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THE voyage

FRANQOIS PYRARD.

FIRST SERIES. NO. LXXVE-MDCCCLXXXVUI

TNTKRIOR OF CHURCH OF S. FRANCIS OF ASSISI AT GOA.

THE VOYAGE or
FRANCOIS PYRARD
i OF LAVAL
TO THE EAST INDIES, THE MALDIVES, THE
MOLUCCAS AND BRAZIL.

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH PROM THE THIRD FRENCH EDITION OP 1619,
AND EDITED, WITH NOTES,
By ALBERT GRAY,
FOHMEBLT OF THE CETLOtT CIVIL SEEVICE.
ASSISTED
By H. C. P. BELL
OF THE CEYLOW CIVIL SERVICE.

IN TWO VOLUMES.— VOL. II, PART I.

BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER
NEW YORK, NEW YORK

Published by
BURT FRANKLIN
514 West 113th Street
New York 25, N. Y.

ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY

REPRINTED BY PERMISSION

PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.

COUNCIL

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

Colohel H. YULE, R.E., C.B., LL.D., Peesident.
Majoe-General Sie HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S.,
AsaociB Eteanger de L'Inbtitut de France, Vice-President.
Ioed ABERDARE, G.C.B., F.R.S. , late Pees. R.G.S.
W. AMHURST T. AMHERST, Esq., M.P.
JOHN BARROW, Esq., F.R.S., F.S.A.
WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, Esq., F.S.A.
Reae-Admieal LINDESAT BRINE.
EDWARD BURNE JONES, Esq., A.R.A., D.C.L.
The Eaei, of DUCIE, F.R.S.
CECIL G. S. FOLJAMBE, Esq., M.P.
ALBERT GRAT, Esq.
R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., C.B., F.R.S.
Admibal Sib ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S.
Lord ARTHUR RUSSELL.
ERNEST SATOW, Esq., C.M.G., Ministeb Resident at Bangkok.
S. W. SILVER, Esq.
The Loed STANLEY of Alderley.
Sib CHARLES WILSON, R.E., K.C.B., K.C.M.G., F.R.S., D.C.L., and LL.D.
E. DELMAR MORGAN, Honorary Secretabt.

CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
(PART I.)

PAGE, ix

IntroductionChronology of Events xl
Addenda et Corrigenda xiii
Dedicatory Epistle xliii
Headings of Chapters xiv
Voyage : Part the Second 1-287

LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS.

1. Interior of Church of S. Francis of Assisi at Goa (from a photo
graph) to face title-paye
2. Arch of the Viceroys, Goa (from a photograph) 47
3. Shrine of S. Francis Xavier in the Church of the Bom Jesus,
Goa (from a photograph) 62
4. Dom Fr. Aleixes de Menezes, Archbishop of Goa and Governor
of India (from the Resende MS.) to face page 89
5. A Carrack (after Vandyck) 214
6. A Caravel (from a MS. at Havre) 215
7. Dom Andre Furtado de Mendoca, Governor of India (from the
Resende MS.) to face page 267

" Por terra jaz o Emporio do Oriente,
Que do rigido Affonso o ferro, o raio
Ao gr&o Filho ganhou do gr&o Sabio,
Enverganhando o Deos armipotente.
Cahio Goa, terror antigamente
Do Naire v&o, do perfldo Malaio,
De barbaras Nacaes . . . ah ! que desmaio
Apaga o Marcio ardor da Lusa Gente.
Oh Seculos de HercSes ! Dias de Gloria !
Varsee excelsos, que, a pezar da Morte,
Viveid na tradi9?lo, viveis na Historia !
Albuquerque terrivel, Castro forte,
Menezes, e outros mil, vossa memoria
Vinga as injurias, que nos faz a Sorte."
M. M. de Babbosa du Bocagb.

" Surely, at this day, with us of Europe, the vantage of strength at sea (which is
one of the principal dowries of this Kingdom of Great Britain), is great; both be
cause most of the Kingdoms of Europe are not merely inland, but girt with the sea
most part of their compass ; and because the wealth of both Indies seems, in great
part, but an accessory to the command of the seas."
Fa. Bacon, Of the true Qreatnees of Kingdoms and Estates.

INTRODUCTION.

The author has chosen to make his arrival at Goa
the dividing point of his two volumes. He might
have closed the first with his escape from the Mal
dives, and thus comprised in the second the whole
of his description of Portuguese India. While he
was on the Malabar coast, at the pirate ports and at
Calicut, he was within the sphere of Portuguese
action and diplomacy, while at Cochin he was a
Portuguese prisoner. But the. scheme of division is
nevertheless a reasonable one. At Chittagong and
on the Malabar coast he was still at a distance from
the centre of action, and not till he arrived at Goa
was he able to take a comprehensive view of the first
great European dominion in the East, Moreover, it
was not till he arrived at the Portuguese capital, at
which regular communication was maintained witli
Europe, that he began to take hope of once more
returning to his native country.
The two volumes are composed on the same method.
In the first the narrative proceeds down to the
arrival of the author at the court of the Maldive
king. It is then suspended while he gives a de
tailed view of the island kingdom in all its depart
ments, and is not resumed until the arrival of the

X INTRODUCTION.
hostile fleet which conveyed him to India. The
story of four-and-a-half years' residence is only to be
gleaned from occasional personal references. In the
second volume the personal narrative breaks off at his
liberation from prison, a few weeks after his arrival
at Goa. At that point, when he was first enabled
to make his observations of Goa and Portuguese
India, he discards dates and the sequence of events,
and bids his reader receive his impressions of the
Portuguese dominion, classified and arranged under
a series of chapters. When he has completed this
general view he gradually resumes the thread of his
narrative, relates various occurrences at Goa imme
diately prior to his departure, and so proceeds with
his homeward voyage. Of his twenty months' resi
dence with the Portuguese (May 1608 — February
1610) the events of the first and last few weeks
only are narrated with dates. As respects the
interval, personal details are introduced more as
illustration and in warranty of truth than as subject-
matter. He informs us, indeed, that he made two
voyages in Portuguese ships, the one to Malacca and
the Eastern Archipelago, and the other to Diu and
Cambaye, but he vouchsafes neither dates nor names
of the ships or commanders ; and while he states
that on these expeditions he fought under the Portu
guese flag, he gives us neither time, nor place, nor
enemy. The personal narrative may, however, be
pieced together.
Pyrard arrived at Goa, wounded by his accident
and ill from his bad treatment during the voyage

INTRODUCTION. Xl
from Cochin, about the end of May 1608. Of his
two companions, one was afflicted with a serious
ulcer ; the other, though suffering from fatigue, was
otherwise sound. By the kindness of the officers of
the fleet all three were admitted to the Eoyal Hos
pital. After three weeks' careful treatment in this
splendid institution, Pyrard and his healthy com
panion, ignorant that they were still prisoners,
pressed the Jesuit father (pae dos Christdos), to
whom the Government assigned the superintendence
of native and foreign Christians, to be allowed to go
out and see the city of which they had heard so
much. After a few days they were discharged from
the hospital, but, to their surprise, in charge of
meirinhos (sergeants) and their peons, who escorted
them to the Sala das bragas, one of the Goa prisons.
On a later occasion Pyrard was again a patient in
the hospital. His description of it is one of his most
attractive chapters. The institution, originally in
stituted by Albuquerque for the treatment of Portu
guese soldiers, and into which no native was received
as a patient, was at this time under the management
of the Jesuits. The nursing arrangements seem to
have been excellent, strict regularity being accom
panied by cleanliness and good feeding. It is a
relief to find no charge of peculation laid against
this department of administration. The medical
service, unfortunately, seems to have been lament
ably bad even for that age, and the mortality exces
sive (see pp. 11, 14, note). No doubt a large per
centage of the cases were those of cholera, scurvy,

XII INTRODUCTION.
and enteric fevers, with which the science of the
time was unable to deal. But, on the other hand,
the best available skill was not employed — that of
the physicians who had experience in India. Every
viceroy as he came out was in the habit of appoint
ing his private physician, who had accompanied him,
to the charge of the hospital. At the end of three
years, when he was beginning to understand his
work, he was superseded on the arrival of the next
viceroy. Pyrard was held a prisoner in the Sala das Bragas
for about two months, and was then released by the
intervention and good offices of a French Jesuit,
Father La Croix. It was now about the end of
August. He and his companion were forthwith
placed on the roll of soldiers for service. He made
two expeditions with the Portuguese armadas, one
to the north as far as Diu and Cambaye, the other
to Ceylon, Malacca, and the Archipelago. It seems
probable that the shorter voyage was performed
first, and that he embarked some time in October
in the armada of the south, which was wont to leave
Goa annually in that month, for the protection of
commerce, and. for supplying the eastern fortresses
and factories with reinforcements (p. 117). In any
case he must have been absent from Goa during the
latter half of September, because on the 1 7th the
Dutch admiral Verhoeven appeared at the river bar,
and blockaded Goa for ten days. As we know from
other sources, this event caused great consternation
in the city ; but Pyrard's only reference to Dutch

INTRODUCTION. Xlll
blockades does not imply that he was a spectator of
any of them.
His short sojourn in Ceylon only gave him time to
gather a quantity of hearsay information about the
island. At this time the Portuguese had their
fortresses at Colombo and Galle, besides smaller forts
at other places on the western coast. They had not
then occupied Jaffna, nor any point on the eastern
coast. The Dutch under Spilberg, following their
usual policy of seizing points unoccupied by their
rivals, made their first entrance in 1602 by Batti-
caloa on the east. The diplomatic relations with
the Kandyan king, successfully commenced by that
captain, had been abruptly stopped by the murder
in 1603 of Sibalt de Weer, the only captain of
Oliver de Noort's fleet who survived the terrible
sufferings of the first Dutch voyage of circumnavi
gation. This event delayed the progress of the Dutch in
Ceylon for some years, and it was not till 1609, the
year after Pyrard's visit, that an offensive and
defensive alliance was formed with the Kandyan
queen, Donna Catherina. The Portuguese had
committed in Ceylon their great error of attempting
to enlarge their dominion from the possession of a
few forts and the command of the sea, to a conquest
of the whole island. They considered that the
fortress policy, proper as regards the continent of
India, did not apply to an island like Ceylon ; but
they took no account of the difficulties of guerilla
warfare in a mountainous country covered with

xiv INTRODUCTION.
dense jungle, and they over-estimated their own
strength. The whole period of their undisputed
supremacy in India had been employed in fomenting
an internecine war in Ceylon, and in the end they
were masters of hardly a mile of territory outside
their forts. In 1597, the same year in which the
Dutch made their first appearance in Indian waters,
the Portuguese obtained from the Kandyan king,
Dharmapala, a legacy of the throne which he had
ceased to occupy, and were thus further committed
to their fatal policy of conquest. The Dutch gave
but an intermittent support to their native allies ;
the war which ensued was signalised by every
species of atrocity and treachery, and the long
miseries of the Portuguese occupation ended for
Ceylon in the capitulation of Colombo in 1656.
From Ceylon Pyrard passed to Malacca. His
chapter on that great fortress and emporium, in
which the Portuguese up to this time had succeeded
in focussing the whole trade of the far East, is
mainly devoted to an account of the siege of 1606,
and the destruction of the viceroy's relieving fleet.
His account of these events is valuable, though in
some details inaccurate ; it represents the unofficial
story as related to him by the Portuguese officers
or soldiers, some of whom, perhaps, had been present.
From the occasional personal references in the
general description of the Eastern Archipelago,
which is comprised in chapters xii and xiii, we
gather that the places actually visited by the
traveller were Bantam and Tuban in Java, the

INTRODUCTION. XV
islands " of Madura and Bali, Ternatd, one of the
Moluccas, and Banda. At this time no foreign
power had an established position in Java, though
rboth Dutch and English agents were admitted at
Bantam. The great object of the European rivals
was the possession of the Moluccas, or Spice Islands.
In 1599 Van Nek had expelled the Portuguese
factors from Amboyna, and established relations
with the Moluccas, though the Portuguese had a
fort at Tidore\ In 1601 the Portuguese sent an
armada under Andre Furtado to expel the "rebel
Hollanders", and re-establish the Portuguese supre
macy. He succeeded in retaking Amboyna, but
arrived before Ternat^ in 1603 with an equipment
exhausted by nearly two years' continuous service at
sea. Despairing of proper reinforcement from Goa,
he had applied to the Governor of the Philippines.
That officer deemed it prudent to send tne succour,
though he himself had designs on the islands on
behalf of Spain. Even with this reinforcement
Furtado failed to take TernateV
In 1605, before anything further was done on behalf
of the king by either division of his subjects, the
Dutch again swooped upon the islands. Under Van
der Hagen they drove the Portuguese from Tidore
and Amboyna, and were supreme for the moment.
That captain, however, left the islands insufficiently
garrisoned, and in 1606 the Spanish governor of the
Philippines, Pedro de Acuna, carried out his long
1 De Morga's Philippine Islands, pp. 216, 226.

XVI INTRODUCTION.
meditated expedition and expelled the Dutch from
all their positions, except Amboyna.
In 1607 Matelief, fresh from his naval victories off
Malacca, succeeded in dislodging the Spaniards from
Tidore\ Thus Pyrard found Tidore and Amboyna
in the hands of the Dutch, and Ternate" in those
of the Spaniards. The miseries of the wretched
Moluccans, cursed with the endowment of the
coveted clove, were not yet at an end. In 1611
the Spaniards conquered Banda and retook Tidore",
and not long afterwards the Dutch retook Ternate\
When the news of Van der Hagen's successes at
the Moluccas reached Goa, it was accompanied by
information that a combination was on foot between
the Dutch, and the Flajas of Achin and Johore, for
a general attack upon Malacca. The Portuguese
promptly equipped a powerful armada, the largest
which had ever left Goa, and it was ordered by the
king himself that the viceroy, Martin Affonso de
Castro should proceed in command. Ignorant that a
new Dutch fleet under Matelief was already on its
way to Malacca, the viceroy was minded to break up
the confederacy by a descent upon Achin. A landing
was effected, but the assault was repulsed, and the
force was re-embarked with the loss of some men and
much credit. Thence turning to Malacca he found
himself face to face with Matelief, who was well-
informed of his movements, and had raised the
siege. De Castro was no match for Matelief. The
sea-fights off Malacca, though obstinately fought,
resulted in the complete destruction of the Portu-

INTRODUCTION. XVII
guese fleet, and De Castro remained at Malacca only
to die, as some said, of chagrin.
Besides describing the places actually visited, our
traveller adds short accounts of the rest of the
Archipelago, such as Sumatra, including Achin,
Borneo, and the Philippines. The more interesting
passages of this part of his narrative are those in
which he describes the course of trade as between
the Eastern islands, China and Japan, Spanish
America and the Philippines, and Portuguese Goa
and Malacca.
Pyrard has nothing to say as to the doings of the
English in those seas. Our chief factory in the
East, and that but a small one, was then at Bantam,
cargoes being picked up wherever we were free from
the molestation of Spaniards and Dutch. In 1606
Middleton had been warned off the Moluccas by
the Spaniards,, and off Banda by our old allies the
Dutch. On his return from the Malacca voyage Pyrard
states that he remained another six months at Goa
to pass the winter (the S.W. monsoon), before his
departure from India.1 It is probable therefore that
he reached Goa about the end of May 1609 ; he
does not state clearly that he was at Goa when
Andre" Furtado assumed office as Governor, that is
on the 21st, and he misdescribes that proceeding.
This last period of six months was a busy and
interesting time. Furtado, on his assumption of
office, at once commenced great doings in the arsenal.
1 See pp. 179, 261.

XVU1 INTRODUCTION.
Armadas were equipped to be despatched as usual to
the north and the south, and in addition a great ex
pedition was on foot for the discovery of the Zambesi
and the gold mines of Monomotapa. Besides these,
the regular fleet from Portugal was expected in Sep
tember, and the homeward fleet would have to be
loaded and despatched by the end of the year.
Pyrard does not tell us in what he was employed ;
he was still on the roll of soldiers, and as a soldado
got his provisions at the house of one of the great
lords.1 He was within an ace of being taken for
service either with the armada of the north, or that
for Africa.
There does not seem to have been any notion of
compulsion in this matter. He was invited to
go with the northern armada by the lord who
gave him his provisions, and he was "greatly
importuned" to join the Mozambique expedition.2
He was, however, saved by events. In Septem
ber arrived the fleet from Lisbon, bringing a
new viceroy, Ruy Lourenco de Tavora, to whom
Furtado yielded up the government. By this time
the Portuguese had an unusual number of foreigners
on their hands. They had Pyrard and his two
French companions ; they had Eichard Wickham,
who had been kidnapped from the Union on the
coast of Zanzibar ; they had the survivors of the
seventeen Englishmen captured in one of the boats
of the Hector at Surat ; and, lastly, they had the
survivors of fifteen of the crew of Captain Shar-
1 Sec p. 269. 2 See p. 235.

INTRODUCTION. XIX
peigh's ship Ascension, which had been wrecked off
Chaul. The King of Spain's orders were that no
foreigners should be permitted in the Portuguese
territories, especially those who came in their own
ships. So large a number of spying foreigners
naturally alarmed the new viceroy, and he at once
put the whole of them into prison. He might have
put them to death, but at this time the Portuguese
hatred of their Spanish masters induced them to be
lenient towards others. De Tavora, therefore, was
glad enough to get rid of the intruders by providing
them with passages in the homeward-bound fleet.
It is chiefly in the course of his narrative of these
last six months at Goa that Pyrard makes mention
of some interesting characters. The foremost figure
is that of Andre" Furtado de Mendoca, the greatest
Portuguese captain of his time, who had begun his
service at the side of King Sebastian on the disas
trous field of Alcazar-quivir in Morocco. Then we
have that interesting personage, Archbishop Menezes,
whose forcible conversion of the Nestorians to the
Eoman communion had no doubt won for him the
patent of succession to the governorship of India.
Then we have a pleasing picture of the Jesuit, Father
Stephen, the first Englishman in India, the learned
Father La Croiz, and the more famous Father Tri-
gaut, who, with humanity and tact, performed the
part of English and French ambassadors. Next we
have our friend Eichard Wickham, whom Pyrard
describes as "a man of proud and noble bearing, like
a captain", and who was afterwards to show his pride

XX INTRODUCTION.
to Eichard Cocks in Japan. At Goa, too, Pyrard met
the well-known French traveller, Jean Mocquet, the
keeper of Henry IV's museum at the Tuileries, and
surgeon to the viceroy, Conde de Feira, and to the
governor Furtado. He heard of, but did not see
that more mysterious Frenchman, Henri de Feynes,
otherwise the Count de Monfart, whose sketch of his
wanderings, published in French under the one name
and in English under the other, is so jejune as
to have been deemed mendacious. Feynes' com
panion on the homeward voyage was the Portuguese
captain, Bras Correa, the principal actor in, and
survivor of the desperate engagement off Fayal
in 1593, between the Chagas and three ships of the
Earl of Cumberland, whose prisoner he was for a
year afterwards in England. The history of that
fight, of one ship against three, though far from
agreeable to our national vanity, and incompatible
with the notion that in the days of Elizabeth all the
heroism and chivalry were on one side, will, we may
hope, be some day unearthed from Purchas and De
Couto and retold. The story of the Chagas has as
worthy a place in Portuguese annals as has that of
the Revenge in ours.
The general description of the city of Goa, then in
the crisis of its fate, though enjoying its greatest com
mercial prosperity, needs no recommendation. The
topographical passages are frequently interspersed
with some picturesque incident or grave reflection ;
and written as they were from memory, are wonder
fully accurate and minute. The government and

INTRODUCTION. Xxi
social life of the Portuguese are desj^ibed in terms
which might be considered harsh if they were not
true, and the absence of all malevolence in the de
scription is seen in numerous kinfJJy observations.
Following the description of Goa and of the far
East, come chapters on the Portuguese settlements
on the east coast of Africa, a description of Ormus,
and lastly the cities on the coast of India north of
Goa. With the exception of Diu and Cambaye,
Pyrard does not seem to have visited any of these
parts. They will not, however, be found wanting in
interest. On the East African coast he deals suc
cessively with Mozambique, Sofala, and Mombasa.
His references to the Zambesi and the gold mines of
Monomotapa are of considerable interest, now that
it is seen that the waterway of the Zambesi must
become the principal means of access to the great
lakes of Nyassa and Tanganyika. To him, -how
ever, the more important subject was that of the
two severe sieges which Mozambique had lately
sustained from the Dutch. As he relates, the
second, that in 1608 by Verhoeven, would in all pro
bability have succeeded but for the desertion of
three men from the Dutch ranks. One of these
men, a Swiss, Pyrard met on the carrack in which
he returned.1
1 It is characteristic of the strange wanderings men had in
in those days, that in 1601 this Swiss and a friend were serving
under the Duke de Mercosur against the Turks in Hungary. His
friend was taken prisoner by the Turks, and no doubt after perilous
adventures found his way to Goa. The Swiss was with Mercosur
when he died at Nuremberg in 1602, afterwards he took service

XX11 INTRODUCTION.
The description of Ormus contains a notice of the
Prince Turun Shah, who had been executed a short
time before at Goa, and some details as to the
enormous profits gained by the Portuguese governors
of that island-fortress, at which was centred the
whole trade of Persia with India. Next follows
a chapter on Diu, Cambaye, and Surat, including all
that the traveller was able to learn of the Great
Mogul. The trade of Cambaye which the Portu
guese, by means of their fort at Diu, compelled to
pass through their hands at Goa must have then
been enormous in bulk. The cafilas, or merchant
fleets under convoy, were in the habit of coming
south to Goa twice or thrice a year, numbering in
the aggregate 300 or 400 vessels, bringing chiefly
indigo, as also wheat, vegetables, etc., in fact, the pro
visions of Portuguese Goa. At times some of these
ships got astray, and were captured by the Malabar
pirates, who were in the habit of running north at
the proper. seasons for the purpose, and Pyrard says
that they but seldom failed to capture some of
them.1 " I have seen them while I was there (at
Diu), seize at one swoop forty or fifty of them, and
that was no uncommon occurrence."2 A short
account of Chaul and Bassein, at the latter of
which the Portuguese got their timber and build
ing stone, and constructed such ships as were built
with the Dutch, deserted to the Portuguese at Mozambique, and
was taken to Goa, where he met his friend from whom he had been
parted seven or eight years before in Hungary.
1 See p. 246. 2 gee p 255

INTRODUCTION. xxiii
in India, concludes the description of the Portuguese
possessions. As to the state of the Portuguese Government of
India at this time, Pyrard's narrative, though not
written in historical form, is a valuable instalment
of history, and especially so because it almost
exactly synchronizes with the hiatus in the Portu
guese official chronicles. The Decadas of Barros, as
continued by De Couto, extend only to the year 1600,
that is, to the fourth year of the twelfth decade.1
The so-called 13th Decade of Bocarro, which ought to
have begun with the year 1607, does not take up the
history till the viceroyalty of Azevedo in 1612. The
gap of twelve years is to some extent bridged over
by the recent publication of official documents by
Mr. Eivara at Goa, and by the Eoyal Academy at
Lisbon. In Fasciculo 1° of the Archivo Portuguez
Oriental, Mr. Eivara publishes, among others, the
letters from the King of Spain to the municipality
of Goa in 1610 and 1611, and thirteen letters from
the municipality to the king, ranging in date between
1600 and 1609. Fasciculo 6° of the same collection
contains a collection of despatches and orders of the
king, and proclamations of the viceroys, throughout.
the seventeenth century, and comprises much matter
illustrative of the first ten years of the century. On
the other hand, the Lisbon Academy, in their Docu-
mentos Remettidos da India, or Livros das Mongoes,
1 The eleventh decade is lost, but in the Lisbon edition of 1 788
the principal events are supplied from official sources by the
editor.

XXIV INTRODUCTION.
three volumes of which have been issued (4to.,
1880-5), publishes the despatches of the king to the
viceroys, commencing with the year 1605.1 These
volumes, which are admirably edited, would prove a
mine of interest to any historical student who may
hereafter devote himself to the not uninteresting
history of Portuguese India.
For the proper understanding of this volume,
this introduction should comprise, first, a historical
sketch of the rise and progress of the Portuguese
dominion in India ; secondly, an examination of the
methods of Portuguese government and finance, of
the connection between the king at Madrid or
Valladolid and the Casa da India, or India Office,
at Lisbon — between these authorities in Europe
and the viceroy, and between the viceroy and the
chief officers at Goa and the captains of forts ; and,
lastly, a resume of the politics of Western Europe
at the beginning of the seventeenth century. These
neither my space nor my knowledge enables me to
supply. Some general remarks may, however, serve
to explain the remarkable events of those few years,
when the dominion and prestige of the Portuguese
in the East, after a hundred years' growth, fell irre
trievably and suddenly as a house of cards.
The first fifty years of Portuguese India was, as
' ' every schoolboy" knows,, the age of heroes ; they
produced not only Da Gama, but the great Affonso
1 The manuscripts of these despatches, ranging from 1605 to
1651, were returned from India by order of the king in 1777 ;
the third volume, recently published, extends only to 1616.

INTRODUCTION. XXV
d' Albuquerque, Francisco dAlmeida, and Joao de
Castro. The deeds of these heroes are recorded as
well by Correa and Barros, as by their individual
biographers, and are still more widely famed by
Camoens. By the time De Castro died in 1547, the
main positions had all been won. Another fifty years
brings us to 1597, fifty more years of monopoly
undisputed by any European nation. This period
we might suppose the Portuguese would have em
ployed in consolidation, that so they might without
fear have met their enemy in the gate. But the truth
is, that their dominion could not be consolidated.
It consisted only of a string of fortresses stretching
round the vast coast line from the Cape of Good Hope
to China. Throughout all these seas no merchant
men could safely pass without the Portuguese pass
port, and without paying the Portuguese dues. But
the races who in their cities and villages were not
actually under the Portuguese rule, had not for
gotten the brighter days of the fifteenth century
when the ocean trade was free, and the cosmopolitan
Arab carried the chief part of the produce of both
worlds. These people resented and ever continued
to resent this novel dominion of the sea. Thus
we find that so late as 1570, not only was there
no consolidation, but that the empire was nearly
extinguished by a great combination of native
princes. In India, Chaul and Goa, and in the East,
Malacca, were simultaneously besieged ; while the
Malabar corsairs, whose piracy was largely a national
resistance, were never in fact put down or propi-

XXVI INTRODUCTION.
tiated. At the end of the century as at the
beginning they had enemies ever at their doors.
The conquests, such as they were, were made in
the first half of the sixteenth century ; during the
second the Portuguese were hardly able to hold them
against their native enemies. The modern Portu
guese, with pardonable patriotism, are wont to attri
bute the loss of their eastern empire to the sixty
years' subjection to Spain, which began in 1580. 1
But in truth that event only precipitated other
causes of ruin. The prevailing characteristic of the
first fifty years was ferocity2; that of the second
1 I should, however, here refer, as an exception, to an excellent
little book by G. de Magalhaes Teixeira Pinto, chief judge of the
court of Goa in 1823, published by Mr. Rivara in 1859, under the
title Memorias sobre as Possessdes Portuguezes na Asia, etc. The
judge attributes the Portuguese misfortunes to the following
causes : — (1) The great extent of the line of forts, the reinforce
ments for which, amounting to 3,000 men a year, drained Portugal
and prevented any effective resistance being made to Spain in
1580; (2) the destruction of native commerce by the Portuguese
monopoly ; (3) religious fanaticism in war and in the Inquisition
wherein Christians proved themselves more cruel than Mahomedans ¦
(4) bad policy of Albuquerque in selecting Goa as his capital,
and in extending the Portuguese conquests to Malacca, whereas
the dominion ought not to have been carried beyond Cape
Comoriu ; (5) the bad government, one of the chief causes of
which was the shortness of the viceroy's term of office. The Judge
admits that the Spanish domination was only the finishing stroke
and that if another was wanted, it was found in the imbecility of
the government of Philip III.
2 The conduct of the great De Castro and his captains at the
siege of Diu, towards the close of this period, may serve for an
example : — " The first that entered tbe city was D. John, then D.
Alvaro and D. Emanuel de Lima, and the Governor, all several

INTRODUCTION. XXVII
was dishonesty. Throughout the whole period the
religion of Christ was invoked for the sanction of
acts of cruelty and oppression, hardly surpassed even
in the annals of the East. Nor was it alone in the
later years of the century that the fidalgos led noto
riously evil lives in India. What manner of men
they were before 1550, when measured by a high
standard of morality, appears in the pathetic letters
ways, making the streets and houses run with blood. The women
escaped not the fate of the men, and children were slain at their
mothers' breasts, one stroke taking away two lives" (Faria y Sousa,
iii, 113). Diu they meant to keep, and resisting cities have
always suffered hardly ; let us see, therefore, how they dealt with
territories they had no intention of keeping. Immediately after
the siege D. Emanuel de Lima, by De Castro's order, " scoured the
coast of Cambaya with 30 ships, extirpating all the towns on that
shore. The city of Goga, one of the chief of that kingdom, was
taken without resistance, the inhabitants flying to the mountains.
It was plundered and burnt : then pursuing tbe inhabitants they
were found at night about a league off, asleep, and all put to the
sword. All the cattle in the fields were either killed or hamstrung.
This was done in several other towns, and with many ships along
the coast of Broach" (Ibid., p. 114). De Castro then enjoyed his
Roman triumph at Goa. Subsequently Broach was entered by one
Menezes, " who entered it by night, killing many asleep and others
as they awaked. The city could not be maintained, and therefore
was plundered and burnt" (Ibid., p. 119). Soon after, Castro
himself marched to the coast, where he left neither town, wood,
nor flock or herd of cattle that could be seen but what he de
stroyed with fire and sword" (Ibid., p. 121). The next year Castro
" began in January at the river Charope, two leagues from Goa.
He spared neither living creature, vegetable, nor the very stones,
but burnt and slaughtered all as far as the city Dabul", etc.
(Ibid., p. 125;. This took place two leagues from Goa more than
thirty years after the Conquest. Fifty years later the inhumanity
of Azevedo in Ceylon was rewarded with the viceroyalty.

XXviii INTRODUCTION.
of Francis Xavier, and may be seen even in the
eulogies of their historians. Still it is true that
from 1580 onwards corruption spread rapidly through
out the whole of the Portuguese service in the East.
No moral obligation was felt by the Portuguese in
India to aid in filling the coffers of a Spanish king.
Offices not in the gift of the king, and probably
those too, were privately bought and sold ; heinous
offences were condoned,1 trials indefinitely postponed,
and judgments left unsatisfied by bribery of the
judges and the governors. Gross misappropriation
of the public money went unpunished, and left the
treasury unable to pay the legal claims of the
soldiers and minor officials, who had not access to
the public chest. The law was widely different both
in its provisions and in the manner of its execution,
as between Europeans and natives.
As regards slavery, Goa was like a colony of Sir
John Lubbock's ants ; not only did the Portuguese
do no manual labour himself, he subsisted upon the
labour of his slaves. According to Pyrard, Portu-
1 "I am also informed", writes the king in 1591, "that the
Viceroys and Governors of India with much laxity grant pardons
in cases of the penalty of death and perpetual exile, contrary to the
form of my ordinances and of the regulations sent by me to the
High Court of Goa, and because one of the principal obligations
incumbent upon you in that Government is the care and concern
with which you ought to proceed in all matters of justice, and
because from this large exercise of the pardoning power no
amendment can be looked for in the numerous cases of atrocities
committed in those parts, I enjoin and charge you again most
earnestly to act in this matter, as I hope aud feel sure you will."
(Arch. Port, Or., Fasc. 3, No. 83.)

INTRODUCTION. XXIX
guese ladies seem not to have been ashamed to share
in the more disgraceful earnings of their female slaves.1
It is needless to say that all slaves were treated
worse than dogs. An alvard of the king dated 1599,
begins in this wise : "To all to whom this my order
shall come, I the king give you to understand that
I am informed that in the city of Goa, and in other
cities, fortresses, and places in the parts of India, the
captive slaves are chastised by their masters with
much rigour, being put to severe and painful torture
by cruel and exquisite means, whereby many die in
the said torture, or afterwards die thereof, and that
to conceal the evil so done the masters bury them in
their houses and gardens, whereby great scandal
results," etc.2 In justice to the king, it must be
added that the alvard goes on to order that murder
of slaves is to be punished in the same manner as
that of free men. Their general treatment, however,
continued to be so bad that Pyrard assigns it as one
of the chief causes of the Portuguese misfortunes.3
Should the Hakluyt Society publish its promised
edition of the Soldado Pratico of De Couto, corro
borated as it can be. and as we hope it will be, by
references to historical facts and official documents,
it will be seen that the charges brought against the
Portuguese in regard to the government of their de
pendencies do not err on the side of overstatement.
In the meantime I will present, as an epitome of
1 See p. 67.
- Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 3, No. 372.
•1 Sec p. 210.

XXX INTRODUCTION.
the Portuguese system, a document which is in its
way quite a curiosity, and may be given here as
being dated only four short years after Pyrard's de
parture from India. The exigencies of the poor
Spanish king were then even greater than in the
days with which we are now concerned, while the
public morality was at a still lower ebb. Affairs
were in a desperate condition when a happy thought
seems to have struck some administrative genius, that
it would be as well if the money paid for offices in
India were paid into the royal treasury instead of
into the purses of the governors and their satellites.
However that may be, on the 2nd May 1614, King
Philip III, or rather we may assume the Duke of
Lerma, sent out to India an alvard (order in council)
in the following terms1 : —
" To all to whom this my order shall come, I the King
make known that, for just and great considerations of
my service, and for the preservation and defence of my
estate of India, and for the common good of the vassals
and inhabitants thereof, all which move me hereto, and
for a remedy of the public necessities which cannot at
present be speedily repaired from my treasury, however
important they be, I do order that for this time only,
and for the term of three years, all the fortresses,2 offices,
and voyages3 of that estate be sold, with liberty to such
persons as shall buy the same to enter thereupon, in pre-
1 It is No. 353 in Fasc. 6° of Archivo Portuguez Oriental, Goa,
1875. 2 I.e., the captaincies of the fortresses.
3 The right of making a voyage to a particular place or region,
or merely taking the profits of such voyage, untrammelled by
dues. See pp. 173, 174.

INTRODUCTION. XXXI
cedence of all others already appointed thereto,1 but
after the same are vacated by the persons in possession
at the date of the sale ; and by this my order I do give
power, commission, and all such sufficient authority as
he may require, to Dom Jeronimo d'Azevedo, my coun
cillor and viceroy of the said estate of India, so that he
shall have power in my name to make, and that he do
make such sales to the persons who shall bid highest at
public auction, which shall be conducted in the presence
of him and of the officers of my treasury, in manner
accustomed at the auction of the royal rents, and subject
to the regulations now ordered by me to be sent to the
said viceroy, which will enable him upon the said sales
to make the necessary contracts and writings, and to
pass the patents and appointments in respect of the
fortresses, offices, and voyages, so to be sold, to the
persons who shall purchase them, and to sign the same
in my name so that they have effect in the form afore
said, and to cause the purchasers to be put in possession
without dispute or any prohibition, such as otherwise
might be alleged by those already appointed by reason
of their being about to enter, or of the long subsistence
of their letters patent, which, granted in satisfaction of
services or for other cause, may have been signed by me
and passed by my Chancery ; inasmuch as for this time
only, and for the term of three years, and for the causes
and reasons herein stated, I abrogate them and hold
1 Every French soldier is said to carry a field-marshal's baton
in his knapsack. It is more matter of fact that numbers of Portu
guese carried appointments to offices for years in their pockets.
While A was in office, B, C, D, etc., all had their patents of suc
cession in turn as vacancies should occur. Nor were these grants
strictly confined to the male sex. In many cases the captaincies
of forts and offices of financial trust were granted in effect to
widows and orphan girls, in reward of the services of their
husbands or fathers. Such appointments were made in favour of
" whomsoever she may marry."

XXXII INTRODUCTION.
them so abrogated, preserving, however, their force and
vigour for the future, and directing that on the expiration
of that time they shall have their effect according to
the priority of each in date, and I direct, and my will is
that this shall have force and vigour, and that my orders
in this respect be executed in their entirety, in like
manner as if this were a letter (Carta) commenced in my
name and sealed with my seal depending, notwithstand
ing the ordinance of Book II, tit. 40, which says," etc.,
etc.
The King of Spain, in whose name this strange
edict was issued, was the same of whom Pyrard
speaks throughout his book in terms of distant awe.
So, too, unless we knew more of Philip III than poor
Pyrard did, might we look back with some respect
upon the original of the fine equestrian statue in the
Plaza Mayor of Madrid, in the production of which
artistic falsehood the talents of Pantoja and John
of Bologna are. said to have been combined, or the
equally noble equestrian portrait of him by Velas
quez, in the museum of the Prado. Fortunately,
however, for the verification of history, we have a
truer portrait of this great king from the hand of
the Venetian ambassador at his court, and we now
know that Philip III was a very little man, with
pink cheeks, flaxen hair, and yellow beard, with a
melancholy expression of eye, and the protruding
under lip and jaw of his Austrian race. Not only
of less than mediocre size, he was beneath mediocrity
in mind, and had scarcely any education. His
evenings were spent in his favourite pursuits of
dancing and gambling ; his days in moodily wander-

INTRODUCTION. XXXIII
ing among his woods and in shooting rabbits. His
chief ailments were the result of gluttonous over
eating. The affairs of Mexico and Peru, of the East
Indies and his European dominions he left to his
master, and their real ruler, the Duke of Lerma.
He is believed not to have known the purport of any
state document to which his signature or seal was
attached.1 In another respect than that of the state of their
government, namely, in seamanship, the Portuguese
were severely handicapped in the struggle with the
Dutch and English. The experience of a whole cen
tury of annual voyages had not taught them the vir
tues of small and handy ships, such as were at that
time used by the Dutch and English discoverers.
They continued long after the severe lessons taught
them by Drake and Cumberland to build and overload
huge carracks of 1,500 and 2,000 tons burthen, which
were unwieldy alike in storm and in fight. Crowded
with passengers they were kept in the filthiest pos
sible condition2 ; scurvy and dysentery frequently
reduced the crew and passengers by one half in a
voyage, while most of the remainder had to be sent
to hospital. Such tales of this terrible ordeal would
be told by the survivors who lived to return to Por
tugal, that it is no wonder that few volunteered, and
that the outward bound ships had to be filled with
1 For references to the Venetian documents see Motley, United
Netherlands, vol. iii.
2 See Mocquet's account of his voyage out to India in 1608,
also infra, p. 196.

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.
kidnapped boys,1 and the armies of India recruited
with malefactors.2 During the first few years of
the Dutch irruption the Portuguese made a show of
resistance, but by Pyrard's time they had come to
think only of their lives, and as the Dutch always
gave quarter they sought it when they could not
escape. " Now", says our author, " they fight no
more." The aim of the Dutch, who appeared in the Eastern
seas for the first time in 1597, was to tap the
markets which the Portuguese did not control, or at
any rate to attack the Portuguese chain of monopoly
at its weakest point. They chose their ground in
the Eastern Archipelago, and chiefly in the Molucca-
group. After 1600 they were joined in that region
by the English, whose motives were the same, and
all went well for the trading companies of the two
nations — so long as Elizabeth lived. It was an evil
day for England, and especially for the rising East
India Company, when James deserted the Dutch
cause and made his treaty of 1604 with Spain.
Hence flowed the malignant churlishness of the
Dutch towards the English of Middleton's expedition
of 1606, which contrasts so strangely with the friend
liness shown to Lancaster in 1602. Hence, too, in
after days ensued the terrible massacre of Amboyna,
which wrung the heart of England for half a century,
and was never avenged. England had as yet put
little of her strength into the work, and that little
was insufficient to cope with the superior energy of
1 See p. 193. 2 See p 143

INTRODUCTION. XXXV
the Dutch. But the success of the latter in the
Archipelago, where their profits were enormous from
the first, to some extent diverted their attention
from India proper, upon which they made only occa
sional enterprises, and those chiefly on the coasts of
Coromandel, Bengal, and Pegu. So it was that in
1608, when the Dutch had in fact almost broken
down the Portuguese monopoly, the English, shirking
greater endeavours in the far east, essayed to start a
factory at Surat, and to send an embassy to the
Great Mogul.
The policy of the two races who were in turn the
successors of the Portuguese, at this time presents
a marked contrast, attributable to the state of affairs
in Europe. The United Provinces were approaching
the end of their long struggle for independence,
which as yet had not been formally admitted.
During the last years of the struggle, while Maurice
played a slow chess game with Spinola in the Low
Countries, the Dutch policy was to strike hard at sea
and in the Indies. Their achievements during the
last three or four years were indeed brilliant. Van der
Hagen took the Moluccas in 1605 ; Matelief besieged
Malacca and destroyed the Portuguese fleet in 1606;
in the following year Heemskerk destroyed the
Spanish fleet in the Bay of Gibraltar, and Van Caerden
demolished the town, and nearly took the fortress, of
Mozambique. The fear of losing the Indies was the
strongest argument which weighed with Spain when
she yielded to the terms of the truce of 1609.
England, on the other hand, had no such desperate

XXXVI INTRODUCTION.
game to play. The affairs of the East India Com
pany were not yet a national question, and the mer
chants of the first voyages were instructed to find
cargoes where they could, and establish factories as
far as was possible in unoccupied places. This policy
was continued throughout the seventeenth century ;
and while the Dutch were occupied in the warlike
enterprises which were signalised by the capture of
Malacca in 1640, of Calicut and Colombo in 1656,
and of Cochin and the other Malabar forts in 1660-4,
the English had unobtrusively established factories
round both coasts of India, and prepared the way
for the great events of the succeeding century. It
is a curious fact that the capture of Ormus in 1622.
in which a small body of English assisted the Per
sians, was the only occasion on which our country
men fought the Portuguese by land. Nor since the
death of Elizabeth had there been any serious com
bats with the Portuguese in the eastern seas ; and it
is probably due to the Elizabethan prestige, which the
misgovernment and incapacity of James had not yet
wholly destroyed, that Englishmen were, as Pyrard
states, acknowledged to be " kings of the sea".
The history of Portuguese India subsequent to
the departure of our traveller does not concern us
here. The empire of the sea had already vanished ;
the Portuguese restrictions and passport regulations
were soon disregarded, and could not be enforced,
and trade found new channels and new marts. As
regards territory, some of the most notable losses have
already been stated. Their fortresses and factories in

INTRODUCTION. XXXVII

Malabar, in Ceylon, and in the Eastern Archipelago
were forcibly wrested from them by the Dutch ; the
few still remaining to them on the western coast of
India have been left to them by the English as un
desirable or unnecessary acquisitions. Chaul and
Bassein, it is true, are now British, but they were
taken, not from the Portuguese, but from their in
termediate conquerors, the Mahrattas. Diu and Goa
still remain in Portuguese occupation, but their
possession is rather as custodians of some ancient
monument than as administrators of an integral
part of modern India.
Of the remains of great Goa I have been enabled
to give some illustrations to this volume from a col
lection of photographs obtained for me by my friend
Mr. W. Lee Warner, Secretary to Government at
Bombay. The interior of the Franciscan church is
given as a sample of the fine proportions and elabo
rate decoration of the Goa churches. This edifice,
190 feet in length and 60 feet in breadth, is de
scribed by Careri as " one of the best churches in
Goa, with a roof curiously adorned with fretwork,
and it is like one entire mass of gold, there being so
much of this metal on its altars." " It recalls to
memory", says Fonseca, " the numerous triumphs
which were commemorated within its walls amid
pomp and pageantry, the solemnity with which
crowds of proselytes were baptised, the autos da fe
celebrated in the presence of the viceroy and his
court, and the funeral obsequies of many illustrious
persons."

XXXVlll INTRODUCTION.
The magnificent shrine of St. Francis Xavier, the
gift of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, of which an illus
tration is given opposite page 62, is likely to remain
the most enduring memorial of Portuguese India.
On the last exposition of the body of the Apostle,
in 1859, it is computed that no less than 200,000
persons collected from all parts to do homage at this
shrine. The Arch of the Viceroys, which is presented oppo
site p. 47, was built in 1597-9 by the viceroy
Francisco da Gama, principally to commemorate his
grandfather, the great discoverer, whose statue ap
pears in the lower niche. Above is seen the image
in bronze of St. Catherine, the patroness of Goa.
Between the niches runs the following legend :
" Reinado el R. D. Piblipe I" pos a cidade aqui Dom Vasco
da Gama I" Co|nde Almibante Descobridor e conquistador da
India sendo vi|zorei o conde Dom Francisco da Gama seu
bisneto. O anno D. 97. Julius Simon. Ing. MA. INV."1
Soon after the erection of this arch, which Fran
cisco da Gama had compelled the municipality to
build against their will, the count's enemies (who
were many) suborned a French engineer to remove
and cast down the statue of Vasco, which was done
secretly by night ; the discoverer was quartered in
contempt of his unpopular grandson, and the broken
pieces were exposed in different parts of the town.
The statue now seen in the niche was substituted a
year or two later. '
1 F. N. Xavier, Ser. Chron., pp. 7, 8.

INTRODUCTION. XXXIX
The portraits of the two governors of India of
this period, the Archbishop Menezes (opp. p. 89) and
Andre" Furtado de Mendoca (opp. p. 267), have been
obtained from the Resende MS. at the British
Museum through the courtesy of Mr. W. de Gray
Birch and the Trustees.
The number of illustrations thus selected as of
especial value in connection with the narrative, has
prevented me from utilising some interesting photo
graphs of Portuguese Malacca which were sent to
me by my friend, Sir Frederick Dickson, K.C.M.G.,
whose kindness I desire here to acknowledge.
Finally, I would record my obligations (which I
omitted by an oversight to express in the introduc
tion to vol. i) to Mr. W. Logan, of the Madras Civil
Service, for his assistance in the elucidation of some
topographical and other details in the author's
description of the Malabar coast.
It has been found necessary, owing to the unusual
proportions of these volumes, to divide the second,
for purposes of publication, into two Parts. The
author's departure from Goa seems a fitting point at
which to close the first ; in the second will be found
the description of the homeward voyage, the resi
dence in Brazil, and the supplementary chapters. A. G.

CHKONOLOGY OF PTEAED'S VOYAGE.
(VOL. II.)
INCLUDING PRINCIPAL EVENTS MENTIONED OR REFERRED TO.

1598. Philip II assigns the sovereignty of the Netherlands to
the Archduke Charles and the Infanta Isabella ; death
of Philip II, and accession of Philip III.
13 Feb. 1600. First Voyage of English East India .Company, under
Lancaster (returned Sept. 1603).
16 March „ Capture of Kunhali's fort by Furtado de Mendopa.
25 Dec. „ Ayres de Saldanha assumes office as 17th Viceroy of
India.
18 May 1601. The Croisant and Corlin leave S. Malo.
July 1602. Wreck of the Corlin at the Maldives.
1608. Death of Queen Elizabeth ; accession of James I.
23 March 1604. Second Voyage of English East India Company, under
H. Middleton (returned 1606).
17 April „ Van der Hagen before Mozambique.
1605. Capture of Amboyna and the Moluccas by the Dutch
under Van der Hagen.
Jan. „ Martim Affonso de Castro assumes office as 18th Viceroy
of India.
1606. Expedition of the Spaniards to the Moluccas ; capture
of Ternate and Tidore\
May „ De Castro with powerful fleet leaves Goa for Malacca ;
Archbishop Menezes, Governor of India.
30 May ,, Siege of Malacca by the Dutch, under Matelief.
June „ Matelief destroys the Portuguese fleet.
,, Third Voyage of English East India Company, under
Keeling and Hawkins.
Feb. 1607. Pyrard leaves the Maldives for Chittagong.
„ ,, Commencement of peace negotiations in the Nether
lands.
29 March ,, First siege of Mozambique, by Van Caerden (raised,
29th June).

CHRONOLOGY OF PYRARDS VOYAGE. xii
25 April 1607. Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Gibraltar Bay, by
Heemskerk ; death of Heemskerk.
4 May „ Armistice between Spain and the United Provinces.
May-June ., Residence of Pyrard with the Malabar pirates.
3 June ,, Death of the Viceroy de Castro at Malacca.
June ,, Arrival of Pyrard at Calicut.
1 7 Oct. ,, Arrival of P. van Caerden with Dutch fleet before Goa.
Feb. 1608. Pyrard leaves Calicut ; taken prisoner to Cochin.
29 March „ Conde de Feira leaves Lisbon as 19th Viceroy.
15 May ,, Conde de Feira dies off coast of Guinea.
June „ Pyrard arrives at Goa.
28 July „ Second siege of Mozambique, by Verhoeven (raise d,
24th August).
24 Aug. ,, Arrival of W. Hawkins at Surat ; he proceeds to Agra.
(?) Sept. „ Pyrard visits Diu and Cambaye.
17-27 Sept. „ Verhoeven with Dutch fleet blockades Goa.
(?) Oct. ,, Pyrard leaves Goa with the Portuguese fleet for
Ceylon and Malacca.
Feb. 1609. Departure of the traveller H. de Feynes (Count de
Monfart) from Goa.
8 April „ Truce of twelve years between Spain and the United
Provinces, signed at the Hague.
26 May „ Arrival of the traveller Mocquet at Goa.
27 May „ D. Andrd Furtado de Mendoca assumes office as Gover
nor of India.
5 Sept. „ D. Ruy Lourenco de Tavora assumes office as 20th
Viceroy of India.
„ Edict for the expulsion of the Moors from Spain.
,, Departure of Furtado and Mocquet from Goa.
1610. Departure of Pyrard from Goa in the N. S. de Jesus.
,, Assassination of Henry IV of France.
,, The N. S. de Jesus doubles the Cape.
,, Arrival at St. Helena.
„ Arrival at Bahia; discharge and abandonment of the
carrack.
„ Pyrard embarks in a Flemish hulk for Europe.
, , • Pernambuco sighted.
1611. The Azores sighted.
„ Pyrard lands at the Bayonne islands, and proceeds to
Santiago Compostella.
„ Pyrard embarks at Corunna for La Rochelle.
Arrival at La Rochelle.
Returns to Laval.

21 Sept.

26 Dec.

3 Feb.

14 May

31 May

25 June

10 Aug.

7 Oct.

3 Nov

5 Jan,

15 Jan.

3 Feb.

5 Feb.

16 Feb.

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

Page 4, line 6 from bottom, for " hours", read " days".
Page 12, line 4 from top, for " then", read " there".
Page 18, line 9 from top, for " thiB one", read "the large one".
Page 21, line 15 from top, omit " had"
Page 22, line 17 from top, omit " that", and insert " Gaspard Aleman by
name, who".
Page 32, line 10 from bottom, for " miles", read "leagues".
Page 32, laBt line, for " each has its parish church and others", read " the
island has its parishes, as well as other churches".
Page 33, line 2 from top, for " Daugin", read "d'Augin"
Page 33, line 4 from bottom, for "ticket or token", read "stamp or mark";
and for " They carry this ticket wet with ink", read " The stamp is Bteeped in
ink and applied".
Page 33, line 3 from bottom, omit " clapping it on there"
Page 35, line 8 from top, for " three", read " very"
Page 46, line 16 from bottom, for " less", read " more"
Page 47, line 8 from top, after " seen", insert " The gate of this esplanade
is near the great gate of the town, which is beneath the viceroy's palace".
Page 52, line 5 from top, for " ruo", read " street".
Page 62, line 5 from top, for " 1553", read "1552".
Page 83, line 2 from bottom, for " to officers", read " in offices".
Page 89, line 17 from top, for " a dish", read "dishes''-
Page 95, line 11 from top, after "him", insert "for I came away at the
time". Page 105, line 18 from top, for " crossings", read "crossways".
Page 106, note 2, for " January", read " February".
Page 114, line 1, add note, " Probably miswritten for Moe tot, the first part
of the word being the Maldive moya, ' foolish'."
Page 116, line 7 from bottom, dele "and".
Page 120, note 2, for " envooloit", read " enrooloit"
Page 121, note 2 ; so, too, De Couto makes his Soldado say, '' Just as the
poets relate that those who passed the river Lethe lost all memory, so do most
of the viceroys on rounding the Cape of Good Hope lose everything, including
fear of God and of the King" (Soldado Pratico, Sc. 6).
Page 124, line 5 from bottom, for " Ten", read "Twelve".
Page 131, line 2 from end of chapter, for "six sols", read "five sols".
Page 145, line 2, The king whom Andre Furtado conquered was not Don
Juan, but the Tamil King of Jaffna.
Page 203, note, for "Portuguese merchants", read " Portuguese Jews".

DEDICATORY EPISTLE.

MESSIRE

CHARLES DURET,

Sieur de Chevry, Councillor of the King in his Council of State and
Privy Council, President of his Chamber of Accounts in Paris,
and Intendant of his Finances.

HfONSEIGNEUR,

I remember, when I had the honour to present to
you the first edition of my book, that you not only deigned to
receive it with a favourable eye, but also made me so sensible of
the effects of your courtesy and liberality, that I have felt my
self under great obligation to you from that time on. I have
also become aware hovj your generous courage hath ever led
you to all noble and virtuous actions, and how the great offices
whereto your merit hath enabled you to attain were alike suit
able to your capacity and justly your due. I must frankly
avow that all this hath made so deep an impression upon my
mind, that for a recognition, according to the littleness of my
power, of the benefits and honour which I have received of you,
I have deemed it my duty, in acknowledgment of your many
praiseworthy Qualities, to dedicate to yon this second part of my
book; wherein you will find, far more amply than in preced
ing impressions, the continuation of my voyages, and the story
of misfortunes and adventures no less various than strange
and even wondrous. This, Monseigneur, / humbly beseech

xliv DEDICATORY EPISTLE.
you to accept as favourably as I freely offer it, and at the
same time to collect as it were the last planks of my shipwreck,
and to take into your particular protection my miserable for
tunes, which for the future I shall esteem happy, if so be that
they receive that strong aid which I have ever expected of
your natural bounty and humanity ; these your qualities I
am constrained to publish abroad, as one who is resolved to
remain for the rest of his days,
MONSEIGNEUK, Your very humble and obedient servant,
FRANQOIS PYRARD.

CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
(Part I.)

CHAPTER I.
Arrival at Goa, and description of the Hospitals and Prisons there 2
CHAPTER II.
Description of the Island of Goa, the chief Inhabitants, and Lords 24
CHAPTER III.
Of the city of Goa, its Squares, Streets, Churches, Palaces, and
other Buildings 39
CHAPTER IV.
Of the Markets, Slaves, Money, Water, and other remarkable
things at Goa - 64
chapter v. .
Of the Government of Goa. — Of the Viceroy, his Court, and
magnificence 70
CHAPTER VI.
Of the Archbishop of Goa, the Inquisition, Ecclesiastics, and
Ceremonies observed there, with other Occurrences 88
CHAPTER VII.
Of the Exercises and Games of the Portuguese, Metifs, and other
Christians at Goa, their Dress and Manner of living, and of
their Wives 110
CHAPTER VIII.
Of the Portuguese Soldiers at Goa, their Manner of life and
taking ship. — Divers Expeditions, and the Order observed by
them in war 116
CHAPTER IX.
Of the kingdom of Dealcan, Decan, or Ballagate, and the Neigh
bourhood of Goa - 131

xlvi CONTENTS. CHAPTER X.
Voyage of the Author to Ceylon, and description of that Island 140
CHAPTER XI.
Of Malaca, a description of it, and the memorable Siege which
the Hollanders laid thereto 150
CHAPTER XII.
Of the Islands of Sunda — Sumatra, and Java, — and the Towns of
Bantan and Tuban ; the Islands of Madura, Bally, the
Moluccas, and Banda 157
CHAPTER XIII.
Of the Singular Things that are brought from the Islands of
Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and from the Philippines and Manilla.
Of China and Japan, and of the Traffic carried on at Goa 168
CHAPTER XIV.
Of the Form and Fashion of the Portuguese Ships going to the
Indies, and of their Shipments, Order, and Police, as well
going as returning 180
CHAPTER XV.
Of the Traffic of the Portuguese throughout the Lndies in general,
and the Order which they observe therein 202
CHAPTER XVI.
Of the Traffic to Brazil, the River de la Plate, Angola, Congo,
St. Thomas, Mina, and the Slaves of Africa 215
CHAPTER XVII.
Of the Traffic at Mozambique, Sofala, Coiiesme, Melinde, Mom-
base, Socotera, and other places. — Of the Siege of Mozam
bique, and what happened there 223
CHAPTER XVIII.
Of the Kingdom of Ormuz : a, description of it, and of the
punishment of a Prince of Ormuz at Goa 233
CHAPTER XIX.
Of the Kingdoms of Cambaye, Surat, and of the Grand Mogor ;
Diu, and the rest of the Coast of India ; Malabar, and the
King of Tananor and his perfidy 245

CONTENTS. xlvii

CHAPTER XX.
Many Captures of Portuguese Ships, and other Occurrences in the
Indies during the sojourn of the Author at Goa 261
CHAPTER XXI.
The Author's taking 6hip at Goa. — Condition of the Indies at that
time. — The Author's Imprisonment and Deliverance. — Arrival
of Carracks, and other matters on this head - 266
CHAPTER XXII.
Departure from Goa. — Manner of embarking. — Provisions on
board. — Treatment of the Author. — Vermin in India 281

SECOND PART
OF THB
VOYAGE OF FKANQOIS PYRARD,
FROM HIS ARRIVAL AT GOA TO HIS RETURN TO FRANCE.

THINK I have been not ill-advised in dividing
my voyage into two parts, and thus making
a separation ; for this good reason, that after
so many years of travail, perils, and misery,
there must be some point at which the attentive reader
— who, I am assured, has had his share of the fatigue —
may conveniently pause for refreshment. Nor, perhaps,
could I have divided the story of my voyage at a more fitting
juncture. For although the greater part of it remains to be
told, — viz., not only the return home, diversified as that was
by perils and accidents, but also the sojourn at Goa, and the
voyage to Sunda and the Moluccas, — yet was all that mere
child's-play in comparison of the tribulation and misfortunes
of the first part. Such was my despair of ever again seeing
my native land, that the arrival at Goa is like a revival of
hope, and the commencement of a happier fortune. Add
that thenceforward I have always lived among Christians, and
no longer, as before, under subjection to infidels, deprived of
the exercise of our Holy Religion.

ARRIVAL OF THE AUTHOR AT GOA.

CHAPTER I.
Arrival at Goa, and description of the hospitals and
prisons there.
On our arrival at Goa — the principal seat of Portuguese
Government in India, the residence of the Viceroy and the
Archbishop, situate under the altitude of 16 degrees towards
the Arctic Pole,1 — the general of the fleet that had brought
us from Cochin, by name Don Francisque de Meneiso,2 a near
relative of the Archbishop8 (who was then holding the place
of the Viceroy, the latter4 having died at Malaca, as I shall
relate hereafter), sent orders to the captain of the galiot
wherein I was to remove the irons from my feet and send
me to him. The captain replied that I was so ill that I could
not stir, or that I must be carried to the Royal Hospital
rather than elsewhere, seeing I was in such a sick and
wounded condition. This was done, and the irons were re
moved from my other foot ; and I verily believe that the
Holy Spirit had then touched the heart of this captain, who
had theretofore been so barbarous and cruel towards me,
for none could be more kindly and merciful than he then
became. The good monk, Frere Manuel de Christo,5 gave me
his benediction, and bade me adieu, both of us shedding tears,
saying that he could not hope to see me again for a long
while, as his sojourn at Goa was but short, seeing that full
soon he was departing for Chaoul6 in the north. So we
parted, to my great sorrow, and to his also.
1 More precisely, 15° 31' N.
2 This Francisco de Menezes does not seem to be mentioned else
where. The captain of Cochin at this time was of the same name (see
vol. i, 441) ; as also was the governor of Brazil (see below, ch. xxvi).
3 Fr. Aleixo de Menezes.
* Martin Affonso de Castro (see ch. xi).
5 Supra, vol. i, 441, 451. » Chaul (see further, ch. xix).

HE IS TAKEN TO THE ROYAL HOSPITAL. 3
The captain having received the general's command to have
me carried to the hospital, had me landed by means of the
seamen or Laseares} who laid me on the beach along with one
of my companions, who was also sick of an ulcer, the result
of a wound in the foot, where gangrene had set in for want
of proper treatment, and so grievously that he was like to die.
We were borne to the hospital by Caffres, who do the work
of porters and carriers, no carriages being used there. They
put us down upon seats at the gate and in the shade. There
we remained a full hour, the officers of the hospital being at
dinner, for it was about mid-day. Viewing it from the out
side we could hardly believe it was a hospital ; it seemed to
us a grand palace, saving the inscription above the gate,
Hospitale del Bey nostro Seignoro. On one side of the gate
are the arms of Castille and of Portugal2; on the other those
of the Portuguese Indies, viz., a sphere. At length we were
admitted within a large gateway, where were a number of
chairs and seats, upon which they lay the sick as they come
in from time to time. Nothing is done until the physician,
surgeon, or apothecary has seen them and certifies that they
are sick, and of what ailment, that so they be placed in the
proper part of the building. We were examined with many
others that were there, including some people of quality that
were brought in palanquins,3 or litters. We were then carried
i See vol. i, p. 438.
2 Mr. Rivara doubts whether the arms of Castille were here at all,
for the two crowns of Spain aDd Portugal were never in fact united,
and throughout the Spanish domination India was governed from Lisbon
as a dependency of Portugal. The hospital is now in ruins, and the
arms in question have disappeared. However, the arms of the two crowns
are never elsewhere found in conjunction. I may remark, too, that
letters of this period from the King of Spain to native princes invariably
run— "I, Philip King of Portugal" (without mention of Spain); and
that Philip II of Spain became Philip I of Portugal, and so on.
3 Hiad.palki, Pali pallanko, Skt. palyanka (see further Yule's Gloss.,
s. v. "Palankeen"). The form in' use at Goa is seen by Linschoten's
illustration of it.

4 TREATMENT ON RECEPTION.
up a lofty and magnificent stone staircase, all the sick being
kept in the upper story, and none below, except when the
number is very great, — as, for instance, on the arrival of the
carracks from Portugal. As soon as we had our place
assigned to us, the Jesuit doctor and superintendent of the
house ordered that we should be properly attended to ; so it
was that two beds were brought for us. As soon as a sick
person is cured and gone forth, his bed (called esquif1) is re
moved with all its apparel. Thus there are no beds made
except there be sick to occupy them. These beds were
speedily prepared. They are beautifully shaped, and lac
quered with red varnish ; some are chequered and some gilded ;
the sacking is of cotton, and the pillows of white calico filled
with cotton ; the mattresses and coverlets are of silk or
cotton, adorned with different patterns and colours. These
are called Gouldrins.2 The sheets, etc., are of very fine white
cotton. Then came a barber, who shaved all our hair off; then
an attendant brought water and washed us all over, and gave
us drawers, a white shirt, a cap, and slippers, and also
placed beside us a fan and an earthenware bottle of water for
drinking, and a chamber-pot, besides a towel and a hand
kerchief, which were changed every three hours. We had
nothing to eat at that time, for we had to await the ordinary.
Be it noted that the superiors and officers of this hospital are
Portuguese ; the servants are Bramenis, or Christian Canarins
of Goa, who have to feed and attend upon the sick with great
care, and to be always at hand, and who dare not disobey any
1 Port, esquife, " a narrow bedstead used in hospitals or for the
siesta'' (D. Vieira) ; ' ' petit canot, cercueil, petit lit d'h6pital" (Roquette).
In French it was, formerly at least, used both for a bier and a small
boat ; our "skiff" has only the latter meaning.
2 Hindustani gudri, a quilt. Below (ch. xix) he mentions them by
their Portuguese name, colcha. Linschoten (i, 62) combines the two :
"They make also faire ooverlits which they call Godoriins Colchas,
which are very fair and pleasant, stitched with silke, and also of cotton
of all colours and stitchings."

DESCRIPTION OF THE HOSPITAL. 0
sick person when he asks anything in reason. These are
salaried servants ; and the Portuguese officers every hour visit
all the sick to see if they want anything, and whether they
be doing anything prejudicial to their health, or contrary to
the doctor's orders.
In the evening they brought us supper at the appointed
hour, to each a large fowl roasted, with some dessert, so we
were astonished at the good cheer we received. Next morning
we were surprised to see our other companion, who came not
only to see us, as we supposed, but by command of the
general, who gave him an order to be brought there, and a
recommendation to the Father superintendent, although he
was only suffering from fatigue. We did not know the
reason of this at the time, but afterwards learned that he was
anxious not to be treated as a prisoner any sooner than we
were ; but more of this anon.
This hospital1 is, as I believe, the finest in the world, whether
for the beauty of the building and its appurtenances, the
accommodation being in all respects excellent, or for the
perfect order, regulation, and cleanliness observed, the great
care taken of the sick, and the supply of all comforts that
can be wished for, whether in regard to doctors, drugs, and
appliances for restoring health, the food that is given to eat,
or the spiritual consolation that is obtainable at any hour.
1 The Royal Hospital of Goa was certainly a splendid institution,
and this account of it is the best extant. Linschoten mentions it with
out detail (i, 237) ; V. le Blanc says it excelled that of the Holy Ghost
at Rome, or the Infirmary of Malta. It was founded by Albuquerque,
on the capture of the city, and was the care and pride of successive kings
and viceroys (see numerous references to it in the Liv. das Mong. and
the Arch. Port. Or.). No doubt the order and regularity, the cleanliness
and good living, readily won the admiration of a traveller who had gone
through so much as Pyrard : these were provided under an elaborate
code of rules (given in the Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 5, No. 838). There was,
however, something radically wrong in its management, and our author
curiously mentions below the frightful death-rate at this time, without
casting any reflections on the authorities.

6 DESCRIPTION OF THE HOSPITAL.
It is of very great extent, situated on the banks of the
river, and endowed by the Kings of Portugal with 25,000
perdos1 (each worth 25 sols of our money, and in that country
32J sols), let alone the endowments and presents which it
receives from the lords. This is a large revenue for the pur
pose in those parts, seeing food is so cheap, and the manage
ment so good ; for the Jesuits who carry it on send as far as
Cambaye and elsewhere for wheat, provisions, stuffs, and all
other necessaries. It is managed and governed by the Jesuits,2
who appoint a Father to the post of governor. . Tltie other
officers are Portuguese, all men of quality and gentility ; as
for the servants and slaves, they are Christian Indians. The
Jesuit Father is superior over all the rest, who are like the
inmates of a large monastery, each having his own office ;
even the porter at the gate is one of them. These officers
chide the sick much, and rate them when they see them do
anything they ought not to do ; but the servants durst not say
a word. The slaves do all the vile and dirty work, going
every day through all the chambers of the sick with large
pitchers, wherein to they void all the vessels, scrubbing and
cleaning everything. There are private places with large
earthenware basins for the necessities of the sick ; these are
emptied out by the slaves, who also bleach, wash, and dry all
the linen, and perform other services within the hospital
walls. There are physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries,
barbers and bleeders, who do nothing else, and are bound to
visit each of the sick twice a day. The apothecary is one of
the household, and lives in the hospital, and has his shop well
1 See Col. Yule's long article on the parddo (Gloss., Supplt.). It
was the same as the xeraphin, five tangas. At this time, by Col. Yule's
reasoning, which seems conclusive, it was worth from 4s. 2d. to 4s. 6d.,
which would make the endowment considerably over £5,000.
2 It was managed by the Santa Casa de Misericordia till 1591, in
which year the Jesuits took it over at the king's request. In 1596
they gave it up, but resumed the management again in 1597 (Fonseca,
pp. 229, 230).

INTERNAL MANAGEMENT. 7
stocked at the hospital's expense ; but the physicians and
surgeons are not of the household, having their residences in
the town.
The sick are sometimes very numerous, and while I was
there there were as many as 1.500,1 all of them either Portu
guese soldiers or men of other Christian races of Earope, of
every profession and quality, who are all received; for the
Indians are not taken in there, having a hospital apart, en
dowed by the townspeople, wherein are received only Christian
Indians. There is still another hospital for the women of the
Christian Indians, also endowed by the town, to which women
only may go.
All the water which is drunk on the premises comes from
Banguenin? Twice a day the servants fetch large pitchers
of this water, wherewith they fill the vessels of the sick, who
may drink as much as they like. Each sick person has a
little table by his side for keeping his conveniences upon.
The physicians, apothecaries, and surgeons visit the sick
twice a day, at 8 o'clock in the morning and at 4 in the evening;
when they enter a bell is rung for an advertisement, as also
is done at the hours of meals. The masters, surgeons, and
lords are assisted by many others in the applying of unguents
and medicines. During these visits to the sick some servants
of the hospital accompany them, bearing large lighted braziers,
casting forth much incense and other aromatic odours.
Some Jesuit novices are employed in searching for and
collecting old linen throughout the town for the use of the
1 Linschoten (i, 237) says that 500 at least in the year entered it,
" and never come forth till they are dead". Mandelslo, who visited
it in 1639, says it was " able to lodge above a thousand sick persons"
(p. 101).
2 A small village in the parish of St. Peter, to the west of the city.
The fountain of Banguenim was the most cherished possession of old Goa,
being its sole good well (cf. Linsch., i, 183 ; V. le Blanc, i, 77). It is
almost superfluous, however, to quote the latter, as most of his facts and
names as to Goa seem to be taken from Pyrard.

8 DESCRIPTION OF THE HOSPITAL.
hospital, for new would not be proper. Servants follow the
surgeons with large baskets of lint and prepared linen.
The Jesuit Fathers have taken this hospital in charge, and
most worthily acquit themselves therein ; were it in the
hands of others it could hardly be maintained upon twice the
present revenue. In this hospital are apartments for each
ailment. No one is allowed to enter the precincts without
being searched, to see if he be bringing to any sick person
any article of food or drink injurious to his health. No
arms are carried within : they must be left at the gate.
People are allowed to enter the hospital to visit their
friends only between 8 o'clock and 11 in the morning, and
after dinner between 3 and 6. The sick are allowed to eat
with them; and when the servants see a friend come to visit
a patient, they bring a larger portion than the ordinary. As
much bread is given as is asked for. The loaves are small ;
sometimes three or four are brought for a single sick person,
and very often they cannot eat one. Much would be lost if
the loaves were larger, for a loaf once broken is never served
a second time. The bread is very delicate, and is made by
the bakers of the town by contract. There is no word of
wine for the sick inmates, although they have a stock of
wines of Spain, Portugal, and the Indies ; but it is not allowed
to be given without the doctor's order, and this is granted
but rarely. They give them no less than a whole chicken,
roast or boiled, or a half chicken, for they have no capons.
If one desires or requires more he gets it. The sick are
tended and treated there with all possible propriety and
delicacy. Every three days they have an entire change of
linen, which is of very fine cotton.
At 7 o'clock in the morning they bring the sick their
breakfast of white wheaten bread, and rice cooked with milk
and sugar ; the rice is brought from Cambaye and Surrate.
Water is drunk, wine not being allowed. At 10 o'clock
dinner is brought, conformably to the doctor's orders, most

INTERNAL MANAGEMENT. 9
frequently consisting of boiled or roast fowls, with preserves
for dessert. At 5 o'clock supper is served ; they get excel
lent soups, made of divers meats cooked with Boues} which is
a cooling fruit, as large as our cucumbers. These meats
are mutton, fowl, and chicken, well served with rice. Meat
is eaten every day, except by those who prefer eggs and fish
on fast days : for they get anything they ask for, unless it is
forbidden by the doctor. When the doctor makes his visits
he is accompanied by a number of writers. In the first place
the apothecary takes the names of such as have to receive
anything in his line, and then what each has to get. The
same is done by the surgeons, bleeders, and clerk of the
kitchen. For a clerk of the kitchen goes twice a day to see
all the sick, and writes down their names and what they like
to eat, and that is brought to them ; nor has anyone a fault to
find for not getting his ordinary at the accustomed hour.
All the plates, bowls, and dishes are of China porcelain.
After the dinner the Portuguese officers go and visit all the
sick, asking aloud through all the rooms whether everyone
has had his ordinary, and so they do after supper. All the
sick are lodged separately, according to their ailments, and
all the utensils even have their own rooms apart. All the
cots are in one large place, with their bands to form the bed
rolled up ; in another all the pillows ; in another all the
mattresses, coverlets, and so with the sheets, shirts, and other
linen for the use of the hospital. They have a large stock
of drawers, without which no Portuguese in India ever
sleeps : these reach down to the feet, because all their shirts
are very short, coming down no lower than the mid-thigh.
In the same way there are separate places for slippers,
1 This would seem to be a kind of pumpkin, but I cannot trace the
word. Mr. F. N. Xavier gives the word Bus, meaning cereals in
general, in the Novas Conquistas. Rivara translates it Bendes, that is,
the Bendy or bandicoy 'Abelmoschus esculentus), as to which see Yule,
Gloss., s. v.

10 DESCRIPTION OF THE HOSPITAL.
vessels, and pots of various use. As for shirts and drawers,
hats, boots, stockings, nightcaps, and jackets, which they
give the patients on their recovery, all these are kept separate.
Of each of these articles there is so great a number that it
would be impossible to keep them in order unless they were
thus kept apart. So, too, with the food and provisions, each
room has its own officer, who keeps the key, and puts into
writing the account of the contents, whereof he gives a
memorandum to the principal writer, who keeps an inventory
of everything, even of the sick, their names, and the days
of their arrival and departure. There is also a treasurer for
the money. All these account to the Jesuit Father, who
accounts to none.
The clerk keeps an account of all the gold, silver, clothes,
goods, and other property of the sick, which he registers in
presence of the Father and the other officers ; the whole is
made into a bundle, with a ticket bearing the name of the
owner stitched upon the bundle, and put away in a separate
room. Their soiled linen is washed for them. The sick, if
they have the means, and are so minded, give something to
the servants, and a general account is stated upon their
departure, — for none of their own things are used in the
hospital ; and if a sick person dies all his property is carried
off to the Misericorde.1 If the deceased has made a will,
the fraternity, called the Hermanos de la Misericorde, become
his executors ; if there is no will, they preserve the property
and await news of the heirs : if these be found, all is delivered
to them ; but they always give a portion to the Misericorde.
If no heir is found, then upon the return of the next post
from Portugal, where the matter is advertised, the Misericorde
1 The Santa Casa de Misericordia at Goa was an offshoot of the great
charitable fraternity of Portugal, the Irmandade de Misericordia, which
in 1498 superseded the Irmandade de Piedade. There were similar fra
ternities at Cochin, Chaul, Ormuz, etc. Mr. J. G. da Cunha says that
the ruins of the Misericordia at Chaul are still known by the natives by
the name Misri.

ANNUAL MORTALITY. 11
disposes of all the gold, silver, goods, and clothes, the pro
ceeds being given to the poor. The sick are washed twice
a day, and the whole hospital cleaned. Two Jesuits, and
more if need be, are in attendance, who do nothing else but
go round confessing and comforting the sick, administering
the sacrament, and giving them beads for saying their prayers.
Mass is celebrated every day : in short, they are supplied with.
everything they require.
The sick are laid in large beds at two feet distance one
from another, and upon several mattresses of cotton or tafetas,
piled one upon another. The cots are low, painted of all
colours, and supplied with curtains.
The most common ailments of the country are burning
fevers and dysenteries, besides the venereal diseases, which
are very prevalent, but only where the Portuguese are, and
not elsewhere in India. If the sick die and have entrusted
any property, even their accoutrements, to the Jesuit Father,
all such is delivered into the hands of the officers of the
Misericorde, which fraternity are obliged to bury the corpse
honourably, though the deceased may not have had or left
any sufficient means for the purpose.
If, however, the patient recovers his health, the Jesuit
Father restores to him all his property, besides giving to every
person that goes forth of the hospital a complete suit of
clothing, if he has need of it, and a perdo, equal to 32 ^
sols. However rich a man may be, there is none but will
gladly have himself taken to this hospital, to get better treat
ment than at his own house, as indeed he will.
In every year more than 1,500 corpses are removed from
this hospital, while the number of sick admitted is infinite.1
1 There may be a confusion here, the number 1,500 being already
given as the number of inmates when he was there (cf. Linschoten's
statement cited above, p. 7, note). The king, in his despatch of 17th
Feb. 1607, writes that he is informed that every year from 300 to 400
Portuguese, between the ages of 18 and 30, die in the hospital, and in
some years many more.

12 THE HOSPITAL IS FOR UNMARRIED SOLDIERS.
Inasmuch as the arrival of the fleet from Portugal some
times brings more than 300, the least number of inmates is
from 300 to 400. Only Portuguese and old Christians are
admitted for treatment then. Yet true it is that some Jews
among the companies arriving from Portugal pass for Por
tuguese, though they be only new Christians. All men that
come with the Portuguese from these parts, all such being
called Homo Branco, i.e., white men, or old Christians, are
welcomed there. No women are allowed to enter, sick or
sound. Nor are any householders received, neither men,
women, nor children, nor any Portuguese servants : there are
others established for them, if they be poor. This hospital
is only for the Soldades, that is, for such as are not married or
domiciled, but are soldiers of fortune. In short, only those
that are not married, nor belong to a household, nor are
servants, are taken in ; and among those that go there are
often gentlemen of good family, there being no dishonour in
the matter, — for, indeed, it is for these gentlemen and soldiers
of fortune that these hospitals have been established in the
cities of the Indies. Sometimes they are visited by the
archbishop, the viceroy, and many lords, who make gifts to
them of large sums of money : and everyone takes pleasure
in seeing so splendid a place, where all the rooms are clean
and white as paper. The galleries, too, are finely painted
with stories from the Holy Scriptures.
There are two churches in the hospital, both enriched with
the finest decoration possible. The one is upstairs, at the end
of the great hall, for the worst patients, who hear mass there :
it is dedicated to Our Lady. The other is below, dedicated to
St. Martin, for those in better case, who hear service there
when they please, along with the officers and domestics of
the house. The greatest festival of the hospital is that of
St. Martin, which is the day of the dedication of that church,
— for that was the same day on which the Bastion, whereon
this church has been built, was captured from the idolaters

PREVALENT DISEASES. 13
by the Portuguese.1 On that day they make a general pro
cession.2 All the Portuguese and Metifs, of whatever
quality and condition, who have any ailment, secret or other,
if they desire to be treated and tended at that place at day
break when the surgeons are there, are permitted to go
without any cost to themselves. As soon as a man is better
they dismiss him. If, however, one wishes to stay a while
longer, he has no scruples to say that he has become worse.
Continuing fevers they cure promptly by bleeding, which
they resort to continually, and so long as the slightest fever
is present. The idolater Indians use not bleeding at all. As
for the pox, it is no mark of shame there, nor any disgrace to
have had it several times : they even make a boast of it.
They cure it without sweating, with China root. This malady
prevails only among the Christians, and they prefer it to
fever or dysentery. Another ailment is prevalent which
attacks them suddenly, called Mordesin} and is accompanied
1 This is an error. As he will tell us himself, Goa was taken
on St. Catherine's Day (25th Nov.), and there was no previous assault,
certainly none on St. Martin's Day, the 11th. Besides, the origin of
this chapel is well known. It celebrated the victory of Joao de Castro
at Diu in 1546, won on St. Martin's Day. When the victor entered Goa
in triumph, part of the city wall adjacent to the hospital was broken
down to give passage to the procession, and at the breach first a niche,
and afterwards a chapel, was dedicated to St. Martin. A slab in the
wall at the niche commemorating the event was, on the downfall of the
hospital building in last century, transferred to the chapel of St.
Catherine, where it now is. It has a figure of St. Martin on horseback,
and bears the inscription, " Por esta porta entrou D. Joao de Castro,
Defensor da India, quando triumphou de Cambaya e todo este muro
lhe foi derrubado. Era de 1547 A." ( Correa, iv, 637 ; Couto, Dec. VI,
liv. iv, c. 6 ; Sousa, Or. Conq., Pt. I, Conq. i, Div. i, 37 ; Rivara, ad
loc. ; Fonseca, p. 227).
2 This procession continued to 1830, the home government then
refusing to sanction the charge of the expenses to the public treasury.
3 I.e., cholera. According to Col. Yule, the word is the Konk. or
Mah. modachi, or modshi (see the interesting article in his Glossary, s. v.
" Mort-de-chien", to which form the French missionaries seem to have
the credit of reducing the word).

14 THE HOSPITAL PHYSICIAN.
With grievous headache and vomiting, and much crying, and
most often they die of it. They are very subject to poisoning
and bewitchments, whereof they die in a decay. When the
carracks arrive from Portugal the greater number of the
sick are ill of the scurvy, and with ulcers on the feet and
legs. When one has taken medicine, or is weak, he has ser
vants charged to look after him, to raise him, and carry him.
These are Christian Indians ; they are neatly dressed and
clean, and very soft and agreeable in their manner : for if
one of them were rude to the sick, he would be expelled1 at
once. Medicine is practised there as in Spain. It is of
great honour and profit to be physician of this hospital ; he
is usually physician to the viceroy, and brought out of
Portugal.1 The Jesuit Father who has the superintendence
remains in office as long as the Company please, arid as he is
thought fit for the work : two or three years, more or less.
The Jesuit Fathers frequently send out a change of spiritual
Fathers ; the Father Superior, however, has the combined
administration of spiritual and temporal affairs in the hospital,
and gives his orders to all.
As for the building, it is very large and ample ; it has
many galleries, porticoes, ponds, and gardens with pretty
walks, where the patients that are beginning to recover go to
1 As he says above, p. 7, the physician and surgeon did not reside in
the hospital. In 1605, the municipality, calling the king's attention to
the frightful mortality (supra, p. 11, note), attributed it largely to the
inexperience of the physicians who came out wiih each viceroy, and
were forthwith appointed to the charge of the hospital. In three years,
and often less, when they were beginning to understand their work,
they were superseded on the arrival of a fresh viceroy. This complaint
was repeated in 1606, and in Jan. 1607 the king directs that the
physician and surgeon of the viceroy be not appointed, but that these
offices be given to the men of the greatest experience and skill (see
Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. i, 2nd ed., 2nd part, 186 ; Lin. das Mono., i, 85).
This order is repeated 23rd Jan. 1610 (Liv. das Mono., i, 303), but with
drawn by the despatch of 30th Jan. 1613 (op. cit., ii, 300). Probably
while in force it was not obeyed.

OYSTER-SHELLS USED AS GLASS. 15
take the air and a bath : for they get a change of air as
soon as they begin to get better, and are placed with such of
the rest as are not more sick than themselves.
Throughout the whole hospital there are lamps, lanterns,
and candles at night-time, but more lamps are used, as the
candles are of wax. The lanterns are made of oyster-shells,
as is all the glazing in the churches and houses of Goa.1 In
the midst of this hospital there is a handsome, large, paved
court, in which is a large well where the sick bathe them
selves betimes, as has been ¦ said. The Portuguese and the
Metif householders who are sick and in need are treated at
their houses by the Misericordia and by the wealthy, who let
them want for nothing. There are other, hospitals for the
natives of the country that are in the town : these are for
Christian Indians only.2 The town possesses two hospitals,
one for women, the other for men ; but these are in fact one
only, being merely separated for the sexes.
The poor Portuguese and Metifs never go a-begging, but
they send petitions to the rich ; and their women have them
selves borne in a palanquin to the residence of the viceroy,
the archbishop, and the great lords, and present their requests
and petitions in person. In short, it would be impossible to
describe all the other peculiar customs of the place, and the
perfect order and regularity preserved in this admirable
hospital. Thus, if a person is wont to have himself purged
or bled every year, though he be not otherwise ailing, if he
goes there he will be admitted for the period of his pur
gation. But to return to my companion and myself. After we
had been carried into the hospital and admitted, on the
following day the general of the fleet that had brought us sent
1 "Large windows (in the houses at Bassein), two stories high, with
panes of oyster-shell, which is their usual glazing among them in India"
(Fryer, 74). Mr. Fonseca (p. 158) says that this is still the fashion at
Goa. 2 Noted also by Linschoten (i, 237).

16 APPLIES FOR HIS DISCHARGE.
thither our other companion also, as I have said. We were all
then given in charge of the Jesuit Father, under an order
that we were not to be let go without previous notice given to
the general, who is called the Capitan Mayor} The Father
would not tell us that we were prisoners in his hands, for
fear of saddening us, and he consoled us in every way in his
power, and gave us as good treatment as the greatest of the
Portuguese: though, forsooth, it would have been difficult to
treat us any better than the rest, all being so well and in
differently treated, both as respects food, medicine, and
other treatment, and each being served in his turn and
according to written prescription, without any difference
between gentle and simple. Seeing ourselves to be thus
well treated, we believed we were already at liberty, inso
much that at the end of twenty days, when I began to feel
better, I spoke with the Father, and told him, thanks to God,
I was well, and wished to depart with the one of my compa
nions. But the Father asked what haste we were in, and that
we should wait till our other companion was cured. That,
however, was a long business, for it was more than three
months ere he was brought round. But we did not learn the
reason of his answer, for he wished first to have a word with
those who had put us in his hands, knowing well as he did
that when we went forth we should not be so well dealt
with. Wherefore he was ever putting off our departure,
though we pressed him with our desire that we had to see
that fine town whereof we had heard such an account. He
having at length given notice to the general, five or six days
thereafter came two Merignes2 with their Pions3 and de
manded us of the Father, waiting at the gate while the Jesuit
Father came to us and said : " My friends (Irmanos), arise ;
since you are so desirous to go, permission is now given ;
follow me" ; whereat we followed him joyfully, and he gave
l Capit&o M6r. 2 Meirinhos.
3 See vol. i, p. 428.

DISCHARGE GRANTED. 17
each of us two (for the other was still sick) hose, a doublet, a
cassock, shoes, and a hat ; two shirts, two pair of drawers,
quite new (they do not wear stockings, the breeches
reaching down over the feet) ; also a piece of money, viz., a
pardo, worth 32£ sols, or about 25 sols in France. Then we
had breakfast, though we little required it for the haste we
were in to be off. He gave us his benediction, and we took
our leave, thanking him for all the kindness he had shown
us. I understood shortly after what pity this Father had
felt for us, for he gave us all the consolation he could. On
descending the grand staircase we met the two sergeants
with their writs, and with halberds and partisans : they
seized us forthwith, and bore us off in rough sort. When a
prisoner is led off, the sergeant walks in front with the vare}
or stick, while the Pions march behind the prisoner, who is
bound with cords, the two ends of which are held by them.
I leave you to imagine our astonishment after joy so short, to
find ourselves in the hands of these devils of Caffres,2 fellows
more black than coals.
In such wise did I come out of this hospital. I was there
again on another occasion afterwards, when I was ill for
fifteen days. Many other times, too, have I gone there to
visit my companion and other friends, wherefore I have
desired to describe in detail all I have, seen and learnt about
it, esteeming that there is none other such in all the world.
If in the other towns of the Portuguese there are not others
of the same kind in proportion to their size, the poor Portu
guese are very greatly to be pitied, seeing the great number
of them in that land, their poverty of means, and the grievous
maladies and infirmities to which they are subject.
Thus were we taken to the prison, which is called the
1 Port. vara.
2 Used in the modern sense for natives of the Mozambique coast,
large numbers of whom were imported as slaves. At times they gave
great trouble by their brawls and robberies (Liv. das Monc., i, 200).

18 THE PRISONS OF GOA.
Salle, and not without reason ; for it is the most foul and
filthy place in the world, as I believe.1 There are four general
prisons at Goa, besides other private ones : the first is that
of the Holy Inquisition2; the second is that of the arch
bishop,3 close to his residence ; the third, the Tronquo} at
the viceroy's palace, the chief and largest of all ; and there
is a large wing of the building containing other prisoners of
all sorts, the one whither we were taken being in aid of the
former. In this one is held once a month a general audience,
at which the viceroy is usually present. It is like the Con-
ciergerie here. These prisons at Goa are not so bad as those
of Cochin. The Inquisition and the Ecclesiastical Court
have two ; the archbishop has one of these, and he has
power over all the clergy. The Jesuits and he this long
while have had a suit at the Court of Rome, they not
wishing to have any superior over them but the Pope and
their own general.6 The judges and officers of the Inquisi
tion are irresponsible judges. Nevertheless, the archbishop
still has much power, but he does not use it, for the others
hold their offices of the king; but if any of them was
guilty of any misfeasance, he would have cognisance of it.
The prison to which we were conducted is in the town,
1 In orig.: " car c'est le lieu le plus ord et sale qui soit au monde comme
ie croy"- The play upon the words salle and sale cannot well be given in
English. This was the prison of the Strand (Ribeira), where the prisoners
condemned to the galleys were kept. It was commonly called Sala das
bragas, from the braga or iron ring which held the prisoner's ankle.
(Rivara.) 2 The prisons of the Inquisition (being more than one) were called
Carceres. (Rivara.)
3 Called Aljabe, from the Ar. al-jabr, "prison". Dellon writes it
aljouvar. 4 Tronco, the principal civil prison, as at Cochin (see i, p. 429).
5 The Jesuits, by their power at Lisbon and Rome, held their own
against all their opponents, who comprised not only the archbishop and
the Franciscans, but also the municipality. Those who care to follow
the disputes may consult the index to the Arch. Port. Or., and the Liv.
das Mongoes.

IN THE SALLE PRISON. 19
near the river, and called the prison of the Viador de fasienda,
who has his house outside the town, but near the river. The
Merigne made a charge against us on his paper on behalf of
the criminal Oydor} The gaoler and his wife were Metifs.
The gaoler having asked who we were, and learning that we
were Frenchmen and Catholics, advised us not to lose heart,
and that he would not put us in the Salle with the rest.
This Salle is a place where all the galley slaves and other
sorts of vile people are cast pell-mell in a stinking air, some
times two or three hundred and more. No criminals are
placed there, except in order to take them afterwards to
the Tronquo. It is at the discretion of the gaoler, who is
called Merigne de Salle, to put everyone indiscriminately in
this Salle. Men of quality give him money to get themselves
put into private rooms, of which there are two, one for the
Gentiles and Mahometans, the other for the Christians. He
never grants this favour but for money, save to foreigners
like ourselves, who received much kindness and were allowed
much liberty, and were not obliged to sleep with a gang of
slaves and galley prisoners with irons on their feet. There
were lamps lighted, and at one end of the room was the
lodging of the Merigne or sergeant ; at the other, towards
the outer gate, was his son, with his servants and slaves
keeping guard, because the prison is by no means strong.
At the two ends were two bells for finding whether either
party slept; for when the father rang his bell, the son
replied with the same number of strokes. From the whole
body of convicts are taken two squads or watches for keeping
guard themselves, and all night long there is nothing but
shouts and answers from one squad to the other. The first
cries as loud as he can," Vigia, vigia !" i.e.," Wake, wake !" Those
who are on the watch for that hour, ten or more, answer one
1 Port. Ouvidor, " one who hears", i.e., a magistrate. Our own judges'
commissions used to run, — " oyer et terminer", and now " hear and
determine" ; and we speak of the magistrate hearing a case.

20 AMENITIES OF PRISON LIFE.
after the other. If they are behindhand ever so little, the
slaves of the household would come and beat them forthwith.
So there is the greatest din possible all night, the which,
along with the great heat, prevents the least repose.1 At nine
o'clock in the evening they chant their service and prayers in
Portuguese, in a loud voice. The wife and daughters of the
gaoler treated us with much kindness, bringing or sending us
things to eat and drink without his knowing anything of it.
The prisoners are assisted with alms from the well-to-do, and
the officers or Confreres of the Misiricorde, called Irmanos,
come to visit all the prisoners once a month, as well as all
the poor of the town that are on their list. •> In the same way
the poor widows and orphan girls are fed at the expense of
this fraternity. Much is given to the old Christians, and a
little to the new Indian Christians. The Father for the
Christians, who is a Jesuit, comes also and gives to the
prisoners ; but that does not happen every day. The ordi
nance of the King of Portugal is, that all prisoners of war
and strangers are to be maintained ; but the officers embezzle
the money that is devoted to the purpose. They should
receive six pardos a month each, the same as the pay of
soldiers. This is equal to 9 livres 15 sols of our money, and
provides better cheer than ten crowns here. We advanced a
petition to receive that which the king was pleased to grant
us. This was presented by the Merigne de Salle to the
1 Such was a night in Old Goa ; and here is one at modern Rio de
Janeiro : — " Above the cry of Cicada, and the moaning of sea, and the
rustling of palm-leaves, all through the long night, . . . you can hear
a strange and melancholy song rising in wild bursts on the night air : a
barbaric, monotonous, and sad chorus, such as Israelite bondsmen might
have sung long ago in Egypt. And this too is a chorus of bondsmen, of
African slaves. For there are limeworks on Paqueta Island ; and by
night and day, unceasingly the naked blacks toil on in batches. The
night watchers are obliged to siDg this chorus at intervals, so that their
master in his bed, if he chance to awake, may know that they are toiling
and watching, and not falling to sleep with weariness" (Knight, E. F.
Cruise of the Falcon (1884), i, 81).

ACCOUNTS STATED WITH THE GAOLER'S WIFE. 21
Viador de Fasienda} by name Garsias de Mella, who replied
to it ; but that was after a very long time, by reason of the
great number of hands it had to pass. So we could not get
our money till six days before we left the place ; and for fear
lest any should take it from us, we gave it to the gaoler's
wife to keep for us, my companion and I contracting with
her to be fed for one langue a day each. This tangue is
worth seven sous and a half there, or five sous here. She
treated us very well for that ; but we were set at liberty five
or six days afterwards, and this gave rise to a dispute with
our good hostess : for when we asked for the remainder of
our money she would not give it, saying that she had spent
it, and that we might go on eating and drinking in the prison
there every day at the agreed price ; save on that under
standing we should have had nothing. But as we were
obliged to provide ourselves with some necessaries, we were
much annoyed at this refusal, besides that we had no great
wish to return to that gloomy place ; and afterwards we were
maintained in the town for nothing, as I shall relate anon.
Whereupon we went to complain of her (for her husband
took no part in the affair) to the Viador de Fasienda, who at
once ordered our demands to be complied with, though we
lost a good part of our money on the account stated. What
vexed us most of all in the business was losing in this way
the good graces of her, her daughters, and family. When our
money was returned to us in the presence of the Viador and
a number of captains, there was amongst the rest a Castilian
captain — the only one I saw there — who, seeing that they
1 Vedor da fazenda, as Linschoten says, "that is, the upper surveyor
of the king's goods" (ii, 226). The office of chief vedor da fazenda was
the most important next to the viceroy at Gua, and to the capitdo de
cidade elsewhere. As there was no efficient audit of his accounts, and
it was no crime for a Portuguese at this period to cheat the King of
Spain, his embezzlements were on a vast scale. There were several
vedors da fazenda— e.g., " dos contos", " da carga das naus de Cochim"
—as this Garcia de Mello was (Liv. das Mong., i, 104).

22 A FRENCH JESUIT.
did not give us all our money, and that we were dissatisfied,
took pity upon us for the trick that had been played upon us,
and told us he would recompense us, and would give us the
rest of our money at his house, which in fact he did. He
told us he was a Spaniard, and not a Portuguese, and was
named Dom Pedro Rodriguez. He afterwards returned to
Portugal with us. A month afterwards the slave of one
with whom he had a quarrel gave him a heavy blow on the
head from behind with a bambou (he was a Caffre) ; but he,
not a whit taken aback nor losing time, drew his sword and
slew the fellow, and forthwith fled to the church. He had
his grace at the end of two hours. But inasmuch as the
Spaniards are not very well received there, he was constrained
to return to Spain.
The manner of our getting out of this prison was in this
wise. After we had been there about a month, that Jesuit
Father that is over the Christians came to the prison. He it
is who is charged by the Society of the Jesuits to solicit the
deliverance and liberty of Christian prisoners. To this end
he is bound to visit the prisoners continually, to see if there
be any Christians among them, or any that are minded to
become Christians, and to be ever soliciting the viceroy or
the judges or other parties to obtain their deliverance. So
when he came to the prison aforesaid, and on inquiry found
that I was a Christian and a Frenchman, he told me to have
patience, and that I should full soon be set at liberty, in
forming me that there was a French Jesuit of Rouen, named
Etienne de la Croix} who was at the college of Sainct Paul
1 Etienne de la Croix, born 1579 at St. Pierre-de-Bogerat (Eure) ;
entered the Society of Jesus 1599 ; sailed for India 1602. At Goa he
was appointed to teach philosophy and theology at the Society's college
at Salsette, was master of the novices, and afterwards rector of the
college. He was distinguished both for learning and zeal, and enjoyed
great influence by reason of his tact and charitable works. Acquiring
a knowledge of Canarese and Mahratti, he wrote several works and
pieces in those languages ; among others, a poem on the Passion, which

OBTAINS DISCHARGE FROM PRISON. 23
de Goa. To him I wrote a letter, and next day he came to
me. He was overjoyed to see me, and consoled me, assisting
me with some money, and told me he would busy himself
on my behalf as if I were his own brother, to get his superior
to speak with the viceroy and obtain my liberty.
That Father presented a request to the viceroy,1 with which,
however, the latter refused to comply, at first using great
threats, and saying that I ought to be put to death, seeing I
had come to that country contrary to the ordinance of the
king, and to the treaty of peace between the Kings of France
and Spain ; that he could not set me free, but would send
me prisoner to the King of Spain to do with me as he was
pleased. At length this good French Jesuit Father employed
such importunity for the space of a month, that I was set at
liberty. All the while he failed not to come to see me every
day, and aided me by all means in his power, and my com
panion also.
When we got out of prison we went to eat and drink with
the soldiers at divers houses of the lords, so that it cost us
nothing to live, for we were enrolled as soldiers. I remained at
Goa with the Portuguese for the space of two years, receiving
the pay of a soldier, going hither and thither in their ex
peditions, as well along the coast to the north as far as
Diu and Cambaye, where I remained for a while, as to Cape
Commorin, and even to the Island of Ceylan.
was sung in the college on Sundays during Lent. He died at Goa, 24th
Sept. 1643. His only extant work (the copy at the National Library at
Lisbon being the only one known) is a discourse in Mahratti verse on
the life of St. Peter, — Discursos sobre la vida do apostolo Sam Pedro
. . . compostos em versos lingoa bramana marasta. Empresses em Goa, na
Casa professa de Jesus, etc., 1634, torn. 2, fol. (Pinto do Matos, Biblio.
Port. ; Da Silva, Dice. Biblio. Port. ; Backer, Bibl. des Ecr. Jes. ; Cret.
Joly, Rist. de la Comp. de J. ; Lettres Edifiantes).
1 Pyrard uses the term viceroy somewhat indiscriminately. At the
time of which he is writing (1608) there was no viceroy, but only
a governor, viz., the Archbishop Menezes, who held office till May
1609.

24 ARAB PRISONERS.
But before coming to the description of Goa, I have this
further to say of the prisons, viz., that all the others are sub
sidiary to the Tronco, which is the great prison. Also, that
while we were still in prison certain Arab prisoners were
brought there, all brave men, well behaved and of fine figure.
These were the chief men of a vessel, in which all the rest
had been left, the soldiers and seamen, as slaves of the King
of Portugal. But it happened that the captain, who had
captured their ship, and who, on his way from Lisbon to Goa
in a galion, had fallen in with them on their way to Sumatra
in a vessel richly laden with gold and other goods, was so ill-
advised that, in the place of these Arabs, he put on board that
vessel some Portuguese, and expected her to follow him to Goa.
But the Arabs that were left in the vessel rose against the
Portuguese, and took the ship and the Portuguese prisoners.
They afterwards wrote word to Goa to get the Arabs in ex
change for the Portuguese, which was done. This shows that
when you take a prize you must put on board men of valour
and judgment to man her.

CHAPTER II.

Description of the Island of Goa, the chief inhabitants,
and lords.
Goa is an island which was formerly a dependency of the
kingdom of Dealcan, or Decan} It is about eight leagues in
circumference, and has seven fortresses guarding the passage.
It is surrounded by a river,2 which flows from the said king-
1 He confuses Hidalcdo, the Port, form of the name of the Bijapur
kings, with Deccan, the south country (of the Peninsula), generally
applied throughout the Port, period to the Bijapur kingdom. Dealcan
for Hidalcdo occurs also in Linschoten (i, 176), and in Mocquet (p. 319).
2 The Mandovi, which rises in the Parvor Ghfit, in the province of
Safari, 38J miles in length (Fonseca).

THE PASSAGES OF GOA. 2~5
dom of Dealcan and falls into the sea two leagues from the
town, whose foundations it washes. At the mouth of this
river are two forts, one on each side, to prevent the entrance
of hostile ships. A league up this river is the fort and
passage1 of Pangin,2 which is in the island. It contains a
captain and governor on behalf of the viceroy, who has the
absolute command there. All ships and vessels whatsoever
must speak there, and receive a passport and quittance,
whether inward or outward bound. The vessel is examined
and certain dues are paid. In short, it is impossible to pass
either by night or by day without his knowledge, inasmuch
as the passage is narrow and close to the fort, where a good
look-out is kept. On this island the Portuguese have built
a fine town, called after the name of the island,3 Goa. It
is about a league and a half in circuit, not including the
suburbs. It contains a number of forts, churches, and houses
1 Passage, in translation of the Port, passo, which Linschoten uses.
Passos were ferries or gates from the island to the mainland or other
islands, each guarded by a fort or guardhouse. Ressende (Sloane MS.
197), in his description of Goa, proceeds by taking these in order, thus
Passo de Ribandar, Passo de Daugim, etc.
2 Pangim was the chief fort protecting Old Goa at the time of
Albuquerque's assault (Albuq. Comm., ii, 88), and during the whole of
the sixteenth century it was so used by the Portuguese (see plan and
description in Ressende MS., fol. 248). De Orta (fol. 37) calls it-
"fortaleza pequena". During the few years before Pyrard's arrival
the government constructed a strong fort a little to the west, on the
point immediately opposite the fort of Reis Magos. This new fort
(which Pyrard does not mention) was called that of Gaspar Dias, from
the previous owner of the site. Fonseca says it was built in 1598, but
the despatches in the Liv. das Mono, show that it was not complete even
in 1607. Pangim is now the capital, and so alternatively called Nova
Goa. The first step was the removal of the viceregal residence from
Goa to Pangim in 1759. The custom-house was removed in 1811, the
other public departments followed, and in 1843 Pangim was declared
the capital of Port. India by royal decree (Fonseca, 99).
3 Not so : the name of the island was Tissuary, but commonly called
Goa, from the name of the city.

26 GREATNESS OF GOA.
built in the style of Europe, of very fine stone, and roofed
with tiles.
It is now about 1101 years since the Portuguese made
themselves masters of this island of Goa, and I have been
often astonished how in so few years the Portuguese have
managed to construct so many superb buildings, churches,
monasteries, palaces, forts, and other edifices built in the
European style ; also at the good order, regulation, and police
they have established, and the power they have acquired,
everything being as well maintained and observed as at
Lisbon itself.2 This town is the metropolis of the Portuguese
state in India, which circumstance has acquired for it its
power, riches, and celebrity. So, too, the viceroy makes it his
residence, and has about him a court like the king himself.
Then there is the archbishop, who is over the spiritual
affairs,3 the court of parliament,4 and the inquisition. Besides
the archbishop there is another special bishop for the place,
so that it is the headquarters of religion and justice for the
whole of India; and all the religious orders have their
superiors there. All departures of ships of war, as well as of
merchantmen sailing for the King of Spain, are made from this
place. For the spiritual affairs of the Indies there are four
bishops and an archbishop. The Bishop of Goa has juris-
1 I.e., from 1618, the year in which this edition was written, as
appears towards the end of this chapter. Goa was taken 25th Nov.
1510. 2 The current proverb was : " Quem vio Goa excusa de ver Lisboa"
(" If you have seen Goa you needn't go to Lisbon'').
3 This archbishop was the first primate of the whole East. Goa had
been an archbishop's see since 1559, and a bishop's since 1537. Now
that the Port, possessions have dwindled, and all the East has vast num
bers of Catholics of other races, the padroado of the Goa see is a real
grievance. But how to get rid of it ? It is a question of pride and
prestige, and is at present occupying the best brains of Rome and
Lisbon. * Used in the French sense, and meaning the Relagdo, or Royal Court
of Justice.

CROWDED MARKETS. 27
diction as far as Mozambique. He of Cochin reaches as far
north as Barcelor, and to Malaca. Then there is a Bishop of
Malaca, and another of Macao in China, all of whom are
subject to the Archbishop of Goa.
It is a marvel to see the great multitude of people that
come and go every day by sea and by land, on all manner of
affairs. The kings of the Indies that are at peace and friend
ship with the Portuguese have almost all of them ordinary,
and often extraordinary ambassadors there, coming and going
in the course of the settlement of treaties, while the Portu
guese do the same on their part. As for merchants, who are
continually going to and fro the East, there seems to be
every day a fair for all the different articles of trade in which
they deal.1 For although there are some kings who are not
at peace with the Portuguese, nevertheless their merchan
dise and produce fail not to come to Goa, brought thither
by friendly merchants who go and buy of them. And what
soever hostility there may be betwixt them, if the Indian
enemies would be willing to take a passport and assurance,
they might come in all security ; but they have too much
pride, and prefer to go elsewhere.
All the island of Goa is mountainous and sandy, the soil
is red like Bolarmeny} and very pretty pottery and vases of
fine quality and design are made of it, as of terre sigiUe.3
There is found there also another kind of earth even finer
in grain and quality, which is blackish or somewhat grey :
of this also they make numbers of vessels that are as fine as
1 Linschoten likens the daily assembly of citizens and merchants at
Goa to the " meeting upon the burse in Andwarpe" (i, 184).
2 "An astringent earth brought from Armenia, and formerly used as
an antidote and styptic" (Murray's Neiv Eng. Diet., s. v. " Bole") ; " the
astringent and medicinable red earth or mineral called boharmemen
(Cotgrave). 3 Terra sigillata, " a medicinable earth" (Cotgrave); also known by
the names terre Guerinienne, t. de Lemnos, t. Blesienne (from being found
near Blois).

28 COUNTRY HOUSES ..NT) GARDENS.
glass. The island is not very fertile, — not that the soil is bad,
but by reason of the mountains. For (only) in the more
humid hollows and valleys rice and millet are sown which
bear twice a year. The country there is always green, as in
all the other islands and lands between the two tropics,
for the trees and herbs are always green there. There is
also a great number of Palmero or orta} like our orchards
here, full of cocos trees planted close together; but these
grow only in well-watered and low ground. They produce
the largest revenues to the Portuguese at Goa. They are
enclosed with walls, and, along with a house and pretty
garden, are called orta, wherein they take their recreation
with their families. Water is led thither by canals among
the trees, and those who have not this appliance are at great
pains to carry water for the trees by hand. They let these
gardens to the Canarins of Goa, who make a profit and
take the produce. This is worth a good deal at Goa, because
of the wine, which is in great request. The Portuguese
retain some only of these gardens for their own pleasure,
and make very pretty alleys and tunnels amid these gardens
or orchards, set off with fountains and grottoes. The soil of
the island would of itself be good enough, but being full of
high mountains, and also of people, and without being very
confined, it is found to be unproductive. The inhabitants
prefer to work and traffic by sea and land, rather than to
amuse themselves with rearing cattle ; besides, too, the island
is too full of houses and people for that. So it is that the
island of Goa produces little of itself, and yet everything
is cheap. This island is formed by the fair broad river which sur
rounds it, and also forms other islands, which are inhabited
by natives and Portuguese. The river is of some depth, but
large vessels, such as the carracks and galions of Portugal,
on their arrival are stopped at the mouth, which is called the
1 The Port, orta, a garden, came into Anglo-Indian use on the Bom
bay side as Oart (see Yule, Gloss., s. v.)

DEFENCE OF THE BAR OF GOA. 29
Bare. They are constrained to halt outside this bare, although
it is not closed. After being discharged they are taken up
before the town, two leagues off. At the entrance to this bar,
where the ships lie at anchor both on arrival and departure,
there are,; as I have said, two fortresses1 built against the
Hollanders and other foreigners, to prevent them from enter
ing and casting anchor in the river, as has been sometimes
done by the Hollanders. They forced an entrance, and burnt
and sunk a large number of ships that were there, and even
held the bar for the space of ten or twelve days, in such wise
that not a single boat even could enter to Goa,2 while they
themselves obtained water and provisions from the land. It
is a great misfortune alike for the Portuguese and the
Indians, when they arrive a little late at these rivers and
bars, to find them choked, as happens there and at Cochin,
and at most other places in the Indies during the winter.
In that case they must wait and lie at the mercy of the
weather and of their enemies, who most often come and
destroy them there : for when the bar is thus closed and
choked with sand, not a single boat can go in or out, but
must wait. Wherefore, before leaving a port, they have to
make their calculations to winter wherever they may happen
to be. Thus, then, the Portuguese have built these two
1 At the fortress of Agoada on the north, and Cabo on the south.
These were without the bar, which is that part of the estuary between
Bardesand Pangim. The big ships were discharged at Bardes (Linsch.,
i, 178). As to the position of these forts, see the Chart of Goa from
Ressende's MS. in Albuq. Comm., Hak. Soc, vol. ii, at p. 88.
2 In chap, xv he refers again to this blockade, but there says it lasted
nearly three weeks, and gives the number of Dutch ships as six. The
reference (founded on hearsay) is partly to the blockade of Van der
Hagen, who with ten (of the thirteen) ships under his command arrived
before Goa on the 21st Sept. 1604, and did not leave till the arrival of
eleven Portuguese ships of war, on the 14th Oct. ; and partly to that
of P. van Cardaen, who arrived before Goa on the 17th Oct. 1607, and
left on the 20th of the same month. On the first occasion the Dutch
did not burn any Portuguese shipping ; on the second they burnt the
carrack of the admiral of the fleet in which the viceroy, Conde de Fera,
had sailed. Pyrard refers several times to this ill-fated fleet.

30 THE AGOADA FORT.
fortresses to guard their bar and to keep their vessels in
security, and to prevent their enemies from approaching and
getting water.
At the entering in of this river, on the left hand, is the
land of the Bardez, belonging to the Portuguese. Here is a
very fine spring, whereat departing ships supply themselves
with water. It is on the low ground, and from a distance
appears to be of white sand. The Portuguese call such
places Agoadas.1 At this place is one of these fortresses, a
very strong one, and well equipped with cannon.2 The land
of the Bardez is lofty and mountainous. It is opposite to
the city of Goa, covering all its northern quarter, opposite to
which that fortress is. The other fortress is on a height upon
a cape of the island,3 a high rocky promontory opposite the
1 Agoada, a watering-place.
3 This fortress was begun some years before, to protect the bar from
the Dutch. Its construction was hurried on, the municipality taking for
the purpose a duty of one per cent, on all shipping. Although de
scribed as above by the author, it was not at this time completed (see
Liv. das Monc., i, 334, despatch under date 17th Feb. 1610). An in
scription on its main gate records that it was finished in 1612 (Fonseca's
Goa, p. 40). The fort stands on a high and rocky headland, the citadel
being 260 feet above sea level. In the seventeenth century its summit
was lighted with a beacon, and is now supplied with a lighthouse. The
rock had many springs, one of which has an inscription on the rock dated
1624 (ib.). During the British occupation of Goa at the beginning of
this century, this fort was described as follows : " The fort of Agoada
seems to have consisted originally of nothing but a large battery, nearly
on a level with the water. Subsequently a wall was run up the side
and along the top of the rock, to secure the rear of the battery, and still
more recently a small but strongly built citadel, surrounded by a deep
ditch, has been made on the top of the height, and the communications
between it and the battery strengthened" (Brit. Mus., Add. MS. 14,384,
f. 29).' A description of the Cabo fortress, so called, as it was in" 1634, is
given by Ressende (Sloane MS. 197, f. 249 ; see Dalb. Comm., iii, 278).
Its equipment consisted of four bronze guns. Barracks had been begun
for a guard of a dozen men, but were never finished; and Ressende has
to record that at the time of his report "no captain or Portuguese
soldier serves here, but only one negro !" The British report on Goa

FORT AND MONASTERY OF CABO. 31
first-mentioned fort. On the summit is a handsome monas
tery of the Capucines, called Nuestra Senora del Capbo, that
is to say, Our Lady of the Cape.1 It is well built, and the
archbishop often goes there for five or six days at a time for
his recreation. All ships, whether galleys or other vessels,
entering or departing, and whether for the wars or for traffic,
whether Christian or other, salute this monastery in passing
with their guns. These forts are very necessary for guard
ing the entrance of the river and the Agoada spring; yet
sometimes they cannot prevent enemies from casting anchor
at the bar, and so cutting off the Portuguese vessels. This
causes them much trouble ; but it is not so easily done now
as before these forts were built. The river entrance is very
wide, and so continues up as far as the town. There are a
large number of heavy wooden piles driven in at divers
places in this river, and at certain passages only is the
depth sufficient for ships to enter; for there are many
shallows in all the river-bed between the bar and the town,
so that with all these piles it is a difficult matter to sail
inwards and outwards, without passing under the fortress of
Pangin, where the water is very deep. The fortress is mid
way between the bar and the town ; its position is therefore
of great importance, and the captain of it sends at once to
examine vessels, and to see their receipts and quittances.
They must get his discharge, and pay him certain dues. All
at the beginning of this century thus describes the fortifications : — "A
wall is carried across a narrow part near the extreme point of the rock
so as entirely to cut it off, and a battery runs along the foot of the rock.
The battery is now dismantled and in ruins, and the wall falling to
decay" (Brit. Mus., Add. MS. 14,384, f. 29).
1 He confuses the chapel so named/which was built about fifty years
before this time, and the Franciscan monastery, built at the side of the
chapel in 1594. The latter was a favourite resort of Archbishop
Menezes and succeeding prelates. In modern times it has been converted
into a summer palace for the governor (Fonseca, p. 44). Note that the
author occasionally gives names, etc., in Spanish form. The Port, name
here is " Nossa Senora do Cabo".

32 VICEROY'S LODGING AT PANGIM.
other discharges granted at Goa are useless without that
one, so the place is worth much to the captain and the
writer. There is very good lodging in this fort. The viceroys on
their arrival from Portugal always land and tarry there, till
they make their entry and take possession. The palace within
it is a handsome and comfortable residence, and the retiring
viceroy goes and stays there till he takes his departure : for
there are never two viceroys in the city at the same time ;
but as soon as the one has delivered over the government to
the other, he retires to some place without the town, and
there is no more ceremony nor visits paid betwixt them,
except such as are formal, even though aforetime they were
good friends : such is their pride. This Pangin residence is
one of the most beautiful and agreeable in the whole island.
The river, as I have said, is a very fine one, and comes from
afar, from the countries of the Dealcan or Decan ; it abounds
with fish. It can be navigated in boats for more than thirty
miles of the country, and contains a large number of islands
peopled with natives, both Christian and Gentile.
Goa is furnished all round its circuit with seven passably
good fortresses ; no need, indeed, for them to be very strong,
because the river protects them. Among these seven are
included the two first named, but not that of the town itself,
which contains the viceroy's palace, and is situated on the
banks of the river ; adding that, there are eight in all, besides
that of Bardes, which protects the spring.1 They extend
entirely round the island, and each has its parish church and
1 As he is enumerating the forts of Goa Island, he need not have
mentioned Bardes ; having mentioned it, he ought to have said "those",
viz., Reis Magos and Agoada. By the "two first-named" he must
mean Cabo and Pangim, including with the latter the recently erected
but hardly complete fortress of Gaspar Dias. The eight, then, are 
1, Cabo ; 2, Pangim ; 3, Madre de Deos ; 4, S. Braz ; 5, Santiago ;
6, S. Joao Baptista ; 7, N. S. de Guadalupe ; 8, The Viceroy's
Palace.

FORTS OF GOA. 33
others.1 After the viceroy's comes that of Madre de Deos,
i.e., Mother of God, otherwise called Daugin ; there, too, is the
parish church of St. Joseph, and a Capucine monastery pos
sessing a very fine garden, which is often visited by the
viceroys for recreation. This monastery has the same name
as the fort. The others are St. Braes; St. I ago, which is more
than a league and a half from Madre de Deos, but is con
nected with it by a wall, because in the summer the river is
very low, and this wall prevents an entrance being made
from the mainland ; next is the fortress of St. Jean Baptiste,
and then that of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupes. All are of
the same construction, and governed by like rule ; each has
its prison for keeping suspected persons, as regards whom the
captain of the town also is kept well informed. If a slave
endeavouring to escape is retaken, he is put in there and kept
till reclaimed by his master, who is obliged to pay the
expenses of his keeping. The same prevails in all the other
lands held by the Portuguese. Each fort has a captain, a
writer, and a guard of soldiers ; also a bell for making signals.
All who leave the island for the mainland, for the purposes of
trade or to get provisions — that is, the Indians and Canarins
of Goa, as well men as women and children — must go to the
captain of the Cidada (that is, the city) and get each his
ticket or token. They carry this ticket wet with ink upon
their arms, which are naked, clapping it on there ; then the
officers at the gate see it, and after effacing it let them pass,2
and each of the two places costs them a Bouseruque? On
1 If he means that the forts and parishes were coterminous, he is in
error. Old Goa was divided into four parishes in 1545, viz., 1, Cathe
dral ; 2, Rosary ; 3, Luz ; 4, St. Lucia. In 1594 Archbishop Menezes
added four more, viz., 5, St. Alexius ; 6, St. Thomas ; 7, Trinity ; 8, St.
Thomas at Pannelim (C. de Kloguen).
2 Wm. Barret (Hah, i, 217) and Linschoten (i, 180) give practically
the same account of this toll ; but they both say that the mark was
stamped upon the naked arm. Pyrard is probably right.
3 Port, basaruco, a base coin of copper, lead, tin, or tutonague, worth

34 HOW THE PASSAGES ARE KEPT.
their return they take the same token from the captain of the
fort. By this means they ascertain the number of people
coming and going : for there are writers at every point who
make up the register. This is done also to discover whether
any of them that pass be not accused of larceny or murder,
or escaped from prison, or guilty of other misdeed. No
difficulty is made of the entrance of all comers — that is, of
all natives of the mainland ; but if any be foreigners, they
are arrested. The Portuguese are on no pretext allowed to
go on to the mainland, unless they have families at Goa, for
fear lest tbey should join themselves to the Indian kings. It
is a wondrous thing to see the great crowd of people coming
or going in procession along the highways. None but
Christians carry arms there. All the forts are well equipped
with cannon. By night no boats are left on the other side of
the water: all are brought close up under the forts. None
of the infidels, whether natives or strangers, carry any arms,
except they be of the following of the ambassadors. All the
passages bring in large revenues, both from the merchandise
and from the large numbers of people passing them. The
boatmen pay tribute to the Portuguese, and each of the
passages has its office. So at the other islands too, inha
bited by Christians and infidels, there are passages. In all
these said forts and passages there are many dwelling-houses,
parish and other churches, monasteries, hermitages, and
chapels here and there.
In all this island of Goa, as well as in the surrounding
country, and I may say throughout the rest of India, it rains
continually for a space of six months, -which is their winter,1
and at Goa more heavily than elsewhere. So during all this
two reis, or, as Linschoten says, a Hollander's doit (see Yule, Gloss.,
s. v. " Budgrook" ; and Da Cunha, lndo-Port. Num.).
1 Here, as elsewhere in the book, and by all the old writers of all
nations, used for the rainy season, i. e., in Western India (" India" in
Portuguese usage), the period of the S.W. monsoon, May — Septem
ber (see Yule, Gloss., s. v. " Winter").

DISTINCTIONS OF THE NATIVES. 35
period there is much mud and dirt, which soils the clothing,
and especially that of the Moors and Gentiles, which is of
white cotton, and trails at their heels. They are obliged to
have the Fete-Dieu in February or March, because in the
season we celebrate it there is too much rain.1 In the island
over against the city there is a very fine pond called La
Goada,2 of more than a league in circuit, and natural. On
its banks are three fine mansions of great lords, who have
built them there for their pleasure, with spacious orchards
and gardens, fruit trees, and cocos. The soil is good for
fruits, but only in the marshy places.
As for the people who inhabit this island of Goa, they are
of two sorts, natives and strangers. The natives are the
Bramenis, Canarins,3 and Coulombins} all Gentiles; the
Bramenis are everywhere and always masters and superiors
among the idolaters. The Canarins are of two sorts, for
such as are engaged in trade and other honourable callings
are held in much greater respect than those who engage in
fishing, or practise mechanical crafts, as for instance oarsmen,
gatherers of coco produce, called Sura,6 and followers of other
mean occupations. Yet there are other inferior castes beneath
all these, who occupy themselves with viler work, and live in
1 Corpus Christi is celebrated by the Catholic Church on the eleventh
day after Whit-Sunday, that is, always towards the end of May, or in
June. Delia Valle notes the change made in India, and says that it
was kept there on the Thursday next after Dominica in Albis (first
Sunday after Easter).
2 A mistake for Lagoa, " lagoon", the name by which, as appears from
Linschoten's map, this pond went. He evidently confuses it with
aguada, " well, watering-place".
3 Rivara says that nowadays the term Canarin at Goa has a some
what offensive seDse, and is applied exclusively to native Christians.
4 The lowest caste of the Goanese, Konk. Kunambi, Mahr. Kunbl =
agriculturist : see note to Linschoten (i, 260), who writes Corumbijn.
6 Malayalam sura, "toddy", from Skt. sura, "spirituous liquor" (see.
Linschoten, ii, 48, note, and Yule, Gloss., s. v.). Pyrard, like Linschoten,
seems to apply it to the unfermented sap.

36 FOREIGNERS AT GOA.
great poverty and squalor, and like savages : these they call
Coulombins. Among the strangers are the resident pro
prietors of the island, who are the Portuguese. They are the
lords of it, but allow the former inhabitants to remain there
in all security and enjoyment of their goods. By the ordinance
of the King of Spain, they may not make slaves of them as
of the rest, this privilege having been obtained of the king.
As for the other inhabitants, they are all Indian strangers
residing there by permission of the Portuguese, to whom
such of them as are not Christians pay a poll tax. Of old
Christians, besides Portuguese, there are a very few Casti-
lians, but a number of Venetians and other Italians, who
are the best received : there are also some Germans and
Flemings, a good number of Armenians, and some English ;
but of Frenchmen not one, save the Jesuit Father already
mentioned, and a Lorrainer from Nancy, called Jean de Seine,
and another Walloon, whom I saw there, named Father
Nicolas Trigaut,1 a native of Douay, who afterwards, while
I was still there, was sent to Cochin, and subsequently to
Malaca, and thence to China, where he remained some years,
visiting six of the provinces of that great kingdom, as well
as all the houses and residences of the Society. He was
afterwards sent to Europe on business of his Order, on which
occasion he re-traversed the whole of the East Indies, and,
1 Born at Douay, 1577. At age of 17 entered the Society of Jesus,
and studied at Ghent. In 1606 proceeded to Lisbon and embarked
for India, arriving at Goa 10th Oct. 1607. Here he was detained by
bad health till 1610, when he embarked for Macao. The reason for
his return to Europe was to obtain more missionaries to work the vast
field which he saw lay open in China : and with this aim he published
at Rome the work referred to below. It met with speedy success, and
he was enabled to return to the East in 1618 with no less than forty-
four coadjutors, many of whom, however, died on the way. He him
self fell ill at Goa, and was long in danger. In 1620 he again pro
ceeded to China, where he administered the whole work of the Society,
employing his leisure in studying the history of China. He died at
Nankin, 14th Nov. 1628.

FATHER NICOLAS TRIGAUT. 37
coming by way of Persia, Arabia Deserta, Egypt, Cyprus,
Candia, Zanthe,at length landed at Otranto, thence to Rome,
Spain, France, and the Low Countries. Thence finally he has
in this year, 1618, departed to return to the same Indies with
a goodly number of companions, all adepts in some pro
fession, and with a large supply of divers kinds of pretty
conceits and varieties of these parts to take to those, — as, for
instance, some excellent pictures, maps of the world, geogra
phical charts, globes, astrolabes, clocks, and other instru
ments, mathematical and musical, which are greatly esteemed
in those countries. This Father Trigaut, being at Rome, had
printed there a very ample and 'exact history of China,
drawn as well from the memoirs of Father Matthieu Ricci,1
who had lived there full thirty years, as from the information
he had himself acquired on the spot : this history, composed
by him in Latin, has since been translated into several
languages.2 I neither could, nor should have passed over in
silence what I have just paused to say of this good Father,
both because of my having seen and known him at Goa,
and because of his personal worth and merit as shown by
the goodness of his life, his knowledge and experience, his
extensive travels and intimate acquaintance with all the
countries of the Indies, and, not least, his understanding of
1 The celebrated Jesuit missionary, born 1552, founded the Jesuit
College at Nankin, and was in great favour with the Chinese Court,
chiefly by reason of his scientific knowledge, which, by his ample
acquaintance with the Chinese language, he was enabled to impart to
the natives. He died at Pekin, 1610.
2 Its title is De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas suscepta ab Soc. Jes.
Ex P. Matthmi Ricii ejusdem Societatis Commentariis, libri v, se amctore
P. Nicolao Trigautio Belg. ex eadem Societate, 4to., Romse, 1615.
Trigaut's first published work seems to be a letter addressed from Goa
(Christmas Eve, 1607) to the Jesuits of Flanders, and published under
the title Lettre ecrite, etc., Bordeaux, 1608, 8vo. A second edition of
the Ricci Commentaries was published at Augsburg in 1615. His
other works are De Christianis apud Japonicos triumphis (1623), and
Regni Sinensis descriptio, and a Chinese Dictionary (1639).

38 PORTUGUESE AND THEIR HALF-CASTES.
many different languages, both of this part of the world and
of that.
But to return to my relation of Goa : the Indian people
that are not Christians are very numerous ; they are the
Banianes of Cambaye and Surate, and the Bramenis. I have
heard it often said among the Bramenis of Calecut that the
island of Goa belonged to them, and that on that account
they were bitter enemies of the Portuguese. So it is that
such of them as are men of honour and spirit will never
reside in any place under the rule of the Portuguese, who
are too overbearing and proud towards them; for which
reason the most part of them have gone to reside at Calecut,
where they enjoy complete security and liberty. The Moors
and Mahometans come from all the coasts of India, as from
Guzerate, Persia, and elsewhere. There are there also a
goodly number of Chinese and Japanese. Among the Por
tuguese there are great differences in regard to their estima
tion : for the most esteemed are those who have come from
Portugal, and are called " Portuguese of Portugal" ; next are
those born in India of Portuguese father and mother, and
called Castiri} that is, of their caste and blood ; the least
esteemed are the offspring of a Portuguese and an Indian
parent, called Metices, that is, Metifs, or mixed. Those born
of a Portuguese father and a Caffre, or African negro mother,
are called Mulastres} and are held in like consideration with

1 Misprint for castici, which should be castigos, "of good birth".
Mr. Teixeira Pinto, judge of Goa, in his Memorias sobre as Poss. Port.
(Goa, 1859, 16mo.), points the distinctions of these terms thus : —
" The Portuguese, whether of Europe or Brazil, are at Goa called
indifferently Frangues or Fringuins or Reinoes ; those born in India of
pure Portuguese blood, Castigos, corresponding to the Creoles of America;
half-castes are Mestigos ; children of native Christians are Canarins ;
those of 'Gentile' or heathen parentage are Conkanos." (Mem., p. 168.)
The term castigos was adopted in Anglo-Indian use as castees (see Yule,
Gloss., s. v.), but without any acknowledgment of purity of blood.
2 Mulattos.

SLAVES AT GOA. 39
the Metifs. These Metices plume themselves much when
their father or mother is of Brameny race. In Bresil the
offspring of the two races are called Mameluques.1
As for the slaves of Goa, their number is infinite ; they are
of all the Indian nations, and a very great traffic is done in
them. They are exported to Portugal, and to all places under
the Portuguese dominion. The Portuguese carry off the
children, seducing them by fair speeches, and leading them
away and hiding them, both little and big, and as many as
they can, yea, even though they be the children of friendly
races, and though there be a treaty of peace whereby they
are prohibited from taking them for slaves ; for all that, they
cease not to kidnap them secretly and to sell them.

CHAPTER III.

Of the City of Goa, its squares, streets, churches, palaces, and
other buildings.
Having spoken of the island of Goa, I now come to the
city, of which I shall in the first place say that it is not over-
strong; and whosoever should make himself master of the
island would be master of the town also, which has no
staunch fortress, but is strong in men alone : for though it
is enclosed with walls, yet are these walls low, like those
wherewith we enclose our gardens here. It is strong on the
riverside only. The old walls of the town were higher and
1 Ar. Mamliik, " one bought", i. e., a slave. The name has travelled
west from Egypt, as Capt. Burton shows (Hans Stade, Hak. Soc,
p. 45, note). Sultan Saladin chose for his mamelukes those of a mixed
Turk and Circassian breed. The term thus became the equivalent of
the Port, mestigo. The Mamelukes of S. Paulo acquired a terrible name
in the eighteenth century ; but in that district of Brazil the term has
given way to Caboclo. Mr. Bates, however, states that it is still used
in the Amazons (Nat. on the Amazons, vol. i, ch. i).

40 THE ESPLANADE.
stronger, and had good gates, which no longer exist ; for the
town having increased more than two-thirds in size, all those
ancient buildings are now useless. The Portuguese take no
thought to protect it on the land side of the island, because
of the good passages, to which they trust entirely.
The north side of the city is built on the river, and is half
a league in length, having many gates, each guarded by a
warder. These are crippled fellows, who get the place by
way of compensation, and for life. Between the town and
the river are three large esplanades along the water-side,
separated and enclosed with good walls, which are connected
with those of the town, and run out into the river, in such
wise that none may enter or depart but by the gates (whereat
these gatekeepers search everyone), or else by water in boats.
The first of these esplanades one meets in arriving at the
town from the west is the largest and finest, and is called
La Riviera grande1 (for they call these esplanades Rivieres).
It has two gates entering to the town. It is very well laid
out, having some terraces and ramparts, with cannon to
defend the river. The commander there is the Viador de
Fasienda, who has a good and strong residence within it,
having a gate on the town side, and another on the riverside ;
and he alone has the privilege of closing these gates every
night for fear, not of enemies, but of the robbers of the towTn.
This Viador is overseer of all finances, and also of every
thing that goes on in Goa, as well affairs of war and shipping
as all other affairs, he being the second personage next after
the viceroy in all that pertains to the affairs of the king.
Over against his lodging in the said esplanade is a fine church
1 Port. Ribeira grande, in early days called simply Ribeira, or R. das
naus, or R. das armadas. This was the great arsenal of Goa, and in
cluded the docks and the mint. It was a royal precinct under the
Vedor da Fazenda, and exempt from the jurisdiction of the munici
pality.

THE ARSENAL. 41
called Cinq Achagua} that is to say, "the Five Wounds", richly
adorned and garnished, at which there are two priests only.
In the porch of this church is a space well enclosed with
barricades, where every day this Viador and the other officers
of the king assemble, seated round a table to transact all
business that presents itself ; for all the other officers, and
chiefly those who have to do with embarkations, reside there
too. All these lodgings and the esplanades in that part
belong to the king, so that these officers are lodged there all
their time at his expense.
It is on this riviere, or esplanade, that they mint the money,
cast the cannon, and do other ironwork necessary for the
ships of war or trading vessels. It is a marvel to see the
number of artizans working there in all materials, without
observing either festivals or Sundays, saying they are about
the service of their king. Each of these craftsmen has a
grand master, called Mayor, who is a Portuguese, having
command over those only of his own art ; as, for instance,
carpenters, masons, blacksmiths, master mariners, caulkers,
gunners, founders, etc., who are all or mostly Indians. They
are all paid on Sunday mornings, and work not on that day
after noon. It is the finest sight in the world to see the vast
number of ships that are there, as well in the harbour as on
the beach. There, too, are lodged the elephants, when there
are any in Goa ; but while I was there, there were none.
But be it noted that all the officers, mayors, have their own
offices and places for keeping and locking up all the material
and utensils proper to their craft ; the workmen, too, have
their own places. All these offices are vaulted with stone,
and strongly built, for fear of fire. The Viador, from his
gallery, sees from one end to the other all that goes on, as well
on the esplanade as on the water ; and every night there are
1 Port. Cinco Chagas. An extra-parochial chapel for the arsenal
(C. de Kloguen).

42 OFFICERS OF THE ARSENAL.
Dead-payes1 on guard, and the sentinels cry aloud and respond
to one another. All this is out of fear lest their ships should
be set on fire, of which there is a vast number, both Portu
guese and Indian. These men are hired, whether Indians or
Christians, and are called Naicles.2 There are a great number
of them, and are relieved at daybreak. Their duty is to
carry out the orders of the Viador, to go messages for him,
and do other service like petty sergeants or beadles. All the
artizans are called over twice a day. There is the Contador,3
who pays them, and the Puntador} who pricks them off and
measures their work in such wise that if their work be short
they have to suffer a like abatement of their time. But this
leads to much abuse, for if the Contador and Puntador are so
minded, they count as they please. The money is distributed
and paid there in public, except large sums, which are paid
separately. In this same place is • the prison of the Salle,
wherein I was placed ; thither the Viador sends all sorts of
men that are under his charge and belong to him. This
Viador has two Merignes, or sergeants, and one writer. All
these officers well understand how to steal and to fleece the
public. There is a little galiot, called Manchoue1} well
1 In orig. mortepayes. " Dead-payes : soldiers in ordinary pay, for
the guard of a fortress, or frontier town, during their lives. In France
they be exempted from the Taille" (Cotgrave).
2 Bind, nayak, a leader or chief, but in Portuguese and British India
applied to native officers of the rank of corporal (see Yule, Gloss., s. v.
" Naik"). 3 Accountant, " the officer who presides in the tribunal of the Casa
dos Contos" (Bluteau).
4 A mistake for Apontador, an overseer ; from the pricking off, the
author would seem to connect it with punctuar.
6 Port, manchua, from Malayal. manji. Col. Yule describes it only as
a large cargo boat, but at Goa it meant a large gondola (Mandelslo,
p. 98, indeed, mentions it as a gondola), rowed, however, and not
pushed. P. della Valle calls it manciva "going with 20 to 24 oars
only differing from the Almedies, in that the Mancive have a large
covered room in tbe poop" (Letter VIII). It was probably the same
which Fryer (p. 70) calls a " baloon".

THE VEDOR DA FAZENDA. 43
covered in, which the king provides him with for going to and
from the ships, and hither and thither by water : it takes
only eight or nine hands to man it. The viceroy has one also,
so have the great officers, and even the archbishop, and many
other private persons. It is very comfortable, being built in
the form of a carriage, saving that it has no opening at the
sides. But to return to the Viador. There is no one at Goa, after
the viceroy, who can look after himself and play the thief as
he can ; for whatever is over of all shipments, from Portugal
and all other parts, whether provisions, utensils, or other
goods, — all that goes to him, and he does what he likes with
it. And when the ship starts again he has to furnish her
with all her provisions, equipments, and utensils, on which
he makes a further robbery ; for against every sol of cost he
charges two, and the viceroy and he understand each other
full well.1 The viceroy makes the order for all payments
and gifts in writing, and the Viador pays nothing unless he
sees a certain mark on his signature, or unless he is told by
word of mouth, and the treasurer does the same. For the
payment of cash the intervention of others is required, but
the expenses and outgoings for ships, and the balances
remaining in respect thereof, all these are in the hands of
the Viador de Fasienda alone.
At the two gates of this esplanade, or riviere, are porters
and guards stationed, who let none go out or come in without
searching them, for fear lest they should have stolen some
thing. In that place no shipments are made, except on
behalf of the king or of the said officers. The place is of
great length and breadth, but four times as long as it is broad.
1 Fully borne out by De Couto in his Soldado Pratico ; indeed, the
historian goes further : for example, he states that when the vedor bought
Ormuz horses for the king's service, and paid 200 cruzados apiece for
them, he would charge 600 cruzados in his accounts ; and in many cases
he shows that out of two sous charged, the king frequently got no value
at all.

44 THE FISHMARKET.
In breadth it is two hundred paces, and it is all full of
valuable property belonging to the king.
Turning to the east from this place you come out near the
Royal Hospital inside the town, and you enter another large
square, also enclosed, which is between the said hospital and
the Riviere. 'It is only a landing-place for fishermen, and a
place for all other classes of people to take boat or land.
This place is called Cage de Sancta Catherina, or Bazar de
Pesche} meaning "fishmarket", the fish being landed and
sold there.
This quay is very convenient when the fleet arrives from
Portugal, for as soon as the sick are landed they are close to
the gate of the hospital, whose walls enclose the town on
that side. All the merchandise is landed at pleasure, for
that of the fleet mentioned pays no dues at Goa. This place
is, as it were, the middle of the whole town ; it has terraces,
and gates which are shut only when required. All the bank
of the river, along the whole length of the town, is slime and
mud. But when the vessels of Portugal arrive it is a marvel
to see the crowd of people on the quay of all sorts, slaves
and other Christians, Canarins, Cafres, and other Gentiles,
who are like porters or carriers, there called Boye,2 that is,
1 Caes de Santa Catherina, or Bazar do peixe.
2 Tel. and Malayalam boyi; Konk. bhui, the caste from which carriers
were taken, and used in Portuguese India for carriers and porters ; e g.
(in 1554), "hum boy do sombreiro", an umbrella boy; " boys d'aguoa",
water-carriers (S. Botelho, Tombo, 57); (in 1591) "the bois or moucos
who carry such palanquins", etc. (Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 3, 324). The
above is from Yule's Gloss., s. v. " boy". Pyrard's fanciful interpreta
tion "ox", Port, boi, maybe due either to himself or to some Portuguese
friend who would have his joke. It is repeated by Boullaye le Gouz
(p. 211), who finds a parallel indignity in the use of the term mulets by
the Fiench gentry towards their chair-men. As is well known, the term
" boy" is in common use in West and South India, and in Ceylon and
China, for the native personal servant of a European. Col. Yule, rightly
I think, recognises in this more modern use the English " boy" em
ployed as the Latin " puer". It is noteworthy that the Portuguese (see

THE PORTERS OF GOA. 45
" ox", and carry whatever heavy fardels there may be ; for
they use no carts, but carry everything on their shoulders
with bambous, which are reeds as thick as the leg. This
wood is the hardest to break or snap I have ever seen. To
carry a cask of Portugal wine, containing three hogsheads
or thereabouts, takes four, six, or eight of these fellows, accord
ing to the weight, with two of these bambous, each carrying
an end on his shoulder, and so with other goods. But in
building they use carts, though without iron tires, for fear of
wearing the pavements ; they are drawn by buffaloes and
oxen, and serve to carry stone and timber. These Boye when
laden continually chant their songs, which consist of some
cock-and-bull stories strung together in question and answer,
and they keep incessantly running. All the streets are full
of these fellows at all sorts of jobs, either carrying Sombreros
or Parasoles and Palanquins, or aught else that may be
required, and they are always to be found at certain cross
roads. This esplanade is thus quite a public place.
But the other riviere or esplanade, which is next to it, is
well enclosed all round, even far out into the water : it is
called la Ribere dos Gallees} for in this place, lie the galleys
of Goa, which are of the same build as those of Spam -and
Italy ; but there are only some three or four of them at most.
This esplanade is well built and provided with every require
ment, as well for the masters of the workshops, the equip
ment of the galleys, as for the convicts, who are all there,
save a certain numbeT that are in the prison of the Salle for
the purpose of work there. These galleys never go to sea
except in case of great necessity.
Among these galley convicts I saw one that was a Malabar,
above) used their own equivalent for " puer", viz., mougo, as the equiva
lent for the Indian boy ; and further, it is curious that the Anglo-Indian
" boy" is in vogue chiefly in those parts of the coast which were for
merly Portuguese.
1 Ribeira das gales.

46 GALLEY SLAVES.
and brother of the great Malabar lord and captain named
Cousty Hamede,1 of the town and fort of Badara, whereof I
have already spoken. This convict had turned Christian ;
he was about thirty years of age, and was called Don Pedro
Rodrigo, and was a good-looking fellow. I believe that if he
had been at liberty he would not long have remained a
Christian. He did not work like the rest, but had command
of a squad of convicts, being, however, in chains, as were the
rest, even when they went to work in the town, which was
often enough. I accosted him several times, and spoke to
him for the sake of his brother, who took a liking to me, and
gave me a good reception when I passed by Badara and
Marquaire Costi.
But in regard to these convicts and captives, I will say
in passing that the King of Spain never allows an exchange
of prisoners, and this is a maxim of policy in those parts :
for if that were allowed they would not be greatly concerned
about letting themselves be taken. The Portuguese, however,
believe their Government to be less damaged and weakened
by one man losing his hand or his life, than if they had to
pay 10,000 crowns of ransom, and it is well known that their
fellow-countrymen will not fail to ransom such as are taken
prisoners. There is, too, another reason, which is this, that
this procedure gives more courage to the Spaniards and
Portuguese, who on other accounts are under a greater obli
gation to fight well and to avoid being taken, for it is not
the King of Spain who ransoms the prisoners, but them
selves or their relatives ; and if they have not the where
withal, it is provided by the Misericorde, or by people of
means and wealth. As for the Indian prisoners taken by
the Portuguese, they all belong to the king, who gives a
reward to the soldiers that took them, that, is ten Pardos for
each prisoner ; and though the prisoner were to offer all the
gold in the world as ransom, he cannot recover his liberty,
1 See vol. i, pp. 339, 349, 357.

PRINCIPAL GATE OF THE CITY OF GOA,
COMMONLY CALLEH THE ARCH OV THE VICEROYS.

THE RIVER GATES. 47
but remains ever a galley-slave ; so that when the Portuguese
happen to be themselves taken, every endeavour is made to
get them back by money, and not in exchange.
But to return to these river passages whereof we have
spoken ; the gates are guarded by keepers, and no person may
enter except on business. The place is very handsome and
spacious, and the viceroy descends by a little gate from his
palace, and takes boat without being seen. All the mer
chandise forming the cargoes of the carracks and large
vessels going to Portugal must be shipped there, and the
Viador de Fasienda has a little house on the water-side,
and goes to and from the vessels to inspect them and to keep
accounts, and to register everything that is shipped. Three
per centum is paid on exports from Goa ; but if an agree
ment be come to with him, you pay very little. All the
quays are very well walled, and most of them have stone
steps. Entering the town on the right from this place are
the magazines and arsenals of war material and guns, with
large, well-built, and strong warehouses. The town gate on
this side is the most handsome and magnificent ; it adjoins the
viceroy's palace. This gateway underneath is all painted
with the wars of the Portuguese in India, while above the
entrance is a fine image, a bust of Sancta Catherina, all
gilded. This saint is the patroness of Goa, for it was upon
her feast-day1 that the Portuguese made themselves masters
of the island.
Besides these places there are others on the river that are
neither enclosed nor guarded like the preceding. There is
one such between the river and the palace of the viceroy,
La Fortaleza del vice Bey? It is some seven hundred paces
in length, two hundred in breadth, very straight and com-
1 Nov. 25.
2 The viceroy's palace stood on the site, and seems to have retained
much of the masonry, or at least design, of the palace of the Sabaio (Dalb.
Comm., iii, 17 ; Fonseca's Goa, 194).

48 THE QUAY OF THE VICEROY'S FORTRESS.
pact, and built up on the river-side with a fine wall with
steps of stone. On one side it is enclosed by the walls of the
viceroy's palace and of the town, and on the other by those
of the other esplanades. This esplanade or quay, called
terrero grande, is generally employed for mooring all the
vessels of the Indian merchants that come to land there,
both on account of the Fortaleza of the viceroy, which covers
it, and because the viceroy from a window or gallery can
see all that goes on. This place is always crowded with ships
and vast numbers of people.1 It contains a very handsome
building, resembling the Place Royale at Paris in style, but
not otherwise : it is called V Alfandequa? and there they store
and sell in gross all kinds of grain, which may not be sold or
taken elsewhere. The customs dues are paid there. There
is another large building, called Banquesalle3 where are stored
goods that are not for food ; the dues are paid for them
there, and thence they are conveyed to the houses. There
is still another house there, where the weights are kept,
called by them el pezo.i Next are the houses of the officers
and renters. As soon as the ships are discharged they
pass further up the river, and remove from in front of the
fortress of the viceroy, giving place to fresh arrivals.
At the end of this quay there is a very large circular
esplanade, where is held one of the markets, and the greatest
in all Goa, so far as regards provisions. They call it Bazar
Grande, that is to say, grand market. Every day market is
held there, for they never keep provisions from one day to
another ; they even go twice a day, for dinner and supper.
Even on Sundays and holidays provisions are sold there.
1 ." On landing we find ourselves within the quay of the viceroy's
fortress. A luxuriant but lonely grove of palm-trees stands now on the
site of this once busy pier" (Fonseca, 191).
2 Alfandega; see i, 361, where he likens the custom-house at Calicut
also to the Place Royale.
3 See i, 85.
4 Port. Peso.

THE VICEROY'S PALACE. 49
There are several other squares and markets or bazaars, but
none such as this. Over against it is a very fine square,
containing the church of the Jacobins or Dominicans,1 ex
ceedingly well built and decorated, with some pretty water.
There are many other parish and other churches, most of
them dedicated to Our Lady.
As for the fortress, or palace of the viceroy, it is" a most
sumptuous construction ; and all in front is a very large
square on the town side, called Campo del. passo,2 where the
nobles and courtiers assemble on horseback, on foot, and in
their palanquins. For the viceroy never goes abroad without
the previous day causing drums to be beat through the town,
that so the noblesse may be advertised to assemble on horse
back at early morn ; and they remain there till he comes
forth, all in their best array and order. Opposite the viceroy's
gate is a large building, wherein the parliament is held, called
Cambra Presidialo.3 The first president is called Desembar-
guador Mayor} It is the principal court of justice in India
for the Portuguese ; there is another subject to it. This
palace of the viceroy is not strong in cannon on the town
side ; but it is a good and commodious residence. On enter
ing you find on your right the prison, called Tronco, which is
a wing of the palace ; on the left are the magazines and the
1 The Dominicans first arrived at Goa in 1548. This church was
begun in 1550, and finished in 1564, and was thereafter the headquarters
of the order, though they afterwards built two colleges in other parts of
the city and suburbs (Fonseca, 250). Fryer says it was a huge fabric,'
with a magnificent front ascended by many steps, and surpassing the
cathedral. The pillars were gilded, and the sacristy contained many vessels
of great value (p. 149). It was seen and admired by Careri in 1695
(Churchill, Voy., iv, 205), and by De Kloguen in this century (p. 118),
and later by Dr. John Wilson (Or. Chr. Sped., v, Ser. i, p. 123). This
magnificent building was demolished in 1841, its treasures dispersed, and
its stone used chiefly for barracks (Fonseca, 254).
2 Campo or terreiro do Pago, the " Court-square".
3 Camara presidial ; the High Court was, however, generally called
the Relagdo.
4 Desambargador Mor, " chief justice".

50 THE PICTURE GALLERY.
royal arsenal. The palace is supplied with all necessaries,
such as a church, a clock, and water. Even the royal trea
sury is partly there; the other part is in the Franciscan con
vent. There are two large and handsome courts, with an
entrance from one to the other. In the first court, on the
left-hand, is a grand staircase, very broad, and built of stone,
which leads to a great hall, containing paintings of all the
fleets and vessels which have gone to the Indies, with their
numbers, dates, and names of the captains. Even the ships
of war that have been wrecked are portrayed there. It is a
fearful sight to see so many lost ships. In short, there is
not a small vessel that has gone from Portugal but is there
portrayed, with her name inscribed, along with her history and
achievements.1 Further on is another and larger hall, which
is that of the viceroy himself, and of the noblesse, where the
council is held. In it are life-size paintings of all the vice
roys who have been in the Indies.2 All comers are not per
mitted to enter ; and guards are placed there. The palace is
on high ground, and is very strong on the river-side, sup
ported by very lofty walls ; it has the finest prospect in the
whole town. The stables are not within, but adjoining on
1 Fonseca (p. 195, citing Boletim e Ann. do Cons. Ultramarino, No.
155, p. 41) remarks that down to 1612 the number of ships which had
left Portugal for India was 806. Linschoten (i, 219) adds that the names
of all the captains were given.
2 This interesting gallery of portraits, previously mentioned by Lin
schoten (ubi supi-a), and afterwards by Mandelslo, who seems to have
taken them to be of European princes, is happily preserved in the
Governor's palace at Pangim (Burton, 42 ; Fonseca, 100), though it
seems the " restorer" has been let loose among the pictures. There can
be little doubt that the beautifully coloured portraits of the viceroys in
the Resende MS. at the British Museum (Sloane MS. 197), were copied
on the spot from these pictures, though Mr. Birch (Dalb. Comm., i,
Intro., p. ix) finds in the MS. no acknowledgment of their source. I
have compared the photograph of the Governor Nuno da Cunha, in
J. G. da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, which is " copied from an ancient
oil painting in Goa", with the portrait of the same governor in the MS.,
and find them to be obviously from the same original.

THE RUA DIREITA. 51
the right-hand of the entrance. There is an exit on the
river-side, but that door is not open except when the viceroy
is pleased to go to the water. His guard is a company of a
hundred men, all habited in blue, which is their ordinary
livery. They are always close to his person, and are in
waiting at the door of the palace or of any house wherein he
may be ; and when he walks abroad the drums and fifes are
played. These archers carry halberts, and are all Portuguese,
but they are not held in the same honour and repute as
those who go with the armies, the latter being volunteers. In
addition to these there are porters at the gates of the fortress.
Proceeding from this palace to the town, you enter the
most handsome street of Goa, called la Ruo drecho} or
" straight". It is more than 1,500 paces in length, and on
both sides has many rich lapidaries, goldsmiths, and bankers,
and also the richest and best merchants and artisans in Goa,
all Portuguese, Italians, or Germans, as well as other
Europeans. This street ends with a church, the most beau
tiful, rich, and highly decorated in Goa. It is all gilded
within. This is the church de la Sancta Misericordia, dedi
cated to Nuestra Senora Dasera.2 Over the portal, in the
most conspicuous place, is a bust in stone, gilded, of Don
Alfonce Albuquerque, who took the island of Goa.3 Near this
church is a monastery for orphan girls of good family to
1 Rua Direita, so called because nearly all the others were curvilinear.
It was in this street that Fitch and Newberry took a shop in 1583 (Hak.
Voy., i, 211).
2 This is a mistake. The church of N. S. da Serra adjoined the
Misericordia, but the latter had its own chapel. The former church
was built by Albuquerque in 1514, in fulfilment of a vow made in the
Red Sea, when his ship the N. S. da Serra was in danger. It is still
standing, but roofless, and used as a cemetery (Fonseca, 245). The
Santa Casa, with its chapel, was built in 1520, the chapel being, after
the time of Pyrard, rebuilt as a large church, " the ruins of which still
excite admiration" (Fonseca, ib.).
3 The statue was removed to the Artillery Barracks at Pangim some
years ago, and was being re-erected, "with a new nose and other requi
sites", at the time of Burton's visit (Goa, p. 41).

52 PALACE OF THE INQUISITION.
reside at until they get married. The married Portuguese
also, when they go a voyage, put their wives in there, against
their return. Widows also, who wish to retire from the
world, are placed there, and even repentant girls are allowed
to enter ; no visitors are permitted.1 This grand ruo drecho
is otherwise called Laylon,2 because of the auctions and sales
of clothes, and all other kinds of merchandise, even slaves
and horses, that are conducted there ; in such wise that on
every day except Sundays and holidays, from six in the
morning until noon, it is as full of people as it will hold.
Half-way down this street is one of the oldest and largest
buildings of the town, called Casa da Santa Inquisitione,3
where all the officers of the said Inquisition are lodged. The
same order is observed as in Portugal, albeit the justice
administered there is more severe in the case of the richer
classes. In front of this house is a large square or market,
and on the other is the town-hall, a moderately good
1 Rivara points out that the author confuses two institutions, — (1) the
Retreat of S. Mary Magdalen for repentant women, and (2) the
Retreat of the Serra for orphan girls. Both were established by Arch
bishop Menezes in 1606, and perhaps at this time the two classes were
to sotne extent mixed. On the 12th March 1611, the king writes
that, according to his information, the first-named Retreat was becom
ing a resort for the soldiers, and orders its suppression. On the
12th March 1612, he again calls for a report (Lin. das Mong., ii, 94, 210).
2 Port, leildo, from the Ar. i'ldm, " proclamation". The Port, word
has been adopted in Hindustani as nilam, and in Chinese as yilang, and
at Amoy as lelang (Yule, Gloss., s. v. "Neelam"). As to the street and
auction, cf. Linschoten, i, 184-5, and see his picture of the scene in the
English edition of 1598.
3 The Holy Office was established in Goa in 1560, and installed in
this palace, which had been the viceroy's down to 1554. It was a
stately edifice of three stories. The evil celebrity of the Inquisition
of Goa has made this building a chief object of attraction to all
travellers (for references, see Fonseca, 210). The tribunal of the
Inquisition was abolished in 1774, and the Marquis de Pom bal directed
that the building should be used again as the viceroy's palace • but
this was not carried out, and the edifice was finally razed to the
ground, 1828-30. As to the tribunal, see further below (cb. vi).

THE CATHEDRAL. 53
building, called by them Cambre de Cidade. The Palace of
the Inquisition is a very magnificent building, with a very
fine large hall, and grand and lofty staircases, all built of
the finest stone : no king's palace has so fine a hall.
Close by is the great church called Assee} as we should
say here " cathedral " : it is dedicated, with its churchyard,
to Our Lady. It is a grand and superb design, but it is a
difficult task to finish, it being now fifty years since it was
begun. Adjoining thereto is the Casa do Arcebispo, or
house of the archbishop.2 That of the bishop is hard by,
where is also the prison of the church. Right opposite
the churchyard of the great church is the convent of the
Franciscans,3 the handsomest and richest in the world :
in the cloister there is painted the whole life of St. Francis,
in gold, azure, and colours. This church is much fre
quented; it is erected upon very high ground: the great
square in front is all paved with large' stones, and there are
1 Port, a se, or Si Primacial. It was dedicated not to Our Lady,
but to S. Catherine. The first church was built by Albuquerque in
1511, and became the cathedral in 1534. In 1562 the viceroy, D.
Franc. Coutinho, commenced to rebuild it on a magnificent scale;
but as the work was done principally at the expense of the royal
treasury, it was not half finished in 1623 (Delia Voile), nor quite
finished till 1631. It is 250 feet in length and 115 feet high. Dr.
Fryer says it was hardly surpassed in grandeur by any church in
England ; and Dr. W. II. Russell speaks of its " vast and noble
proportions" (Prince of Wales's Tour, p. 232). A view of it is given
in Burton's Goa. There is a daily service still.
2 The archbishop's palace is to the north-west of the cathedral. It
does not appear in what year it was built. It was abandoned in the
plague year (1695), since which time the prelates have lived at Pangim
and elsewhere. This palace, however, still stands complete, 230 feet
in length by 108 feet broad, and is now tenanted only by the cure
(Fonseca, 209).
3 The convent was begun in 1517, and the church in 1520. The
Franciscans were expelled in 1835, and their property, then exceed
ing j>13,000, confiscated by Government. Both the convent and the
church were splendid edifices : the latter is still in fair preservation ;
the former is a fine ruin (Fonseca, 220-225 ; Xavier, Res. Hist., p. 25).

54 CHAPEL OF ST. CATHERINE.
broad steps for ascending to it. At the end is a great cross
of stone, very lofty and highly wrought; thence you go
down a street which leads straight to the Royal Hospital.
On the left is the Chapel of Sancta Catherina : by this
entry the town was taken, for there was here a gate and a
rampart. This chapel is never open but on the day of the
festival. Over the door is engraved in letters of gold the
day and year of the capture,1 and one of the finest
ceremonies and solemnities of Goa is the general procession
made on that day,2 all the clergy and other townspeople
assembling in their best array and magnificence, and bear
ing many effigies and mysteries, accompanied by music,
mummeries, and other ridiculous things, as is done here at
carousals and interludes ; and so they use at all their
popular processions.
Ascending thence you come straight upon a space called
Basar piquaine, that is to say, " little market", in the midst
of which is a portion raised six feet or thereabouts, all
surrounded by a wall, and called Terrero dos gallos; that is,
" the place of cocks", because fowls and other live stock are
sold there.3 Thence you come, near the middle of the town,
to the Church of the Good Jesus, which is the cburch and
house of the professed Jesuits. Next you enter the Hatters'
1 The inscription was placed over the door in 1550, on the rebuild
ing of the chapel. It runs thus : " Aqui neste lugar estava a porta por
que entrou o Governador Affonso d'Alboquerque e tomou esta cidade aos
Mouros em dia de Santa Catirina anno de 1510 em cujo louvor e memoria
o Governador Jorge Cabral mandou fazer esta casa anno de 1550 & custa
de S. A." The slab, with the inscription, is still to be seen in the wall
near, but not over, the door (Fonseca, 226 ; Rivara's Pyrard).
2 The procession is still kept up, but proceeds from and returns to
the cathedral (Rivara).
3 A mistake : the terreiro dos gallos was the open space where cock-
fighting went on. The sport was prohibited by Viceroy M. de
Albuquerque in 1594 (Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 3, No. 157). From
Pyrard's ignorance of the origin of the name, we may argue that the
prohibition was effectual.

CHURCH OF ST. PAUL. 55
street,1 very handsome, broad, and long, ending in a space
called the Pillorillo vieyof that is to say, " the old pillory" ;
this also is a market, with a raised place surrounded with a
stone wall. Opposite to it, in a large building, is the ordinary
court of justice of Goa ; and another for the police, with a
handsome slaughter-house. Six or seven streets meet at
this point, among them the largest of all, called Ruo Grando,
which is one of the finest to be seen anywhere : it brings
you straight to the principal church of the Jesuits, which is
their college, dedicated to the Conversion of St. Paul.3
Further on, passing under the cloisters and buttresses of the
church, you come upon the outskirts of the town : and
between the College and Church of St. Paul and the town
gate is the Church of St. Thomas,4 a large parish church ;
thence forth of the town you arrive at a large open space
called el campo St. Lazaro, or S. Iago, because it is on the
way to the village and fort of St. James. In this same
campo is the Hospital de S. Ladre} where the lepers are
1 Rua dos chupelleiros.
2 Pelourinho velho.
3 The college was originally built by the fraternity of Santa Fe in
1541, and taken over by Francis Xavier in 1543 on behalf of the
Jesuits. The inaugural ceremony is described by Correa (Lendas, iv,
289). It thereafter became the centre of the Society's propagandism
in India, the Jesuits being thence known in India as Paulistas, or
Paulistins. The church was built in 1560. " Some years afterwards a
crack was noticed in one of its walls, and it was therefore supported
from the outside by three arches. These arches were so wide and
lofty that a high road passed beneath them, and so handsome that the
building was called after them the Church of St. Paul of the Arches"
(Fonseca, 263). C. de Kloguen (1827) found both college and church
in the last stages of ruin, and a few years later both were demolished
by Government.
4 Built about 1560 to contain a bone of St. Thomas, which was as
much of the Apostle's remains as the people of Meliapur would part
with. It was in ruins in 1827, when C. de Kloguen was at Goa, and
there are hardly any traces of it now (Fonseca, 271).
6 The hospital of S. Lazaro was founded about 1530 (see royal
despatch, Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. i, No. 2), and was placed under the

56 TOURNAMENTS ON FEAST DAYS.
kept: the building is handsome and well- constructed. The
church has a pretty chapel dedicated to St. Louis, King of
France. This hospital contained some sick ; it was founded
and is maintained by the town. On the other side, and
right opposite, is a very fine tank or lake with many river-
birds. In this campo all the cavaliers and gentlemen have
their tournaments,1 with their canes and oranges, on the
days of St. John and St. James, the patron saints of the
Portuguese and the Spaniards, and of St. Catherine the
patroness of Goa : there, too, the inhabitants hold their shows.
On the other side, out of the town, is a place enclosed
with walls, called Mata Vaca,2 where animals are slaughtered.
On the same side is the Court of Justice, and there is there
a gallows-tree erected on four posts. Executions take place
a quarter of a league from the town. They are constrained
by reason of the heat to slaughter animals outside the town,
management of the municipality and the Misericordia. It was the
scene of Xavier's earliest labours on his arrival at Goa in 1542. De
Kloguen found it still in use in 1827, but it was finally closed in 1840 ;
and the buildings are now in utter ruin (Fonseca, 268-70).
1 As to these tournaments, etc., see further, ch. vii. Delia Valle, in
1623, was present at the festa of St. John the Baptist. He snys that
the viceroy and all gentlemen of quality first rode through the city
" in habits of masquert, but without vizards", and having heard mass
in St. John's, proceeded to the street of St. Paul, called La Camera
de' Cavalli, which he describes as the finest open space in Goa. "Here,
after many companies of Canarine Christians of the country had marched
by with their ensigns, drums, and arms, leaping and playing along the
streets, with their naked swords in their hands, for they are all Foot: at
length all the Cavaliers run two carriers (careers) on horseback, one
downwards from the Ch. of St. Paul towards the city, and the other
upwards, running matches of two to two, or three to three, according
to their attire agreed, with their Morisco cymiters, and at last they
came all down marching together in order, and so went to the Piazza
of the viceroy's palace, and so the solemnity ended" (P. Delia Valle,
Eng. trans., 88).
2 The place of cow -killing: so Linschoten, ii, 71 (matavaquas) ; though
the common Portuguese for a slaughter-house is matadeiro, or mata-
douro.

EACH CRAFT HAS ITS STREET. 57
and all the entrails and blood are buried on the spot. It is
forbidden to all persons to slaughter elsewhere than there.
Near the convent of St. Augustine is a large square or field,
used only for exercising horses.
But it were an endless task to tell in detail the names of
all the streets, squares, churches, monasteries, palaces, and
other sights of Goa. Suffice it to say that it is all well laid
out, that the Banianes and Canarins have their own streets,
as also have all the divers merchants and craftsmen; for
example, the goldsmiths have their own street, the lapidaries
theirs, and so on1 : in such wise that there is great public
convenience, and when one has business to do in anything,
one has only to know the street. And what caused me to
tarry thus long in my description of this town is this, that
whosoever knows it well, knows the whole estate of the
Portuguese in the East Indies.
The number of churches there is a marvel: there is no
square, street, or cross-roads without one; for example,
those of St. Augustine and Nostra Segnora de Gracia, which
are churches of the same Order, and dependent upon each
other.2 Behind this convent, outside the town, is their
Novice-house, a handsome and well-constructed building.
One goes from one to the other under cover by a fine lofty
1 Fonseca (p. 157) gives the names of twenty-three of the principal
streets, among them the Rua de Surradores (curriers), R. dos Ferreiros
(blacksmiths), R. dos Ourives (goldsmiths), R. dos Judeus (Jews), R.
dos Banianes. Compare Linschoten, i, 228.
2 The Augustinian monastery, first built in 1572, was rebuilt in
1597, and dedicated to N S. de Graga. The church was dedicated to
St. Augustine. These, with the Novice-house and a College, all
standing on a splendid site on the hill of the Rozary, formed perhaps
the finest group of buildings in Goa. Mandelslo says that one view
ing it from a short distance " would take it for one of the noblest
palaces in the world" (Eng. trans., p. 101). It had fine galleries, halls,
and cloisters, a vast number of dormitories, and a good library ;
all travellers have testified to its splendour ; e.g., Careri, Dr. Claudius
Buchanan, Capt. Franklin, Dr. vVilson, and C. de Kloguen. The
monastery was closed in 1835, and all the buildings are in ruin.

58 CONVENT OF SANTA MONICA.
gallery on pillars and arches, and of considerable length :
building goes on continually at this convent, the archbishop
being of this Order. The convent is situate on the highest
point of the whole town, on a mountain : over against it are
the Churches of St. Anthoine1 and St. Roch,2 belonging to the
Jesuits. In another place is the Monastery of the Nuns of
Saincte Monique,3 then the Church of Nuestra Senora del
Rozero* the Convent of St. Thomas? and others. So that as
1 The royal chapel of St. Antony, the national saint, on the Rosary
hill, did not belong to the Jesuits. It was under the priests of
the cathedral till 1606, when Archbishop Menezes handed it over to
his own order, the Augustinians (Fonseca, 304).
2 The chapel of St. Roch was adjacent to the great new Jesuit
college of St. Paul. The college, which Dr. Fryer says was the
largest religious building in Goa, had recently been constructed, and
a year or two after Pyrard's time the students were transferred to it
from the old college of St. Paul (see above). St. Roch remained the
popular name for both chapel and college (Fonseca, 315).
3 The great convent of Sta. Monica was begun by Archbishop
Menezes in 1606, and completed in 1627 ; it was used, however, as
the building went on. There was room for 100 nuns, with much
additional accommodation for novices, lay sisters, servants, slaves,
etc. Li 1630 the viceroy describes it as larger than any convent in
Portugal except Odivellas. In 1683 it attained great vogue by reason
of an aged Sister, who, on dying, was discovered to be marked with
the Stigmata, and narrowly escaped canonisation. During the gradual
abandonment of old Goa in the last century, this convent suffered
with the rest ; in 1804 there were sixty-one, and in 1827 thirty, nuns ;
and in 1835 novices were refused. When Fonseca wrote (1878) there
was but one aged nun left, and she is probably gone now. The above
is by no means the only miracle manifested at this nunnery : let the
unsatisfied reader consult the Historia da Fundagdo do R. Convento de
Sta. Monica da Cidade de Goa, by Fr. Agostinho, Lisboa, 1699 ; and
Careri, in Churchill's Voy. IV. A good account of the convent appears
in the Chronista de Tissuary, i, 215, by Rivara.
4 Nossa Senhora do Rozario, on the Rosary Hill, made a parochial
church in 1543. The feast of the Rosary was celebrated here with
much pomp and circumstance (see P. della Valle). It is still occasion
ally used.
6 The college of St. Thomas Aquinas at Banguenim, built 1596-7. It
belonged to the Dominicans. In 1695, described as " large and beauti-

COLLEGES OF THE JESUITS. 59
well in the town as in the suburbs, and throughout the
island, there are about fifty churches and monasteries.
Of these churches four belong to the Jesuits. The first
and principal is founded in honour of the Conversion of
St. Paul. The college is the principal one in all the East
Indies, wherein I have seen as many as 2,000 children and
more at their studies, as well Portuguese as Indians. The
Jesuits take nothing from the scholars for their instruction.
Adjoining this college is another fine house of the same
Fathers, called the Seminary, where the children are boarded.
The second church or college held by the Jesuits is in the
middle of the town, as handsome or even more so than the
first-named : the church is founded in honour of the name of
Jesus1: as I have said, it was richly built and all gilded
within ; it is not yet complete, but the work is proceeding
day by day. I have seen there a cross of solid gold, which
the company of Jesuit Fathers have had made for a present
to the Pope: it was three feet in length, four fingers in
width, and two in thickness, and embellished with all
manner of precious stones, richly set : it was priced there at
more than 100,000 crowns, and was sent to his Holiness by
the vessel on which I embarked on my return.2 This
second house, which is that of the monks,3 is entirely
ful, inhabited by twenty-five fathers" (Careri), visited by De Kloguen
in 1827; closed in 1835. The roof fell in in 1844, and no trace of it
remains (Fonseca, p. 322).
1 The church of Bom Jesus is the most notable in Goa, partly for its
architecture and decoration, and chiefly as now containing the tomb of
St. Francis Xavier, on which account the whole church is well maintained.
It was begun 1594 and consecrated 1605; but, as Pyrard says, was not
finished even in his day. The church contains several memorial chapels
besides Xavier's, and also some inscriptions, and many pictures of scenes
from the life of the Apostle of the Indies.
2 Col. Yule kindly made inquiry for me at Rome as to this cross, but
no news could be obtained of it.
3 The Professed House of Bom Jesus was begun in 1586, and com
pleted about 1589. Mandelslo, who dined there and got the best Canary

60 INDIAN PROSELYTES.
dedicated to public service, viz., to confessions and ad
ministering of the sacraments, and for receiving into the
Church and baptising infidels. It is in that the Father that
is over the Christians resides ; he is bound to go every day to
the prisons to visit the Christians and others who would be
converted to Christianity, to solicit their enlargement and to
assist them with alms, as he did me many a time.
There is another house of these same Fathers adjoining
this second church ; it is called Cathecuminos, and is for
catechising and teaching the new Christians : they are fed
and supplied with clothing there, until such time as they are
instructed and baptised : over these the Father of the
Christians has charge, as over the whole house.
From this place, one day of the Feast of the Conversion of
St. Paul, I saw come forth about 1,500 Indian persons, men,
women, and children, habited in Christian fashion, to make
their procession through the streets of the town, marching
two and two, each having a bough or branch of palm in his
hand, to distinguish them from the others, as being still un-
baptised. Thence they went to the first church and college
of St. Paul of the Jesuits, where they were all baptised.
Before they were baptised one of the Jesuit Fathers, as I
saw, gave them an appropriate sermon upon the excellence
of the Christian religion, that none should come there by
constraint, that if any one of them had any regrets, he was
free to withdraw and go forth of the church. Then all
answered with one voice that they were well satisfied, and
that they were willing to die in the Christian faith. Being
baptised, everyone retired to his own house : if any of these
were poor, to him the Jesuit Father gave some money by
way of alms. This is repeated every year with the like
he ever drank, describes it in glowing terms. Anquetil du Perron calls it
" a superb building, which would have been regarded in Europe as one
of the most beautiful religious buildings" (Disc. Prel. au Zend Avesta,
p. ccxiv).

HOUSES OF THE JESUITS. 61
pomp and solemnity as above, besides that many are
baptised every day in private. I have also seen many a time
great numbers baptised in the church of the Franciscans,
on the morrow of Christmas, even as many as eight hundred.
The day of the Conversion of St. Paul, in this College of
St. Paul, is held a great festival and ceremony. The viceroy,
accompanied by all the nobility, to the number of 200 or 300
gentlemen on horseback, well mounted and caparisoned,
proceeds to this church, and after the service dines with the
Jesuit Fathers : this he never does but on this day only.
All the scholars of the Jesuits, richly dressed in all
manner of silk liveries, come before him in line of battle,
half mounted and half on foot, but all armed, and are
paraded before the viceroy ; the rest of the day is spent in
different games and rejoicings.
The third house and church is founded in honour of
St. Roch, and is called the Novitiate, where are the
Portuguese novices who aspire to be Jesuits, to prove
themselves whether they can persist in the observance of
the rules. None are received as Jesuits, except such as
are the offspring of Portuguese fathers and mothers ; but
the Indians can become priests. The other religious orders
receive Metifs, but not pure Indians.
The fourth house of the Jesuits is situate half a league
without the town: it is a handsome pleasure-house, with
pretty fountains, and serves to cheer them up and to restore
to health such as are sick, of their own Order only. These
Jesuit Fathers are in great numbers there, and throughout
India where the Portuguese are established, and about some
of the infidel kings, where they have attained great results in
the conversion of Indians to the Christian religion. The
monks of the Orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis do the
same. All the churches and monasteries of Goa are superbly
built, and most richly equipped and adorned with numerous

62 SHRINE OF FRANCIS XAVIER.
reliquaries of chased gold and silver, with pearls and
precious stones : as, for example, that containing the body of
the ever-blessed Francis Xavier,1 which is in the Church of
St. Paul. This good Father was the first who, in the year
1553, essayed the voyage to China to preach the faith,
surmounting all sorts of difficulties and obstacles which
beset his path, and happily arrived at his destination ere
death cut short the course of his holy and religious enterprise,
the fruit whereof God reserved to those who have afterwards
so nobly and with so great success laboured there. He died
of sickness in an island near to China; his body was
1 Even a Bketch of the life of Xavier cannot be attempted here. The
literature is already bulky : reference may be made to Padre Lucena,
Vida de F. X, etc.; Bouhours, Vie de St. F. X., Paris, 1682, 4to ;
Bartoli, Asia ; F. da Sousa, Oriente Conquistado, 1708 ; Life of St.
Francis Xavier, by Father Coleridge, London, 1872 ; Resumo Historico da
Maravilhosa Vida, etc., by F. N. Xavier, Goa, 1861, etc. Suffice it here
to say that he died at Sancian, off China, in Dec. 1552 ; his body was
brought first to Malacca, and thence to Goa (1554), and deposited in
St. Paul's, in a crystal coffin enclosed in another of silver. He was
canonised in 1622, and in 1624 the body was removed to Bom Jesus (see
Delia Valle) : that is, what was left of it, for in 1614 the Pope got the
right arm, which, on being supplied with pen-and-ink, wrote the name
" Xavier" (Hamilton, i, p. 257) ; and in 1554 a pious Portuguese lady,
determined to possess a relic, had bitten off one of the toes (Fonseca, p.
297). Note as to this, that in 1556 a physician certified the body to
be still free from corruption and to yield blood. For many years he
was frequently exposed to view, but latterly these occasions have been
more rare ; once in 1782, and not again till 1859. Of the last exposi
tion a very full account, with all minutest details, is given in F. N.
Xavier's work, above mentioned, which also contains (as does Fonseca's
Goa) a drawing of the saint as he then appeared. About the end of the
seventeenth century arrived from Italy the magnificent tomb (the gift
of the Grand Duke of Tuscany) in which the saint now reposes. It
had not come when Careri saw the church in 1695. From Fonseca's
drawing, this tomb must be a very beautiful sample of Florentine work
manship. It stands about twelve feet high, and is constructed of jasper
and the Ad est marbles. A series of bas-reliefs are carved with scenes
from the life of the saint. The silver coffin, with its jewels, is said to
be a treasure in itself, and it also has the life portrayed in relief in
thirty-two panels.

SHRINE CONTAINING THE BODY OP S. FRANCIS XAVIER,
APOSTLE OF THE INDIES,
IN THE CHURCH OF THE BOM JESUS, GOA.

STYLE AND MATERIAL OF THE BUILDINGS. 63
afterwards brought to Goa, and laid in this church in a
shrine of silver gilt, whereto great honour is paid, the body
being to this day exhibited entire with great ceremony on the
day of the Conversion of St. Paul.
The buildings of these churches and palaces, both public
and private, are exceeding sumptuous and magnificent : the
work is done for the most part by the Canarins, both Gen
tiles and Christians. The houses are built of lime and sand.
The lime is made of the shells of oysters and sea-snails.
The sand used is that from land, and not that of the river.
The houses are covered with tiles, for window-glass is not
employed ; but in lieu thereof very thin polished oyster-shells,
of a lozenge shape, and set in wooden frames. These give as
much light as paper windows or horn lanterns, but are not
so transparent as glass. Building stone is got in the island :
but that used for columns and other grander work is brought
from Bassain, and is there obtained in very long blocks of
very great strength. It is like grained stone, but of better
appearance. I have never seen in this country single
columns of stone so thick and long as those there. The
extent of their buildings is considerable, but they are of but
few stories : they are coloured red and white, both without
and within. The staircases are very wide, made partly of
stone and partly ol red earth, like bol, or terre sigilUe, which
serves for plaster. Nearly all have gardens and orchards,
though not large, with wells within their enclosures.
As for the suburbs of the town, there are seven or eight of
them, and they are very large : and all the buildings of them,
as of the rest of the island, are in the same style as those of
the town : albeit the shops are not so magnificent and gay.
Carts drawn by buffaloes or bulls are used to convey the
materials for building. These carts are not made with iron
wheels. The pavement of the streets of the town is of fine,
broad stone, and clean enough : that is to say, such of it as is
on the slope, for the rest is very muddy. When it rains one

64 MARKET OF THE STRAIGHT STREET.
sees streams all over the town, and the water runs in large,
deep, vaulted, and paved canals : in winter this keeps the
town very clean in some parts, but the streams in the streets
are so broad, that at times one has some difficulty in crossing
from one side of a street to the other, save that in some
places there are little bridges and arches, but for which it
would be impossible to cross.

CHAPTER IV.

Of the markets, slaves, money, water, and other remarkable
things at Goa.
Having spoken in the preceding chapter of the squares of
the town, I shall proceed to say something of the markets.
These markets, as far as regards provisions, are held every
working day, and even on the lesser festivals, from six or
seven in the morning until noon ; so, too, the great market,
which is held all along the great straight street, the one end
whereof touches the Misericordia, and the other the palace
of the viceroy. This street is very handsome and broad, full of
shops of jewellers, goldsmiths, lapidaries, carpet weavers, silk
mercers, and other artizans. While this market is afoot,
there is so great a crowd in the street that one can hardly
pass. They fear neither rain in winter nor heat in summer,
by reason of the large sombreros or parasols which everyone
carries ; these are six or seven feet in diameter at the least,
in such wise that when a crowd is assembled they all touch
one another, and the whole seems but one covering.
About three months before I left Goa it was ordered that
the large square between the town-hall and the Inquisition
should be taken as an addition to the market, which was too
small. This market is called Laylon, as I have already said,

SLAVE AUCTIONS. 65
because of the auctions that are held there. There are to be
found there all sorts of persons, nobles and humble, of all
nations and religions, buying and selling, or meeting for the
purpose of business, for the place serves as an exchange.
The auctions are not conducted by sergeants, but by others
who do the business on their own account, paying a rent to
the king ; for there is no office, position, or craft so petty, but
is farmed out on behalf of the king, who gets something
from it. Sales of property, as well under orders of court as
voluntary, are held there. Many, too, sell goods there as is
usual in shops, without crying them at auction. The persons
who conduct the auction-sales are called Pregonneurs} or
criers; they have to give ample security, for frequently
large and valuable trinkets are put in their hands.
In this place are to be seen all kinds of merchandise,
among others, numbers of slaves, whom they drive there as
we do horses here2 ; and you see the sellers come with great
troops following. Then in order to sell them they praise them
and put them up, telling all they can do, their craft, strength,
and health, while the buyers examine them, question them,
and scan them all over with curiosity, both males and
females. The slaves themselves, hoping better treatment
with a change of masters, show their disposition and praise
themselves to take the fancy of the buyers. In buying,
however, a certain day is agreed upon beforehand for repu
diating or closing the bargain, so that they have time to learn
the truth.
You see there very pretty and elegant girls and women
from all countries of India, most of whom can play upon

1 Port, pregoeiro, a crier.
2 Linschoten says they were sold daily " as beasts are sold with us"
(i, 85). Dr. Burnell (p. 270, note) shows that the Portuguese did not
begin, but merely continued an immemorial trade in African slaves.
The British in Dadia followed 'suit (see quotations in Yule's Gloss., s. v.
" Caffir").

66 CONDITIONS OF SLAVERY AT GOA.
instruments, embroider, sew very finely, and do all kinds of
work, such as the making, of sweetmeats, preserves, etc. All
these slaves are very cheap, the dearest not being worth more
than 20 or 30 perdos, of 32J sols each. Girls that are
virgins are sold as such, and are examined by women, so that
none dare use any trickery. They deem it no sin to have in
tercourse with their slaves whom they have bought, so long
as they are not married : for a girl's master being the man who
marries her, she may not be so used after a man has plighted
his troth to her. Some of these girls are very pretty, fair,
and comely, others are olive-coloured, brown, and of all
colours. But those to whom they are usually most attracted
are the Caffre girls of Mozambique and dther places in
Africa, who are as wondrously black, with curly hair ; they
call these Negra de Guinea. It is a remarkable fact which I
have observed among all the Indian peoples, as well males as
females, that their bodies and perspiration have no smell,
whereas the negroes of Africa, from both sides of the Cape
of Good Hope, stink *n such wise that when they are heated
it is impossible to approach them : their savour is as bad as
that of green leeks.
In the Indies, if a man has a male child by his slave, it is
legitimate, and the slave becomes free, although she cannot
leave her master without his consent; after his death, how
ever, she is enfranchised, and she can be no more sold. The
largest revenues and wealth of those at Goa are from the
labour of their slaves, who, every evening, or at the week's
end, bring what they are required to produce ; others, again,
are retained at their houses to wait upon them.
In this market are also to be seen a great number of other
slaves that are not for sale, but themselves bring the work
they have done, such as tapestry, embroideries, and needle
work ; as also preserves, fruits, and other things. Others earn
money by fetching and carrying anything required. The girls
deck themselves out in fine style for this purpose, so as to be

PERSIAN AND ARAB HORSES. 67
more attractive, and to sell their goods the better. Some
times the men call them into 'their houses to see them, and
there talk to them of love, whereto they, being nothing loth,
yield at once, the men giving them something.1 Often, too,
they manage love affairs for their mistresses in whose service
they are, and never play a contrary game, or violate their
confidence, being very faithful. All the money they can
make in this way they must give to their master and mistress,
who allow them to earn it so, giving them such share as
seems good to them, but they do not always return a com
plete account. All these Indian women, as well Christian as
others, and the Metisses also, prefer the company of a man
of Europe or old Christian to that of an Indian. They get
more money from them, and deem themselves more honoured
by their society ; for they love white men from these parts,
and though some Indians are quite fair, yet they love them
not so much.
In this market also are sold great numbers of horses,
splendidly caparisoned for the most part. They come from
Persia and Arabia, and are like those of Barbary ; they are
worth 500 pardos in their skins.2
In short, one sees there the wealth of the Indies in all
kinds, and jewels the finest that can be seen. There also are
the money changers, called Cherafes3 of whom there are
several at other points. Their shops are at the ends of
streets and at the cross-roads, all covered with money,
whereof they pay a tribute to the king. Their gains are
1 See Linschoten, i, 186.
2 Taking the parddo at 4s. Id. to As. 6d. (Yule, Gloss., Supp.) this
would be about £104 to £112 apiece. Linschoten corroborates the
statement : he says good horses fetched 400 to 500 pardaos, and the best
as much as 1,000 (=£224) ! No doubt large numbers perished on the
voyage, and in order to keep down the price they were imported into
Goa free of duty (Cesar Frederick, Lond., 1588, p. 4 ; Wm. Barret in
Hah. Voy., i, 215).
3 The " Shroffs" of Anglo-Indian use, i.e., bankers, money changers,
or cashiers. The word is Ar. sarraf or sairafi.

68 MONEY AT GOA.
very great, for it is necessary at Goa to have money to
go to the market, where everything is of the very cheapest,
and one only buys what is required for the hour, and not even
for the whole day. So that one is half-burdened with this
money, which is bulky and heavy, and of small value withal.
There are several kinds of it. The first is that called Bousu-
ruques} of which 75 go to a tangue. There are other old
bousuruques, of which 105 go to the tangue. Then there are
little bits of copper without any mark, called arco,2 240 of
which are worth a tangue, which is equal to 5 sols of our
money, and 1\ sols there. Some of this money is of iron,
the rest of callin3 a metal of China. When they have
amassed a large quantity of all sorts of money they change
it with the partisans4 or farmers, giving them the silver and
gold money, which is struck at Goa, for the receivers take
no other in payment. As for the Larins,5 which is the
silver money, referred to, and whereof I have spoken
elsewhere, it comes from Persia and Ormuz, and is in
request all over India, because it is of very good silver,
and useful and handy for all occasions. These money changers
must be at their shops on all Feast days, and even on Sundays,
1 Port, basaruco, perhaps connected with " bazar" ; but see Yule,
Gloss., s. v. " Budgrook". This coin was minted all through the Portu
guese time, generally of copper, sometimes of tin and tutenay; it
varied greatly in value. De Couto says that the Moors of the mainland
made large nUmbers of counterfeit basarucos and smuggled them into
Goa (Soldado Pratico, 128). Linschoten gives the same value to this
coin (75 to the tanga). A great deal of information as to these coins
will be found in Mr. G. da Cunha's Indo-Port. Numismatics; but most
of his statements as to intrinsic values must be corrected by a perusal of
Yule's Gloss., art. " Pardao".
2 Port, arco, a hoop. Eivara says the coin is still in use under the
name roda, " wheel"; but the roda is a stamped coin, taking its name
from St. Catherine's wheel, which it used to bear, and it is, in fact, the
basaruco. I suspect that the arco consisted of bits of thick copper wire
bent down in the fashion of the silver larin.
3 See vol. i, p. 235.
4 " Farmers of the king's revenues" (Boyer). 6 See vol. i, p. 232.

NOCTURNAL AUCTIONS. 69
and they durst not decline to change a piece at the ordained
rate. They weigh the gold and silver.
The silver money of Goa is Perdos, half perdos, larins,
tangues, the last named worth 7 sols 6 deniers apiece,
besides what comes from Spain, which is worth more at Goa,
for there silver is one-third dearer than in Spain. The
copper and iron money, which they call Bousuruques, is of
little value, like our farthings. The gold pieces are Cherufins1
of 25 sols the piece, and the Venisiens2 and S. Thome"3 of 50
sols : other kinds of Spanish gold money are not to be seen,
for gold is worth much less there than in Spain.
Over against the square of Lailon, of which we have
spoken, is another called, as I have said, Pilory viejo, or " old
pillory", where there is held in the daytime a market of all
sorts of fruits and eatables. But when the night comes on
and the sun sets, and the Merignes or sergeants have with
drawn, there is held another market, called baratilla} that is.
to say, " at cheap prices", of all sorts of stolen goods, such as
clothes, arms, and other things which are sold in fear at very
cheap rates. The whole square is full, large though it is ;
and though it be night the sergeants sometimes pass by, and
when they are sighted everyone speedily gets out of the
way ; afterwards, however, when they have passed, all these
vendors return to sell their merchandise : there are at times
from four to five hundred of them.
1 Port. Xerafim, from the Ar. ashrafl, in early days the gold dinar =
lis. 6d. according to Col. Yule, but at this time less than half that value.
Wm. Barret says : " 5 tangas make a seraphine of gold." In Portu
guese times, however, the term is generally applied to a silver coin
called the parddo xerafim.
2 Venetian sequins were worth a little more than S. Thomes. M.
Barbosa puts them at 11 £ to 12 tangas.
3 So called from the figure of St. Thomas on the reverse (see cut in
G. da Cunha, Indo-Port. Num., pi. 2). It was first coined by Garcia de
Sa, 1548-9. According to Mauoel Barbosa (Rem. Doct.) it was worth 10
tangas, or 600 reis, in 1618 (i.e., about 9s.).
1 Port, baratilha, a cheap or petty auction.

70 WATER-SUPPLY OF GOA.
In this square of the old pillory are to be found the bleeders,
called Sanguer adores} and all who require them to bleed
the sick go fetch them thence. They are all Christian
Indians, as are all the surgeons and apothecaries.2 As for
the barbers, most of them are not Christians ; they go about
the streets shaving all comers : for the common folk have no
scruples about being shaved in the open street; men of
quality go within their shops for the purpose. These barbers
are very handy fellows, and work for very little. Most of
the Portuguese have their beards and heads shaved.
As for the fresh water used in the island of Goa, it must
be remembered that the river surrounds the whole island,
although the tide comes up as far as the town, rising and
ebbing. But there are here and there a number of springs
of water, good and excellent for drinking, which come from
the rocks and mountains, and becoming streams, water the
island in divers parts ; and this is the reason there is so
great a number of coco and other fruit trees. As for wells,
there are few houses that have none, but they are not for
drinking, the water not being good except at some. These
wells serve only for bathing, and for washing the body, for
cooking, for laundry purposes,- and other needs. For there,
both men and women of the half-castes bathe their private
parts, after they have done the offices of nature, as do the
Indians. There are. also some fish-ponds and reservoirs,
very pretty and built of stone.
But of the ordinary water that is drunk, as well in the
city as in the suburbs, the best, healthiest, and lightest, to
my mind, is that which is fetched a quarter of a league from
the town, where there is a large, beautiful, and clear spring,
1 Port. Sangradores.
2 Linschoten (i, 230) says that the native physicians gave themselves
great airs, having sombreiros carried over them, and that the Portuguese,
from the viceroy downwards, put more trust in them than in their own
doctors.

FOUNTAIN OF BANGUENIM. 71
called Banguenin, coming out of the rocks. The Portuguese

¦*&"•

have had it enclosed with walls, and well supplied with good
channels ; while lower down are large reservoirs, where most
of the men and women come to bleach the linen : these folks
are called Menates1 : and there are other reservoirs for bathing
and washing the body. So that the way there is well trod
den and much frequented, although it is difficult of access,
because you have to ascend and descend three or four
great hills. All the people there are going to and fro for
this water alone, and even at ten o'clock at night there are
some will assemble, armed, and will go in their shirts and
drawers to bathe there. This water is sold in the town. The
slaves distribute it everywhere, and carry it in large earthen
ware jars, holding about two buckets, and sell it at five
bousuruques the jar, that is, about six deniers. They take
their stand with their jars at certain cross-roads, and go not
crying it about the town. They make bargains with their
masters how much they are to account for the day, and they
have to feed themselves upon their work, except on Feast
days and Sundays, whereon their masters find them food ;
also when they are ill. The same is done in all other trades.
The Portuguese might have had this' spring led into the
town by aqueducts and conduits, but they say that it en
riches them, and occupies their slaves, and that strangers
would get the enjoyment of this good water without any cos,t :
for there are more strangers there than native inhabitants ;
for which reason they have not thought fit to conduct this
water into the town.2
There is another very good fountain over against S. Domi-
1 Malayalam mainattu, a washerman, used in Indo-Portuguese as
mainato. 2 A short-sighted policy indeed ; the want of good water in Goa was
one of the chief causes of the frightful epidemics which led to its present
desolation. The Conde de Linhares in 1630 endeavoured to remedy the
defect by bringing the Banguenim water to the city by an aqueduct
(Fonseca, p. 150).

72 SKILL OF GOA WASHERMEN.
nique, that comes from a mountain on which is a fine church
called Nuestra Senora del Monte} It is very convenient,
having reservoirs for washing linen. It is conveyed into the
town for sale, and being nearer at hand, is sold at three
bousuruques only. It is nothing like so good as that oiBan-
guenin. Besides this, there are other waters round about the
town, which are often passed off for Banguenin water. In
the washing of linen they show a marvellous delicacy, and
withal it costs but little. All their linen is of very fine
cotton, and very durable ; it is also very good for the health,
as I found after experience of it for ten years. The Menates
will bring you your shirt and a pair of drawers, very white
and cleaned with soap, for two bousuruques ; moreover, they
return it all crisped and folded in a pretty fashion ; for they
soak it so, and then leave it to dry, so that this crisping lasts
a long while, and the linen seems damasked and made in
that way. They use this linen as well at table as for their
beds, for shirts, bands, handkerchiefs, etc. Most of them
change their linen every day. A very fine shirt costs but one
tangue, or seven and a half sols. Of these cotton clothes a
marvellous quantity are brought to Goa.
But to return to the waters : that of Banguenin is esteemed
the best and the lightest, also none other is drunk at the
hospital. The Gentiles drink no other water but that of their house-
wells, unless they go and fetch it elsewhere themselves, for
they are afraid lest others should put something into their
drinking-water. They drink from copper goblets made in the
form of little pots, which they never touch with their mouths
in drinking, as I have already said, — a custom observed by
1 The hill is close to the Dominicans' convent. On the summit
which commands a view of the whole city, a chapel of Our Lady was
built soon after the conquest. It had evidently been reconstructed as a
" fine church" The present building, probably the same seen by Pyrard
is well preserved, but disused except on the annual festival (Fonseca
256).

RAISIN-WINE AND ARRACK. 73
the Portuguese and Christian Indians also. All drink water
only, men and women, girls and boys ; it is great shame to
them to drink wine, and to reproach them therewith is highly
offensive. The women drink it not at all, but the men of
quality drink a cup or two at most at their dinner and supper,
but a little only, and without water. This wine comes from
Portugal, and such as cannot afford that drink only vin de
passe.1 That of Portugal is worth forty sols the canade,2
which is our pint; whereas the best passe is worth only
twenty-five bousuruques, or six blanks,3 and is good and
strong. The Portuguese wine is a trifle sour when it reaches
Goa. The other wine is white, called arae, and is worth only
ten bousuruques ; it is for folks of low condition and slaves,
and they often get drunk of it ; it is like eau-de-vie. They
drink water from vessels made of the prettiest and finest
earthenware possible, and the water from them is extremely
good and cold. These vessels are enamelled and figured with
a thousand different designs, animals and flowers ; the enamel
is of three colours only, black, white, and red ; it is as fine
1 Port, vinho de passas, " raisin wine". Pyrard distinguishes it from
arrack, but it was merely arrack with an infusion of Muscat raisins.
They are steeped for three or four days in a proportionate amount of
arrack, and then taken out ; the infusion is strained and poured into an
arrack-barrel, and kept for six or eight months. To this infusion
was sometimes added another of dates, to give it sweetness. This vinho
de passas is not in use nowadays, but another concoction is, called vinho
de borra. About 3 or 3£ xerafins' worth of arrack is put into a barr.el
that has contained wine from Europe, and kept for six or eight months,
the dregs (borras) of other barrels are added, and after six or eight
months it clarifies, and burnt sugar is added to give colour. This wine,
when old, is confounded with white wine, but when rubbed in the palm
of the hand it is seen to be a make up, and not the real white wine of
the grape. Nowadays, too, a wine is made of weak arrack, with juice
of caju, jambolao, and other fruits, the disagreeable odour being re
moved by means of vegetable charcoal (Rivara). " The Portuguese pre
pare it (arrack) so well with raisins and other ingredients that it is as
good as any of their Portugal wines" (Houtman's Voyage).
2 Port. Canada.
3 " Half of a sol, a piece of money which we call also a blanke''
(Cotgrave).

74 MERCHANTS AND FARMERS OF REVENUE.
and delicate as glass, and every vessel has a cover. Those
in ordinary use are in the form of glass jars, save that the
mouth is wider, and the lower part of the neck is less thick.
There is a piece of the same ware which is very thin, and all
pierced with little holes in pattern, having inside little
pebbles which cannot come out : this is for cleaning the
vessel. They call these Gargoulete} The water comes out
only a little at a time, and is let flow from above into the
mouth, without a drop being spilled ; they deride those who
cannot drink in this fashion, as they did us. But I find that
this method is in other respects not a good one, for it engen
ders windiness, for which reason many Portuguese do not
adopt it. They have no glasses, except what are brought
from these parts or from Persia, and that is but little, and
moreover not much esteemed, as they get the pourcelaines of
China at small cost.
But to return to the island and town of Goa : it is, as it
were, the landing-place and halting-place for the whole of
the Indies. It is wondrously peopled (not to speak of the
strangers who are continually landing there), as well with
Portuguese who are masters there, as with Metifs, Indian
Christians, and a great quantity of Indian infidels, Maho
metans or Gentiles, Banians of Cambaye, Canarins of Goa,
Bramenis, and others of like condition who live there, carrying
on a great trade and business, many of the richest of them
possessing 80,000 to 100,000 crowns and even more. These
are the men who farm the revenue, and hold all the great
monopolies, as well from the king as from private persons,
and both in merchandise and in other things ; and nothing
can be sold without the consent of these farmers. These
.classes of the people have streets to themselves, where they
keep shops for each article of trade. For the Portuguese out
there engage in no mechanical arts, in whatever necessity
they may be, but call themselves all gentlemen, and live
1 See vol. i, 329, note.

LUXURY IN HORSES AND PALANQUINS. 75
like noblemen, save that they traffic when it seems good to
them, in gross but not retail They, too, have the sole right
to carry or possess arms, a right which is not conceded to the
Indians, unless they be Christians.
The Portuguese men of quality never travel except on
horseback ; they have a large number of horses which come
from Persia and Arabia ; they are beautiful and good horses,
like those of Spain, save that they are smaller ; they are
broken by the grooms, who are men of the Dealcan country,
and very adroit.
The harness of these horses comes from Bengal, from
China, and Persia ; it is all of silk embroidery, and enriched
with gold and silver and fine pearls. The stirrups are of
silver gilt, the bridle is adorned with precious stones and
silver, with silver bells. When they do not ride, they have
themselves borne in a litter or Palanquin.
When they proceed about the streets they are followed by
pages on foot, lacqueys, and slaves, in great number, bearing
arms and dressed in their liveries. They never go forth but
they cause to be carried over their heads by one of their
slaves a parasol or sunshade, which they call sombrero, and
those who cannot afford to possess slaves carry these them
selves over their heads.
The women of quality, too, go not forth except seated and
borne in a Palanquin, which is a kind of litter carried by four
slaves, covered with a silk or leather hood, and followed by
pages and a number of female slaves, all gaily dressed in silk ;
for silk is so common in those parts that even the valets are
all clothed with it, and the ladies and gentlemen of quality
prefer to wear serge stuffs from Europe.
Only the Portuguese may hold offices and benefices ; and
the soldiers of the garrison are Portuguese. The merchants
and artisans are all Indians, as I have said, and they keep
shops, paying a tribute to the king as well for their mer
chandise as for their shops.

76 ARRIVAL OF A NEW VICEROY.

CHAPTER V.
Of the government of Goa. — Of the viceroy, his court, and
magnificence.
The city of Goa is governed by the viceroy, whose power
extends over the whole of the East Indies. Every three
years the King of Spain sends one out, who never makes his
entry until his predecessor has made his exit, the latter
retiring to a house appointed for the purpose. As soon as
he has withdrawn, the other makes his entry with great
magnificence and triumph.
He is escorted by the whole city, which goes forth to meet
him at his castle of Pangin, with a fleet of galiots, Manchouas,
and other vesssels. These gentry of the town represent the
clergy, the noblesse, and the third estate, who accompany
him, and give banquets in his honour, and keep open house
the whole day. The viceroy then lands near the town, and
thence proceeds with all this company to the Asseo, or
cathedral church, where a Te Deum is sung ; all the bells of
the town are rung the day long. Thence he takes his way to
the palace in the same order, where he has a display of all
the wealth and curiosities of the town. All the day thousands
of salvos of cannon are fired, and all night there is a blaze of
fireworks. He is accompanied continually by instruments of
music, trumpets and clarions, from the time he sets foot on
land till he reaches his palace, which is a good quarter of
a league's distance. Along his way are prepared many
triumphal arches, each estate and guild of merchants making
theirs in rivalry of the rest : these are in great numbers and
of great beauty.1
If it happens that the viceroy dies within the three years,
1 Barros and Couto likewise describe the ceremonies observed at the
change of viceroys ; perhaps the fullest account is that in Barros Dec
III, liv. IX, c. iii. (See also F. N. Xavier, Scr. Chron., pp. 5-14.)

LETTERS OF SUBSTITUTION. 77
another is sent out by the King of Spain ; and in the mean
time the city is ready for the emergency, and one of the
governors named in the letter of the King, of Spain is taken ;
for usually these letters contain a power of substitution1 of
one person for another ; that is to say, failing one, that such
another should be the person : in this way many are named.
These letters are not opened except in case of need, and the
Jesuit Fathers are the keepers of them. They are opened in
the town -house, in presence of all the principal Portuguese.
When no one is named in the letter, then all the clergy,
noblesse, and chief burghers assemble, and choose one of
themselves, subject to the king's approval, as happened while
I was there2 ; in such case the person elected is called Go
vernor of India, and not Viceroy.
While' I was at Goa I saw four that had been appointed
one after the other.3 He who was viceroy when I left was
called Dom Louys Laurence d'Fstable.
The viceroy there is obeyed like the King of Spain, and
1 Via de successdo, " method or course of succession"- The ceremony
is described by Linschoten (ii, 204), and by Philippus a S. Trin (Lat. edit.,
p. 228 ; Fr. edit., p. 282). These commissions were numbered and dated,
and the most recent was opened first. Philippus describes the ceremony
as taking place in the church during the funeral of the deceased viceroy.
The body was brought within the church in the midst of the assembled
grandees. Then the casket containing the vias was produced and
opened by means of three keys kept by the secretary, chancellor, and
treasurer respectively. If the person' named in any via was abroad or
dead, the next was opened, and in this way no less than six had to be
opened on the occasion at which Philippus assisted.
2 This is a mistake, as Mr. Rivara shows. The only governor who suc
ceeded by substitution in Pyrard's time was Andre' Furtado de Mendoca,
and he was found to be nominated on the opening of the vias.
3 He refers to (1) the Archbishop (Aleixo de Menezes) by nomination
in the vias, in succession to the viceroy M. Affonso de Castro, who had
died at Malacca ; (2) the Conde<de Feira, sent out as viceroy in 1608,
who died on the voyage ; (3) A. Furtado de Mendoca, who succeeded as
governor by via, 27th May 1609 ; and (4) the viceroy Ruy Lourenco de
Tavora, who arrived from Portugal 5th Sept. 1609.

78 PARDON OBTAINED BY THE VICEROY'S SON.
has the same authority, having power to grant pardons, or to
condemn to' death without appeal, save in the case of gentle-.
men, called by them Fidalgos. For these, when they appeal,
whether in criminal or civil matters, are sent prisoners, chained
at the feet, to Portugal.1 I saw at Goa a>oldier who, being con
demned to death for having slain a man, was being taken to
the place of execution, a quarter of a league from the town.
It happened by his good fortune that he was met by the
viceroy's son, recently appointed to the government of
Ormuz, being then from ten to twelve years of age.2 He
inquired who he was, and the convict threw himself at his
feet and sued for mercy. The boy asked his tutor if he might
claim this of his father without incurring] his anger, and
being answered that he might, he went forthwith to the palace
and made humble suit to his father for the pardon. The
viceroy granted his prayer, provided the crime was not one
which touched the state or the king's service; and being
informed that it was. not, he was well enough pleased to see
this kindly nature in his son. All the soldiers were exceed
ingly grateful to him, and so the poor criminal was delivered.
The viceroy treats none with familiarity, nor ever goes to
assemblies or banquets. He goes abroad but rarely, except
on the great festivals and on days when he is so minded.
On the evening preceding the day when he intends to go
forth, drums and trumpets are sounded throughout the whole
town as a warning to the nobility, as I have already said,
1 Surely, chained only if criminals. See Linschoten, i, 218.
2 A manuscript note in Mr. Rivara 's copy gives the name of this
boy as Christorgo de Tavora. As will be seen below, the child had
not left to take up his government when Pyrard left India. The cap
tain of Ormuz at this time was Henrique da Noronha. He was being
frequently reprimanded in the royal despatches, and was dismissed, it
seems, in 1610. It is likely that the viceroy's son was appointed to suc
ceed to a casual vacancy of the office, which the viceroy, perhaps,
brought about by traducing the holder. It does not appear whether the
boy ever in fact took up the command.

SKILL OF GROOMS AND HORSEBREAKERS. 79
who assemble in the early morning before the palace, all on
horseback and in grand array. I have on occasions seen some
three and four hundred or more of them. These gentlemen
are superbly apparelled ; their horses are barbed and covered
with gold, silver, brocades, pearls, and precious stones. When
each of them arrives there and dismounts, they have their
master-grooms in waiting, who are all Moors, that is, Maho
metans of Balagate or Decan, whose charge is to mind and
groom the horses. These fellows are very expert with horses,
and are not a whit afraid of any animal, however wild or
vicious. They will mount him without saddle, spur him and
urge him to his full speed, without ever falling off. Their horses
are as sleek as 'can be. To tame and break them they use
drums covered with bells, like our basque tambourines; and to
make them amble they attach little balls to the joints of their
legs. I have never seen horses so swift as~those there. Most
of them come from Persia ; some from Arabia, and these are
esteemed the best. They eat but little ; they get hay, but
most often green grass. They give them also a certain grain
like lentils.1 They are so careful of their horses that they
cover them, when in stable, entirely, and even lay kinds of
mats for them to lie upon. They water them always in the
stable, and picket them by the heels for fear lest they hurt
themselves. But to return to the Portuguese lords and gentlemen : when
they dismount, these master-grooms hold their horses, of
which they take great care, carrying always themselves horse
tail switches, fitted in a handle, for brushing away the flies ;
also a towel and a soaked sponge, and a curry-comb in a sac,
to wipe away the foam and sweat from the horse, and to rub
him down and polish him when he requires it. They carry fine
horsecloths of red velvet for the most part, fringed with gold
1 Meaning, no doubt, chickpea (Cicer arietinum, L.), which is now
known all over India as "gram" (Port, grao, "grain"). See Yule,
Gloss.

80 PORTUGUESE PAGES AND KAFFIR FOOTMEN.
and embroidery. The most costly and valued of these are
those of red scarlet. These are for covering the horses when
their masters are dismounted, for when they are mounted
they use neither horsecloths, nor riding-boots, nor spurs, for
riding in the town. The stirrup-straps are of silk, the
buckles and other mountings of silver, as also are the stirrups'.
The horse's tail is tied up and enclosed in a truss, with clasps
and buckles of gold and silver, set with pearls or stones.
Besides these horses, they often have carried behind them
also their litter or Palanquin, and always, whether on foot or
on horseback, their sombrero or parasol, for the heat as well
as the rain. Even when they go a-foot they have their horse
led and palanquin borne behind ; also a number of pages, as
many as ten or a dozen.
These pages are not nobles, but little boys brought out of
Portugal, not grown enough to bear arms. They are habited
all in silk, in the liveries and colours of their masters,
and wear mantles. Their service only is to attend their
masters and to carry messages, which they call Racates.1 They
mingle not with the other serving-men. Besides these pages,
they have six or seven huge Cafres of Mozambique carrying
swords, with mantles like men-at-arms, and habited other
wise than the pages, but in the masters' colours. They take
these men with them for security, for these Cafres would die
sooner than see their masters come by the smallest hurt, so
courageous are they; and if it be night they carry other
arms, such as pikes and halberts. They are called Pions or
Cafres. For the Portuguese never follow after their master,
1 Port, recado, a message or errand : the plural, recados, is used as
our " compliments". The expression seems to have been taken up by
the English of Bombay and Surat, as in 1675 we find Dr. Fryer (p. 71)
stating that a Jesuit near the former place sent " his Recarders (a term
of congratulation, as we say, our service) with the presents of the best
fruit and wines, and whatever we wanted.'' Unless Dr. Murray and his
coadjutors can give earlier authority, I venture to think we have here
the original of our modern phrase, "kind regards".

STATE AND PRECEDENCE OF THE VICEROY. 81
however great he be, or when they do so it is on horseback
as do the gentlemen here after the princes and lords.
When the viceroy, who was at Goa while I was there, went
forth, his son was wont to go, not by his side, but about two
or three hundred paces behind, along with his gentlemen,
and serving men ; and ordinarily such of the latter, even the
chiefest of them, as wished to please the viceroys, tarry with
their sons ; the rest go with the viceroy.
In church and at processions the viceroy takes the right
side and the archbishop the left. Next after comes the son,
who holds the government of Ormus, for he is the first gover
nor after the viceroy. For the rest, the viceroy in his person
is not observant of so much magnificence as are the lords.
All who have horses, though they be not nobles by birth, fail
not to accompany the viceroy ; for they call themselves all
nobles. When the viceroy or the lords return to Portugal, they sell
all their horses to the new comers.
When a viceroy arrives in the Indies he lands at Pangin,
as I have said, and then sends to give notice of the fact with
his letters of appointment, which are opened in the Town
house before the other viceroy, who prepares to quit office,
and the officers of the new-comer set about furnishing and
preparing the palace.1 For the next seven or eight days
preparations are made to receive him like a king, and in this
view great expenditure is made. The retiring viceroy comes
to meet the other, and makes a speech to him ; how that he
leaves everything in his hands, in what fashion he ought to
conduct himself, as well towards the Indians as the Portu
guese, with whom, on account of their arrogance, he ought to
1 Linschoten says that the departing viceroy made a clean sweep ;
" there stayeth not a stool or bench within the house, nor one pennie in
the treasure, but they leave the house so bare and naked as possible, so
that the viceroy must make provision for to furnish it, and gather new
treasure" (i, 221).

82 RECEPTION OF NEW VICEROY.
use the curb. That done he withdraws, and some state visits
are paid. As soon as the viceroy quits office he receives no
longer the title of Seigneurie} for in the Indies only the vice
roy and the archbishop get this title. To the others they say
Vostre merce,2 and to ecclesiastics Reverence and Paternite.
The new viceroy takes out almost all the officers of his house
hold, and appoints no others, unless some have died on the
way. The king pays and maintains all his servants.
As soon as he has arrived all the ambassadors of the Indian
Kings come to salute him, while he despatches couriers to
all the friendly kings to confirm the alliance, and they send
to him extraordinary ambassadors with presents,8 forming as
it were a new alliance with him. Next, all the Christians,
that is the Indian Christians (not the Portuguese, who wish
not that their number be known), show themselves before
him under their Portuguese or Metice captains, for all are
obliged to appear in arms. They do not all appear in one
day, but each parish has its own feast-day. This takes place
in the presence of the viceroy, in the field of S. Lazaro, or
else they march past in order before the fortress, the viceroy
sitting in his gallery. The captain makes a harangue, and
all take the oath to him. The infidels are not paraded, and
are not allowed to have arms in their houses.
The viceroy never goes out to dine anywhere, except on
the day of the Conversion of S. Paul, at the College of the
Jesuits, or, on the day of the Circumcision, at the church4 of
the Good Jesus. He is served with his meat and drink in
royal style, and eats alone, except sometimes when the arch
bishop goes to the palace to dine with him. On these feast-
days the greatest lords eat at his table, but not opposite to
1 Port, vossa senhoria.
2 Port, vossa merce.
3 The Jesuits formerly had these as perquisites by royal licence, but
Luiz de Ataide (1568-1571) and subsequent governors took them to
themselves (Linschoten, i, 221).
4 Read " the Professed House"

VICEROY'S SALARY AND PERQUISITES. 83
him, nor of the same dishes. Many delicate and excellent
dishes are sent to him from the great houses, but he never
tastes them, for he is too much afraid of being poisoned. He
trusts only the Jesuits ; and even has Jesuit apothecaries,
who frequently give him medicines. So it is that these
fathers do greatly enjoy his credit and confidence.
As for the salary and fixed pay of the viceroy, it is but
a small matter compared with the great profits which he can
make during the three years of his office; these amount
sometimes to a million of gold.1 His fixed pay is 30,000
croisados,2 each worth two perdos or thereabout. This
however, would not be sufficient for his maintenance, were
it not for the presents, profits, and other perquisites which
amount to a large sum. As soon as he arrives, all the cap
tains, governors, and king's officers come promptly to meet
him, and to obtain some favour of him, either an expedition,
a dignity, or other such thing ; and with this view they give
him grand presents, and even without such intent, according
to the value and revenue of their fortresses, whereof the least
is worth from twelve to fifteen thousand croisades, for
they cannot well plunder and make their fortunes without
his favour. All of them have their offices for three years
only, during which they must amass enough for the rest of
their lives.
The viceroy makes large gifts and rewards to officers,
revenues and money to such as have served the king well,
1 " These viceroys have great re venewes, they may spend, give and keepe
the king's treasure, which is verie much, and doe with it what pleaseth
them, for it is in their choyse, having full and absolute power from the
king, in such sort that they gather and horde up a mightie quantitie of
treasure, for that besides'their great allowance from the king they have
great presents and gifts bestowed _ upon them" (Linschoten, i, 220).
Milburn (Or. Comm., p. 306) states that some of the viceroys returned
to Portugal with £300,000, and some of the governors and generals
with £100,000.
2 Equal to about £14,000 a year at present rates. The Governor-
General now receives only £1,250 salary.

84 ALMSGIVING.
as well as to cripples, widows, and children : all this at the
expense of the king. He has many offices in his gift. Those
who have been in the king's service must have their certi
ficate from him, and then only is it valued ; it must also be
signed by the captains who are present at the embarcations.
But the ¦ mischief is that the viceroy takes money of all
those gifts and offices, and makes out to the king that he
has given them in full. In this way he answers numbers of
petitions for gifts and presents, and the Viador de Facienda
and the Treasurers are in league with him, none of whom like
parting with money. For all that, they charge the king in
account, and so they do with the pay of the soldiers, officers,
and mariners.
With regard to the ordinary alms-giving of the viceroy,
it is twice a week, and on the feast days and Sundays when
he goes forth. This alms is only given to the poor Christian
Indians : his- almoner gives them some money in the great
square in front of the palace. Should there be some woman
who is a widow of a Portuguese, she is put aside, and she
receives more than the Indian women. The poor sol
diers, mariners, and other Portuguese, come into the great
painted hall of which I have spoken. The women and chil
dren are in another, and the viceroy sends his master of the
household with his almoner to give them money. On such
a day he will give two or three hundred perdos. All the
Portuguese women and girls come in covered Palanquins,
and present their applications which they call Peticions}
wherein is contained their, request, and the ground of it;
the next day they come to see if there be any answer to it.
Those who are sick may send for their answers. This alms
is given conformably to the quality of the individual. The
viceroy receives all these Peticions himself and replies on
the following day. Out of all these he makes for himself
a double profit. Besides that, he often sends alms to the
1 Port, petigoes.

HOW THREE YEARS OF OFFICE ARE SPENT. 85
prisons, churches, hospitals, and other sacred places, and
procures marriages for many girls and widows.
So it is that for the three years the viceroy and the other
captains and governors are in the Indies, they take more
pains to enrich themselves than to protect and preserve the
State ; and in so short a time they are unable to effect great
results in war. For in the first year, it is all they can do to
learn the details and forms of Government, know the various
peoples, and despatch fleets and armies. The second year,
they fill their purses. For they give nothing of their own,
and if aught has to be given to kings, lords, ambassadors, etc.,
it is at the expense of the king. The Portuguese captains
and lords receive no other presents than licences to make
voyages and to trade, or privileges and office. Such as have
no places, hope to become generals, captains, lieutenants, and
to have command of the armies, or of the war and merchant
fleets, which the king despatches. The third year the viceroy
in some cases employs in visiting all the fortresses of the
Indian coast, with a large force, that is between Coilan and
Ormus.1 But he draws large profits from this voyage, as
well from the captains and governors, as from the other
officers, and from the countries visited, although the king-
is debited with the whole expense. So it is no wonder these
viceroys enrich themselves so much, nor that their servants
and officers, who to the number of fifty or sixty live at the
palace sumptuously, do the same. Also when any disaster
befalls the viceroy on his way from Portugal, as happens
often enough, the news brings little grief to him that is in
office. This, indeed, happened the year before I came away,
for the viceroy who was coming, called Comte de Fera,2 died
1 Linschoten states the tasks to which the viceroys addressed them
selves during each of their three years in almost identical terms (i, 222)
and intimates that this division of their time had become systematic and
proverbial. 2. D. Joao Pereira Frojas, Conde de Feira, appointed as nineteenth vice
roy to succeed D. Martim Aff. de Castro, who died at Malacca in June

86 ADVANTAGES OF SAILING WITH A VICEROY.
on the coast of Guinea, and his body was taken back to
Portugal. He was coming out with fourteen ships, whereof
only five arrived safe at Goa ; the rest were lost or taken by
the Hollanders.1 It is to be noted that, of all that die in
the Indies, the bodies of viceroys only are taken back to
Portugal. When the viceroy takes his departure, he chooses what
vessels he will, and causes them to be victualled for himself
and his suite ; this is called Matelotage2 : and some time is
taken in its preparation. When the Portuguese learn that a
viceroy, archbishop, or great lord, or captain is going, they
try to get a passage, and leave to go with him : for every one
in the ship gets his victuals, except the crew and officers
who have their wages : all the gentlemen and soldiers, how
ever, are maintained gratuitously ; for when those great
lords prepare to embark for Portugal, they cause to be
shipped victuals for so many persons, besides their ordinary
suite. It is greatly a matter of favour to get enrolled for
a passage in the viceroy's list : it costs fully two or three
hundred perdos to get well fed.
For the rest, it is great misfortune for the Portuguese in
the Indies, when they get a troublesome and choleric, or
1607. F. y Sousa writes of him : " He raised in all men great expec
tation, as well for his personal merit as the greatness of his quality, and
the preparations for his voyage were suitable, being the greatest that
till then had been. His squadron consisted of six ships and eight
galleons." He set out on the 29th March 1608, and died off the Guinea
coast on the 15th May. His body was sent back and arrived at Lisbon
24th July (Stevens' Faria y Sousa, iii, 153).
1 The fortunes of this ill-fated squadron are described in detail by
Mocquet, who set out with the viceroy as his medical attendant.
Mocquet himself arrived at Goa : of the lost ships he mentions par
ticularly the carrack Saluagion, wrecked on the coast of Arabia ; the
Oliveira, which when hotly pursued by the Dutch was run ashore, burnt,
and abandoned by its crew on the Ilhas Quemadas, near Goa ; and the
galleon Bom Jesus, captured by the Dutch near Mozambique (Mocquet,
Voyage). 2 The victuals put on board ship, from matalole, a sailor.

PARABLE OF THE FLIES. 87
vicious viceroy (as indeed is often the case), as well on
account of their debauching women and girls, as of other
vices. For they have so much privilege, power, and authority,
that when they take a fancy to a pretty girl or woman, it
will go hard but they have their way, whether by money,
friendship, or force. But there is hardly need of force, for
the women are nothing loth, deeming themselves in luck and
boasting thereof; as for their husbands, they are sent on
expeditions hither and thither.
But it happens often enough that, as all this wealth of
the viceroys accrues to them from pillage and robbery, so the
sea inherits it, and all is miserably lost. This frequent change
of viceroys is displeasing to the Portuguese and to the
Indians, as is no less that of the governors of the various
forts and other officers. To illustrate which they tell a
parable, how that one day there lay a poor man at the door
of a church, his legs full of ulcers, and so covered with flies
as was pitiful to behold ; up came a neighbour who, think
ing to do him a kindness, drove away the flies : whereat the
poor patient was much vexed, saying that the flies he drove
away already had their bellies full, and would not bite him
more, whereas those that would come would be hungry and
would sting him worse. So it is, they say, with the viceroys,
for the gorged depart and the hungry arrive.1 Nevertheless
the King of Spain maintains these changes for two reasons.
First, for fear of revolt, for they do not all enter upon their
1 iEsop's fable of the Fox and the Hedgehog, in which the latter pro
posed to drive away the flies. Aristotle (Rhet. ii, 20) says that ^Esop
told this fable to the Samians to teach them that they were better off
under the rich than under demagogues. La Fontaine used it (Liv. xii,
Fab. xiii), with this moral :
" Nous ne trouvons que trop de mangeurs ici-bas :
Ceux-ci sont courtisans, ceux-la sont magistrats.
Aristote appliquoit cet apologue aux hommes.
Les exemples en sont communs,
Sur-tout au pays oil nous sommes.
Plus telles gens sont pleins, moins ils sont importuns."

88 ADVANTAGES OF EMPIRE.
offices at the same time ; but now one, and again one. The
second is, to enrich and satisfy his subjects. As for himself,
he gets no profit from it. The viceroys, being there so short
a while, cannot take resolution to revolt ; for as I have said,
all the governors and captains of the forts do not assume
and retire from office at the same but at different times.
Furthermore, almost all have their wives, children, and
property in Portugal. And when they could do it, they
would require to be avowed by some powerful king in
Europe, who would act as do the Spanish kings in Portugal.
For if they had not a market for their merchandise and
goods in Europe, all their Indies would avail them naught.
They would need also supplies of men, money, munitions
of war, ships, and merchandise from Europe. For the main
tenance of this Empire is so great a business as would
require a puissant king to undertake it, one who would have
to bide his time by sinking more than he would draw from
it. But in another aspect there is a recompense. In the
first place, the general merit of the increase of Christianity ;
secondly, the alliance with all the most powerful kings of
India ; and lastly, the enrichment of all his people and
realms, who but for the Indies would frequently be dying
of hunger. Also there would die by the law in Portugal
more men than now, were it not for these foreign lands,
whither they are sent in exile to fight against Infidels, and
to serve their king for the rest of their lives.

CHAPTER VI.

Of the Archbishop of Goa, the Inquisition, ecclesiastics, and
ceremonies observed there, with other occurrences.
Having spoken of the viceroy and his state, it will be not
out of place to say something of the archbishop, the first
prelate in the Indies. He who held office while I was at

Dom Fr. Aleixo de Menezes
3d Archbishop of Goa and 1st Primate of the East Indies 1595 — 1610:
36th Governor of India 1606 — 1609.
(From the Livro DO Estado DA India of P. BarreUo de Resende.
Sloane Collection No. 197.)

ARCHBISHOP MENEZES. 89
Goa, was of the order of S. Augustin, whose habit he wore ;
he was aged about fifty years, and had been fifteen or six
teen years in this charge. For charity and alms-giving he
had a great reputation. He had built and endowed a large
number of monasteries and convents. He gives alms in
public to all sorts of needy folk, in like manner as the vice-
Toy; but he gives it oftener, inasmuch as he goes abroad
oftener. He is served at table in the same way. For a long
while he held both offices of viceroy and archbishop together.1
He gets the title of lordship like the viceroy ; he has power
over the clergy in the Indies, and there represents the Pope.
He is served with covered dishes, and eats in public. They
have a custom to cause a dozen poor folk to eat at their table
of the same viands, but seated lower than themselves ; but
this archbishop causes them to sit at another table opposite
his own. That is at dinner and supper. He is served with
a dish of silver gilt, and the poor with porcelain. These poor
are not Indians, but Portuguese soldiers and mariners, that
are reduced to need, whether by play or by not receiving
their pay. When he is at table the door of his dining-room
is opened, and his attendants choose and pass in such twelve
as they think fit. It is amusing to see them striving for the
first place, and he that once gets a seat does not give it up.
I have often eaten there when I had no money. When
there are more than twelve, the remainder wait in the
great hall until the archbishop has eaten, and then some-
thins is sent ¦ to some of them of what is over from his
table. The revenue of this prelate is marvellously great ; this one
had a steward worth 60,000 crusadoes, and all his other ser
vants and officers were proportionately rich. These servants
are called Criados ; most of them were from Portugal. The
1 From the departure of M. Aff. de Castro for Achin in 1606, until
the 27th May, 1609, when he was succeeded by A. Furtado de
Mendoca.

90 THE ARCHBISHOP'S MAGNIFICENCE.
others are slaves, called Captivos.1 His almsgiving is not
always of his own purse, but every year he receives large
sums in pence for this purpose. He draws large profits aind
presents from all the other prelates and ecclesiastics in the
Indies. He holds his own court and has his own prisons ait
Goa ; also he has the superintendence of the Inquisition, and
gets his share of the goods of such as are haled thither. This
man takes great thought about building churches and monas
teries, and chiefly one of his own order, which he enlarges
and enriches greatly;2 also he has reserved for himself a
lodging there, whereto he retires for two or three days at a
time. Sometimes he goes for eight whole days to stay at
another called Nuestra Senora del Capbo, which is a convent
of the Capuchins or Recluses, at the entrance of the river.
He goes thither by water in his Manchoue or little covered
galiot. When the viceroy or the archbishop goes anywhither by
water, they are accompanied by an infinite number of man-
choues of lords. On board of these is excellent music of
cornets-a-bouquin, hautbois, and other instruments ; all the
great lords have the same. When the archbishop goes
through the streets it is in his palanquin, accompanied by
many gentlemen on horse, and prelates, each in his own
palanquin. Then follow numbers of pages and armed re
tainers on foot. His Portuguese servants or Creados ride on
horseback. At the grand solemnities and public processions
he walks in his pontifical robes, and has a cross like that I
saw in the church of the Jesuits, whereof I spoke above.3
1 Implying capture in war ; those kidnapped or bought in market
overt were simply escravos.
2 Menezes caused several churches to be built, among the chief S.
Alexius and the Holy Trinity. He enlarged and enriched the monastery
of the Augustinians, his own order, and also founded the nunnery of
Santa Monica, and the Retreats of the Serra and Mary Magdalen.
3 See p. 59.

HIS RETURN TO PORTUGAL. 91
This he has carried before him by a chaplain or an almoner.
In the court of his house and in front of it are always a large
number of horses and palanquins of lords and others, who
have come to see him on business, or to pay him a visit. He
never leaves Goa,1 and never makes any visits, leaving that
to his Bishop of Goa.2
This prelate had a great desire to return to Portugal, but
he durst not go, for the king must first send out another to
relieve him. Nevertheless he had obtained his leave, and
had made all his preparations as to provisions, and matelotage
for more than a hundred persons, besides his own suite, who
far exceeded that number ; and it costs at least 300 perdos to
maintain a man from the Indies to Portugal. My two com
panions and I presented our petition to him, that he would
be pleased to allow us to embark in his carrack, to which
request he acceded, as he did to numberless others. But
about a month before the ships were ready to depart, he took
it into his head to remain another year, and in fact I have
since heard that he returned safely to Lisbon a year after
wards.3 While I was yet in the Indies I heard tell that the
King of Spain was greatly incensed against him for the
matter of the death of the King of Ormus, whom he caused
to be burned at Goa, as I shall relate hereafter.4 For all the
Portuguese said that he alone was of this counsel, the viceroy6
1 A mistake : the author seems not to have heard of his famous visit
to Malabar in 1599, and the synod of Diamper, when Menezes reduced
the Nestorians to subjection to the Roman see. He also visited the
churches of the north. Other archbishops did the like.
2 He was a bishop in partibus, not titular Bishop of Goa (Rivara).
3 He left Goa in Dec. 1610, and arrived at Lisbon 22nd June 1611.
His return is noted in an English letter from Lisbon, 26th June 1611,
three Englishmen from the Hector and the Ascension having come in the
same carrack (Cal. St. Pap. E. I., No. 575).
4 See ch. xviii, where he is described as the brother of the King of
Ormuz. 6 A mistake ; there was no viceroy at the time, Menezes himself being
governor (see ch. xviii).

92 THE INQUISITION OF GOA.
and all the noblesse, and even the Inquisition, being willing
to save him ; but the archbishop had his will by a lavish use
of pistoles, wherewith he was well furnished. For my part,
I found him a good-natured man, and free-handed in alms
giving. He supplied us with the means of buying clothes
and shirts when the time came for our embarking. He often
spoke to us and did us many a good turn. He was princi
pally astonished that the French had been able to round the
Cape of Good Hope, seeing that the Kings of France and
Spain were in alliance, and had a friendly understanding.
Wherefore he deemed those that did it all to be pirates and
robbers, which was the opinion all there had of us ; and that
it did not seem so strange in the English and Hollanders,
who were enemies of their country and religion. For all
that, this archbishop did not say, like the rest, that we ought
to be hanged, with the charter and passports of our king
round our necks.
For a long time the Jesuits and he have been at law, for
they decline to recognise him in aught, but only the Pope
and their General ; this lawsuit is pending at Rome. When
he goes abroad a large sombrero or parasol is borne over his
head ; and be it noted that his, and that of the. viceroy and
the other great lords, are very magnificent,, and covered with
velvet or other silk stuff, and in winter with some fine wax
cloth, the stick prettily worked and painted with gold and
blue. As for the other prelates, they hold their sees under the
same regulations as in Spain. The Inquisition1 consists of
two fathers, who are held in great dignity and respect ; but
the one is much greater man than the other, and is called
Inquisidor Major. Their procedure is much more severe
1 The Inquisition was first established in Goa in 1560, abolished in
1774, re-established in 1779, and finally closed in 1812. Its great
celebrity is due to the account by Dellon (Relation de V Inquisition de
Goa, Paris, 1688, Eng. Trans., Hull, 1812). To us it is chiefly known

NATURE OF ITS PROCEDURE. 93
than in Portugal ; they often burn Jews, whom the Portu
guese call Christianos noeuos, that is to say, "New Christians".
The first time they are taken before the holy Inquisition, all
their goods are seized at the same time; they are seldom
arrested unless they are rich. The king supplies the cost
of this process to everyone who has not wherewithal. But
ordinarily they attack them not except they learn that they
have amassed much property. Nothing in the world is
more cruel and pitiless than this process. For the least sus
picion, the slightest word, whether of a child or of a slave
who wishes to do his master a bad turn, is enough to hang a
man; and they give credence to a child, however young, so
only he can speak. Sometimes they are accused of putting
their crucifixes in the cushions whereon they sit and kneel ;
sometimes of striking the images, or of refraining from eating
bacon ; in short that they are still secretly observing their
ancient law, though they conduct themselves in public as good
Christians. I verily believe that whatever is desired is
assumed of them. Only the rich are put to death, while the
poor get off with some penance. And, what is most cruel
and wicked, a man who would do evil to another will, in
revenge, go and accuse him of this crime. When the other is
arrested, there is no friend will dare say a word for him, or
by the dramatic picture of the auto-da-fe in Marryat's Phantom Ship.
It' is said that the chief merit in its final closure is due to Dr. Claudius
Buchanan, who visited Goa in 1808, and whose Christian Researches in
Asia appeared at a time when England was able to exercise a strong influ
ence upon Portugal. The reader should consult also the account of it
by the Carmelite Philippus h, SanctS Trinitate, who relates that the
samarras of the condemned were, in his time, painted with their own
effigies amid flames and demons, aDd that these wore taken off before
the final scene, and afterwards hung up in the Dominican church for a
memorial. Philippus and Dellon also state, what Pyrard omits or did
not see, that the inquisitors frequently iried and condemned dead men
— a grim pastime ! The heretical bones were dug up and carried to exe
cution in a box, their former possessor being represented by an effigy,
carried aloft on a pole. See the procession depicted in Dellon's cut.

94 CONDUCT OF THE INQUISITION TOWARDS HEATHENS.
will visit him, or lift a hand in his behalf, no more than for
a person charged with high treason. The people durst not
speak in public of this Inquisition but with very great
honour and respect ; and if a chance word should escape a
man, having but the smallest reference to it, he must forth
with go accuse and denounce himself, if he suspect that any
one has heard him. Otherwise, if another denounce you, you
will be at once arrested. It is a terrible and fearful thing
to be there even once, for you have no proctor or advocate to
speak for you, while they are judges and parties at once.
The form of the procedure is all the same as in Spain, Italy
and Portugal. Sometimes men are kept prisoners two or
three years without knowing the cause, — visited by none but
officers of the Inquisition, and in a place where they never
see a fellow-creature. If they have no means of livelihood,
the king gives it them. The Indian Gentiles and Moors, of
whatsoever religion, are not subject to this Inquisition unless
they have become Christians, and even then are not so
rigorously dealt with as the Portuguese or new Christians
from Portugal, or other Christians from Europe. But if per-
adventure an Indian, Moor, or Gentile inhabitant of Goa, had
dissuaded or hindered another that was minded to become
Christian, and that was proved against him, he would be
punished by the Inquisition, as would be he who has caused
another to quit Christianity ; such cases often happen.
The reason why they treat these Indians thus rigorously is
that they suppose that they cannot be so steadfast in the
faith as the old Christians ; also that it will prevent the rest
from being led astray. For the same reason, too, they per
mit them to retain some of their petty Gentile and Maho
metan superstitions, such as not eating pork or beef, not
drinking wine, and keeping to their former dress and orna
ments, that is among men as well as women that are become
Christians. It would be impossible to calculate the number of all

THE ACT OF FAITH. 95
those put to death by this Inquisition in ordinary course at
Goa. I shall content myself with the single example of a
Hollander jeweller or lapidary, that had resided there five-
and-twenty years and more, and was married to a Portuguese
Metice, by whom he had an exceeding pretty daughter of
marriageable age, and had amassed goods to the amount of
about thirty or forty thousand crusadoes. Being at that time
on bad terms with his wife, he was accused of having the
books of the pretended1 religion, whereupon he was arrested
and his goods seized. One half was left to his wife, the
other to the Inquisition. I know not what befel him, but I
am inclined to believe that he was put to death, or at the
least lost all his property ; he was a Hollander. They did not
treat in like sort a Portuguese soldier, who had married both
in Portugal and in the Indies ; but he was poor. They sent
him in our carrack to Portugal as a prisoner to Lisbon ; had
he been rich, they had never taken the pains to send him.
For the rest, all the other Inquisitions of the Indies depend
upon that of Goa.2 It is upon all the greater feast-days that
they carry out their judgments. Then they cause all these
poor culprits to march together in shirts steeped in sulphur
and painted with flames of fire ; the difference between
those that have to die and the rest being that their flames are
turned upwards and the others downwards. They are led
straight to the great church or A See which is hard by the
prison, and are there during the mass and the sermon,
wherein they receive the most strenuous remonstrances.
Thereafter they are conducted to the Campo Sancto Lazaro,
where the condemned are burned in the presence of the rest,
who look on.
But to speak of the ecclesiastics of the Indies, there are of
them a vast number of all the religious orders, all maintained
by the King of Spain, besides those that come to beg, to
1 I.e. Protestant.
2 In other parts of India there were only commissaries.

96 THE JESUITS' SCHOOL.
whom is given much in charity, the king himself giving
some provision. The parish priests are all paid equally, and
the king takes all the tithes, the Pope having permitted him
to do so1 ; the profits and offertories of the Church go to the
priests and vicars. All the ecclesiastics are habited in cot
ton serge, wool being there too scarce and dear, and having to
come from Portugal, while cotton is very agreeable on account
of the heat. There it is not as here, for all the religious
orders baptise, confess, and bold cures, and also administer
all the sacraments, just like the secular priests, whom they
call Clerigos. Native Indians, and men of all manner of
religions are ordained as priests, but not as Jesuits, whom
they require to be Christians born of both father and mother
of Europe. All the ecclesiastics are passing rich and make
their private gains. The Jesuits have everything in common,
and when they go upon a journey anywhither, they carry
nothing save their breviary. They only preach the doctrine
and manage the colleges in those lands, teaching all manner
of sciences, and instructing the children of both Christian
Indians and Portuguese.
Their principal and chief college in all India is S. Paul de
Goa, which they have caused to be built over against their
house and church : and all the classes therein are well dis
tinguished and ordered. The scholars enter not into the
house of the fathers ; while the masters go not forth of their
house to come to their classes, nor pass through the street
to get there. They often have representations of plays
and comedies, with wars and battles, as well on foot as
on horse, and all in exceeding good order and array. I esti
mate there are more than 3,000 scholars in this college. When
they go to their studies, before entering the class, they go
and hear mass at the church of S. Paul ; and on leaving the
class, all those of the same class-room put themselves in
order, and with loud voice chant through the street some
1 So too in Brazil, and in Spanish America.

RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES. 97
prayers and orisons with their creed. Only the children of
under fifteen years chant thus on their way ; those of fifteen
years and over do not so. This they practice so as daily
to be attracting the heathen to the faith.
On every feast-day, and Sunday after mid-day, the masters
and other appointed Jesuits, go in procession through the
town with crosses and banners, chanting with all their
scholars, who march in order according to their classes, all
singing, young and old. Followed by a great number of the
inhabitants, they proceed to the Church du Bon Jesus, the
house of their Order, where a Jesuit father catechises them ;
and the whole church is filled with benches for this purpose.
The women go thither also to hear the catechising, nor fail
they a single festival or Sunday. These- Jesuit fathers take
no money from the scholars.
All persons of Goa on going to be confessed, are required to
get from the priest that has confessed them, a certificate for
the communion, the which they must deliver up ere they will
be received at the table. The ticket is marked with the name
of Jesus. This has been ordained against the new Christians,
who often enough used to go to the table without confessing.1
On All Souls' Day, all the Portuguese of the Indies are
wont to send, according to their means, bread, wine, and
other viands, to the tombs of their deceased relatives and
friends. During the service you see all these tombs covered
with the victuals, but afterwards, when everyone is with
drawn, the priests or monks come and collect them, and they
are obliged to pray God for the souls of the departed.
They fast on Christmas eve as here, and dine at noon ;
but before going to midnight mass, which begins at eleven
o'clock at night, they have a very choice collation, fully
equal to a supper, except that they partake neither of flesh
1 This may be so ; the custom is, however, still in use in Portugal,
and seems to be the same as that of giving bronze "tokens" in the
Scotch church.

98 CHRISTMAS FESTIVITIES.
nor fish ; but of everything else they eat and drink without
stint. And chiefly the women, mistresses as well as serving-
maids, look forward to this night, because when they all go
to the mass they turn the devotional occasion to account for
the enjoyment of their amours. All the streets are then hung
with lanterns. On Christmas Day in all the churches are
represented the mysteries of the Nativity, with divers charac
ters and animals introduced speaking, as we have them here ;
also marionettes and large rocks, and men within who make
these figures act and speak as they will ; everyone goes to see
it. Even in most of the houses and at the cross-streets
they do the same ; it is a prettier sight at that season there,
than at St. John's here. All along the streets, throughout
the squares and wards, are tables laid with fine white napery,
and covered with all manner of sugar-plums, dry comfits,
marchpanes,1 which they call Rousquillos2, fashioned in a
thousand ways; whereof every one buys to give away in
presents. It is like a fair, and lasts till after Twelfth Night.
By night they go and affix large bills (escriteaux) inscribed
with an anobon, that is to say " good new year", accompany
ing the same with instruments of music.
When Easter comes round, all Holy Thursday and Friday
there are general processions, as in all countries of the King
1 Fr. massepain. " Marcnpanes are made of verie little flower, but
with addition of greater quantitie of filberds, pinenuts, pistaces, almonds,
and rosed sugar" (Markham's Countrey Farme, 1616, p. 585). See also
a full recipe in that rare volume Le Patissier Frangois, Amsterdam
Elzevir, 1655 ; also in Delightes for Ladies, 16C8. They were made
sometimes in the form of macaroons (which are still called massepains
in France), and sometimes in large fantastical designs (as still common
in Germany). At the marriage-feast of the Prince of Mantua, in 1581,
were three large statues of marchpane, each four palms high, " l'une
figurait le cheval du capitole, au naturel ; l'autre un Hercule avec le
lion; et l'autre une licorne plongeant sa corne dans la bouche du
dragon" (V. Cervio, II Trinciante, 1593, p. 48).
2 Port. Rosquilhos, dim. of rosea. Linschoten gives the word for-
" bread baked like cracklings" (i, 198).

OBSERVANCES ON FEAST-DAYS. 99
of Spain. Then, too, crowds of penitents of all qualities beat
themselves, and go on their knees with their arms crossed.
It were impossible to describe all the strange and supersti
tious ceremonies and forms observed of them. Some places
then are, in the manner of hospitals, furnished with great
store of vinegar, comfits, bread, wine, and other sorts of
refreshments, with plenty white linen. The vinegar serves
them to foment their bodies, the other things to refresh
them with eating and drinking, and the linen to wipe and
rub themselves withal.
All the churches have exceeding fine monuments. The
interiors are richly ornamented and curtained: the pave
ment is scattered with herbs and flowers, with large branches
with fair broad leaves on all sides. Most part of these are
palm. The same is observed outside ; and all around the
churches, and even in the streets, which are exceeding clean,
they erect quantities of herbs, and flowers, and branches. In
the approaches to the said churches are great rows of palms
set on either side. All this is done on the days of the great
festivals of each church. They have also for the service of
the church goodly companies of hautbois, cornets-a-bouquin,
drums, violins, and other instruments. At the doors are sold
all manner of cates, and quantities of trinkets and baubles.
All their festivals begin at noon of the eve thereof and end
at noon of the festival days; thereafter is more solemnity.
All the streets and frequented places, and the churches where
the festivals are held, are posted with pardons and indul
gences. All the new Christians, as well men as women, wear neck
laces of wooden beads at the neck. The Portuguese and Metifs
carry theirs in the hand, and in their conversation, business,
and other actions, never fail to finger these paternoster beads.
I know not what they say, but I have often seen them do the
like while playing at dice. They have a custom, when the
Holy Sacrament is elevated at the mass, that every one raises

100 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.
his hand as though he would point to it, and cries with loud
voice, twice or thrice, Deos de Misericordia, and strikes his
breast. They use no consecrated bread as we do here. When
their slaves, as well men as women, go to the mass they wear
iron fetters at their feet, at least such as are suspected of a
desire to escape.
In the matter of their marriages, a man never sees his
mistress but at the church which she frequents, and he never
speaks to her. She is gaily attired in the Portuguese mode,
and covered with pearls and jewels. If she pleases him, he
goes to her house on the morrow with a priest and the
fiance.1 After that, he may go and see her, but not so as
they be left together alone. Weddings are usually in the
afternoon, and they go in grand solemnity to the church.
The bridegroom is sometimes escorted by eighty or a hundred
well caparisoned horses ; and all the kindred and friends on
both sides assist. The bride is accompanied in like manner
with Palanquins, wherein are all her female relatives and
friends. She is conducted by two of her nearest female
relatives, and the bridegroom by two of his male relatives,
up to the church, and the presence of the priest. These
four are called Comperes and Commeres.1 After espousal,
they are reconducted home in like manner with a band of
trumpets, cornets, and other instruments, playing from the
church to the house, while the passers-by throw over the
company much flowers, scented water, sugarplums, and
comfits, these things being the perquisite of the servants
who collect them. When they are arrived before the house
the bridegroom and bride, along with the nearest male and
female relatives and elders enter within, while the young
1 I.e., pledge; hence the verb jiancer; the noun is now rare and
antiquated (see Sainte Palaye, Diet. Hist, de I'Anc. Lang. Fr.).
2 In relation to the parents of the spouses, they are called compadres
and comadres ; to the spouses themselves they are padrinhos and madrinhas
(Rivara).

BAPTISM. 101
men friends are bidden to remain without. These mean
while amuse themselves with causing their horses to caracole,
run and leap before the house, and throwing oranges, and
darting canes and reeds at one another. The bridegroom,
bride, and all the rest that have gone within appear at the
window balconies, whence they look on at these pastimes.
This done, they come down and enter a lower room, where
are presented to them all manner of fruits and comfits,
along with Banguenin water. The bridegroom then dismisses
them with all politeness. Afterwards a banquet is served
to all the relatives : this lasts not long, and all retire.
In their baptisms they use the like ceremony and solem
nity as in their marriages. The priest plunges the child
three times in the consecrated water. They have also a large
silver-gilt dish full of rosquilos, or marchpanes, biscuits,
macaroons, and other sweets, with a wax- taper stuck in the
midst, and a gold piece attached.1 All this is for the priest,
except the dish.
When the feast-day of a monastery or convent comes round,
they give a great banquet to a large party of their friends.
The priests and vicars do the like on the feast-days of their
churches. All the Christians at Goa, as well Portuguese and Metifs,
as rich Indians, when they go to church do so with vast
pomp and ostentation, followed by their servants, pages, and
armed retainers in array. They are borne in their Palan
quins, but for all that omit not to have their horses "led
after them, while their pages carry sombreros, chairs or
embroidered stools, and two velvet pillows, this is, when
they are people of quality. They all wear swords at the
side, and behind march all their servants and slaves, whereof
the richest have as many as twenty or five and twenty.
But they never go without their great beads in the hand :
1 The coin, now a sixpence, haa with us got inside the cake, and this
perquisite is lost to the clergy.

102 HOW LADIES GO TO CHURCH.
and they have a cushion carried with them to kneel upon.
In a word they proceed with the greatest pride in the world,
and are so haughty that one of their servants must needs take
the holy water in his hand to give thereof to his master or
mistress ; but this servant must be a man or a boy; for neither
women nor girls approach or touch the holy-water vessel.
The rich ladies of quality go but seldom to church, save
on the great feast-days, and then superbly attired in the
Portuguese mode. Their gowns for the most part are of
gold, silk, and silver brocade, enriched with pearls, gems,
and jewels at the head, arms, hands, and waist. Over all
they wear a veil of the finest crape in the world, reaching
from the head to the feet. The gown and veil of girls are
of all varieties of colour: those of the married women,
black. They never wear stockings. Their gowns and petti
coats trail upon the ground : their pattens, or chapins} are
open above, and cover only the soles of the feet ; but they
are all broidered with gold and silver, hammered in thin
plates which reach over the lower surface of the chapin, the
upper part being covered with pearls and gems, and the soles
half a foot thick with cork. When they go to church they
are borne in palanquins which are fitted up with the
greatest possible richness ; the interior contains a large Per
sian carpet, called by them Alcatif,2 some of which would
here cost five hundred crowns. Then they have two or three
1 Ital. cioppino. These pattens were of Turkish or Eastern origin,
and much used in Venice and Spain about this time. Also in England,
but the affectation was much ridiculed : — " By'r Lady, your ladyship is
nearer heaven than when I saw you last by the altitude of a chopine''
(Hamlet, Act ii, sc. 2). Tom Coryate gives a description of these chapineys
(similar to that above) as he saw them at Venice in 1611, and Evelyn
found them still fashionable there in 1646. The Venetians also called
them calcagnetti; see Molmenti, Vie PrivSe a Venise, 1882, p. 306-
Fairholt, Costume in England, 3rd ed., ii, 72. Examples are to be seen
in the British Museum.
2 Sp. and Port, alcatifa, from the Ar. al-qatifah, a carpet (Dozy et
Engelinann, Glossaire).

HOW LADIES GO TO CHURCH. 103
large pillows of velvet, or brocade of gold silver and silk,
the one for the head, the other for the feet. They are fol
lowed, each according to her quality, by other palanquins
conveying their children, and maids, or Criadas} who are
either Portuguese girls or Metices. Each palanquin usually
holds but one person, and that is specially so in the case of
a master or mistress, save when betimes they take in one
of their children ; but in the case of the others, they hold
two persons. As for the female servants, and slaves, they
go behind afoot, and sometimes there be fifteen or twenty
of them richly attired in silk of all colours, with a large veil
of fine crape over all, which they call Mantes f but these are
not habited in the Portuguese fashion, having large skirts
of silk to serve them for petticoats. They also have smocks
of exceeding fine silk, called by them Bajus? Amongst them
you see some veiy pretty girls, of all the nations of India.
Be it noted that the • husbands send thither also their pages,
with a well dressed man or two, Portuguese or Metifs, to
escort them, and to hold their hands after they be got down
from their palanquins: most often these ladies enter the
church in their palanquins, such fear have they of being
seen without. They wear no masks, but all are painted to
an extent that is shameful. However, it is not the ladies
that fear to be seen; it is the husbands that are in the
highest degree jealous of them. One of these maid servants,
or slaves, carries one of these rich carpets or Alcatifs, another
carries two costly pillows, others a finely gilt chair of China
wood, a velvet bag containing the book, handkerchief and
other things whereof they have need, a pretty estere* or
mat of fine fabric to put over the carpet, and a fan, together
1 Port, criada, a woman, maidservant.
2 Port, manta, a mantle.
3 Hind, bazu, " a kind of short shirt reaching down to the hips, with
very short (if any) sleeves ; sometimes open at the upper part of the
chest in front" (Qanoon-e-lslam, p. xv).
4 Port, esteira, a mat.

10,4 EXTRAVAGANT HEIGHT OF PATTENS.
with other requisites. When these ladies enter the church,
they are assisted by a man or two, who take their hands,
for they cannot walk alone owing to the height of their
pattens, which are frequently half a foot off the ground,1
and are not made fast over the foot. One of these men
takes in his hand some holy water, whereof she partakes,
then she proceeds to her place forty or fifty paces off, taking
at least a good quarter of an hour in getting there, so gravely
and deliberately does she step : she carries in her hand beads
of gold, pearls, and precious stones. Thus is their mode
of progression according to their means, and not according
to their quality. When they take their children with them,
they make them walk in front. The maid servants and
slaves are well enough pleased when their mistresses go not
to mass, for then they go alone, and can at the same time
meet their own gallants ; and so they do full often, and
never betray or accuse each other.
Such are the most singular and remarkable things observed
by me at Goa : but I should never have finished, had I desired
to particularise and tell in detail all I learnt in the two
years or so during which I resided there. I content myself
with having touched some subjects generally, leaving my
readers to judge all the rest on that footing.
Concerning the divers descriptions of goods that are
landed at the Goa, from all parts of the Indies, we shall
speak in their own place, when we deal with the several
countries whence they come.
1 " There are many of these chapineys of a great height, even half a
yard high ; and by how much the nobler a woman is, by so much the
higher are her chapineys. All their gentlewomen [at Venice] and most
of their wives and widows that are of any wealth, are assisted and sup
ported either by men or women when they walk abroad, to the end
they may not fall" (T. Coryate, Crudities). " Elles sont si hautes, qu'en
les portant, quelques-unes paraissaient des ge'antes ; et meme il y en a
qui ne sont sures de ne pas tomber, a, nioins de bien s'appuyer sur leurs
esclaves" (Casola, Voyage).

SURVEY OF THE AUTHOR'S RESIDENCE AT GOA. 105
So it is that a man who has been at Goa, can assure him
self of having seen the greatest curiosities of the Indies,
that town being the most famous and renowned for the
traffic of all the Indian nations. For they carry thither
all that their own country can produce, as well manufactures
as produce, and other commodities, all which are to be
found there in plenteous store. You will see arriving there
more than a thousand vessels laden of all goods ; where
fore are provisions exceeding cheap, more so, indeed, than
any where else ; what would cost fifty sols here, is worth
no more than five there. Most of the provisions, fruits, and
other delicacies, and commodities come from Dealcan. Sea
fish is so abundant there that there is more than is wanted,
although they eat more of it than of flesh. It forms nearly
all their nourishment, and (be this also noted), cannot be
kept more than four and twenty hours, on account of the
heat of the climate, which incontinently spoils all their
viands. All along the streets, and at the crossings, you see
numbers of men and women frying and boiling fish for sale,
which they serve with their sauces and seasonings.
However, I repeat that, having resided about -two years
and more at Goa among the Portuguese, I cannot tell or
express all the affronts, insults, and ill-usage, that I suffered
there. And in truth I may say without vanity that if
during the time of my voyage I had any, even the smallest
hope of returning to France, I should have been more curious
to learn and remark all the fairest and strangest things in
that country. But from the day of our wreck down to that
whereon I landed at Rochelle, I never had one moment's
hope of return : this was the reason that I took no trouble
to acquire so much gear as I might have done. For there
needs there but a small store to maintain a man, all things
being at low prices. I have not, however, omitted to remark
a good many things respecting their wealth and trade, inas
much as I was ar most parts of India, as well with the

106 PORTUGUESE SUSPICION OF FOREIGN INTERFERENCE.
Indians themselves as with the Portuguese, with whom I
served both in the North and in the South in scouring and
defending their coast, and in convoying their merchant
vessels in' their voyages to and fro. But I will say with
confidence that if the Portuguese had believed that I had
so much as a thought of recording anything about them,
either of the navigation to the Indies, or other particulars
of their government and trade, they would never have
allowed me to return ; but would either have put me to
death, or sent me to exile, as they do their own malefactors
and other foreigners. But I guarded myself well from giving
them the slightest suspicion.
I was well forewarned by the example of others, as of an
English ship's boat on the coast of Melinde, near the Zan
zibar islands, which they took (as I shall describe hereafter)1
finding a man on board with the lead in his hand, sounding
and reconnoitering the coast : him they put cruelly to death
in manner they are not wont to use to other foreigners ; and
though I confess that I have but little of a high spirit, yet
did I lead them to believe I had much less, for fear of
giving them a bad opinion of me. I even made them believe
I could neither read nor write, and that I understood not their
language ; and in order to live among them, I had to obey
them in all things. So if any of them wished me ill or did
me a wrong, I strove by all means to make my peace with
him, and to make friends with all. In such wise I passed
about two years and a half2 with them, not counting the
time we occupied in returning from Goa to Portugal.
I may also say that the English that were at Goa, who
were taken prisoners in the river and bara of Sun-ate, as I
shall relate in the proper place,3 told us that the ship called
1 See below, ch. xx. The English ship was the Union.
2 In fact, only one year and a half, from his arrival at Goa in June
1608 to January 1610, or twenty months, dating from his capture
outside Calicut.
3 See ch. xx.

NEWS OF THE " CROISSANT" AND THE MATE'S PARTY. 107
the Croissant, our Admiral, on her return from Achen in
Sumatra, had cast anchor at the island of St. Helena, and that
then an English vessel,1 coming from the Indies, arrived
there laden with goods, but weak in men ; and that those
on board the Croissant had formed a design to surprise her,
the English ship being in better condition, and not making
so much water as the other, which was all open, and in such
a state that she could not get as far as France, as I have
heard. But their design having been discovered by a young
gunner of the Croissant, that was an Englishman, the ship
forthwith weighed her anchors during the night, and sailed
with the gunner who gave them warning. This caused the
English not to be friends with us, and to speak contemptu
ously of our nation : they are all exceeding proud, and not
like the Hollanders.
I was also curious to inquire after our mate and our eleven
other comrades, who escaped from the Maldive Islands in a
boat during our shipwreck there, as has been said above ; but
I could not discover aught, save that they were arrived at
Coylan, a territory of the Portuguese, and that the mate was
dead in the hospital of Coylan, along with some others, and
the rest were taken prisoners to Goa, whereof some were
shipped off on a return voyage to Portugal, and the others
were gone here and there with the Portuguese armies, and
no one knew what had become of them. When I was at
Goa, arrived some men sent on behalf of the king of Calecut,
to get back certain Mahometans, whom the Portuguese held
prisoners, having taken them in some Arabian ship's ; on
being claimed by the Samory, they were forthwith delivered
into the hands of his envoys. As these men of Calecut
were of my acquaintance, they told me with full particu-
3 This was probably the Susan, of Lancaster's fleet, under command
of Henry Middleton, who returned to England, June 1603, two months
before Lancaster. The Croissant, as Martin tells us, was at St. Helena
in March 1603.

108 STORY OF MARTIN DOMBURGH.
larity, all that had passed at Calecut since our seizure, and
how the king was at once informed of it, and his great
wrath on that score against the Portuguese, who made every
kind of excuse, casting all the blame on the captain that
had seized us, who afterwards came to no good, as I have
related at length already.
I saw also arrive there a barque of the Islands of Divan-
durou} fully laden with cordage of the coco-tree ; they call
these cords Cayro : the mate of the barque spoke the
language of the Maldives, and I had seen him at Mahi island,
so that we knew each other well, and were vastly pleased
both of us to meet again. I had often seen him at the house
of a great captain of the Malabars named Cousty Hamede,
his relative, at the town of Badara.
He it was who then told me all the news that had passed
at the Maldives since my departure, after the great disaster,
and the death of the king at the same time, and how a new
king had been established, and the country was very peace
ful, all of which I have related above in its own place.
But before I finish this chapter, I do not wish to omit
what I learnt at Goa of the Hollander named Martin d'
Ombes,2 who was wrecked at the Maldives while I was there,
and whom we met in the prison of Cochin, as has been told
above ; for he then told us with some particularity all that
befel him ; namely, that when the king of the Maldives gave
him this barque, whereof I have spoken, he saved property
worth more than nine or ten thousand crowns in gold, silver,
pearls, precious stones, and other costly and precious goods,
wherewith he betook himself to Caelle,3 a place near Cape
Comorin, where is held the greatest fishery of pearls on all
1 The Laccadives, v. s. vol. i, p. 323.
2 Martin Domburgh, see vol. i, pp. 392-3, 430.
3 Kayal, six miles south of Tuticorin ; "a great and noble city"
(Cail), says Marco Polo, Bk. iii, ch. 21, see Yule, Gloss., s. v. " Cael".
Barbosa (Hak. Soc. ed., p. 173) says it was the headquarters of the pearl
fishery, but subject to the King of Kollam (Quilon).

STORY OF MARTIN DOMBURGH. 109
that coast. There he sought a Jesuit Father, that had his
ordinary quarters there, who by fine words and promises of
safety, persuaded him to go direct to Cochin, and gave him
a letter of recommendation, that so no trouble should befall
him : but as his ill-luck would have it, no sooner was he
arrived there than he was lodged in that great prison where
we were cast, and there he had remained two whole years in
dire misery : that during this time there, the Jesuit Fathers
had converted him and made him a Catholic, with promises
of delivering him incontinently after his conversion : that
being advised of the wealth that he still had in his possession,
they gave him to understand that he might entrust that to
them in all security, to keep for him, giving him thereout
as often and as much as he would, and that meanwhile they
would give him interest and a handsome income for his main
tenance, in such wise that they contrived to get out of his
hands all that he had managed to save : they supplied him
every day with the means of living, but not of living so
well as he would have wished. Meanwhile he insisted upon
his demand, that since he had become Catholic, they should
set him free, as they had promised; this, however, they
had not done. So much we learnt from his own mouth.
But after we were separated, I learnt of some Christian
and Gentile Indians of Goa, that they had at length taken
this poor man from prison, and had shipped him for Goa
with irons on his feet, and that as he had demanded of the
Jesuit Fathers the restitution of all he had placed in their
hands, they had replied thereto that that was reasonable
enough ; but for greater safety they would charge themselves
to pay the whole at Goa, by means of a letter of exchange
which they gave him addressed to the Father Superior of
their order ; but as the worst ill-fortune would have it for
this poor wretch, as soon as he left for Goa, he became sud
denly swollen as large as a cask, and at length died between
Cochin and Goa. It was not known what had befallen him ;

110 PASTIMES OF THE PORTUGUESE.
but the Indians who told me the story, held it for a cer
tainty that he was poisoned. However that may be, such
was the unfortunate end of this poor Hollander, which shows
how few escape these long voyages, and amid how many
divers and contrary accidents they fare, and that it is a
special grace of God when they return safe and sound, as I
have. But I will now come to more singular and remark
able matters, concerning as well the country of Goa, and
its surroundings, as the Portuguese and other inhabitants
there, which I shall relate in the following chapters.

CHAPTER VII.

Of the Exercises and Games of the Portuguese, Metifs, and
other Christians at Goa, their dress and manner of living,
and of their wives.
The exercises of the Portuguese, as well at Goa as at other
places in the Indies, consist in the first place in the use of
arms and riding, and in making, on Sundays and holidays,
a thousand passades and careers on their horses, during
which they throw oranges, canes, and reeds, all being
equipped and arrayed in their best. No feast day passes,
but they have some amusement to which all the people go,
ranging themselves in procession. All the ceremonies and
solemnities of the feast become there like fairs, with ban
quets and music of all sorts of instruments ; thus do they
mingle their pleasures with their devotions. They delight
much in going on the river in their Manchoiies, built in the
form of Galiots, where they are under cover with music, in
these they go from the town to places belonging to them or
their friends ; these places are pleasure houses with gardens
and orchards, which they call hortas, containing groves t»f
coco- trees, called by them Palmeiro, there also are many

GAMBLING HOUSES. Ul
reservoirs and streams of clear and fresh water, wherein
they bathe, and taking their collations and other refresh
ment in the shade.
As for cards, dice, and other games of chance, they are
allowed there, and certain houses are set apart for the
purpose, the keepers of which pay a rent to the king, and
none durst play elsewhere under pain of a heavy fine. The
keepers of these gaming academies and offices make very
great profits : for the number of players ordinarily assembled
there is quite wonderful, and most of them drink, eat, and
sleep there, taking no other exercise. The accommodation
is excellent in all respects, the saloons and rooms are very
handsome, well lighted and gaily hung, and servants are
always at hand to serve them with what they require. I
have never seen elsewhere gamesters more freehanded and
magnanimous : for the winners give of their money freely
to the onlookers, that is, those who act as umpires, and who
are willing to take it. This act of gentility is called Barbo.1
Nor is it any shame to receive it, for it is considered more in
the light of an honourable present than as 'alms. They some
times give large gold pieces ; and full often when I had no
money, I used to go and see them play, and they were more
careful to give to me than even to their Portuguese fellows or
Metifs. Most of the soldiers that have no money go there
frequently. They give much also to the servants of the
house who wait upon them ; but the servants' masters exact
a certain tribute thereout.
During the play some girls, the servants and slaves of the
master and mistress of the house, play instruments, and sing
airs to give pleasure to the company, and mark j-ou, these
are the prettiest girls they can find. The play is fair and
1 A misprint for barato, which is thus explained by D. Vieira ; "a
fourth part of his winnings, paid by a player to the keeper of a gamb
ling house, also a portion given by players to onlookers who decide ques
tions in their favour" (Diet. Port.).

112 UNDRESS COSTUME OF THE PORTUGUESE.
without quarrelling, by reason of the regulations and order
that are maintained there ; and though one were the greatest
lord in the world, he can only play in these public places :
yet there are separate rooms there according to the quality
of persons. At this gaming is a vast amount of money spent.
Among other games they play much at chess and draughts,
and at all sorts of games on the chess-board. They have no
tennis, but play only at hand-ball ; also they indulge much in
skittles and bowls. They have also companies of conjurers,
mountebanks, and buffoons for their pastime ; and shows of
snakes and other rare animals. Every one there, as well
men as women, learns to sing and play upon instruments,
but they do not engage in dancing.
As regards their manner of life at home, all, whether men
or women, girls or boys, on arriving at their homes, forthwith
cast off their nether garments. The men go about in their
shirts and drawers,1 which reach down to the heels, and are
extremely white and fine : then they take off their hats, and
don a montaire or galetaire,2 as they call it, which is of
velvet or taffetas, and in the form of a hat, but with a brim
on one side only. The women take their ease in their
smocks or Bajus, which are more transparent and fine than
the most delicate crape of these parts ; so that their skin
shows beneath as clearly as if they had nothing on ; more
than that, they expose the bosom to such an extent that one
can see quite down to the waist.
They wear nothing on the head but the hair plaited and
tied up. From the waist downwards they wear a very hand
some cotton or silk cloth ; but not so transparent or so fine
1 I.e., pyjamas, or " long drawers", as the English sometimes called
them (see Yule, Gloss., under both words).
2 Port, montcira, gualteira, caps of velvet or other soft stuff, the
generic being carapuga, under which name Mocquet describes the thing.
He says they were made more or less in the form of morions, with a
vizor, and were thus used for nocturnal brawls and robberies at Goa
(p. 309).

FEMININE ARTIFICE. 113
as the smock ; for one can see nothing through it, it is like
our taffetas. Most of the men, when minded to marry, are
not content with seeing the girls, that are proposed to be
given to them, in their holiday or parade dress, that having
too much artifice. They prefer to see them going to market,
or at home in their private attire, such as I have described,
in order to form an opinion of them in their natural sim
plicity, and to see whether they be well proportioned or
mis-shapen. Also at that juncture they do not wish to see
them painted, as they are when they go abroad in their
finery. The diversion of the women is to sing and play instru
ments all the day long ; sometimes they visit each other, but
seldom enough ; day and night they also use betel like the
Indians.1 Their husbands are very jealous, but they are so
amorous and so addicted to fleshly pleasures, that when they
find the smallest opportunity, they fail not to use it. Nor
lack they both opportunities and gallants, being not only
fair but rich, and of their abundance they give to the soldiers
their gallants. And what gives them the greater assurance
is that maid servants and slaves are well enough pleased to
serve their mistress, and to win for them some pretty fellow,
as I have mentioned elsewhere. But the husbands keep a
careful watch over them, and when their wives go a visiting,
they send with them some page or other trusted person to
observe their actions. For all that, the women are so cun
ning and full of artifice, that they almost always succeed in
their intrigues.
All the women of the Indies make much use of a certain
fruit, like a large medlar, that grows not upon a tree, but
upon a shrub, and is all green, round and prickly on the
outside, and full of little seeds within. It is found nearly
everywhere in the Indies, and among other places in large
1 Rivara says the Poituguese ladies of Goa no longer chew betel, but
are fond of smoking.

114 USES OF DATURA.
quantities at the Maldives, where it is called Mod 61, that is
to say, " Madman's herb." In other parts of the Indies it is
called Dutroa.1 When the women wish to enjoy their amours
in all security, they make a drink for their husbands of this
fruit infused in their beverages or in soup. An hour after
wards they become giddy and insensible, singing, laughing,
and performing a thousand antics, for then they have lost all
consciousness and judgment, and know neither what they are
doing, npr what is being done in their presence. Then do
the wives make use of their time, admitting whom they
will, and taking their pleasure in the presence of their hus
bands, who are aware of nothing. The effect lasts five or
six hours, more or less, according to the quantity of the dose.
Then they fall asleep, and at their waking believe they have
been asleep all the while, without remembering aught of
what they have done, heard, or seen.
Also when the men want to enjoy a girl or woman, and
cannot attain their end, they get them to take some of the
same stuff, and when they are in this folly, they do unto
them as they will, without the women being aware of it
afterwards. While I was in that country, many were found
to have become pregnant without knowing whence this had
happened to them. But were one to take a large dose of
this fruit, he would infallibly die of it. When the soldiers
and others cannot obtain possession of a woman, they tamper
with their maid-servants, who sell and betray their mistresses
for money in this manner, by giving them to drink of this
1 Datura Stramonium, Skt. dhattura. The uses to which this intoxi
cant was put at Goa are described in much the same way by
Linschoten (i, 210; ii, 68-72); by Mocquet (p. 312) ; by Sir T. Herbert
(p. 337), etc. De Orta gives an anecdote of its use for thieving pur
poses (f. 83), and Fryer (p. 33) says it was given to widows when they
were about to perform suttee. Pyrard's and Linschoten's form, dutroa,
came into English as dutry (Fryer), and Col. Yule (Gloss.) quotes
" Make lechers and their punks with dewtry Commit fantastical advow-
try" (Hudibras, pt. iii, c. 1).

RECREATIONS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 115
herb. True it is that the slaves are so maltreated by their
masters and mistresses, who lord it over them cruelly, that it is
nothing strange that they should have their revenge. One
day at Goa, I saw one aged eighteen or nineteen years, that
cast himself into a well and was killed, to escape the fury of
his master, who was running after him to chastise him.
But though the women at Goa are exceeding lewd, and
though the climate and the diet of the country inclines them
thereto, nevertheless neither there, nor in the other towns
of the Portuguese, is there any public brothel, nor is any
allowed to be kept, as in Italy. They conceal their sin as
much as they can, though there is no more lack of it there
than in many other places.
The Portuguese, Metices, and Indian women and girls
bathe and Wash the private parts daily, as also do the other
Indian women that are not Christians.
One of the recreations of the Portuguese at Goa, is to
assemble at their doors with five or six neighbours, and there
to sit in the shade chatting, all in their shirts and drawers,
with a number of slaves about them, some fanning and keep
ing off the flies, others scratching their feet and other parts
of the body, and removing parasites. Thus do most of them
pass their time, courteously saluting the passers-by, and glad
enough when they will tarry to have a chat with them, and
accept the proffered seat.
When they take their food, and at their lying down and
rising up, they have all their slaves, as well girls as boys,
to play music for their pleasure ; also while they eat they
have some slaves to fan them, and to keep off the flies from
the victuals, otherwise it would be difficult to avoid swallow
ing some of these flies, whereof there is great abundance
throughout all the Indies.
The most ordinary pastime of the women is to remain
all day long at the windows, which they call Ventanes .-1
1 Port, ventana, a window.

116 PORTUGUESE WARFARE.
these are exceedingly handsome, lofty, and spacious, in the
form of galleries and balconies, with jalousies and trellises
gaily painted ; so that they can see without being seen.

CHAPTER VIII.

Of the Portuguese Soldiers at Goa, their manner of life and
taking Ship. Divers Expeditions, and the order observed
by them in War.
Regarding their manner of war and soldiers, you must
know that from the beginning, the Portuguese have had con
tinual war with the Malabars, who are the pirates of the
Indian seas, also with other Indian kings and peoples, for
example those of Arabia, the kings of Sumatra, Java, Jor,
which is on the terra-firma of Malacca, and other islands of
Sunda, and of the coasts and continent of all the Indies.
And now that the English, Hollanders, and other foreigners
have taken the course of Indian navigation, this has brought
a new war upon their hands, a war that has reduced them
sadly, and is like to ruin them, insomuch that they have
been constrained to reinforce their naval armies. For all
their war is on sea and not on land, whereof they hold
none. Sometimes, however, they have a war with some indi
vidual kings of the continent, who have broken the peace and
the treaties mutually agreed upon. In such case they put
armies in the field, and calling out their levies from the
towns and fortresses. But for their armies on sea they
have perpetual employment, two being armed and equipped
every year, as I have said.
For the protection of all the coast of India, from Goa to
Cambaye, and sometimes as far as Ormus on the one side,
and Cape Comorin on the other, to prevent the raids of the

THE TWO ARMADAS. 117
Malabar pirates, they equip two armadas1 at Goa, one of
which, called Armada del Nort, goes as far as Ormus ; the
other, Armada del Sud, goes as far as Comorin. Each is
composed of fifty or sixty war galiots, without counting
those of Clietie, or merchantmen, and including one or two
grand galleys like those of Spain. These armadas depart in
the month of October, at the beginning of ' their summer,
which lasts six months more or less, and that is the time
when the Malabar corsairs are afloat. These galleys are rowed
by prisoners and convicts, and the same order is observed
as here. The galiots2 have fifteen to twenty benches on each
side, and there is but one man to each oar, these, however,
are not convicts or prisoner's, but Canarins, natives of Goa,
Bardes, and Salsetes, or else Colombins, who are the most vile
drudges of people, engaged at an agreed hire. They call
these Lascary, and their captain Moncadon3 the galiot Navie}
and those of the Malabars, Pairaux.6
Besides these two regular armadas, others go to Malaca,
to Sunda, to Mozambique, and other places where they are
required, or some project is afoot; but these armadas are
composed of round vessels like the galions, hulks, and ships
of India, with some one large galiot. These go with suc
cours and reinforcement to their several possessions, such as
the Island of Ceilan, Malaca, Mozambique, and other places
where they are making a war or are attacked.
All these armadas are at the expense of the king of Spain.
1 See vol. i, pp. 438-9, where he has already said all this.
2 The galiot was a smaller galley with but one mast. In Europe it
had ordinarily three men to each oar (Fournier, Hydrographie ; Pantera,
Arm. Nav., p. 48). Probably convicts and prisoners were used exclusively
for the galleys, owing to the intolerable and incessant labour involved.
3 Port, mocaddo, from the Ar. mulcaddam, a head man, ganger, or boat
swain (see Yule, Gloss., s. v., " mocuddum"). According to Linschoten
(i, 267), he was a contractor for native hands, and received their wages
in a lump.
4 Puobably represents the Mahr. and Hind, nao or nav, " a boat".
6 See vol. i, p. 345.

118 CONVOYED FLEETS.
Other galiots, too, and ships come forth from the several
Portuguese ports and havens, and join themselves to the
fleet. The vessels are well armed, for in sweeping the coast,
they go in to anchor at all the ports of their friends and
allies, both for the purpose of taking along with them such
as care to follow them, and such as are ordered to do so, and
also for the refreshment of the fleet and for trade. With
these armies go also a great number of trading ships and
galiots, called Navies de Chatie, to distinguish them from the
others, which are called Navies d'Armade. For their traffick
ing and commerce, these merchantmen await the convoy of
the Armadas, for fear of the pirates, who render it impos
sible for them to sail alone. Most of the soldiers even, such
as have the wherewithal, omit not the trade on their own
account, while making voyages in the king's service. This
is permitted to them, nay it is even necessary on account
of the scantiness of their booty and pay. The ships of war
are equipped at the expense of the king, but the Chaties
are at the expense of their owners who freight them ;
nevertheless they must be subject and obedient in all things
to the General of the Armadas, who is called Capitaine Major.
In the great galleys there may be two or three hundred
men-at-arms, and in the other great galiots, which are called
Fregates, about one hundred ; in the smaller, which are
the navires} about forty or fifty. There are some still
smaller, called Manchoiles, containing perhaps fifteen or
twenty men. As for the round ships,2 their number of men
is according to their size.
Concerning the order and manner of their embarkments :
.vhen they would make a shipment of men at Lisbon for
the Indies, they make a levy of soldiers from all Portugal,
1 Probably a misprint for navies, as above.
2 That is, sailing ships proper, such as carrack?, galions, and caravels.
LoDg ships were for oars principally, with auxiliary sails, such as galleys,
galiots, fustas, brigantincs, etc. (see Jal, Gloss. Naut., under these heads).

ENROLMENT AT THE INDIA OFFICE. 119
by towns and parishes, as is done here of pioneers, and all
sorts of people are taken, of whatever quality and condition
they be, provided they have attained the age of nine to ten
years.1 Then they are enrolled, and are paid and rated for
soldiers. If they cannot find any that will go of their own
accord, they take them by force, and of any age, and enroll
them in the Gaza da India Orientate, which is the India
Office ordinarily held in Lisbon ; they have to give security
up to the time of their embarking. The whole of their pay
for the voyage is advanced to them, because most of them
are children of poor peasants, and have need of habiliments
and arms : their pay is according to their quality. Their
manner of counting is by Baiso, as in Castille by Maravedis,
which is a certain coin worth a farthing and a half of our
money ; and they say so many thousand Raiso.2
Among the soldiers enrolled there are some dignities and
qualities more honourable than others, some of birth and
extraction, others of service and valour, or granted by favour.
And they are paid accordingly, some more, some less. They
are paid at Lisbon for the whole passage to the Indies, and
not by the month, and they have not to provide any pro
visions for their private use, the king furnishing all whereof
they have need in the way of victuals, refreshment, and muni
tion of war. These titles and qualities are acquired by them
in Portugal, yet does the viceroy fail not to grant the like
1 " Five carracks sailed on the £f instant for the E. I., laden with
merchandise, and carrying, in place of soldiers, children and youths
from the age of ten upwards, to the number of 1500 ; in a few years
they say these children will be able to do good service, their bodies
being well acquainted with the climate of those countries ; think it
were an evil course to follow in England for planting inhabitants in
Virginia ; it is forced by necessity in Lisbon. If the peace with
Holland take not effect, the Portugals may lose their Indies before the
children are able to do any service." — Letter from Lisbon dated
March Jf, 1609, in Cal. S. Pap., E. I., No. 432.
2 I.e., milreis. The ree or rea was retained in Bombay accounts as
TJB of a rupee down to 1834 (see also Yule, Gloss, s. v.).

120 PORTUGUESE TITLES.
to a certain number that merit it or that he desires to favour
in the Indies. A noble by birth is called Fidalguo simply.
Others are called Fidalguo de la Casa del Rey nosso Senor, or
"gentlemen of the king's household": these are the most
esteemed of them, and most of the appointments are honour
able. Others are Mosso Fidalguo, that is to say, ennobled
by the king or great lords by favour; others, Cavalleyro
Fidalguo, or "Chevalier nobles": others, Mosso da Camera and
do Servicio, or " gentlemen in waiting" : others, Escuderi
Fidalguo, or " gentlemen esquires".1 Those that have no
title or dignity are called solely and simply Soldado. They
take these dignities rather than others, because these entitle
them to have their expenses charged and orders obeyed, and
also to be rated higher. Besides these titles they have
another, that of Honrado, or " honourable", which they all
like to have among themselves. The most that a soldier
can have, even the chiefest of them, for the passage from
Lisbon to Goa, is fifty or sixty crusados.
When these soldiers are embarked in the carracks they
are divided up into squads or companies to keep the watch
or guard, which is changed at night and not at daybreak.
And although these enrolled soldiers have no titles or
dignities, yet do they not omit to assume honour among
themselves, calling themselves all " gentlemen", though they
be of low condition :2 nor have the nobles any jealousy of
this, seeing that this is understood among themselves but
not by the Indians, nor does it a whit diminish the nobility
of the others, lists of whom are every year sent out from
1 This description of the titles of Portuguese soldiers is almost iden
tical with Liuechoten's (i, 188.-9).
2 They assumed titles in order to deceive the secretaries at Goa : 
" Des qu'ils sont la, pour vils et abjets qu'ils soient, ils s'estiment tous
fidalques et nobles, chaugeans leurs noms obscurs a des noms plus illus-
tres ; comme je sceus la d'un certain qui s'envooloit pour la guerre, et
avoit change de nom trois ou quatre fois, comme il fut recogneu par les
secretaires et ecrivains de Goa" (Mocquet, Voy., 305).

PRIDE OF THE PORTUGUESE. 121
Lisbon to the Viceroy of Goa. These titles which are used
among themselves, are only to make the Indians believe that
they are all of goodly and illustrious parentage, having no
race of vile churls among them. Wherefore they will not
that any Portuguese or other (European) should do any vile
or dishonourable work, nor should beg his livelihood, they
will rather maintain him to the best of their power. Inso
much that the greatest of them treat the lowliest with honour,
and they infinitely prize the title, " Portuguese of Portugal,"
calling such an one homo bianco, or " white man." All the
poor Indians they despise, as though they would trample them
under their feet. So these Indians were all amazed when
we told them that these fellows were sons of porters, cobblers,
drawers of water, and other vile craftsmen.1
According to their titles, qualities, and merit, they have
their rewards after having served seven years. -Those honours
and titles, given by the soldiers to each other, are not used
until they have passed the Cape of Good Hope, for then
they abandon almost all their former manners and customs,
and throw their spoons into the sea.2
When they are arrived in the Indies at any place belong
ing to the Portuguese, they are free to go wheresoever they
1 Mocquet gives an amusing account of a swineherd, Fernando, who
having dubbed himself Don, and riding through the streets of Goa ou
a fine horse and in sumptuous attire (at the expense of some half-caste
woman), was suddenly met by the son of his old m-ister in Portugal,
who cried, " Good heavens, Fernando, how are you ?" The Don at first
denied, and then confessed his identity, begging the other not to divulge
his secret.
2 For the Portuguese to round the Cape was to drink of Lethe. Sir
W. Scott furnishes a parallel passage : — " If you want rogues, as they
are so much in fashion with you, you have that gallant cast of adven
turers who laid down their consciences at the Cape of Good Hope, and
forgot to take them up again when they returned" (Preface to The
Surgeon's Daughter). The throwing overboard of the spoons is in refer
ence to the fact that they used no spoons in India : " There they eate
nothing with spoons, and if they should see any man doe so, they would
laugh at him'" (Linschoten, i, 207 ; see also Delia Valle, iv, 301).

122 PAY OF THE SOLDIERS.
will, without being obliged to any one, and they are not even
constrained to go to war, save on extraordinary occasions,
on the other hand they are not paid nor rated.1 Only they
go to eat and drink at the houses of those four great lords
who give food to all soldiers in the winter, they can also go
for- meat and drink to all the monasteries at all seasons ; for
at the houses of the said lords, food is given only in winter,
when the soldiers are on shore, and the armadas are returned
home. They like better to be fed than to receive money ;
for being addicted to play, they would gamble all inconti
nently. As for the money that is advanced to them for
their voyage, they durst not fail to buy out of that whatever
is necessary for the voyage, under pain of punishment. The
two armadas of the North and the South get an advance
of two quarters' pay, which amounts in all to thirty-six
perdos.2 The other armadas that go further off get an
advance of three-quarters. If they are more time on the
voyage, they are paid for it, and on their return get another
quarter's pay. The viceroy also betimes gives them some
thing extra, when he wishes to gratify the soldiers. The
number of the soldiers is never published, although it is
known by the rolls : for they will not that the Indians
should know their numbers, as I have already said. The
other inhabitants, and the native Indian soldiers, who are
Christians, are numbered, but not the Metifs, who are as the
Portuguese. Although the great majority of these soldiers are sent out,
some impressed, and others volunteers, yet when they are in
the Indies all are free to remain or to return to Portugal.
1 So great were the disorders at Goa, owing to the presence of an idle
soldiery, that the government were constrained to induce them to take
up their quarters at the other towns, Chaul, Daman, Diu, etc., by allow
ances of ten pardaos and their victuals during the monsoon months
(Boullaye-le-Gouz, Voy., p. 198).
2 Some thirty years later the pay of a soldier for a six months' voyage
had fallen to ten pardios (Boullaye-le-Gouz).

THOSE FRESH FROM PORTUGAL MOCKED. 123
They must, however, have their leave and passport of the
viceroy, which indeed they obtain with some difficulty
except they have some interest, or can show a legitimate
cause. But the real cause why so few came back is that
on the return voyage the king provides them with water
only, while it costs one at least three hundred perdos to get
back to Portugal.1
When they are newly arrived in the Indies, they are
called Raignolles,2 that is to say, " men of the kingdom," and
the older hands mock them until they have made one or
two voyages with them,_and have learned the manners and
customs of the Indies : this name sticks to them until the
fleet arrives the year following. When they are met in the
street, and are recognised for Raignolles, the little children
and shop boys cry after them. The Indian merchants are
glad enough to see them, for they are easier to take in.
If the soldiers from Portugal look forward to get a reward
or benefaction from the king, they must serve him there for
seven years, without counting the year of their going out ;
the Metifs, or Indian-born, serve for eight years. Nor is it
enough for them only to remain there : they must embark
in all the warlike expeditions that present themselves ; for
which they receive good certificates, called Certidous,3 from the
1 So Linschoten (ii, 229), who adds that they were not allowed a pas
sage home until they had served three years in India.
2 Port, reinol, pi. reinoes, " of the kingdom" (i.e., Portugal). At this
time the word had exactly the same meaning as our Anglo-Indian ''griffin",
and our colonial " new-chum" (see Linschoten, i, 208 ; Mocquet, 304).
Pyrard says above (p. 121) that the Portuguese called themselves " Portu
guese of Portugal", probably owing to the derogatory meaning of reinol.
Later, however, as Portuguese blood became more and more mixed, this
word became a term of pride. A century later we find A. Hamilton
speaking of the pride of " the Reynolds (sic) or European fidalgos" (New
Acct., i, 251). So in the present century (see above, p. 38, note). The
author's remark, that it took a year for a reinol to wipe out the stain, re
minds one that it takes the same time at an English public school for
a " new fellow" to work out the penalties of his condition.
3 Port, certiddo.

124 SHIPMENT OF CHILDREN FROM PORTUGAL.
viceroy and the captains, who forget not to enter in their
certificates all their good service rendered, that so they get
their recompense accordingly. If they cannot show that,
they receive nothing. If they wish to be recompensed, they
must return to Portugal, at the end of the said period, other
wise their service is lost : and sometimes for want of means
many cannot go and so lose all, for they must be there in
person. But if they die on the way or in the Indies, their
wives and children, or other next heirs, can present these
certificates, just as they themselves might. Those who return
before the fixed time get no reward, no more than those
who, being in India, do no service there.
A vast number of the soldiers are sent to the Indies in
exile for their misdeeds : these durst not return before their
time has expired. They are sent to Ceilan, Mozambique,
Malaca, and other places to garrison them : these get only
their pay without hope of other reward ; most of them marry
and remain there all their lives.1
Concerning the little boys, that are shipped and paid as
soldiers at Lisbon, when these arrive in the Indies they are
not rated as soldiers, unless they are sufficiently strong to
bear all sorts of arms ; but they fail not to find places : for
the lords, captains and gentlemen, take them for pages,
although they are of low birth. They do no menial service
for their master and mistress, except attending them abroad,
they are most sumptuously habited in their master's livery.
Ten or fifteen of them may be seen following one of these
lords, and they mingle not, nor associate with the slaves.
When they are grown and able to bear arms, their master
gives them some money to buy arms and clothes, and then
they join the expeditions with the others, and their seven
1 The use of India as a Botany Bay is above referred to as one of its
chitf advantages to Portugal (p. 88). In times of peril a free pardon
was given to these exiles on condition of service with the armies, as on
the occasion of the Siege of Kunhfili (Arch. Port. Or. Fasc, vi, No. 899).

DISTINCTION OF MARRIED MEN. 125
years commence from the time when they cease to be pages ;
so they follow the profession of arms.
These soldiers are all free, and there is none can command
them but the viceroy, except when they are enrolled, shipped,
and are receiving their pay for going to a war. For then
the captains and generals of the armadas command them
during that voyage only. All the unmarried, who have
made profession of arms, can call themselves soldiers ; saving
of course the clergy, who wear not the sword. This word —
soldier — then,^ includes all the unmarried : they are prohi
bited from wearing mantles, to distinguish them from the
married men^who wear them. The married men cannot be
compelled "to go to the wars, and when they desire to go,
it is a great dishonour to them on account of their wives
they leave behind. For great respect is there paid to a
married man, whom they call Casado. The soldiers like not
to see married men shipped along with them, being appre
hensive, lest they should inadvertently, and without intend
ing any offence, address to them some indecent language,
such as they use among themselves. A married man would
be gravely insulted by such words. Nevertheless necessity
sometimes requires them to go ; but they must wear their
mantles, so as to be recognised.
As to the number of these soldiers, Portuguese and Metifs,
I have seen in Goa alone more than four or five thousand,
besides the Indian soldiers who are innumerable. These
cannot hold themselves on a par with the Portuguese, nor
eat with them, although they be Christians, and although
their men and women can intermarry with theirs. So that
the soldiers, to keep their estates, offices, and honours, both
in the town of Goa, and in other possessions of the Portu
guese, must be married, or enrolled as soldiers, and in the
pay of the king.
The order of their embarking for the wars is as follows.
Oyer every fleet, whether ordinary and extraordinary, the

126 MODE OF EQUIPPING AN ARMADA.
viceroy and his council appoint a general and also captains,
fixing the number of vessels, and causing to be delivered
to the said general and captains money for all the expenses.
Next, drums are beat and criers go through the town to warn
all that will to enroll themselves at such and such a place.
The captains are curious to choose the honest men and best
soldiers, and give them gratifications and honours to induce
them to come with them. For there soldiers, being bound
to none, go and ship themselves with whom they will, and
are under obedience to them only for the voyage : they are
paid by the quarter, and in advance. All those in command
are appointed by the viceroy and most often by favour, and
they are the best rewarded, receiving more pay and more
booty. For instance, those in charge of the victualling, the
munitions, and other expenditure, all get their profit, each in
his office which he wins according to the strength of his
interest. It is a great honour and favour to be general, even
to be captain of a vessel, for he commands a large body of
honourable soldiers who on land are as good or better than
themselves. The Viador de Facienda, or. Superintendent of
the Finances, pays the soldiers. The generals and captains
have the duty of engaging and paying the expenses of the
crew, the mariners, etc., and providing for their advances in
money. For the rest the money advanced to the soldiers against
their embarkation is only to provide them with clothes, arms
and other commodities. As for provisions, they have to
take no thought on that score, being well fed at the expense
of the king on board ship, and according to the produce of
the places visited. When they are at sea they take the
ordinary ship's victual, that is to say, rice with butter, sugar,
lentils, and mangas.1 This is a fruit of the form of an olive,
but much larger, they have other sorts of them which they
1 The mango : from the Tam. man-kay (see Yule, Gloss.). In North
India and Ceylon it is called am and amba, from the Skt. amra.

LIFE ON SHIPBOARD IN INDIA. 127
salt. Frequently, too, they have biscuit, and the drink is
water only. They eat also a salted fish named pesche cavalo}
along with rice. But when they are at anchor in some port,
as they frequently are, they get all kinds of victuals that are
procurable at the several places, at the expense of the king.
Those who go on shore and care to live there, do so at their
own expense. On board, each soldier has his own dish and
eats by himself. The captain holds all his soldiers in great
respect and honour : they are treated vastly different from
our soldiers here. For there, the title of soldier is the most
honourable that one can have, and none is so rich or of such
quality, as to be disgraced in giving his daughter in marriage
to a soldier.
When a soldier has once received his pay, and the quarter
for embarking, and afterwards tries to hide so as not to go,
if he is apprehended, he is corporally punished and sent to
prison. In these vessels there are two kitchens, namely,
one for the captain and soldiers, and one for the mariners
and sailors. In every vessel there are three or four Portu
guese pages, rated and fed like the soldiers : they serve
only the captain, lieutenant, and soldiers, and such clergy as
are with them, whether Jesuits or of other orders : for there
is no vessel without these clergy on board. Most never
theless have their private slaves and valets ; and these pages
only attend them when they take their meals in the ship.
Some of the soldiers are of fine appearance and quality, yet
are much the same as the soldiers of our regiments, all being
infantry armed with arquebuse, pike, spear, little China
bucklers, bows and arrows. They use corselets but little,
while they value highly those collars of buffalo hide, and
laced jerkins, which are solely for sword cuts, and for arrows
shot from afar. They make use also of burgonets and iron
helmets. On land they wear sailor's breeches, which require
ten ells of stuff, and are exceeding ample and wide below,
i See vol. i, pp. 388, 427.

128 LIFE IN THE TOWNS.
and reach to the ground ; with these they wear no stockings,
and it is impossible that they could run in such breeches.
But when they are on board, they wear them of another
style, which they call it, la Francaise, as about thirty years
ago such like were worn in France. These are very short
and tight, and with them they wear no stockings or shoes,
for they say that shoes would deprive them of a firm footing
on the. vessel, whether in the rigging or on the deck. At
night they have tents of palm leaves made expressly for the
purpose of protecting them from the rain. They have also
mats and mattresses for sleeping upon, and carpets of Persia,
or of Cambaye, which are smaller. In the morning they
fold and wrap these up and lay them aside. On board ship
there is so little room that when you lie down you can
hardly stretch yourself at full length.
Having spoken of their embarkations and manner of living
at sea, I will now say a word of their conduct when they are
in the towns, and principally at Goa. On returning from their
voyages they reside in what towns they please, as also may
those who have not taken part in the voyage. Some take a
notion to live in one sort, others in another ; but most of them
keep company with girls and women, whom they call solteras}
that is licentious and unmarried women, living with them
quite openly, as if they were married. These girls or widows
deem themselves highly honoured when a white man, mean
ing one from Europe, courts their society. They will enter
tain and feed him as best they can, and wash his linen when
need be. On the other hand the soldiers, or amigos, as they
are called, maintain and support these women in all things,
and are as jealous of them as if they were their proper
wives, and will readily attack and slay one another in duels
on their account. But it is a great misfortune for a soldier
or other Portuguese or foreigner to have intercourse with
1 Solteira, a spinster ; then, as he says (but not now), used in the
above derogatory sense.

CONCUBINAGE. 129
these immodest Metices, or Indian girls, for one sees but few
men come out of it without peril. For if they know that
a man is paying his addresses to other women or girls, or
is meaning to marry, or to quit them on any other ground
whatever, infallibly they will poison him with a certain
drug, which can keep him alive for six months, but at length
will kill him,1 wherefore a man must use great cunning and
dissimulation in quitting them. For the rest, the children of
these unions are not held for bastards, but inherit both from
the father and the mother, if neither the one nor the other
is married. Fifteen days before we left Goa, a master's mate of one
of the three carracks which left before us, named Manuel
Fernando, went to visit the mistress of a soldier. The latter
arriving at the same time gave him a swordcut in the neck,
and leaving him for dead, took refuge in a church. But the
woman and her maid-servant budged not, whereupon the
magistrate coming up, in no wise punished the women nor
him that had fled. The wounded man was carried to the
hospital, and on his recovery seeing that his vessel, wherein
all his goods were already shipped, had gone, he was
constrained to come in ours. He bought a passage accord-
inglyj without a word said. In short, those women are ex
ceeding fond of the men of these parts. As for the soldiers
who cohabit with them, they fail not to embark when
called on, like the rest.
The others who do not ordinarily live with such-like.
women, club together nine or ten of them, more or less, and
take a lodging : this is very cheap there, for a lodging that
would cost twelve crowns a month here, would not fetch one
there. They furnish it with beds, tables, and other utensils,
1 The drug on which this story is founded is not specified. Linschoten
(i, 211) describes its potency as beiog still more marvellous : "' It will lye
six yeres in a man's body, and never doe him hurt, and then kil him,
without missing halfe an houres time. They make it also for one, two,
or three yeares, monthes, or dayes, as it pleaseth them best."

130 ECONOMICAL MAGNIFICENCE.
and have a slave or two in common. They ordinarily reside
in the lower rooms on account of the great heat. There are
also other lodgings, with no separate rooms, for letting only
to soldiers or other foreigners of little means. Others again
of more commodious sort are to be let as here. These soldiers
live a knavish life, for the most part, at least such as have
no cleverness. Some carry on intrigues with married women
or widows, who support them ; others gain the favour of
lords and gentlemen, who do not allow them to want ; others
engage in trade, or gamble. And these four lords, of whom
I have spoken, keep open table for all. Although they thus
live in common, they never eat two together, but each has
his portion, as I have said, and then has more wine, bread,
flesh, and fish than two could eat. Such, too, as care not to
go and eat at the lord's house, send their servant to bring
their dish and portion to their own home.
All day long you see them in their parlours, or at their
doors, seated in chairs in the cool shade, all in their shirts and
white cotton drawers. There they sing and play the guitar
or other instrument. The place is all overspread with
foliage, and water is thrown about to keep it fresh. They
are vastly polite towards the passers-by, freely bidding them
enter, sit, make themselves at home, and have a chat. They
never go about the town all at one time, but at most two or
three, sometimes not having more than three or four dress suits
to serve ten or twelve of them. For all that, when you see them
walk through the town, you would say they were lords with
an income of 10,000 livres, such is their bravery, with their
slaves behind them, and a man carrying over them a big
sombrero or parasol. There are places where these slaves
are to be hired, and one can be got for half a day for a
vintain,1 which is worth six blanks. They walk in their
suits of silk with the greatest pride imaginable. But as
1 Port, vintem, a base copper coin. Wm. Barret says that fifteen
basarucos "make a vinton of naughty mony".

A LICENTIOUS SOLDIERY. 131
soon as they are arrived at their lodging they doff these
promptly, and others take them who may want to go to town
in their turn.
These soldiers roam abroad at nights, and make it some
what dangerous to walk about the town after eight or nine
o'clock, for although the archers and sergeants are on their
rounds, the soldiers go in stronger bodies. They have a
bad custom, which is that they never make their assaults
singly man upon man, but most often four or five of them
fall upon one alone, and slay him whether it be night or
day. By night they murder and rob, and make no scruple
about killing a man for money.
Thus do the soldiers conduct themselves in the Indies, on
shore and at sea ; some well, the rest ill, according as their
fortune is good or evil. But most of them in the end marry
and go into trade : for some care not to return to Portugal,
having a sufficiency out there : others cannot return for want of
means. It costs them but little to live there, for they drink
only Banguenin water, and a man is well lodged for a tangue,
or six sols a month ; insomuch that with six blanks or three
sols a day, a man can get along and have good cheer
enough.

CHAPTER IX.
Of the kingdom of Dealcan, Decan, or Ballagate, and the
neighbourhood of Goa.
But because the island of Goa, and the surrounding
Country, now under the power and influence of the Portu
guese, were anciently an appanage of the kingdom of Deal-
can or Decan, whereof we have often spoken, it will not be
out of place to tell something of what I have heard at Goa
of that kingdom.
It is now a hundred and ten years and more the Portu
guese have held the Island of Goa, for the recovery whereof

132 SIEGES OF GOA.
out of their hands the kings of Dealcan have done all they
could by force of war ; they have even laid siege to it twice,1
with two very powerful armies composed each of 200,000
men, and each siege lasted nine entire months. And the
King of Dealcan used to say blusteringly, that to fill up the
river, and make a passage for his army to the said island, he
needed nothing but the alpargues,2 or shoes, of his own people.
And indeed, he did nearly fill it up with earth and stones in
one place, and thereby got the means of carrying over a certain
force of men; but they met with a handsome reception and re
pulse from the Portuguese. But what astonished the king most
was the cannon of the Portuguese, which was of considerable
weight, whilst he had none. He at length recognised that he
could not take the place by force, but that on the contrary he
would gain more benefit and wealth from traffic and inter
course with the Portuguese, than if Goa belonged to himself: on
the other hand, the Portuguese saw that they could not remain
there for any length of time without the friendship of this
1 In 1570-1, and (1) in 1583. The first siege was in pursuance of the
great confederacy of the Kings of Bijapur and Ahmednuggur and the
Turks led by Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur, and of the Kings of Achin
and Johore in the far East, to drive the Portuguese out of India.
Chaul was besieged at the same time. The siege of Goa was raised
chiefly by the terrible ravages of disease in the investing army. The
Venetian Cesar Frederick was in the city at the time (Hak., ii, pt. n, p.
219). For a fuller account see Decadas ; Faria y Souza, As. Port. • and
Antonio de Castilho, Comentario do cerco de Goa e Chaul no anna de
1570, Lisbon, 1573, 8vo., and 1736, 4to. The second siege, in whiih
the Turks are said to have lost 20,000 men, chiefly by disease, is inte
resting to us from the fact that our countryman, Edward Webbe, fought
as master-gunner in the Turkish army (E. Webbe, His Trauailes, 1590,
4to ; reprint by Arber, 1868, 8vo.).
2 Port, alparca, from the Ar. pargat, sandals (Vieira, Diet. Port.).
At the siege of Famagosta, in 1571, the Turkish leader made a like
boast : — "By means of country people who went to Famagosta to ran
som prisoners, Mustafa caused it to be reported in the place that his
force was so overwhelming that if each man would but fling his shoe
into the ditch a mound might be raised by which the wall might be
stormed" Stirling-Maxwell's Don John of Austria, Libr. edit., i, 36C).

PORTUGUESE CONVENTION WITH HIDALCAN. 133
king, because all their provisions had to reach them from his
country, wherefore they made peace together upon these
conditions : That the Portuguese would live in their island
according to their laws and customs, without encroaching in
any way upon the lands or territories belonging to the said
king, nor, in like wise, would he make any enterprise upon
their island. Further, that the Indians in the island who .are
pagans (as a multitude in fact are, even to the number of more
than 20,000) should live according to their own religion without
constraint, observing indeed the Portuguese laws, whether of
justice or police, but not being allowed to have any of their
temples or pagodas in the island : and further, that they
should pay for every male, of what young age soever, one
perdo to the King of Portugal.
A rule is also observed between the two parties, that if a
Christian or infidel of Goa, having committed some crime,
happens to flee to the' country of Dealcan, he cannot be
followed by the officers of justice: nor, in like manner, a
man of Dealcan at Goa. Yet it is exceeding difficult to win
refuge at Goa, because one cannot pass over to the island
without licence of the judge in writing, as I have said, and
because of the guards that are at the passages and fortresses ;
nevertheless there are many that fly thither at all times. A
great number of Portuguese and Christian Indians sojourn
in these territories of Dealcan, and become residents there,
living in all liberty, save for the exercise of the Christian
religion, the which they cannot have, no more than the
infidels can have theirs at Goa.
This King of Dealcan hath under him a very great extent
of country, and many kingdoms, such as Decan, Ballagate,
Hidalcan,1 and others. These were anciently separate king-
1 Pyrard is in the same hopeless confusion in regard to these names
as his predecessor Linschoten. As has been shown, Hidalcan is really the
name of the prince ; Dealcan is a confusion of that name with Deccan ;
and Ballagate means simply the "Highlands", Pers. bald, above, and
Hind, ghat, " a pass". Compare the old Scotch phrase, " abune the pass".

134 INTERCOURSE WITH THE DECCAN.
doms possessed by their own kings ; but in process of time
that of Dealcan hath subdued them all : it is at present
very powerful and redoubted, and is bordered on the one
side by the kingdom of Bengal, and on the other by the
territory of the Grand Mogor. When I was about my depar
ture from Goa, the news arrived there that this Grand Mogor
had proclaimed war against the King of Dealcan, who was
quite resolved to meet him, and it was said that this war
was only to get a passage to march against the King of
Bengala, which passage the King of Dealcan was resolved
to prevent. The King of Dealcan is a Mahometan, as are a
large part of his people : the rest are Gentiles and idolators,
like the Canarins of Goa, the Nairs, and other Indians.
He is an amiable and peaceable prince — no tyrant, but a
friend of all foreigners, and of his neighbours that are at
peace with him. As for his power, it is such that he can
put in the field 200,000 men, as he did at the last siege of
Goa, which they say he would have taken at the last, but
for the treason of two of the principal lords of his army,
whom he afterwards beheaded on that account.
The viceroy has always an ambassador at the court of this
king ; there are also some Jesuits who are well received by
him, and they make some use of their opportunities, but
secretly. In all these countries there are great numbers of
Portuguese, who are allowed to reside where they please in
all assurance, but without the exercise of their religion :
there are also there a goodly number of Christian Indians,
but all these are men who have committed some crime and
dare not return among the Portuguese, and therefore live
there a reckless life. So, too, there are Dealcan subjects at
Goa and elsewhere, living in the like liberty. As for the
Portuguese that are about the king at Decan, or Ballagate,
they can exercise their religion, because of the Jesuits and
the Portuguese ambassador there.
This king also keeps an ambassador in ordinary at Goa ;

DECCAN AMBASSADOR AT GOA. 135
he is a person of dignity and importance, and has the exer
cise of his religion in his own hous"e. All the bodies of
infidels at Goa are buried or burned in the Dealcan terri
tories and not on the island. When this ambassador goes
about the town he is accompanied by a power of men, partly
his own domestics, and partly lords and merchants of the said
kingdom. He has also a number of armed soldiers, as well
before as behind him, carrying bows, arrows, arquebuses,
pikes, swords, and Chinese bucklers. And though he has
many fine horses yet most frequently he rides in a palanquin,
followed by lords on horseback ; and then he has his horses
led by the hand, splendidly barbed and caparisoned, with a
number of pages, one bearing his fan, another his silver box
full of betel} another a box containing chunan2 — that is, lime
for using with his betel — and two others with silver flagons
or vases filled with water, one for drinking and washing his
mouth, the other for washing the privy parts as occasion re
quires. His grand parasol is borne aloft, and a band of drums,
flutes, hautbois, and other instruments of the country use,
accompanies him. Thus do all the ambassadors and great
lords of the country proceed.
It is now about forty years ago since, the King of Dealcan
having two sons, the younger3 came to Goa, became a Chris
tian, and was baptised. Afterwards, his father being dead,
he claimed a division with his brother, who refused to recog
nise him because of his religion, whereupon he sought
aid of the viceroy, with whom he made war upon his said
elder brother ; the latter, partly under stress of war, and
partly by advice of his council, at length gave him a share of
the lands near Goa, viz. : the lands of Bardes and Salcette,
which are in the vicinity of the Island of Goa, having only
1 The Malayal. vettila, and Tarn, vettilei (Piper betel) ; see Yule, Gloss.
2 Tarn, chunam. The word is now in everyday Anglo-Indian use.
8 The history of Meal-Khan, here inaccurately recorded from tradi
tion, is given by De Couto, Dec. V, Liv. ix, cc. 8-11 ; Liv. x, cc. 1, 2, 6,
11: Dec. VII, Liv. I, cc. 10, 11; Liv. n, cc. 2, 7-10 ; Liv. iv, c. 9.

136 BARDES AND SALSETTE BEQUEATHED TO PORTUGAL.
the river between, along with three or four other small
islands. These two lordships are not part of the terra-firma
at all, being separated therefrom by some streams that are
easily fordable. The whole consists of about twenty leagues
or more of country, very high, fertile throughout, with
much trade, and the same people as at Goa. This Christian
king, dying without children, left all his property and lands
to the King of Portugal, who at this day possesses them
under that title, and the Portuguese have built there for
tresses, churches, and parish churches with colleges of
Jesuits, who hold all the cures there, so that the faith waxes
there daily. All these lands furnish the food of the Island
of Goa.
To return to the King of Dealcan : he has a great number
of elephants, whereof he makes presents betimes to the King
of Spain, and these are kept at Goa for his service. He has
also plenty of good horses, but these come from Persia and
Mogor. As regards Arab horses, the viceroys of Goa give
them to him ; they are sent to his people young and fresh,
and they break them, for there is no nation in all the Indies
so handy with horses. The Portuguese themselves have no
other grooms for breaking and training their horses but
those from there ; indeed also, after the Nairs, there are none
who understand the management of elephants so well.
The country produces a vast number of tigers, which
trouble them sore. The soil is fertile throughout, being
watered by many rivers and streams. There are also serpents
very thick and long. The finest and best diamonds come in
quantities from the kingdom of Ballagata : they are among
the principal sources of wealth to the king and country ; for
in the Indies the diamonds of Ballagata only are prized;
plenty are found in Pegu and elsewhere, but not of like
value. His people have also silk and cotton, whereof they
make stuffs: they are exceeding well dressed, wearing
trousers, and large coats of silk and cotton, with turbans on

STORY OF A PRINCE OF DECCAN. 137
the head — straight, high, and pointed, and not round like those
of the Turks and Arabs ; their shoes are of the Turkish
fashion, red, gilded and pointed in front, and open above ; this
is the dress as well of Gentiles as Mahometans. It is a
marvel to see the throng of people that enters the island of
Goa every day, as well men as women, laden with all kinds
of provisions, with buffaloes, asses, and other beasts of bur
then : thus is Goa fed.
It is now about fifteen years since there was at Goa a very
near kinsman1 of the King of Dealcan, who was not yet a
Christian, but was nevertheless come with the intention of
getting himself baptised. He was instructed every day, and
so abode among the Portuguese two or three years in this
hope, and was most desirous to get himself baptised, for
there none are constrained thereto. At this juncture came to
him some cheats from Dealcan, who made him believe that
the king was dead, and that the crown belonged to him, as
being the next heir, saying that they had the word of the
chiefs for it, if he would go forth from Goa ; all which he
believed with simplicity, and conspired with them to depart
secretly, so as not to be discovered by the Portuguese, who
would have turned him back, and to whom he had given
his word, having received much kindness at their hands ;
in such wise they so managed that they fled forth of
Goa, and gained the country of Ballagata, where the king
was. The poor prince being arrived there was fairly well
received at the first ; but was nevertheless closely watched.
At length the king having assembled his council in his
regard, was advised to put out his eyes, which is the punish
ment of all such as aspire to the crown, except the eldest
son of the king : this is the custom among all the Indian
and Mahometan kings, in imitation of the Turk and the
1 The prince Cufo Khan (according to De Couto), son of Meale-Khan.
He came to Goa in 1584 (see Dec. X, Liv. iv, cc. 7, 10, 11 ; Arch. Port.
Or., Fasc. 3, Doc. 23, § 14).

133 STORY OF ANOTHER DECCAN PRINCE.
Persian. The king was afraid lest this prince should in
course of time engage the Portuguese against him, as the
other had done of whom I have spoken above.
Again, at the time I was leaving Goa, there was another
prince of Dealcan, a kinsman of the king, who was residing
there and was made a Christian, and even was married.1
He draws a pension from the King of Spain, as do all the
kings, princes, and great Indian lords who become Christians,
and come for shelter to the Portuguese. This prince, after
having been married five or six years to a pretty Metice
lady, got tired of her and wanted to quit her, according to
the custom of the Mahometan Indians, who thus quit one
another when they think fit ; and thinking to do the like he
asked to be unmarried in the church ; but this was not
allowed. Seeing this he withdrew to the Moora' country
and sent word to the Portuguese that he would. never return
unless they would unmarry him : whereupon they were
advised that he being a man of consideration, it was more
worth their while to permit it, and to let him be unmarried
as his fancy was, than that getting a refusal he should
renounce the faith. So it was that since then he has espoused
a Brameny girl, with whom he lives quite peaceably.2
There was also a king of the Maldives that beeame a
Christian at Cochin, and was baptised,3 as I have already
said in treating of the Maldives : he even brought his wife
there and they were received in great honour. This king
afterwards wished to constrain his subjects, who had revolted,
to recognise him ; to that .end, he sent an army of Portu
guese, who built a fort on those islands, and warred against
them in such wise by the space of ten years, that they made
1 This was the son of Mahmad Khan, a bastard of Meale-Khan. On
becoming a Christian he was baptised by the name of Don Joao de
Menezes Shah (Dec. X, Liv. iv, c. 11).
2 From a petition of this prince, given by Rivara, it appears that he
was still resident in Goa in 1622.
3 Under the name of Dom Manoel (see -ol. i, pp. 245-249, and App. B.).

THE TITULAR KING OF THE MALDIVES. 139
the majority of the islanders tributary. But at length the
Portuguese were betrayed, and being surprised in their for
tress were all slain. After that they have not been able to
regain a footing, but the Mahometan king of the Maldives
has agreed to pay a certain sum of money every year to this
Christian king, and to his children and posterity. Under this
treaty they are at peace, for no Christians reside amongst
these people. I have seen at Goa the grandson of that Chris
tian king, aged fifteen years, with his Portuguese mother ;
he is named Don Philippe.1 The Portuguese give him the
title of Majesty, calling him King of the Maldives, and
honour and respect him greatly. The King of Spain gives
a pension both to him and to his mother : they were lodged
near the Jesuits' college, in a very handsome house. I have
often been to see them, as indeed they begged me on
account that I had lived at the Maldives, whereof they were
glad enough to hear me gossip. I saw also in his house that
gentleman named Adrian de Gouya, whom he had sent upon
an embassy to the Mahometan king of the Maldives, as I
have said2 : he welcomed me with much courtesy, having
been my warm friend. This little king has a suit against his
uncle, named Don Pedro, who resides at Cochin, and is married
there, for that he also calls himself king of the Maldives.
This uncle is married to a Metice lady, nobly born and
vastly rich, who maintains him in comfort ; for without her
he has only his pension from the king, which is small, and
very often, indeed usually, but badly paid.
1 See further App. B. 2 See vol. i, p. 293.

140 THE AUTHOR SERVES WITH THE PORTUGUESE.

CHAPTER X.
Voyage of the Author to Ceylon, and description of that
Island.
Being then at Goa with the Portuguese, I was a soldier in
many of their armies that they equipped during my sojourn
there, chiefly beyond the coast where Goa is, to the island
of Ceylon, to Malaca, Sumatra, Java, and other islands of
Sunda and the Moluccas, and was paid like the rest.
For they are wont to equip many ships and galiots to send
to Malaca, and as far as the Moluccas, to conduct their
merchantmen in security ; and also for an escort to such as
traffic in China and Japan. Wherefore I shall describe
here what I have observed in all those parts : where I have
halted, sojourned, and fought.1
Ceylon is a very great island, towards the point of Cape
Comorin ; it extends north and south, and the southern2 part
is opposite Cape Comorin, between which and the island
vessels cannot pass by reason that the sea is shallow. It is
estimated to be three to four hundred leagues in compass.
It is the richest island yet discovered, and is thickly set with
many towns. Some Indians call it by the name of Tenasirin3
signifying land of delights or earthly paradise.
1 He gives us no particulars of any engagement ; indeed, at the
close of this chapter he gives us to understand that at this period the
Portuguese, when they met the Dutch, avoided fighting by striking.
2 Sic, a mistake for "northern".
3 The interpretation is right, but the application to Ceylon is erro
neous. The name Tenasserim (Malay tanah-sari, the land of happiness
or delight) was long ago given by the Malays to the Burma province,
which still keeps it, the Burmese corruption being Tanang-sari. Pyrard
seems to be quoting Barbosa, the originator of the misapplication who
says of Ceylon that the Indians call it "Tenarisin, that is to say, land of
del;ghts" ('•' Tenarisin que quer dizer terra das delicias"). How this pas-

CEYLON AND ITS PEOPLE. 141
No words can express the richness, goodness, and fertility
of this island. First as to its fruits : they have a taste
and savour, such that none so excellent are to be found in all
the Indies, though they grow wild in the woods and forests,
and, among the rest, cinnamon. To name all would be im
possible, but all those of the rest of India are to be found
there in profusion and perfection ; so that the Indians with
no bad reason deem it to be the Earthly Paradise.1 There
are other trees, viz., palms, that bear the areca, which is
chewed with the betel, and grows there in such abundance
that all India is furnished thence, and a great traffic is carried
on to all parts, for whole ships are laden with it for convey
ance elsewhere.2
sage comes to appear in Lord Stanley's translation (p. 166)— "And the
Indians call it Ylinarim. It is a rich and luxuriant land, etc." — is more
than I can say.
1 The Earthly Paradise of the middle ages is even more difficult to
localise than the realm of Prester John. Its identification with Cey'on,
which occurs also in Marignohi (see Cathay, pp. 326, 346) and else
where, is probably a confusion of the Christian legend, which seeks to
localise the Garden of Eden, with the Mahommedan, which fixes
Adam's Peak and its valleys as the place of Adam's retreat after his
expulsion from Eden. What has been written on the terrestrial para
dise would, as Col. Yule says, probably fill a respectable library. As
developed by Christian fancy, " it is the old garden of Eden, which lay
in the far east beyond the stream of Ocean, raised so high on a triple
terrace of mountains that the deluge did not touch it. It is the resi
dence of certain departed saints, and the pictures drawn of it are
coloured with classical reminiscences of Elysium and the Islands of the
Blest. How these outlines were filled up at different periods may be
learned from Ephraem Syrus' poem on Paradise (4th century), from
Cosmas Indicopleustes (6th century), from Dante (Purg., c. 28 et seq.),
and other mediaeval sources." (Encyc. Brit., art. " Paradise".)
2 Ribeiro (i, c. 3) says that every year no less thnn a thousand
champanas (" Sampan,'' a small boat ; see Yule, Gloss.) of areca-nuts were
loaded from the kingdom of Cotta. Legrand, followed by Lee, erro
neously reads arena in this passage of Ribeiro, and makes this an export
of sand. Tennent (ii, 27, n.) explains the mistake. Knox (p. 13) says
there was great trade in these nuts with the Coromandel coast when he
first went to Ceylon. It is still considerable.

142 CEYLON AND ITS PEOPLE.
The inhabitants are idolatrous folk, and worship idols, but
of another sort than those of Malabar. They are all of great
stature, very black and ill-favoured, but supple and ingenious ;
a people much given to their pleasures and delights ; for the
rest, very poltroons and cowards.1 They go all naked, both
men and women, save that they cover the private parts with
rich silk cloths. The ears of both men and women are three
or four inches long, and all pierced and laden with precious
stones ; they wear also many rings on the fingers, and girdles of
fine gold. Their language is peculiar: they are called Cingalla2
These Cingalla are very apt at manufactures, and have a
very cunning and delicate hand for gold and silver, iron, steel,
ivory, and other materials, which they work with excellent
neatness. They make all sorts of arms, such as arquebuses,
swords, pikes, and bucklers, which are the best and most
valued in the Indies.3 These people are very nimble, and
good leapers : and all wear the hair long, like those of the
Maldives. I never thought it possible they could show such
excellence in fashioning arquebuses and other arms; more
beautiful, indeed, are they in workmanship and ornament
than those made here.
It is perhaps the most fertile region in the world for fruits :
they are exceeding good and choice. The country is all
covered with forests, fruit-trees bearing oranges both sweet
and bitter, limes of a very sweet and delicious taste, pome
granates, cocos, pine-apples, and other Indian fruits.
Flesh of all sorts is abundant, nor is there any lack of
fish ; add millet, honey, canes, sugar, and butter in plenty ;
but there is grown no rice,* which is their principal nou-
1 " The people of Seilan are no soldiers, but poor cowardly creatures"
(Marco Polo, by Yule, Bk. in, ch. xiv).
2 See vol. i, p. 266.
3 Knox says they make good guns, but he does not praise them so
highly as the author. Many existing specimens are of beautiful work
manship ; but of course the art is dead now.
* Quite a mistake, though a large amount was then, as now, imported.

PORTUGUESE FORTRESSES. 143
rishment : it is brought from Bengala. Moreover, all the
cinnamon of the world comes from there only ; there are
whole forests of it. There are also vast numbers of ele
phants, whose teeth are much prized by them, and are a
great article of traffic; also great quantities of precious
stones, such as rubies, hyacinths, sapphires, topazes, garnets,
emeralds,1 cat's-eyes, etc., the best in the Indies ; add to that,
there is there the finest and greatest fishery of exceeding
fine and beautiful pearls ; but there are no diamonds.
The Portuguese have two fortresses in this island. The
principal is called Colombo, and the other Pointe de Galle?
They are strong, and well garrisoned with soldiers, who are
mostly criminals and exiles; and in the same way only women
of ill-fame are sent thither. The general, or governor, of
the country, who was there while I was at Goa, was named
Don Hieronimo Azebedo3 a very good captain. The principal
and greatest king of the island is called Bachil} and there
are many other kings.
1 No emeralds are found.
2 In orig. misprinted Port de Salle. These were the fortresses, but
the Portuguese had then a number of small forts ; e.g., Mannar, Negombo,
and Kalutara, on the west coast. About this time, too, after the visit
of the Dutch to Batticaloa in 1602, they built forts there and at Trin-
comalee (Lee's Ribeiro, p. 50).
3 Hieronimo Azevedo had been admiral at Malacca in 1585 ; he was
eighteen years in Ceylon ; became 20th viceroy Dec. 1612, and governed
till Nov. 1617 ; he returned to Europe and ended his days in a dungeon
at Lisbon. Faria y Souza says his reverses were a judgment from the
Almighty for his barbarities in Ceylon. Pyrard was probably but a
short time in Ceylon, and some soldier may have described this inhuman
monster as a very good captain. His character may be estimated by his
deeds, which included the tossing of Sinhalese to alligators, to amuse his
troops, forcing mothers to pound their children, and other enormities
(see Faria y Souza, by Stevens, iii, 72, 95, 98, 108, 167, 277 ; Monfart,
Trauailes, p. 26 ; Tennent, ii, 23).
4 Prob. Raja. The assumed title of Raja Sinha, " Lion King", the
great usurper and tyrant, then not long dead, likely induced the notion
that raja was part of the name. The king at this time was Seniwiratna,
who reigned at Kandy (1604-16) after the death of Don Juan, who is
next mentioned in the text.

144 HISTORY OF DON JUAN.
There was one1 seized and taken to Goa now twenty years
ago ; he then became a Christian, and was married, and had
a good pension of the King of Spain for his maintenance, as
have all the other kings and princes who are converted.
This prince having resided a long while at Goa, well beloved
of all, was so trusted that, by command of the King of Spain,
and with the advice of the Council of the Indies, it was con
sidered advisable to send him to Ceylon to rule there under
the authority of the King of Spain, to the end that the
people might obey him more gladly, as being a native of the
country, in such wise that he was restored to the possession
of all his country. But he was not there two years or so
ere he abjured Christianity and returned to his first faith,
and made war upon the Portuguese. This shows how
perfidious and wicked these people are. The residence of
this king was toward the port of Galla. He was called Don
1 Kunappa Bandar, son of a prince of the royal house, whom Raja
Sinha treacherously put to death, fled on that event to Colombo, whence
he was sent to Goa. He was there during Linschoten's residence (Lin
schoten, i, 78), and was baptised as Don Juan, in honour of the victor of
Lepanto. With great vigour and sagaci'y he led a successful revolt of
his countrymen against the tyrant who had murdered his father, per
mitting the Portuguese to believe he was a tool in their hands. On
being established on the throne (1592) he renounced Christianity, and
took the name of Wimala Dharma. After several reverses he managed
by a ruse to entrap a Portuguese army of 1,200 men, under Pedro de
Sousa, in a mountain pass, where, deserted by their native allies, they were
slain almost to a man. Donna Catharina, the Portuguese candidate,
fell into the hands of the conqueror, who married her, and thus held
the throne until his death in 1604. The end of his reign was signalised
by his reception of the Dutch under Spilberg (1602), and the murder of
Sibalt de Weer at Batticaloa(1603). Simple-minded Pyrard accuses him of
perfidy in abjuring Christianity on gaining his throne ; but what was
his own royal master, Henry IV, about in the very same year, 1 593 ?
One act of the Sinhalese prince should go far to redeem him from the
charge of perfidy. After the massacre above-mentioned, Sousa made a
death-bed request that his son should be spared and sent back to
Colombo. The conqueror promised and performed (De Couto, Dec. XT,
xii ; Faria y Souza, by Stevens, vol. iii ; Tennent, ii, 21, et seq. ; Pridham,
Ceylon, ii, 95 ; Lee's Ribeiro, 26).

THE SACRED TOOTH RELIC. 145
Jouan, and had been conquered, himself and his kingdom,
by the captain, Andre" Furtado de Mendosa, one of the
bravest and most valiant captains that ever went to the
Indies. They used to worship a monkey's tooth, and when that was
taken by the Portuguese they wished to buy it back at the
price of great riches, but the Portuguese would not restore
it, and it was publicly burned at Goa.1
1 This sentence, which I have placed as a separate paragraph, is
obviously out of place here. The story of the Daladd, or sacred tooth
of Buddha, is too lengthy even to be sketched. Its earlier history is
to be found in the Dhatuvansa and the Mahavansa ; see also some inte
resting passages translated by Mr. levers in /. Cey. As. Soc, vol. viii,
art. " Beligala". The alleged capture of the real tooth by the Portu
guese in 1560, has given rise to an infinity of notices and much contro
versy. That they captured, somewhere in the'Jaffna district, a tooth or
thing which they believed to be the historic relic, and that the viceroy
Constantine de Braganca had it publicly pounded in a mortar and burnt
to ashes at Goa, may be taken for fact (see De Couto, Dec. VII, pas
sages from which, with all the authorities, are quoted by Mr. J. G. da
Cunha in his Mem. on the Tooth-Relic of Ceylon, 1875). But as Mr.
Rhys Davids points out (Academy, 1874, p. 341), it has never been shown
how the tooth, though given to travel, got out of the Sinhalese into the
Tamil country of Jaffna. To which objection I would add another, that
the Sinhalese never seem to have mourned the loss of their palladium.
The Portuguese heard in 1566 of the tooth cult going on at Kandy as
of yore, and of course charged the King of Kandy with a fraud. They
then bitterly regretted that they had not sold their captured ivory to
the King of Pegu for 40,000 cruzados. The Sinhalese king was wiser.
He sold a real relic to the King of Pegu, and, when the transaction was
complete, discovered that the most real tooth was still in his possession.
There need be no doubt that the relic now eDshrined at Kandy, where
I have Been it on two or three occasions between 1871 and 1873, is the
same which has been worshipped at least since 1566. As to its material,
nothing is known : in size and shape it is not of normal human dimen
sions ; but this, in the eyes of its devotees, is rather proof of its
genuineness. The best representation of it is that given by Forbes
(Eleven Years in Ceylon), and copied by Tennent and by Yule (Marco
Polo). The cut in Davy's Ceylon is, according to my recollection of the
original, inaccurate. That the daladd was a monkey's tooth is of course
only a Portuguese slander, in which Buddhism is confused with the
Hindu worship of Hanuman.

146 MURDER OF SIBALT DE WEER.
This king, having revolted and abjured the faith, put to
death all the Portuguese that were found in his borders ; and
so it was that afterwards the Hollanders passing the pointe
de Galla with three ships, as their wont is to cast anchor
and make a sojourn there, contracted a peace and alliance
with this king ; and such was the confidence reposed in one
another, that the Hollanders used to go ashore in all freedom
and assurance, and the Cingalla in like manner used to come
aboard their ships. But upon this the king conceived a
great treachery, assembling all the chiefs, principal soldiers;
and most eminent men at his palace for a grand solemn
banquet, which he gave to all the highest grandees of his
court and of the Nairs.1 The Hollander general went
thither in good faith with sixty or seventy of the chief men
of his three ships, chosen by himself, and arrayed in the
bravest style possible. They were there received very
magnificently, according to the custom of the country ; but
the poor Hollanders' dessert was after another fashion, for
while they were at table thinking only to enjoy themselves and
make good cheer, they were incontinently seized and massacred
there and then by suborned villains.2 The design of the king
was at once to surprise all the ships, but God did_ not permit
that, and saved them : for three or four mariners that were
there waiting upon them escaped, and ran and flung them
selves into their boats, to give word to those on board the
ships of what had taken place. So it was they straightway
1 His informants meant probably the Tamils of Batticaloa.
2 The massacre of Sibalt de Weer and his comrades (1st June 1603)
arose out of a difference between him and Wimala Dharma (Don
Juan) as to the division of the Portuguese prizes, or, as some say,
was brought about by the Dutchman's insulting language when drunk.
The affair is involved in some obscurity. It took place at Batticaloa,
and not at Galle, as Pyrard implies. Some say that it was done by the
king's officers without his order : Pyrard's statement that it was done
at the instigation of the Portuguese is uncorroborated, and may be
dismissed as a Portuguese boast (see Van Warwyk's Voyage of 1602 ;
Baldaeus, Hist., ch. vii ; Tennent, ii, 36).

PORTUGUESE WARS IN CEYLON. 147
cut the cables, leaving their anchors there, and set sail, laying
a course for Achen, whither God conducted them, for all
their pilots had been slain. I have heard it said by the two
Hollanders who came to the Maldives, and subsequently by
others, that that general was one of the bravest and most
valiant men that had come out of Holland this many a day,
and that the rest of his comrades were of the same temper.
The perfidious king that played them this sorry trick did it
all to make his peace with the Portuguese ; for I have heard
them say themselves that this came about of their counsel,
and that the king had promised to deliver up the ships to
them, saving a part of the valuable cargo that he should
retain. The general was not slain at the time,1 nor were two
or three others ; but when the king saw that one part of his
design had failed, he fell into such rage and choler, that he
had their eyes put out, and practised a thousand other
cruelties upon them. These kings of Ceylon are sometimes
friends, sometimes enemies, of the Portuguese, changing thus
in a thousand fashions.
The Portuguese are in continual war with these islanders, a
great part of whom they have conquered and hold under their
power, and little by little they are overcoming the rest. Many
have been made Christians.
War is very difficult for the Portuguese, because the
country.is much covered and full of woods ; and thus in going
to war they must always have a bill and a hatchet in hand.
Nor are the Portuguese so quick and nimble in marching
through these woods as the islanders, who prepare ambus
cades therein, and then escape in the thickest of them.
Many a time have the Portuguese been besieged in their
fortresses, but these have never been taken.
The war is very cruel between the two, and when the
Portuguese take prisoners of war they make them slaves or
put them to death. On the islanders' part, they do not put
1 He was, according to the Dutch account.

148 HOLLANDERS TAKE MANY PRIZES.
the Portuguese to death, but merely cut off their noses and
send them back ; for they say they will not have their soil
polluted with the bodies and blood of foreigners, so far as
they can prevent it.
In this island is a point towards the south called " de
Galla"; it is a cape advancing far into the sea. I shall tell
what happened to three Hollander ships that were guarding
it when they met those two large vessels, the one of Arabia,
the other of Guzerate, whereof I have spoken in treating of
the Maldives. These ships remained there about three months,
during the time the east winds blow (which is also the time
when the ships of India return from the South and from Ben
gala), and took sixteen or eighteen Portuguese vessels ; for
all the vessels coming from the coasts and shores of Bengala,
Malaca, Sunda, China, Japan, and elsewhere must pass there,
and sight this point or cape, as we did the Cape of Good Hope
in going to the Indies. They also touch there in coming to
all the rest of the Indian coast, that is, to the parts from Cape
Comorin to Ormus. Those who will not go near it, without
doubt will get entangled in the shoals of the Maldives,
whence it is hard to withdraw without danger. Nevertheless,
these captures incommoded the Portuguese more than they
enriched the Hollanders, for most of the vessels carried only
provisions for the ports. The Portuguese suffered in two ways:
first, in losing honour and credit in the eyes of the Indian
kings and peoples ; secondly, in the necessity and lack of
food which the people of the ports and havens to which the
ships belonged sustained thereby ; for if there is a failure of
provisioning one year, the famine is very great. In these
vessels were only some merchants and passengers, who are
Portuguese or Metices and Indian Christians ; for all the rest,
as well officers as mariners, and even the merchants them
selves, are Indians,— either Gentiles, Jews, or Mahometans.
The Indian Christians habited in the Portuguese style are not
deemed Indians, but Portuguese. The Hollanders gave more

HOLLANDERS' TREATMENT OF PRIZES. 149
quarter and better terms of capitulation to these real Indians
than to the Portuguese and Metifs ; and none of the Indian
ships, from whatsoever port, sustained any injury, but, on the
contrary, got offers of aid and assistance, and this occurred
to many that did not ask it. So it is that the Hollanders,
English, and French, whom they rate all alike, are well
received among these Indian kings and peoples, forasmuch
as these nations do them no damage.
Now for the order observed by the Hollanders when they
meet vessels, it is to fire a cannon-shot, whereupon the others
strike at once, for they have no fancy to fight, being all private
merchants, or Indian mariners and officers, to whom the
Hollanders do no harm. But they seize the Portuguese and
all their goods, and the ship also, if it belongs to the Portu
guese, or they give it to the Indians. They put the Portu
guese on shore without injury, giving them money for their
support until they get into their own territories. When they
meet Indian ships they search them to see if there be any
Portuguese concealed therein ; not finding any, they let them
go without more ado. They merely ask if they are Maho
metans, or of what other religion; being informed on this point,
they make them swear on the book of their law, or. on a
biscuit (upon which oath they are believed), whether the cargo
belongs to them or to the Portuguese. And when they
are found mixed on a ship, the Hollanders do the like,
setting apart and leaving the goods of the Indians, and
seizing those of the Portuguese, that is, such as are their own
property: and most often they set fire to the vessel or give
it to the Indians, making them swear not to give what is
left to the Portuguese ; for if they came to know that they
had given anything to them, they would treat them as
enemies. It is impossible to count the ships that the
Hollanders have seized in the Indies in this fashion, without
firing a shot : for they are regarded as Kings of the sea by
the Indians and by the Portuguese themselves. The latter,

150 VALUE OF MALACCA.
as soon as they sight the Hollanders afar off, even in lesser
numbers, think of nothing but flight, and of abandoning their
ship and all their merchandise, themselves escaping in some
little boat.

CHAPTER XI.

Of Malaca, a description of it, and the memorable siege which
the Hollanders laid thereto.
Departing from Ceylon, we steered our course to Malaca,1
which is distant from Goa six hundred leagues, near the
Equinoctial line, at one degree's elevation of the Arctic Pole's
circle, very near the great island of Sumatra, and the king
doms of Sian and Pegu. The Portuguese have built a very
strong city there, which is of vast importance to them, seeing
it is the key and staple of the trade of China, Japan, the
Moluccas, and other islands in the neighbourhood of Sunda :
so that, after Ormus, there is no captain thrives like him of
Malaca, for there he is at the straits of Malaca and Sumatra,
where all the ships must touch and pay their dues. Even
the Portuguese vessels cannot pass without the acquittance
of the governor of Malaca, both going and returning.
This place causes much trouble to the Hollanders, English,
and French, by reason whereof the Hollanders have desired
1 Thus spelt by the Portuguese, and more correctly than our Malacca
(see Yule, Gloss.). It was a city of great importance before its capture
by Albuquerque in 1511 ; Varthema, who visited it about 1505, saying,
" Truly I believe that more ships arrive here than at any place in the
world." Before the siege by the Dutch, which the author is about to
describe, it had been several times invested by the leagued kings of
Achin, Johore, and Java. The most notable sieges were three in the
time of one governor— 1573-76— described in the rare work, Historia
dos Cercos que em tempo de Antonio Monis Barreto Governador quefoi dos
estados da India os Achens fr Jaos puserdo a fortakza de Malaca, sendo
Tristdo Vaz de Veiga capitdo della Brevemente composta por Jorge de
Lemos; Lisbon, 1585, 4to., ff. 64.

SIEGE OF MALACCA BY THE DUTCH. 151
to take it, and they laid siege to it in this wise : — The said
Hollanders and the King of Jor had made a compact and
treaty together to drive the Portuguese out of Malaca, and
for this purpose the Hollanders had thirteen large vessels
commanded by the Captain Corneille Madalif,1 their general
in the Indies. So, on the 29th day of April 1606, he cast
anchor before Malaca, with full 1,500 Hollanders, who, being
landed, invested Malaca. The town was much surprised,
for the governor had had notice and orders from the viceroy
of Goa to supply four ships of war to the merchantmen for
an escort on the voyage from Goa to China and Japan. So
there remained with him in the fortress no more than thirty
soldiers, though he expected that the viceroy must full soon
arrive, having had advice from Spain by the gallion which
leaves Lisbon a month or two before the fleet of carracks,
to go direct to Malaca, and not to the Indies. This gallion
is of 700 or 800 tons burthen, and carries despatches, as
well as loads cargoes in China and the islands of Sunda.
1 Cornelis Matelief the younger left the Texel with eleven ships,
12th May 1605 ; met V. der Hagen at Mauritius on his way home, 1st
Jao. 1606, and arrived before Malacca 30th April. During the siege he
was joined by two more ships, making thirteen, as above stated. The
account of the siege here given is nearly accurate. Matelief, a sea-
captain, untaught in the art of war, proved himself in this siege, and
in the two naval combats which followed it, to be a born leader of men.
His enterprise was perilous in the extreme. He disembarked the great
bulk of his small force and his cannon, leaving his ships undefended in
the road, and exposed (should any mishap befall his scout) to the swoop
of the viceroy's fleet, which throughout the siege was daily expected. He
got little or no assistance from the Johore alliance ; his own men were
continually drunk, and fell an easy prey to dysentery and fever. These
difficulties notwithstanding, Matelief re-embarked his men and guus
with the precision of a veteran general. His own high courage at length
animated his crews, and the Dutch never fought better than in the two
desperate sea-fights before Malacca. For accounts of this voyage see
Rec. des Voy., vol. iii ; Grotius, xvii, 792-800 ; Motley, Un. Neth., ch. 44 ;
and' Matelief's own account, translated into English under the title, An
historicall and true discourse of a Voyage, etc., London, 1608, pp. 25.

152 DEFENCE OF THE TOWN.
Thus was the captain taken unawares, lacking provisions as
well as men, and having no notice of this enterprise, nor
that the Hollanders had as many vessels in the Indies. The
attack was made with twenty-five pieces of cannon of ord
nance, which they laid out on land. They were aided, as
I have said, by the King of Jor and a number of petty kings,
his vassals, who invested the place on the land side with
60,000 men : for he is a puissant king that holds all the
territory and lands beyond Malaca. This siege lasted for the
space of three months and nineteen days. The place was
well defended by a very valiant Portuguese gentleman,
named Andre" Furtado de Mendoza, who happened to be
there by chance.1 For he looked forward to nothing in the
Indies short of the post of viceroy, the which he soon after
obtained.2 He had with him but a hundred and fifty men
under arms, including Portuguese and Indians.3 But what
was a good thing for the besieged was that there were there
some merchant ships of Japan, manned by Japanese, who
are the best soldiers in all the Indies : these helped to make
up this number of a hundred and fifty men for the defence.
It turned out happily, too, for the besieged that the viceroy
of Goa, without knowing anything of the siege of Malaca,
had put an armada to sea, whereof he himself took the com
mand4; he was named Don Martin Alphonca de Castro. This
armada consisted of seventy ships, and was in two divisions ;
the galleys, galiots, and vessels driven by oars went together,
1 A mistake ; he had been captain of Malacca nearly three years (Liv.
das Mong., i, 7).
2 He became Governor of India on the 27th May 1609, but held
office only three months.
3 The Dutch account says that he had eighty Portuguese to start with
and that during the siege two vessels, one containing eighty more Por
tuguese, managed to run the blockade and reach the town.
4 The viceroy was ordered to proceed in person to Malacca and the
Moluccas by an alvard, of the king, dated 15th March 1605 (Arch. Port.
Or., Fasc. 6, No. 46).

THE SIEGE RAISED. 153
and the round sailing ships by themselves. This armada is
considered to have been the finest the Portuguese ever put on
the sea in the Indies, for it consisted of near 15,000 men well
equipped.1 He departed from Goa in the month of May 1606,
having left the government of Goa and of Northern India
in the hands of the archbishop of Goa, Don Alexis de Melsio.2
A month after the viceroy's departure, the two armadas met
and joined near Sumatra, as had been arranged. The intention
was to take and conquer that island, because the king had
given access to the Hollanders, and was a great enemy to the
Portuguese ; but they were valiantly repulsed and beaten by
the King of Achen and his following, among whom were
also some Hollanders who did him good service, both in
action and in counsel. Meanwhile the viceroy, having news
of the siege of Malaca, departed from Sumatra to go thither,
thinking to surprise the Hollanders on land and burn their
ships ; but he did not make this out, for the said Hollanders
were warned by one of their factors, that was at Sumatra,
and promptly left to give them notice ; but there was no
need of him, for the Hollanders had always a pinnace seven
or eight leagues out at sea to act as a sentinel, for fear of
being surprised. As soon as this pinnace was aware of the
armada, she went speedily and brought word to the Hollan
ders, who forthwith re-embarked themselves and their cannon,
insomuch that the siege was thus raised the 19th3 of the
month of August. But this was the cause also that the
Hollanders had an ill reputation and little credit among
these Indian kings : for they had promised the King of Jor
1 An exaggeration : the municipality of Goa, in their letter of 1606
to the king, state the force as 3,000 men (Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 1, Pte. ii,
No. 11). Faria y Sousa says the fleet consisted of 12 gallions, 4 galleys,
and 70 other vessels. Matelief's relation is 16 or 17 gallions, 4 galleys,
and 15 or 16 fustas.
2 Misprint for Menezes.
3 Really the 17th ; the battle which ensued was fought on tbe
19th.

154 THE SEA FIGHT OFF MALACCA.
and the others that they would without fail take Malaca,
and drive the Portuguese thence ; and, indeed, it was on
their account all these kings made war upon the Portuguese,
being aforetime very good friends with them. And, what was
worse, the Captain Corneille raised the siege and re-embarked
his men without giving notice to the King of Jor, whom he
left to the mercy of the Portuguese, and at war with them.
The Hollanders, then, having raised the siege, set sail
towards the viceroy, whom meeting, they fought with great
fury for the space of two days. The Hollander captain was
brave and valiant, and was esteemed as such by all the Por
tuguese and Indians, for he could not have done better than
he did. He found himself in great difficulty one time, when
a Portuguese vessel had come up with his, and seized her
with iron grapples and hooks, in such sort that it was nigh
impossible to get disengaged. Fire had already broken out
in both vessels, which had like to have been burned there
with all hands, had not the Hollander general called to
the Portuguese captain that it was not the part of a brave
cavalier to let themselves be burned so, and that it were
better to separate the one from the other and stand off. The
captain refused, having his orders under pain of death to
get burned and lost himself, so as he destroyed an enemy's
ship, rather than surrender ; yet what at length made him
consent was that the boats of the Hollanders were coming to
take oft' their people, while none of the Portuguese were
coming for theirs : wherefore they quitted their hold, and
both were saved. But thereafter the Portuguese captain lost
his head for this business.1 A large number of men fell on
both sides, but six Portuguese to one Hollander.
At the last the Hollanders remained victorious, without
losing more than two ships, that were burnt, along with two
1 A mistake ; Dom Henrique de Noronha, the captain in question,
was highly praised for his conduct, and afterwards became captain of
Ormuz (Liv. das Mone., i, 326).

LOSSES OF THE PORTUGUESE. 155
other ships of the viceroy, who, now that the siege was
raised, incontinently returned to Malaca with the remains
of his fleet, and a month afterwards died there of dysentery.1
The Hollanders also retired with their honour, as did the
King of Jor and his allies. Thus Malaca remained free,
and was afterwards very strongly fortified ; indeed, they are
still continually fortifying it.
The Portuguese lost a great number of brave and valiant
captains, and much honour in this affair; and had great
losses,2 for their whole army was put to rout. Among others
they lost two lords that were brothers and great captains,
one called Don Fernando and the other Don Petro Mas-
caregne,3 with two of their "younger brothers. Never was
there among the Portuguese so much regret for any men, a
regret which lasts even to this day : it was even greater
than for the viceroy, who died soon after of sorrow and
melancholy; and a wonderful thing it was that thirteen
vessels did such execution.4
The town is the richest and busiest in all the Indies, after
Goa and Ormus, owing to the great cargoes from China,
Japan, the Moluccas, and all the Sunda which are landed
there. For all that, living is very dear.
1 Only a few lines down he says that he died of sorrow and melancholy.
The statement hero is more probable, for the date of his death is quite
wrong ; De Castro did not die till the 3rd June 1607.
2 The Dutch intercepted letters in which the loss of 521 Portuguese
was acknowledged ; no less than 6,000 are said to have perished in the
siege. 3 The brothers Mascarenha were on board the 5. Nicholas, 800 tons,
Dom Fernando being her captain. She was attacked by three Dutch
ships, and taken. Out of her crew of 265 Portuguese, besides natives,
only eight survived (Matelief's voyage, in Rec. des Voy., vol. iii).
4 He does not mention Matelief's further exploits. After cruising
about for some weeks, he was again before Malacca on the 20th October,
and he attacked the Portuguese ships in the very harbour. After some
desperate fighting, the Dutch burnt three gallions, and next day the
viceroy burnt three more, to prevent their falling into the enemy's hands.
In this fight the Portuguese lost upwards of 400 men.

156 CLIMATE OF MALACCA.
The inhabitants of the country are handsome men, well
made and proportioned according to their stature, which is
of the middle height, as also are their women. They are of
a swarthy complexion, and go naked from the waist upwards,
while below they have gowns of cotton and silk, the over-
gown reaching only to the knees. They are girt with a rich
girdle, and carry daggers exceeding richly garnished. As
for the women, they are attired in silk cloths, and have
their shifts full short : they wear their hair long, and well
adorned with precious stones, and an abundance of flowers
interlaced. They are for the most part Mahometans, albeit there are
nowadays a great number of Christians. The Jesuit Fathers
have a very fine college there.
The air of this country is bad, intemperate, and sickly ;
even the natives are more subject to illness there than in
any place in India. Few foreigners escape the sickness,
and it is a great chance if they die not: at least notable marks
of it remain ; for instance, some lose their hair, others their
skin — that is, such as have made a long sojourn. The soldiers
there are almost all like those of Ceylon, that is, men exiled
and banished for their misdeeds. As for the merchants,
the desire of the great profits to be made causes them to
hazard their lives ; they return thence with a complexion
of lead, and are never well again. The people of those parts
are called Malays, as well in the land of Malaca as at
Sumatra ; they have a language that is spread over all the
islands of Sunda: in all these parts it is the only one,
and it is the most widespread and useful of all the Indian
tongues.

THE KINGDOM OF ACHEN. 157

CHAPTER XII.

Of the islands of Sunda — Sumatra, and Java, — and the towns
of Banian and Tuban; the islands of Madura, Bally, the
Moluccas, and Banda.
The Portuguese call all the islands beyond Malaca, la
Sonde, as one should say, " the sea and islands of the South".1
Under this name are comprised Sumatra, Java, the Moluc
cas, and all the other islands of those coasts.
As for the island of Sumatra, I will not tarry to describe
it, for I did not touch there, and merely passed in sight of
it. It is situated under the Equinoctial line, which inter
sects it; it is of exceeding great compass, for it extends from
the fifth degree on the north side to the sixth degree of
southern latitude, that is, about the same as the Maldives,
from which it is distant some six hundred leagues. As for
the inhabitants, some are Mahometans, chiefly those that
live by the sea-shore ; the others are Gentiles. They are
fond of traffic, wherefore all merchants are welcomed
among them. The Arabs and other Mahometans resort
thither and trade more than all other : the Portuguese go
there too, but little, for they are not liked by the king. The
Hollanders keep a factory there, and some factors. The
country is very rich in pepper, which is larger than that of
Malabar, but the latter nevertheless is more esteemed all
over the Indies. But in this island there is such abundance
that they can sometimes load thirty ships in one year.
There is gold both in the mountains and the river-sands ;
1 They were called the Sunda islands, but not with this meaning, vol. i,
p. 160. Sunda is the western part of Java, the people being distinct from
the Javanese in race and language (Yule, Gloss., s. v. " Sunda"). There
is some confusion in the author's mind. The Portuguese called the
Eastern Archipelago and the Pacific generally by the name Mar do Sui.
Also in the Eist India Company's records, down to the early part of
last century, those regions are always termed " the South Sea".

158 FRIENDSHIP OF THE DUTCH WITH ACHEN.
but this gold is very base, more so than any other found in
India. They coin money of it, one side whereof has the figure
of a pagoda, and the other that of a chariot drawn by ele
phants. This great island contains many kingdoms, but the
most powerful is that of Achen.
When I passed by there, the reigning king was quite
young ; he had by force dispossessed his father of the king
dom, and made himself master of it, holding his father
prisoner for a long time, and his mother too, even with irons
on their feet.1 His brother, whom he had driven forth, made
war upon him, but at present they are agreed, for certain
lands have been apportioned to him forty leagues beyond,
and there he dwells. This king of Achen is very fond of
the Hollanders, who have built there many houses; it is
even the fixed place for all the ships of Holland that are in
the Indies, where they have their staple for trading, and for the
lading and unlading of merchandise ; they keep there a num
ber of factors, who drive a great trade. But he will not hear
mention of the Portuguese, with whom he has had always,
and has even now, war to the death.
Yet it is strange that this king has never been able to
come to terms with the Portuguese, seeing that he agrees
well with all other foreigners. Sometimes, indeed, some
private Portuguese merchants are to be found there ; but
they have no favour with the king, and, indeed, never see
him. When the Hollanders first went to the Indies they had
war with this king,2 and for this cause sacked two Arabian
ships laden with spices, wherewith they laded their own ; but
afterwards the Hollanders and he became good friends,
1 Ali Maghayat Shah, son of Aladdin, a usurper, seized the throne in
1604. 2 See the account of the Moucheron voyage of 1598-1600 in Davis's
Voy.. Hak. Soc. The raja of Achen did not become friendly with the
Dutch till about 1C03.

FALSE COINING. 159
and, indeed, he sent six ambassadors to Holland, the
Hollanders leaving (as many of) theirs as hostages with
him. These ambassadors were exceeding well received
and honoured in Holland, and returned to Achen, but not
all of them, for four died by the way, and I saw one of the
two that got back at the island of Male\
These Arabs that were pillaged at Achen by the Hol
landers, seeing that the King of Achen and all the other
Mahometan kings were in very good understanding with the
Hollanders, and mortal enemies of the Portuguese, bethought
themselves to send deputies to Holland to treat for peace
and friendship with the Estates, and to demand satisfaction
and justice for their stolen property: insomuch that they
obtained their satisfaction and were reimbursed for their
loss ; though it was then about seven years after the seizure
was made. And from that time the Hollanders have been
at all times in good friendship with all the Indians.
But in truth what did us much harm at the first, and took
away much of the good repute of the French, English, and
Hollanders in this country (for in the Indies we are all con
sidered alike, seeing that we are all friends among ourselves
and enemies of the Portuguese) was, that there was brought
to Sunda, or islands of the South, a quantity of false pieces
of forty Spanish sols, which were made on board the ships.
The Hollanders accused the English, and the English cast
the blame on the others : however the fact was, the Hol
landers paid dear for it, for the voyage after, a goodly num
ber of them were killed at several places; and since then
the Indians have not trusted them so much, and the rumour
has spread over the whole of India that we are all cheats.
But to return to the King of Achen, the Hollanders and he
since their agreement have had always a good understand
ing ; while he has always troubled the Portuguese as
much as he could, as have also the kings of Jor, Ban tan,
and Java Major. All people in the Indies or on the

160 PORTUGUESE ATTACK ON ACHEN FAILS.
other side the Cape of Good Hope, when they would go
to Sumatra, merely say that they are going to Achen : for
this city and port has acquired all the name and reputation
of the island ; and it is the same in Great Java with Bantan,
so that only those two kings are spoken of.
The King of Achen has many times laid siege to Malaca,
as also has the King of Jor. He is a formidable person, as
he showed himself when he was attacked by the viceroy Dom
Martin Alphoca de Castro, for he defended himself so well,
and such a number of Portuguese were slain and drowned,
that the viceroy had nothing for it but to retire with his loss
of honour and men. That was a bad omen, for thereafter
he went to Malaca to meet his end, as I have said. But this
king had great service also of the Hollanders that were then
at Achen, though they were few in number. For they gave
him counsel as to intrenchments and fortifications after the
fashion of Holland and France, and a good supply of cannon,
whereof the king now has no lack, and I should never have
believed there were so many cannon in the Indies as he has
there. After this attack and skirmish, the Hollanders con
ducted themselves so well, and with such sincerity, that the
king has begun to have a great affection for them.
The island of Java is at the southern end of Sumatra,
turning away toward the east, and separated by only a
narrow arm of the sea, whereof the beginning is under the
seventh degree towards the south. It is a very great, rich,
and wealthy island, containing many kingdoms. The most
renowned is that of Bantan ; also it is more resorted to than
any other part. The Portuguese galiots going toward the
Moluccas, as I did, sojourn there a while ; this gave me an
opportunity of seeing the country.
Bantan is a great city, thickly peopled, situate on the sea
at the very end of the island, and near the strait (called the
Strait of Sunda, which I believe has given its name to all
this sea) that separates Java from Sumatra, from which it

DESCRIPTION OF BANTAM. 161
is distant only five-and-twenty leagues. On both sides of
the town flows a river which bathes and surrounds it, and
then falls into the sea. It is very broad there, but being
only four fathoms in depth, is not navigable. The town is
surrounded with brick walls, of not more than two feet in
thickness. Every hundred paces near the walls are very
lofty erections raised upon ship-masts, serving in the
defence of the town, both as watch-towers and for firing
at long range and with better command and view upon
an enemy attempting to approach. These buildings are
constructed of canes, the pillars being of wood, and are
covered with palm-leaves. The rich and well-to-do have
their houses hung on all sides with tapestries and curtains
of silk, or of cotton cloth nicely painted. There are five
large spaces, wherein every day is held the market of all
sorts of merchandise and provisions, which are cheap, and
living is therefore very good there. The fruits and animals
are all similar to those of the other Indian countries whereof
I have so often spoken, and are very cheap here. The
town is situate on low and marshy ground, being between
two arms of the river, so that for the most part of the winter
the river is all overflowed throughout the town, and one
cannot go through the streets but by boats. The streets are
not paved : in nearly all parts of the town there are quan
tities of coco -trees. Outside the walled enclosure are a great
number of houses for the foreigners.1
1 On the arrival of the Dutch under Houtman in 1596, the Portu
guese had a factory at Bantam, but were not on good terms with the
king. Houtman ingratiated himself with the latter, and was enabled to
establish a factory. The king, however, maintained his independence,
and welcomed Lancaster in 1603, permitting the English also to found
a factory. The English alliance was afterwards cemented by a treaty,
and for many years Bantam was the chief presidency of the English in
the East, the agencies at Madras, Bengal, t nd Surat being made sub
ordinate. The Dutch meantime had taken the neighbouring town of
Jacatra and built on its ruins the city of Batavia. By their greater

162 HABITS AND CUSTOMS OF THE JAVANESE.
As for their religion, the most part are Mahometans:
there are, however, great numbers of Gentiles and idolaters.
There is a great mosque in the town where is practised the
law of Mahomet; the lords and gentlemen have each his
temple in his own house : the doctors or Cadis come thither
from Arabia.
The inhabitants are of a yellowish colour ; they are habited
in a cotton or silk cloth, which they wear all around the
body from the waist downwards ; on the head they wear a
little turban passed twice round.
Their arms are daggers or poniards, called by them Oris :
the blade is waved, and is a dangerous weapon ; the end of
the haft is in the form of a demon, or some other hideous
figure ; the sheath is wooden, and of one piece. These daggers
are finely adorned with gold and precious stones, and are
worn at the side by all, high and low : it would be con
sidered a disgrace not to wear it. When they go to war they
carry swords and bucklers, and a sheaf of arrows, which they
dart with the hand. They are a very stubborn race, also
exceeding proud in their gait, and great liars and thieves.1
The men are exceeding idle ; the slaves do the greater
part of their business. The gentlemen and rich burghers
have their gardens and country houses, where their
slaves labour and till the soil, bringing in the fruits and
revenues to their masters, who ordinarily busy themselves
with nought, but sitting amid their wives — whereof each has
a plurality — and constantly chewing betel ; likewise their
energy and stronger naval force they engrossed the spice trade, and
made the position of the English at times intolerable. Finally, in
1682, they fomented an insurrection of the son of the King of Bantam,
and succeeded in forcing the English to retire (1683). The Dutch
gradually annexed the whole of Java, while the English turned their
attention to Sumatra, where they formed agencies at Achen, Priaman,
Bencoolen, Fort Marlborough, etc.
1 Lancaster says he traded there very peaceably, "although the
Jauians be reckoned among the greatest pickers and theeves of the
world" (Voy., p. 100).

THE CHINESE AT BANTAM. 163
wives do nothing else. The female slaves play upon divers
instruments before them, singing and striking basins melodi
ously ; and to this music the wives dance one after another
in presence of their husband, doing each the best she can,
and striving to please him : for she that pleases him the
most then, sleeps the following night with him. They also
pass a great part of their time in washing and bathing, and
remain long in the water : this renders the river unhealthful
and bad for drinking, by reason of so many people washing
and tarrying in it. For the rest, the women of quality are
carefully guarded by the eunuchs, who are very numerous
and are bought for the purpose. The beds are suspended,
and they are rocked in them as are the residents at the
Maldives. This town is thronged with many people, for
there is great traffic and commerce there carried on by all
sorts of foreigners, as well Christians as Indians; for in
stance, Arabs, Guzerates, Malabars, men of Bengala and
Malaca. These come there chiefly in search of pepper, which
grows abundantly in this island, and is usually worth only
one sol the pound. I have seen many Chinese settled there
and carrying on a great trade ; and every year in the mcnth
of January come nine or ten great ships from China laden
with silk stuffs, cotton cloth, gold, porcelain, musk, and
a thousand other kinds of merchandise from their oountry.
These Chinese have built there handsome houses for their
lodging, till such time as they shall have finished their
trading and become rich ; to attain which end, there is no
vile or disgraceful job they will not put their hands to — they
are like the Jews in their manner of trading. Then, having
filled their pockets, they return to China. On their arrival
they buy women slaves, and on their return sell them back,
taking away with them the children they have had. Also
they observe a rule never to bury any of their dead either
there or in any other foreign land ; after salting and embalm
ing them they carry them off.

164 BANTAM, TUBAN, AND MADURA.
The Hollanders have at present in this town many houses
that they have built; they also keep there a factory and
factors for managing their trade : for the king had an affec
tion toward them, and the people love them. The king has,
his residence in the town. He is exceeding kindly and
courteous. He has numerous wives, who are guarded with
great rigour, for none are permitted to see them, or to enter
their apartments ; even should it be his own son, he could
not see the king's wives nor enter where they are, else he
would be put to death.
On the death of a man all his goods go to the king : his
wife and children are his slaves, unless the latter were
married and living apart from their father's house, or unless
the king in return for some present, or to gratify the father,
gives them their liberty, and sends them letters to that
effect. There is another great kingdom in the island of Java,
whereof the principal town is called Tuban} a town situate
on the sea-shore, all surrounded and enclosed with walls.
It is a very fine town, and a busy one too : pepper is
very cheap there. They say that the King of Tuban is so
powerful that when he wills to go to war, he can in four-
and-twenty hours assemble 30,000 men, horse and foot.
He is ever accompanied by a great number of his gentlemen,
and keeps up a very gay court. You see there many
elephants and horses.
We went thence to the island of Madura, which is on the
northern side of Java, small, but fertile in rice, supplying
some of the neighbouring isles therewith. There is a little
town, very neat and well walled, called Arosbay. It obeys
a king of its own. The inhabitants are equipped and armed
in the Javan fashion : they are resolute, good soldiers, but
great robbers, as well on shore as afloat.
From Madura we set sail, and stood out so as to reach
1 On the north coast, in long. 1 1 2° E.

ISLAND OF BALI. 165
the Moluccas. We cast anchor at the island, of Bally} where
we tarried some time, and thence completed our voyage to
the Moluccas.
The island of Bally is situate quite near Java toward the
east. It is fertile in rice, abounding with fowls and pigs,
which are very good and delicate, and in vast numbers.
Other animal food exists, but very lean and poor. There are
many horses. Except foods, no merchantable stuffs grow
there. The inhabitants are Gentiles and idolaters, but with
out any rule or fixed ceremonial, for one worships a cow,
another the sun, another a stone — each what he wills. The
women burn themselves when their husbands die. As for
their dress, it is the same as at Bantan. Their arms also are
poniards ; besides which they carry in their hands a pike and
a sarbatane2 two fathoms long, and in this behalf they have
a case full of little darts to blow with the sarbatans ; these
weapons are exceeding dangerous when used against naked
men. Moreover, they are very hostile to the Portuguese and
1 Bali, in which island, as the author seems to have some notion,
Hinduism was maintained. The best scientific description of the island
is that by Mr. R. Friedrich, translated in the J. R. As. Soc. (New Series),
vols, viii and ix.
2 " Sarbataine, a long trunke to shoot in ; also the musicall instrument
called a Sagbut" (Cotgrave). It is a very old weapon (see Ducange,
Gloss., s. v. '' Zarabotana"). Among the less civilised races its use is
localised in the Eastern Archipelago and in South America. As to the
former, Varthema (p. 254) speaks of the Zarabottane in use in Java ;
OJoric describes it, but not by name (Cathay, p. 91). Barros mentions
"armas de Zaravatanas hervadas"; and Houtman, also writing of Java,
says, " Us usent aussi des Serbataines par lesquelles soufflent fleschettes
envenimez." See, too, a cut in Churchill (Voy., vol. ii), showing
its use by the natives of Macassar. As to South America, see Hans
Stade (Hak. Soc, p. 55). It is much used by the Indians of Guiana,
the pipe being from 8 to 14 feet in length, the dart of 8 inches,
barbed with the teeth of a fish, and poisoned. The certainty with
which they take aim with this long weapon, supported only by one hand,
is wonderful (Im Thurm's Guiana, pp. 245-7, 300-2). In modern times
it has been reintroduced with us as the toy weapon, the " puff and
dart".

166 THE MOLUCCAS.
to the Moors. This island obeys a king of its own, who lives
with more magnificence than he of Bantan. His guards
carry pikes pointed with fine gold ; and when he goes forth
it is in a chariot drawn by two white buffaloes.
As for the Moluccas, they are a number of islands fertile
in spices. The following are the names of the islands which
alone are comprised under this title1 : — Ternate, Amboin,
Maquian, Bassian, Meau, Morigoran, Gilolo, Catel, and Tidor ;
they are all, as it were, in the same canton, being quite close
to each other. They are barren in food-products, which are
scarce and very dear there, because they come from abroad.
No kind of grain grows there. They make meal of the wood
of a tree they call Sagou,2 whereof all the people make cer
tain pastry and cates, which are very good and very delicate
when fresh made. There are some cocos and bananas,
abundance of orange and lime trees, and very large almond
trees : of the latter they make nice almond and sugar cakes
which are sold in the markets.
But above all, there is there a marvellous quantity of
cloves, which grow in no other part of the world but in
these islands, and they are all covered with them : for which
cause they are frequented by foreign merchants of all races,
who come there from all quarters of the world to get that
spice, both Christians and Chinese, Indians and Arabs. There
are many parrots there of divers plumages, and exceeding
beautiful. In manners and customs, arms and dress, the inhabitants
resemble those of Java and Sumatra : for all the people of
the parts beyond Malaca, and called by the Portuguese la
Sonda, differ nowise in features, colour, dress, language, or
1 The name Moluccas is more properly restricted still further to the
five small islands west of Gilolo, viz,, Ternate", Tidore", Motir Makian
and Bachian (see Yule, Gloss., s, v., and authors cited in Middleton's
Voy., Hak. Soc, App. xvi).
2 Sago, Malay sagu, made of the pith of particular species of palm
(see quotations in Yule, Gloss., s. v.).

BANDA. 167
customs, — in fact, they are the same people. The religion is
the Mahometan. They are a very simple folk, but courageous
and valiant withal. Ternate is the chief Island1 : it is full
thirty leagues in compass, and grows more cloves than the
others. It is ruled by a king of its own, and in former days
the King of Ternate was king of all, but now each island has
an independent king.2 The Hollanders since a few years
ago have occupied two, Amboin and Tidor, dispossessing the
Portuguese.3 As for Ternate, the king of that island drove
the Portuguese from their fort there, but the Spaniards from
the Philippine Islands or Manilla reconquered it,4 and have
now a treaty with him. So at the present day the Portu
guese have no longer the disposal of the cloves : this vexes
them much, and they have a plea of this matter against the
Spaniards in the Council of the King of Spain. I have
sojourned only at Ternate ; as for the qthers, I have passed
within sight of most of them.
In the same parts is another island, which I have visited,
very celebrated for one sort of spice : it is Banda, distant
four-and-twenty leagues from Amboin, — very fertile in nut
megs and mace. This place supplies the whole world with
these products, for they grow nowhere else, save some trees
1 And so immortalised with Tidore" by Milton, who, like Pyrard,
makes them both dissyllables : —
" Close sailing from Bengala, or the isles
Of Ternate and Tidore, whence merchants bring
Their spicy drugs," etc. — (P. L., ii, 638.)
2 Most early travellers, e.g., Barbosa, dwell on the fact that each had
its own king, and Col. Yule suggests as the probable origin of the
name Moluccas, Jazirat-al-Muluk, " the isles of the kings".
3 Steven van der Hagen took the Portugese fort at Amboyna on
the 21st February, and that at Tidore on 14th May 1605 (Rec. des Voy.,
vol. iii). They never lost hold of Amboyna, but were driven from
Tidore" by the Spaniards in 1611.
4 In April 1606. For an account of this Spanish expedition, and for
the consequent ill-feeling between the Portuguese and Spaniards, see
De Morga's Philippine Islands, p. 249, et seq.

168 THE EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO.
that are planted out of curiosity, as I have seen at Goa and
other places. On this account many foreign merchants from
all parts resort thither. It has an independent king ; the
inhabitants are Mahometans, brave and warlike, and of. the
same dress and customs as those of the other islands and the
adjacent countries.
It would be impossible to mention in detail all the islands
in this sea of Sunda — or " Southern Sea", as the Portuguese
call it — by reason of their great number, small and great ;
making the navigation very difficult with their sands, shoals,
and straits, so that you must have good and experienced
pilots— natives of the islands if possible ; and yet, with all
that, you will often run aground and get wrecked. Further,
none dare sail but by day only, for as soon as night
approaches you must cast anchor somewhere ; otherwise you
may get wrecked in the night, and even while sailing by day
you must always keep the lead in hand.

CHAPTER XIII.

Of the singular things that are brought from the islands of
Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and from the Philippines and
Manilla. Of China and Japan, and of the traffic
carried on at Goa.
The three principal and largest of these islands are
Sumatra, Great Java,1 and Borneo, which are the largest of
all that ocean, next to the island of St. Lawrence, which is
deemed to be the greatest of all. All the peoples of these
1 The Java Major of Barbosa (p, 197), of N. Conti (India in the
XV Cent., ii, 15), and of Ortelius, i.e., Java proper. By Java Minor
(originally applied to Sumatra), at a later time some seem to have
meant Sumbawa, some Timor, and some Bali, but this need not concern
us here (see Yule's Marco Polo, Bk. m, c, 9, and Glossary, s. v.).

EACH ISLAND HAS ITS PECULIAR PRODUCT. 169
islands in their disposition, manners, features, and language,
approach those of the mainland of Malaca, which leads me
to conjecture that these islands have been peopled by the
Malays. The other islands are innumerable, lying quite
near each other, all inhabited or but few not so, and each
having a separate king, and some having more than one.
They are fertile in peculiar fruits and merchandise, such as
spices and other drugs that are found nowhere else; and
excepting Sumatra and Java, which are fertile of all things,
the rest abound only in one particular thing and are sterile
of all else. So this one product wherewith they abound
must furnish them with everything else ; this is why all
kinds of food are very dear, save their own product, which
is cheap, and why these people are constrained to keep up
continual intercourse with one another, the one supplying
what the other wants.
In Sumatra and Java grow many things that are very
good and valuable ; the chief traffic is in pepper, theirs being
larger than that of the Malabar coast, because, as I believe,
these islands are farther toward the east and nearer the line,
and the soil is moistened by more copious" dews than the
mainland. Banda yields mace and nutmegs ; the Moluccas,
cloves ; Borneo, camphor and benjamin1 ; and so with the
rest, all producing something peculiar. I content myself
with speaking of them altogether, because they are inhabited
by the same people, and lie under nearly the same parallel
and climate, with the same temperature or intemperature.
The air is not very healthy, but rather the reverse ; and food
is very dear — nay, very frequently cannot be got for money ;
for the supply by sea is not to be depended on. The people
are treacherous, perfidious, and choleric, so that for a mere
1 " A kind of incense derived from the resin of the Styrax benzoin ; it
got from the Arab traders the name of luban-Jdwi, ' Java frankincense',
corrupted in the middle ages" into the above and other forms (Yule,
Gloss., s. v.).

170 TRADE OF THE MOLUCCAS.
trifle they make no scruple to kill a man with the cris or
poniard which they always carry. Traffic with them is car
ried on in fear and peril. The Hollanders, Portuguese, and
other foreigners are obliged to run risks in trading with
them, but those of their own faith do not, many of these
having been cheated, and even some of the foreigners ; but
the greed of gain causes them to forget.1
The Portuguese of Malaca have clerks and factors in all
the islands for trade. The inhabitants, too, are wont to go
with their vessels laden to Malaca, which is the magazine •
and staple of all that merchandise, the commerce wherein is
marvellously great, and carried on both by money and by
the exchange of other products of all these islands from the
Cape of Good Hope to China, with an infinite number of
ships. They come there from the countries of the Abexis,
from Arabia, Persia, Ormuz, Surate, Guzeratte, Cambaye, Goa,
Malabar, Bengala, China, Japan, and all other parts of the
Indian coasts. Now, too, the French and Hollanders also
come thither for this same traffic in excellent fruits and
drugs, whereof the flowers are very aromatic and odoriferous.
For while the flowers are yet on the trees in their force and
vigour, it is a marvel to smell the sweet scents which they
exhale, wherewith the air is so full filled that the wind bears
them six or seven leagues away.2 But amongst all, the cloves
bear off the prize ; yet does it cost men dear to go for them,
1 In original : " Les Holandois, Portugais et autres estrangers sont
contraints de s'y fier pour le traffic, non pas ceux de leur loy, dont
plusieurs y ont este" attrapez, et des estrangers mesmes, mais le desir de
gaigner fait oublier tout."
2 The " spicy breezes" of the poets and poetic travellers are a great
annoyance to prosaic modern writers, e.g., Tennent (Ceylon, i, 4) ; Milton
fables his " Sabean odours from the spicy shore Of Araby the Blest"
(P. L., iv, 163), as being felt off at sea near Mozambique ; Heber's spicy
breezes only " blow soft o'er Ceylon's isle". The sensitive P. and O.
passenger catches them quite six or seven leagues off Galle or Colombo ;
while the cynical old resident insists that they are only appreciable in
the vicinity of a native bazaar.

TRADE OF THE PHILIPPINES. 171
seeing that sometimes they lose their lives or endure great
sufferings in the quest.
The imports to these islands are cotton, cotton cloths, all
kinds of silk cloth and stuffs, raw silk, rice, fish, butter, oils,
munitions of war, arms, silver itself, and other things. The
Hollanders and all others when they would go to these
islands, go first to the coast of Guzerate, Saint Thomas,
Massulipatan, and Bengala, to buy cotton cloths, upon which
they make a double profit : for they gain on their own mer
chandise in the first instance, and then on their second cargo
that they carry to these islands. But if these Malay islanders
are cunning rogues, the Chinese are even more so, for all the
silver that is brought to these islanders from all sides, the
Chinese get into their own hands and carry off to China, giving
them nothing in exchange but their worthless goods, baga
telles, and counterfeit gems. The Spaniards and Portuguese
allege the same of the Flemings and Hollanders, who bring
them nothing but baubles and toys, but will carry away in
exchange from Spain only gold and silver, as they do also in
France. With regard to the Philippine islands that come next, not
having been there I will say only in passing what I have
been able to learn among the Portuguese. By them they
are called Islas de Manilla ; by the Castilians, the Philip
pines ; and by the Indians, Lucon, from the principal island
which is called Lucon. There are a great number more, each
having a separate name. The Castilians have discovered and
conquered them,1 and have given them the name of their
king. The Portuguese give them that of Manilla, from the
principal town thus named, where the chief trade is carried
1 They were taken by a Spanish expedition from New Spain in 1571.
A full account of their conquest and government is given by De
Morga, whose work, first published at Mexico in 1609, has been edited
for the Hak. Soc. by Lord Stanley. From the opening chapter it seems
that Spain proposed to give the name Philippines to the whole archi-.
pelago, including the Moluccas and Borneo.

172 TRADE OF THE PHILIPPINES.
on. It is at fifteen degrees north. The people are immigrants
from China, as are also the people of Japan. The Spaniards
possess them, and have there a viceroy and a bishop, both of
whom have their residence at the town of Manilla, where
Christianity is well advanced.
The Spaniards of Mexico, New Spain, and Peru come
there by way of the South Sea. These islands are fertile in
foods and fruits, but abound also with merchantable com
modities. There is found there much civet1 ; also those
tortoises whose shell is in such demand in the Indies,
being found nowhere in all the Indies but there and at the
Maldives, as I have said elsewhere ; there is great traffic in
this at Cambaye and Guzerate. So it is that the Spaniards
hold these islands not for their own value, but solely in order
to carry on trade and commerce with the Chinese; for as
foreigners are not permitted to frequent the mainland of
China, it is necessary to have some other place as a recep
tacle and staple for the merchandise brought by the Chinese.
For this purpose the Portuguese hold the island of Macao.
The Spaniards have there a Contretador for the inter
change of the goods of China and the East Indies. This
renders these islands marvellously rich ; but at the same
time diminishes the commerce of Spain with the West
Indies, for the cloth and silk fabrics of Spain are no longer
carried thither as they were wont to be before this trade
was established. The King of Spain also tried to prevent
this result, permitting only certain ships to trade with
Manilla, as he does at Goa. But the Chinese protested that
if it were to be so they would have no intercourse with them
either in the east or in the west, so that the king has been
obliged to let the trade proceed in its natural course.2 A
1 " The natives have another means of gain, bringing much profit,
for there are many civet cats, though smaller than those of Guinea"
(De Morga, Phil. Isl, p. 286).
2 De Morga, who gives a full account of the trade of the Philippines
(pp. 336-44), bears out all these statements. The King of Spain did'

THE PORTUGUESE MONOPOLY. 173
great quantity of silver is drawn from the West Indies to
China. The Spaniards of the Manillas carry on a trade in
the South Sea with the Portuguese of India, but pass not
to this side of the Cape and Port of Malaca. I believe that
more than thirty or forty ships come there every year from
China and the Manilla islands. The Portuguese and Spaniards
in their trading in this sea agree passably well. The Spaniards
keep to themselves that fair and excellent island of the
Moluccas called Ternate.1
From the city of Goa, where the merchandise from all
parts of the Indies and Portugal is laden and unladen, the
viceroy, in accordance with the king's standing order, de
spatches every year two or three vessels to China and Japan.
Sometimes they go only to China ; sometimes to both. By
China is meant Macao only, which is an island and town
inhabited by the Portuguese, with some number of Chinese.
This place is the staple, and emporium of all the merchan
dise from China and other parts of the world.
This Indian traffic is not allowed to all the Portuguese at
all places ; for that of China, Japan, Malaca, Mozembic,
and Ormus is for none but the ships of the King of Spain,
save sometimes in order to reward some lord, captain, or
other officer, the king gives him leave to make one trading
voyage with one or two vessels or more ; but this is only for
some signal service and in the case of a grandee. In these
vessels go many private merchants for trade. These pay
not prohibit Chinese trade at the Manillas, but, in order to protect
Spanish trade with Spanish America, he prohibited any persons of New
Spain or Peru from trading with the Philippines, or from bringing
Chinese goods to America. By thus protecting the trade of Spain he
intended to conciliate the Spanish colony of the Philippines by giving
them the monopoly of their island trade. But the result was that, the
merchants of New Spain being interdicted, the Philippine trade largely
fell into the hands of the Dutch, English, and Portuguese (De Morga,
u. s. ; Cocks' Diary, passim).
1 See above, p. 166.

174 COURSE OF TRADE FROM GOA TO CHINA.
their ship expenses and the freight to the lord of the voyage,
also the principal royal dues; for the king bestows these
voyages free of everything, except some particular dues
which must be paid to the renderes} or farmers of the customs
and tariffs.2 They are, however, exempt from many exac
tions that are otherwise and elsewhere paid upon all goods.
The principal cargo carried from Goa to Macao is silver ; for
in China silver is in great demand, and most of the silver
that is taken from Europe by way of Ormus to the East
Indies goes to China. So, too, that which comes from the
direction of Japan, from the West Indies (by way of the South
Sea), and from the Philippine Islands or Manillas, the last-
named place being the staple for goods passing between the
West Indies and China (by the said South Sea), as from Peru,
New Spain, Mexico, Chili, and other places in those parts, inso
much that, as it is reckoned, there enters China every year
more than seven millions worth of gold in silver. The Chinese,
too, never let so much as a testoon3 go out again, for they
melt all this silver into ingots, and keep all their treasure in
silver, and not in gold, which is vastly common and cheap
there. The best silver in the Indies is that which comes
from Persia by way of Ormus in (the form of) a long coin,
called larins, which the smiths of India prize highly, and use
to their great advantage, being a very pure, clean, soft, and
ductile silver, and good for working. Next to it, that of
Japan is the best, being also pliant. That from the West
Indies is the worst, being hard, rough, and less purified than
the former.
1 Port, rendeiros, tax-gatherers or farmers.
2 Fr. Pancarte, " papier affiche qui contenait le tarif de certains
droits" (Littre); "a paper containing the particular rates of tolls, or
customes due unto the king, etc." (Cotgrave).
3 " Teston, a testoon, a piece of silver coin worth 18d. sterling"
(Cotgrave). The English testoon of Henry VIII was worth only 6d.,
and latterly only 4£d. ; the name is now obsolete, except in its slang
corruption, " tizzy".

TRADE WITH CHINA AND JAPAN. 175
The ships leaving Goa are laden not only with silver, but
with divers goods of Europe, such as wines, woollen fabrics,
and among others, red scarlet, all sorts of glass and crystal
wares, clocks (which are highly prized by the Chinese), much
cotton cloth, precious stones cut and set in rings, chains,
carkanets, tokens, ear-pendants, and bracelets ; for the
Chinese like vastly to get gems and jewels of all sorts for
their wives. The ships leave Goa towards October, and
touch at Cochin for precious stones and spices, such as
pepper and cinnamon, leaving there the merchandise of
Europe or of the northern parts of India. Thence they sail
for Malaca: for they cannot make this voyage without
touching at Malaca in order to get the Governor's passport,
and also to purchase the merchandise of the islands of
Sunda in exchange for cotton cloths and other goods of
India and Europe.
Vessels making the voyage from Goa to Japan and back may
reckon on taking three whole years ; nor can they reckon on
less by reason of the winds called by them Monssons, and by
us Muesons, which prevail for six months and more, as I have
said elsewhere. But this is no loss to them, for sometimes
they double their money and goods, and sometimes treble
them, and in some cases do even better still. From Malaca
they go to Macao, and thence to Japan. At all these places
they must await the Muesons ; in the meantime while waiting
they carry on their trade. At Macao they leave the greater
part of their goods, and all their silver, relading with other
goods of China, such as silks and Spanish white, which they
as well as we call aluya1 ; it is dear, and much in request in
Japan, where all the women whiten the whole body with it,
even down to the legs. This white comes from the island of
Borneo, whence it is carried to China ; there they fine and
mix it, making therein very great traffic and sales to all
1 Ceruse, Spanish white, or as we say, whiting ; Port, alvayade. No
such word as in the text appears in the French dictionaries.

176 WHAT IS BROUGHT FROM THE FAR EAST.
parts, but more to Japan than to all the world beside. Then
they carry to Japan all those China goods and some others
from Europe and India, which they sell exceeding well;
they bring back only silver, which they get cheap, and return
to Macao to re-sell all their silver, exchanging it for other
merchandise. They make a long sojourn in all those
places, and then return to Malaca, where they must call;
there they make another exchange of goods for those of
Malaca and the islands of Sunda. Thence they return to
Goa, or whatever other place the master of the ship belongs
to. It is impossible to tell all the great riches and all the rare
and beautiful things which these ships bring back ; among
others they bring much gold in ingots, which the Portuguese
call pandoro.1 Some gold also they have in leaf, and some in
dust ; also great store of gilded wood- work, such as all sorts of
vessels and furniture, lacquered, varnished, and gilded with
a thousand pretty designs ; then all kinds of silk stuffs, good
store of unwrought silk, great quantities of musk and civet,
plenty of the metal called calin,2 which is much esteemed
over all the Indies, and even in Persia and elsewhere. It is as
hard as silver and as white as tin, and it gets whiter with use ;
money is made of it at Goa and in the other Portuguese ter
ritories, and in some of the Indian, — though rarely, for all their
money is of gold or silver, which also they cut into pieces to
make their purchases of goods. Of this metal they make all
their utensils and ornaments as we do here of silver and tin ;
they even use it for rings and bracelets for girls and children.
They import also from thence much porcelain ware, which is
used throughout India, as well by the Portuguese as by the
Indians. Besides all this, many boxes, plates, and baskets
made of little reeds covered with lacquer and varnished in
all colours, gilded and patterned. Among other things
I should mention a great number of cabinets of all patterns,
in the fashion of those of Germany. This is an article the
1 Port, pdo de ouro. 2 See vol. i, p. 235, note.

TRADE REGULATION AT GOA. 177
most perfect and of the finest workmanship to be seen any
where ; for they are all of choice woods, and inlaid with
ivory, mother-of-pearl, and precious stones ; in place of iron
they are mounted with gold. The Portuguese call them
Escritorios de la China.
There is also imported a great quantity of sugar, the hardest,
whitest, and finest I have ever seen ; great store too of wax
and honey, and paper, the whitest, finest, and smoothest in the
world. Then all sorts of metals, save silver ; among the rest
much quicksilver, from which they make great profit by
transporting it to all the places where there are silver mines,
for this quicksilver purifies and refines silver. So much for
the trade of Goa with China, Japan, Malaca, etc. As regards
the retail trade in the island of Goa, it must first be noted
that it is all done by the Banians, Canarins, and other
foreigners, Gentiles and Mahometans, and rarely by Portu
guese, Metifs, or Christian Indians. The wholesale trade is
carried on in all quarters by rich men, whether Portuguese,
. Christians, or other. All sales, whether -wholesale or retail,
are conducted by sworn brokers, who are Gentile inhabitants
of Goa and the neighbourhood.
All grains, seed, and other food-stuffs that come from
abroad are discharged into the Alfandeque, and are there
sold and distributed to those that want them, as well for their
own use as for sale by retail in the town and island. As soon
as they are discharged into this Alfandeque, the officers of
police come and put a price upon the several goods, according
to their value ; this they do with every article of food and
nutriment, whether it be in large or small quantities. If the
goods are not sound and fit for food, whether cooked or raw,
they are confiscated and given to the prisoners and other
poor Christians of the town ; and in addition the sellers are
fined. For you must know that every day the magistrates
and officers of police do nothing else but inspect all articles of
food, and none durst sell anything ere the police have first

178 FARMING OF THE REVENUE.
fixed the price. Nor durst they sell aught wholesale or retail,
whether food-stuffs or other thing, that have not paid tribute
to the king. So it is that with merchandise of every craft,
trade, or kind, however small, the power of dealing in it,
making or selling it, is farmed out to the highest and
last bidder. They call these farmers Renderes ; sellers and
dealers must "have notes in writing from these Renderes,
which cost them according to the value of the trade or craft.
These Renderes or farmers are all Bramenis, Banians, and
Canarins. It is a wondrous sight, that of the vast crowd that is to be
seen buying and selling from week's end to week's end at
Goa, except on feast days, and in the island as well as in
the town ; the mighty traffic and commerce that is done there
is such, indeed, that every day seems fair-day. Such as are
here, severally, grocers, chandlers, apothecaries, and druggists,
are there all of the same calling, which is practised altogether
by men of the Brameny race, and no others. They keep all
manner of drugs, as well for medicine as for food ; for,
excepting wine, flesh, fish, fruits, herbs, and cooked victuals,
they sell all other things proper and necessary for human
life, or for the food of men and horses, or for their health
and healing ; but they sell no cloth fabrics. At every corner
of the streets and crossings there are always one or two
shops. All the Indians at Goa and elsewhere have a custom,
strange and notable enough, viz., when they would make
some bargain one with another, and there be some folks
present whom they would not should hear the bargain and
the price, nor should even have a suspicion of it, as might
happen if they were to see them whispering together, they
are wont to make signs under their silk or cotton mantles,
which are worn like our cloaks : so touching the hands thus
privily, they give one another to understand by the fingers

SILENT BARGAINING. 179
at what price they are willing to buy or sell, without the
others knowing or being aware of anything.1
But to return to the islands of Sunda, the Moluccas,
Philippines, Japan and China; of them I could say much
more, and of the excellent and strange things that are
brought thence, but I content myself with having said so
much in passing, leaving what remains to such as are more
capable and curious than I.
Having then returned from the Sunda voyage, I remained
another space at Goa, waiting an opportunity to get home.
But before coming to my departure from the Indies, it seems
fit, since I have given so minute a description of Goa and
the other places of the Indies which I visited, that I should
not omit what I observed and learnt with some study, while
I was among the Portuguese, as well of their navigation,
shipping, and trade, in divers parts of Africa and the Indies,
as of many other singular things of the countries of Brazil
in America, Angola, Mozambique, Sofala, Couesme, Melihde,
Socotora, and other places on the African coast, and next of
the remaining coasts of India from Ormus, Cambaye, Surat,
1 The custom of silent bargaining exists throughout all the East, and
is evidently of great antiquity. Mr. Tylor recognises in it a survival of
the primitive method of counting (Prim. Cult., i, 246). Varthema found
it in use at Calicut (Hak. Soc. ed., p. 169). Tavernier describes it as
general in India, and explains the method. A grasp of the whole hand
signifies 1,000, and every additional squeeze another 1,000. A grasp of
the five fingers only means 500 ; of one finger, 100 ; of half a finger
to the middle knuckle, 50; of the finger-tip only, 10 (Voy., Pt. II,
Bk. n, ch. xi). M. Hue, with his usual humour, describes the chaffering
on the sale of a camel in Tartary ;— " They dispute by turns furiously
and argumentatively as to the merits and defects of the animal, but as
soon as it comes to a question of price the tongue is laid aside as a
medium, and the conversation proceeds altogether in signs. They seize
each other by the wrist, and, beneath the long wide sleeve of their jackets,
indicate with their fingers the progress of the bargain" (Travels in
Tartary, ch. v). A recent description of the practice will be found in
the St. James's Gazette, 23rd March 1887.

180 CLASSES OF SHIPS EMPLOYED.
Mogor, Diu, etc., on to China and Japan, and whatsoever
memorable happened in all those places while I was in the
Indies. All this I will relate briefly in the chapters
following.

CHAPTER XIV.

Of the form and fashion of the Portuguese ships going to the
Indies, and of their shipments, order, and police, as
well going as returning.
First as to the Portuguese ships : in ordinary course three
or four at most go out every year ; these are the carracks,
called by them naos '' de voyage",1 which are sent out with
the intention that they shall return if they can. On extra
ordinary occasions, when the King of Spain wishes to send
out an armada, or a viceroy out of the season, or some
particular despatch, he sends other middle-sized ships, such
as Biscay galions,2 French, Flemish, or English ships, or
caravels3 ; none of these ever returns to Portugal, except there
should be need to bring some special intelligence out of the
usual seasons ; in such cases they despatch a caravel or other
middle-sized ship. If peradventure the carracks leaving Por
tugal for Goa fail to arrive safely there or at some other Indian
port, some Biscay galions are sent home laden with pepper
and other goods. These galions are of 700 or 800 tons
1 Port, ndo or nau. They are generally called " naus de carreira".
2 " Le Galion", says Jal, " fut dans l'origine un vaisseau hybride.
C'etait, k la bien prendre une nef allongee et plus etroite du fond et des
flancs qu'une nef ordinaire. Qu^lques galions allaient a la rame, mais
c'etait le tres-petit nombre. La poupe du galion, a la difference de
celle de la nef qui etait plate, 6tait arrondie et avait deux lobes hemi-
spheriques, separts par l'6tambot, fondement de l'arriere et support du
gouvernail. Les galions ordinaires avaient deux ponts, les plus grands
en avaient trois" (Le MoyenAge et la Renaissance, torn, ii),
3 For a description of the caravel, see below, ch, xvi, and note there.

PORTUGUESE AND INDIAN SHIPS COMPARED. 181
burthen or thereabouts, and are well equipped for war, and
good sailers, better even than the carracks.
The carracks are all built at Lisbon, and not elsewhere,
by reason of the harbour there, which is very suitable and
convenient for shipment, more so than any other; this is
by reason as well of the presence there of the officers and
superintendents of these voyages, as of the goods, the utensils
(or, as they are called, the " apparel"), the provisions (which
they call " matelotage"), and the other commodities and
necessaries. These carracks are ordinarily of 1,500 to 2,000 tons
burthen, sometimes more, so that they are the Jargest vessels
in the world, so far as I have been able to learn ; they cannot
float in less than ten fathoms of water. There are some ships
in the Indies, but very few, coming from Arabia, Surate,
and other neighbouring parts, which nearly approach 1,000
or 1,200 tons, but they are none of them like the carracks,
nor so strong, by reason that less iron is used in their fitting.
On the other hand, they are not so liable to rot, nor so easily
pierced by worms, because in the Indies they use no timber
that has not lain three or four years after being cut : this
renders it drier and harder. Moreover, their timber is by
nature harder and better than ours. They can afford to wait
this long while, because they have great store of timber,
and build but few vessels, nor do they consume it as fuel,
by reason of the heat of the country. Whereas, on the
contrary, in Portugal there is but little timber, and many
vessels are built, so that there they are constrained to use
the timber quite green.1
1 The smaller vessels used for the coasting fleet of India were built
chiefly at Bassein (Bacaim). Such were sanguiceis (Aug. sanguicel, q.v.
Yule, Gloss.) and fustas, specially adapted for fighting the Malabar
pirates, and corresponding in use to our gunboats. Thus, in 1598, six
sanguiceis were built at Bassein for L. da Gama's expedition against
Kunhali (Dec XI). Owing to.the lack of timber in Portugal, to which
Pyrard alludes, and also to the success of the Chagas (see next note),

182 AN INDIAN-BUILT CARRACK.
I have heard it said by the Portuguese, that no vessel ever
made so many voyages from Portugal to the Indies as a
certain carrack that was built at Bassains, which is between
Goa and Cambaye : it made as many as six.1 Those built
in Portugal ordinarily make but two, or three at most, but
the majority make but one. This place, Bassains, is to the
Indies what Biscay in Spain is here, for all the vessels built
for the King of Spain in the Indies are constructed there,
because no country yields so much timber. True it is that
in the kingdoms of Pegu, Sian, and in Martabanne, there is
found even more and better ; but these places are remote
and less convenient,
These great carracks have four decks or stories, on each of
which a man, however tall, can walk without touching
his head against the deck above; indeed, he comes not
within two feet of it. The poop and the prow are higher
than the main-deck by the height of three or even four men,
in such wise that it seems as if two castles were erected at the
two ends. There may be thirty-five or forty pieces of bronze
cannon ; for they hardly ever use pieces of iron as we do.
Their cannon is of the weight of four or five thousand
the King of Spain made every attempt to induce the India Government
to build the carracks in India. A splendid carrack was built at Goa by
Mathias de Albuquerque, and for good omen named a second Chagas.
She sailed for Lisbon early in 1593, and, after a voyage of terrible
misfortunes, was attacked by three ships of the Earl of Cumberland at
the Azores, in June 1594. Her crew made a heroic defence, and finally
blew her up, with her cargo of immense value (Dec, XI ; Harris, Voy.,
i, 688 ; Purchas, iv, 1147).
1 The carrack alluded to is probably the Chagas, built in 1561, not
at Bassein, but at the Goa arsenal, by the Viceroy Constantine de
Braganca, at his own cost (Dec. VII, liv, ix, 17). She made nine or
eleven voyages until 1587, when she was laid up as a hulk in the Tagus.
On her last voyage to India, in 1585, she carried out the Viceroy Duarte
de Menezes ; she must have been a large, and even then a staunch
ship, as she carried 900 passengers, besides a crew of 100, and did not
touch land between Lisbon and Cochin, being seven months on the
way.

GUNS, MASTS, AND HULLS OF CARRACKS. 183
pounds; the least is three thousand. Besides these, they
omit not to carry some small pieces, such as esperes1 and
perriers, whereof they place some in the tops : for these tops
are so large that they will hold ten or a dozen men. And
the masts are so enormous that no tree is tall or thick
enough to make a whole one, — I speak both of the mainmast
and of the foremast. So, usually, all their masts are length
ened by splicing, and covered all round with "fishes",2 which
are thick pieces of timber, cleverly fastened, and of the
required thickness. These timbers, being well adjusted, are
firmly lashed with ropes, and well bound with iron braces,
so as not to impede the yard in its rise and fall. The yard
is of thickness proportionate to the mast, and four-and-
twenty fathoms in length. It requires full two hundred
persons to raise it aloft, and always with two big capstans.3
They line not their ships with lead as we do ours ; they only
put it over the seams to keep fast the caulking. Then they
cover the ship afresh with deal boards, and afterwards caulk
it again, working it over with pitch, and then with sulphur
and tallow. They are thus the tightest and staunchest ships
you can see, and one is astonished at the number of stout
timbers so well adjusted, and so much iron braced together.
For all that, the sea sometimes shivers and shatters them
1 Port, espera or esfera. De Couto (Dec. VIII) says they threw shot
of 12 lbs. As to perrier, see vol. i, p. 23.
2 Fr. gaburons, — " piece de bois, nominee autrement jumelle, qu'on
applique contre un mat, pour le fortifier" (Littre) ; jumelle = " fishes"
(Boyer). 3 A French engineer resident at Goa invented a machine for the
purpose of saving this immense labour. The king, on being informed,
instructs the viceroy (1st March 1594) to have it tested, and if effectual,
used in the carracks. Before this despatch reached India the viceroy
had, in fact, fitted it up in the carrack As Chagas, but as this vessel
never reached Lisbon (see above, p. 182, note), the authorities there seem
not to have seen the appliance even in 1596 (Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 3,
No. 140, para. 46, and No. 204, para. 46). From the statement in the
text, it may be concluded that the invention was a failure.

184 MERITS AND DEMERITS OF THE CARRACKS.
sooner than the smaller vessels ; and verily I have observed
that the larger and heavier a ship is, the more she labours.
The smaller craft is lifted on the waves, whereas these can
not rise for their weight, and the waves strike and shiver
them with the whole broadside of the storm, and break their
masts and yards sooner than they would the others'. The
more resistance the wind meets, the greater is its force and
effect. The storm, however, must be a mighty severe one,
for a little vessel would take for a storm what these big
ones would consider a calm, so hard are they to shake.
Moreover, they are very good sailers before the wind, but
are worth nothing on the bowline, — that is, when the wind
comes from one side or the other.
These vessels go for trade, and never for war. The
other smaller ships, such as Biscay galions, Flemish hulks,
caravels, and other French ships, remain in the Indies to
make voyages to China, Japan, Malaca, Mozembique, Ormuz,
and other parts of India. They serve also for war, or to
bring despatches and attend the viceroy. They are indeed
of service to the Portuguese in India; but their chief use
is that the King of Spain sends them to accompany the
carracks, and to convey men to the Indies ; and if all the
ships that go were to come back, there would not be found
hands to man them, by reason of the great number that die
on the voyages. Sometimes the hands of two ships are not
sufficient to man one. Then, again, they obtain not enough
cargo, that is, pepper, to fill them ; and most often, for want
of. it, one or two of these carracks have to wait for the next
year ; and so, when the next year comes round, they send out
from Portugal only one or two carracks, supported by some
smaller vessels.
Note also that the soldiers in the Indies must -not embark
as mariners, nor the mariners as soldiers ; so that the soldiers
are forced to remain there, and the mariners to return. The
latter dare not remain ; and should there not be room for

DISTINCTION OF MARINERS AND SOLDIERS. 185
them in the returning ship, they wait for another opportunity.
In the meantime they are paid every month at Goa, but they
must not enter the ranks as soldiers ; for if that were allowed,
there would be none to man the vessels ; and the soldiers there
are held in the highest honour. For their soldiers they draw
upon all classes ; but they get not such good mariners as
they could wish : from these they get their gunners and other
officers. The soldiers have six perdos a month ; the gunners
and mariners, four. If a mariner wishes to return, he may
do so, even if there is not a vacancy for one of his condition
in the vessel; but not if there be at the time a lack of
seamen, for then he is kept back till the next year, mean
time receiving his regular pay. On board ship he would get
his ordinary pay ; but if he were to embark otherwise than
as a rated mariner, he would be like a stranger, and would
not get the bread-and- water ordinary, -nor even a berth,
unless he bought one. Wherefore they prefer in this case to
wait a year, even two, if they have not the means to buy
another mariner's place (which costs them about sixty or
eighty perdos), or the means to buy a place to stow their
baggage and goods. The condition of a man who has no
berth on board is pitiful indeed : it is not as in our vessels,
where the 'tween decks is common to all ; in theirs there is
not the smallest corner that is not given as a favour or. sold,
and the same on deck. A place on the poop must be got
from the master, in the bows from the mate. Between the
two masts — that is, on the orlop and on deck there — the space
is at the disposal of the guardian.1 This order and separation
is observed in the vessels of the Indies only : in other voyages
1 Gardien. Linschoten (ii, 231) says : " The guardian or quarter
master hath his cabin close by the great mast outward on the left hand,
for on the right hand standeth the scullerie and kitchen"; and Ant. de
Conflans (quoted by Jal, Gloss., s.v.), 1515-20, speaking of the arma
ment of the ship of Charles d'Amboise, writes : " Le Gardien avait
soin de la Sainte-Barbe et de la soute aux poudres. La Sainte-Barbe
avait alors le nom de Gardiennerie"; hence our " ward-room".

186 BEHAVIOUR OF MARINERS.
it is much the same as with us. In the smaller vessels they
observe the same regulation as in the carracks, but the
officers of the one do not in the least resemble those of the
other : for the master of a galion who had made his voyage
to the Indies would be mighty pleased on the return voyage
to get the office of a guardian on board a carrack. These
mariners and officers of the smaller vessels are all men
impressed for service as mariners, masters, mates, pilots, etc.,
of these vessels. They can hope for but little gain, because
their ships never come back, and for want of ship they have
to wait a year or two, or return at their own expense. On
their return, however, they are recompensed, for they get
some office in a carrack, but of lower rank than they enjoyed
in their galion. It is more honorable to be a mariner in the
one than a mate in the other, wherefore a place in a carrack
is sought after and purchased, being ^as well honourable as
profitable. These seamen on board the carracks resemble not any
others that I have seen, nor even the Portuguese on other
voyages. For true it is that all seamen while at sea are
barbarous, cruel, and uncivil wretches, with no respect of
persons, in short, very devils incarnate, while on shore they
are very angels. These mariners of the Indian carracks,
however, are exceptions, for they are courteous and well-
mannered, both at sea and on shore, and seemed to be
all men of honour and birth, bearing great respect
to one another. Among the mariners of France I have
never seen the like, as I shall describe more particularly
hereafter. As regards the order preserved by the Portuguese in
these carracks during their voyages, I will say first of all
that the "equipage" or crew numbers more than 1,000 or
1,200, or at least 800 to 900, who are ranked in manner
following. There is a captain, who is absolute over the
whole ship and the men on board ; next there is a pilot, a

RANKS AND OFFICES ON BOARD. 187
second pilot, a master, a master's mate,1 a guardian, two
ropemakers,2 some 60 mariners, 70 or more apprentices,3
and a master gunner, whom they call the Constable, assisted
by five-and-twenty other gunners (more or less, according to
the vessel) : he gives his orders to all below the captain, and
submits to none but him : he has charge of the cannon, and
the two great sheets.4 There is also a chaplain-priest of the
ship, who is rated, and obliged to say Mass on Sundays and
Holy-days, without consecration (of the elements), however,
for that is not allowed at sea. He is also obliged -to confess,
to preach, and to perform all other ecclesiastical functions
and ceremonies. And though there be also other clerics of
all orders on board, they are not obliged to do these things,
except of their own will : they are not paid, and are merely
embarked for the Indies, without leave to return to Portugal.
Besides these, there is a clerk5 who is all-powerful, being
1 In orig. : " un maistre, un contre-maistre". The English version of
Linschoten designates the former as " master", and the latter wrongly
as " boteson". The use of the French terms has changed with time,
and contre-maitre now means boatswain's mate. As according to the
text the officer so named was next to the master in the general control
of the crew, I prefer to render the term by " master's mate".
2 Fr. Trinquier ; Port. Estrinqueiro, from estrinque, rope (our " string").
LiDschoten (i, 3) says, " two strinceros, those are they which hoise up the
maine yeard by a wheele, and let it down againe with a wheele as need
is." Mocquet mentions the officer as "Vestrinquere qui est celuy qui
sert a mener la grande voile par une roue"-
3 Fr. gourmet; Sp. grumete ; Du. grom ; Eng. groom. They were the
ship's apprentices, not necessarily boys. Below he calls them sous-
mariniers, mentioning a grown man who so shipped ; they would corre
spond to our ordinary seamen (not A.B.'s), formerly called "younkers".
4 Fr. Gcoutes. This combination of duties may seem anomalous:
but Adm. Brine informs me that even when he entered the navy, the
gunner had charge of the guns and of the mainsail.
6 Escriuain ; Port, escrivdo. The office of ship's clerk, now obsolete,
was formerly of great dignity. " He is also called", says P. Founder,
" commis, facteur, or agent : the Italians call him proveditore ; with them
he holds the second place iD the ship, being as it were the Eye of the
prince, republic, burgher, or merchant, who has freighted the ship and
sent her to sea" (Hydrographie, p. 143). In Holland he was called the

188 THE ship's clerk.
' appointed by the king. Nothing is carried on behalf of the
king or the private merchants that he does not take note of.
He also registers all that comes in or goes out of the ship,
and passes all bills and bonds whatever. For be it noted
that all bills and bonds that are made at sea are good and
lawful among the Portuguese, but among the French are
null and void. This clerk also draws and preserves all
informations and judicial writs, as in a Registry. When
anyone dies, he makes an inventory of all his goods on
board, and causes them to be sold by auction to the highest
bidder. The money he gets thereby he puts out at interest,
and when he arrives at Goa or Lisbon he delivers a copy of
his inventory to the relatives and heirs, who pay him for his
trouble. He has vast authority on the ship, and nothing
takes place ere he has first given his advice and consent.
All the ship's victuals are brought before him, and are
distributed before his eyes, and he notes everything, even
down to a pint (chopine) of water. He keeps the keys of
the scuttles of the ship, and even when the captain would go
below, he must have the clerk always with him ; otherwise
he could not, for the clerk represents the king on board.
The captain has command over all, both the crew and the
passengers, and for all they may be greater lords than he,
yet must they obey him. Nevertheless, when something of
importance has to be done, he takes the advice and counsel
of all the officers, gentlemen, and merchants, and makes
them all sign, in case of a future inquiry. He cannot con
demn to death for crime, but must give the strappado1 on
Fiscal, and presided at courts-martial, in which he was assisted by a
council of war. In the Portuguese ships he had not judicial power but
only that of a registrar and notary. In this capacity we find the
scrivano in the Ordinances of Trani (a.d. 1063), in the Statute of
Marseilles, and in the Amalfitan Table, the last mentioned sea-law giving
to his writing the same authority in a court of justice as that of a
notary public. (See Black Book of the Admiralty, 1876, vol. iv,pp. 17, 532.)
1 From the Ital. strappata, a pulling, wringing. In Eug. it was a

THE PILOT, MASTER, MATE, AND GUARDIAN. 189
board (the French call this " passer par sous le navire", or
" caler"), and other corporal punishments, also such as hang
ing under the forelocks. In civil causes he may award
damages up to 200 cruzados, without appeal. He can also
imprison a man in irons for the whole voyage: being arrived
at land, he delivers him over to justice.
After the captain, the pilot is the second person of the
ship, for the master obeys him, and acts only under his
commands. He never leaves his place on the poop, ever
observing his needle and compass ; in this he has a second
pilot to help him. Next is the master, who commands all
the mariners, apprentices, and other ship's hands ; he has
a master's mate under him to assist him : all these are
appointed by the king. The master's duty is to command
from the poop to the main-mast, including that, as well in
lowering the sails as in all other needful work. The master's
mate takes charge from the forecastle to the foremast, inclu
sive of that mast, and has the same duties there as the
master on the poop. The latter cannot give him any orders
as to that part : each of them remains night and day on his
own quarter, and it will happen that in six months they
visit each other not four times.
The master's mate has charge of all the ship's cargo, both
the lading and unlading thereof, and of other necessary jobs,
both at sea and on arrival in port ; for the master never
leaves his poop. Next there is a guardian, who commands
the apprentices, and is lodged with them night and day above
on the deck, between the mainmast and the foremast : this
part they call Converso} and, wind or rain, they must be
form of the rack : — ' ' Zounds", says Falstaff, " an I were at the strappado
or all the racks in the world, I would not tell you on compulsion." The
Fr. estrapade, as the text shows, was also applied to keel-hauling. Our
sailors' version of the above French explanation was " under-going a
great hard-ship".
1 Pyrard seems to be the only authority for this form. The Port, is
convez or conves, the deck of the "waist" or middle part of the ship, between

190 WORK OF THE APPRENTICES.
always there ; they have nothing to cover them but ox
hides. This place is called Converso with good right, for it
is the promenade of all on board, where they visit and
converse with each other. This guardian commands the
apprentices ; and if at the second whistle one fails to answer
and come quickly, he gives him in addition (to his task)
heavy blows with a rope-end or a rod. These apprentices are
rated lowest on board, and come after the mariners, serving
only to give a hand with the ropes : they never go aloft, or
leave the deck. They assist in all the hard work of the
vessel, and are like valets to the mariners, who beat and
chide them sore. Thus they are not allowed to manage
the tiller or helm; so there is no sort of work, whether
outside or inside the ship, that they are not obliged to do,
such as cleaning ship, and working the pump which they
alone do, except when, owing to accident, the ship is making
more water than usual, and the pump has to be worked
three or four times a day.
The mariners are highly respected ; and there are few of
them but can read and write, such being very needful to
them for the art of navigation. For by this word mariner is
to be understood one who is well instructed in navigation ;
but yet there are few good at it, although all bear the name :
theirs is the work of steering the ship, each in his turn. In
these great ships, that are difficult to handle, they take one
or two apprentices to their aid. They do all the work that
has to be done aloft, such as setting and reefing the sails,
the forecastle and the poop. Pere Fournier (Hydrographie, 1643) borrows
the word converso, and the explanation, with many others, from Pyrard.
Aubin (1702) copies the passage from Fournier, and Jal (Gloss. Naut.)
follows suit, suggesting that convez may be a corruption of converso, or
may be from convir, to meet. As the word seems to be used by no
Portuguese writer in this sense (Port, converso means a " convert" or a
"lay brother"), I conclude that Pyrard has made a mistake, and
therefore that converso may disappear from the dictionaries for the
future.

DIVISION OF WATCHES AND MANNER OF STEERING. 191
handling the ropes, and so on. They are much honoured of
the master and the pilot when they do their duty. They
never clean the ship, nor work the pump, save when necessity
requires. The guardian may not command them in anything.
They are divided into three watches for thenight: the pilot
has one watch, the master another, and the master's mate the
third; in like manner the apprentices are in watches with
them ; each party is on watch four hours, and each man is
two hours at the helm. It must be noted here that in these
large ships there must be three compasses : the pilot that is
high up on the poop has one ; under the deck there is
another' for the mariner who is there to hear the pilot,
because he that is below at the helm could not hear him, so
the one that is betwixt passes on to him the pilot's word.
There are two principal mariners, whom they call Trin-
queres, that have the care of the ropes and sails, and when
these require to be mended, they see to it. There are
also four little boys called Pages, who serve .only to call
the whole company to their duty ; they sing out from
the foot of the mainmast, and even then all can hardly
hear them. They summon the crew, Jsoth to come on
their watch, and to go- to the helm, etc. These boys also
serve to look after the lamps, and to carry messages from
the master and other officers; also, when the goods of a
dead person .are sold, it is they who make proclamation and
call the bids. There is a sergeant to execute the commands.
of the captain in matters of justice ; the prisons are
at the foot ef the pump ; there they place the male
factors, most often with irons on their feet, and none
can go near them but he alone. There are other srnaller
prisons, as for example on the deck, where are certain
blocks of wood pierced with holes, whereinto they put
the criminal's feet, which are then fastened with pad
locks. This sergeant has also all* the powder, ball, matches,
and arms in his charge: all these afe entrusted to him

192 PRECAUTIONS AGAINST FIRE.
by tally. He has also charge of the fires, and no one,
whosoever he might be, would dare to light or carry any fire
without the sergeant gave it with his own hand. And for
this purpose there are on the two sides of the ship at the
place of the mainmast, two large kitchens, which they call
fougons1; and when the sergeant lights the fire there, which
is close *upon eight or nine o'clock, there are always two
guards or soldiers present, one at each kitchen, to see that
no one commits any folly with the fire, as also to prevent
any from taking a light and carrying fire about the ship.
So if one has occasion to go down to the hold to inspect the
goods, the sergeant, if he can trust him, comes and lights
him a candle, by leave of the captain, and puts it in a
lantern of white iron pierced all over, and fastens it with
a padlock ; if, however, he cannot trust him, he goes him
self. Also he has the duty of seeing the fires put out,
which is at about four o'clock.
In these vessels are also many necessary artisans, two of
each office and craft ; such as surgeons, carpenters, caulkers,
coopers, etc. The most of the apprentices are made subject
to them, each in his own place ; for all the ship's officers have
each his own station ; and some are allotted to sleep always
aloft in the top, and the rest each at his hatch, except the
four that sleep in the top. All these artisans are liable to all
work like the rest, when not occupied (at their craft). The
master, mate, guardian, and master gunner have each a big
silver whistle, hung at his neck with silver chains, where
with they make known all their orders ; that is, the master
and mate to the mariners, the master gunner to the gun
ners, and the guardian to the apprentices and the four boys.
There are also two stewards (despenciers), one for the mari
ners, and the other for the soldiers ; but they can distribute
nothing but in the presence of the clerk. These stewards are
1 Fougon, a galley, or ship's kitchen : a Mediterranean term ; Sp.
fogon; It.focone, from Lat. focus (Littre).

QUALITY OF THE SOLDIERS AND GUNNERS. 193
also appointed by the king. In the ship there are great
numbers of soldiers, gentlemen, merchants, ecclesiastics, and
other passengers, of whom I say no more, having no concern
with them here.
The King of Spain sends out these ships, armed and
equipped at his own proper cost and expense, with his own
goods, which consist of silver only. This he sends to help
to pay the cost of the Indian government, and to buy pepper.
So there is not a vessel that goes out but carries at the
least 40,000 or 50,000 crowns in silver for him, besides
the goods belonging to the private passengers. This silver
is profitable to him, for on reaching the Indies it goes up
in price one-third above the value in Portugal. In these
ships are sometimes embarked from seven to eight hundred
soldiers ; the rest are the crew and passengers. But what
causes these Portuguese ships to make so little resistance
on occasions of fighting is, that all these soldiers are children
of peasants and other folk of low estate, who are taken
by force from the age of ten or twelve years : so that never
having seen war, they cannot make a good fight of it. As
for the gunners, they are mostly artizans, shoemakers, tailors,
and others who, when the time arrives, know not how
to fire a gun.1 But for all that these fellows, notwith
standing their low estate, when they have passed the
Cape of Good Hope, as we have already stated elsewhere,
give themselves new names and call themselves gentlemen.
Another thing that causes them to show so little fight is, that
their enemies give them very good terms of capitulation2 ;
1 No wonder then that De Couto, in his severe indictment of Portu
guese administration, exclaims, " Why, there is not a gunner in all India
that could hit the hill of Cintra, unless he fired from the very foot of
it !" (Soldado Practice, Dial, i, Scena 10).
2 In orig. leur font fort bonne guerre. The terms of buena guerra
were recognised as entitling the prisoners to their liberty without ran
som (Hawkins' Voy., pp. 320, 321).

194 DISTRIBUTION AND COOKING OF RATIONS.
all the loss is the king's, and they lose nothing, so say
they. When these great vessels are ready to start, the king
furnishes them with all sorts of provisions, which are for
the common use from Portugal to Goa, and no further. The
steward for the soldiers gives them their commons first, then
the steward for the mariners and the other officers and seamen
serves out theirs ; so all without exception get their ordinary
day by day, one as another, viz., half a canada1 of wine, and
the same of water (a pipe contains three hundred canadas) ; of
bread as much as they can eat. As for other things, such as
salted meat, an aroba a month (the " aroba" weighs thirty
pounds) : everything else is given in the same proportion,
such as oil, vinegar, salt, onions, and fish ; all these are served
out for a whole month, except the wine and water, which is
for the day only, and all in presence of the clerk, who puts
everything down in his accounts, with the names. If a man
does not drink wine, he can sell it to the others, or keep it,
leaving it in the hands of the purser, who keeps a score ; being
arrived at Goa or elsewhere, he can get the wine that is due
to him, and do what he likes with it. But the evil that I
find in all this is, that the provisions are given to them raw,
and each man has to cook his own victuals ; so that you will
sometimes see more than eighty or a hundred pots on the fire
at the same time ; and when some are done, others are put on.
So when any are sick, instead of being properly cared for,
they are exceeding ill fed and maintained, and many
die from this cause. The French and Hollanders have
not the same practice, for they have one cook for all, and
eat six off a dish. But among the Portuguese the eating
and drinking is all a man's own affair ; what is over of all
the provisions and ship's utensils goes to the superintendents
of ships residing at Goa ; and when the vessels are about to
return, they furnish them afresh at the expense of the king.
1 A Port, measure equal to about three pints English.

OFFICERS' PROFITS OUT OF BERTHS. 195
The whole of the ship's utensils are delivered over to the
master, and the provisions and goods to the clerk.
For the rest, the soldiers while on board have to keep a
guard every night, but are not liable to any other work.
Such as have refreshments in the ship sell to those that
want : thus one has been known to sell a hen for twenty
reals of forty sols the piece, that is, at forty livres, and he
that bought it re-sold the soup or "bouillon" for as much as
the hen had cost him, so as it left him free and quits : this
was a sale to the sick.
With regard to the pay of the ship's officers, note that to
the captain, pilot, master, and other men in command, the
king gives them each a certain berth in the ship, and in like
manner to the mariners. As for the soldiers, apprentices,
mariners, artisans, and other officers, they are paid all alike ;
that is, for the voyage from Portugal to Goa, fifty cruzados
each. The cruzado is worth fifty sols. The commanding
officers and mariners, if they have the means, buy goods suit
able each to his quality and rank, having to pay no dues for
a certain amount of goods. Those who have not the means
to buy make but little profit of the voyage. The others can
make a profit of five for one; and though they take no
silver with them, yet are they enabled to make purchases
by selling their berths to passengers, as well gentlemen as
soldiers and merchants. Certain berths are readily sold at
three hundred cruzados, wherewith they buy some goods, the
which the king permits them to stow in the hold : for the
king retains to himself only two decks in each vessel, there
being four in all, not counting the poop and the forecastle,
which are equal to one and a half.
The soldiers are lodged under cover below the main deck,
and the apprentices above in the open ; and the same with
the Jesuits, and other clergy, when there are any, saving the
ship's chaplain, who has his berth as one of the officers.
The soldiers have their berths in going to the Indies only,

196 ADVANTAGES OF BEING RATED.
but not in returning. The navigating officers have their
berths according to their quality.
These ships are mighty foul, and stink withal ; the most not
troubling themselves to go on deck for their necessities,
which is in part the cause that so many die. The Spaniards,
French, and Italians do the same ; but the English and
Hollanders are exceeding scrupulous and cleanly.
As for berths, a man that is without one is greatly pinched
and pressed, for he will find no place to sleep under cover
except he pays for one for a while. And so to put away
his victuals and goods, he must buy a place of some one,
otherwise he is constrained to leave them out in the open
air, at the risk of being wetted, spoiled, or stolen ; so that
everyone is obliged to buy a place from the ship's folk, who
have other places reserved for their own use.
Accordingly, one that would go to the Indies to advantage
must have an appointment, which means a berth on board ship.
If he does not get one from the king, he must buy it from
some one else, or of some widow. These offices and berths,
if the ship does not arrive safely in Portugal, will belong to
the same persons in another ship that is to leave the year
after ; and if that does not make a safe passage, they wait
again for the next, and so on till a ship arrives safely,
which is the cause that all these offices are in great request,
and the berths of widows and orphans bought at high
prices. But with all that they must have something to
take out with them, and they have a proverb, "He that
takes nothing to the Indies will bring nothing home."1 Again
they have a saying that the first voyage is only to see, the
second to learn, and the third to make money; and so if
in three voyages a man does not make a fortune, he should
not return.
As regards the Catholic religion, it is observed on ship-
1 Port. " Quern nada leva a India, nada traz."

RELIGIOUS SERVICES ON BOARD. 197
board as on land, saving the consecration (of the elements),
which is strictly forbidden at sea. But all the other cere
monies are observed, such as Mass, vespers, holy-water, and
procession ; also Lent, and the annual holidays. There are
chapels adorned with beautiful pictures, where everyone goes
to say his prayers. When one dies, the master blows a whistle
to advertise everyone to say prayers, but there is no firing
of cannon as with us. As for their ordinary prayers, every
evening at nine o'clock the master with his whistle sum
mons everyone to say a Pater and an Ave. Then he gives
another whistle to call all the seamen to keep their watch
and ward, and all betake themselves to their several posts.
At break of day all the ship's boys chant a sea-orison or
prayer, which is for all sorts and conditions of men on board,
each in his particular office, with special mention also of the
ship, and all her apparel in order, making apt reference in
the case of each article to every stage and thing in the story
of the Passion : so that this prayer lasts a full hour : it is
said with a loud voice.
These ships, thus equipped and ordered, depart from
Lisbon at the end of February, or at latest at the beginning
of March : they must not touch at any place this side of the
Cape, except in case of urgent need. And if, peradven-
ture, some accident should prevent them doubling the
Abrolles or passing the Cape, they are forced to stand about
straight for Portugal again, and so lose their voyage. But if
the ships are not staunch enough to return, they have no
ports where they can anchor except at Angola, on the
coast of Guinea, or at Brazil, in the Bay of All Saints,1 or
else at Fernambour.2 Also, when they can safely pass the
Cape, and thence to India or Goa, they have no other places
to land at and refresh themselves, except at Mozembique ;
and thither they go not but in direst extremity and necessity,
sojourning there the least while they can, so their orders are.
i Bahia de todos os Santos. 2 Pernambuco.

198 SAILING DIRECTIONS FOR MADAGASCAR.
Yet sometimes they arrive there so late that they are forced
to remain a long time, by reason of the contrary winds and
other accidents. The ships that go there leave at the same
time that the Portugal ships are setting out to come home —
that is, in the month of June or July. They arrive usually in
September or October, unless fortune plays them false, and
most frequently they arrive not at Goa, but go to Cochin or
Couelan ; but this is perforce, and by reason of the currents
that carry them there, or of the calms and contrary
winds. When, then, they have passed the Cape of Good Hope,
they come to the land of Natal or of the Nativity, where
usually they meet with heavy storms. This land is on the
coast of Ethiopia, about 150 leagues to the other side of the
Cape. When the Portuguese find themselves at. the altitude
of this land, after passing it, they take counsel among them
selves whether, according to the season, they have time
enough to pass between the island of St. Lawrence1 and the
mainland ; else, if it be too late, to take a course outside the
island. For, in order to take the course between the island
and the mainland of Africa, they must have passed the Cape
early — that is, in the month of July : if it be later, they are
obliged to follow the other course outside, and then they are
not sure of making Goa, being more likely to make land at
Cochin, or sometimes no further than Couelan} as I have
said. Whereas those that have passed the Cape early, can
easily pass between the said island and Africa, and can go to
Mozembique to refresh for ten or twelve days. Otherwise, if
they put off too long on this course, they cannot easily arrive
at Goa, because of the calms and contrary winds which
ordinarily prevail at this season. Such as are too late in
that sea have been full often forced to remain a long time at
Mozembique, and thus have arrived very late at Goa, inso-
1 I.e., Madagascar. 2 Quilon, in South Malabar.

THE SCURVY. 199
much that their voyage was retarded for another year.1 As
for those who have come — whether inside or outside the
island of St. Lawrence, and have not touched at Mozem
bique — you must believe that they run grievous risks
and have suffered wondrous troubles and labours, having
been sometimes nine and ten months before they arrive at
Goa; for, except Mozembique, there is no other port they
could make : and those that will not make it when the
season is too late, cannot fail to be grievously afflicted with
the malady of the scurvy (scurbut), or as often even to die of
thirst; While I was at Goa I saw some ships arrive there,
in which, of the thousand or twelve hundred men that were
in them at the setting out from Lisbon, there were left
not two hundred, and well-nigh all these sick of the scurvy,
which wears them in such sort, that after they are arrived
they hardly recover.
I will say here in passing, that between the island of St.
Lawrence and the mainland there are banks or shoals much
to be feared, where many Portuguese vessels have been lost.
They call these sands baxos de ludias2 — that is to say, "Judas
banks." They are 50 leagues from the said island and 70
from the mainland ; approaching them on the outward voyage
they begin at the 23rd degree and end at the 22nd and
a half. They are verily fearful and dangerous shoals.
But to return to our Portuguese ships. When they are
1 The ordinary service of carracks was to leave Lisbon in February or
March, and reach Goa (or Cochin) about September or October ; and for
the same ships, or such as survived,to leave India the following December
or January. He has probably in his mind here the unfortunate fleet of
the Conde de Feira, which left Lisbon in the spring of 1608. Mocquet,
who was on board one of the few ships that reached India, did not get
to Goa till May 1609. Thus a year was lost, for they ought by that
time to have been nearly back to Europe.
2 Port. Baixos da Judia ; in the Eng. version of Linschoten (i, 22),
" Flats of the Jewes", now the Europa shoals. A terrible account of
the wreck on these shoals of the carrack Santiago, in 1585, will be found
in Linschoten (ii, 176-82), and De Couto (Dec. X, Liv. vii, cc. 1-3).

200 PRIDE AND FOLLY OF THE CAPTAINS.
arrived at Cochin they take in their cargo there, and go not
on to Goa, because of the contrary winds and currents,
They are laden there by command of the viceroy, whom they
advertise forthwith of their arrival, and he sends them the
King of Spain's officers to give the necessary orders : for in
the other towns there are all manner of officers, and the same
regulation in spiritual and temporal things as at Goa.
The navigation of these Portuguese vessels is carried on
with exceeding bad order ; for although they set out from
Portugal all together and in convoy, and are expressly
enjoined not to lose sight of one another, yet do they observe
this order mighty ill, and make no account to obey their
admiral, whom they call capitaine major. The cause of that
is that all these captains are gentlemen of good houses, and
are unwilling to yield in aught to one another. So each goes
his own way, without having regard whether his companions
are following or not. This is full often the cause of their
loss, for, being alone, they may come up with some Hollander
ships or other enemies that attack and take them, seeing that,
as I said before, they make little resistance, the soldiers being
only a mob of men, mostly taken perforce from among the
villagers and poor artizans. Also, the captains have no great
zeal to defend themselves, so little interest have they in the
matter, for the Hollanders give them quarter and kill them
not. It is only the King of Spain and some merchants,
present and absent, that lose by it. When these ships are
captured or lost they make among them an attestation of
the loss of their goods, and of the office that each held
in the ship, and when they get home they get recompensed
for all, sometimes double. I must also note in passing, as I
have said before, that all these soldiers and seamen, after
they have passed the Cape, give themselves titles of
nobility, otherwise they would be greatly blamed and
despised by the other Portuguese resident in the Indies ; for
they bear to one another the greatest respect, even the

THE VOYAGE PROFITABLE ONLY TO THE OFFICERS. 201
highest to the lowest, and do greatly esteem one another,
despising not only the Indians, but even all the other
Christian nations of Europe, whom they call " white men" ;
the Indians call them Faranquy or Franki. But if an Indian
have struck a white man, the law is that he has his hand
cut off.
So much for the order observed by the Portuguese ships
from their embarkment at Lisbon until their arrival at Goa
or other place in the East Indies. And be it noted that in
all these voyages it is only the poor soldiers and seamen that
have a bad time of it and suffer poverty, because most often
they do not get their wages and pay. I have sometimes seen
them be four whole months without touching a sol, and all
the time the King of Spain is paying. So from this it may
be seen that the Indies are good and profitable only to the
viceroys, governors, and some of the king's officers — not to
the king, nor to the poor soldiers and mariners. Also all the
presents that the Indian kings offer are all for the viceroy,
while those that he gives in exchange are at the expense of
the King of Spain, his master. But since the French,
English, and Hollanders have begun to frequent the Indies,
these viceroys have not made so great profits as theretofore,
having lost most of their commerce, and not daring to navi
gate for fear of being taken by the English or Hollanders. I
have myself knowledge of a vast number of ships that have
been taken from the Portuguese or pillaged. And there were
some of them, coming from China and elsewhere, that were
valued at more than two millions of gold ; and many others,
coming from and going to Portugal and between all parts of
the Indies. For all the strength of the Portuguese suffices
not to keep the Hollanders from these seas ; yet can the
Hollanders not do them much harm on the mainland in their
towns and fortresses, nor get the better of them by cabals,
except a little in Sunda ; but that is far removed from the
territories and power of the Portuguese.

202 A STRANGE NATURAL PHENOMENON.
Before ending' this chapter I must not omit a very notable
peculiarity which all the Portuguese say they have observed
in their Indian voyages, namely, that all the dead bodies
which they cast into the sea on the northern, that is on this,
side of the Equinoctial line, go not to the bottom, but float
on the surface, the head always towards the west, and the
feet towards the east ; and if perchance the winds or waves
turn them over to one side or another, they are seen inconti
nently to come back to their first position. But once the line
is passed toward the south, then, as they say, all the bodies
go to the bottom. I leave it to the more curious naturalists
to find out the cause of this. We Frenchmen, indeed, have
not observed it, inasmuch as to all the bodies we cast into
the sea we attach a stone or cannon-ball, to make them go to
the bottom. As soon as a man dies on board a French ship
his body is wrapt in a winding-sheet or coverlet, with something
heavy to make it sink. It is cast to leeward, with a (lighted)
firebrand on the same side, while a cannon-shot is fired to
windward, and everyone keeps his eyes on that side, and not
on the side on which the corpse is thrown. This done, the
master or captain calls out aloud to say prayers. But the
Portuguese observe none of all that, as I have said. The
master contents himself with giving a whistle, to warn the
crew to say their prayers.

CHAPTER XV.

Of the traffic of the Portuguese throughout the Pndies in
general, and the order which they observe therein.
The principal traffic of the Portuguese is with the East
Indies, where they will not permit any other nation to o-0
and trade, not even the Spaniards ; that is strictly forbidden

DECAY OF PORTUGUESE SUPREMACY. 203
by their king under pain of death1 : for they have obtained
this privilege of the King of Spain, otherwise it were ruin to
their State. So it is seen that, since the other nations of
Europe have taken to the same route and trade, they are
greatly troubled thereby ; and firstly, by reason of the war,
wherein the English and Hollanders have far greater strength
and advantage over them on the sea, of which the English
in particular are said to be kings, as also in these days are the
Hollanders. For the Portuguese are the poorest folk in sea-
fight that are to be found in all Christendom, for all the repu
tation they have — that is, so far as I have been able to estimate
them. They are merely good pilots and mariners, and
nothing more. In their voyages their apprentices and sailors
are not men for labour and fatigue, but careless, lazy, dirty
fellows as can be; they would let themselves be wrecked and
swamped often enough rather than work.
But the other disaster,, and a greater, is to their trade and
commerce, which is now much curtailed, as well by the prizes
that are made of their ships as by the scarcity and dearness
of goods, because the great number of merchant ships renders
merchandise dearer among rivals in the trade. What formerly
cost the Portuguese one sol, now costs them four or five,
1 A law made by the King of Spain, 9 th Feb. 1591, forbade all
foreigners to go to C. Verd, Angola, Brazil, etc., without his licence,
which was to be granted only to allies (Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 6, No. 49).
In 1593 the king writes that he is informed from Morocco that an
English merchant there was giving out that he was going to
Sumatra, etc., and orders the viceroy to see that he is not allowed to set
foot on land. The same letter shows that the king had heard of Ray
mond and Lancaster's expedition of 1591 (Fasc. 3, No. 127a). The
particular instructions against the rebel Hollanders are too frequent to
mention. On the 8th March 1605, the king amends the law of 1591,
by prohibiting absolutely foreign trade with the above places or India,
on pain of confiscation of ships, goods, etc. A further amendment
(16th June 1606) excepts the Spaniards from this prohibitory law.
Meantime, the municipality of Goa had been annually petitioning the
king to prohibit even the Portuguese merchants, unless they resided in
India, but he would go no further than to instruct the viceroy to report
(Fasc. 1, Part ii).

204 EFFECT UPON INDIANS OF ENGLISH AND DUTCH.
and even what they can bring in safety to Portugal they
are obliged to get rid of at a less price than they were wont ;
nay, it is as much as they can do to get it sold at all, because
the Hollanders sell at lower prices still, and do their busi
ness with much greater despatch.
Thus the Portuguese traffic in the Indies under conditions
of continual dread of the foreigners there, and a great
contempt of them is thereby engendered in the minds of
all the kings and peoples of India, so that the latter now
strengthen themselves with cannon, arms, and munitions
imore than formerly. They even go so far as to take part
with men and vessels against the Portuguese, who were wont
with truth to call themselves masters of the sea throughout
all the Indies. For in past times they had none other com
petitors, save the Malabars, who carried on a continual war
against them, as indeed they do still, and give them much
trouble, as I have already said ; but that did not disturb their
vast shipping trade. The Portuguese used to tell these Indians
that their king was the greatest in Christendom, that he had
all the other Christian kings and princes for vassals, and
that their nation was the most noble and valiant in all
the West. This the Indians continued to believe until the
English and Hollanders showed them the contrary : as also
have we given them in those parts to apprehend the great
ness and sovereignty of each of the other Christian kings
and princes, and especially of our own.
The Portuguese established themselves in the Indies at
the first partly by war, as in some places, and partly by
friendly commerce, as in others. The latter was the most
successful means, for they have with difficulty taken towns
by force, as they did Goa and some others. They have con
tracted treaties of peace and friendship with most of the
kings of India, calling them Irmanos et Armes} that is
1 The phrase lrmdos em armas, " brothers in-arms" (not " brothers-
and-arms", as he has it), was in Europe used of kings between whom

PORTUGUESE TREATIES WITH INDIAN PRINCES. 205
to say, very arms, brothers, and allies with the kings of
Portugal. By these treaties they are thus settled in their
midst with their consent, and on these terms : that the traffic
is to be only between these kings and the Portuguese, in the
spices and other merchandises that are in demand in these
parts, and that none of the enemies of the Portuguese are
to be received of them. These kings have promised them
neither to trade with, nor to harbour any others without
their consent ; while the Portuguese have reciprocally en
gaged to take all their merchandises at a certain price agreed
between them for each kind, and to bring there those goods
of Europe that are most needful to them, such as silver,
cloth, and other things most in demand there. They have
moreover warranted to these kings to guard all the sea of
those coasts from corsairs and pirates, and to defend them
at all points, and against all enemies that may appear in
those parts. In this behalf, every year they equip for the
six months of summer two armadas at Goa, the one for the
North and the other for the South, all at the cost and ex
pense of the King of Portugal : for there they speak of him
only as King of Portugal, and not as King of Spain.
Thus have the Portuguese induced the said Indian kings
to give them establishment at suitable places, and at the
most convenient ports and harbours all along that coast, to
live, settle, and trade there in all personal liberty and assur
ance. And for this purpose the Portuguese have built there
towns, fortresses, and commodious houses, and at such places

existed an offensive and defensive alliance (Vieira, Diet. Port.). In
India it was rather a title of honour conferred by letters patent upon the
rajas who accepted the Portuguese alliance. The form of the patent,
carta de irmandade, is given by De Couto, Dec. XII, cap. vii. It
engages the recipient to treat the friends and enemies of Portugal as his
friends and enemies, to assist in the spread of Christianity by all means
in his power, and to carry out the Portuguese commercial monopoly.
The royal envoy who presented it at the same time delivered a flag
bearing the royal arms of Portugal.

206 THE PASSPORT SYSTEM.
are absolute masters, with the same power and authority as
the kings themselves, the latter pretending to no power in
these particular towns, and the Portuguese taking all the
dues, tolls, and subsidies, whereof the kings take no cognis
ance at all. Nor do they make enterprises one against
another; but all live in excellent peace together. But if
perchance these kings have any quarrel with their neigh
bours, the Portuguese, in case they have not a treaty of
peace and friendship with those neighbours, are obliged to
succour and assist their allies with men, arms, and money ;
and the said kings are in the same manner engaged to them
in like case. But if the kings that would go to war together
are both friends of the Portuguese, then must the Portuguese
take measures to settle their differences, or at least must
not assist either party, otherwise than secretly. Thus have
they done in the dispute between the King of Cochin and
the King of Calecut, which they foster as far as they can,
always, however, assisting him of Cochin more than the
other. The King of Calecut holds himself aloof from both
parties. Under all these treaties and agreements the Portuguese
have managed to become masters of the Indian seas ; so that
no Indians, whether of the mainland or of the islands, or of
what country soever, durst navigate or make any voyage
without a passport from them, which lasts but one year only.
These passports, which they call cartas, permit them to
navigate to certain named places only, but forbid them to carry
pepper, arms, or munitions of war. They even specify what
arms and men they may carry, and if more are found on
board than are mentioned in the passport, everything is
confiscated and deemed lawful prize, and the men are held
prisoners. It is also mentioned of what port the ship is.
But an exception is made in favour of the kings with whom
they have treaties of peace : for these can send a certain
number of vessels when they choose, and with any cargo of

THE PORTUGUESE MONOPOLY DEFIED. 207
merchandise whatever, without any daring to say or do any
thing. They are not even bound to take a passport. Never
theless, they take them for such ships as they fit out on their
own behalf and are avowedly theirs. And this is the cause
that many pass under their names, and carry pepper and
other merchandise to Arabia, whither all these kings send
every year a vast number of ships laden with spices and other
drugs. But there are plenty other kings in the Indies that are not
at peace with the Portuguese, and yet cease not to navigate
and traffic wherever they will, without troubling themselves
about the passport of the Portuguese, whom they fear not at
all. And when they meet there is a desperate struggle, and
the booty is for the stronger. They that sail in this sort are
all those from the coasts of Arabia, Guzerat, and Persia, the
Malabars, those of the islands of Sumatra, Java, and other
places — all these reck nothing of the Portuguese ; no more,
indeed, than do the English, Hollanders, and French1 who in
these days go to that country. For two or three ships can
navigate and sail to and fro all the coasts of India in perfect
safety, and all the Portuguese armadas would not dare to
touch them or attack them : nay, they can even show them
selves at the bar of Goa,2 where six Hollander ships have
sometimes had the assurance to cast anchor, remaining there
1 The French had not done much to justify this boast. After the St.
Malo expedition of 1601, in which our author took part, they sent out
no ships till 1616, and then only two ships, under De Nets and Beaulieu.
Of these only one returned home. Beaulieu started on his better
known voyage in 1619, the year in which this edition was published.
2 P. van Caerden arrived before Goa, fresh from the first siege of
Mozambique, on the 17th Oct. 1607, and remained only three days
(Van Caerden's Second Voyage; Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 1, No. 16,
para. 13). On the 17th Sept. 1608, Verhoeven arrived from the
second siege of Mozambique and remained till the 27th (Verhceven's
Voyage; Arch. Port. Or., ib., No. 17, para. 4). On this occasion they
came close enough to see the new fort which the Portuguese had built
at Bardes.

208 THE PORTUGUESE NOW FIGHT NO MORE.
about three weeks at a time, during which time nothing can
enter or leave Goa, while the Portuguese have not the bold
ness to attack them. They might do the same at all their
ports and towns. Provided they keep out of cannon-shot
they have nothing to fear. Even when there should be two
or three Portuguese ships against one Hollander, if the
Hollander fires a cannon-shot, they will incontinently strike,
and will come and render themselves up to their mercy :
which is the cause that the Hollanders generally give them
quarter. They did not do so from the beginning, and got
the worst of it ; for on occasions when they assumed the
defensive, the Hollanders punished them and slew them.
But now they fight no more : for in these Portuguese ships
there are for the most part only rich private merchants, who
having wives and children, would much rather lose what
little they have in the ship than be killed. This is the
reason I have heard them allege sometimes when I spoke to
them of it. The Malabars say that they never refuse fight,
when there are two Portuguese ships or galiots against one
Malabar vessel of the same size, which will go and attack
them boldly. So it may be inferred from these facts, that
nowadays the Portuguese, after all this talk about them
selves, are the most wretched soldiers on the sea and the
least to be feared.
But to return to their commerce and traffic in the Indies,
a number of ships set out every year. These are the carracks;
every year they despatch two, three, four, or more, of the
burthen of 2,000 tons more or less, equipped with 1,000
or 1,200 men of all qualities, as I shall describe more par
ticularly hereafter. All this is at the expense of their king ;
for no private person ever sends a ship or vessel to the
Indies. But there are no people so unfortunate in their
voyages ; for they navigate so ill, and in such great disorder
(as, indeed, they confess themselves), that none equal them
in maritime dishonour. I have myself known of twenty-

CAUSES OF THE GREAT LOSS OF SHIPS. 209
five ships, as well carracks as galions, and other large vessels,
which left Lisbon on three voyages in three years for Goa :
of these, fourteen left in one year, wherein was the Count
de la Fera, who was sent out as viceroy : he died on his way
on the coast of Guinea. In the two years following eleven
started, and of the whole twenty-five, I am assured that there
returned not four to Portugal.1 The rest were wrecked, lost
and sunk in the Indies, except three or four that were cap
tured by 'the Hollanders. I omit all mention of the Indian-
built ships, which are lost in all quarters in great numbers.
It is not the fault of the vessels, which are very good ; nor
of their pilots, who are expert enough ; but in truth it may
be said that, though their ships are magnificent, yet do they
encounter very heavy storms, also that their men are not
capable of great fatigue, and that their officers (except the
pilots) are rarely expert in their several offices. The reason
is that most of them, nay all, captains, masters, master's
mates, keepers, even the mariners, gunners, and others, get
their offices by favour, or for money, or in recompense for
their services or past losses ; also that these offices are given
to the widows or children of such as have died on voyages
or elsewhere in the service of the king ; then do these sell
them to whom they will, without judging of his capacity or
1 Above, at p. 86, note, the number of the C. da Feira's fleet is given as
fourteen, on Pyrard's authority ; but Mocquet (who was in it) and F. N.
Xavier (O Gabinete Literario, Nova Goa, 1846, pp. 83, 109), who speaks
from the Goa archives, give thirteen as the number. Xavier states that
five left Lisbon in 1609 and three in 1610 ; but to those of 1609 must be
added the extraordinary fleet of five ships which took out the viceroy,
L. de Tavora (see below, ch. xxi). It is impossible to follow the
fortunes of all the ships which left Lisbon, 1608-10, as the names are
not always given ; and sometimes ships remained at Goa for a season :
but we do know that of the four which left with Pyrard, Dec-Jan.
1609-10, three reached Lisbon ; and that the two which left Dec-
Jan. 1610-11, under Vasconcellos, arrived safely (Liv. das Mong.,
ii, 178). The statement in the text is, therefore, probably an exagge
ration.

210 LOSS OF INDIA.
merit. Besides this, when their king wishes to send any
additional or extraordinary fleets, he gets his officers and men,
as well soldiers as sailors, wherever he can, such as poor
householders having wives and children. But in addition to
all that, I believe the principal cause that their voyages
succeed so ill is the great severity and cruelty which they
use toward their poor slaves, and the other sorts and races
,of men that are under their power and dominion. And
what causes still more disorder among them is that the
.captains, being gentlemen, have a great ambition one with
.another who shall have the first place1; so they never await
,each other, and most often the last to arrive have to wait
till the next year for pepper and other spices. All these
things together cause the great loss of men, money, ships, etc.,
now suffered by the King of Spain in the Indies, nay, the
loss of the Indies themselves. For the revenue of the Indies
cannot at present be sufficient to pay and maintain the state,
in spiritual as well as in temporal concerns, and the cost is
greater than the value. It is indeed very certain that but
for the reputation and interest of the Catholic faith (as they
say) they would long ere this have abandoned all those
lands. Some years ago he (the King of Spain) assembled
his council upon this question, whether he should do so
or no, because of the trouble and loss he was then incurring.
The Portuguese made him this remonstrance, praying that,
if he was of a mind to abandon everything, it might please
his majesty to leave the Indies to them and hand over all
his rights to them, engaging always to hold of him, and to
govern and maintain the state in all propriety. Nevertheless,
1 See Linschoten, ii, 235. The ship in which he came home sighted
another of the same fleet, and made towards it to speak with it ; but
" for very pride and high stomacke they would not stay to speake with
us againe : which our officers perceiving, did likewise winde from them,
every one doing his best to get before the other. By this and such
like signs of pride, the Portingales do often cast themselves away,
etc."

EXPORTS TO INDIA. 211
the king did not agree thereto, and they have gone on as
before.1 With regard to the goods exported by the Portuguese to
the Indies for traffic there: in the first place, their king
sends silver only ; but the private merchants send (besides
silver) woollen cloth, hats, swords, and all manner of arms
and munitions of war, or the material for making the same ;
next, all kinds of the iron ware of these parts, paper, iron,
lead, mirrors, all sorts of dried fruits, salt fish, wines, cheeses
of Holland, oil, olives, vinegar, and other such things, that
are in high esteem there ; moreover, printed books, for there
is no printing in the Indies.2 White cloths they carry not
out, for there is abundance of cotton there, as of all sorts of
silk and gold stuffs. All these other merchandises are in great
demand, and bring a profit of four for one, the provisions
being as much as six and seven to one.
The order of Goa is that the viceroy is absolute in all
things and in all places, so far as relates to the service of
1 India was practically in the hands of the Portuguese. The King
of Spain had the expense of fitting out the carracks at Lisbon, and all
he got in return was the cargoes of pepper which they — or rather the
survivors of the voyage — brought home ; and to get even this supply
of pepper he had to send out the silver for its purchase. In matters of
administration he had the appointment of the governors and higher
officers. All the lower offices were sold by the governors. F. y Souza
and De Couto show that in every account against the king there was
gross peculation, and that at this period Spain drew no revenue from
India. 2 A mistake. The Colloquies da India of Garcia de Orta was printed
at Goa in 1563, apparently by a private printer, Joannes de Endem.
Later, if not then, there was a press at the Jesuits' College, at which
the books of P. de la Croix and Father Thomas Stevens were printed —
of the former in 1634; of the latter in 1640. The first Malayalam
type is said to have been made at Cochin in 1577 (Whitehouse,
Lingerings of Light in a Dark Land, p. 154). In 1578, Father Joao de
Faria cut Tamil types and printed on the Pescaria (Tinnevelly) coast in
the same year the Flos Sanctorum and other works (see Burnell, Elements
of S. Indian Palxography, 2nd edit., p. 44).

212 JEALOUSY OF OTHER EUROPEANS.
the king and the good of the state. And if he acquit him
self not of his charge, they can only write to the king,
making mention in articles of the matters wherein he has
failed, and thereupon the King of Spain signifies his will.
For Goa i3 ruled and governed like Lisbon itself, as I have
described more amply above, and there are no Spaniards or
Castillanos (as they call them), wherefore the Portuguese like
to be there much rather than in Portugal, where the Castil
lanos domineer over them ; at Goa they are the masters, and
they would complain still more were it not for the fear they
entertain of us and other Europeans. And but for the
opinion they had that we were come to spy them out and
to dispossess them, they would rather we had been among
them than the Spaniards ; but they are so jealous of their
state that they desire that none should have any knowledge
of it. And when they saw us there they spoke injuriously
of us in the streets, with endless contumely : even saying to
us that had come from France in our own ships that we
ought to have had the permission of their king. They are
a whit more gracious to foreigners who set out from Lisbon
with them and in their fleets, yet they fail not to maltreat
them and to suspect them, saying they have enganado el Reg,
that is to say, deceived their king, and have passed for Portu
guese. And true it is that one gets a passage only by great
favour, and as a Portuguese ; and further must have the licence
and passport of the viceroy, and be registered in the roll of
the Casa d' India. When they have news that any ships of
the English, Hollanders, or other Europeans of these parts
are coming, they seize incontinently all foreigners that are
found in their towns, and make them prisoners. All the
other strangers, such as Italians, and all those of the Levant,
are far better received amongst them— indeed, like the Por
tuguese themselves.1
In short, their traffic is such that all the Oriental peoples
1 See above, p. 6.

NAMES OF THE FORTS AND FACTORIES. 213
from the Cape of Good Hope, as far as China and Japan,
bring their merchandise to Goa ; while the Portuguese also
go to seek it at the ports of all these people, at least of
such as are in peace and amity with them. These places are
China, which means the island of Macao, Japan, Malaca, \
Pegu, Bengal, Ceylon, Comory, and all the coast of Malabar,
as for instance Coilan, Cochin, Calicut, Cananor, Onor, Man-
galor, and the other places as far as Goa : thence to Mozem
bique, including Bassains, Daman, Chaul, Dabul, Cambaye,
S urate, Diu, and so along the coast to Ormus, thence to Arabia,
and from there to Mozembic. All the merchandise of these
lands is brought to Goa and collected there ; but the pepper
remains always in the granaries, or cellars of the countries
where it grows, until the ships of the King of Portugal are
arrived at Goa. And if they cannot make Goa, they must make
Cochin or Coilan, not any other port. And when they go there,
it is due to the currents and winds that carry them thither,
and prevent them getting up to Goa. Very often, too, though
some ships have arrived at Goa, some nevertheless go to
Cochin. After they have discharged the goods they have
brought from Portugal, often the King of Cochin is unwilling
to give the pepper, until the ships go there to load it ; for his
council represent to him that his country profits by this —
as is true enough: for when the ships go there, there are
sometimes on board them some four or five hundred persons
from Portugal, all fresh comers to the Indies, most of them
knowing nothing of the value of merchandise ; they carry
nothing but silver, wherewith the victuals of the ship are
procured ; and all this greatly enriches the country. But
when the ships do not leave Goa, the Portuguese of Cochin
go thither with their cinnamon and other goods which they
have had at fair price's, or by barter of other merchandise.
And when the ships are laden at Cochin they return not to
Goa, but take the direct route to Portugal, passing at the
head of the Maldive islands, which is to the north of the line.

214

GUNS FIRED ON NEARING GOA.

For the rest, all the armies and fleets coming from the
south towards Goa, at the conclusion of their voyages, as
?oon as they double a Cape, called Capo de Ramos, twelve
leagues from Goa, fire all their cannon as a sign of rejoicing,
as being then safe from the pirates — this Cape being the
boundary separating Malabar from Dealcan. In like manner
those that come from the north, when they have sighted
las Islas Quemados, at twelve leagues from Goa, for then are
they out of danger.1
1 Islas Queimadas, or Ilheos Queimados, the " burnt islands", small
desert islands off Goa, to the north. V. Le Blanc (i, 95) says the same,
probably copying Pyrard.

A Carrack (after Tandyck).

CARAVELS SENT TO BRAZIL.

215

A Caravel (from a MS. at Havre).

CHAPTER XVI.
Of the traffic to Brazil, the River de la Plata, Angola, Congo,
St. Thomas, Mina, and the Slaves of Africa.
The Portuguese that carry on the sea trade to Brazil, the
West Indies, Angola, and other places on this side the Cape
of Good Hope, use not great vessels in this behalf, but only
caravels,1 whereof the largest are not more than six or seven
score tons burthen ; or else they use round ships, bought of
1 The caravel, or carvel, was, according to Crescentio, first used by
the Portuguese as a swift despatch vessel for the service of the
fleets of carracks. At this time it was chiefly employed in the Brazil
service, and but little in that of India, except in conveying extra
ordinary despatches. It was a round ship — that is, driven by sails
only. It was four-masted, the foremast carrying two square sails and
the other three each a lateen sail. These, with its curved keel, enabled
it to tack very smartly and to sail very near the wind (Crescentio,
Nautica Mediterranea, p. 526 ; Jal, Le Moyen Age, torn. ii).

216 EXPORTS TO BRAZIL.
the French, English, or Flemings. For the caravels have
lateen sails, and are masted differently from those round
vessels, which have square sails ; also they are of greater
burthen, viz., about two hundred tons. Thus do they steer
a course for Brazil, setting out from Lisbon, laden with all
manner of European merchandises necessary for the life or
convenience of men, such as linens, woollen, and silk cloths,
wines, oils, and other things, whereof they take in the greater
part on their way at the Canary Islands and the Azores,
among other things, wine, wheat flour, salt beef, oxhides, and
salt fish. The Azores wine is much poorer than that of the
Canaries and Spain ; also the flour cannot be kept for long
without difficulty. All these merchandises they obtain in
exchange for others brought from Portugal. They carry out
all these goods, because Brazil produces neither wheat nor
wine ; it grows no grain, nor even has any mills, wherefore
they have to buy all the flour ready ground from Portugal ;
also the wheat would spoil on the sea during so long a voyage,
seeing that that which is carried from France to Spain is
liable to be spoiled, and to stink in such wise that only the
common people will eat bread made of French wheat ; the
rich eat that made of country wheat, which also is dearer
than the other.
So then the Portuguese, laden with all these merchandises,
take a course for Brazil, so as to land at one of the ports of
that country, and principally at Fernambucque,1 where there
is the greatest trade in sugars, and where grows the greatest
quantity of Brazil-wood. Next there is the Bay of All

1 Pernambuco, still vulgarly calledTernambouc by the French. Its
trade, now insignificant compared with that of Bahia and Rio, was then
the greatest in Brazil. " It is the greatest town in all that coast", says
Lopez Vaz (1586), " and hath above 3,000 houses in it, with seventy
Ingenios for sugar, a great store of Brasill-wood, and abundance of
cotton, yet are they in great want of victuals : for all their victuals
come either from Portugal or from some places on the coast of Brasill"
(Hakluyt, iii, 787).

IMPORTS FROM BRAZIL. 217
Saints,1 and other places on this coast (of these we shall
speak more particularly hereafter), where the same trade is
carried on, but not to the same extent as at Fernambucque.
On their arrival they sell and dispose of all their goods,
partly for silver, and partly for the country merchandise.
Then they return without prolonging their voyage, after
waiting there three or four months to collect their silver and
make their purchases, which consist only of sugars and pre
serves of all sorts. As for red wood or brazil,2 they are for
bidden to carry any of that under pain of death : the King
of Spain keeps that for himself, and it is his only article of
traffic, as is pepper in the East Indies. As for ginger, he
prohibits that too, because the great quantity of it in those
parts would prejudice the sale of his pepper. So none dare
bring thence aught but preserves. Thus, laden with sugars
they return straight to Portugal, setting out ordinarily in
August or September, and arriving in November, for they
are usually two months and a half on the passage.
All the wares brought by the Portuguese, as well
from there as from other distant countries, on entering
Lisbon pay thirty per cent. ; and the Portuguese cannot
depart out of Brazil ere they have given security and caution
that they are going to Portugal, and that all their merchan
dise is registered. And though by stress of weather, or some
other lawful cause, they should be constrained to make land
elsewhere, whether on the territories of Spain or elsewhere,
1 The full name was S. Salvador da Bahia de todos os Santos; then
generally called S. Salvador, and now simply Bahia. (See further,
ch. xxvi.)
2 The original brazil was the sappan wood of India. On the discovery
of South America the name was given to other species of Csesalpinia,
found chiefly at Pernambuco, and also affording a red dye ; and hence
the name of the country. The name " Brazil-wood" is now exclusively
appropriated to the American wood (Yule, Gloss.). Brazil-wood was
imported into England at least as early as Edward I :— " E si ceo seyt
marchaundise qe seyt vendue e peysee par centeyne, com brasyl, alum,
etc." (Domesday of Ipswich, in Black Bk. of the Admiralty, ii, 189).

218 TRADE WITH ANGOLA.
and to pay dues for discharging their cargoes there, yet will
they not escape paying the dues again in Portugal, the
farmers of the customs having obtained the right to them.
For the rest, no foreigners — that is, none but the Portuguese
and Spaniards — durst traffic in this land of Brazil these ten
or twelve years past.
Sometimes the Portuguese, willing not to return directly
to Portugal, but to make a longer voyage, do sell there a part
of their cargoes, such as they can to the best advantage, and
relade their ships fully with meal of Mandoc (a root whereof
I shall say more hereafter),1 along with the rest of their
merchandise wherewith their ships are already laden. Thence
they take their course toward the kingdom of Angole,2 in
Africa, which lies due eastward from Brazil, distant thence
about a thousand leagues or more, and also a Portuguese
possession. It is at eight degrees from the line toward the
south on the coast of Africa, between Guinea and the Cape
of Good Hope. It is the poorest country in the world, and
living is exceeding dear there, for it produces only some fruits.
What costs ten sols in France will cost forty in Brazil, and one
hundred there. No other traffic is carried on but in negro
slaves ; the Portuguese hold it solely for this, and would not
otherwise inhabit it, for the land produces only some fruits
and cattle, and but small store of these. Moreover, in
Spain they but seldom put their malefactors to death as we
do in France : they send them all to these desert countries
to traffic there. The Mandoc meal that costs only forty sols
the alquera,3 a weight of about forty pounds, in Brazil, is
1 See ch. xxvi.
2 The coast of Loango, Congo, Angola, and Benguela was dis
covered in 1484 by Diogo Cam. It became the headquarters of the
slave trade. The Portuguese still possess it, but their authority does
not extend far inland.
3 Port, alqueire : a measure for grain, of which 60 = 1 moio ; also a
liquid measure = 6 canadas or 12 pints. Ar. alqueile : from cake, to
measure (D. Vieira, Diet. Port.).

THE SLAVE TRADE. 219
worth sometimes eight francs there. As for the merchandise
of Europe, it is twice as dear as in Brazil. They barter their
merchandise there for slaves, whereof there is the greatest
possible abundance ; and they hold that this is one of the
largest and clearest revenues of the King of Spain from all
these coasts, for it is without expense or cost, and he takes
ten cruzados a head on all slaves exported, old and young .-
and when they are landed in another country to be sold
there, or to be kept there awhile, they pay another thirty
per cent, on their value. Moreover, after their first purchase
they cost nothing, depending only upon the ship for their
sustenance ; and sometimes a great number die.
As for the small money of this land of Angola, it con
sists only of little shells, somewhat like those of the Mal
dives, and little pieces of cloth made of a certain herb.
These pieces are an ell in length, more or less, according to
the price. And when they go to market to buy their goods
they carry no other money. This country costs nothing to
the King of Spain, and he draws large profits from it. Up
the country there is a mine of silver, which the natives some
times work. The Portuguese there, and those of Mozembique
and Sofala, wish to join from the one side and the other to
conquer it, and reach this mine to work it1: it will cost them
twenty-five sols to get forty, and the silver is very good and
pure. The cause that more ships go not to Angola is that
the air is very intemperate and noisome ; besides that, they
fear the coast of Guinea, which is also intemperate and full
of calms. This is the cause that makes living so dear and
slaves so cheap there : when they are got away they become
of great value by reason of the risks run.
Such as wish to return directly to Portugal, return laden
with slaves ; but they that would make a longer voyage
take them to sell at the river de la Plata, where they obtain
1 Referring to the mines of Monomotapa, as to which see next
chapter.

220 SMUGGLING OF SILVER.
much silver, and thence they betake them to Brazil to relade
with sugars and preserves, and thence to Portugal. Others
go directly from Angola to Brazil to sell their slaves, for
vast numbers are required there to work their sugar-mills ;
the slaves of America not being capable of so hard work,
nor so obedient as those of Angola and Cape Verd -therefore
most frequently these latter are taken to the West Indies,
and there sold at high prices. The River of La Plata is at
35 degrees toward the south in America, that is, at nearly
the same altitude as the Cape of Good Hope. They that go
thither go secretly and in fear, because the King of Spain
has prohibited traffic on all that coast, seeing that they cheat
him of his dues; and all the silver got thence is carried
secretly, so as it cannot be discovered, because of the strict
prohibition and penalty of death ; wherefore, in order to win
it, they lash the sacks full of silver to their anchors, and
when the king's officers are withdrawn they weigh their
anchors and haul the silver again on board ; thus all the
silver from that coast is gotten in fraud and robbery of the
dues of the King of Spain. Nevertheless, they forbear not
to carry away great store thereof — indeed, all the silver at
Brazil and Angola comes from that place.
This river of Plata} or " silver", is so called because it
flows at the foot of the mountain of Potosi} whence is gotten
most of the silver that comes from the West Indies. There
these merchants sell their slaves at good prices, and bring
1 The Rio de la Plata is merely the estuary of the Parana, the
Uruguay, and other great rivers. It was first discovered in 1515 by
Juan Diaz de Solis, and then called Rio de Solis. The name La Plata
was given to it by Sebastian Cabot.
2 The famous mountain of Potosi, in Bolivia, in lat. 19 deg. 36 min. S.,
14 degrees at least north of the La Plata estuary ; it is the water-shed
of the Pilcomayo river, which feeds the Parana and ultimately the Rio
de la Plata. Potosi down to 1846 yielded no less than £300,000,000
sterling in silver. At this time (1611) the town contained 160,000
inhabitants, but now not more than 11,000. For its history, see D.
Vicente Ballivian y Rojas' Bolivian Archives.

AFRICAN SLAVES SUPERIOR TO AMERICAN. 221
away only silver ; then they go and fill up with sugars at
Brazil. Throughout all the dominions of the King of Spain,
especially on this side the Cape, slaves are in great demand —
I mean in America, not in Africa, for those in Brazil have
need of them for their sugars, and there is no mill but has
more than a hundred of them at work ; likewise they require
them for their other works. They like one Cafre slave, that is,
an African, better than three of Brazil, the latter not being
so strong as those of Angola and Cape Verd, and willing
rather to die than do aught contrary to their mind, albeit
they are a cowardly and feeble folk. But the greatest profit
that is made of these slaves is in taking them to the West
Indies direct, for there they fetch high prices; and in
exchange there are gotten gold, silver, or fine pearls or
cochineal. The Portuguese have also another trade to Guinea
and to Congo, where they obtain ivory (called by them
Morfie1) in great abundance, also cottons and long pepper
(called by them Maniguete2) and slaves. There the natives'
are exceedingly fond of iron and all sorts of hardware.
On the same coast are the islands of S. Thomas, of the
Prince and Anabon,3 where they (the Portuguese) carry on
a traffic in ginger, sugars, cotton, and slaves. There is also
la Mina} where is a castle in their service, and a great trade
1 Port, marfim.
2 See Col. Yule's note in Cathay, etc., p. 88, and G. de Orta,
ft. 50-52, from which it appears that manigueta or maligueta was some
times applied to species of cardamoms ; at others, as here, to Ethiopic
pepper. Col. Yule states that Columbus calls the Guinea coast Costa
de Manigueta.
3 All these islands were discovered in the voyage of Joao de San-
tarem and Pedro de Escobar (1470-1) : St. Thomas on that saint's
day (21st December 1470), Annobon on New Year's Day, and the
I. do Principe on the 17th January 1471. The last, accordingly, was
named after St. Anthony, but was afterwards called "Do Principe",
because the king's eldest son had assigned to him, as his appanage, the
duty on the sugars grown in the island (Major, Discoveries of P. Henry).
* Now generally called El-mina. It was discovered on the voyage
last mentioned in 1470. The castle was called S. Jorge da Mina

222 HOW SLAVES ARE OBTAINED IN AFRICA.
is carried on with the country folk in gold and slaves. They
have also the islands of Cape Verd, where they traffic in
slaves, bartering for them iron and other cheap metals and
hardware. It is the same all along the coast of Africa, on
both sides of the Cape ; the greatest wealth is that of slaves,
whether at Mozembique, Sofala, or la Mina, where gold and
ivory are also found. Insomuch that the vast number of
slaves taken thence every year, and carried to America and
Portugal, is a marvellous thing indeed, without counting
those that remain in the country in the service of the Portu
guese and the kings of that coast ; moreover, within and
about those lands the greatest tribute that is obtained of the
people consists of these slaves. For of a certain number of
children, the father and mother are bound to give some to
their kings, who sell them. And even the fathers and mothers
sell their offspring for their own profit ; in such wise that
there is a traffic in human beings there as in cattle here.
These slaves are esteemed the strongest, most robust, coura
geous, faithful, and obedient in the world, so are they thus
highly prized. They are all negroes, and the Portuguese call
them Cafres. Such as are the issue of Portuguese and Cafres
they call Mulastres. There are certain parts of the country
where the slaves are better, and more esteemed for their
good temper.
In all these foreign lands there is no Portuguese, however
poor, whether man or woman, but has his two or three
slaves, who win their master's bread, owing him a certain
portion of every day's time, and supporting themselves to
boot. It would be impossible for the Spaniards and Portu
guese to inhabit those lands and to make them worth the
possession but for the energies and service of the slaves ; for
(Major, P. Henry, p. 200). It fell into the hands of the Dutch in 1638,
and was long their headquarters on the Guinea coast. Recently (in
1872) it was transferred to Great Britain (inter alia) in exchange for her
rights in Sumatra.

PORTUGUESE DOMINION IN AFRICA AND BRAZIL. 223
Spain is but small in extent, and poorly furnished with men
in comparison of the territories she holds and the vast traffic
she maintains with so much trouble and travail. The pos
sessions of the Portuguese, as well on this side the Cape of
Good Hope, at Angola, Guinea, and the adjacent islands, as
in Brazil, are held in a different manner from the East
Indies : for in the former places they are sovereign lords for
the most part, like the Spaniards in the West Indies, with
out other competitors, having fortresses both on the coasts
and within the country, which mostly belongs to them, or is
being continually conquered by them. There are Portuguese
lords that have their noble mansions there, and till and
cultivate their domains, and manufacture sugar, just as they
would here. Toward the River of S. Vincent1 there are
gold mines conquered by them, whence they already draw
some profit. Wherefore, Brazil and Angola are vastly pro
fitable to the King of Spain, with little cost and little hazard,
the navigation being easy and safe ; and, moreover, these
countries relieve Spain of her fruits and merchandise : for
the King of Spain permits none of the fruits of Spain to be
planted or sown there.

CHAPTER XVII.
Of the traffic at Mozembique, Sofala, Coiiesme, Melinde, Mom-
base, Socotera, and other places. — Of the siege of Mozem
bique, and what happened there.
With regard to the traffic of Mozambic, Sofala, Coiiesme, and
other places, I will speak first of Mozambic} whence very
1 A small river to the north of Sierra Leone, in lat. 9 deg. 30 min. N.
2 Mozambique, discovered by V. da Gama, 1498. The first captain,
Duarte de Mello (1505), built a fort, which was replaced by a more
imposing structure in 1557. It was visited by Varthema (1507) and
Barbosa (before 1517).

224 IMPORTANCE OF MOZAMBIQUE.
rich cargoes are brought to Goa, chiefly of slaves or Cafres,
which are carried everywhere ; but besides them, ivory, and
ebony the blackest and most excellent in the world ; and
note that the Portuguese call it pan de Mozambic, meaning
the wood of that country; there is also some ambergris.
This place is of vast importance to the King of Spain, as well
for the commodities which he draws therefrom, as that it
serves him greatly in his government and navigation. For
it is an island, a fortress, and a haven, well adapted for a
refuge to ships on the outward voyage from Portugal to
Goa, after they have passed the Cape of Good Hope. So
that all that are afflicted by storm, disease, scarcity, or other
ills take refuge there. You might call it a sentinel or a
bulwark at the entering in of the Indies, or a kind of hostelry
for the refreshing of the Portuguese, worn out with a long
and toilsome voyage, when they have been for so long time
at sea without touching land, sometimes spending seven or
eight months amid such heat and calms as attend the passage
of the line (especially about the coast of Guinea, which is
exceeding intemperate and unhealthy); hence are produced
the many ailments of scurvy and pestilential fevers, whereof
full many die. Insomuch that it is no wonder they are glad
enough to fetch some port for their refreshment, and there is
none nearer than that of Mozambic, seeing they are under
orders not to make land ere they get there : for their ships
are so great and draw so many fathoms of water that they
cannot touch at the nearer ports which are in their service.
Wherefore, when they go to others, it is when they are forced
thither by tempest against their will, and then most often
they lose themselves, or at least their voyage.
Thus is it for them great joy to arrive there, after having
doubled the tempestuous Cape of Good Hope and passed
that dangerous land of Natal, which none do without meeting
with storms and other accidents which dismast their ships,
¦opening the seams, and breaking the yards or rudders, and

SIEGES OF MOZAMBIQUE. 225
sometimes both. At this' favourable spot, Mozambic, the King
of Spain keeps a hospital and a magazine to furnish neces
saries to the fleets, and it is for this sole consideration that he
has the place so well fortified and garrisoned, rather than
for the profits which he draws from the trade. Without it,
it would be exceeding difficult to make the outward voyage
to the Indies. In like manner it is convenient for them on
the homeward voyage to make the island of St. Helena.
The Hollanders having remarked1 how profitable this place
was to the Portuguese, and what trouble it would cause them
to lose it, resolved to take it, and laid siege to it twice, once
for the space of three months. The first occasion was in
the year 1607, the second in 1609. The first siege2 was
carried on by eight large vessels ; but they could not take
it, and only lost a large number of men : albeit they took
the island and the unenclosed part of the town, which they
1 The Dutch had visited the place at least twice before the sieges
viz., in 1601 and 1604. Van der Hagen arrived on the 17th April 1604
with eight ships, and would have laid siege to the island but for the
expected arrival of the Portuguese fleet. The -soundings and notes of
the fortifications taken on this reconnoitre were used for the two
sieges. 2 Paul van Caerden left the Texel with eight ships and 1,060 men on
the 20th April 1606, and arrived before Mozambique on the 29th March
1607. He landed without difficulty, and entrenched a position at the
Dominican convent. An attempt to effect a breach failed, owing to the
strength of the walls and the weakness of the guns. Resort was then
had to mining, but in this open working under screens was necessary,
the soil being merely sand. They succeeded in getting within 15 or
16 feet of the walls, but the Portuguese destroyed the screens by
grenades, and poured a deadly musketry fire upon the besiegers. During
the siege, which continued to the end of May, the Portuguese suffered
terribly from want of water, the population of the outer town having
crowded into the fortress ; as did the Dutch, from excessive heat and sick
ness. Van Caerden then demanded a ransom for the outer town, and a
haughty reply being returned by the governor, D'Ataide, the Dutch pro
ceeded to burn the whole outer town, including three churches, and to cut
down the precious plantations of coco and other fruit trees. They also
burnt three ships found in the harbour, and left the place on the 29th June.

226 THE SIEGE OF 1608.
burned on both occasions; The second siege1 was by thirteen
large vessels ; but they fared no better. At the commence
ment they took a rich Portuguese carrack that was anchored
before the fortress, and having pillaged it set it on fire. At
that time the place was easy enough to take, but since then
they have fortified it strongly, as they have all their other
places in the Indies, since they have had the Hollanders
and other foreigners there to disturb them. The Hollanders
also lost there a big cannon, and a ship that was wrecked in
setting sail out of the harbour.
Another misfortune also befell them during the siege, for
1 Admiral Pieter Willemz Verhoeven left Holland in Dec. 1607 with
thirteen ships and 1,800 or 1,900 men. His instructions were to await
and capture the outward-bound fleet of carracks, and the siege of
Mozambique was entered upon, after a council of war, professedly pour
passer le temps. On the 28th July 1608 he arrived in the harbour, and
there found a carrack and two small ships. The carrack, with her
crew of thirty-four men, surrendered to two Dutch yachts without
striking a blow, and yielded a rich cargo of Spanish cloth, ivory, ebony,
wine, and oil. Verhoeven landed a force of 600 men, who took up a
position, as before, at the Dominican convent, and used the same
trenches by which Van Caerden had approached the fortress the year
before. A demand for surrender was answered by EstevSo d' Ataide
with a sarcastic refusal : it would take better men than they to win his
fortress, which was " not a cat that could be touched without mittens".
The besieged again baffled the miners by their grenades and musketry,
and on the 8th August made a sortie which inflicted serious loss on the
advanced guard of the Dutch. A retreat was now ordered, and
nothing remained but vengeance. Three deserters had joined the
besieged, though the Dutch were aware of only one, whose surrender
was demanded under threat of putting to death the whole crew of thirty-
four Portuguese prisoners taken in the carrack. D'Ataide returned the
spirited reply stated in the text below — the only one possible for a
soldier and a man of honour. On the 17th August all the thirty-four
(as the Dutch narrative admits, and not only six, as stated below in the
text) were led out to the trenches in sight of the fortress and there
shot down in cold blood. The outer town, or what remained of it was
then sacked and burnt ; and on the 23rd Verhoeven left the place, with
a loss of thirty killed and eighty wounded, and with his own name
tarnished by an act of ruthless barbarity.

EPISODE OF THE DUTCH DESERTERS. 227
three of their men, being malcontent, deserted them, and
gaining the land, betook themselves to the Portuguese in the
fortress, and gave the Hollanders vast trouble : for, but for 'these
three traitors, they had infallibly taken the place, as I heard
afterwards. The garrison were exhausted and were resolved
to surrender, but these three bade them take courage, giving
them to understand that the Hollanders were disposed to
raise the siege for want of supplies both of munitions of war
and provisions : and this was true enough. They said further
that what had moved them to come over to them was their
desire to become Catholics, and that they had been shipped
against their wilL This was false, for they were three good-
for-nothing scoundrels, as I myself know, for I have since
seen and spoken with them. The Portuguese made great
ado about having won these three men, and especially the
Jesuits thought they had done great things in the conver
sion of these knaves ; but it was all a make-believe, for they
had no devotion or affection for the Catholic religion. What
had, in fact, caused them to desert was, that they could
not endure fatigue, and were not good for any work;
also they thought they would become somebodies among
the Portuguese, who indeed took a great pride in the three
rascals. The Hollanders, seeing they were betrayed by men
that had informed their enemies of the straits wherein
they were, resolved to raise the siege. They were also afraid
of the coming of the carracks from Portugal, whose time
was drawing nigh, for they could have burned their vessels ;
and in fact they did arrive seven or eight days after the siege
was raised.
The. Hollanders, before their arrival at Mozambic, had
taken a ship coming from Portugal, the prisoners whereof
they still had, and to get back their three men they
bethought them of an expedient, and a cruel and barbarous
one it was. They sent to ask a parley of the governor, who was
named Don Estevan, a brave and gallant lord, offering to

228 SHOOTING OF PORTUGUESE PRISONERS.
give up all the Portuguese prisoners they had, provided
those three were surrendered to them ; otherwise they would
put six of the chief prisoners to death in his sight. The
governor made answer that the ordinances of war forbade
him to give up men that had come willingly to them in order
to serve their king, or to expose them to the discretion of
enemies that would put them to death ; that he would rather
be their executioner himself. As for the Portuguese that
they had, they were prisoners of war, therefore they could
put a price for their ransom, which for their part they would
fully pay : should they, however, slay them in cold blood, that
would not be the act of gallant men of war. They were for
a whole day at this parley without coming to any conclusion.
Seeing this, the Hollanders resolved to put to death the six
Portuguese, who were all married men, rich, and some of the
principal ship's officers, such as pilots, master, etc. So they
bound them with ropes, their hands behind their backs, and
led them outside their trenches, holding the rope's-end
within the trench. The poor men cried for the mercy and
pity of the governor to move him to relent ; but he was
contented to exhort them to die with resolution, saying that
he could not surrender the three Hollanders, for that God
and the king forbade it, seeing they had given themselves
up to be converted; whereupon the Hollanders slew those
six men with arquebuse-shots in the sight of their fellows,
and then raised the siege and departed to Sunda.1 As for
1 The authorities for the sieges of Mozambique are : — For the first,
the Voyage of Van Caerden, in Rec. des Voy., torn, iii ; Arch. Port. Or.,
Fasc 1, pt. ii, No. 16. As to the second, the Voyage of Verhoeven, Rec.
des Voy., torn, iv ; Arch. Port. Or., ib., No. 17 ; and as to both, Faria y
Sousa, torn, iii, pt. ii, ch. vii, and especially a full description by a
Spaniard who served under the Portuguese, entitled, Cercos de Mocam-
bique Defendidos por Don Estevan de Atayde Capitan General y
Gouvernador de aquella Plaga. Escritos por Antonio Duran, soldado
antiguo de la India. Em Madrid, 1633. This rare work is in the
British Museum, and is noted by J. F. da Silva in his Dice. Bibliog:

DESCRIPTION OF MOZAMBIQUE. 229
the three Hollanders, they were afterwards brought to Goa,
where they were made but little of ; on the contrary, they were
subjected to a thousand insults, and were sent back to Por
tugal with us. One of them was in the same carrack with
me, and was scolded and buffeted by all on board. He told
me he was a native of Switzerland, and that he was with the
late Monsieur de Mercure1 when he died in Germany on
his return from Hungary, and that one of his companions,
after being taken by the Turks, came by land to Goa, where
they joyfully met again.
But to return to Mozambic, it is a little island,2 at the end
and point whereof is the fortress which is toward the east
and defends the harbour. The island is within a great bay
full of shoals and banks, and the passage is very narrow and
difficult of entrance, having these shoals and banks on either
side, insomuch that you require pilots of the island, and to
The miserable condition of the place after the sieges is described by
Mocquet, who arrived there a fortnight after Verhoeven left (Voy.,
p. 229, et seq.).
1 Philippe, Due de Mercceur (b. 1558). He was chief of the League
after the death of the Guises in 1588, and submitted to Henri IV in
1598. In 1601 he commanded the army of Rudolf II against the
Turks in Hungary. Returning from this campaign, he died at Nurem
berg, 1602.
2 The following description of Mozambique is given by Capt. W. F.
Owen, who took part in the Admiralty Survey of Africa, 1821-4 : — " The
harbour of Mozambique is formed by a deep inlet of the sea, five miles
aud a half broad and six long, receiving the waters of three inconsider
able rivers at its head. At the entrance are three small islands, which,
together with reefs and shoals, render the anchorage perfectly safe ia
the worst weather. Of these islands, that of Mozambique, on which
stands the city, is formed of coral, very low and narrow, and scarcely
one mile and a half in length. It is situated nearly in the centre of the
inlet, and just withiu the line of the two points that form its extremi
ties. The other two islands, St. George to the northward, and St. Iago
to the southward, lie abreast of one another, about 1,500 fathoms
distant, and nearly three miles outside that of Mozambique. They are
also of coral, surmounted by a rich mould covered with verdure and
trees, but without inhabitants" (Owen's Narrative, i, pp. 187-8).

230 DESCRIPTION OF MOZAMBIQUE.
keep the lead continually in hand. The entrance is in a
slanting course ; but with a good pilot and in fair weather
you can enter in all safety, and find good bottom. But there
is no port or harbour in all the Indies where the Portuguese
have lost so many vessels as in this bay. To enter it you
must keep your head — that is, your prow — to the west, and
thus you have the north on your right hand and the south
on your left. On the north is the mainland, and toward the
south are two small uninhabited islands side by side, at
about a league from Mozambic. The one nearest is called
S. Jacques; and the other, which you see but little of, as it is
behind the former, is called S. George. Betwixt the island
of Mozambic and the mainland there is only half a
league of sea to cross. On the south side it is all shoals
and sands, but on the north is the harbour, where there
is good bottom. The island is very small, being no more
than three-quarters of a league in length and half-a-quarter
broad. It is equally peopled in all parts, not being in the
form of an enclosed town, and having only the fortress,
which is of fair proportions. The soil of itself is very sterile,
and there is no fresh water save what is kept in some cis
terns, and it is brought from the mainland in boats. Within
the fortress there may be some five or six churches, chapels,
and monasteries. Vessels can approach the island as near
as they like, for the coast is quite safe, and has a good sandy
bottom ; but they cannot sail around the island, but only
on the north side, for the south is beset with shoals and
reefs. This island is on the coast of Melinde, or Ethiopia, about
18 degrees from the equinoctial, toward the Antarctic
Pole : it is distant from Goa about 900 or 1,000 leagues, and
600 or 700 from the Cape of Good Hope. It is low-lyina
and very sandy, and the air is very unwholesome. Provisions
are brought from the mainland, where cbco-trees, oranges
citrons, bananas, and other Indian fruits are grown. There

PRODUCTS AND WANTS OF MOZAMBIQUE. 231
are vast numbers of cattle, such as oxen, cows, sheep, pigs,
goats, etc. All these animals are exceeding cheap, and like
those of the island of St. Lawrence.
In Brazil and at Mozambic hog's flesh is deemed the most
dainty and delicate of all ; and the physicians order it for the
sick, forbidding all other. There is also good store of fowls,
very good and delicate, but all of black plumage ; and the flesh
is the same, whether cooked or raw.1 This is strange to those
who have not been used to see and eat it ; it seems as if the
flesh had been cooked with some black dye, and the soup is
the same.
Before the Portuguese came to the island of Mozambic it
was not inhabited,3 as much on account of its small size as
of its want of fresh water ; and to this day it is inhabited
only by Portuguese, Metices, and Cafres of the mainland,
most of those being slaves of the Portuguese;
Of the neighbouring peoples of the mainland, some are
their friends, others their enemies, with whom they wage a
very cruel war continually. The Portuguese have no spot
of ground in all the Indies so bad for victuals and residence
as that, for all their provisions must come from Goa, and
the viceroy allows no goods to be brought from elsewhere,
save some petty commodities brought in barques from adja
cent places. All sorts of merchandise are in request there,
and every year the viceroy of Goa sends thither a number
of vessels charged with Indian and Portuguese goods, which
return laden with slaves, ivory, ebony, wood, and a quantity
of purified gold that is found in the rivers. Nevertheless,
were it not for the touching of the ships from Portugal there,
they would never inhabit the place ; but it is of vast im
portance to them in this behalf. They are also continually
1 Only the bones are black, though Linschoten too says the same of
the flesh. See Dr. Burnell's note in Linsch., i, 25.
2 Not so. When V. da Gama arrived, he found Mozambique a town
of importance, under a sheikh, and the island of S. Jorge also
inhabited.

232 NATIVES OF EAST AFRICA.
increasing their conquests on the mainland.1 From Mozambic
they carry some vastly pretty mats to Goa, and all the mer
chandise that comes thence is exceeding cheap.
It would be difficult, nay impossible, for me to distin
guish all the nations that are between the Cape of Good
Hope and the Arabian Gulf or Straits of Mecca, by reason
that they have divers names, and yet are all alike, resembling
the negroes of Cape Verd or of Guinea. The people, as well
of Mozambic as of the adjacent mainland, are all Cafres,
albeit of divers kingdoms and languages. They carry on a
cruel war among themselves, for they slay, kidnap, eat, and
sell one another for slaves. They are without faith or religion,
and should nowise be trusted, being all cheats and perfidious
knaves. They go all naked, without even covering the privy
parts : in disposition they are exceeding clownish and brutal,
suited to labour like beasts ; nor do they mind being slaves,
even saying that their condition should be none other.
Fathers and mothers sell their own children ; they eat of
everything like brute beasts ; they are without ambition, yet
passionate, disdainful, treacherous, and mischievous. They
stink abominably, and even worse when they are heated.
On the same coast, about six score leagues from Mozambic
towards the Cape, is the kingdom of Sofala,2 where the Por
tuguese have a kind of fortress, but of little consequence.
It is under the government of the captain of Mozambic, who
keeps a factor and a merchant there to treat and traffic with
the country people. The captain formerly resided at Sofala,
and not at Mozambic, and even now bears the title of
i They made wars and expeditions, chiefly to get possession of the
inland mines, but never to this day have they reduced the surrounding
country to obedience.
2 The fort of Sofalah was built in 1505, and is said to have been
a good one in 1508 (Varthema, 290). For long the captain resided six
months at Mozambique, and finally altogether there (Joao dos Santos,
Hist. d'Ethiope, 1684, p. 15). Fpr a modern description of the place
(1823), see Boteler's Voyage, i, 346.

SOFALA AND THE GOLD MINES. 233
governor of Sofala, and not of Mozambic : the former being
one of their ancient settlements, he has more pride in being
called governor of the one than of the other. Some have
held the opinion that this Sofala is Ophir,1 whence Solomon
drew his gold for building the Temple (though others will have
it towards _ the golden Chersonese or Malaca, and China ;
others even at Peru), and there are manifest signs that great
quantities were aforetime drawn from mines near the Por
tuguese fortress. The factor there collects good store of gold,
which he sends to Mozambic; and all the gold the Por
tuguese have comes from trafficking with the kings and
peoples of that land. For the Portuguese themselves fish not
(ne peschent) for it in the rivers, but the people of the place
only. There are factors, too, at other places than Sofala, both
for the gold and for other merchandise. About thirty leagues
from Mozambic, between Sofala and Mozambic, is a river in
the country of Couesme,2 otherwise called the " Black River",
where they find much gold, purified, clean, and in dust :
this they call gold sand ; and it is held that the gold of
Sofala and of the river of Couesme is the purest and finest
in the whole world. These mines of Sofala and Monomotapa
are indeed marvellous, being all of fine gold in dust or gold
sand, which cannot be more refined. I have seen a branch
of massive purified gold of a cubit's length, branched like
coral, that was found thus in its natural state in the river
of Couesme. This shows that gold is in veins in the earth, and
has spread like water, and the hardest gold has remained
compact in the form of the mould. That piece of gold was
carefully preserved, and was sent in the ship wherein I
embarked at Goa, to be taken to Portugal as a present to the
Queen of Spain.
1 So Milton: "And Sofala (thought Ophir)", (P. L., xi, 400).
Camoens (x, 124) says of the Chersonnese:
" Aurea por epitheto lhe ajuntarao ;
Alguns que fosse Ophir imaginarSo."
2 Cuama, the Zambesi, also called Rio Negro by the Portuguese.

234 EXPEDITIONS TO THE ZAMBESI.
At the time of my departure from the Indies the Cafres
round about Mozambic were in active warfare against the
Portuguese ; and the viceroy then in office at Goa, in passing
by Mozambic, had left there his nephew and a number of
men to carry on the war and to make conquests and dis
coveries. This young man, who was a new comer, wishing
to show his gallantry, made attempt with some galiots and
other vessels to go further up the river of Couesme than
any Portuguese had yet been ; but he never returned, and
remained there with the most of his men, while the rest with
great trouble got back. The viceroy hearing of this, was
exceeding vexed, and resolving to be avenged, he employed
the services of the captain and governor of Mozambic, who
was the same that had the command during the two sieges,
and was one of the bravest and gallantest lords to be met
with among the Portuguese, a friend of God and man, and
especially of foreigners. He was called Don Esteuan de
Zaida.1 He had won a marvellous fame among his country
men, and even the Indians, for having sustained the two
sieges with the small forces at his command, taken unawares
as he was : for which services he looked for conspicuous
reward at the hands of his king, inasmuch as captains
after three years' service usually return rich, with a hun
dred thousand cruzados, more or less, in their pockets, gotten
1 D. Estevao d' Ataide, for his services rendered and great personal
loss incurred during the sieges, had his term of office prolonged, with
the title of Capitao Mdr. On making the expedition up the Zambesi,
referred to below, d'Ataide effected an arrangement with the viceroy,
L. de Tavora, whereby he was to have for himself a considerable share
in the traffic of the forts he was to establish and in the produce of the
mines. This contract, on being reported, was annulled by the King of
Spain, as being beyond the powers of a viceroy. D'Ataide was ordered
to Goa, where an inquiry was instituted, with directions that he should
make restitution of all profits made by him. The result does not
appear. Probably it ended in nothing (Livro das Mangoes, vol. ii).
D'Ataide died at Goa, and was buried in the church of St. Paul
(Botelho, Africa Oriental, 1855, p. 322).

EXPEDITIONS TO THE ZAMBESI. 235
as well out of their dealings and traffickings as by means
of their larcenies and underhand practisings ; but he through
these two sieges had spent all his own fortune instead of
making any profit. Wherefore he was continued for another
year in this government beyond the ordinary three years.
The viceroy then advised his council that an enterprise
must be made upon these Cafres, and a naval armament sent
thither, whereof this Don Esteuan should be general, as he
was experienced in those parts, having made this long
sojourn of four years there. Their intention was to go far
up this river of Couesme, fhen to land and to get possession
of these gold and silver mines that are between Angola
and Sofala, . and that the Portuguese of Angola should be
warned of their coming and should join them at a rendezvous,
and that they should proceed together thence to the con
quest. For this purpose the drum was beaten in Goa for all
to come that would. To these a year's pay — that is, 72 perdos
(each worth 32£ sols, or 25 sols of France) — was advanced.
I was greatly importuned to go, for all foreigners are per
mitted. But I feared lest they should leave me there to
guard their mines without being allowed to touch the con
tents. They started the same day on which we embarked
on our return : for they set out from Goa for Mozambic at
one time in the year only, viz., about January, February, or
March, sooner or later, because of the Muesons, or Monsons,
whereof they have to take good heed. On returning to Goa
they set out about the month of August or. September. From
Goa they carry to Mozambic all sorts of European and
Indian merchandise, such as wheat, rice, silks, cotton cloth,
spices, etc. But this commerce is not free to all the world :
the viceroy and captain alone can take into partnership
whom they will. This trade is one of the best and most
useful in all the Indies, for they sell what they like and
all they bring, and carry back other good merchandise, as
I have said above.

236 MOMBASA AND SOCOTORA.
On the coast of Melinde the Portuguese have another
fortress, called Bombasse or Mombase} where they carry on a
great trade ; but they consider not this fort to be of great
importance: it is between Mozambic and the Straits of
Mecca. Then, at the entering in of this strait, toward the
coast of Abexis, otherwise of Prester John,2 at twenty leagues
from the mainland — that is, the Cape of Gardafunt — is an
exceeding great and fair island, named Socotera.3 The Cape
of Gardafunt is the nearest to it, advancing far into the sea,
forming on one side the Strait of Mecca, which is the limit
of the coast of Africa and MeliSde. This island is at the
entrance of the gulf, but leaning toward the Abexis. It is
about fifty leagues in circuit, well peopled, and has a king of
its own, who holds it of the Cherife King of Arabia. The
people are Mahometans, and a mixed race of Abexis and
Arabs, but they call themselves Arabs, and preserve the
manners, customs, arid language of that people. The land
abounds with cattle and fruits, and the people trade at Goa,
where they are well received — better indeed than the Arabs
proper, who durst not come thither without a passport, and
that they rarely seek. These Socoterans traffic all along the
coast of Arabia, and thence to Goa and elsewhere, with pass
ports from the Portuguese like the other Indians. They are
habited in the Arab fashion. They carry back the merchan-
1 Mombasa, discovered by Vasco da Gama in 1498 ; yielded up to D.
Alvarez Cabral in 1500 ; attacked and burned by F. de Almeida in
1505 ; besieged by Nuno da Cunha, 1528 ; surrendered to the Turks in
1586. Again taken and burnt by the Portuguese in 1588 ; retaken by
the tribes in 1589, and again by the Portuguese in 1596. Their possession
lasted till 1720. It was held by the British from 1824 to 1826, but is
now nominally subject to Muscat. (For description, see Burton's Zan
zibar, ii, 28.)
2 For the history of Prester John, see Col. Yule's article in Encyc.
Britannica. 3 Socotora has never been a coveted possession . Albuquerque built a
fort upon it, but this was soon abandoned. It has been recently
annexed to our Indian Empire.

ENGLISH SHIPS AT SOCOTORA. 237
dise of India to Arabia. Their island produces a marvellous
quantity of dates, which they bring to Goa, selling a pound
of the finest and best in the world for a liard : a pound of
the dearest at Goa is worth only two liards. They have
also much rice ; they bring also very pretty Esteres, or mats
made of palm leaves ; large quantities of incense, which is
so common at Goa that they cover the outsides of their
vessels with it, as we do here with tar or pitch. They
possess also good store of aloes wood.1 They are a very
courteous people, but not to be trusted. Two English ships2
had once cast anchor there for refreshment and traffic, and
had been well received of them, and had been for nine or ten
days on friendly terms ; but at length the king had a fancy
to play them a bad turn, and feigned to give a feast in their
honour, as he had before this done to others, in order to
entrap and slay them, and seize their ship : so the said
Englishmen told me afterwards at Goa.8 But the English,
whether out of distrust or on what other ground I know not,
were advised of it in time, and full speedily withdrew. This
island produces also some horses, so that on the whole it is
in great estimation in the Indies. All that come thence to
traffic at Goa are either Arabs, or at least have the same
manners and dress, both men and women.
1 The best aloes is known by the name Aloe Socotrina (see Yule,
Gloss.). Aloes-wood is a mistake of Pyrard's. That is an entirely
different thing, Aloexylon agallochum, or " eagle-wood", the aloes of the
Old Testament. Bluteau, in his Vocabulario, makes the same con
fusion. 2 The Dragon and Hector, in April 1608. See journal of the Hector,
Capt. Wm. Hawkins (Hawkins, Voy., 383).
3 They had been captured by the Portuguese at Surat. See further,
ch. xx.

238 THE KINGDOM OF ORMUZ.

CHAPTER XVIII.
Of the, kingdom of Ormus : a description of it, and of the
punishment of a Prince of Ormus at Goa.
Next, at the commencement of the coast of India, is
Ormus, a very great kingdom, distant from Goa 500 leagues,
near Persia, at the entrance and over against the straits of
the Persian Sea. In that sea is a little island (under the
altitude of 26 degrees or thereabouts to the north of the
equinoctial) of only three leagues circuit, called Ormus, from
the town, for the island used to be called Gerun.1 It is
distant about three leagues from the mainland of Persia, and
some ten from that of Arabia. The island and town are
held and possessed by the Portuguese,2 who have built a
fortress there, good and well garrisoned. This island after
Goa is the richest, and has the largest revenues of any in
the Indies possessed by the Portuguese, for it is a great mart
1 The ancient city of Ormuz was on the mainland. Owing to repeated
Tartar invasions, it was removed to the opposite island, Jerun (old
Persian form Garun ; the Gerum of Camoens, and Gerun of the
text). On this trachytic rock, as unpromising a site as the lagoons
of Venice, arose and flourished (from the end of 13th to the 17th
century) a city whose fame in the East almost rivalled that of Venice
in the West.
The relative positions of Old and New Ormuz are seen in Col. Yule's
map, Marco Polo, i, 108. The ruins of the ancient city are described by
Sir L. Pelly (ib., p. 105). As to the aspect of the island city at the
present day, see Palgrave (Cent, and East. Arabia, ch. xiii).
2 Ormuz was possessed by the Portuguese from 1507 to 1622, when it
was taken by Shah Abbas, with the aid of the English E. I. Company,
William Baffin, the navigator, losing his life in the operations. On its re-
annexation to Persia, the insular site was no longer required, and a new
emporium was built at Gombroon, on the opposite shore — thencefor
ward also named Bunder Abbas ; but this place never equalled in pros
perity the famous city, founded upon an absolutely sterile islet, which
was to Milton the type of Oriental splendour.

THE TRADE OF ORMUZ. 239
of merchandise where all goods are landed, principally the
wealth of Persia; and besides that, the merchandises of
India are brought thither in great quantity for the furnishing
of Persia, Syria, and all the Levant.
The merchandises that come thither are all valuable, for it
is the staple and landing-place for all goods from Persia,
Arabia, Armenia, Turkey, Europe, etc., which are brought
thence overland by caravan ; likewise all Indian goods are
lauded there. From Ormus to Goa come, firstly, the fine pearls
from the fishery at an island of the Gulf, called Baharen}
toward the coast of Arabia beyond Ormus. They are the
fairest, biggest, and cleanest of any found in the East Indies.
The fishery produces a vast quantity ; hence comes the
name given to these of " Oriental pearls". Secondly, there
comes thence much of that silver money that is called
Larins2 the finest silver in the world : these are called larins
of Ormus. Thither, too, are brought quantities of Persian silks,
both in the piece and worked, and in other forms. Next, what
we here call Turkey carpets, and the people of those parts Per
sian and Ormus carpets, the most exquisite and the best made
in the world. Then there are horses of Arabia, Persia,
and Ormus, the handsomest and most beautifully capari
soned possible ; being all covered with gold, silver, silk, and
pearls, in the Persian and Ormus mode, as also in the Portu
guese: they fetch a high price at Goa.3 Then come all

1 El-Bahrayn, the " two-sea island" (as Burton explains) ; the seat
of the pearl fishery of the Persian Gulf.
2 See vol. i, pp. 232-4.
3 All the best horses at Goa, as now at Bombay, came from the Per
sian Gulf, and were shipped at Ormuz. Caesar Frederick travelled in a
vessel from Ormuz, carrying eighty horses to Goa. After the Portu
guese conquest, and for the greater part of the 16th century, horses
paid a heavy import duty at Goa. This duty was afterwards remitted,
and in order further to stimulate the trade, all goods brought in ships
carrying twenty horses (C. Frederick, p. 4), and latterly ten (Wm.
Barret), were allowed to come into Goa free of duty.

240 THE TRADE OF ORMUZ.
kinds of sugars, conserves, marmalades,1 raisins or dried
grapes of Persia and, Ormus, and much big dates which are
very excellent. Next, many watered camlets2 of Persia and
Ormus, of all colours, made of the wool of large sheep that
have not curled fleeces like ours. Of it they make also
good store of cloaks and capes, called by the Indians Mansaus,
and by the Portuguese " Ormus cambalis" :3 they are made of
the same wool, in bands of different colours, each four inches
wide. Everyone takes these to sea for a protection from the
rain. The tissue is the same as of cloth. They make also
other cloaks, capes, and mantles of felt, like our hats, which
resist the rain well.
As for the drugs, aromatic, medicinal, and others, it were
difficult to specify all that come from Ormus, whither so-
many are brought from elsewhere, nor to tell all the mer
chandises brought from the Indies and Europe. In short, it
is the common proverb in those lands, that if the world were
an egg, Ormus would be the yolk4; for it is the best place in
the world, whether for its fertility (that is, of the rest of the
kingdom, for the island itself is desert and barren of all pro
duce) or for the convenience of its situation for the traffic
of all parts. The merchandise and goods of all the world
must pass there and pay tribute to the Portuguese, who
search all the ships to see if any merchandise is being carried
1 Port, marmelada, i.e., made of quinces, from marmelo, a quince ; in
France, about this time, or later, also used of various entremets. Thus
we have in Le Patissier Frangois (Amst., 1655), "Marmelade ou oeufs
brouillez au verjus sans beurre" — " avec beurre" — " k la crime" — " au
fromage", etc.
2 So called because originally made of camel's hair. Fr. camelot.
3 Kambala, the modern Anglo-Indian " cumbley", a coarse woollen
wrapper or blanket. About this period it was Anglicised as camball,
but this form did not survive.
4 Another proverb made the world a ring and Ormuz the gem : —
" Si terrarum orbis, qu£qu& patet, annulus esset,
Illius Ormusium gemma decusque foret."
(Sir T. Herbert, Travels, p. 105.)

THE BROTHERS COUTINHO. 241
that is contraband and prohibited by their king. But that
is the place where the governors fill their pockets, inasmuch
as they will for money let everything pass. These governors
aspire to no other dignity than that of viceroy, and they go
there solely to that end. For they enrich themselves in
marvellous wise in the three years of their office from the
heavy dues and tolls they exact upon all things : to do which
with impunity, they make great presents to the viceroy. He
that was governor there while I was at Goa was called
Don Pedro de Coustigno} a Portuguese lord of a very great
house. He had a brother at Goa, also a great lord, that had
made a very wealthy marriage, and was called Don Diego de
Coustigno. He had bought the government of Cochin for his
life — for that is the only office in all the Indies that is for
life, the captain there having no other profit but his pay and
his honour, because there is a Viador de Fasienda, as at Goa,
who is general overseer of all that belongs to the king, and
is changed every three years, so that the captain touches
nothing.2 But to return to this governor of Ormus : it was said at the
time that he was returning from his three years worth more
than 600,000 crowns. He returned to Portugal with our fleet.
At Goa, with his benefactions, liberality, and alms, he made
1 From the Livro das Monqoes it appears that Pedro Coutinho was
captain of Ormuz from 1604 to 1607. He was succeeded by Henrique
de Noronha (v. s.,.p. 78). As stated below, he remained at Goa till
the end of 1609, living with great display— probably in the hope of
succeeding to the government of India in case of a casual vacancy.
2 This is a mistake as regards Diogo Coutinho, who was both captain
and vedor da fazenda at Cochin (Liv. das Mong., ii, 119). This officer
was among the few at this day whose public spirit rose above personal
aggrandisement. In 1604 his services at the bar of Goa against the
Dutch are warmly commended to the king by the municipality of Goa
(Arch. Port. Or.. Fasc. i, No. 13). He remained captain of Cochin
throughout the governments of De Tavora and Azevedo, freely ex
pending his private wealth in the equipment of ships, etc. He won the
respect and confidence of both these governors, and is highly eulogised
by the historian Bocarro (Dec. XIII, passim).

242 JEALOUSY OF PEDRO DE COUTINHO.
a show like the viceroy, but not in dignity and honour:
for the viceroy Don Andre" Furtado de Mendosa and he were
on any but good terms. Don Andre, holding the office
of viceroy, had asked him to lend 50,000 perdos for the king's
service, promising to pay him back in Portugal or in the
Indies, whichever he wished ; the other refused, and when
the viceroy replied that it was to provide pay for a naval
armament against the Malabars, this governor said that he
was a man to equip an army and lead it himself for the
king's service, and not to give his money to another. This
was the cause that on their return these two embarked not
in the same ship : the viceroy went first, intending to arrive
before the other in Portugal, to get the better of him and
thwart his designs ; but he died on the way, as I shall tell
hereafter. When these governors return they carry no large
cargoes of merchandise, but only pearls, precious stones,
ambergris, musk, gold, silver, and other rare and precious
things. When I left Goa, the son of the viceroy Don Loyso
Lorencio d'Estahlo, who was aged only twelve or thirteen
years, was already appointed to the government of Ormus,
and was entering upon it.1
This island is exceeding sterile, having no fresh water : it
is all the same as the island of Mayo, on the Cape Verd
coast — for it is all rock-salt, which they use as salt. There
is also saltpetre there.
The Kings of Ormus pay tribute to the King of Persia,
and are in peace and friendship with the Portuguese.
They are Mahometans, like the Persians, and they cause the
eyes of their successors to be put out, like the Kings of
Dealcan.2 1 See above, pp. 78, 81.
2 As to the Deccan, see above, p. 137. This barbarous practice is
most frequently related of the kings of Ormus, e.g., by Varthema
(p. 96), Barbosa (p. 44), Linschoten (i, 46), and Teixeira (Relaciones;
1610, p. 40). The last named states that the eyes were scorched to
blindness, not actually put out.

HABITS AND CUSTOMS AT ORMUS. 243
The people of Ormus are almost as black as the Moors of
Ethiopia, and nowise resemble the Persians, who are fairer.
When some men of authority die at Ormus, their wives
are obliged to mourn for them once a day, by the space of
four consecutive weeks ; there are also women paid to bewail
the dead.
The inhabitants wear long shirts, girding them at the waist
with a broad band of taffetas, as do many of the Indians and
all the Arabs. On their heads they wear white turbans,
diversified with many colours. Many of them wear rings
in their noses. They speak Persian, and are much addicted
to fornication, and above all to the unnatural sin. They love
music and instruments of music.
Their arms are gilded Turkish bows, the strings whereof
are of fine silk ; they are of a very strong and well-set wood
or of buffalo horn, and their arrows are neatly made of gilt
canes. They are exceeding adroit in the use of the bow.
They carry also iron clubs, well made and damascened.
It is now about ten or twelve years since the brother of
the King of Ormus came to the Portuguese at Goa, in a
ship laden with great wealth, to become a Christian, as he
said : he had also some quarrel with his brother. He was
received with all the honours possible, and had one of the
finest houses in the town allotted to his use.1
After being some time at Goa, he asked the Portuguese to
aid him to recover his share of the inheritance, giving a pro
mise to transfer to them all he could recover, if they would
give him a pension. The Portuguese sent a powerful army
to the kingdom of Ormus, and made terms with the king
1 Turun Sh£h, the prince referred to, a younger brother of the reigning
King of Ormus, for some years resided at Goa, where he petitioned the
King of Spain to support him against his brother. The cause was
referred to the High Court, with special instructions to decide the
matter according to the best policy (Liv. das Mong., i, 14, 15, 50).

244 PRINCE OF ORMUS PUT TO DEATH.
that he should give up certain lands to his brother, which
was done.
But it happened that this prince at Goa, who every day
promised to become a Christian, and never did, committed
sodomy with a young scholar, a Portuguese Metice ; for
which crime he was condemned to be burned by the office of
the Inquisition at Goa. This sentence was carried out some
four or five years since,1 although the prince before his
execution was converted, and baptised by the Jesuits ; and
notwithstanding that he offered 500,000 crowns to be spared,
and, further, to build some churches in expiation of his sin.
But all these promises were of little avail to move the Por
tuguese, who had in their possession already all he promised
them.2 Besides, he had been already rebuked and repri-
1 I.e., before 1611, the date of the first edition.
2 The execution of this prince for the crime mentioned probably
seemed to the King of Spain to be impolitic, and Pyrard has previously
said (supra, p. 91) that the king was greatly incensed against Menezes
for his conduct in the matter. In the Life of Menezes by Fr. Agostino
de Santa Maria, prefixed to the latter'S Hist, da Fund, do Real Conv. de
Sta Monica (Lisb., 1699), it is admitted that the High Court and all the
notables of Goa were against the execution, and that slander attributed
the archbishop's resolution to a desire to annex the prince's property.
The biographer states that when the king wrote, the archbishop was
able to show that the whole of the prince's property was in the Treasury.
In his despatches, however, he nowhere openly reprobates the sentence ;
but in 1610, apparently with the policy of playing off claimants against
those in possession, he issued letters patent reinstating the sons of
Turun Shah in all the rights and titles of their father (Arch. Port. Or.,
Fasc. 6, No. 105).
The death of Turun Sh4h is described by the Jesuit Guerreiro
(Relagam, etc., 1609, f. 1356), and by the Carmelite Philippus a Sanct.
Trinitate (Lat. ed., 1649, lib. v, c. i). Both these writers say that he was
beheaded, not burnt. Guerreiro's account (curtailed) is as follows :— " On
the sentence being communicated to him, a Father of the company
went to speak to him of his soul's salvation. On a subsequent day he
sought holy baptism. The Father obtained from the governor and the
royal courts a respite of three days for his catechising, during which by
day and night our Fathers were with him continually, and by turns cate
chising and instructing him. in the matters of our faith. On the day

THE CAMBAY FLEET. 245
manded many times for this heinous vice, to which he had
promised never to return : albeit he again fell thereinto, and
so met with well-deserved punishment. As for the poor
young Portuguese, he was put in a barrel and cast into the
sea, for fear of scandal.

CHAPTER XIX.

Of the Kingdoms of Cambaye, Surat, and of the Grand Mogor ;
Diu, and the rest of the coast of India ; Malabar, and the
King of Tananor and his perfidy.
Having spoken of Ormus, I come in their order to Cambaye
and Surat, whence comes the greatest and cheapest traffic of
Goa, from which it is distant about 10T) leagues to the north.
This traffic is such that two or three times a year there come
together from 300 to 400 vessels, called Cafiles} of Cambaye,
like the caravans of Aleppo. At Goa the whole city looks
out for these Cafiles and fleets, as in Spain they await those
from the Indies. And when they arrive not at their due
season, every one is in apprehension of the Hollanders, or
the Malabars, or the Cambayans themselves, who frequently
stop them when ready to set out, as happened the year I left
fixed for the execution he walked forth from the prison with his eyes
fixed upon the crucifix, the Misericordia following behind. The Padre
Preposito and four other Fathers marched by his side. On reaching
the place where he was to suffer, the Padre Preposito baptised him by
the name of Sebastian, first putting to him all the requisite interroga
tories, whereto he replied with the warmth of conviction. So he who
could not attain an earthly kingdom, for which he had striven for the
space of five or six years, in a moment attained the kingdom of heaven
for his eternal possession."
1 Port, cafila, the Ar. kafila, a body or caravan of travellers ; regu
larly used in Portuguese documents, as here, for a fleet of merchant
men under convoy (see Yule, Gloss., s. v. ; also in latter sense, Liv. das
Mong., i, 3, 334 ; iii, 228, 440).

246 ARRIVAL OF THE FLEET AT GOA.
Goa, and on many previous occasions : the fleet had been
ready for more than two months, but was not allowed to
proceed to Goa, insomuch that all were already crying
famine. This was for a grievance the King, or Bascha, of
Cambaye had against the viceroy of Goa, who had refused
him something : for although this king holds of the Grand
Mogor, as lord of all those lands, yet is he absolute in all
things that prejudice not the Mogor's service.
When this fleet does arrive the joy of the merchants and
the whole people is marvellous ; and in truth it is a very
pretty and pleasant sight to see so many sail together : but
it is seldom that the Malabar corsairs fail to capture some
of them. Every ship or galiot is worked by oars, so as to
keep the coast, and to speed against the wind : they have
all their own ensigns, and the livery of their several lords on
their flags ; and the merchants to whom they are consigned
recognise them afar off. They have some war galiots for
their escort, and when they arrive at Goa there is much
cannonading from the town, the fortresses, and the viceroy's
palace, before which they come to anchor, as do all the other
vessels, for there is the alfandeque, and the warehouse and
the royal steelyard. There are but few of the inhabitants
of Goa, whether Christians or other, that have not a share in
this fleet, or at least in some of the ships at Goa and the
other ports of the Portuguese ; for along with this fleet come
many ships from Cambaye, Surat, and other places.
As for the merchandise which they bring, it consists in
the first place of Anil or Indigue} which is a violet-blue dye,
obtained at Cambaye and Surat, whither it is brought from
all the neighbouring country, and prepared in those two
towns alone. This merchandise is greatly dealt in, and much
prized even by the English and Hollanders ; and the prin
cipal cause that they keep their factors there is to get
1 Port, anil, from Ar. al-nil, "the blue", Sansk. nila, i.e., indigo ; the
latter being the Greek '\v&ikpv, (see Yule, Gloss., under both heads).

THE TRADE OF CAMBAY AND SURAT. 247
these dyes. Secondly, they bring good stores of precious
stones, not of the fine sorts, such as diamonds and rubies,
but other kinds, which they know how to cut skilfully, and
to work into a thousand pretty things. Next, much rock-
crystal, iron, copper, rock-alum, a vast quantity of the best
wheat in the world, which is reaped twice in the year : and
they say that if it were not for the Portuguese they would
not sow it at all, because they are not used to eat bread.
This is the cause that bread is eaten so cheap at Goa; for
the Metices and most of the Portuguese prefer to eat of the
rice that is grown in great abundance in Cambaye, and
thence exported to Goa. Besides these, they bring vegetables
of endless variety, such as peas, beans, lentils, and others of all
kinds and colours, even peas from China, which are eaten
there like the rest. Next, medicinal drugs, butter, oils
of divers sorts, as well for eating as for perfume, and for
rubbing the body withal ; white and black soap ; sugars and
conserves, paper, wax, honey, much opium or poppy-juice,
wherein is great traffic and sale among the Indians, as well
Moors or Mahometans as Christians.
But the principal riches consist chiefly of silk and cotton
stuffs, wherewith everyone from the Cape of Good Hope to
China, man and woman, is clothed from head to foot. These
stuffs are worked, the cotton also made into cloths of the
whiteness of snow, and very delicate and fine, and is also
woven of a medium and of a thicker stoutness for divers
uses. Others are bespangled and painted with various figures.
The silk-work is the same of all these kinds, the articles
imported being pillows, counterpanes, and coverlets, pinked
with much neatness, and cleverly worked : these they call
colches.1 Then there are quilts stuffed with cotton, painted
and patterned exceeding prettily. Next, they bring couches
and bedsteads, that are painted and lacquered with all
1 Port, colchas, coverlets or quilts ; v. s., p. 4, note.

248 THE INDIANS ARE CUNNING CRAFTSMEN.
manner of colour and design ; and other domestic furniture of
the same use. Then bands, which they call Parcintes} for
the sacking of beds, chairs, stools, joint-stools, and other
seats : they are made of fine white cotton. They make also
cotton beds in the form of nets, like those of Brazil ; not,
however, used for sleeping o' nights, but when they go to the
country they are borne therein by two or four men as in a
palanquin or litter, and much at their ease : they are used
all over India. Also they make carpets of the fashion of
those of Persia and Ormus, but not so fine or so dear, for
they use the rougher and longer wool ; the patterns are,
however, the same ; they also make small cotton carpets
with bands of many colours.2 They also make cabinets in
the German style, inlaid with pieces of mother-of-pearl,
ivory, gold, silver, and precious stones, the whole neatly
fitted. Also other little cabinets, coffers, and boxes of
tortoise-shell, which they polish so clear that nothing can
have a prettier effect, the shell being patterned by nature.
In short, I could never make an end of telling such a
variety of manufactures, as well in gold, silver, iron, steel,
copper, and other metals, as in precious stones, choice woods,
and other valued and rare materials. For they are all cunning
folk, and owe nothing to the people of the West, themselves
endued with a keener intelligence than is usual with us, and
hands as subtle as ours : to see or hear a thing but once, is
with them to know it. A cunning and crafty race : not, how
ever, fraudulent, nor easy to defraud. And what is to be
observed of all their manufactures is this, that they are
both of good workmanship and cheap. I have never seen
men of wit so fine and polished as are these Indians : they
J This word is not in Vieira or Roquete ; nor can I find it used else
where than in Linschoten (i, 61) : " Persintos, that are stringes or bands,
wherewith the Indians bind and make fast their bedsteddes, thereon to
lay their beds." The Hindustani is newdr, and these bands are still
used to form the flat of a bed (charpoy).
2 The dari ('.' durry") or sitlrinji of modern India.

GREATNESS OF CAMBAY. 249
have nothing barbarous or savage about them, as we are apt
to suppose. They are unwilling indeed to adopt the manners
and customs of the Portuguese ; yet do they readily learn
their manufactures and workmanship, being all very curious
and desirous of learning. In fact the Portuguese take and
learn more from them than they from the Portuguese ;
and they that come fresh to Goa are very simpletons till
they have acquired the airs and graces of the Indies. It
must then be understood that all these countries of Cambaye,
Surat, and others (in the region) of the river Indus and of
the Grand Mogor, are the best and most fertile of all the
Indies, and are, as it were, a nursing-mother, providing traffic
and commerce for all the rest : so, too, is the kingdom of
Bengal, where their manners and customs are the same. The
people, both men and women, are there more cultivated than
elsewhere ; those countries are the mart of all the ships of
India, and there living is better than anywhere else.
Cambaye is a great kingdom, giving its name to the metro
politan city, where the king hath his residence. The town
is in the altitude of twenty-three degrees this side of the
Equinoctial. The Gulf is twenty leagues broad at the mouth,
and the town is at the farther end of the Gulf. This country
has its own king, who is a vassal of the Grand Mogor, and a
Mahometan by religion, though most of his people are Gen
tiles. But every man lives according to his own religion, by
reason whereof one sees here men of all laws and sects.
After Goa, I have never seen in the Indies any city so
famous and opulent as is Cambaye, chiefly for its commerce
and traffic. The principal nation and race there are the
Banianes, who are in such numbers that one speaks only
of the Banians of Cambaye : they are to be found in every
port and market in India, along with the Guzerates, who are
Mahometans of Surat and other (neighbouring) lands. The
Banians, on the other hand, observe the same manner of life
as the Bramenis, albeit they wear not the cord. These

250 THE GREAT MOGUL.
people are better versed in the sciences, above all in mathe
matics and astrology, than any other; for the rest, honourable
men, well habited, and of good conversation. No people in the
world know so much about pearls and precious stones ; and
even at Goa the goldsmiths, lapidaries, and other workmen
occupied with the finer crafts are all Banians and Bramenis
of Cambaye, and have their own streets and shops.1
The town of Cambaye is one of the greatest and richest
of all the coast of India, where merchants resort from all
quarters of the world. The language of all those countries,
as also of all others belonging to the Grand Mogor, and of
Bengala and those neighbouring thereto, is the Guzerate
language, which is the most widespread and useful, being
understood in more places than any other Indian tongue.
The men and women of Cambaye, Guzerate, and Surat are
in colour somewhat olive ; but handsome, and well-propor
tioned. The jvomen, who take care of their complexions, are
also pretty, fair, neat, and well-bred, more so than the women
of these parts.
But having spoken of Cambaye and Surat, countries
appertaining to the great King of Mogor,2 methinks I must
say something of this prince, according to what I heard in
those parts. This Grand Mogor, whom they call the great
Achebar Pachat,3 that is, " Great Sovereign King", is the most
puissant king in all the Indies that I had knowledge of, and
wondrous stories are told there of his grandeur and magni-

1 " There is also another street where the Benianes of Cambaia
dwell, that have all kinds of wares out of Cambaia, and all sortes of
precious stones, and are verie subtill and cunning to bore all kinds of
stones, pearles and corrals" (Linschoten, i, 228).
2 Here used, as frequently by the Portuguese, of the country (Yule,
Gloss., s. v. " Mogul").
3 "The Great Padshah." Akbar the Great died in 1605, and was
succeeded by his son Selim, under the name of Jehanghir, the emperor
referred to in the text. There is no ground for applying the name
Akbar generically to the Mogul emperors.

WEALTH AND POWER OF THE MOGUL. 251
ficence. He resides chiefly at three cities ; one is called
Dirty} the second Agra, and the last and greatest of all,
where he more usually lives, as being the capital of his
empire, is Lahor2 which is more than 120 leagues from the
coast of Cambaye. He can put in the field 30,000 elephants,
80,000 horse, and 200,000 foot. His ordinary guard is 10,000
men, who are ever stationed for seven leagues round his
person. When any would come, whether to speak with him
or for their private concerns, the first guard they meet con
ducts them like ushers to the next, and so on from one to
another, until they are arrived at the city, where they are
handed over to those who have the charge of them : and
note, that the first guard that delivers them to the second
are obliged to get a ticket of the deliverance for their dis
charge, and so with the other corps of guards, and so do they
know all that have come and gone. These soldiers of the
guard are paid every week. They say in these Indian
countries that this king is the Great Tartar, as he is called ;
but it would seem that the Great Cham of Tartary, so
renowned these 300 years, is another more remote, towards
the north and east, beyond China and towards Cathay.
These Tartars are the best soldiers^ the strongest, most
powerful, and skilled in war to be found in the world. They
carry thick bows of iron, which the strongest among us
could hardly bend even a little. The riches of this prince
are inestimable ; for he has divers houses and stores apart for
his pearls, gold, silver, precious stones, and other things of
price. A Baschat once came to his court to render account
of the tribute he had brought ; but he had nine whole months
to wait ere he that had the office to receive it had time and
leisure to count it, because of the great number of other
i Delhi.
2 Agra had been the chief city of Akbar. Jehanghir preferred Lahore,
but also kept court at Agra, where about this time Captain William
Hawkins visited him (Hawkins' Voy., 436).

252 AKBAR ALMOST PERSUADED TO BE A CHRISTIAN.
vassals that were arrived before him to render their like
accounts. Hence may be understood the extent and riches
of the territories of this prince.
He likes the Jesuits much, and has them always about
him, respecting and honouring them greatly. None of all
that come to his presence does he rise to salute, except them ;
for when they enter any place where he is, he rises from his
place and makes them be seated. There are Jesuit Fathers
at the towns of Lahor, Dirly, and Agra, though but few in
each place. They have built churches, and have the liberty
.to preach and t.o convert as many as they can, so long as it
be voluntarily. Nevertheless, hardly any are converted. All
the Jesuits in the Indies also say, " It is more easy to convert
fifty — nay, a hundred — Gentiles or Idolaters than one Maho
metan." The late King Achebar, or Grand Mogor, who died
six or seven years ago,1 promised and gave hope that he
would become a Christian,2 making but one request, viz., that
he should be permitted to keep all his wives, as his religion
allowed ; and pending solution of this question he died. His
son and successor drove out the Jesuits, and even the other
Christians, and treated them roughly ; but this he did to get
himself settled on his throne: for afterwards, two or three
years ago, he recalled the Christians to his court, as they
were in the lifetime of his father.
When this prince Achebar died all India was in dis
quietude and alarm, for the war that was feared would ensue
in those parts : for that king was greatly dreaded and feared
of all the other Indian kings. And it can be said with
assurance that he is lord of the fairest and best countries, and
1 Probably dated from 1611, the year of the author's first edition.
2 The Jesuits confidently hoped that they were effecting his con
version, and afterwards insinuated that he had died a Christian, though
without open confession ; P. Manouchi relating that he saw in Akbar's
tomb images of the Virgin and of St. Ignatius (Catrou, Hist, of the
Mogul Dynasty, p. 135).

AMBASSADORS AT THE MOGUL'S COURT. 253
of the most valiant people in the world, as the Tartars are.
Many of his people, too, are exceeding rich and cultivated.
None speak of the Turk in all the Indies, but only of the
great Achebar ; and when his subject-kings themselves speak
of him, they bow their heads in token of respect. He is on
good terms with the King of Persia, and oftentimes sends
him presents and embassies as his ally. He gives assistance
to this king or Sophy} who is called the Great Chaa, against
the Turk. He that is at present the grand Achebar had a
son2 that rebelled against him, but was taken and brought
to the king, who, not willing to put him to death, is content
to hold him prisoner. He has great affection for strangers,
and there was at one time at his court an agent or ambas
sador of the King of England.3 This prince is so curious,
that when any ambassadors or other sorts of persons come
before him, he questions them who they are, and of what
quality in their masters' courts ; and so he did to those sent
by the Grand Turk. And so it is, when he knows all, he
despises them and their masters, and keeps them about him,
giving them money, offices, and dignities, indeed, all that they
can desire, in such wise that these ambassadors quit their
office of embassage and tarry there, as did the Englishman,
according to what I heard from the English at Goa.4 In the
1 From Sufi, Safavi, or Safl, the name of the dynasty which reigned
over Persia for more than 200 years (1499-1722). (Yule, Gloss., s. v.)
The Persian king was always known as " The Sophy", in distinction, as
in the text, to "The Turk" and "The Mogul". Colonel Yule
quotes Twelfth Night, iii, 4 : " They say, he has been fencer to the
Sophy." 2 Khuzru.
3 Captain William Hawkins, from 1609 to 1611 ; he was succeeded
by Sir Thomas Roe in 1615, but, as appears below, the reference is to
the former,
* Hawkins was induced to remain, after presenting his letters and
obtaining the Mogul's answer ; and also to marry a daughter of
Mubarik Khan, a Christian jLrmenian, who afterwards accompanied
him to England (Hawk. Voy., p. 404).

254 THE ISLAND OF DIU.
services of his table and chamber this prince is waited upon
by the fairest girls and women that are to be found.
In connection with Cambaye, Surat, and other territories
of the Grand Mogor, it remains to speak of Diu,1 an island
that was aforetime a dependency of the kingdom of Cam
baye, and is still inhabited by the same races, viz., Banians,
Bramenis, Gentiles, and Mahometans. When the Portuguese
went there first they made a treaty of peace and friendship
for the purpose of trade with the King of Cambaye, as with
the others; in such wise that the king permitted them to
reside in the island, which, as time went on, they fortified so
strongly that they became absolute masters of the place, and
rule there to the present day. They have built two fortresses,
and made the town strong with bastions. The King of
Cambaye has besieged them on two occasions, but saw
no prospect of success, and so at present they are good
friends. 1 The Portuguese had factors at Diu from the time of Albuquerque,
but had no fortress till 1535. Then Bahadur Shah of Guzerat, being
attacked by the Emperor Humayun, made a defensive alliance with the
Portuguese, whereby the latter were allowed to build a fortress at Diu.
Between the parties, however, there was but little confidence, or even
good faith, and in the next year Bahadur Shah was killed in a scuffle on
landing from a Portuguese ship. This led to the first siege of Diu in
1538, by Muhammad III, assisted by 7,000 Turks, the fort being suc
cessfully defended by Antonio de Silveira. The same king conducted
the second siege in 1546 ; this was ended by the celebrated relief 'of
Dom Joao de Castro, who achieved a brilliant victory over the besiegers,
and reduced the whole island, which to this day remains a Portuguese
possession. It has a population of over 10,000, and some of its great
buildings still remain. The authorities for the sieges are :— For the
first, Diensis oppugnatio, by Damiao de Goes ; Prim. Liv. do Cerco de
Dio, by Lopo de Sousa Coutinho, Coimbra, 1556, fol. ; for the
second, Commentarius de rebus a Lusitanis in India apud Dium gestis
anno 1546, by Diogo de Teive ; V. de Joao de Castro, by F. Andrada ;
and for both, Barros, Decada V, and F. y Sousa. The inscriptions of
Diu have been published by Mr. J. H. de Cunha Rivara (Nova Goa,
1865). There is a plan of the fortress (as of the others mentioned
below) in the Resende MS. (Sloane Coll., No. 197).

PROSPERITY OF DIU. 255
This island of Diu is very near the mainland of the
Cambaye coast, twenty leagues north of the entering of the
Gulf, and thirty leagues from the great town of Cambaye.
It is of great renown, and brings in good revenues to the
Portuguese in consequence of its good port and haven,
wherein vessels ride in complete safety, by reason of the
protecting fortresses. It is the mart and staple for all the
vessels coming from Cambaye, Surat, the Red Sea, the
Persian Sea, Ormus, and other places in the Indies. The
merchants land there willingly enough, as well for the good
haven as for the cheapness of commodities; also because
they fear to enter the Gulf, where contrary winds often pre
vent them coming out ; but the chief cause is that the Por
tuguese constrain them to touch there, so as to reap the dues
and customs, and thus to make the place more prosperous.
It is worth much to the King of Spain. The people there
carry merchandise to and from Cambaye in great barques of
fifteen to twenty tons burthen each, with a full cargo each
way. The Malabar corsairs make their profit out of these,
for they seize as many as they like ; and I have seen them
while I was there seize at one swoop forty or fifty of them,
and that was no uncommon occurrence. This island of Diu
is passing fair, rich, and fertile ; innumerable vessels touch
there, and render it the most wealthy place in the Indies
after Goa: for you live there very cheaply, and with all the
conveniences and luxuries imaginable ; and nowhere in all
the Indies is there greater freedom with women than there.
Even the soldiers in the Indies go to spend the winter there
with great pleasure. All nations and religions meet there
freely; but the Portuguese are masters. Indeed, there is
more liberty of conscience than at Goa, where there is exer
cise of none but the Christian religion. The country abounds
in beasts, fowl, and other food-stuffs, while everything else
is brought from the mainland in great plenty. The climate
is very good and healthy, so that the place is of the highest

256 DABUL, DAMAN, AND BASSEIN.
importance and profit to the Portuguese, and they are at
pains to guard it well.
From Cambaye and Diu the course is along the coast of
Goa, and thence to the Cape of Comori. This is what is
properly called the coast of India, that is, from Cambaye to
Goa some 100 leagues, and from Goa to Cochin another 100,
and from Cochin to Comori 60, so that the whole coast is
about 260 leagues. The whole region between the Cape of
Good Hope and China is not properly called India, but only
this coast1 ; the other parts have separate names. So, when
one is making a voyage from Goa, one says to which quarter
one is going, whether to the south or the north coast. " The
north" is from Goa to Cambaye, " the south" from Goa to
the Cape of Comori ; but when one is at any other place, and
wants to go (for instance) from Cambaye to Comorin, you
say that you are going along the coast of India. On that
coast between Cambaye and Goa the Portuguese hold but
three fortresses, and those not so great nor so important as
the others. Starting from Cambaye, the first town and fort
ress you come to is Daman, then Bassains, and then Chaul.
Beyond Chaul is another fortress called Dabid} but it is not
in the service of the Portuguese, and they have only a factor
there. All this coast is good country, fertile and salubrious,
and supplies much wealth and commodities to Goa and other
parts. But these three fortresses held by the Portuguese
are held at the pleasure of the kings of the country, who are
vassals of the Grand Mogor. Daman3 furnishes much rice
1 See vol. i, p. 334, note.
2 Taken by Almeida in 1509, but lost to the Portuguese in 1526. A
very ancient and flourishing mart (Barbosa, 71 ; Varthema, p. 114 ;
India in XV Cent., iii, 20) ; it sadly dwindled under the adverse influ
ences of the Portuguese monopoly, until at the end of the 17th century
its commerce was a thing of the past (A. Hamilton).
3 Sacked by the Portuguese in 1531, rebuilt by the natives, and after
wards, in 1558, taken by the Portuguese. They hold it still, with a small
district, under a governor subordinate to the Governor of Goa. There

TIMBER AND STONE FROM BASSEIN. 257
to Goa ; from Bassains1 comes all the timber for buildino-
houses and vessels ; indeed, most of the ships are built there.
It also supplies a very fine and hard freestone, like granite; and
I have never seen columns and pillars of single blocks so
large as what are produced there. All the magnificent
churches and palaces at Goa and the other towns are built
of this stone.
The town and fortress of Chaul2 is quite different from
the other two, because the country there is vastly rich, and
is a good account of Daman, as it was in 1634, in the Chron. de
Tissuary, iii, p. 217, from A. Bocarro's Liv. das Plantas.
1 Bassein (Wasai, in Port. Bacaim), twenty-six miles north of
Bombay. The city was ceded to the Portuguese in 1536, in the govern
ment of Nuno da Cunha. It became the favourite resort of the
wealthier Portuguese, the place being noted for handsome villas and
pretty gardens. As a city of fashion it was called a corte do Norte. It
had a splendid cathedral, thirteen churches, five convents, and a
Mi=ericordia. Bassein was taken by the Mahrattas in 1739, after a
siege of three months, in which the Portuguese, for the last time in
India, fought with stubborn courage. Forty-one years later (1780)
the town was captured by the British. In 1782 it was restored to the
Mahrattas, and in 1818 retaken on the overthrow of the Peshwas.
Bassein is now a sub-division of Tann£ district. The population, which
even in the decadence of the place before the siege exceeded 60,000,
has now dwindled to about one-tenth of that number. A full account
of the history and antiquities of Bassein will be found in Mr. J. G. da
Cunha's Chaul and Bassein, Bombay, 1876.
2 Chaul is famous for many Portuguese exploits. Here Dom
Lourenco, the chivalrous son of the Viceroy D. Francisco d' Almeyda,
lost his life in a naval engagement in 1508. After some severe fighting,
the previous factory was in 1516 converted into a fort. Other attempts
to dislodge the Portuguese failed, and in 1570-1 the fortress sustained a
long siege, simultaneously with that of Goa. The Portuguese were not,
however, secure so long as the Morro, or hill of Korle, on the opposite
side of the estuary, remained in possession of the enemy, and this
position was captured, after an obstinate resistance, in 1594. Both
fortresses were surrendered to the Mahrattasin 1741, after their capture
of Bassein, and in 1818 fell into the hands of the British. Chaul is now
an insignificant village, though many of its fine old buildings remain
to testify its former greatness. For a full account of the place, see Mr.
da Cunha's Chaul and Bassein.

258 CHAUL AND THE MALIK.
productive of all kinds of valuable merchandise, which the
merchants from all parts of India and the East come to seek.
But the chiefest are the silks, which are obtained there in
such quantity that alone they almost supply Goa and all
India. They are of a different quality from those of China ;
and at Goa no account is made of any but Chaul silk, whereof
very pretty stuffs are made ; it also largely supplies choice
cotton fabrics.
At Chaul are two towns ; one belongs to the Portuguese,
and is very strong. In former days they had a great war with
the king of the country, but now they are at peace together.
The other belongs to the natives, where is carried on a great
manufactory of silk, as also of a vast number of coffers, boxes,
cases, and cabinets in the China style, all very rich and
elaborate. They make also couches and bedsteads, lacquered
in all colours ; in this work the people are very adroit and
industrious. The king is a Mahometan, very puissant and
much feared : they call him the Malic of Chaul. He is a vassal
of the Grand Mogor, like the rest. All this coast is very
rich and the climate healthy, and it has very good ports ;
living is very cheap, and most of the inhabitants are Gentiles
and idolaters. The king has a great number of elephants,
and when he takes his meals he causes to come about him a
number of beautiful women, who sing and play instruments
of music ; others take a piece of coloured taffetas, and tear it
into pieces so small that they are good for nothing, were it
not that those present pick them up each a shred as a kind of
badge. After these amusements the king dismisses everyone,
and betakes himself to the contemplation of the vanity and
uncertainty of life, to such effect that incontinently he falls
asleep. All the kings of India near the Mogor, who cannot resist
him, disdain not to be his vassals ; indeed, they are con
sidered all the stronger in consequence, and are the more
honoured among their neighbours.

PORTUGUESE FORTRESSES IN MALABAR. 259
Beyond Chaul, and toward Goa, is another fine town and
port called Dabul, where the Portuguese have only a factor
or agent : it sends many commodities to Goa.
Between Goa and Comorin, that is to say along the Malabar
coast, are many fortresses, such as Onor, at the 14th degree
toward the north ; Barcelor at the 1 3th ; Mangalor at the 12th ;
Cananor at the 11th; Crangenor at the 10th; and Cochin
at the 8th ; then comes Coulan at the 7th. All these places1
are in the service of the Portuguese, who have fortresses
there, and all that coast supplies Goa with pepper and spice.
Cochin and Calecut I have amply described above. At the
time of my departure from Goa, on my return home, the for
tress of Coulan was besieged on the land side by the king
of the country, whereupon the Portuguese were equipping an
army of succour ; but I know not what ensued.
Before finishing this chapter, I have to tell of that great
ship of one of the kings of this coast, to wit, of Tananor, that
came laden with rice to the Maldives while I was there ;
which occurrence I have already described.2 This vessel
went on to Achen to traffic there, and picked up a friendship
with the Hollanders, who having aforetime cast anchor at
Tananor, had some acquaintance with this king. It was agreed
between the captain and chief men of this ship and the
Hollanders that the latter should be permitted to trade
freely at Tananor, and should send two factors and some
merchandise, and a present for the king, in his vessel. This
was ratified; the two Hollanders embarked in this vessel
with much merchandise, and the present was well received
1 Onor (Honavar), Barcelor (Basrtlr), and Mangalur are (or were) ports
of Canara. Cannanore, Cranganor (Kodungalur), Cochin, and Quilon
are Malabar ports. All are very ancient seats of commerce, and de
scribed by the early travellers on this coast, whose works are already
cited in these volumes. See also authorities quoted as to each in
Colonel Yule's Glossary. Plans of the Portuguese fortresses are given
by Resende (SloaneMS. No. 197.).
2 See vol. i, p. 266.

260 TREACHERY OF THE RAJA OF TANUR.
by the king. He was, nevertheless, highly disgraced in the
eyes of all the other kings and the lords and merchants of
India ; for it is held for truth that he sent and gave word at
Cochin that the two Hollanders were with him, and that if
the Portuguese would send to fetch them he would deliver
them up — as, indeed, most vilely and treacherously he did.
But to give some colour to his treachery, and to the end that
this thing should not be deemed to have come from him,
and so he should lose his reputation among the other Nair
kings, of whom he was one, as well as for fear of falling into
a war with the Hollanders and their allies, he bade those at
Cochin (which is twenty leagues off, Tananor being between
Calecut and Cochin) come in strength, that so he might say
he had been constrained to this thing by force. In short,
these Hollanders were given up, they and their merchandise,
and conveyed to Cochin, where, as I heard, they were after
wards hanged. The King of Calecut has been ever evilly-
disposed toward this king, seeing he takes the side of the
King of Cochin. When the Hollanders pass by there, all
they can do is to fire much cannon-shot over this king's land,
for they have never been able to take their revenge other
wise. This is all I have been able to learn of these divers coun
tries of the coasts of Africa and India while I was with
the Portuguese. They have a very particular knowledge of
all, seeing they are in possession of some of them, and drive
a regular trade with all those others which are not under
their dominion and power.

THE DUTCH BAULKED OF A RICH PRIZE. 261

CHAPTER XX.
Many captures of Portuguese ships, and other occurrences in
the Indies during the sojourn of the author at Goa.
Having returned to Goa after my voyage to Malacca and
Sunda, I remained there another space of six months to
pass the winter. But, before I come to my embarking for
Portugal, I must tell of some remarkable occurrences that
happened in the Indies while I was there. First I will
refer to an engagement between the Hollanders on their
way to the Indies and a large and powerful Portuguese
vessel on her way from Ormus to Goa. It was a great calm
at the time, which was the cause that the Hollanders could
not at once board the vessel, which they looked upon as their
own the moment any wind should get up. At nightfall, how
ever, the Portuguese let down two boats and made their escape,
carrying with them all that was most precious in the ship,
such as gold, silver coined in larins, Oriental pearls in large
numbers, and other riches ; so that when the Hollanders were
about to make their attack they found no resistance, for all had
escaped except one old merchant. To him the crew would not
give time to embark his goods, so he said that he recked not
of death since he was losing all his wealth, and preferred to
await the arrival of the Hollanders. The latter, enraged to
find themselves baulked of so fair a prize, pillaged what
remained, and set fire to the ship, which contained a good
number of Persian and Ormus horses. She was also laden
with sweetmeats, to wit, conserves, dates, and raisins, called
by them Passes} which are like our Damascus raisins.
The most excellent quince preserves come from Persia
and Ormus ; these the Portuguese call Marmelades} and we
Cotignats. The loss of this vessel was a vast misfortune
for them ; nor did it come alone, for the Hollanders burned
1 See above, p. 73. 2 See above, p. 240.

262 PORTUGUESE SHIP TAKEN BY DUTCH AND MALABARS.
many others afterwards. That vessel belonged to the above-
mentioned lord, named Don Diego de Coustigno, who resided
at Goa.
Another time a great ship of Cochin, belonging to the
Portuguese, and laden with merchandise of Bengala, whence
she hailed, was met by some pados, or galiots of Malabar
corsairs, who wanted to attack her, but, seeing they were
not strong enough to take her, they, against the grain, left her
there. But as their good luck, and the Portuguese ill luck
would have it, whilst they sped off they met a Holland ship,
which they hailed, giving word of that Portugal vessel, and
offering to show the Hollander captain where she lay, as well
as to aid in taking her. To this the Hollander agreed, and the
Portuguese surrendered at the first shot. The Malabars would
have slain the crew to a man, but the Hollanders prevented
them. The Malabars first made a preliminary sack of the
ship, taking all the stuffs and light goods on the upper and
main decks only ; which done, they said they laid no claim to
more. But the Hollanders told them that they intended
them to have a third of the whole, and this division was
carried out, though the Hollanders retained the ship, which
they gave as a present to the King of Cananor. They did
ill, however, in leaving seven poor Christian prisoners in the
hands of the Malabars, the captain giving them over that
the Malabars might profit by their ransom, and promising
them that they should be ransomed. But the Malabars,
notwithstanding this promise, slew one of them, aud the
captain of the vessel was himself one of the seven. This
was the vessel of which I have spoken that came to
the Maldives while we were wrecked there.1 These Malabars
1 See vol. i, pp. 78, 239. It is difficult to identify this story in the
Dutch journals. After all, it is only gossip which the traveller picked
up in India long after the events. It is probably a combination of two
occurrences : (1) the capture of a Portuguese frigate by Steven van der
Hagen, off Cannanor, in October 1604 ; and (2) the dealing with the

ENGLISH BOATS CAPTURED AT SURAT. 263
cruelly entreated those men. Afterwards, too, arose a great
dispute between two of the chief Malabars because the
Hollanders gave two pieces of cannon from this ship to one
named Mareaire, whom also I have mentioned above, and
who held himself out for the chiefest man among these
robbers. But the captain of the galleys said that as the
galleys engaged were his, so the prize belonged to him, seeing
his ships had borne the hazard of the enterprise. So this
quarrel waxed hot between them, and the King of Calecut was
every day expected during his journeying in his territory to
bring them to an understanding. These two lords were always
well escorted when they went abroad from their houses ; they
resided only four leagues apart, with a single town between
them. Then, about a year before we left Goa, arrived an English
ship1 in the river of Surate and Cambaye, whither she came
with a view to trade. A gentleman of her company landed
there, and went as ambassador on behalf of the King of
England to the Grand Mogor, by whom, as I heard after
wards, he was exceeding well received. And forasmuch as
great ships cannot approach close to the towns and territory
of Cambaye and Surate, where these Englishmen came to
trade in Anil or Indigo for the manufacture of their violet
scarlet, they unfortunately sent ashore two of their boats,
laden with merchandise, and manned by seventeen hands :
these were cut off by a number of Portuguese galiots that stole
up between the land and the ship, out of reach of cannon-
Bom Jesus, taken by Verhceven's fleet at Mozambique. The Dutch
chronicler does not say that in the former any assistance was given by
the Malabars, nor that the captured ship was given over to the Raja of
Cannanor. The two guns alluded to below were from the Bom Jesus.
(See Second Voyage of S. van der Hagen, and Voy. of Verhoeven.)
1 The Hector. The English Ambassador referred to was William
Hawkins. For an account of the capture of the two English boats,
see Hawkins' Voyages, p. 392 et seq. The Hector arrived at Surat
24th Aug. 1608.

264 THE "UNION" AND RICHARD WICKHAM.
shot. They were thus captured and taken off to Goa by a
certain Don Fernando de Sylva de Menessez, who was general
of the ordinary galiots of the North. This general embarked
in the same ship in which I had my passage to Portugal,
and paid me great attention, as I shall relate hereafter. These
seventeen Englishmen were taken prisoners, and were full soon
reduced to six or seven, for the rest died. As for their ship,
she forthwith weighed anchor and sailed off for Achen.
There were, in fact, two English ships1 that went off together;
the one took her course to Achen, and the other to Cambaye.
Six months, too, before I embarked, there came another
English vessel2 to traffic in the East Indies. While she
was on the coast of Melinde, and near Bombase, the captain
sent her boat to the Zanzibar islands to sound and recon
noitre the coast ; but it was surprised by the natives, and the
Portuguese, who made a pretence of going a-fishing there,
slew nine or ten of the boat's crew. I saw one of the sur
vivors brought a prisoner to Goa, named Seigneur Richard,3
a nian of proud and noble bearing, like a captain. He was
1 The Hector, Captain Hawkins, and the Dragon, Captain Keelinge,
the latter being admiral. Abstracts of Keelinge 's Journal are given by
Purchas (iii, ch. vii, p. 206), and in the Lancaster Voyages (Hak. Soc),
p. 108. Concerning the Dragon an interesting fact may be repeated
here (see Lane. Voy., Introd., p. ix), viz., that when off the Guinea
coast, in Sept. 1607, her men performed the "Tragedie of Hamlett".
2 The Union, Captain Rowles, sailed from England with the Ascension,
Captain Sharpeigh, in 1608 (see further, vol. i, p. 45). The event at
Zanzibar took place early in 1609, and the prisoners would be brought
to Goa about May or June, i.e., about six months before Pyrard's
departure from India.
3 Richard Wickham ; he had been the merchant of the Union. The
acconnt of his capture by the Portuguese is given above (i, 45, note),
from the letter of S. Bradshaw, in Purchas (i, p. 232). With four other
English captives, he sailed from Goa to Lisbon, in the same carrack with
Sir Robert Sherley, arriving there in Aug. 1610. He was much
patronised by Sherley, and at first stayed in his house at Lisbon, but
soon afterwards made his escape to England. Subsequently he pro
ceeded to Firando, in Japan, as a factor for the Company, and is frequently
referred to in Cocks's Diary. After vexing the soul of Richard Cocks

LOSS OF THE "ASCENSION." 265
long in prison, in company with us, and it was intended to
put him on his trial for having been taken in the act of
sounding. He said they had slain his cousin in cold blood,
as I have already related, and had raised his head on a pike
for a trophy. His misfortune was to have been taken with
the lead in his hand, that being a dangerous implement on
a Portuguese coast. At length he embarked for Portugal
in one of the carracks that started when I did.
Four months later the same English ship,1 on her voyage
from Surate to Achen, and while 60 leagues off the coast
abreast of Chaul, a territory of the Grand Mogor, who is
friendly to the English, ran into some banks and shoals, and
was lost ; but her crew, to the number of about eighty, had
time to lower her two boats, and embark on these with all
their money and the better part of their other goods. They
reached Chaul, in the realm of the Grand Mogor, and took
their journey by land to Surate and Cambaye, where they
were exceeding well received because of the money they spent,
and then took resolution to go to the court of the Mogor,
thence to return home overland by way of Tartary. This
they did, and got passports from the king, who likewise gave
them money, horses, arms, buffaloes, and oxen to carry them
and their baggage and provisions, and so furnished they set
out. Some fifteen of them would not be of this party,
and tarried there awaiting the grace of God at some other
season. There were then at the Mogor's court some Jesuit,
Fathers, one of whom made friends with these Englishmen,
in many ways, and striking for higher pay, he threw up his position and
left Japan, in 1618, worth .£5,000 or £6,000.
1 Not the Union, but her sister ship, the Ascension. The loss of this
ship, and the adventures of some of the survivors, are related by T.
Jones, in Purchas (ii, 228). This man and three others were deluded
by a Jesuit at Surat, to put themselves in his hands. They were taken
to Daman and Chaul, and thence to Goa, where they arrived 18th Nov,
1609. They were sent to Lisbon in the N. S. de Piedade (v. i., cb.
xxi), arriving there Aug. 1610. Jones does not mention Pyrard in his
story, though, as appears below, they made friends at Goa.

266 ENGLISHMEN ENTRAPPED AT GOA.
who were Protestants. This was about the time when the
great fleet called Cafile was coming from Surate and
Cambaye to Goa. These English had plenty of money, and
this Jesuit Father made four of the chiefest of them with all
assurance believe they could go to Goa and live there with
out any harm. This they did, believing in his word, and
came to Goa, where at first they were well enough received,
having a lodging given to them among the servants, and
being well treated. I saw them many a time, for we were
very good friends. But, after they had been there some time,
they were as badly treated as the rest of us, as I shall
relate in the next chapter.

CHAPTER XXI.

The author's taking ship at Goa. — Condition of the Indies at
that time. — The author's imprisonment and deliverance.
— Arrival of carracks, and other matters on this head.
Having thus passed the winter at Goa, after my return
from Sunda, when the season came round again my two
companions and I resolved to be off and to take ship
home. The state of Goa was then as follows.
The viceroy was none other than the archbishop, whom
Don Martin Alphonce de Castro, who died at Malacca, as
already related, had left as governor in his absence, and he
held that office for three years. One appointed by the vice
roys or by election1 is called only Gouernador de la India,
1 A double mistake : viceroys did not nominate their successors, nor
was there any election of governors. On both the occasions alluded to,
when Archbishop Menezes and A. Furtado respectively became governors,
recourse was had to the vias de successdo (Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 1, No.
15, para 5, and Rivara's Pyrard).

Dom Andre Furtado de Mendoqa
37th Governor of India 1609.
(From the Livro do Estado da India of P. Barretto de Resende.
Sloane Collection No. 197.)

FURTADO DE MENDOCA BECOMES GOVERNOR. 267
that is, Governor of India, and such was he ; nevertheless,
he was absolute in the absence of the other, and governed
with great wisdom. But the enemies of the Portuguese, to
wit, the Malabars, Hollanders, etc., glad to find they had to
deal only with a man of the Church, took more courage, and
daily made raids and prizes even at the very bars and road
steads of the Portuguese ports. This archbishop, named
Don Alexis de Mexiosa} would not have been in power so
long, but that a viceroy was expected full soon from Por
tugal ; and, indeed, the King of Spain, on hearing the news of
the viceroy's death, had sent one out, by name the Count de la
Fera, who, as I have elsewhere recorded, died on the Guinea
coast. Thereupon an assembly was called at Goa of all the
nobility, the clergy, and the third estate, to take counsel
what should be done, seeing that affairs were then in so
sorry a condition.2 It was then resolved that the archbishop
should quit his office, and that Don Andre" Furtado de Men
doza,3 the greatest and most renowned captain then amongst
1 Sic, for Menezes.
2 The assembly met, not for an election, but merely to open the vias,
which were brought in the same ship in which Mocquet (see below)
reached Goa.
3 F. y Sousa, who always has Tacitus in his mind, thus writes of
Furtado : " Most men appear fit for public employments before they
have them, and afterwards wholly incapable of them. It was not so with
A. Furtado, for everybody esteemed him fitter to govern after he was
placed in that power than they had done before, and yet there was none
before but wished to see him in that post." This great captain had
begun his military service at the age of 16, when he accompanied King
Sebastian in his ill-fated expedition to Morocco. A year or two later
he embarked for India, and already in 1582 made his name by his relief
of Barcelor. From 1590 until his succession to the governorship in 1609
he was employed in every enterprise of moment, and on every occasion
justified the confidence of his countrymen. He fought the Malabar
pirates in several pitched battles by sea, defeated and slew the King of
Jaffna, and raised the siege of Colombo. In 1600 he restored the Por
tuguese reputation by his capture of Kunhali's fort (supra, vol. i, pp.
354-6), where F. da Gama had suffered so severe a reverse. He was then
appointed Captain of Malacca, and, after various encounters with the

268 ENERGETIC GOVERNMENT OF FURTADO.
them, should be elected. He had been thirty years in India,
and never wished for the government, but only to be captain
and general of the army ; he was very liberal to his soldiers.
He was accordingly elected, and was received with the same
ceremony as in the case of those that come from Portugal.
Without loss of time he commenced to reform the state, and
by new ordinances to put the administration on a good footing.
All the Indian kings that were allied with the Portuguese
rejoiced that he had the office, and sent their ambassadors
with presents to greet him. He raised great armies and forti
fied many places ; in short, this lord was beloved of God, of
the king and the people, as well as of the captains and soldiers,
but not of the nobility, for he was neither robber nor ambi
tious, nor would he see others rob the king. He was not
married, and withal was continent and devout. In less than
three months he equipped armadas to' despatch in all direc
tions, and did more in that time than the others in the
course of years.
This viceroy, or governor, had a nephew named Don Diego
Furtado de Mendoza, that was appointed general of an armada
then preparing for the North. He was one of the four lords
already mentioned who supplied the soldiers with food
during this winter : for it is then the work is afoot of pre-
Dutch, sustained, with a very inferior garrison, a siege of four months
against their forces under Matelief (supra, p. 151). His appointment
to the governorship of India seems to have aroused enthusiasm, and by
his personal influence he seems to have got men to work, instead of de
frauding their royal master. In two months' time he had a great fleet
equipped and manned. At the end of his third month arrived De
Tavora to reap the benefit of his labours. Furtado's portrait, as copied
by Resende from the gallery in the Viceroy's palace, shows us a man
grave and keen, modest and determined, of whom Faria probably speaks
truly when he says that, on his elevation, he was " courteous to his
inferiors, and lifted himself not above those who had been his equals.
As a private captain ho dressed costly, now as governor plainer than a
private captain. The workshops were his rooms of state, the arsenal
his garden." (Stevens' Faria, iii, 162.

ALL FOREIGNERS THROWN INTO PRISON. 269
paring the armada to sail at the beginning of summer.1
During this winter at Goa my companions and I used to go,
like the Portuguese, and eat at the house of this lord, who
bade us come, and had our names put upon his rolls, for he
was resolved to take us with him upon his expedition, and
I, like the rest, had given him my promise. But the viceroy
was minded to make us all prisoners, together with some
Englishmen that were at Goa, viz., the survivors of the
seventeen taken at the bar of Surate,2 and the other four
brought by the Jesuits from the court of the Grand Mogor,3
with the other Englishman called the Seigneur Richard} also
some Hollanders or Flemings that were there : so were we
all thrown into prison together. The pretext was that we
were there to spy them out and report upon all we saw,
and that the season was at hand when the Hollanders were
wont to cast anchor at the bar of Goa. Thus did they to all
the other foreigners, saving such as had come to the Indies
in Portuguese ships, so that the Jesuit Fathers had again
to exert themselves for our deliverance. Four or five of them
assembled, including the Christians' Father,6 by name Pere
Gaspar Aleman,6 a Castilian ; an English Father, named
Thomas Estienne} rector of a college in the Salsete territory,
1 The commencement of the fine weather following the close of the
S.W. monsoon, i.e., about the end of August.
2 V. s., p. 263. 3 V. s., p. 266. 4 V. s., p. 264.
6 One of the Jesuits was appointed to look after the converted
natives and foreigners in distress, with the title of pai dos Christdos.
6 Fathers Gaspar Aleman and Dela Croix had been most instrumental
in obtaining Pyrard's release from prison in the previous year (see above,
p. 22, where, after the words "Jesuit Father", read " by name Gaspar
Aleman," the latter words being omitted by an oversight.
7 Father Thomas Stevens, of all Englishmen primus in Indis. The
Jesuit authorities say that he was from Buston, in the diocese of Salis
bury, a place which may be identified as Boscombe, a village a few
miles N.E. of Salisbury. Hakluyt says he was " sometime of New
College in Oxford", but his name cannot be found in the books there.
One of his name is entered of St. John's College, in 1577, but by
this time our Stevens had joined the Jesuits. At an early age he fell

270 FATHER THOMAS STEVENS.
called Margon ; the Fathers Jan de Cenes} a Lorrainer of
Verdun ; Nicolas Trigaut} a Walloon of Douay ; and the good
in with Thomas Pounde, and was by him sent to Rome, where, on Oct.
20, 1575, Stevens was enrolled as a novice at S. Andrea. The perse
cutions of the Catholics by Elizabeth necessitated a life of deception, if
not conspiracy, and this was not to Stevens' liking. While at Rome he
probably read the life and work of Francis Xavier, and in a petition to
the Father-General he besought the favour of being sent to the East
Indies (Foley's Records of the Eng. Jesuits, vol. iii).
His wish was fulfilled, and he sailed from Lisbon in 1578. On
arrival at Goa he wrote to his father a long and interesting account of
his voyage, which is preserved to us in Hakluyt. Well for our
countrymen was it that the first Englishman to set foot in India was a
man of Stevens' calibre, who united learning, warmth of heart, and
diplomacy, and who, in his attachment to his Church and order, never
forgot that he was an Englishman. During his long residence at Goa
he was on occasions able to use his influence on behalf of Englishmen.
Fitch and Newbery, and their friends, in 1584, owed their liberation to
his intercession. "The two' good fathers of S. Paul", says Newbery,
" who travelled very much for us, the one is called Father Marke, who
was borne in Bruges, in Flanders, and the other was borne in Wilshire,
in England, and is called Padre Thomas Stevens. James Storie went
into the monasterie of St. Paul, where he remaineth, and is made one
of the companie, which life he liketh very well" (Hak., i, 211).
Stevens went out to India at the age of twenty-six, and laboured
there for forty years, during thirty-five of which he was' rector of the
college at Salsette. In 1619 he died at Goa. He was the first to make
a scientific study of Canarese : " Primus Canarinum idioma in regulas
ordinemque digessit," says Ribadaneira. Three of his works survive,
all printed after his death: (1) the Arte da linguoa Canarim, em Rachol,
1640 ; one example of it is in the National Library at Lisbon, and
perhaps another is at Goa, as the book was reprinted there 1857,
8vo. ; (2) Doutrina Christaem lingua bramana-canarim, em Rachol, 1622,
8vo. ; (3) Discurso sobre a vinda de Jesus Christo, etc., Goa, 1626, 1649,
and 1654.
Much more might be written of Stevens. The fullest account of his
early life is in Foley ; bibliographical and other notices, however,
appear in all the Jesuit authorities, Ribadaneira, Backer, Southwell,
Parsons, More, and Oliver. See also articles by Mr. Rivara in the
Lisbon Archivo Universal, vol. iv, No. 13 (Jan. 1861) ; by Professor
Monier Williams in the Contemp. Rev., April 1878 ; and by F. M.
Mascarenhas in the Ind. Antiquary, vol. vii, p. 117.
1 See above, p. 36, where " Jean de Seine" is described as a Lorrainer
from Nancy.

ARRIVAL OF VICEROY DE TAVORA. 271
Father Estienne de la Croix} a Frenchman of Eouen, who
all worked together with such effect that we were set free
after an imprisonment of nigh three weeks. The English
also got out by the means of that good Father Thomas
Estienne, who took much pains therein. Four of them
became Catholics at Goa ; but of these two died there. And
in truth those good Fathers heartily wished us all in our own
countries because of the trouble we were raising, and they
assisted us in all things as though we were their own
brothers. But what chiefly consoled us, and vexed and
annoyed all the people of Goa, was that at the end of three
months after this viceroy had been instituted there arrived
from Portugal a new viceroy named Dow Loys Lorencio d'Est-
abla} who found in readiness all that his predecessor had
been at such pains to prepare, and himself took all the
honour and profit, giving the appointments to men of his
own choosing. He had set out from Portugal with an extra
ordinary fleet of carracks, and spent a long winter at
Mozambic, waiting for the wind. The Government of India
had sent petitions to the King of Spain that he should
grant the title of viceroy to Don Andre" Furtado, which he
would willingly have bestowed, but that the other had left
Portugal ere the news from Goa arrived in Spain.3

1 See above, p. 36.
2 Ruy Lourenpo de Tavora assumed the government as 19th (or,
according to Faria, 21st) viceroy on the 5th Sept. 1609, and held office till
Dec. 1612, when he was succeeded by Jeronimo de Azevedo (as to whom
see above, p. 143). De Tavora's period was uneventful ; Faria sums him
up thus : " He had more inclination to peace than war, which pro
duced concord with all the kings of India; of stature tall, his com
plexion fair, aged, and a good Christian, a rare thing among men of
quality." 3 That is, the news that Furtado had succeeded to and assumed
the government. The King of Spain might, and probably did, put the
names of the best men in the vias or sealed orders, but (his mails
arriving never less than six months after date) he never knew which of
them would be alive and in India at the time a vacancy should

272 THE KING'S EDICT AGAINST FOREIGNERS IN INDIA.
Two months after the coming of this . viceroy four great
carracks arrived at Goa, each of 2,000 tons burthen or
thereabouts ; the generator captain Mayor, was Don Manuel
de Menaica. Five had left Lisbon, but they had lost sight
of the fifth in a storm at the Cape of Good Hope. Each
carrack had had on board upwards of a thousand men,
including soldiers and sailors, Jesuits and other clergy, mer
chants and gentlemen ; and when they arrived at Goa they
had but 300 aboard each, and half these were sick by reason
of the great calms, the great fatigue, and the want of fresh
water they endured at sea, for they were eight months
without touching land.1 They brought an edict from the
King of Spain, forbidding the viceroy to permit any French,
Hollanders, or Englishmen to be amongst them, and com
manding him to compel any that might be there, under pain
of death, to take ship and be off, forasmuch as they only
went there to become acquainted with India, and to spy
out the land.
Wherefore, as it was not permitted to any but Portuguese
to embark without permission, we besought these good Jesuit
Fathers to get us the viceroy's licence to return to Europe,
and to get us provisions. The which we easily obtained,
because the viceroy had the express commands of the King
of Spain to that effect. But we required to have it in writing
and signed by his hand. This, however, was by no means
easy to get, less so, indeed, than food. All the while, too,
the captains at Goa wanted to take me with them, some to
China and Japan, others to Mozambic and Sofala; but
these good Fathers counselled us to return home and get quit
of these fellows, who in the end would do us an ill turn.
1 The English letter from Lisbon, dated March ££, 1609 (cited above,
p. 119), affords a truer reason for the terrible mortality in the voyage of
this fleet. The greater part of each crew of 1,500 were boys from the
age of ten and upwards, who were totally unfit for the perils of an
Indian voyage.

PREPARATION FOR THE HOMEWARD VOYAGE. 273
So at length we three Frenchmen were taken before the
viceroy, who was greatly astonished to hear who we were,
seeing that no French ship had hitherto come to the East
Indies ; but seeing the plight we were in, and the long time
we had spent there, he promised to give us leave to go, and
victuals for the coming voyage.
For four months the carracks were being refitted, during
which time an armada of galiots was sent to convoy ten
ships to Cananor, Bacalor, Barcelor, and Onor, on the Malabar
coast to the south of Goa, in order to bring pepper for a
cargo to the carracks.
This was because the King of Cochin would not give his
pepper unless the Portuguese sent the carracks themselves
for it. -Be it noted here that only the King of Spain can buy
and possess pepper : the merchants cannot buy even a pound
of it, nor export a grain of it, while in all the other Indian
merchandise they can traffic freely. Wherefore the king
reserves in each of these ships room for 500 casks of
pepper : the rest is left for the goods of the merchants and
mariners, who pay no other freight, but thirty per cent, at
Lisbon. When these ten ships returned to Goa with the pepper
the carracks were laden and fitted for the home voyage.
Don Andre" Furtado de Mendoza, who had three months
before yielded up the office of viceroy, was appointed general
and commander-in7chief for the voyage to Portugal.
We then got our licence from the viceroy ; but he gave
us no provisions, as he had promised, saving only that he
put in our passport an order to the ship's officers to let us
embark with our clothes and matelotage, which is the food
that every one takes with him, and to give us the regular
commons of biscuit and water, as they give to the sailors.
For, as I said before, their king supplies all commodities on
the outward journey, but on the homeward none except to
the ship's officers, and then only biscuit for the whole
VOL. II. T

274 ALL STRIVE TO GET ON FURTADO'S SHIP.
voyage (though, in fact, it doesn't last three months), and
nothing else. This is done of design, and for fear lest, if he
should supply provisions for the homeward as for the out
ward voyage, most of those would return who are now con
strained to remain in India.
Thus, while the vessels were being laden, every one got
ready his matelotage ; but it must be noted that when a
viceroy, archbishop, or other great lord goes from Goa to
Portugal all the poor soldiers and such others are exceed
ing glad, for these grandees then promise to provide victuals
for a certain number of men, a hundred or so. The Arch
bishop of Goa also was intending to embark in one of these
carracks, but he changed his mind afterwards, and remained
at Goa for that year. He had promised us our provisions
on the voyage ; but when it was known that Don Andre"
Furtado was to go, every one went to him to get his name
upon his roll, for he had made provision for well-nigh 200
persons, including his own domestics.1 The Jesuit fathers
and we ourselves did all we could to get enrolled in that
list, but it was impossible, because of the great number of
Portuguese who were going with him ; and also because the
Jesuit fathers, who had brought these four Englishmen from
the Mogor, had engaged places for them, and even they got
their passage with great trouble.
With him also embarked a Frenchman named Jean Moquet}

1 The Arch. Port. Or. (Fasc. 6, No. 104) contains the order of the
viceroy to the king's factor, dated 22nd Dec. 1609, to pay to the captain
of Furtado's ship the sum of 3,500 xeraphins (about £250) for the
hospitalities of the ex-governor on the homeward voyage.
2 Jean Mocquet, born near Vienna, 1575. His family had been
adherents of Henri IV in his adversity, and young Mocquet became the
king's apothecary. Having a great desire to travel, he obtained per
mission, on condition that he collected curiosities for the king's cabinet
at the Tuileries, of which he was appointed custodian. He started in
1601, and in the space of twelve years had made no less than five long
and hazardous voyages : (1) West Coast of Africa ; (2) Guiana ; (3)

JEAN MOCQUET. 275
w.ho had come to Goa from Lisbon with a viceroy, by name
Count de la Fera, that died by the way, as already described.
I saw him often at Goa ; he had as much reason to praise
the Portuguese as we had, for he had his share of good
treatment, as you may read more particularly in the book
of his voyages to India.1 He embarked at Lisbon in the
household of this viceroy, in the capacity of an arborist
and apothecary, as he did again on his return with Don
Andre" Furtado, who gave him the place. While he was at
Goa he was some time apothecary to the Eoyal Hospital ;
then he returned, as I have said, with Don Andre Furtado,
who is rumoured to have been poisoned.2 He was ailing a
long time ; and in India they give slow poisons, to act after
such interval as they desire. Thus did we strive to get
aboard his ship, but we could not, for the reasons stated,

Morocco ; (4) Goa ; (5) Holy Land. When he was at Paris, in the
intervals of his voyages, Henri IV took much pleasure in hearing the
traveller's gossip. In 1614 he was minded to make a tour of the world,
and went to Spain, but there was refused leave to proceed to America.
He then returned to Paris and published the entertaining volume of the
voyages above mentioned. His account of the voyage to India is a
terrible picture of misery, though his medical knowledge enabled him to
battle with the scurvy, with which he, as well as nearly all on board, was
stricken. As stated above, he was apothecary to the Conde de Feira
on the voyage out, and to A. Furtado on the voyage home, and it was
his melancholy duty to embalm the bodies of both. Mocquet, after
acknowledging the kindness shown to him by his countryman, Father
de la Croix, adds : " J'eu vy aussi trois autres qui s'etoient sauuez des
Maldiues, entre lesquels estoit un nomme' Francois Pirard, Breton, qui
a fait l'Histoire de ses Voyages."
1 The Voyages en Afrique, Asie, Indes Orientates et Occidentales, etc.,
was first published at Paris, 1617, 1 vol. in-12 ; other issues were at
Rouen, 1645 and 1665, and again at Paris, 1830. It has been translated
into Dutch (Dordrecht, 1656, 4to), into German (Liineburg, 1668, 4to),
and into English (London, 1696, 8vo).
2 This is mere gossip. He died of jaundice (F. y Sousa). Before he
left Goa he was seriously ill of liver and spleen disease, for which he was
treated by Mocquet. After thirty arduous years in India his condition
was by no means abnormal. T 2

276 FURTADO SETS SAIL.
and also because our passport bore the name of another
vessel. And well was it for us, although, in sooth, we
endured in that voyage every possible hardship and suffer
ing; for we were distributed four in each vessel, and French,
English, and Hollanders mixed. These poor Englishmen
were fairly astonished when, as soon as they got on board,
they got irons clapped on their feet, which was no more
than we had at Goa. In fact, all the foreigners that were
shipped in the three carracks which left before us were all
made prisoners on arrival at Lisbon, as I heard afterwards.
We, however, were more fortunate, notwithstanding all the
ills we suffered ; but of that anon.
The carrack upon which Don Andre* embarked was called
Nossa Senora de Peigna de Francia, that is to say, Our Lady
of the Coast of France, to whose name there is a church at
Lisbon. She was the first laden and equipped, and set sail the
26th December 1609. At his departure all Goa cried for
sorrow, because he had been thirty years in India, having
gone out full young and been successful in his wars. He
was so beloved by the clergy, the nobility, and the common
people, and even by the Indian kings, that every one said
he had never seen any viceroy or general that was so great
a captain, so valiant, so pure, and so beloved as was this
Seigneur Furtado. When he went aboard to set sail it was
one of the prettiest sights in the world, for all the town
went to escort him and see him depart as far as the bar,
with their covered manchoues, like galiots, full of bands of
music, gifts of fruits, and other presents. And though the
people thus displayed great joy and gaiety, .yet were they
indeed sore at heart, and grieved to see this lord depart.
Such was his character; and the King of Spain, being
desirous to see and know him, had sent for him to come.1
At his departure he promised the people of Goa that he
1 Probably gossip : the regulations required that no ex -governor
should remain in India.

THE PERSIAN AMBASSADOR. 277
would return after seeing the king ; but he did not survive
the voyage, for he died at sea near the Acores, as I heard in
Spain after my return.1 Inasmuch as the four carracks did
not set out together and at the same time, not being all
ready and laden, it was arranged that they should tarry at
the island of St. Helena for the space of twenty days, and
after that a letter should be left in the chapel giving news
of their voyage and departure.
The second carrack, called Nostre Dame des Carrn.es} set
sail the 8th January 1610 : in her was embarked Don
Manuel de Menaica, who was general of the five carracks
when they left Portugal. But when they return with
the viceroy he is general of the fleet, as was Don Andre"
Furtado now.
The third carrack, called Nostre Dame de Piedade, set sail
the 15th of the same month, and she had for her captain
Don Pedro de Coutigno, who had just quitted the govern
ment of Ormus, and had also on board the Persian ambas
sador,3 who came on behalf of his master to induce the
King of Spain to make war against the Turk : he was
bringing rich presents.4 Of the fourth carrack, whereon I
was embarked, I shall speak in the following chapter.
Before, however, closing this, I will tell how, when we
1 He was buriel in the church of Our Lady of Grace at Lisbon.
His funeral sermon, by Fr. Antonio de Gouvtia (author of the Jornada
of Archbishop Menezes), is published under the title Sermao nas exequias
de A. Furtado de Mendonga Governador que foi da India. Lisboa, por
Vicente Alvares, 1611, 4to. (Da Silva, Dice. Bibliogr. Port.).
2 Her full name was N. S. do Vencimento do Monte do Carme.
3 This ambassador was sent by the King of Persia for the above
purposes, and also to counteract and check the diplomacy of Sir Robert
Sherley, who had proceeded to Lisbon and Spain the year before. The
N. S. de Piedade arrived at Lisbon in August 1610, and the conduct of
the rivals at the Court of Spain is described in English letters from
Lisbon (Cal St. Pap. E. I, i, 487, etc.).
' He is said to have brought 250,000 ducats' worth of silk and jewels
(op. cit., i, 487).

278 A PORTUGUESE GENTLEMAN IN SANCTUARY.
were ready to start, there arrived at Goa one of these
Englishmen, who, as I said before, took the land route to
England from the court of the Grand Mogor. He told us
that in all the countries of that prince, which are of vast
extent, they had experienced no harm or discomfort, by
reason of the passport they had of him, and that they had
brokers day by day for payment. But when they got
further into Grand Tartary they could pass no farther, for
they were set upon and undone in such wise that but a
third part of their company escaped, and these were forced
to return to the place whence they came; and as for the
rest, whether they were dead or in prison, they knew not.
I must not forget to mention that whilst I was at Goa I
had the acquaintance and friendship of a Portuguese gentle
man, a soldier, by name Don Francisco de Caldera. He
spoke very good French, having resided at the court of
France for the space of ten or twelve years, and having also
been in the service of Don Antonio} King of Portugal, who
died at Paris. This gentleman was for more than a year
and a half in prison at Goa, or rather in sanctuary in a
church in Goa, where he took refuge after slaying a man in
a quarrel ; for there, as in Spain, a church is an asylum and
a franchise for such as have slain a man, provided it be not
by assassination or ambuscade, but in battle defending with
his own body. I sometimes went to see and speak with
him at the door of the church and of the parsonage, for he
could not go abroad for fear of being seized by the officers
of justice. He told me, among other things, that he had
1 Don Antonio, natural son of Louis, Prince of Portugal. He had
accompanied King Sebastian to Morocco in 1578, and was made
prisoner at the fatal battle of Alcacar-Quivir. He managed to escape
and was proclaimed King of Portugal, but was completely overthrown
by the Duke of Alva at the battle of Alcantara, which secured the
Portuguese throne for Philip II. Don Antonio took refuge in exile
aud, after many endeavours to raise combinations against the Spanish
domination, at length died at Paris in 1595.

FEYNES, OTHERWISE COMTE DE MONFART. 279
seen at Goa a French gentleman, who called himself the
Comte de Monfar, otherwise the Sieur de Feines} who had
come from Venice by sea to Alexandretta, thence by land to
Aleppo, thence with the caravan to Babylon, then to Persia
to the king's court at Spahan, where he sojourned a while ;
next he came by land to Ormus, and thence to Goa, where
he was some time a prisoner, like the rest, and at length
was returned to Portugal in a Lisbon galion with a viador
de Fasienda, by name Bras Courayge? I afterwards heard
1 This is a somewhat mysterious personage. Nothing is known of
him, except what appears in two accounts of his voyage, in Pyrard's
notice above, and in a similar notice by Mocquet. Curiously, the first
edition of his voyages was in English — An exact and curious Survey of
all the East Indies, etc., by Monsieur de Monfart, London, 1615, 4to.
This was written by a French resident of London, who states that he
made his acquaintance on a visit to Paris, and made up the book from
the notes and conversation of the traveller, who, though "aright French
gentleman .... cannot .very well write.'' The second edition was
published at Paris, 1630, under the title Voyage faict par terre depuis
Paris jusqu'a la Chine, par Sr. de Feynes. Owing to the name
Monfart being used in the English edition, and Feynes only in the
French, none of the bibliographers seem to have been aware that the
traveller was the same, although the English edition begins, " I,
Henry de Feynes, commonly called by the name of the Mannor of
Monfart." Dr. Burnell, even, in his copy of the English book, notes
that he does not find Monfart in any biographical dictionary (he
appears in the Biog. Univ. under the name Feynes), and rather hastily
concludes, " He was, it is plain, a swindler." Much suspicion has been
cast upon the French (or Feynes) voyage, owing to its absence of dates,
but the English (or Monfart) book, confirmed by the notices of Pyrard
and Mocquet, Bettles the general truth of the voyage. The English
edition states that he started on the overland journey in 1608.
Mocquet, who arrived at Goa 26th May 1609, heard that Feynes had been
there three months before. He probably arrived at Lisbon about the
end of 1609, and was kept a prisoner in the castle of Xativa till 1613.
In the English edition he acknowledges that his liberation was due to
the good offiees of the Due de Mayenne. It seems that before his voyage
he had been in the household of the Cardinal de Joyeux, and that after
his return to France he was taken into the household of Louis XIII.
2 Bras Correa had a career of great adventure. De Couto describes
him as "a captain of experience, a good soldier, and a great mariner."

280 BRAS CORREA.
that as soon as he arrived at Lisbon he was cast into prison
without his knowing why, and remained there four whole
years, until Monsieur de Mayenne, proceeding to Spain for
the marriages in 1613, got him set free by his interest and
favour. In April 1592 he went out as captain of the Nazareth, and arrived at
Goa in Sept. of the same year. Early in 1593 he left Goa in the same
ship, and with five others, one only of the six reaching Lisbon. Correa
with great difficulty got the Nazareth to Mozambique, where she was
abandoned. The Santo Alberto had been wrecked on the coast of Natal,
and the survivors of her crew and ladies, after terrible misery, had made
their way to Mozambique. Here also had arrived the Chagas (v. s., p. 182)
of the same fleet, the fine new ship lately built at Goa. The crew and
passengers of both the Nazareth andS. Alberto were taken on the Chagas,
with as much as she could carry of the cargo of the Nazareth. She
was greatly overladen, and with difficulty made the Azores. Heie, off
Fayal, she fell in with three ships of the dreaded Earl of Cumberland,
under Captains Cave, Anthony, and Downton, A terrific combat
ensued, the Portuguese captains, especially Correa, behaving with the
greatest heroism. Several attempts at boarding her were repulsed with
loss. Anthony was killed, and Cave and Downton both wounded. At
length the carrack took fire, but her brave defenders fought on to the
bitter end. The few survivors cast themselves into the sea, those from
whom ransom might be expected were saved by the English boats,
others (to the disgrace of England) were shot as they swam for their
lives. The fire on the carrack had now reached the magazine, and she
blew up and went to the bottom with a cargo of priceless value,
including the gems (pedraria) of three ship's companies. Correa and
another captaiu, Nuno Velho, were saved and brought to England,
where they remained more as guests than prisoners of the Earl for a
year. Their ransom of 3,000 cruzados was paid by Nuno Velho for both.
On their return to Spain they received the thanks of the king for their
splendid defence. Some years afterwards Correa returned to India and
was Vedor da fazenda at Goa in 1606, until he left at the beginning of
1609. From a dispatch in the Liv. das Mong. (ii, 250), it seem, that he
died about 1611.

THE AUTHOR EMBARKS FOR EUROPE. 281

CHAPTER XXII.
Departure from Goa. — Manner of embarking. — Provisions on
board.-r- Treatment of the author. — Vermin in India.
The fourth carrack was one named la nau de Nuestra
Senora de Jesus, that is to say, "Notre Dame de Jesus,"
whereon we were shipped by order of the viceroy. We
numbered three Frenchmen and one Hollander, but he was
so ill that he had to be put on shore again and left at Goa.
We had also one of the three men who, as I have said,
deserted from the Hollanders at Mozambic. On the voyage
he was rated as an apprentice, or " under-mariner", and had
his wages as such ; but it was pitiable to see how ill he was
dealt with during the voyage; for there was no man, great or
small, but treated him despitefully and wished him ill ; and
in truth he did nothing to get himself liked, being an idle
fellow and a parlous glutton. He said he was Swiss by race.
He was the cause of the poor Portuguese being shot at
Mozambic, as already related ; and as several of their kins
men were on board, that was one of the chief reasons that
he was so hated. The captain of this carrack was Antonio
Baroso, a man of fifty years of age or thereabouts.
Seven or eight days before our going on board we bade
our adieux and took leave of our friends, thanking those that
had assisted and been kind to us, amongst others the good
French Jesuit Father, Estienne de la Croix, who a week
before our departure had chanted his first mass. I begged
him to write to his kinsmen at Rouen, promising him to
deliver his letters faithfully, but he made excuses, saying he
did not wish his relatives and friends to have news of him.
The other two Fathers, Nicolas Trigaut and Jean de Seine,
were then no longer at Goa, for Father Trigaut had gone to
Cochin and Cape Comory with the armadas of the South,

282 LAST MISFORTUNES AT GOA.
with the design when the armadas returned at the conclusion
of their voyage to make his way thence to Macao, in China,
and not to return to Goa ; all this he did, as may be seen in
his history of China. Father Jean de Seine had gone with
the armadas to the northern coast to take up his residence at
Chaul. The viceroy, the archbishop, and some other great lords
and wealthy men of our acquaintance dispensed to us libe
rally of their means when we went to take our leave of them,
and what with that and with such of the allowances given to
us by the King of Spain as we had saved, we had accumulated
enough to supply ourselves with linen and other necessary
clothing for the voyage. We took no thought for food,
believing that we were to be fed on board at the king's
expense, but in this we were mightily deceived, as you shall
hear anon. Nor must I forget to mention a great insult I
suffered before our departure, viz., that as my two com
panions and I were walking about the town buying what we
had need of, I had the misfortune to have my pocket picked
of the purse that contained all my money. This caused me
the greatest possible inconvenience during the whole voyage,
for I was without the means of purchasing many things ;
my companions who had money of their charity supplied
me with the best clothes they could afford, although they
had no more than they needed. Thus did ill fortune, that
had accompanied me from the commencement of my voyage,
pursue me through this last stage of it, and even to the end ;
nay, has pursued me since, and with the same constancy to
the present moment, but God be praised who has given me
grace to endure with patience.
At length arrived the time for our taking ship, which we
did on the 30th January 1610. We went on board by night
on account of the tide; but this is a dangerous time by
reason of the robbers then abroad who lie in wait for the
poor folks that are going aboard with their baggage and mer-

CROWDED STATE OF THE CARRACK'S DECK. 283
chandise, and rob and plunder them, nay, sometimes maim
and murder them. We were four days on board before we
set sail, which was on the morning of the 3rd February.
It is a marvel to embark on one of these vessels, that
seem like castles, with the vast number of people on board
and the amount of merchandise they carry. Ours was so laden
with goods on the deck that they reached almost half-way
up the mast ; and outside on the chain wales, which are the
ledges on each side, you saw nothing but merchandise, pro
visions, and bunks,1 which are the little cabins wherein the
mariners and others lie, covering them over with fresh ox
and cow hides. In short, the whole place was so obstructed
that one could hardly get about. The second day after we
got aboard, being still at anchor, and the officers of the ship
still on shore, a man named Manuel Fernando (the same who
had the sword-cut at Goa, and was like to die, having gone
to visit a soldier's wife, as I have described elsewhere), while
some work was being done about the ship, came and gave
me a box on the ear, saying if we would not work he would
fling us all into the sea, and that we were Hollander
Luteranos. He had indeed been badly treated by the Hol
landers, as I heard : afterwards on the voyage he was exceed
ing kind and courteous to me ; that was, I believe, when
he learnt that we were Frenchmen, though they hate us as
much or more than any other nation. I submitted to the
indignity with the best grace I could, fearing worse treat
ment or to be put back on shore.
When our captain came on board more than thirty galiots
or " manchoues" surrounded the vessel with all kinds of in
strumental music ; this armada of galiots gave salutes with
volleys of muskets and cannon, and friends all bade their
farewells. At the same time we set sail also set out the
1 In orig. reaches, from the Sp. and old Ital. rancio, " chambree, plat,
logement des matelots dans un navire du commerce" (Jal, Gloss.
Naut.).

284 TWO MONKS EMBARK AS STOWAWAYS.
armada for the conquest of Couesme, between Sofala and
Mozambique. On leaving the bar of Goa, at twelve leagues
to the north, you see some desert islands, like as if burnt,
which the Portuguese call the Islas quimados ; they are very
dangerous reefs. It is the first land sighted by ships coming
from Lisbon to Goa. One of the four carracks that had come
out was left behind, because it had arrived too late, and there
was no time to refit her ; so in place of her another was
taken that had remained behind from the preceding year,
there not being enough pepper then to load her (the others
even had not full cargoes). It is the officers' loss when ships
arrive too late, for they have to wait a whole year, spending
their substance the while ; on the other hand they are the
first selected for the year after. In our vessel we were about
800 persons, including the slaves, and about sixty Portuguese
and Indian women. Two Franciscans also embarked with us
without leave of the archbishop or their superior. They had
got on board secretly, and had money enough for their pro
visions, for which I think they paid the master pilot at Goa,
as he got a half-share of their " matelotage" or victuals. These
cost a single man 300 pardos, which must be paid at Goa in
advance. These two Franciscans were afterwards put ashore
as prisoners at Brazil when we landed there, and sent thence
to Portugal. Any that will may go to India, but not return
— a rule applying more strictly to the Jesuits and religious
persons, except for some good and lawful cause.1
1 In Jan. 1598 the king wrote to the viceroy : '• He (the late viceroy)
also tells me that it will be for the service of God to recommend the
Franciscan, Dominican, and A ugustinian prelates of this realm to send
out to India professed clergy of a better stamp, because those who take
the frock there are deficient in such education and qualities as are requi
site for the improvement of society by their example and conversation.
Wherefore I have caused letters to be written to the prelates of the
said orders that the professed clergy who go out to India are not to
return thence, informiig them of the evils which result from their
doing so. This you will communicate to the prelates in India" (Arch.
Pert. Or., Fasc. 3, No. 304).

PECULATION OF THE GOA OFFICIALS. 285
When we were embarked we were greatly surprised at the
custom in use in these ships from Goa to Lisbon, viz., of
giving the seamen but one small portion of bread and water,
as I have already remarked; whereas we thought to have
had an ordinary as in our own ships, and so had failed to lay
in store of provisions, as we had easily done with the aid of
our friends and rich acquaintance ; and what is more, they
had promised to feed us, and so we had come on board with
provisions for no more than four or five days only. Having
set sail, the following day we presented ourselves to the
captain and the clerk, and showed them our passport, which
we had already, after our coming on board, shown to the ship-
guards, two men set by the king to watch all that come and
go from the ship, both men and merchandise. The captain
was astonished to find that we were on board ; for you may
be there five or six months without knowing of each other,
so vast are the ships and so great the company. When he
heard that we had no provisions, he told us we were mighty
ill-advised to make so bad arrangements, and was much an
noyed at the viceroy and the Viador de Fasienda (as usual),
for that when one was shipped by order of the king he
should be provisioned at the expense of the king ; and that
these fellows were robbers, seeing they would not fail to enter
it in the king's accounts, just as if they had supplied the
victuals ; and that furnishing us with bread and water would
be to that extent diminishing the rations of the mariners.
This did nevertheless raise in them such compassion for us
that throughout the voyage they were both kind and cour
teous toward us, and forbade any to address or treat us in ill
sort. This command was well obeyed, but in respect of food
we suffered the greatest possible privations ; for though so
little bread and water was due to us, the ship ran so short
that we could not be supplied with it for more than fifteen
days' journey from the place we then were ; insomuch that
they were constrained to borrow, from some on board, our

286 OBNOXIOUS PASSENGERS.
rations for a month, viz., thirty pounds of biscuit and a barrel
of water for each, containing some twenty-four pints ; but
the mischief was, that, as we had no place under lock to put
these stores, some were stolen by night, notwithstanding that
corporal punishment was the penalty for that offence; and
when it rained we had nowhere to put them under cover.
There was also great and general inconvenience through
out the whole ship by reason of certain animals like May
bugs (hanetons), called by them brato} which are very
numerous, and are vastly annoying to all that come from the
Indies, but not to those that go thither. These vermin come
from India ; and when you kill them in your hands they
send forth the most abominable stink, like bugs (punaises).
Our ship was full of them, and they got into all the boxes,
casks, and other wooden vessels, so that they leaked, and the
wine and water were lost. They also ate the biscuit and
made sad havoc therein. The biscuit served out on board is
made at Goa, and is as white as our chapter-bread.2 To
make it they take the whitest bread and cut it in four riat
portions, heating these in the oven twice : this biscuit is very
good to the taste. We got water so long as it lasted, like the
mariners and officers of the ship, and so with biscuit, but at
the end of three months the pittance failed. Sometimes the
voyage lasts eight or nine months, more or less. Thus did
we suffer many hardships in this voyage from Goa to the
Bay of All Saints, which took us about six months. At
times, but rarely, some good man bade us to eat with him, or
sent us something. But a greater rarity was drink, which they
gave us very seldom, and then it was a little eau de vie or
raisin wine. The worst of the victuals on board is that they
are all salted in order to keep better, and that changes their
quality in such sort that full often I durst riot eat at all,
1 I.e., cockroaches (Blatta Orientalis).
2 Pain de chapitre, "pain qu'on distribuait chaque jour aux chanoines
dans quelques chapitres" (Littre).

CALLING THE ROLL. 287
having so small a daily allowance of water in such a time of
heat and calm. And what caused the water to run still more
short was that the chief article of food was rice, which has
to be cooked in water, and this made away with much. For
the rest, we were fairly well off, and those on board treated
us respectfully ; for had any malapert knave said or done
anything insolent he would have been summarily punished,
more promptly indeed than if he had offended one of his own
countrymen. When we got to sea the captain took the names of all on
board. He then appointed the captains of the night and day
watches, giving particular directions to the day watch to see
that none carried fire about the ship, this being strictly for
bidden for fear of accidents. For you must know that justice
is so strictly administered by the captain that he can without
appeal give the strapado, or in a civil suit cast a defendant in
damages to the extent of a hundred crowns.

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