which it is
interesting to compare with the reality as it was revealed
two years later at the expulsion of Queen Isabella. With
the converts of this period we must also mention Miss
Adelaide Procter, the poetess ; and whoever cares to do
so, may refer to the lists for a host of other names.
None of the conquests of the Papacy can, in outward
splendour, be compared with the English conversions.
We will therefore briefly sum up the statistics. In the
year 1852 there had seceded 92 members of the uni
versity of Oxford, 43 members of the university of
Cambridge; among the former 63, among the latter 19,
divines. Ten years later, there were put down 867
proselytes of note, among them 243 former Anglican
clergymen. In the year 1879, the Whitehall Review
published a list of 41 pages, in which were 350 clergy
men. From this list we extract this further informa
tion, that the number contained i field marshal, 7
generals, 4 admirals, 23 colonels and majors, not to men
tion the captains and lieutenants. The nobility is repre
sented by 6 duchesses, 2 marquises, and many earls and
barons. After these we find members of Parliament,
lawyers, artists, etc. The list proves — what indeed we
already knew — that the conversions were a fashion which
had become prevalent in the upper world. As Cardinal
Wiseman said, the whole movement " found most dififi
cult entrance and the most sterile soil in the middle and
industrial classes."
But quite aside from the large dimensions of the move
ment, whoever studies the literature of conversion will
observe certain other peculiarities. One is particularly
struck by the differences which existed among the con
verts themselves and between them and born Catholics.

302 The Papacy in the igth Century
The difference in the treatment given to a man like New
man by Pius IX. and Leo XIII. affords an instructive
insight into the mutually hostile tendencies in the same
Church of Rome, which was so proud of its unity. The
main argument of the English converts had been that
ecclesiastical unity was to be had only in Rome. Now
they found oppositions more acute than before. Even
before the appearance of Newman's autobiography and
the dogma of papal infallibility, the greatest differences
had come to the surface among the converts themselves.
Before the Tractarian movement, in the time preceding
the real era of secession, we have this drastic description
by Oakeley :
In many important questions we found ourselves split into
different parties. When the various persons, who as the ex
ponents of Oxford opinions were generally treated almost as
one person, met one another in society, they were so little sure
of unanimity of opinion that the fear of quarrelling was any
thing but favourable to their mutual intercourse, and prompted
many of their sincerest friends to join societies which confined
enthusiasm within narrower limits, and thereby obviated the
danger of dissension.
Far more significant, however, is Newman's account
of the " old school," to which he belonged, and the
" new school," " which entered into the original move
ment obliquely from one side, crossed its line of thought,
bent it around and carried it in a parallel line backward."
He complains bitterly that the old friends had forsaken
him: " You throw me, whether I will or not, into the
arms of others " ; and that he " could never devote him
self to the persons and to the lines of thought, which had
come together in the new school, in the same way as to
the old circle ' ' ; although ' ' I felt myself mightily at
tracted to their main purpose and moved in the same
direction with them. ' ' But that he did this with a di
vided heart is proved by this frank confession :

The Oxford Movement 303
So it happened that, when the new school had come to ma
turity and had begun to quarrel with the old, I did not have
the heart and much less the power to refuse them; I placed
myself on their side ; at a time when I craved peace and rest
I felt obliged to raise my voice, and so I incurred the reproach
of weakness from some, while the great mass accused me of
concealment of purpose, of false play and of equivocation.
Even those historians on the Roman side, whose ob
ject it was to make the new converts appear as a compact
body, are not able to deny the manifest differences
among them, and the German historian Rosenthal says
of Ward: " He represents in English theology most
purely, but with his own originality, the views of the
Roman school and of the later scholasticism, while he
has a certain antipathy towards that school of older the
ologians to which Newman is drawn." And another
German, Alzog, makes this significant remark: " Car
dinal Wiseman was very glad when the Home and
Foreign Review, edited by Lord Acton, was started in
opposition to the Dublin Review, whose tendency, under
the editorship of the convert Ward, was altogether too ex
treme. ' ' This is the same Lord Acton who at the time of
the Vatican Council went hand in hand with Dollinger ;
and his action proves unmistakably the existence of irre
concilable differences in the Church of Rome in England.
Wiseman, being a born Catholic, was able to hold the
warring factions together. But when Pius IX., in the
face of the opposition of chapter and bishops, appointed
to the primacy the most zealous and the most hierarchical
of all the converts, there was an end of peace. Manning
belonged to the inner circle of the initiated in the man
agement of the Vatican Council. At this same Vatican
Council Bishop Clifford, recalling the sworn declaration
of the Irish bishops at the time of Emancipation,' made
the following statement :
' See page 76.

304 The Papacy in the igth Century
No one will convince the Protestants that the Catholics have
not acted contrary to honour and good faith, when, for the
securing of certain rights they publicly professed that the doc
trine of papal infallibility was not a part of the Catholic faith,
and then, when they had obtained the fulfilment of their
desire, immediately receded from this public profession and
affirmed the contrary.
Lord Acton and Bishop Clifford were no converts, but
representatives of old Catholic family traditions. It was
in the nature of things that, if the differences among the
converts were so acute, the contrast between them and
born Catholics should appear far more decided. And
the biographies of the converts themselves repeatedly
point out the many differences between the tendencies of
born Catholics and those of the neophytes. In one of
the earliest French works upon The Religious Movement
in England, by Gondon (1847), the former are contrasted
with the latter and reproached with " reserve and timid
ity. ' ' The same charge is made by the German author
already quoted, who says that
the older Catholics avoided everything that could infringe
upon the customs of their Protestant fellow-citizens, they ob
served Sunday with the same pedantry as the Protestants,
their clergy wore no costume different from that of other
classes, the rosary was rarely to be found in private houses
and families, etc.
It is interesting to note the attitude assumed, even
among the first converts, in the reviews and periodicals
which they set on foot, towards the older Catholic gen
eration. We take as an illustration the Tablet, founded
by Frederick Lucas, in 1840. This is what Lucas'
biographer says of the opposition which this organ called
forth among the Roman Catholics :
With only one object in view, the furtherance of the in-

The Oxford Movement 305
terests of his Church, including the most complete conservation
of the civil rights of its members, he spoke the language of a
man who was pursuing a purpose with entire and perfect sin
cerity, and he had no patience for what seemed to him weak
and hesitating politics. But years of oppression and persecu
tion had not been without effect upon English Catholics, and
had left behind no little timidity and caution, nor were there
wanting other motives to moderate the fervor of their zeal.
Many of them, who had fought manfully for political equality,
considered themselves, after the passage of the emancipation
bill, bound by honour and gratitude not to be unreasonable
in urging further concessions on the part of their Protestant
friends and helpers. Others, although sincerely devoted to
their religion, did not consider it necessary or advantageous
to make it prominent upon ordinary occasions or to connect
it with every object of public interest. Others again were
under the influence of strictly aristocratic feelings, and shrank
from everything that looked like popular agitation, even in
favour of their own religious opinions. To all of these Lucas
now addressed himself in a tone of indignant censure as to
those who had culpably neglected the talent committed to
them, and it is not surprising that they resented his language.
It must have been particularly offensive to those hereditary
leaders of the party, whose Catholicism had descended to them
with the estates and the honours of their ancestors, who in
dark and stormy times had held fast to their faith, who could
point to the names of confessors and martyrs in their family
histories, and whose old castles still contained the hiding-
places which had concealed the persecuted priesthood, as well
as the secret chapels in which in dangerous times mass had
been said. For such it was really hard to be called to account
and to be accused of lukewarmness, not by a dignitary of the
Church or other spiritual authority, but by an obscure layman,
a convert of yesterday.
With the nomination of Manning to the primacy of
the Roman English Church, the leadership went entirely
into the hands of converts of his school, and the older

3o6 The Papacy in the igth Century
Catholic element has been pushed to the rear. Roman
Catholic journals and periodicals have been almost with
out exception founded or at least edited by converts.
This is true, among others, of the Dublin Review (Ward's
organ), of Atlantis (Newman's creation), of the Rambler
(edited in succession by the converts Capes, Northcote,
Simpson, Newman, and Wetherell), of the Home and
Foreign Review (conducted also by Wetherell), of the
Tablet (founded by Lucas, afterwards in the hands of
Ryley), of the Weekly Register (owned by the converted
members of the Wilberforce family), and of the Month
(edited by Coleridge). The Clifton Tracts, the model of
a German pamphlet-series, were founded by Northcote
and Thompson.
In the field of general literature also, especially wher
ever there was a possibility of controversy, born Catholics
are far behind the converts. But we meet their influence
especially in the daily press : not only are there numerous
avowedly clerical sheets, but both in liberal and in con
servative organs a large number of converts is employed.'
Cardinal Manning is said to have founded a sort of
seminary for the training of young men for this kind of
press activity.
The numerous monasteries and congregations, founded
and managed by converts, are anything but asylums for
those who are weary of this world. They are rather
centres of the most energetic agitation. To the congre
gations of Oratorians, founded by Newman and Faber,
have been added the Oblates of St. Charles at Bayswater
and an increasing number of institutions of Jesuits, Re
demptorists, and Brothers of Charity, which are mostly
filled with converts ; to say nothing of female orders
and congregations.
' In one of our American daily papers the feeling in England against
Germany was recently ascribed to the influence of Roman Catholic reporters
for the English daily press.

The Oxford Movement 307
The consequence of all this is that the born Catholics
of Great Britain are now almost a neglected quantity.
Quite different, however, is the final result of the whole
movement as it affects the Church of England. For
with the secession of those who corrupted the Catholic
ideal, always strenuously insisted upon by the Church of
England, and gave it a papal meaning, this ideal became
purified from such excrescences. And as the Church of
England became increasingly conscious of its historical
position as the representative of the truly Catholic ideal,
it became better able to assert this position outside of its
own limits. From this point of view we learn to appre
ciate the renewed influence which the Church of England
and the German Church of the Reformation have mutu
ally exerted upon each other. The latter gave to the
former its high intellectual aspiration, which seeks truth
for truth's sake ; and Germany learned from England to
understand the necessity of the ecclesiastical factor for
the popular welfare, which had been too much ignored
by the philosophy of the closet.
From this point of view we also learn to comprehend
the significance for the future of the old-Catholic sacrifice
for conscience' sake. At a time when politicians and
scholars in Germany had nothing but ridicule for a re
ligious movement that did not materialise in numbers,
the English Church did not refuse the brotherly hand.
And their participation in the union conferences at
Bonn, under Dollinger in 1875, proved most strikingly
that the victory over an attack which shook its very
foundations has taught this Church to grasp with far
greater earnestness its world-historical mission for the
future. As in its attitude towards other countries, so in Eng
land itself the Church of England has become again the
guardian of true Catholicism. Of its activity in the life
of the people, of its culture of all intellectual interests.

3o8 The Papacy in the igth Century
ecclesiastical annals may tell little. It is with a church,
which quietly and peaceably does its duty in the service
of the kingdom of God, as it is in a happy marriage : not
much is said of it. As, on the other hand, the disputes
of priests and doctors of the law have at all times been
in evidence, so it has been with the papal party in Eng
land. But genuine Anglo-Catholicism, fructified by the
philanthropy of the low Church and by the scientific
research of the broad Church, goes in security its earnest,
quiet way, in closest alliance with the national culture.
If we compare the state Church and the free churches of
Great Britain, we shall find in the former a much wider
and freer horizon. The Scotch Free Church would not
tolerate Robertson Smith ; the English state Church has
learned to appreciate more and more highly its Robert
son and Kingsley, its Hare and Arnold, and no church
of the present time has had a nobler representative of all
the ideals of true church life than Dean Stanley of
Westminster. But while thus the association with the national cul
ture has been preserved, the sundering of the bonds
which the external connection with the state has imposed
upon the established Church, which not without reason
had challenged the opposition of the Tractarians, is now
only a question of time. The re-established convoca
tions have already largely taken the place of Parliament.
The disestablishment of the Church of Ireland has been
accomplished. The same is imminent even now with the
Scotch Church, and the entire inner development of the
Church of England propels it in the same direction. A
number of its ancient privileges have already been for
feited. Both the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill and the Uni
versity Tests Bill were repealed in the year 1871. By
the repeal of the latter, admittance for adherents of every
form of belief was opened to all degrees in the universi
ties of Oxford and Cambridge. But in proportion as

The Oxford Movement 309
the special privileges, which were inconsistent with the
spirit of the times, were abandoned, the moral power of
the old Church of England has increased.
The process of purification, effected by the secessions,
has thus brought a blessing to the Church of England.
Since the Vatican Council the movement towards the
Church of Rome has not only come to a standstill, but a
reaction has set in. No theologian of the Protestant
world is more highly esteemed in England than Dol
linger. The " Catholic movement " has largely leaned
upon him for support. He sees to-day (1889) in the
English Church one of the firmest bulwarks of Christen
dom, for the same reason which made him recognise in
the dogma of infallibility the seed of an incurable disease
for the newly established German empire. And if we
would appreciate the moral position which Dollinger
has occupied since 1870 we must go, not to Germany,,
but to England and America.
Nor has the opposition between Catholicism and Vati
canism ever been more strikingly pictured than has been
done by Gladstone ; no less than one hundred and fifty
thousand copies of his pamphlet on The Vatican Decrees
in their Bearing on Civil Allegiance were in a few weeks
spread over England alone. Littledale's writing also.
Plain Reasons against Joining the Church of Rome, passed
in a few years through more than thirty editions. And
is it not for the future of Germany and of Switzerland a
sign of the times, that the Catholic historian Dr. Los-
sen was the translator of Gladstone, and the Catholic
Church historian. Dr. Woker, the German editor of Lit-
tledale, while the Catholic bishop Herzog furnished an
introduction ?
Let us return once more to the judgment expressed
by Pusey's American biographer Hopkins upon the re
sults of the Catholic movement. One of the first effects

3IO The Papacy in the igth Century
in his judgment is the restoration of the ecclesiastical
convocations, which had slept for a century and a half,
as the true representatives of the Church in place of the
temporal Parliament. In close connection herewith is
the strengthening of the Anglo-Catholic conception of
the Church in its contrast to that of the papal system.
The Anglo-Catholic Church itself in both hemispheres has
grown so rapidly that, instead of the sixty-seven bishops
at the beginning of the Tractarian movement, it to-day
counts two hundred and fifteen. Far greater, however, is
the growth of the Church's influence upon the life of the
people. The restoration of voluntary confession is the
result of the recognition of the pedagogical functions be
longing to the cure of souls. The so-called new orders, es
pecially the sisters' homes, are asylums intended to meet
and ameliorate social needs. The Catholic name simply
stands for what in Germany is comprehended under the
name of " home missions ": hospitals, schools, Magda
len-asylums, orphanages, convalescent homes, trade-
schools and sewing-schools, all the various efforts to
enhance the ability for self-support among the female
sex, and many other philanthropic agencies.
That within the Church of England, with all the ap
preciation given to its Catholic character, the spirit of
the Reformation has more and more triumphed, is
proved, among other things, by the pan-Anglican coun
cils, held since 1867, with their anti-papal decrees. It
was by the suggestion of Dr. Pusey that the pan-Anglican
conferences took their stand, not upon the first four
general councils, but upon the first six, and by that act
included in their doctrinal basis the condemnation of an
heretical pope by an ecumenical council. To German
Protestants a good deal will still appear strange in these
formularies. But German Church history knows of sim
ilar attempts at union upon the basis of the undivided
Church of the first six centuries. The disputes oc-

The Oxford Movement

311

casioned by the Syncretism of Calixtus, early in the
seventeenth century, drove many converts into the
Church of Rome; but Syncretism became in the end
the forerunner of Pietism and of the general reinvigor-
ation of Reformation ideas. Such appears to be to-day
the prospect in the Church of England.

CHAPTER XVIII
THE NEW PAPAL HIERARCHY IN ENGLAND AND THE
FRUITS OF THE PAPAL SYSTEM IN IRELAND
WE have already mentioned the ' ' restoration of the
Episcopal hierarchy " as coincident with the
climax of English conversions ; this was the requital on
the part of the pope for Catholic emancipation. The
consideration of this subject was interrupted in order to
trace the Anglo-Catholic movement through its various
stages to the final outcome. By so doing we have now
been placed in a position to follow the interferences of
the Vatican in the affairs of England, not as an isolated
phenomenon, but in connection with what went before
and with what came after.
Our survey of the progress of papalism couples the
history of Ireland with that of England. For we must
keep in view the long series of Irish conspiracies, charit
ably ignored by the Papacy, in order to comprehend the
reactionary step which England took when she sent
Errington on a mission to Rome (1880). From the
establishment of the papal hierarchy by Pius IX. to the
secret mission of Errington to Leo XIlI. the papal policy
runs a straight course.
It was in the middle of October, 1850, when England
was surprised by the announcement that the pope in
secret consistory had ordered the " restoration " of the
" Catholic " hierarchy in England, had nominated the
312

The New Papal Hierarchy in England 313
apostolic vicar Wiseman as archbishop of Westminster,
and had divided all England into twelve bishoprics under
him. By this " restoration " the Church of England, as
by law established, was simply treated as non-existent
and given to understand that she, no more than any
other schismatic church, could claim any rights over
against the authority of the Propaganda.
In view of the care with which the Anglo-Catholic
Church had always guarded the apostolical succession of
her bishops, there was in this action a much larger degree
of assumption than if such pretensions had been made
towards bishopless Protestants. The title " archbishop
of Westminster " was particularly outrageous, because
by it the royal court and the Parliament were submitted
to the jurisdiction of the Roman prelate, who at the
same time received the title of cardinal.
The consequences of this proceeding were just what
had been counted upon in Rome: intense momentary
excitement without any real fruits. Every fibre of the
national feeling vibrated with excitement. It seemed
almost as if all the gains that the papal Church had hith
erto made had become jeopardised.
Everywhere there were meetings, loyal addresses were
adopted, and impetuous demands made for interference by
the government. All non-Tractarian pulpits thundered against
the Roman antichrist and the false prophets in their own
Church. These sermons were loudly re-echoed by the press.
It was a harmless but significant act of vengeance, that on the
commemoration day of the gunpowder plot Guy Fawkes pro
cessions on a magnificent scale and attended by a general
concourse of people paraded the capital. At the conclusion
of the celebration the pope, Wiseman, and Pusey were burned
in eifigy.
Even the ministry was drawn into the popular move
ment. By a curious coincidence Lord John Russell, the

314 The Papacy in the igth Century
principal author of Catholic emancipation, stood at its
head. The action of the pope was a bitter requital for
the trustfulness of those English statesmen who had
omitted to take the necessary precautionary measures
against papal aggression when emancipation was carried
through in obedience to the just demands which the
spirit of the times made. They had meekly accepted
the policy of the Curia with regard to Ireland. And
after the Curia had been suffered to set up in Ireland,
against the bishops of the state Church, its opposition
bishops with the same titles, a like measure could not be
prevented in England. What did it avail that the prime
minister wrote a letter to the bishop of Durham (No
vember 4, 1850), in which he spoke with indignation of
papal pretensions and promised decided counter-meas
ures ? The bishops of the state Church might unanim
ously re-echo his sentiments, — that did not put their
rivals out of the way. What real advantage was gained
by the ecclesiastical titles bill, which was introduced by
the ministry in February, 1851, and accepted by Parlia
ment ? It forbade the Roman bishops the public use of
their titles, assumed from the cities of England, and it
prohibited the wearing in public of their costumes by
clergy and monks. But even this prohibition remained
a dead letter. And what finally came of the state over
sight of the monasteries which was now made law ? It
remained disregarded, like the numerous older laws that
have never been repealed, which have as much validity as
ever, but " exist only not to be applied." Too fre
quently has, since then, this pernicious form of speech
been used in Parliament, when motions have been made
for the enforcement of the prohibition of the Jesuits and
for the investigation of abuses in the monasteries. These
motions have always been rejected with derision.
While thus legal measures proved as fruitless as the
popular excitement that preceded them, the papal cohort

The New Papal Hierarchy in England 315
was all the more energetic in carrying out the programme
which had long been secretly prepared. The policy of
the Curia ofificially permits dissimulation temporis ratione
habita, until the favourable moment has arrived for the
practical enforcement of theoretical claims. So long as
the "anti-papal aggression" lasted, the act by which
the rights of the English bishops had been usurped was
defended as a self-understood consequence of freedom of
worship. But this tone was afterwards changed, and the
address to the English people, which Wiseman issued at
the time, is to-day as antiquated as the declaration
of the Irish bishops in 1826 to the effect that the Church
of Rome does not teach the infallibility of the pope.
Indeed, they understood admirably at the time how to
represent themselves as the lamb whose water the wolf
had muddied. Even the most zealous of the converts,
such as Spencer, Northcote, and Lady Fullerton, in their
popular writings, assumed the air of innocent lambs.
Wiseman's successor, immediately after his nomina
tion, spoke in a very different tone. We have already
noticed his prognostication of the future of the state
(page 295). The assurances which it was customary to
give before the Vatican Council are to-day no longer
considered necessary. The Roman Church in England
now counts its resources with pride. The strata of the
populace which she controls are as good as hermetically
sealed from the rest of the population. They have their
own historians : Cobbett, Lingard, MacCarthy ; their own
novels, their own collections of poems and poets, their
own newspapers and periodicals, their own tract-societies.
A number of orders of monks and nuns have spread
themselves over all parts of the country. The educa
tional institutions of St. Edmond and St. Cuthbert have
been founded upon the model of those of St. Omer and
Douai in France. The privileges of a university have
been extended to Stonyhurst. Since 1874 there has been

3 1 6 The Papacy in the igth Century
established a special " free" university in Kensington.
The number of Roman Catholic pupils was calculated
some years ago to be 140,000, distributed among 1400
private schools, which are under strict confessional man
agement. The teachers are trained in their own semin
aries. Every year new minsters and cathedrals are built.
In the one year 1878 there were erected in the single
diocese of Liverpool nine magnificent churches; nine
more were in the process of construction. The Jesuits,
driven out of Germany, had the choice of a number of
asylums and endowments, which were simultaneously
offered them. Of the other orders also, which left Ger
many on account of the Kulturkampf, Great Britain
received a fair share.
The complete change of conditions, however, since the
" restoration of the Catholic episcopate " in England
was nowhere more strikingly shown than by what hap
pened when Leo XIII. — in his first consistory, March,
1878 — applied the same measure to Scotland. It was
accepted quite as a matter of course ; it received hardly
any attention. The Scotch Act of Union of 1707 had
expressly provided for the unconditional perpetual exclu
sion of every kind of Roman Catholic hierarchy from
Scotland. Now the peace-pope set up with one stroke
two archbishoprics and three bishoprics. And Unefait
accompli was calmly accepted. The Propaganda had
been so successful among this most Calvinistic of all
people that the German historian Alzog could boastfully
say : ' ' Open conferences were held in the Scotch cities,
and the misrepresentations of the Protestant ministers
had only the effect of making non-Catholics desirous of
learning the principles of the reviled faith." Scotland
has its papal periodicals and newspapers of all kinds as
well as its higher and lower schools.
The history of the English Parliament in our own time
brings before our eyes the increasing influence of the

The New Papal Hierarchy in England 317
Ultramontane party upon the parliamentary proceedings.
The British party of the Centre, like the German, has
understood admirably how to maintain the balance of
power and to make Whigs and Tories outdo each other
in the price paid for their votes. Even the social move
ment is taken advantage of, as is the case in Germany.
The writings of Lord Montague rival those of Bishop Ket
teler of Mayence in all the arts of the social demagogue.
MacCarthy's History of England makes very clear the
kind of future " loyal Catholic subjects" have planned
for the British empire, and it was hardly necessary to
emphasise the teaching by the dynamite propaganda of
O' Donovan Rossa.
These last names have carried us over from England to
the smaller neighbouring island. We shall now have to
examine more closely into the consequences of Catholic
emancipation as it affected Ireland. The result of the
Irish insurrections of the last years of the eighteenth cent
ury was to intensify the opposition between the two hos
tile races as well as the bitter feeling against the English
Church on the part of the Roman clergy, who were espec
ially involved in the insurrections. This state of things
in Ireland co-operated to bring about Catholic emancipa
tion. It was seen to be a social necessity. And the fur
ther history of Ireland is in fact nothing but a series of
efforts to heal abuses transmitted from former generations.
It is, however, a characteristic of Irish history, and
one which has to be realised in order to understand the
course of affairs, that every concession has been answered
by a new rebellion. And there has been no rebellion
where the Church did not have her hand in the game.
The Irish clergy is more uneducated than in other
countries ruled by the Vatican, but for that very reason
is closely bound up with the people. A detailed descrip
tion recently given of land and people (by E. Goegg)

3i8 The Papacy in the igth Century
characterises the Irishman as " strictly orthodox," and
adds: " Everywhere one meets at the crossroads wooden
and stone crucifixes, and even in the poorest parts are
many and imposing churches. Priests there are in super
abundance. Every Catholic Irishman humbly uncovers
his head to every priest. The women salute by kneeling."
The effect of the Emancipation Act (1829) was only to
increase the excitement in Ireland. It seemed as if the
Irish clergy were bent upon justifying the dark forebod
ings of the opponents of the bill : a measure which justice
demanded, but which overthrew the legal basis of the
state as it had hitherto existed. Very soon after, in
1831, a large number of agrarian murders were com
mitted. The new demand, which these murders were
intended to emphasise, and which was raised especially
by the Roman priests, was the abolition of tithes paid to
the Church of England. The Russell ministry at once
obediently made the motion in Parliament to remit the
tithes to leaseholders and to substitute for them an
annual ground-rent to be paid by the owners. This
motion passed the House of Commons, but was re
peatedly rejected by the Upper House. The parlia
mentary conflict lasted from 1833 to 1838, until at last
the Upper House yielded, as it had done in the question
of emancipation. Even that part of the tithes which
was to remain was allotted to a fund for popular edu
cation among Catholics.
At the same time the government applied itself seriously
to remedy the bad condition of the public health. Father
Mathew's famous temperance movement, which began
in 1840, received extensive aid from England. But
hardly had it begun when O'Connell's Repeal agitation,
the demand for complete separation of Ireland from
England, diverted popular attention from the temper
ance movement. His treasonable agitation (represented
by the papal press of all countries as a battle for the

The New Papal Hierarchy in England 319
faith) remained long unpunished. At last he was con
demned by a Dublin jury in 1844. But the influence
he exerted from prison was all the greater. And his
death in 1847 gave to the Irish people another national
saint. The agitation begun by O'Connell was carried on with
out intermission through the next ten or twenty years.
And, all through it, sectarian fanaticism made itself
prominent. The cynical brutality which marked the
proceedings even of the highest prelates appears in other
countries almost incredible. When on the Sth of Novem
ber, 1855, the Redemptorists made a bonfire of Bibles,
the archbishop primate praised the deed as a laudable
imitation of the occurrence at Ephesus(Acts xix., 19).
The extensive emigration of the Irish to America,
which, it was thought, might have proved a remedy for
the overpopulation of the island and the evils consequent
upon it, only made the condition of affairs worse. From
his new home across the sea, where the Irish voters,
under the discipline of the clergy, have exerted an im
mense influence, where the government of the state of
New York has come entirely under the control of the
Jesuits, young Erin has not only sought in every way to
disturb the friendly relations between the Union and the
British empire, but has taken an active part in every
insurrection in the old country.
After an endless series of murders and street-fights (as,
e, g., in 1865, in Belfast), the conspiracy of the Fenians
began in 1866 to spread nearly over the whole island.
The higher clergy now changed their attitude and placed
themselves ofificially on the side of the state. What the
lower clergy did in the confessional is beyond the know
ledge of the historian. As a reward for the loyalty of the
prelates the general oath of allegiance was modified, and
by this modification all restrictions upon the mental re
servation characteristic of the papal system were removed

320 The Papacy in the igth Century
(1866). In the following year, in a Catholic convention
at Aix-la-Chapelle, ' ' the present aspect of the movement
towards Catholicism in the English high Church " was
represented as more hopeful than ever.
We find in the seventies, even more than during the
preceding years, the same alternation of assassinations
and concessions. The Clerkenwell explosion ' and the
disestablishment of the Irish Church (January i, 1871),
the establishment of the Land-League (1879) and the
reduction, by law, of rents, the so-called Kilmainham
treaty with Parnell and the atrocious murder of the vice
roy Cavendish and secretary Burke (1882) — these stand
in the closest mutual relations the one to the other. The
detailed account of the renewed agitations and assassina
tions which followed upon each new concession is a part
of political history. It is, however, a matter of interest
to the ecclesiastical historian that the offer of ;£'20,ooo as
a reward for the discovery of the murderer of the viceroy
proved futile, but that the crown-witness Carey was im
mediately found after the higher clergy had intimated
that it was permissible to " open the mouth " of those
murderers who desired to add immunity from the state
to the absolution of the Church.
That in the Irish revolutionary movement there exist
rivalries among the various parties is beyond a doubt.
But, precisely as in the case of Russian nihilism, the
milder factions serve only to cover the backs of the
" men of action." The murder of the viceroy has since
been outdone by the dynamite explosions in the London
' December, 1867. The explosion at the Clerkenwell House of Deten
tion was intended to release the Fenians, Burke and Casey. ' ' Six persons
were killed outright ; six more died from its effects, according to the cor
oner's inquests ; five, in addition, owed their deaths indirectly to this means ;
one young woman is in a mad-house ; forty mothers were prematurely con
fined, and twenty of the babes died from the effects of the explosion on the
women; others of the children are dwarfed and unhealthy," etc. — The
Times, April 29, 1868.

The New Papal Hierarchy in England 321
ministry and in the office of The Times. These deeds
were vociferously applauded by the Irish in America
through their spokesmen, and greater acts of heroism
were promised ; while at the same time Egan, the treas
urer of the Land-League, found it prudent to withdraw
to America. It shows how close was the connection
between Ireland and America, in that both the Land-
League and the " Invincibles," who butchered the un
armed viceroy, found their model in the Irish-American
secret society of the Molly Maguires, whose statutes
were not long after this revealed by detective MacParlan,
who had become a member of the society.
The public programme of the Molly Maguires was
Christian Charity and Philanthropy." The conditions
of admission were Irish descent and the Catholic religion.
The supreme control of this association, whose proper
field of activity was America, was in the hands of the
Board of Erin in Ireland. This board gave the watch
words, the grips, and the toasts. The secret language
of the society, taken mostly from commercial life, is
remarkably similar to that of the Frisian Jesuits, as it was
made known in the year 1616 through the confiscated
papers of Father Warighem, and published in the official
pamphlet (now rare), Der Jezuyten Negotiatie ofte Koop-
handel. Most of the members of the Molly Maguires are
not informed of the plans of their superiors, as is the case
with the lower degrees in the Jesuit order. But while
they suppose themselves to belong to a philanthropic
association, a secret lodge is in the background.
Like the " German Catholic associations," they en
deavoured to influence public elections and to bring both
political positions of honour and civil administrative
ofifices into the hands of " believers." That in so doing
they did not stop short of violence, murder, and arson is
proved by the reign of terror which for a number of years
existed under the secret rule of this association in several

322 The Papacy in the igth Century
states of the Union. In the judicial investigation which
was brought about through the devotion of MacParlan,
there were revealed not only the watchwords, which
were mostly of a political or sectarian character, but also
the methods by which the murderers and incendiaries
had hitherto escaped the arm of the law. This was done
by choosing, for the execution of the crimes, men who
were unknown in the respective neighbourhoods. Other
conspirators then swore to an alibi. The ample means
of the secret association permitted the engagement of the
best legal talent in behalf of the accused. And absolu
tion for sins committed was assured where the "Catholic
religion " was a condition of admission to the society.
These methods passed from the Molly Maguires in
America to the ' ' Invincibles ' ' in England. The English
prime minister was called upon to face the situation
brought about by the activity of the latter. And, just
as fear of the nihilists brought about the ' ' peace ' ' be
tween Russia and Leo XIII., so Gladstone now found
that the Curia alone was able to discipline its faithful
sheep. This is the background of the much-talked-of
Errington mission, with which the English ministry, in
the spring of 1883, played such a mysterious game.
The member of Parliament for Longford, " a Catholic
faithful to his convictions," was not ofificially accredited
to the pope, either by the queen or by the ministry.
The ofificial disclaimers are right in denying this. But
this did not prevent Errington from serving as " love-
messenger " between the ministry and the Curia as early
as the winter of 1880 to 1881. The result of this mission
was a papal brief to the twenty-six Irish bishops, forbid
ding their participation in agitations which, according to
all appearances, led to murder and arson and other in
human atrocities. The bishops remonstrated, and there
followed another brief, in which the prohibition of

The New Papal Hierarchy in England 323
participation in the secret meetings of the Land-Leaguers
was rescinded. Thereupon Errington again went to
Rome ; and Leo XIII. wrote another letter to the
bishops, in which he sought to unite the two factions
among the latter (the one led by Archbishop MacCabe of
Dublin, the other by Archbishop Croke of Cashel). At
about this time the notorious Carey became crown wit
ness and began his revelations of the secrets of the gangs
of assassins. Carey (as was ofificially stated at the trial)
had belonged to a " Catholic society " whose members
took communion once a month.
Errington brought back to England, in November,,
1882, an autograph letter to the queen, in which the
pope expressed his gratitude for the interest manifested
by their sovereign in the Catholics of the British empire.
The Vatican press at the same time expressed the hope
that, after Germany had set the example and Russia had.
followed, England herself would soon send an ofificial
representative to the Vatican. This, however, excited
the violent opposition of the English press, which re
called the papal encyclical of December 28, 1878, against
the Reformation. Errington meanwhile remained the
semi-official representative of the ministry and secret
delegate of the state. A Catholic scholar describes the
cause of his mission as follows: " Since infallibility in
moral affairs (to which surely belong murder and arson)
and the unconditional supremacy of the pope in all
dioceses is an article of faith for all Roman Catholics,
Gladstone wants to draw some profit from it."
Since then the Irish " martyrs " have been placed in
a corner by the Curia, just as was once done with the
Polish. When Archbishop Croke made a contribution to
the Parnell fund, Cardinal Simeoni issued a letter (May
II, 1883), which forbade the agitation for this fund on
the part of the clergy. Rome considered itself the more
called upon to take this step that Parnell had exchanged

324 The Papacy in the igth Century
courtesies with the infidel French radicals. Croke him
self was called to Rome, as was said, adaudiendum verbum
papcB. But, according to his own statement, he did not
by any means fare ill in Rome, and the agitation in be
half of the Parnell fund only increased after the Simeoni
letter. In the beginning of July, 1883, the Irish bishops
¦went so far as to issue a joint address to the British
government, in which they prescribed further agrarian
measures. How close was the connection between the " shepherds
of souls " and the " martyrs " has been more and more
strikingly shown by every new trial. Carey was mem
ber both of a religious and a revolutionary association.
Mullagh's diary began by stating that he received the
communion on the first of January, 1882, and immedi
ately afterwards was admitted into the league of con
spirators. Whitehead, the manufacturer of dynamite in
Birmingham, stood in close relations with several priests.
When treasurer Egan fled to escape arrest, he had just
before been visited by a priest, in whose clothes he
escaped. The mystical Number One (Tynan) proved to
be a pupil of a religious order.
In all this there was nothing new: the Ravaillacs and
Balthasar Gerards have at all times had numerous prede
cessors and successors, and Syllabus and Vatican Council
have publicly re-inaugurated the Hildebrandian policy.
Only one thing was new; and that was, that after all
such experiences proud Albion should fly to the pope as
the protector against revolution.
The history of the country has sufificiently proved that
renewed concessions to the Curia do not further the wel
fare of the Irish people any more than they do that of
any other country. We notice, however, since the be
ginning of the dynamite era, a gradual revulsion of public
opinion in regard to Irish matters. Until that time, the

The New Papal Hierarchy in England 325
Irish, like the Poles, were the favourites of that senti
mental liberalism which judges after the outward appear
ance. At present we find that not only have men in
England and Scotland come to the conclusion that affairs
cannot go on in the way they have been going, but in
America also the customary coquetting with the Irish
element has received a serious set-back.
It is even more significant as a sign of the times, that
those organs of the German press which had been used
to look upon Poles and Irishmen as their ideals begin to
subject the Irish conception of liberty and its results to a
searching criticism! This was first done in connection
with Bradlaugh's refusal of the parliamentary oath. The
government, to put a stop to endless troubles, brought
in a bill providing for a liberal parliamentary oath, where
upon the home-ruler M'Callan made an opposition mo
tion. This called forth from a liberal authority the
following judgment upon the Irish idea of liberty: " The
League, the Fenians, all the numerous open and secret
associations of discontented Irishmen call for freedom.
But the freethinker is to be denied the right in place of
the oath to make a simple afifirmation."
This contradiction of principles, as the same author
proceeds to say, is not without reason. For, not only
have the liberty-loving Irish in large numbers borne arms
against the liberty of Italy and Germany ; the spirit of
religious persecution has always dictated their sympathies
and antipathies. " Nationality, self-government, liberty
— all these lofty words form with leaguers, home-rulers,
Fenians, and Invincibles only a covering for dark in
trigues, just as was the case with the Swiss Sonderbund."
Hence, in MacCarthy's History of Our Own Times, the
inalicious attacks upon Garibaldi. Hence the charge
which O'Shea, the negotiator of the Kilmainham treaty,
makes against minister Forster as the friend of Mazzini.
Hence, in the Freeman' s Journal, the characterisation of

326

The Papacy in the igth Century

the Italian liberators as a band of intriguers and hirelings,
of Victor Emanuel as a puppet of the revolution, and
Cavour's and Ricasoli's deaths ascribed to the interposi
tion of God.
It is in view of such facts as these that the question
has been asked " whether England has not a mission of
civilisation to perform towards Ireland." The success of
this mission, we may say, depends in the last instance,
upon how far Vaticanism is able to extend its sway over
the life of the people in England. It has already reached
alarming proportions. For under the regimen of the
converts, all the modern Jesuit cults, the fraternities of
the scapulary and the rosary, devotions of the Sacred
Heart, and Madonna visions have been greatly extended ;
and the belief in evil spirits is brought forward with an
unreservedness which may be fitly characterised as the
most significant sign of the times.

CHAPTER XIX
AMERICAN CATHOLICISM AND THE ROMAN CHURCH IN
THE NORTH AMERICAN UNION
OUR attention has already been called, in the general
survey of ecclesiastical conditions at the time of
the Restoration, to the remarkable difference between the
state of affairs in Europe and in America. In Europe
we find reaction following upon the heels of the Revolu
tion ; when we pass over to America we enter the modern
world of ideas, the new world which dates from the Eng
lish double reformation. Upon the virgin soil of the
American free states it was possible for modern Protest
antism, in the turbulent years of the Revolution, freely to
develop the various individualities of its ecclesiastical
systems. But here, too — and likewise immediately after
the successful issue of the struggle for liberty — the ideal
of Catholicism in its anti-papal form, supplementing
Protestant individualism, struck its roots deep into the
soil. From small beginnings the American Episcopal
Church, which was the first to restore this idea to its
rights in the Protestant world, has raised itself to a posi
tion of moral power, which has enabled it to oppose a
true Catholicity to the false Catholicity of the Papacy,
and to be the means of a higher unity to the diverging
Protestant bodies.
Every ecclesiastical gift and prerogative has its own
advantage, but has also its own peculiar danger, and the
327

328 The Papacy in the igth Century
Episcopal Church of Great Britain was no exception to
the rule. The high value which this Church laid upon the'
apostolical succession (through Rome) of its episcopate
was the most important factor in the recent numerous
secessions to Rome. It called forth sharp criticism even
from so warm an admirer of the Anglican ecclesiastical
system as Bunsen, to whom it represented a distortion of
the true ideal. But of much greater moment is the op
position which it excites among German Protestants
whenever the idea of restoring the episcopal system is re
newed. Bunsen himself was made to feel this opposition
in all its force at the institution of the English-Prussian
bishopric of Jerusalem (1841).
The most illustrious representatives of German Protest
antism have been and are the most decided opponents of
the episcopal system. And after the moral suicide of the
papal bishops at the Vatican Council only one thing more
was needed to check any desire for the restoration of the
episcopate among German Protestants, and that was the
fact that those nominal Protestants, who were responsible
for the serious defeat of the state in its conflict with the
Roman Curia, should show their liking for an episcopal
hierarchy. But however strongly the peculiar line of de
velopment that German Protestantism has taken for
more than three hundred years may emphasise the duty
of preserving historical continuity and of avoiding the
imitation of any foreign fashion, this condition of affairs
need not oblige us to form an unfavourable judgment
upon the episcopal system as such.
No one who has studied the sources of ancient Church
history needs to be told that there could be hardly any
greater contrast than that between what the old-Catholic
conception of the Church as it was held by Ignatius,
Irenaeus, and Cyprian, involved touching the equality of
bishops chosen by the congregations, and the universal
episcopate of the pseudo-Isidorean papal system. We

American Catholicism 329
may also assume that all who are familiar with the history
of the Reformation agree upon no other point with the
same unanimity as upon this, that Luther's break with
the episcopate, which Melanchthon had sought by every
means to prevent, was the one fatality which befell the
young German churches and the principal cause of the
ignominious Byzantinism to which they too soon fell a
prey. The latest researches concerning the elector palatine,
Frederick the Wise, have pointed out again how great a
calamity for the German people, passing through the
most violent convulsions of its history, was the premature
death of this high-minded prince (1525). As long as his
guiding hand restrained the impetuosity of Luther, the
break with the elements which were friendly to reform
in the German episcopate was avoided. Left to himself
and even treated by the princes as a superior authority,
Luther's volcanic nature lost the power of self-control
and of moderation. From this time on we trace the de
pendence of princes and statesmen upon the political
counsels of the theologians, with their increasingly dan
gerous direct and indirect consequences, until finally
there came tjie equally ominous recoil to the opposite
extreme : disgust among the leading classes with all
theology. From this time, on the other hand, began
the suppression of episcopal privileges, which till then
had theoretically at least been conserved, and at the
same time the inauguration of a caesaro-papism among
the petty princes, who indemnified themselves for the
loss of political influence by making the Church into a
department of police.
A clearer appreciation, therefore, of the injury inflicted
upon the German Church by the loss of the episcopate
makes us understand much more fully why not only the
English, but also the Danish and the Swedish Reformed
Churches recognised the preservation of the episcopal

330 The Papacy in the igth Century
system as the necessary guarantee of the independence
of the Church, and why even the United Brethren and
Methodism returned to it. But beyond all others it was,
in Europe, the national Church of England whose par
ticular charisma seemed to be the union of the ideal-
Catholic and the Protestant principles. The most striking
proof, however, of what Episcopalianism is capable of
accomplishing is presented, not by monarchical Europe,
but by republican America.
American Episcopalianism is indeed nothing less than
a mere copy of the English type. It is a significant fact
that before the American revolution the English Episco
pal Church in the colonies had no bishops. It was a
peculiarity, fatal for England herself, of her colonial
policy, that it maintained the ecclesiastical dependence
of Episcopalians, in order thereby to strengthen the
political dependence of the colonies. The heel of Achil
les of Anglicanism, the fact that the Church could be
turned only too easily into a tool of the crown or of a
parliamentary majority, was more painfully felt in the
fresher and freer atmosphere of New England than in
the mother-country. Nevertheless, after the conclusion
of peace the adherents of the Episcopal Church remained
true to the Church's ideal. But when they demanded an
independent American bishop, the English bishops re
fused to consecrate one. To such an extent had the
Anglicanism of the time lost its consciousness of the
great heritage of the English Reformation in the com
bination of its Protestant and its Catholic character.
It is the merit of the little Episcopal Church of Scot
land to have divested the ideal-Catholic heritage of the
English national Church of its particularistic one-sidedness
and to have made it once more a power for good to the
whole Christian world. The Scotch Church itself had
only come into existence in the year 1661, under the

American Catholicism 331
influence of the reaction against the division into sects
which was prevalent in the Republican era, through the
consecration of Scotch bishops by the English ; and this
Church had, as a true child of the Restoration, long pre
served its sympathies for the Stuarts against the Hano
verian dynasty. This very fact, however, effected a
greater independence on the part of the Scottish Church
than had ever been enjoyed up to that time by the
Church of England. And it was a manifestation of this
independence when, after American Episcopalians in the
year 1784 had elected Samuel Seabury bishop, upon the
refusal of the English bishops under the influence of
George III., the Scotch Church conferred upon him their
consecration. Thus by its origin the Episcopal Church of America, in
equal measure Catholic and Protestant, was led to em
phasise the truly universal, all-comprehensive character
of Christianity. At the same time the political constitu
tion of the American states has given to the religious
interests of the country a much larger degree of inde
pendence and freedom, and this has been greatly to the
advantage of the Episcopal Church. This made it pos
sible to create a Church constitution which has united
the aristocratic form of the bishopric with the democratic
congregational principle. The highest legislative author
ity of the American Episcopal Church (which for its con
stitution Bunsen chose as the type of his " Church of the
future ") consists in the General Convention, which meets
every third year. This body, like the English ecclesias
tical Parliament, is divided into a House of Bishops and a
House of Deputies of the dioceses ; but it is not, as were
the Anglican convocations for so long a period, a mere
empty form ; on the contrary, it is full of fresh, energetic
life. The American Church has applied its fundamental
principles in the manner of choosing bishops, which in
this Church cannot take place by the authority of the

332 The Papacy in the igth Century
crown or of its ministers. The organised dioceses them
selves, in their annual diocesan synods, choose their
bishops ; while the General Convention acts for the newly
projected dioceses. As soon as the latter (the so-called
missionary jurisdictions) are able to support themselves,
they receive the same rights as the older dioceses.
As men who know how to use their liberty, the ofificial
representatives of the Church have themselves restricted
their sphere of liberty, so that in their ecclesiastical
capacity they do not intrude in the agitations of political
parties. All political parties are represented in the
Church, but the latter serves no party. So too, the
high, the low, and the broad Church have equal rights
in theology. But everywhere the same prayer-book is
used. A liturgy " understanded of the people" has
taken the place of dogmatic formularies. The old ec
clesiastical confessions have retained their canonical and
theoretical validity, but their injurious effect upon the
Church's life has passed away, and there is a happy ab
sence of trials for heresy such as have disgraced the
Church in Germany in our own time.
Even those who are familiar with the very large in
terests of American Church life in comparison with the
insignificance of the corresponding activity in Germany
will be filled with astonishment by a mere review of the
special literature which this Church has brought forth,
A comparison of the minutes of the triennial conventions
is of great interest. The first Journal of a Convention
covers only a few small sheets. This was the convention
that sat from September 27 to October 7, 1785 (the
year of Seabury's consecration), in Philadelphia, and
was made up of deputies from New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and South
Carolina. Two conventions met in the following year, the
one following close upon the other: in Philadelphia, June
2oth to 26th, and in Wilmington, Delaware, October

American Catholicism 333
loth and nth. From the first of these conventions
we have the opening address of the Rev. William White
(shortly after chosen bishop), whose strong faith and
hope of the future show a remarkable parallel to the
character of the national Congress during Washington's
presidency. The men who in a free state founded a really free
Church, in contrast to the slavery of the Papacy, had an
instinctive presentiment of the interest with which later
generations would follow the beginnings of this work,
and a series of important acts as well as the signatures
under the documents were in these first years preserved
in autograph. In the year 1789 there were again two
conventions held, both in Philadelphia, the first July 28th
to August 8th, the second September 29th to October
1 6th. The ecclesiastical organisation had now so far pro
gressed that future conventions met in regular order once
in three years, and that ever after the convention of 1789
the members were no longer spoken of as the deputies
from the several states, and there was no more a Journal
of a Convention, but that now the " Protestant Episcopal
Church in the United States of America " appears with
its Journal of the Proceedings of the Bishops and of the
Clerical and Lay Deputies. At the convention held in
Trenton in 1801, Bishop White consecrated his newly
elected colleague. Bishop Moore; at the same time the
Articles of Religion were adopted and published.
Few historical documents are so impressive to the his
torian as the minutes of these conventions with their con
stant increase in bulk and contents. Up to the year 1856
their size was still so limited that several years' issues
could be bound up together. In the last ten years (to
1889) the Journals, with all possible brevity, present a
wealth of material which in Germany is not even approxi
mately equalled by any similar ecclesiastical publication.
Whoever finds the study of the convention journals too

334 The Papacy in the igth Century
tedious will find in Perry' s Manual, published in 1877, of
the conventions held up to that time, an admirable guide.
Another historical source is the biographies of the bishops,
published by Butterton in 1878. To the first of these,
Samuel Seabury, a special memorial is devoted (1873),
and his son's lectures, published by his grandson, on The
Nature and Work of the Holy Spirit, prove that his ability
has been transmitted in his own family. The active
historical interest which animates the leaders is proved
by the organisation of an Historical Association of the
American Church. One of its most valuable publications
consists in a large volume of facsimiles of ecclesiastical
documents. The German members of the Church have been pro
vided with prayer- and hymn-book in their own language.
A special " Church German Society " is devoted to the
religious needs of the German congregations. There
exist large numbers of other societies. To the Anglo-
Continental Society, which has extended the warmest
sympathy to the old-Catholic movement in Germany and
Switzerland from its first beginning, corresponds the
Anglo-American Society. We say nothing of the nu
merous year-books, almanacs, catechisms, and tracts of
all kinds, in which the American " Church" vies with
Methodists, Baptists, and Lutherans.
In order, however, fully to understand the importance
of the Episcopal Church for the entire development of
the American commonwealth, the historian must have
recourse to statistics. For here it is not a question of
meaningless numbers, as in the advertisements in the
papal organs of the 200,000,000 who are supposed to be
lieve in papal infallibility. In the case of American
Catholicism we have to do, if anywhere, with numbers
that are full of significance, which represent the power of
an idea. Out of the one diocese in 1784 there have grown
48 independent dioceses (1889). The total number of

American Catholicism 335
bishops, including those of the missionary jurisdictions,
is 65. The 592 clergy of the year 1832 had become 1052
in 1841, 1558 in 1850, 2286 in 1862, 3082 in 1877, and
in 1889 their number is above 3400.
Equally significant is the increase of baptisms, mar
riages, and funerals, the only facts upon which can be
based a true calculation of the membership in the various
religious denominations in America. In the year 1832,
when these statistics were first recorded in the journal of
the convention, the number of baptisms of the three pre
ceding years was 23,127. In the three years before 1841
the number was 34,465, in the same space of time before
1850 there were 42,925, before 1862 71,533, and before
1877 129,757. Only the Lutheran Church in America
shows a similarly rapid increase.
The well-known advertisements of the papal press are
fully justified in this one point, that the papal Church of
to-day has been able to amass the largest ecclesiastical
property. But the statistics of the year 1880 count alto
gether only 6,143,322 Roman Catholics. If only the
descendants of the Roman immigrants had remained true
to the faith, the total number would have been about
15,000,000. One of the organs of the German papal
press has confessed that " the total result is not by any
means so brilliant as the common reports of the American
Church have led us to expect," and makes an effort to
investigate the " cause of this immense defection from
the Church." No stronger proof could be given that
Roman Catholic immigrants, who feel the influence of
American Church life, in time turn to a Church which is
in sympathy with the national life.
The Episcopal Church in America shows quite the
opposite tendency. Born Anglicans make up only the
smallest part of its membership ; for Anglican English
men form a much smaller contingent of the total immigra
tion than, e. g., the Irish, because the former in contrast

336 The Papacy in the igth Century
to the latter represent the stable and well-to-do element
of the population of the mother-country. By far the
largest increase therefore comes from former adherents of
other churches. Seven German clergymen belong to the
Episcopal Church in New York ; they have all come from
other denominations, most of them from the Church of
Rome. And, although it is a well-known fact that many
European immigrants consider it a part of true liberty
to have nothing to do with any church, and although
America has developed a proselytising atheism with a
regardless frankness such as Europe has rarely known,
nevertheless the second or certainly the third generation
is usually carried away by the power of religious impulse
in the land of liberty. As representing the most strongly
organised Church in America, the Episcopal Church
draws from all this the greatest advantage. As early as
in Cooper's time this Church began to grow with striking
rapidity; to-day it must appear to most European
Churches as a worthy model.
The special danger growing out of the present situation
is that the American Episcopal Church should become
in a certain sense the Church of the aristocracy ; and yet
the institutions founded for the general good of the pub
lic have a tendency to counteract this danger. The social
benevolence of the members of this Church is, measured
even by an American standard, extraordinary. Its hos
pitals, asylums, and schools are among the best endowed
and among the best arranged. The Episcopal Church
has taken up missions among the Indians as its special
province. But its activity extends in other directions.
In the island of Haiti there has been organised an Epis
copal national Church; in Liberia the first steps have
been taken with the same object in view ; and in Mexico
there are now three bishops active, who are in communion
with the North American Episcopal Church. From here
their path would seem to lead them almost directly to

American Catholicism 337
the South American states, where the lamentable condi
tion of the Roman Church has long cried out for a
remedy, which the one-sidedness of purely Protestant
forms of worship is not able to supply.
Most significant of all the hopes for the future which
the American Episcopal Church has brought forth ap
pears to be the " intercommunion " of Catholicism and
Protestantism, which has for the first time been realised
by her action. It is indeed a wonderful cycle of events
which has led up to this crisis, and one in which the
most diverse nations have each rendered its own service
to the cause of the kingddm of God, just as happened in
the struggles of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
against the counter-Reformation. Transferred from
England to America by way of Scotland, it has been
given to the youngest of the episcopal churches to be
the first to offer a friendly hand to the inner-Catholic
movement for reform, whose seeds the Netherlands pre
served through a century and a half, in order to hand
it down first to the German old-Catholics and through
them to their Swiss brethren in the faith. Through the
consecration given by the ancient Church of the Nether
lands, the German Bishop Reinkens was enabled, in be
half of Germany, to enter once more into the heritage of
the ancient Church- ideals, which in no part of Catholicism
had wholly died out. He in his turn transmitted the
consecration to his Swiss colleague, Herzog. The latter,
at the General Convention in the year 1880, solemnly
ratified the " communion with the Anglo-American
Church," which is valid as well for Switzerland as for
America, and which may form the point of departure for
similar unions in a wider sphere in the future.
This latter consideration applies especially to Italy.
The hindrances which here oppose themselves to Protest
ant missionary enterprises do not exist for evangelical

33^ The Papacy in the igth Century
Catholicism. It was therefore a true instinct which led
the American Episcopal Church to understand that to
her was given that particular charisma which would en
able her in the home of the Papacy to set the gospel,
which the latter had placed under a bushel, once more
upon its candlestick. The successes which have rewarded
the work of the rector of the Church of St. Paul in Rome
(Dr. Nevin) are not to be judged in the light of a sectarian
proselytism. In this young Catholic Church of Italy
Canon Campello, with his many like-minded followers, has
found a firm support ; and Bishop Herzog, acting under
the authority of his American colleagues, has performed
the rite of confirmation upon a number of young Christ
ians (Easter, 1883). The foundation of a Catholic
bishopric in opposition to the pseudo-Petrine and pseudo-
Isidorean Papacy may not be ventured by any of the
European state Churches, but American Christianity is
not prevented by diplomatic considerations from supply
ing this most urgent need of the Church in Italy. Italy
offers a large harvest for the evangelical Catholicism
which she represents.'
Bishop Herzog, in his Pastoral Letter upon Ecclesiasti
cal Communion with the Anglo-American Church, sets
forth the significance of this fact in a manner most con
vincing and impressive, such as characterises only those
ideas which are weighted with a future significance.
This letter was followed by an address, in which he
' The author elsewhere speaks as follows of the Church in Italy :
' ' Europe has quietly allowed the pope to start his opposition hierarchies in
England and Holland and has permitted the bishops under him to claim
jurisdiction over the Protestants in their dioceses. No state, no Church in
Europe has requited the papal arrogance with the foundation of a Christian
bishopric in Rome. But the confirmation of Catholic children in Rome by
the Swiss bishop, Herzog, has brought to the light of day the steps that
have been quietly taken by the Americans. The election and consecration
of a Christian-Catholic bishop of Rome is probably only a question of
time."

American Catholicism 339
treated of the history of the American Episcopal Church.
We extract from this historical survey the comparison
between the Episcopal and the papal Church in America:
The American Episcopal Church is apostolic in her con
stitution, she has made no change in the apostolic episcopate
and in the equality of the apostles which St. Paul so strongly
emphasises ; the Roman Church is no longer apostolic, but
papal ; she has nullified the word of the Saviour : " Call no
man your father upon the earth : for one is your Father,
which is in heaven. Neither be ye called masters : for one is
your Master, even Christ," and has made one man "holy
father" and the infallible teacher of all men, and in open
defiance of God's word has given to this one man all power
over all churches and all believers in all matters of faith, of
morals, of discipline, and of Church government.
The former is primitive in her doctrine ; she acknowledges
the creeds of the ancient undivided Church and the principle
that only that is to be received as binding in the faith which
has been believed from the beginning, everywhere and by all
in the Church. The latter receives the insipid phantasies of
mediaeval monks and the cunning inventions of the Jesuits,
which have been made dogma under Pius IX.
The former is primitive in her liturgy ; especially does she
celebrate the Holy Communion in a manner most dignified
and elevating, and with prayers in which no one will miss
anything essential. The latter, with her dead language and
her many and serious abuses, has driven the faithful more and
more from the sanctuary.
The former is humane ; she opens her benevolent institu
tions to all, even Jews and heathen, who apply to her for help.
The latter brings sacrifices only where she can further her
hierarchical and political ends.
The Episcopal Church of America is national and is anx
iously careful to avoid forcing her forms and peculiarities
upon others; on the contrary, she delights in seeing independent
national churches arise upon other continents, to which she
can offer her hand. The Roman Church is only Roman and

340 The Papacy in the igth Century
everywhere anti-national ; she endeavours to force everything
into her own forms and formulas, and does not rest until she
has obliterated the national character of the Church and stifled
all national life in the Church. She has strangled the Gallican
Church, she has subjected the theological universities of Ger
many to Jesuitism, she has wiped out the various national lit
urgies, and down to our own day she has either broken or
anathematised every character of any independence.
Our sister Church is tolerant ; she tolerates within her own
bosom various tendencies and various forms, and looks upon
herself, not as the Church, but as a branch of the Catholic
Church. The Roman Church, on the other hand, is the only
saving Church, and whosoever does not hold to her loses
eternal salvation ; for, says Boniface VIII., it is necessary, for
the salvation of every human creature, to be subject to the
pope. Our sister Church is patriotic ; she does not mix herself in
affairs which do not concern her, but is satisfied to be the
heart and conscience of the people, and to stimulate the heart
and the conscience of all her members ; and by so doing she
seeks to accomplish in behalf of the welfare of the people
something which no school and no police can do. She has no
conflicts with the civil authorities of the country, but meets
with ready recognition from all who have the public welfare
at heart, in her activity for the education of the young, for the
spiritual and moral elevation of the people, in her struggle
against the many social evils and needs. In spite, therefore,
of the separation of Church and State there is, so far as I
know, no country in which the most eminent organs of the
press take such favourable and willing notice of Church events
as in the United States. The Roman Church, on the other
hand, is everywhere a foreigner, even in Italy ; for she every
where pursues tendencies which are opposed to the tendencies
of the country — in Italy, in France, in Belgium — wherever the
nation has become of age and has attained to a certain liberty
and independence.
Our sister Church stands in no conflict with the civilisation
and the progress of our time ; her members are among the

American Catholicism 341
best educated and the most prosperous inhabitants of the new
world. The pope, on the other hand, has solemnly declared
that he cannot reconcile himself with modern civilisation,'
and the Roman Church in time crushes the strength of a
people ; it is her fault that such earthly paradises as Spain
have gradually become desolate and have lost their dominat
ing influence in the world ; and it is her shame that Catholic
nations, if they would regain their ancient importance and
rouse themselves once more to active spiritual, physical, and
national work, inevitably come into conflict with the Roman
hierarchy. We find ourselves in entire accord with the Catholic
bishop, and see in the ideal Catholicism of the American
Episcopal Church the exact reverse of the papal uni
versal monarchy. The papal press, on the other hand,
dwells with particular predilection upon the Church's
conquests in America. Alongside of the English seces
sions, it is especially the extension of the papal power in
the free states of the new world which it paints in the
most glowing colours. And as with each new English
convert the amount of his income is generally the first
thing which they publish, the same is done in America
with the value of newly acquired ecclesiastical capital,
which, according to papal canon law, belongs no longer to
the parishes but to the Roman bishop.
Whoever has not been sufficiently taught by European
events to appreciate the true nature of the " ideal" of
world-renunciation which prevails in the papal Church,
will find it worth his while to study American conditions
such as they actually are. He will learn to know the
whole Roman Church as a solidly compact political
power, which at present draws its advantage by forming^
alliances with one and the other of the old parties, but
for the future has far more ambitious schemes in view.
' See the last article of the Syllabus (Introduction).

342 The Papacy in the igth Century
The statistics of the increase of the Roman communion
in America may be very much exaggerated ; nevertheless,
the dangers which the papal system has introduced, which
threaten the peace among the various religious societies
and thereby endanger the firmest pillar of the constitu
tion, are — so we are forced to judge — considerably greater
than in the European states. Some time ago a distin
guished authority called attention to the plans of the
Vatican in the new world, which had hardly been noticed
in America itself :
The Americans are like the French : whatever lies outside
of America is totally unknown to them. Of the organisa
tion, the unity, the power, and the influence of the Vatican,
by far the largest majority has not even the most shadowy
conception, for the reason that their history shows no record
of struggles with Rome like those of the old world. But
the danger here is even greater than on the other side, be
cause here republican liberty is used for dark purposes and
misused for the strangling of liberty. Soon we shall have in
America more monasteries, congregations, and associations
than are in France and Italy together, and the untaxable
property of the Vatican grows in mighty proportions ; and
money is power. If you were to look through Sadlice's Catho
lic Directory (New York, 1875), you would be astonished at
the power which Rome now possesses here, and the book of
the Redemptorist father, Michael Miiller, Public School Educa
tion (New York, 1875), would give you an idea of the boldness
with which they operate.
The author of this quotation is Frederick Hecker, the
revolutionary hero of 1848, who took refuge in republi
can America, and who expressed this judgment in one of
his last letters. He can certainly not be said to lack
either the knowledge adequate to the criticism which he
makes upon the American conception of liberty or a
familiarity with Roman Catholicism, which he brought
with him from his South German home. There prevails

Am,erican Catholicism, 343
in young America very generally the same infatuation
concerning the power of the Vatican as did in Germany
before the days of the Kulturkampf. Men do not reflect
upon how many new strongholds the Papacy has added
to its old centres in the states of Florida and Louisiana,
originally colonised by Spaniards and Frenchmen, and the
Jacobite colony of Lord Baltimore in Maryland. Canada,
in spite of the British dominion, is one of the most import
ant arsenals of the Church of Rome. More than half of the
inhabitants are of French or Irish origin ; in the southern
part of Quebec the Roman priest exercises a sway as unre
stricted as in Ireland. In the Union itself Irish voters have
acquired more and more influence over political parties,
and thereby have made themselves strongly felt in politics.
At the time of the Rebellion, the action of President
Jefferson Davis may have been considered a sort of curi
osity, when he invoked the arbitration of the pope, and
received from Antonelli a very adroit answer, calculated
to suit every possible issue of the crisis. But how often
since that time have not the Presidents of the Union been
obliged to submit, whenever Irish revolutionary commit
tees made their demands! The mission of Archbishop
Bedini under Pius IX. has been followed by that of Cardi
nal Howard under Leo XIII., who transacted the papal
business without the title of nuncio, but also without
hindrance by any kind of state control.
Nor are there wanting zealous converts, theological as
well as non-theological.. A number of German and Eng
lish divines in America have taken refuge with the rock
of St. Peter, and children of mixed marriages are trained
to be the tools of the Propaganda. A son of the cele
brated General Sherman has been educated by his zealous
Roman Catholic mother as a Jesuit. This is the same
who, as teacher at the Jesuit college at Woodstock, sprang
into fame by his defence of the humane institution of the
Inquisition.

344 The Papacy in the igth Century
The papal Church in America, besides its efforts to in
fluence politics, directs its attention particularly to the
schools. At a convention held in Frankfurt in 1882,
Father Muller, referred to above as the author of the
book Public School Education, spoke of the immense con
quests in the sphere of education made during the past
ten years. The Jesuits, he said, driven out of Europe,
were free to travel over the whole Union. Very many
educational institutions, and especially the higher schools,
were in the hands of Jesuits, and half of the pupils were
not of Catholic parentage. The Catholics themselves no
longer sent their children to the godless public schools,
but to their own parochial schools. And these were
almost exclusively under the direction of men in religious
orders whom the Kulturkampf haA driven to America.
To these communications from Father Muller we may
add that since then a " free " university ' with a rich en
dowment has been started by the Jesuits. All these
educational institutions of various kinds stand under the
same direction and play into each other's hands. It can
hardly be long before the same consequences will show
themselves, only very much intensified, as in the schools
of Belgium and Holland.
The political and pedagogical activity of the Church
militant is supported by a skilfully organised press, which
likewise owes its great influence to a unified direction,
while the unhealthy condition of American party life is
the cause of innumerable petty divisions and rivalries.
Over against the dreadful corruption in the civil service,
the venal ring administration in the cities, and the fierce
competition among the railroad kings, the work in behalf
of the papal universal monarchy appears like the pursuit
of a noble ideal. As in Germany, so there are in America
a number of high-minded characters who have been so
charmed by the magician of Rome that they have given
' See page 246, note.

American Catholicism 345
all their powers to his service. At the Vatican Council
the most learned of the North American bishops were
among the most energetic representatives of the opposi
tion : Quirinus (Dollinger) has given a series of interest
ing communications concerning the hopes and the fears
which they then cherished. We speak of the " latent
powers " of genuine religion, which the Papacy has
bound : the figure is nowhere more applicable than in
the new world.
Under the feverish effort for extension of its sphere of
power, the moral task of the Church suffers more even
than in Europe. In order to win rich and illustrious
members, or at least not to lose their contributions,
much is overlooked. The defects which to-day attach
themselves to the Church life of America in all denomi
nations are to a large extent due to the worldly political
features of the Roman Church, whose lead in this respect
is followed by the other communions. But in a rivalry
of this nature no other Church can hold its own against
the Church of Rome. In a masterly way she under
stands how to use her compact organisation so as to
profit by the divisions among the Protestant sects. And
this will not be changed until the unadulterated Catholic
ideal, which in the Episcopal Church alone has been com
bined with the Protestant ideal in a higher unity, takes
deep root in the whole great body of American Protest
antism. A noteworthy movement in this direction has
been made by the convention of the Evangelical Alliance
in New York. The dogmatic character of its statutes
has perhaps made co-operation impossible for all but a '
fraction of those who are in sympathy with the ideals of
the first founders. But that which has proved unattain
able by European state-ecclesiasticism has been clearly
recognised in the birth-land of the free Church as the
task of the future : the conquest of papalism by evangel
ical Catholicism.

CHAPTER XX
THE LATIN STATES OF AMERICA IN THEIR RELATIONS
TO THE ROMAN CURIA AND IN THEIR
ECCLESIASTICAL DEVELOPMENT
THE development of civilisation among European
states has been largely determined by the religion
which they professed. And in America the contrasts be
tween Germanic and Latin states, even more marked than
in Europe, are traced to the differences of religion among
the first colonisers. English Protestant antecedents fur
nish the key to the history of the North American Union,
and similarly we shall understand the condition of affairs
in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies only by taking
into account the nationality and the religion of the con-
questadors. From the very beginning, the Roman clergy
in Central and South America ruled with a power almost
more unrestricted than in Spain or Portugal. , Nowhere
had religion become so completely externalised as here;
nowhere did it exhaust itself so entirely in the veneration
paid to the clergy, the diligent hearing of mass, and the
strict observance of the many feast-days, while the ex
cessive worship of saints impressed even European Catho
lics as a kind of new idolatry. To this day there prevails
in the remoter regions the grossest superstition, which is
used to great advantage by the priests for their trade in
indulgences and amulets. With the increasing impover
ishment, neglect, and ethical degradation of the people
346

The Lxtin States of America 347
has gone hand in hand the increase of wealth among the
clergy. Into this paradise of the clergy, which had attained its
climax in the Jesuit state of Paraguay, the war of inde
pendence against Spain entered as a disturbing element.
When Joseph Bonaparte, upon his accession to the throne
of Spain in 1808, demanded the subjection of the Spanish
colonies, the latter, instead of obeying, followed the ex
ample of the Spaniards themselves, and established pro
visional juntas in the name of Ferdinand VII. At the
same time they demanded of the Spanish Cortes in Cadiz
to be placed on the same level with the mother-country.
When this was denied, there followed, in the majority of
the colonies, the declaration of independence. After the
Peninsular war and the expulsion of the French, King
Ferdinand ' might by timely and just reforms have won
back the colonies for Spain. But in the spirit of the un
improved absolutism which he restored in Spain, he de
manded the unconditional subjection of the colonies.
The consequence was that one colony after another sepa
rated itself definitely from Spain. Buenos Ayres was the
first, in 1816; Chili followed in 1817; Colombia, Vene
zuela, and New Granada, in 18 19; Peru in 1821. The
same happened in those parts of Central and North
America which by their origin belonged, not to the
Germanic-Protestant, but to the Latin-Catholic category :
in Guatemala (1820), Domingo (1821), Mexico (1822 and
1823). And even Brazil followed the general example,
and separated itself in the year 1822 from Portugal and
proclaimed an independent empire.
Since then all these new states have been subjected to
numerous internal revolutions, and in the midst of all
the confusions, internal and external, these countries, for
merly so isolated, have been more and more affected by
modern ideas. But revolution has broken only the
' Restored to the throne of Spain in 1814.

348 The Papacy in the igth Century
political, not the ecclesiastical, absolutism. For the
clergy, consisting mostly of natives and hating the Spanish
bishops, made common cause with the people, and in re
turn the constitutions of the young republics confirmed
the monopoly of the Roman Church. The Mexican con
stitution of 1824 expressly declared in its third article:
" The religion of the Mexican nation is and ever remains
the Apostolic-Roman-Catholic; the nation will protect
this religion by wise and just laws and forbids the exer
cise of every other worship." So with the constitutions
of the Central and South American states.
Although, therefore. Pope Pius VIL, in 1824, advised
maintaining the connection with Spain, Leo XII., in
1827, not only recognised the governments de facto, but
filled the vacant bishoprics and sent his legates. In this
manner the clergy retained the sympathy of the people
and their power. Only gradually, beginning in the coast
towns, in which commerce and industry had established
themselves and where Protestant churches were soon
organised, a change began to take place, which, however,
is not everywhere equally noticeable. For still there ex
ists in many places a most chaotic condition of affairs and
the various parties are engaged in bitter conflicts. It is
no mere chance that both Garibaldi and Pius IX. had
been active in the South American republics. The con
flict of principles which in Italy is associated with their
names has been carried over to those remote countries.
The country which has passed through most revolu
tions is Mexico, and in almost all of these revolutions the
attitude towards the clergy has been the party shibboleth.
For at the. time of the declaration of independence, not
only was there the inordinately large number of 3200
clergymen, 146 monasteries, and 39 nunneries, together
with II bishops and i archbishop; but the clergy pos
sessed about half of all the real estate. And yet, the

The Latin States of America 349
taxes in behalf of the Church had been immensely in
creased, and were collected with the aid of imprisonment
and the whipping-post. A number of pretenders and
regents, such as Santa Anna and Miramon, found their
support among the clergy ; while the liberal governments
sought to deprive the clergy of their influence. The
liberal party, finally victorious, secularised the real estate
of the Church, provided for the gradual dissolution of the
monasteries, took away the jurisdiction of the clergy in
civil and criminal cases, introduced civil marriage and
civil register, and in the end even proclaimed liberty of
conscience. The clerical party, bankrupt in the country
itself, called in foreign help.
Pecuniary difificulties, which were added to the con
fusion, finally brought about the Spanish-English-French
expedition, from which, after the withdraiwal of the first
two powers, there was developed the French occupation
and the empire of the Hapsburg MaximiHan I. Although
called in by the clerical party, yet the Emperor Maxi
milian could maintain his position and could successfully
meet the pressing difificulties of the situation — the Ro
man Curia refusing to grant any, even the most essential,
reforms — only by instituting of his own motion such
measures as were absolutely necessary. And so it was
that the prince who had made a special pilgrimage to
Rome and had been dismissed with the particular bless
ing of the pope, came himself into decided conflict with
the Vatican. At the same time, after the victory of the
Union over the rebellious slave states, his throne, which
had been founded upon the expectation of an opposite
issue of the struggle, became very insecure.
In the year 1867 the tragedy of poor Maximilian came
to an end at Queretaro, where he was shot. Before his
own death he had received the news that the Empress
Charlotte had become hopelessly insane in the ante-room
of Pius IX., after the audience in which the pope had

350 The Papacy in the igth Century
rudely reproached her when she came to implore his
help. Since then she remains under the care of her rela
tives in the castle of Tervueren in her Belgian home.
The terrible fate of the princely couple, who were ani
mated by the highest motives, has since been cleared up
by a series of authentic publications from original docu
ments found after the fall of the empire in the imperial
archives. These documents have proved that the cause
of all the difificulties with which the emperor had to con
tend were the pretensions of the Vatican, which were as
insatiable as they were irreconcilable with the claims of
the modern state.
Before their departure for Mexico the imperial couple
had made a pilgrimage to Rome in order to receive the
blessing of the holy father. Besides this blessing and
the promise of the papal influence upon the Mexican
clergy in favour of the new monarchy, Pius IX. also
promised to send a legate with sufificient authority for
composing all difificulties. But after the emperor had
arrived in Mexico in May, 1864, he had to wait for the
promised nuncio until the end of December. In the
meantime the commandant of the French troops of
occupation. Marshal Bazaine, in a report, dated No
vember 3, 1864, on the condition of affairs in the sev
eral districts, had pictured the debased state of the
clergy as a principal cause of the wretched condition of
the country.
When finally the nuncio arrived in the person of Mon
signore Meglia, he brought a letter from the pope (dated
October 18, 1864) to the emperor, in which a detailed
plan for the reorganisation of ecclesiastical affairs, which
the latter had demanded, was laid down. But what a
reorganisation! " Above all is it necessary that the
Catholic Church continue, to the exclusion of every other
form of worship, to be the glory and the support of the
Mexican nation." Then follow other conditions:

The Latin States of America 351
that the bishops should be entirely free in the exercise of their
pastoral office, that the religious orders be restored and re
organised according to the instructions of the pope, that
Church property and all rights appertaining to it be defended
and protected, especially that no one be permitted to spread
false and subversive doctrines, that all instruction, public as
well as private, be conducted and watched over by the ecclesi
astical authority, and that finally all the fetters be broken by
which until now the Church has been held in dependence
upon the caprice of the civil government.
These were only preliminary demands, " in order to re
store happiness to the Church ' ' ; they were also the first
conditions for the consolidation of the empire and the
restoration of social order.
The unhappy monarch was now placed before the alter
native, of either satisfying the pope and the Church by
renouncing the most essential rights of government and
thereby depriving the state of the most important and
the most indispensable sources of income, or of adding
the opposition of the nuncio to the antagonism of his
political enemies.
He attempted a middle course and put together in nine
points all that he could concede and what he could not
concede ; these points, however, included concessions to
the Papacy which it was impossible to fulfil. He de
clared himself ready to restore the Roman-Apostolic-
Catholic worship as the "state religion"; but other
forms of worship would have to be " tolerated." The
other demands also of the Vatican were as far as possible
sanctioned and only the most indispensable conditions at
tached to them. The state treasury was to provide for all
the expenses of the Catholic worship, the Church receiv
ing the same privileges as were accorded to the civil list
of the state ; in return the clergy were not to oppress the
people with parochial taxes, tithes, etc. (as had been done
in most cruel manner before the reform laws). The holy

352 The Papacy in the igth Century
father was to be authorised, with the consent of the em
peror, to determine what suppressed orders and religious
organisations were to be restored and in what form. In all
places where the conditions made it possible, the Catho
lic clergy were to be intrusted with the care of the regis
ters of births, marriages, and deaths. The privileges of the
clergy, especially the right of jurisdiction and the care of
cemeteries, were allowed, but were to be defined in future
negotiations. The direction and superintendence of all
instruction by the clergy was sanctioned without any ques
tion and was not even touched upon in the nine points.
All this was not enough for the Curia. The nuncio
immediately declared : he had no authority to negotiate,
but simply to demand the repeal of the ' ' reform laws "
and, in general, of all laws which were contrary to the
sacred rights of the Church. The nine points contained
reservations which were inimical to the doctrine as well
as the discipline and the sacred canons of the Church.
Above all, objection was made to the first point, concern
ing the toleration of other forms of worship, which vio
lated the doctrine of the Church and injured the feelings
of a Catholic people. But he had also received instruc
tions to insist upon the unconditioned restoration of the
religious orders and the restitution of the churches and
monasteries as well as upon the recognition of all former
rights of the clergy in regard to the acquisition, posses
sion, and the administration of property, real and per
sonal. With regard to the proposed payment of salaries
to bishops and clergy, they would prefer to live upon the
charity of the faithful; the renunciation of their plun
dered property by the Church was entirely out of the
question. And in general Meglia explained his mission
by declaring that he had only been sent to demand the
repeal of the laws inimical to the Church, compensation
for all injury done to the Church, and complete independ
ence and liberty for the Church in the future.

The Latin States of A-merica 353
One must know the details of these transactions as
they are given in the account entitled The Relations of
the Holy See to Mexico before and during the Episode of
the Emperor, which is based upon ofificial documents, to
get an idea of how far the poor emperor and his wife
went and what pains he took to explain the actual con
dition of affairs, in order to make Monsignore Meglia
understand the utter impossibility of his demands. The
same answer was always given: Non possumus. In the
meantime the president, Juarez, made daily increasing
progress, and in the parts which came into his possession
the clergy were energetically restrained within their limits.
In order to overcome so dangerous an opponent, the em
peror would have had to rival him in measures for the
welfare of the people. Instead of this, he was placed in
the dilemma, either to yield to the exorbitant demands
of the pope or to make an enemy of the very party that
had called him into the country.
On Christmas day, 1864, Monsignore Meglia replied to
the concessions which the emperor had offered by assert
ing that the latter only intended to complete the work
begun by Juarez. Thereupon the emperor, on the 27th
of December, commissioned the minister of justice, Es-
cudero, to make the necessary proposals with a view to
taking the control of ecclesiastical affairs into his own
hands. On December 29th the nuncio protested against
this proceeding. The emperor reminded him, on the 7th
of January, 1865, of the law promulgated at the time of
the declaration of independence, according to which all
papal pronouncements intended for the country required
the sanction of the state authorities. Meglia protested
again on the 19th of January, and two days later diplo
matic intercourse with him was broken off.
This ended Meglia's work. But still the emperor
hoped to be able to appeal from the ill-advised to the
better-advised pope. He now sent an embassy to Rome.

354 The Papacy in the igth Century
When this proved futile, he separated himself from his
faithful wife, in order to let her appeal to the heart of the
pope. Pius IX. declared that " he was surprised that a
person of her age and her sex dared to present such a
matter." The effect upon the' empress of the pope's lan
guage has already been told : she became insane.
The Old-Catholic Messenger closes the discussion of the
newly published documents with this question: " Can
we suppose that the bloody sandhill of Queretaro and the
insane woman of Tervueren never rose up to disturb the
last dreams of the aged Pius ? ' ' We reply to this ques
tion with a negative, simply because Pius at no time
loved any other person than his own dear self.
When the princely couple, in response to the urgent
appeal of the clericals, had taken upon itself the heavy
weight of such a throne, the pope had declared that
" with the establishment of the new empire he looked for
the dawning of peaceful and happy days." He had ex
pressed his particular pleasure " that there had been
called to this crown a prince of a Catholic family which
had given so many brilliant proofs of religious devotion,"
and who personally " would show himself worthy of the
blessing of Jesus Christ, of the prince of the Church, and
of her bishops." But when the emperor had begun his
task, impossible demands were made upon him, and when
he demonstrated their impossibility, the promised sup
port was withdrawn at a time when the partial fulfilment
of the papal wishes had vastly increased the number and
the bitterness of his enemies.
With all this, the transactions in Mexico brought no
advantages to the Curia, any more than to the Empress
Eugenie and her husband, whom his pious wife influenced
in favour of the " Catholic work " in America. The
weakening of the French military power is traced to the
Mexican adventure. And it was a fatal coincidence that
the news of the execution of Maximilian arrived in Paris

The Latin States of A-merica 355
during the days of the Austrian emperor's visit, when
the alliance against Germany was to be effected. This
made an end of the alliance and thereby nuUified the
preliminary conditions, which were essential to guarantee
to France the victory in the war against Germany so long
planned by Eugenie's father confessors.
The republican constitution of Mexico was restored
after the short episode of the empire, and with it the
ecclesiastical reform legislation. This was subsequently
carried still further, to the complete emancipation of the
state from the Church. The Mexican government no-
longer recognises a papal authority,with which it is obliged
to negotiate as sovereign with sovereign : it ignores the
pope entirely. The consequences threatened by the pope
have not been realised. Appointments of clergy have to
be sanctioned by the government, monasteries and ec
clesiastical possessions have remained secularised, the
schools have been freed from the supervision and the
control of the clergy. Toleration of other forms of wor
ship has from time to time called forth crusades on the
part of the priests against heretics in the remoter regions,.
but is making steady progress from year to year. The
social position of the Roman Catholic clergy itself has
been raised by the exclusion of unworthy priests. Even
the revolutionary pronunciamentos, formerly so numer
ous, have become rarer in the course of the past years.
If the condition of affairs in Mexico is becoming grad
ually more worthy of a modern state, the best part of this
result has been effected by the increasing influence of the
neighbouring Union. So much the more glaring, how
ever, is the contrast with the Central and South American
republics, which are for ever distracted by revolutions,
where hitherto it has been impossible to bring about set
tled conditions. Here, too, the fundamental cause of
the political confusion lies in the ecclesiastical situation..

356 The Papacy in the igth Century
While North America, by the confluence of all those who
were persecuted for their religion, became the arena of the
most perfect religious liberty, the Spanish conquestadors
brought the Inquisition. The supremacy, externally, of
the Church was more firmly established than that of the
state. But the same reaction into complete infidelity
which Latin Catholicism experienced in Europe in the
eighteenth century has in the nineteenth century as
sumed far greater dimensions in Latin America. Hence
the never-ceasing conflicts of both extremes, which ren
ders a peaceful development impossible.
In the year 1867 we find a double war going on : Brazil
in union with Uruguay and the Argentine Republic
against Paraguay, where the dictator Lopez had revived
the old Jesuit traditions ; and the war of Chili, Peru, and
Bolivia against the mother-country of Spain. The con
sequence of the first war was the complete conquest and
devastation of Paraguay. The second brought, after
peace had been made with Spain, new quarrels, which
have finally ended in the conquest of Peru and Bolivia by
the aspiring state of Chili. At the same time the Central
American republics have waged repeated wars with each
other, and the Argentine Republic has been thrown from
one revolution into another. Even in imperial Brazil the
conditions have not been much more steady.
Ecclesiastical conditions are no less changeable. To
day a government devoted to the pope is at the helm and
sanctions pretensions which elsewhere would appear ab
solutely incredible. To-morrow ecclesiastical property is
confiscated, monks and nuns are released from their vows
and Church holidays abolished. The day after to-morrow
there are already signs of the first preparation for a clerical
revolution. Externally the daily life of the people is
interwoven with ecclesiastical usages. At every step
one meets a Botica Jesus y Maria or a Cervizeria
Jesus Nazareno. The favourite female baptismal names

The Latin States of America 357
are Immaculata Concepcion and Maria de los Dolores.
At the same time the newspapers are full of complaints
about the immorality of the ill-educated and illpaid
clergy, and (to cite one instance) in Lima the num
ber of illegitimate births has long ago exceeded that
of the legitimate. People of education identify religion
and the hierarchy to such an extent, that whoever speaks
a word in favour of the former is usually put down as an
Ultramontane. The same papal Curia which in Europe chooses to ap
peal to liberty shows by the concordat concluded with
Ecuador in 1862 to what lengths of arrogant demands it
dares to go and what it is able to effect in Latin America.
All that was demanded of Maximilian in Mexico has here
been sanctioned by law. Only the Catholic form of
worship was allowed by the concordat with Ecuador;
every other form prohibited. The government pledged
itself to the suppression of all erroneous doctrines.
The entire school system was placed under the control
of the clergy. Every book prohibited by a bishop
was to be confiscated. The government, however, went
far beyond the concordat. Under the influence of the
Jesuits, who in this loyal republic found one of their most
important arsenals, the dictator Garcia Moreno devoted
the whole country to the Sacred Heart and allotted a
large part of the yearly income to the poor prisoner in
the Vatican. When the system of terror which he
founded had come to its customary termination by his
assassination, the papal organs of all countries printed
eulogies of this greatest statesman of the nineteenth cen
tury. To what an incredible degree this delusion rose
can be seen in the Dutch clerical press of the time. The
actual consequence of the Jesuit episode for Ecuador was
that this republic was entirely ecHpsed by other states
such as Costa Rica and Guatemala.
Peru, like Ecuador, rejoiced in a dictator after the

358 The Papacy in the igth Century
pope's own heart — Pierola. This is the Pierola under
whom Peru suffered her crushing defeats by Chili.
^ Chili, on the other hand, which before had stood very
much in the background, won by this war a position of
power in South America which has been compared with
the rise of Piedmont and of Prussia. For a long time the
same countenance was given to the rudest superstition
here as in the neighbouring states. It was in Santiago
in Chili that in the year 1866, at the feast of the Immacu
late Conception, eighteen hundred women met their
death in a burning church, and where the priest Ugarte,
who shortly before had instituted a mail service to the
Virgin Mary, declared that the Virgin had taken her
devoted children to herself, because Chili had needed a
large number of saints and martyrs. Not long after,
however, in spite of the opposition of the clergy, freedom
of worship was proclaimed as the law of the state. The
Vatican revenged itself in the customary manner, by pre
venting the filling of the episcopal sees, and thereby mak
ing the satisfaction of the religious needs of the people
impossible. When the archiepiscopal see of Santiago became vacant
and the government proposed a candidate in every way
fitted for the position (Dr. Taforo), his confirmation was
refused under frivolous pretexts. The efforts of the
Chilian ambassador in Rome against a procedure which
imperilled the authority of the government led only to a
painful procrastination. Appearances seem to indicate
that the enemies of Chili endeavoured to revenge them
selves for their defeat in the field by winning the Curia
to their side and thereby producing internal confusion in
Chili. Aside from this, however, it was but natural that
the increasing strength of the Chilian state should re
animate the old principles of papal reactionism, which
recognised its worst enemy in every powerful state organ
ism. But since its triumph in the war, which exceeded

The Latin States of America 359
every expectation, the young and strong state has as
sumed an energetic attitude against papal assumptions.
The conflict between both culminated in the expulsion
of the nuncio (January, 1883), and the proposal of a law
for the separation of State and Church.
A similar development has taken place in the United
States of Colombia, where also a liberal government has
restrained the Church within its own proper limits and
has raised the school system to a standard which, for
South American conditions, is astonishingly high. Es
pecially worthy of notice is the young university of
Bogota, which has become the centre of a progressive
system of education.
In the Argentine Republic likewise, as often as there
is a pause in the customary civil wars, the school question
occupies the chief place in the popular interest, and the
two parties, clerical and liberal, have been violently op
posed to each other upon the decisive question of re
ligious instruction in the public schools.
In spite, however, of liberal aspirations there could be
no greater error than to measure the religious conditions,
even in states like Chili and Colombia, by a European
standard. No educated German Catholic would recog
nise his religion in the fetichism such as is practised by
the clergy. Nor has Protestantism exerted any influence
upon the people of the country. Protestant diminution
of the personnel attached to the heavenly court, which
eliminates the most interesting figures, impresses the
people as tiresome. The prevailing religious conceptions
represent the climax of materialism, which would justify
some of our historians in placing these countries at the
top in the scale of advanced nations, in contrast to a
country so behind the age as the North American Union.
Parallel with the development of the Spanish colonial
states has been that of Brazil, both during its union with
Portugal and after its separation. The clergy of Brazil

360 The Papacy in the igth Century
have never been so extraordinarily rich as the clergy of
Spanish America; and yet their power has been suflfi
ciently great and their intolerance correspondingly in
tense. The refusal to recognise Protestant marriages has
always been, and is now, a serious factor affecting internal
politics. Nevertheless there is observable even in Brazil
a gradual and yet distinct diminution in the power of the
clergy. After the Vatican Council, Brazil even had its
Kulturkampf, which the Berlin press in the days of the
German Kulturkampf oiten held up as a worthy example.
In this struggle with the government the policy of Leo
XIII. has been able to counteract the mistakes of his
predecessor and to cripple the state.
But the German Protestant immigration, which as
sumes annually greater dimensions, may be expected in
time considerably to modify the condition, not only of
the coast lands, but also of the interior provinces. And
besides this, the old-Catholic movement, which in Mexico
has already made itself noticeably felt, will meet with no
barrier in the Isthmus of Panama, especially now that
the projected canal prevents for all future time a seclusion
from the rest of the world such as the Jesuits for a while
effected in Ecuador.
Even in the negro republic of Domingo- Hayti, in spite
of the caricature of all forms of culture prevalent there,
the modern principles of religious liberty have been in
corporated in the constitution. And Cuba also, along
with the most hideous outbreaks of an incorrigible
fanaticism, nevertheless has profited by the progress made
by Spain in the republican episode.

CHAPTER XXI

CATHOLIC AND PAPAL

THE pope claims to be the " head of the Catholic
Church." Few stop to reflect upon the arrogance
and presumption of that claim, and in the tacit sanction
almost universally given to the papal pretensions we find
the most potent cause of that increasing power of the
Papacy which characterises the history of the nineteenth
century. And be it remembered that the representatives of the
state and of the Protestant Churches have, more than all
others, fairly pressed upon the Papacy this its best weapon
against those within its own fold who have fought the
battle for a true Catholicism and who have been the most
determined opponents of papal autocracy. Even in the
ofificial documents of secular governments it is customary
to designate the pope as the " head of the Catholic
Church." In the eyes of the great multitude " papal "
or " Jesuit " and " Catholic " are synonymous, and Pro
testant authors have adopted a style of language by
which those who in theory are the bitterest enemies of
the curialistic system really do their best to smooth its
path. The intolerable pretensions of the Papacy are therefore
largely the result of Protestant ignorance. Not until
Protestants shall learn that the idea of Catholicism has
its roots just as much in the soil of the gospel and is just
361

362 The Papacy in the igth Century
as important for the future as Protestantism, that Cath
olicism and Protestantism mutually condition each other,
will there be recognised the opposition between Papalism
and Catholicism, an opposition which has never wholly
disappeared in the Catholic Church. But so long as the
customary confusion of speech is maintained and men
will persist in using language in a manner which is as
false as it is contradictory of all history, the power of
papalism will continue to increase.
By what right does the pope claim to be the " head
of the Catholic Church " ? When have the oldest
Christian Churches relinquished the name of Catholic
Churches and accepted the overlordship of the pope ?
Where have the English and the American Episcopal
Churches in any of their ofificial documents omitted to
emphasise their Catholic character ? Do not even the
original literary monuments of the Lutheran and of the
Reformed Church, Zwingli's theses as well as Luther's
writings, always speak of their adherents as members
of the Catholic Church ? Have not the later symbols
made a particular point of retaining this honourable
designation ?
We trace to the terminology of the Peace of Augs
burg ' and of the Peace of Westphalia," the fateful use of
language which permitted the pope to proclaim himself
the " head of the Catholic Church," to whom all baptised
persons are subject. But another factor has recently
contributed even more to this confusion of ideas and of
language : the would-be wise diplomacy of the nineteenth
century, which, following the example set by Niebuhr,'
spoke the language of the Curia, quite as a matter of
' 1555. The Peace of Augsburg established the principle that the religion
of the people should be that of the prince, either Lutheran or Reformed or
Roman. = Which ended the Thirty Years' War in 1648.
' See page 62, note.

Catholic and Papal 363
course and in perfect innocence. Ancient and mediaeval
Church history abundantly teaches the distinction which
the primitive undivided Church as well as the divided
Churches of the middle ages made between Roman and
Catholic, between whatever proceeded from one single
city and what concerned the whole Christian Church. It
is high time that this ideal of Catholicism be reinstated
in its rights, in opposition to the assumption of its Ro
man caricature.
It was an historical necessity that the Protestant ideal,
representing the principle of Christian individualism,
should in the sixteenth century have been obliged to
fight for its existence against the Catholic ideal, the prin
ciple of universalism. But upon the period of opposition
there followed a period of adjustment: we find in the
eighteenth century a mitigation of sectarian differences,
and in the beginning of this century the more advanced
on both sides, Catholics and Protestants, came together
in a closer intercourse, which answered to the deeper
feelings of all truly Christian minds. Roman Catholics
began to appreciate the claims of Protestant principles,
and in conventions of Protestant Churches attempts were
repeatedly made to bring the idea of Catholicism again
into prominence.
But soon after the opening of this century a great
change took place. In 1814 the pope was restored to his
capital, and with that restoration began a process of papal
aggression which culminated in the dogma of infallibility.
The principles which have governed the Papacy since
1 8 14 have been directly antagonistic to the tendencies of
a genuine Catholicism. The Catholicism for which the
Papacy in this century has stood is a caricature, the dis
torted Catholicism of a pure autocracy, hitherto unknown
in the Church ; and the restoration of the Papacy marks
the beginning of the modern contest between a genuine

364 The Papacy in the igth Century
Catholicism and its papal corruption. This contest is
the most important factor in the ecclesiastical history of
the century, and in its light alone can we understand
modern national development in the various countries.
The preceding pages have endeavoured to draw the
lines of that struggle : we have traced the continued ag
gressions of the Papacy and we have seen the resistance
of those who could not forget the purer and the older
principles of a time when the Church knew no such inso
lent tyranny. The crises which this contest has called
forth and the character of this struggle in the various
countries, in Europe, in the East, and in America, vary
according to the conditions of each and the antecedents
and character of the people; but everywhere there are
the same essential antagonisms. In all nationalities we
meet the influence of the spirit which again rules in the
Vatican. The connection with Rome is drawn closer
than ever; and Jesuitism, dominating Rome, intrudes
everywhere. With the claims of the hierarchy grow the
number of its allies; while at the same time we observe,
among Roman Catholic populations, an increasing hatred
of clericalism and a growing opposition to the ecclesiasti
cal regime, running through all degrees, from ridicule and
defiance to positive efforts for reform.
The struggles between the papal and national-Catholic
parties reached their climax in the Romance or Catholic
countries, but in Germanic nationalities also we find the
same opposition between papalism and Catholicism as the
historically dominating principle. And wherever, within
the Church, papalism has suppressed the opposing ten
dencies, there the conflict becomes one between the
Church and the State, and turns upon the emancipation
of the state, of the family, and the school from the con
trol of the hierarchy. We find therefore in Europe an
increasing desire for the separation of Church and State,
and we meet with repeated attempts to make religion

Catholic and Papal 365
independent of the Church and to realise a morality
without religion, or at least without sectarianism.
Nothing in the sphere of ecclesiastical history is more
astonishing than the triumphs of papalism in our century,
but those who believe in Catholicism as an important
factor in the progress of Christian civilisation will have
confidence in the ultimate victory of truth ; and the his
tory of the latest times shows a few phenomena, such as
the inauguration of the Christian-Catholic Church in Swit
zerland, the martyrdom of old-Catholicism in Germany,
DoUinger's union-conferences, and the opposition to
papalism in England and America, which hold out the
promise of a better future — a future in which Protestant
ism shall have learned more fully to appreciate the ideal
of Catholicism, and in which the Church of Rome shall
have awakened to a renewed appreciation of her ancient
heritage of liberty.

INDEX

About, Edmond, 135
Acton, Lord, 303/.
Agnew, 270
Alacoque, 239
Albania, 218
Alexander I., 15
Alsace, 230
Alzog, 147, 150, 154/., 316
Ancona, g7y.
Anfossi, 72
Antonelli, 65, r45, 191
Arbues, Pedro, 147
Argentine Republic, 356, 359
Armada, 257
Arndt, 228
Arnim, Count, 171
Arnold, 265, 276, 288, 308
Artists in Rome, 13
Austrian mission in the East, 219/'.

B

Baden school dispute, 144
Baggs, 268
Bagot, Bp., 277
Baltzer, 106
Basilians, 214
Basle, see of, 75
Baumann, 198
Beatifications, 73, 128
Belgium, 87/.
Berlin Congress, 219
Bernetti, g6
Bibles and Bible-societies, 28/., 73,
83, 102, 117, 143
Bibles, bonfire of, 319
Bismarck, 153, 171
Bobola, r28
Bolanden, 245
Bologna, 95, 97

Bosnia, 216, 218
Bowyer, 300
Bradlaugh, 325
Bramston, 268
Brazil, 356, 359/.
Britto, 128
Broad-Church school, 288
Bruno, 247
Buckingham, 284
Bulgaria, 217
Bulls : Solicitudo, 31 ; on oriental
question, 117, 118 ; Ineffabilis
Deus, 131 ; JEterni patris, 149 ;
Pastor czternus, 162 ; Reversurus,
213 ; Unam sanctam, 86 n,, 235
Bunsen, 75, 81, 92, 96, IXO
Burke, 320
Byron, 263

Csesarism, 13, 20
Calvin, 78
Canisius, 128
Canonisations, 102, 141, 147, 198
Capaccini, 75 /^
Carbonari, 69, 227
Castelfidardo, 139
Catholic ideal, 80, 86, 234, 307, 345,
365
Catholicism, importance of, 361 f.
Cavendish, 320
Cavour, 169, 326
Centre, party of, 172, 229 /.
Charles Albert, 124
Charles X., 45, 84/.
Charlotte, Empress, 349^.
Chateaubriand, 83
Chili, 356, 358/.
Church of England, middle ground
of, 265 ; purification of, 307 f.;
relation to Old Catholics, 307 /. /

367

368

Index

Church of England — Continued
present activity of, 307 /./ Dol
linger on, 309 ; Protestant charac
ter of, 310
Church war in Prussia, 90_^. , loiff.
Claver, 128
Clement XIV., 20, 32, 66
Clerkenwell explosion, 320
Clifford, Bp., 303/.
Colenso, 293
Colombia, 359
Columban, 53
Concordats, of Napoleon, 54 _^./
Consalvi's policy with, 57 ; Span
ish, Sardinian, Neapolitan, and
French, 58 /./ Austrian, 60 ; Bel
gian, 60 ; Russian, 61 ; Hanover
ian, 74 ; South American, 75
Consalvi, 15, 22, 2iff„ 34, 57, 61,
67
Cuba, 360
Curci, 25, 40/., 143, 170, 249
Cyprian, 53
Cyrillus, 214 D
Dalgairns, 282
Darboy, 152, 165
Decretals, pseudo-Isidorean, 239
DeMaistre, 15, 27, 86, 263
Denmark, 212
Digby, 270
Doctores Romani, 103
Dollinger, 67, 79, 98, 141, 152, 154,
167, 219, 240 /., 244, 248, 287,
309, 345, 365
Don Miguel, 43
Droste, Archbp., no
Dupanloup, 138, 152, 158

E

Ecuador, 357
Egan, 321, 324
Eirenicon, 294
Elizabeth, Queen, 257, 266
Emancipation, Catholic, 76, 83,
253 #•
Emmerich, 239, 250
Encyclical, of Leo XII., 73; of
Gregory XVL, 100 ; of Pius IX.,
117
Episcopacy, ¦yi'i ff.
Errington, 312, 322/.
Essays and Reineivs , 293 f.

Eugenie, 163
Evangelical Alliance, 345

Faber, 281
Falk, 175
" Fathers of the Faith," 35
Fenians, 325
Ferdinand VIL, 43, 347
Ferrara, 116
Fesch, Cardinal, 44
Feuerbach, go, 264
Fitzgerald, Bp., 162 «.
Formosus, 64
Frederic II. , 247
Frederick William III. , 93
Frederick William IV., 131
Freemasons, 28, 144, 227
"Free" universities, 246 y.
Froude, 272, 276
Fulda, first pastoral from, 151 ; sec
ond, 165

Gaeta, 123, 125
Galicia, 214
Galilei, 247
Galileans, 21
Galvani, 78
Garibaldi, 125, 139, 141 f., 145,
325, 348
Gasquet, 243 n.
Geldern, 236
Gerards, Balthasar, 147
Gervinus, 14, 19, 27
Girard, 47
Gizzi, Cardinal, 115
Gladstone, 222, 260, 269, 278, 309
Goethe, 246
Golden Rose, 74
Gondon, 304
Gordon, 285
Gorham case, 285, 288, 289
Gorkum, martyrs of, 147
Grande, 128
Gregory VIL, 15
Gregory XVL, 82, 93, 95, 112
Guizot, 105
Gury, 40 H
Hampden, 265, 276, 288
Hare, 308
Hartmann, 202

Index

369

Hayti, 360
Hecker, 342
Hefele, Bp., 150, 158, 166, 237
Hellwald, 202
Henry VIII., 257, 266
Hermes, 106, 118
Herzog, Bp., 309 ; on the Episcopal
Church, 338^.
Hohenlohe, Cardinal, 176
Hohenlohe, Prince I52_/'., 171
Holy Alliance, 17
Holy Sword, 74
Honorius I., 158
Hopkins, J, H., 267, 273, 296, 309

"Illumination,'' 20
Immaculate Conception, 129
Index, 27, 236
Infallibility, opposition to, 157^.,
160 ; decree, i6l n.
Innocent III., 15, 29, 179
Inquisition, 27, 79
Insurrection, in the Romagna, 1830,
83; in Bologna, 1831, 95; 'in
Rimini, 1845, 98 ; in Lombardy,
Sardinia, and Naples, 1848, 119;
of Poles, 144
Invincibles, 321 y., 325
Ireland, 8g, 312, 31"] ff.; England's
mission towards, 326
Irish bishops, declaration of, 76, 260,
303/. J
James I., 256
Janssen, 243^,
Jerusalem, 213 ; bishopric of, 288
Jesuits, restoration of, 30, 38 ; attack
liberty of conscience, 37 ; orders
affiliated to, 35 ; opposition to re
search by, 38 ; superstitious prac
tices introduced by, 38 ; oppress
the clergy, 38 ; schools of, 39 ;
learning of, 39 ; Curci's judgment
on, 41 ; efforts at reform of, 41
f.; in Sicily, Naples, Piedmont,
Sardinia, and Modena, 42 ; in
Spain and Portugal, 43 ; in France,
Viff-t 103^./ congregations affili
ated to, 44 f.; in Netherlands,
45 f. ; in Switzerland, 46, 105, f.,
120 ; in Germany, 48 ; in Prussia,
48 ; expelled from Russia, 49 ;

doctrine of murder of tyrants of,
49 ; spread of, 84 ; mercantile
activity of, 104 ; expelled from
Italy, 121 ; expelled from Ger
many, 176 ; and Basilian monas
teries, 214 f.; in Paraguay, 356 ;
in Ecuador, 357
Joseph II., 247
Joseph, St., 170
Juarez, 353
Jubilee, 73
July Ordinances, 84
K
Keble, 272, 274, 290, 296
Ketteler, Bp., 155, 158
Kingsley, 308
Kulturkampf, in Prussia, I4g, 172
ff.; in Bavaria and Baden, 180;
in Hesse, 181 ; in Switzerland,
181 ff.; in Austria, 183 ff.; in
Spain, 185/./ in Russia, 186 ; in
France, 187 ; in Belgium, 188 ; in
Brazil, i88/., 360; in Ecuador,
189 ; end of, in Germany, 207

Labre, 198
Lambruschini, 98, no
Lamennais, 76 f, 85 _^., 106, 228/'.
Lamoriciere, 139
Land -league, 320 f.
La Salette, 239
Lea, Lady Herbert, 301
Leo XII., 71, 78, 79, 81, 82.
Leo XIII., 82, 144, I92^.y as peace-
pope, 193, 20ojf.y and the state,
igg ; accession of, 203 ; Italy un
der, 204^./ Germany under, 206
ff. ; Switzerland under, 207 ; Bel
gium and Ireland under, 210 ;
Chili and Colombia under, 210 ;
letter to queen, 323
Leonardi, 128
Lewis, David, 284
Liberali, 22
Liguori, 94
Littledale, 309
Lopez, 356
Louis of Holland, 13, 21
Louis XIV., 257
Louis XVIII., 45, 85
Loveday, Miss, 268

370

Index

Lucas, 271, 304
Luther, 242, 284 M
MacParlan, 321/.
Magenta, 136
Mainz, reforming synod of, 26
Mamiani, 122
Manning, 147, 150 ; secession of,
290 ; and Pusey, 291 ; after con
version, 292 ; archbishop, 292 /./
attacks Church of England, 293 ;
letter to Pusey, 294 ; personal pe
culiarities of, 294; and infallibility,
295 ; and the state, 295 ; super
sedes older Catholics, 305 ff.
Marpingen, miracles of, 250
Martignac, 84
Mary, Bloody, 257
Mary Stuart, 257, 284
Maximilian, Emperor, 144, 349^.
" May Laws," 177/.
Mazzini, 116, 125, 325
McCarthy, 315, 317, 3,^5
Meglia, 3Soff.
Mejer, 52
Melchers, Archbp., 166, 175
Mentana, 146
Methodius, 214
Metternich, 16, 23, 34, 89, 226
Mexico, 34&ff.
Molly Maguires, 321
Monasteries restored, 28, 67
Montalembert, 106, 153
Montefalco, Clara of , 198 f.
Moody, 293
Moore, 263
Moreno, 357
Mortara, 134
Mosul, 2x2
Miihler, 166, 174
Mailer, Michael, on education, 342,
344
Murat, 12, 69 N
Napoleon III., letter to pope, 137
Naumowicz, 216
Nelson, Earl, 299
Nestorians, 212
Netherlands, 211
Newman, 275 ; submits to bishop,
277 ; hesitates, 278 ; Gladstone on,
278 f.; literary activity, 282 /./

secedes, 282 ; effect of secession,
286 ; later life of, 287 ; and infal
libility, 287; made cardinal, 28'jf.;
pushed to the rear, 289 ; com
pared with Manning, 290 f.;
Apologia, 298 ; on Church of
England, 298 ; on old and new
Tractarians, ¦302 f.
New York, 319
Nicholas I. of Russia, ni
Niebuhr, 57, 62, no, 362
Nhilism, 202
Northcote, 284
Norway and Sweden, 212
Novara, 124
Novels, fabrication of, 245
O
Oakeley, 280/.
O'Connell, 87, 89, 263, 318/.
Old-Catholic bishops, pastoral of,
132/.
Old-Catholic movement in South
America, 360

Pacca, 22, 26, 36
Palestine, 213
Palmer, 274, 290, 296/".
Papacy, restoration of, 11, 12 ; and
the national movement, 18 f.;
and revolution, 60, 109, 228, 324 ;
opposition to national Catholic
ism, 60, 364 ; foundation of tem
poral power of, 64 ; influence of,
in Rome, 65 f. ; and society,
224 ff.; exploitation of religion
by, 224 ; power of, 225, 231 ^f. ;
causes of power, 225 /. ; allies of,
229, 231 ; relation of, to state,
230 ; and the clergy, 232 /. ; re
lation of, to science, 235 ; to his
tory, 237-248 ; to religion, 2\?,ff.;
power of, in England, 315 f; in
United States, 341 ff. ; preten
sions of, 361 ff.; caricature of
Catholicism in, 363
Paraguay, 347, 356
Parliament, first Italian, 140
Parnell, 323
Passaglia, 130, 140/., 142
Pepin, 63
Perceval, 271, 279
Perrone, 102

Index

371

Persecution in England, 2cfiff.
Peru, 356, 357/.
Peter, centenary of, 146
Philip of Suabia, i8o
Phillips, 270
Pittar, 269
Pius VI., 20, 36
Pius VIL, 20, 22, 27, 36, 78, 82
PiusVIIL, 82
Pius IX. , 82, gg, 348 ; reforms of,
113, 115 f. ; ecclesiastical con
servatism of, wb ff. ; appeals to
people, 122 ; protests, 123, 125 ;
and infallibility, 158 f. ; in the
Kulturkampf, r-jb ff. ; compared
with Christ, 190 ; interferes in
Mexico, 350 j/;, 354
"Pius-hymn," 148
Pohle, 241
Poland, 88
Polignac, 84
Pornocracy, 64
Portalis, 55
Protestant Episcopal Church, repre
senting Catholic ideal, 327, 345 ;
origin of, 330 f. ; constitution
and character of, 331 f. ; activity
of, 332.^- ; statistics of, 334/-/
' ' intercommunion of Catholicism
and Protestantism " in, 337 ; re
lations with Italy and Rome,
337/. ; Bp. Herzog on, 338 /¦-
Protestant Jesuits, 37, 174, 233
Protest of bishops at Vatican Coun
cil, 156
Punctations of Ems, 26
Pusey, 272 f. ; defends Newman,
277 ; suspension of, 277 ; Pius on,
277 ; replies to Manning, 294

Queretaro, 349, 354 R
Radetzki, 124
Ranke, 62, 145
Ravignan, 104
Redemptorists, 35
Reinkens, Bp., 198; on Janssen,
244
Renftle, 167
Restoration of hierarchy in England,
I33i 3i2_^. ; in Holland, 133 ; in
Scotland, 3,16

Revolution in Spain, Naples, and
Piedmont, 1820, 70
Revolution of Carlists in Spain, 107
Revolution of July, 1830, 84, 263 ;
in Belgium, 87 ; in Poland, 88 ; in
Germany, 89 /, ; in papal states,
95 #.
Revolution of 1848, 119
Ricci, 42
Ripon, marquis of, 300
Ritualism , 297 /.
Rivarola, S3
Robertson, J. B., 285
Romanticists, 16
Rome, after the Revolution, 66 ;
under the Papacy, 67 y"., 78/".,
83, gg ; reforms of Pius IX. in,
115 y. / new constitution of, 121 ;
a republic, 124 ; Italians enter,
164 ; annexed to Italy, l68 /.
Roothaan, 84
Rossi, 123
Rothe, Richard, 80
Roumania, 217
Russell, Lord John, 313/., 318
Russia, 220 f.
Ruthenians, 214/.

Sacred Heart, congregations of, 35 ;
worship of, 38, 170, 250, 357
Sadowa, 145
Sala, 25
Saville, 259
Scheeben, 240
Schleiennacher, 228
Schmedding, log, in
" School," papal literary, 102
Scott, Walter, 263
Scouce, 285
Secchi, 103
Sembratowicz, 215 y., 233
Servia, 217
Sherman, 343
Sibour, 130, 132
Sibthorp, 270
Simpson, 284
Slaves, Roman propaganda among,
214
Solferino, 136
Sommaglia, 75
Sonderbund, 120 ; war of the, 48,
231
South and Central America, state of
religion in, 346/., 355/"-, 359

372

Index

Spencer, George, 270
Spener, 250
" Sperr-Gesetz," 179
Spiegel, Archbp., 93, 109/.
Stanley, 282
Stonyhurst, college of, 259
Strauss, 90, 202, 264
Strossmayer, Bp., 158, 214
Sutton, 293
Sybel, 144
Syllabus, 142^., 149
Sjrria, Roman propaganda in, 213,

Talleyrand, 23
Tangermann, 166, 175, 269
Test Acts, 258/., 264/., 308
Theophilanthropists, 21
Thomas Aquinas, iijuff.
Thompson, Healy, 284
Tractarian movement, 271 jf. ; "old
school" and "new school" in,
302 /. ; results of, 309 /.
Tractarians and born Catholics,
304 if.
Tract Ninety, 274, 276, 277, 286
Tracts for the 'Times, 268
Triple Alliance, 209
Turkey, 217/'.
Tynan, 324 U
Ultramontanism in France, 231

Universities, papal hostility to, 107
Uruguay, 356

Vaccination abolished, 68
Vatican Council, protest of bishops
at, 156
Vere, Aubrey de, 300
Veuillot, 149
Via Media, 276
Vienna, Congress of, 17, 24, 226
Villafranca, peace of, 136
Vulliemin, 47 W
War, Sardinian-Austrian, 124 ; of
1859, 136 ; of 1866, 145 ; of 1870,
163 /• ; of the Papacy against
modem society, 168
Ward, W. G., 280, 303
Wessenberg, 33, 60, 74, 94, 233
Whately, 265, 288
Wilberforce, 290
William of Orange, 247
William III., 257
Willibrord, 53
Windhorst, 145, 175, 242
Wingfield, 284
Wiseman, 283, 292, 301, 303, 313
Wright, Sir Leopold, 270

Zelanti, 22, 71

The Story of the Nations,

Messrs. G. P, PUTNAM'S SONS take pleasure in
announcing that they have in course of publication, in
co-operation with Mr. T. Fisher Unwin, of London, a
series of historical studies, intended to present in a graphic
manner the stories of the different nations that have
attained prominence in history.
In the story form the current of each national life is
distinctly indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy
periods and episodes are presented for the reader in their
philosophical relation to each other as well as to universal
history. It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to
enter into the real life of the peoples, and to bring them
before the reader as they actually lived, labored, and
struggled — as they studied and wrote, and as they amused
themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with
which the history of all lands begins, will not be over
looked, though these will be carefully distinguished from
the actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted
historical authorities have resulted in definite conclusions.
The subjects of the different volumes have been planned
to cover connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive
epochs or periods, so that the set when completed will
present in a comprehensive narrative the chief events in
the great Story OF THE NATIONS ; but it is, of course,
not always practicable to issue the several volumes io
their chronological order.

THE STORY OF THE NATIONS.

The "Stories" are printed in good readable type, and in
handsome i2mo form. They are adequately illustrated and
furnished with maps and indexes. Price per vol., cloth, $1.50 ;
half morocco, gilt top, $1.75.

The following are now ready
GREECE. Prof. Jas. A. Harrison.
ROME. Arthur Oilman.
THE JEWS. Prof. James K. Hosmer.
CHALDEA. Z. A. Ragozin.
GERMANY. S. Baring-Gould.
NORWAY. Hjalmar H. Boyesen.
SPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan Hale.
HUNGARY. Prof. A. V4mb6ry.
CARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. Church.
THE SARACENS. Arthur Oilman.
THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley
Lane-Poole.
THE NORMANS. Sarah Ornejewett.
PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin.
ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. Geo. Raw-
linson.
ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof. J.
P. Mahaffy.
ASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin.
THE GOTHS. Henry Bradley.
IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless.
TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole.
MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA.
Z. A. Ragozin.
MEDIEVAL FRANCE. Prof, Gua-
tave Masson.
HOLLAND. Prof. J. Thorold Rogers.
MEXICO. Susan Hale.
PHOENICIA. Geo. Rawlinson.
THE HANSA TOWNS. Helen Zim-
xnern.
EARLY BRITAIN. Prof. Alfred J.
Church.
THE BARBARV CORSAIRS. Stan
ley Lane-Pool.
RUSSIA. W. R. Mormi.
THE JEWS UNDER ROME. W. D.
Morrison.
SCOTLAND. John Mackintosh.
SWITZERLAND. R. Stead and Mrs.
A. Hug.
PORTUGAL. H. Morse-Stephens.
THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. C. W.
C. Oman.
SICILY. E. A. Freeman.
THE TUSCAN REPUBLICS. Bella
Duffy.
POLAND. W. R. Morfill.
PARTHIA. Geo. Rawlinson.

JAPAN. David Murray.
THE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY OP
SPAIN. H. E. Watts.
AUSTRALASIA. Greville Tregar-
then.
SOUTHERN AFRICA. Geo. Mo
Theal.
VENICE. AletheaWiel.
THE CRUSADES. T. S. Archer and
C. L. Kingsford.
VEDIC INDIA. Z. A. Ragozin.
BOHEMIA. C. E. Maurice.
CANADA. J. G. Bourinot.
THE BALKAN STATES. William
MiUer.
BRITISH RULE IN INDIA. R. W.
Frazer.
MODERN FRANCE. Andr4 Le Bon.
THE BUILDING OF THE BRITISH
EMPIRE. Alfred T. Story. Two
vols.
THE FRANKS. Lewis Sergeant.
THE WEST INDIES. Amos K.
Fiske.
THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND IN
THE 19TH CENTURY. Justin
McCarthy, M.P. Two vols.
AUSTRIA, THE HOME OF THE
HAPSBURG DYNASTY, FROM
isSa TO THE PRESENT DAY.
Sidney Whitman,
CHINA. Robt. K. Douglass.
MODERN SPAIN. Major Martin A.
S. Hume.
MODERN ITALY. Pietro Orsi.
Other volumes in preparation are :
THE UNITED STATES, 1775-1897.
Prof. A. C. McLaughlin. Two
vols.
BUDDHIST INDIA. Prof. T. W.
Rhys-Davids.
MOHAMMEDAN INDIA. Stanley
Lane-Poole.
THE THIRTEEN COLONIES.
Helen A. Smith.
WALES AND CORNWALL. Owe*
M. Edwards.

HEROES OF THE NATIONS.

A series of biographical studies of the lives and work of
certain representative historical characters, about whom have
gathered the great traditions of the Nations to which they
belonged, and who have been accepted, in many instances, as
types of the several National ideals.
The volumes will be sold separately as follows : cloth extra,
$1.50 ; half leather, uncut edges, gilt top, $1.75.
The following are now ready :

NELSON. By W. Clark Russell.
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. By C,
R. L. Fletcher.
PERICLES. By Evelyn Abbott.
THEODORIC THE GOTH. By
Thomas Hodgkin.
SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. By. H. R.
Fox- Bourne.
JULIUS CSSAR. By W. Warde
Fowler.
WYCLIF. By Lewis Sergeant.
NAPOLEON. By W. O'Connor Mor
ris.
HENRY OF NAVARRE. By P. F.
Willert.
CICERO. By J. L. Strachan-David-
son.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By Noah
Brooks.
PRINCE HENRY (OF PORTUGAL)
THE NAVIGATOR. By C. R.
Beazley.
JULIAN THE PHILOSOPHER.
By Alice Gardner.
LOUIS XIV. By Arthur Hassan.
CHARLES XII. By R. Nisbet Bain.
LORENZO DE' MEDICI. By Ed
ward Armstrong.

JEANNE D'ARC. By Mrs. Oliphant.
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. By
¦Washington Irving.
ROBERT THE BRUCE. By Sir
Herbert Maxwell.
HANNIBAL. By W. O'Connor Mor
ris.
ULYSSES S. GRANT. By WUliain
Conant Church.
ROBERT E. LEE. By Henry Alex-
ander White.
THE CID CAMPEADOR. By H.
Butler Clarke.
SALADIN. By Stanley Lane-Poole.
BISMARCK. By J. W. Headlam.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT. By
Benjamin I. y/heeler.
CHARLEMAGNE. By H. W. C.
Davis.
OLIVER CROMW^ELL. By Charles
Firth.
RICHELIEU. By James B. Perkins.
DANIEL O'CONNELL. By Robert
Dunlop.
SAINT LOUIS(Louis IX., of France).
By Frederick Perry.
LORD CHATHAM. By Walford
Davis Green.

Other volumes in preparation are :

MOLTKE. By Spencer W^ilkinson.
JUDAS MACCABEUS. By Israel
Abrahams.
HENRY V. By Charles L. Kings-
ford.
SOBIESKI. By F. A. Pollard.
ALFRED THE TRUTHTELLER.
By Frederick Perry.

FREDERICK II. By A. L. Smith.
MARLBOROUGH. By C. W. C.
Oman.
RICHARD THE LION-HEARTED.
By T. A. Archer.
WILLIAM THE SILENT. By RutN
Putnam.
JUSTINIAN. By Edward Jenks.

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, Publishers, New York and London,

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.

THE STORY OF THE CIVIL WAR.
A Concise Account of the War in the United States of America betweea
i86r and 1865. By JOHN CoDMAN RoPES, author of " The Army
Under Pope," "The First Napoleon," etc. To be completed in four
Varts, printed in four octavo volumes. Each part will be complete in
Itself and will be sold separately. Part I. Narrative of Events to the
Opening of the Campaign of 1862. With 5 maps, Svo, $1.50. Part
II. The Campaign of 1862. With 13 maps. $2.50.
" His (Mr. Rope's) name bespeaks for him instant attention on any subject on whick
he may write. ^He is putting the student of American history under immeasurable obli
gations by laying this philosophical, two-sided, and expert disquisition on our civil
war before him. A just narrator and critic." — Detroit Free Press.
FRANCE UNDER MAZARIN.
With a Sketch of the Administration of Richelieu. By James Breck
Perkins. With photogravure portraits of Mazarin, Richelieu, Louis
XIII., Anne of Austria, and Conde. Two volumes, 8vo, $4.00.
** Our pleasure in reading it has been so great that we fear only that we shall use
language that seems too laudatoir. . . . *¦ France under Richelieu and Mazarine will
introduce its author into the rajifcs of the first living historians of our land. He is never
dry, he never lags, he is never prolix ; but from the first to the last, his narrative
is recorded currente calamo, as of a man who has a firm grasp upon his materials." —
N. Y. Christian Union. OLIVER CROMWELL: A HISTORY.
Comprising a Narrative of his Life, with Extracts from his Letters and
Speeches, and an Account of the Political, Religious, and Military
Affairs of England during his Time. By Samuel Harden Church.
With portrait and plans of Marston Moor and Naseby. Svo, $2.50.
THE WINNING OF THE WEST
And Southwest, from the AUeghanies to the Mississippi, 1769-1807. By
Theodore Roosevelt. With maps. 4 vols., Svo, each, $2.50.
A HISTORY OF THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR.
By Anton Grindely, Professor of German History in the University of
Prague, Translated by Andrew Ten Brook, recently Professor of
Mental Philosophy in the University of Michigan. With twenty-eight
illustrations and two maps. With an introductory and a concluding
chapter by the Translator. 2 vols., Svo, $3.50.
THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS PAINE.
Political, Sociological, Religious, and Literary. Edited by Moncure
Daniel Conway, with introduction and notes. Complete in four
volumes, uniform with Mr. Conway's "Life. of Paine." Price per
volume, cloth, $2.50. GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS,
And the Struggle of Protestantism for Existence. By C. R. L. Fletcher,
M.A., Fellow of AU Souls CoUege, Oxford. Svo, f uUy Ulustrated. $1.50
" We know of no. book that so clearly and satisfactorily covers this confused but
deeply significant period of European history, and we know of no more consistent and
intelhgent account of one of its master spirits. — Christian Union.
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS - - Publishers

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