YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE EMIGRANT. 1846. THE EMIGRANT. BY SIR FRANCIS B. HEAD, Bart. ' SEND HER VICTORIOUS, HAPPY AND GLORIOUS, LONG TO REIGN OVER US, GOD SAVE THE QUEEN I" Old Smg. SECOND EDITION. LONDON: JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 1846. Ca.n.l50i London : Printed by W. Clowes & Sons, Stamfoid Street. PREFACE. As the Common Crow is made up of a small lump of carrion and two or three handfuls of feathers, so is this Volume composed of Poli tical History, buoyed up by a few light sketches, solely written to make a dull subject fly. If this strange mixture of grave matter with gay referred only to the happiness of those who have emigrated, or who may hereafter emigrate, to our Colonies, it would, I am sen sible, be beneath the notice of the general reader ; but, I regret to say, it discloses facts which not only threaten the safety of our Institutions, but in which the Honour of the British Crown is deeply involved : and having made this declaration, the truth of which no person who shall patiently read my sketches will, I believe, be disposed to deny, I now commit my evidence to the public to speak for itself. CONTENTS. Chapter Page I. A NEW SKY 1 II. THE BACK-WOODS 32 III. SERGEANT NEILL 53 IV. THE GRENADIERS' POND .... 62 V. THE EMIGRANT'S LAEK . ... 69 VI. THE LONG TROT 78 VII. THE BARK CANOE; 121 VIII. THE FLAEE-UP 154 IX. THE BRITISH FLAG 187 X. THE FALLS OF NIAGARA , • . .205 XI. THE APOLOGY 238 XII. THE HUNTED HAEE 261 XIII. HOME 288 XIV. POLITICAL POISON 324 XV. THE EXPLOSION 366 XVI, MOEAL 400 APPENDIX , 429 THE EMIGRANT. Chapter I, A NEW SKY. However deeply prejudiced an Englishman may be in favour of his own country, yet I think it is impossible for him to cross the At lantic without admitting that in both the northern and southern hemispheres of the new world Nature has not only outlined her works on a larger scale, but has painted the whole picture with brighter and more costly colours than she used in delineating and in beautifying the old world. The heavens of America appear infinitely higher — the sky is bluer — the clouds are whiter — the air is fresher — the cold is intenser — the moon looks larger — the stars are brighter — the thunder is louder — the lightning is vivider — the wind is stronger — the rain is heavier — the B 2 A NEW SKY. Chap. I. mountains are higher — the rivers larger — the forests bigger — the plains broader; in short, the gigantic and beautiful features of the new world seem to correspond very wonderfully with the increased locomotive powers and other brilliant discoveries which, under the blessing of an Almighty power, have lately been developed to mankind. The difference of climate in winter between the old and new world amounts, it has been estimated, to about thirteen degrees of latitude. Accordingly, the region of North America which basks under the same sun or latitude as Florence, is visited in winter with a cold equal to those of St, Petersburgh or of Moscow ; and thus, while the inhabitant of the Mediterranean is wearing cotton or other light clothing, the inhabitant of the very same latitude in the new world is to be found either huddkd close to a stove hot enough to burn his eyes out, or muffled up in furs, with all sorts of contri vances to preserve the very nose on his face, and the ears on his head, from being frozen. This extra allowance of cold is the effect of various causes, one of which I will endeavour shortly to describe. Chap. 1. A NEW SKY. 3 It is well known that so far as temperature is concerned, cold is increased by altitude as it is by latitude ; accordingly, that by ascending a steep mountain — the Himalayas, for instance — one may obtain, with scarcely any alteration of latitude, and in a few hours, the same change of temperature which would require a long journey over the surface of the earth to reach ; and thus it appears that in the hottest regions of the globe there exists impending stratifica tions of cold proportionate in intensity to their respective altitudes. Now, as soon as moisture or vapour enters these regions, in southern countries it is con densed into rain, and in the winter of northern ones it is frozen into snow, which, from its specific gravity, continues its feathery descent until it is deposited upon the surface of the ground, an emblem of the cold region from which it has proceeded. But from the mere showing of the case, it is evident that this snow is as much a stranger in the land on which it is reposing, as a Lap lander is who lands at Lisbon, or as in England a pauper is who enters a parish in which he is not entitled to settlement; and, therefore, B 2 4 A NEW SKY. Chap. I. just as the parish ofiicers, under the authority of the law, vigorously proceed to eject the pauper, so does Nature proceed to eject the cold that has taken temporary possession of land to which it does not owe its birth ; and the process of ejectment is as follows. The superincumbent atmosphere, warmed by the sun, melts the surface of the snow ; and as soon as the former has taken to itself a por tion of the cold, the wind bringing with it a new atmosphere, repeats the operation; and thus on, until the mass of snow is either effec tually ejected, or materially diminished. But while the combined action of sun and wind are producing this simple effect in the old world, there exists in the northern regions of the new world a physical obstruction to the operation, I allude to the interminable forest, through the boughs and branches of which the descending snow falls, until reaching the ground it remains hidden from the sun and protected from the wind ; and thus every day's snow adds to the accumulation, until the whole region is converted into an almost boundless ice-house, from which there slowly but con tinuously arises, like a mist from the ground, a Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 5 Stratum of cold air," which the north-west pre vailing wind wafts over the south, and which freezes every thing in its way. The effect of air passing over ice is curiously exemplified on the Atlantic, where, at certain periods of the year, all of a sudden, and often during the night, there suddenly comes over every passenger a cold mysterious chill, like the hand of death itself, caused by the vicinity of a floating iceberg. In South America, I remember a trifling instance of the same eftect. I was walking in the main street of San Jago in the middle of the summer, and, like every human or living being in the city, was exhausted by extreme heat, when I suddenly felt as if some one was breath ing upon my face with frozen lungs. I stopped, and turning round, perceived at a little dis tance, a line of mules laden with snow, which they had just brought down from the Andes. And if this insignificant cargo — if the presence of a solitary little iceberg in the ocean can produce the sensation I have described, it surely need hardly be observed how great must be the freezing effects on the continent of North America, of the north-west wind blowing over 6 A NEW SKY, Chap. I. an uncovered icehouse, composed of masses of accumulated snow several feet in thickness, and many hundreds of miles both in length and breadth. Now, it is curious to reflect that while every backwoodsman in America is occupying him self, as he thinks, solely for his own interest, in clearing his location, every tree — which, falling under his axe, admits a patch of sunshine to the earth — in an infinitesimal degree softens and ameliorates the climate of the vast con tinent around him ; and yet, as the portion of cleared land in North America, compared with that which remains uncleared, has been said scarcely to exceed that which the seams of a coat bear to the whole garment, it is evident, that although the assiduity of the Anglo-Saxon race has no doubt affected the climate of North America, the axe is too weak an instrument to produce any important change. But one of the most wonderful character istics of Nature is the manner in which she often, unobservedly, produces great effects from causes so minute as to be almost invisible, and accordingly while the human race — so far as an alteration of climate is concerned — are Chap. I. A NEW SKY, 7 labouring almost in vain in the regions in question, swarms of little flies, strange as it may sound, are, and for many years have been, most materially altering the climate of the great continent of North America ! The manner in which they unconsciously perform this important duty is as follows : — They sting, bite, and torment the wild animals to such a degree, that, especially in summer, the poor creatures, like those in Abys sinia, described by Bruce, become almost in a state of distraction, and to get rid of their assailants, wherever the forest happened to be on fire, they rushed to the smoke, instinctively knowing quite well that the flies would be unable to follow them there. The wily Indian observing these movements, shrewdly perceived that by setting fire to the forest the flies would drive to him his game, instead of his being obliged to trail in search of it ; and the experiment having proved emi nently successful, the Indians for many years have been, and still are, in the habit of burning tracts of wood so immense, that from very high and scientific authority I have been in formed, that the amount of land thus burned 8 A NEW SKY, Chap. I. under the influence of the flies has exceeded many millions of acres, and that it has been, and still is, materially changing the climate of North America ! But besides the effect it is producing on the thermometer, it is simultaneously working out another great operation of Nature. Although the game, to avoid the stings of their tiny assailants, come from distant regipns to the smoke, and therein fall from the arrows and rifles of their human foes, yet this burning of the forest destroys the rabbits and small game, as well as the young of the larger game, and, therefore, just as brandy and whisky for a short time raise the spirits of the drunkard but eventually leave him pale, melancholy, and dejected, so does this vicious improvident mode of poaching game for a short time fatten, but eventually afflict with famine all those who have engaged in it ; and thus, for instance, the Beaver Indians, who forty years ago were a powerful and numerous tribe, are now reduced to less than one hundred men, who can scarcely find wild animals enough to keep themselves alive, — in short, the red population is diminish ing in the same ratio as the destruction of the Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 9 moose and wood buffalo, on which their fore fathers had subsisted : and as every traveller, as well as trader, in those various regions con firms these statements, how wonderful is the dispensation of the Almighty, under which, by the simple agency of little flies, not only is the American Continent gradually undergoing a process which, with other causes, will assi milate its climate to that of Europe, but that the Indians themselves are clearing and pre paring their own country for the reception of another race, who will hereafter gaze at the remains of the elk, the bear, and the beaver, with the same feelings of astonishment with which similar vestiges are discovered in Europe — the monuments of a state of existence that has passed away ! In the meanwhile, however, the climate of North America forms the most remarkable feature in its physical character. In Europe, Asia, and Africa, just as the old proverb says, " Tell me his company and I '11 tell you the man ;" so, if the latitude be given, the climate may with considerable accuracy be described ; in fact, the distinction between hot climates and cold ones is little else but the dif- b3 10 A NEW SKY. Chap. I. ference between the distances of each from the equator or from the pole. But in the continent of North America, the climate, comparatively speaking, regardless of latitude, is both hot and cold ; and thus, for instance, in Canada, while the summer is as roasting as the Mediterranean, and occasionally as broiling as the West Indies, the winter is that of the capitals of Norway and Sweden ; indeed, the cold of the Canada winter must be felt to be imagined, and when felt can no more be described by words than colours to a blind man or music to a deaf one. Even under bright sunshine, and in a most exhilarating air, the biting effect of the cold upon the portion of the face that is exposed to it resembles the application of a strong acid ; and the healthy grin which the countenance assumes, requires — as I often observed on those who for many minutes had been in a warm room waiting to see me — a considerable time to relax. In a calm almost any degree of cold is bear able, but the application of successive doses of it to the face, by wind, becomes occasionally almost unbearable; indeed I remember seeing Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 1 1 the left cheek of nearly twenty of our soldiers simultaneously frost-bitten in marching about a hundred yards, across a bleak open space, completely exposed to a strong and bitterly cold north-west wind that was blowing upon us all. The remedy for this intense cold to which many Canadians and others have occasionally recourse, is — at least to my feelings it always appeared — infinitely worse than the disease. On entering, for instance, the small parlour of a little inn, a number of strong able-bodied fellows are discovered holding their hands a few inches before their faces, and sitting in silence immediately in front of a stove of such excruciating power, that it really feels as if it would roast the very eyes in their sockets, and yet, as one endures this agony, the back part is as cold as if it belonged to what is called at home " Old Father Christmas !" Of late years, English fire-places have been introduced into many houses ; and though mine at Toronto was warmed with hot air from a large oven, with fires in all our sitting-rooms, nevertheless the wood for my grate which was piled close to the fire, often remained till night 12 A NEW SKY, Chap. I. covered with the snow which was on it when first deposited there in the morning ; and as a further instance of the climate, I may add that several times while my mind was very warmly occupied in writing my despatches, I found my pen full of a lump of stuff that appeared to be honey, but which proved to be frozen ink ; again, after washing in the morning, when I took up some money that had lain all night on my table, I at first fancied it had become sticky until I discovered that the sensation was caused by its freezing to my fingers, which in conse quence of my ablutions were not perfectly dry. Notwithstanding however this intensity of cold, the powerful circulation of the blood of large quadrupeds keeps the red fluid, like the movement of the waters in the great lakes, from freezing ; but the human frame not being gifted with this power, many people lose their limbs, and occasionally their Hves from cold. I one day inquired of a fine ruddy honest- looking man who called upon me, and whose toes and insteps of each foot had been trun cated, how the accident happened? He told me that the first winter he came from England he lost his way in the forest, and that after Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 13 walking for some hours, feeling pain in his feet, he took off his boots, and from the flesh immediately swelling, he was unable to put them on again. His stockings, which were very old ones, soon wore into holes, and as rising on his in steps he was hurriedly proceeding he knew not where, he saw with alarm, but without feeling the slightest pain, first one toe and then ano ther break off as if they had been pieces of brittle stick, and in this mutilated state he con tinued to advance till he reached a path which led him to an inhabited log-house, where he remained suffering great pain till his cure was effected. On another occasion, while an Englishman was driving one bright beautiful day in a sleigh on the ice, his horse suddenly ran away, and fancying he could stop him better without his cumbersome fur gloves than with them, he unfortunately took them off". As the infuri ated animal at his utmost speed proceeded, the man, who was facing a keen north-west wind, felt himself gradually as it were turning into marble, and by the time he stopped both his hands were so completely and so irrecoverably 14 A NEW SKY. Chap. I. frozen, that he was obhged to have them am putated. Although the sun, from the latitude, has considerable power, it appears only to illumi nate the sparkling snow, which, like the sugar on a bridal cake, conceals the whole surface. The instant however the fire of heaven sinks below the horizon, the cold descends from the upper regions of the atmosphere with a feeling as if it were poured down upon the head and shoulders from a jug. From the above sketch it must be evident that the four seasons of the year in Canada exhibit pictures strikingly contrasted with each other. In the summer, the excessive heat — the vio lent paroxysms of thunder — the parching drought — the occasional deluges of rain — the sight of bright red, bright blue, and other gaudy plumaged birds— of the brilliant hum ming-bird, and of innumerable fire-flies that at night appear like the reflection upon earth of the stars shining above them in the heavens, would almost persuade the emigrant that he was living within the tropics. As autumn approaches, the various trees of Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 15 the forest assume hues of every shade of red, yellow, and brown, of the most vivid descrip tion. The air gradually becomes a healthy and delightful mixture of sunshine and frost, and the golden sunsets are so many glorious assemblages of clouds — some like mountains of white wool, others of the darkest hues — and of broad rays of yellow, of crimson, and of golden light, which without intermixing radiate up wards to a great height from the point of the horizon at which the deep red luminary is about to disappear. As the winter approaches the cold daily strengthens, and before the branches of the trees and the surface^ of the country become white, every li-ving being seems to be sensible of the temperature that is about to arrive. The gaudy birds, humming-birds, and fire flies, depart first; then follow the pigeons; the wild-fowl take refuge in the lakes, until scarcely a bird remains to be seen in the forest. Several of the animals seek refuge in warmer regions; and even the shaggy bear, whose coat seems warm enough to resist any degree of cold, instinctively looks out in time for a hollow tree into which he may leisurely climb. 16 A NEW SKY. Chap. I, to hang in it during the winter as inanimate as a flitch of bacon from the ceiling of an English farm-house ; and even many of the fishes make their deep-water arrangements for not coming to the surface of the rivers and harbours during the period they are covered with ice. Notwithstanding the cheerful brightness of the winter's sun, I always felt that there was something indescribably awful and appalling in all these bestial, birdal, and piscal precau tions ; and yet it is with pride that one ob serves that while the birds of the air and the beasts of the field, one after another, are seen retreating before the approaching winter like women and children before an advancing army; the Anglo-Saxon race stand firm ! and indeed they are quite right to do so, inasmuch as the winter, when it does arrive, turns out to be a season of hilarity and of healthy enjoyment. Not only is the whole surface of the ground, including roads and paths of every description, beautifully macadamised with a covering of snow, over which every man's horse, with tink ling bells, can draw him and his family in a sleigh ; but every harbour becomes a national Chap, I, A NEW SKY, 17 play-ground to ride on, and every river an arterial road to travel on. In all directions running water gradually congeals. The mill-wheel becomes covered with a frozen torrent, in which it remains as in a glass case ; and I have even seen small water falls begin to freeze on both sides, until the cataract, arrested in its fall by the power of heaven, is converted for the season into a solid mirror. Although the temperature of the water in the great lakes is infinitely below freezing, yet the restless rise and fall of the waves prevents their congelation. As a trifling instance, how ever, of their disposition to do so, I may men tion that during the two winters I was at Toronto, I made a rule from which I never de parted, to walk every morning to the end of a long wooden pier that ran out into the un frozen waters of the lake. In windy weather, and during extreme cold, the water, in dashing against this work, rose in the air ; but before it could reach me it often froze, and thus, without wetting my cloak, the drops of ice used to fall harmless at my feet. But although the great lake, for want of a 1 8 A NEW SKY. Chap. L moment's tranquiUity, cannot congeal, yet for hundreds of miles along its shores the waves, as they break on the ground, instantly freeze, and this operation continuing by night as well as by day, the quiet shingled beach is con verted throughout its whole length into high, sharp, jagged rocks of ice, over which it is occasionally difficult to climb, I was one day riding with a snaffle-bridle on the glare ice of the great bay of Toronto, on a horse I had just purchased, without having been made aware of his vice, which I after wards learned had been the cause of a serious accident to his late master, when he suddenly, unasked, explained it to me by running away. On one side of me was the open water of the lake, into which, if I had ridden, I should almost instantly have been covered with a coating of ice as white as that on a candle that has just received its first dip ; while on every other side I was surrounded by these jagged rocks of ice, the narrow passes through which I was going much too fast to be able to investi gate. My only course, therefore, was to force my horse round and round within the circum- Chap. L A NEW SKY, 19 ference of the little troubles that environed me, and this I managed to do, every time dimi nishing the circle, until before I was what Sidney Smith termed " squirrel-minded," the animal became sufficiently tired to stop. The scene on these frozen harbours and bays in winter is very interesting. Sleighs in which at least one young representative of the softer sex is generally seated are to be seen and heard driving and tinkling across in various direc tions, or occasionally standing still to witness a trotting-match or some other amusement on the ice. In the midst of this scene here and there are a few dark spots on the surface which it is difficult to analyze even when approached, until from beneath the confused mass there gradually arises, with a mild " Why-disturb- me?" expression of countenance, the red face and shaggy head of an Indian, who for hours has been lying on his stomach to spear fish through a small hole which, for that purpose, he has cut through the ice. In other parts are to be seen groups of men occupied in sawing out for sale large cubical blocks of ice of a beautiful bluish appearance. 20 A NEW SKY, Chap. I. piled upon each other like dressed Bath-stones for building. The water of which this ice is composed is as clear as crystal, resembling that which, under the appellation of Wenham ice, has lately been imported to England as well as to India, and which has become a new luxury of general use, I have often been amused at observing how imperfectly the theory of ice is, practically speaking, understood in England, People talk of its being " as hot as fire," and " as cold as ice," just as if the temperature of each were a fixed quantity, whereas there are as many temperatures of fire, and as many temperatures of ice, as there are climates on the face of the globe. The heat of " boiling water" is a fixed quantity, and any attempt to make water hot ter than " boiling" only creates steam, which flies off from the top exactly as fast as, and exactly in the proportion to, the amount of heat, be it great or small, that is applied at the bottom. Now for want of half a moment's reflection, people in England are very prone to believe Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 2 1 that water cannot be made colder than ice ; and accordingly if a good-humoured man succeeds in filling his ice-house, he feels satisfied that his ice is as good as any other man's ice ; in short, that ice is ice, and that there is no use in any body attempting to deny it. But the truth is, that the temperature of thirty-two de grees of Fahrenheit, that at which water freezes, is only the commencement of an operation that is almost infinite ; for after its congelation water is as competent to continue to receive cold as it was when it was fluid. The applica tion of cold to a block of ice does not therefore, as in the case of heat applied beneath boiling water, cause what is added at one end to fly out at the other, but on the contrary, the extra cold is added to and retained by the mass, and thus the temperature of the ice falls with the temperature of the air, until in Lower Canada it occasionally sinks to forty degrees below zero, or to seventy-two degrees below the tem perature of ice just congealed. It is evident, therefore, that if two ice-houses were to be filled, the one with the former, say Canada ice, and the other with the latter, say English ice, the difference between the quantity of cold stored up in each would be as appre- 22 A NEW SKY. Chap. I. ciable as the difference between a cellar full of gold and a cellar full of copper ; in short, the intrinsic value of ice, like that of metals, depends on the investigation of an assayer — that is to say, a cubic foot of Lower Canada ice is infinitely more valuable, or, in other words, it contains infinitely more cold than a cubic foot of Upper Canada ice, which again contains more cold than a cubic foot of Wenham ice, which contains infinitely more cold than a cubic foot of English ice ; and thus, although each of these four cubic feet of ice has pre cisely the same shape, they each, as summer approaches, diminish in value, that is to say, they each gradually lose a portion of their cold until, long before the Lower Canada ice has melted, the English ice has been converted into luke-warm water. The above theory is so clearly understood in North America, that the inhabitants of Boston, who annually store for exportation immense quantities of Wenham ice, and who know quite well that cold ice will meet the markets in India, while the warmer article melts on the passage, talk of their " crops of ice" just as an English farmer talks of his crop of wheat. The various forms of sleighs which are used Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 23 in Canada, it would be impossible to describe ; some are handsomely painted bright scarlet, highly varnished, richly carved, and orna mented with valuable black bear-skin " robes," as they are termed ; others are composed of an old English packing-case placed on runners. However, whatever may be their construction, their proprietors, rich or poor, appear ahke happy. One healthy cleax morning, accompanied by a friend, I was enjoying my early walk along the cliff" which overhangs the bay of Toronto, when I saw a runaway horse and sleigh ap proaching me at full gallop, and it was not until both were within a few yards of the pre cipice, that the animal, suddenly seeing his danger, threw himself on his haunches, and then, turning from the death that had stared him in the face, stood as if riveted to the ground. On going up to the sleigh, which was one of very humble fabric, I found seated in it a wild young Irishman, and, as he did not appear to be at all sensible of the danger from which he had just been providentially preserved, I said to him,—" You have had a most narrow escape, my man f" 24 A NEW SKY. Chap. I. " Och I your honour, '" he replied, " it 's na thing at ari. It 's jist this bar as titches his hacks I" And, to show me what he meant, he pulled at the reins with all his strength, till the splinter-bar touched the poor creature's thigh, when instantly this son of Erin, looking as happy as if he had just demonstrated a problem, tri umphantly exclaimed, — " ThereH is agin!" And away he went, if possible, faster than before. I watched him till the horse galloped with him completely out of my sight; indeed, he vanished like a meteor in the sky, and where he came from, and where he went, I am igno rant to this day. The Canada spring commences with a bril liant, but rather an uncomfortable admixture of warm days and of freezing cold nights. By the beginning of April the siin is as hot as it is in the south of France, the roads are slushy until sunset, when in a few minutes they congeal, and become covered with ice. As this operation continues, as the sun strengthens, and as the day lengthens, the thick stratum of snow, which has so long covered the surface of the country, gradually melts by day and freezes by night, until the heat increasing and the cold diminishing, the Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 25 black ground begins to appear ; and no sooner does the earth, escaping from its wearisome imprisonment, once again see daylight, than, without waiting for a general clearance, there start up in each of these little oases in the desert of snow that surrounds them a variety of small lovely flowers, which seem to have burst into existence as if to hail the arrival and orna ment the happy path of approaching spring. But while this joyful process is proceeding in the vegetable world, the interminable forest is once again becoming the cheerful scene of animal life. The old bear slowly descends, tail foremost, from the lofty chamber in which he has so long been dormant. The air is filled — the light of heaven is occasionally almost intercepted from morning till night — by clouds of pigeons, which, as the harbingers of spring, are seen for many days flying over the forest, guided, I have been credibly informed, by a miraculous instinct, not only to the particular remote region in which they were reared, but to build their own nests in the very trees upon whose branches each individual bird was hatched ! but if, as is well known, they are instinctively led to the country of their birth. 26 A NEW SKY. Chap. I. it is not improbable that, when they reach it, they will readily search out for themselves their own " homes," In a very short time the whole surface of the country becomes cleared from snow, and the effect of the change is most interesting ; for instance, on my arrival in Canada I found everything around me buried in snow, and my lonely house standing apparently in a white barren desolate field, to which my eyes soon became accustomed. But as soon as the spring removed this covering, flower borders of all shapes, a green lawn, and gravel walks meandering in various directions, made their welcome appearance, until I found myself the possessor— and if it had not been for English politics I should have been the h-appy pos sessor — of a beautiful English garden, the monument of the good taste of Sir Peregrine and Lady Sarah Maitland, who many years ago had planned it and had stocked it with roses and shrubs of the best description. But "all is not gold that glitters ;" and ac cordingly, though spring ornaments almost beyond the powers of description the surface of Canada, she is no respecter of the Queen's Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 27 highways, but on the contrary, creates dreadful havoc among roads of all descriptions. The departure of the snow is followed by a general blistering and up-wrenching of the surface of the earth, which for some weeks remains what is called "rotten," and which, especially in the roads, is so troublesome to ride over, that at this period a well-mounted horseman can occasionally hardly travel above twenty or twenty-five miles in a day ; indeed I have sometimes come to narrow quagmires in the roads which I have stood gazing at for minutes in despair, and which it was almost imprac ticable to cross at any price. However, the first heavy rains settle the ground, and then the rush of vegetation, being as beautiful as it is surprising, it is rnost interesting to ramble in solitude through the secret recesses of the forest. The enjoyment, however, without great pre caution, is a very dangerous one, as it is almost incredible how quickly a stranger loses his reckoning, and becomes lost in the laby rinth that surrounds him. In the lonely rides I was in the habit of enjoying, I took some pains to make myself intelligent upon this point, but with very little c2 28 A NEW SKY. Chap. L success ; and though I endeavoured to carry in my head a " carte du pays," I often suddenly felt myself completely bewildered. On these occasions, however, without any difficulty I always extricated myself from all danger by the following process : — I threw my hat on the ground, and then riding from it in any direction, to a distance greater than that which I knew to exist be tween me and the road I was anxious to regain, I returned on the footmarks of my horse to my hat, and then radiating from it in any other direction, and returning, I repeated the trials, until taking the right direction, I at last recovered the road ; whereas, if, without me thod, I had wandered among the trees in search of it, I might, and most probably should, have been lost — a victim to the allurements and beauties of spring. Of course, on reach ing the road I had to recover the hat to which my head had been so much indebted. The storms which occasionally reign and rage about the forest are very similar to those which characterise the tropics. The sudden explosion and loud rolls of thunder are not only awful to hear, but this cannonading- from Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 29 heaven generally leaves behind it proof of its having been composed of shot as well as of powder ; indeed in my rides through the forest I became intimately acquainted with several trees that had been struck by lightning. In one there was merely a deep furrowed line from the top of the stem to the earth ; but in others the effect had been terrific. The lightning had descended down the bark of the tree tiU it had met a knot, or something that had turned it inwards, and which had there caused it to explode. In these cases, a huge stump, fifteen or twenty feet high, was left standing, while around it, in all directions, the remainder of the tree was to be seen lying on the ground literally shivered to atoms. In one immense pine the electric mine had burnt in the heart of its victim within a foot of the ground. The tree in its stupendous fall snapped about fifty feet above the ground another pine tree, about forty feet distant, and resting and remaining on the top of this lofty column, the two trees formed a right angled triangle of most extraordinary appearance, standing in the forest as if to demonstrate the irresistible power of one of the greatest agents of nature. 30 A NEW SKY. Chap. I. But awful as are the effects of the lightning of heaven, there are occasionally in Canada sudden squalls of wind, which create havoc on a much larger scale. Indeed, when a traveller inquires for a road to any particular place, he is often told to proceed in a certain direction, " until he comes to a hurricane ;" which means, until he finds in the lone wilderness a parcel of trees torn up by the roots, and in indescribable confusion lying prostrate on the ground. From the foregoing sketches, I think it will appear that, although the climate of England is said to be the most uncertain on the surface of the globe, that of North America is infinitely more variable, as well as exposed to greater vicissitudes. In the latter country, not only do the ex tremes of heat in summer, and of cold in winter, create an extensive range of temperature, which in England is tethered to very narrow limits, but in Canada the sudden alternations of tem perature which attend every change of wind constantly cause in the course of the day, and even in a few hours, a change of climate of forty degrees of Fahrenheit, These sudden changes, however, when effected, generally last three days : for instance, Chap. I. A NEW SKY. 3 1 a heavy rain almost invariably continues that time ; so does a paroxysm of intense cold ; so does every unusually heavy gale of wind ; and so does every occasional "sweating sickness" of extreme heat. On the whole, I am of opinion that the cli mate of Canada is more healthy and invigorating than that of England, but infinitely more de structive to the skin, hair, teeth, and other items of what is termed " personal appearance," In short, those who admire pretty children, green fields, and out-of-doors exercise may justly con tinue to sing, — " Through pleasures and palaces though we may roam, Be it ever so humble, there 's no place like home." ( 32 ) Chapter IL THE BACK-WOODS, Among the list of hackneyed expressions which for years I have been in the habit of repeating to myself, there is no one that comes oftener uppermost in my mind than the words — " England, with all thy faults, I love thee still I" At times, when I have seen our merchants of London lend millions after millions of money, first, to countries in South America, whose geographical position I had reason to know they could not, with any one of their fingers, point out on a chart of the globe ; and then, nothing daunted by defeat, to northern states in the same hemisphere, whose institu tions everybody knows to be recipient, without ability to repay ; when again I witnessed the mania which this country evinced for working transatlantic mines, and which it still evinces for expending hundreds of millions of money Chap. II. THE BACK-WOODS. 33 in the projection of British and of foreign rail roads, which the capital of the empire has not power to construct, I own I have occasionally found it difficult to maintain the feelings of respect so justly due to the monosyllables " John Bull," On the other hand, " with all his faults," it is, I think, impossible for his bitterest enemy to help acknowledging that there is something generous and amiable beyond description — noble and high-minded beyond example — and evidently productive of far-sighted political results, in the fact, that every day, be the weather what it may, Jane, his beloved wife, presents to him one thousand babies more than the number he had requested of her to replace those members of his family who had just died ! Now, inasmuch as this deliberate increase to our population of 365,000 babies a year (which equals the number of men, women, and children in the county of Worcestershire) as clearly e-vdnces a desire, as it creates a necessity, for Great Britain to people, by emigration, some of those vast regions of the globe which, since the creation ofthe world, have remained unin- c3 34 THE BACK-WOODS. Chap. II. habited, it is wonderful to observe how ad mirably Nature has parcelled out to the dif ferent nations of mankind the cultivation of those territories which are best suited to their respective characters and physical strength. For instance, the indolent inhabitants of Old Spain and of Portugal were led, apparently by blind chance, to discover, in the New World, plains of vast extent, situated in a genial climate, which, without any culture, were fitted for the breeding of almost every animal which forms the food of man. On the other hand, by the same mariner's compass, the Anglo-Saxon race were con ducted to a region visited by intense cold, and covered with trees of such enormous size that emigration to this country has justly been termed " War with the Wilderness ,•" and cer tainly any man who has experienced in it the amount of fatigue to be endured in cutting down a single tree, in ploughing among its roots, and in sowing and reaping around its stump, must feel that it required a strong, healthy, hardy race of men to clear a country in which the settler has, as it were, to engage Chap. II. THE BACK- WOODS. 35 himself in a duel with each and every indivi dual tree of the interminable forest that sur rounds him. But, on the discovery of America, Nature not only led the British to the battle-ground I have described, but by instinctive feeling she has since conducted, and continues to conduct to it, the individuals of our country best suited to the task. It would be incorrect to state that the many thousands of emigrants that have annually sailed for our North American provinces have been particularly athletic ; but, as the French army truly say, " C'est le ccEur qui fait le grenadier " so it may accurately be stated that, with a few exceptions, they must have been persons of rather more enterprising disposition than their comrades whom they left at home ; indeed, when I have reflected on the expense, anxiety, and uncertainty attendant upon emi grating to a new world, I have often felt astonished that labourers, tethered to their parish by so many ties and prejudices, should ever have summoned courage enough to make up their minds to sail with their families in a 36 THE BACK-WOODS. Chap, II. ship for countries in which, to say the least, they must land ignorant, friendless, and un known. But besides a certain amount of enterprise, there has, I believe, existed in the minds of all emigrants some little propulsive feeling or other — oftener good than bad — that has tended to put them on, as it is termed, their mettle, and to make them decide on a change of scene ; indeed, when I was in Canada I often thought that it would have been as amusing to have kept a list of the various different reasons that had propelled from England those who were around me, as it is to read in Gil Bias the dissimilar causes which had brought together the motley inmates of Rolando's cave. For instance, one very gallant naval officer told me that, after having obtained two steps in his profession, by actions with the enemy, he waited on William the Fourth, when he was Lord High Admiral, to ask for a ship, in reply to which request he was good-humouredly told that " he was too young.'" That a few weeks afterwards, on making a similar request to Sir James Graham, who had Chap. II. THE BACK-WOODS, 37 just succeeded to be First Lord of the Ad miralty, with grave dignity he was told " that the policy of the Government was to bring forward young men, and that ' Jie was too old;' and so," said my friend, " I instantly turned on my heel, and declaring that I would never again set my foot in the Admiralty till I was sent for, I came out to Canada." The inability of the Government to attend to every just claim that was brought before its consideration drove crowds of distinguished officers of both services to the back -woods. Many fine fellows came out because they could not live without shooting, and did not choose to be poachers ; a vast number crossed over because they had " heavy families and small incomes;" and one of the most loyal men I was acquainted with, and to whose protection I had afterwards occasion to be indebted, in answer to some questions I was inquisitively putting to him, stopped me by honestly say ing, as he looked me full in the face, " My character, Sir, won't bear investigation '. " Of course, a proportion of the emigrants to our North American Colonies belong to that 38 THE BACK-WOODS. Chap. II. philanthropic class of men who, under the ap pellation of Socialistes, Communistes, or Li berals, are to be met with in every corner of the Old World. Their doctrine is, Community of goods : but they have no goods at all. They preach — Division of property : but they have no property to divide. So that their principle is ; — not so much to give all they have (for they have nothing to give) to other people ; — as that other people should give all they have to them. Propelled by these motley reasons, feelings, grievances, and doctrines, many thousands of families and indviduals of various grades (in 1 842 their number exceeded 42,000) have an nually taken leave ofthe shores of Great Britain to seek refuge in the splendid wilderness of Canada, or, in other words, sick of " vain pomp and glory," have left the old world for what they hoped would be a better. Now, just as seafaring men declare that after Thames soup has undergone fermentation — during which process it emits from the bung- hole of the casks which contain it a gas highly offensive, and even inflammable, it becomes Chap. II. THE BACK-WOODS. 39 the clearest, the sweetest, and most wholesome water that can be taken to sea — so does the same sort of clarification and the same results take place in the moral feelings of the crowds of emigrants I have described. For a short time, on their arrival at their various locations, they fancy, or rather they i-eally and truly feel, more or less strongly, that there is something very fine in the theory of having apparently got rid of all the musty ma terials of " Church and State ;" and revelling in this sentiment, they for a short time enjoy the novel luxury of being able to dress as they like, do as they like, go where they like. They appreciate the happiness of living in a land in which the Old Country's servile cus tom of touching the hat does not exist, in which everj^ carter and waggoner rides instead of walks, and in which there are no purse- proud millionnaires, no dukes, duchesses, lords, ladies, parsons, parish-officers, beadles, poor- law commissioners, or paupers ; no tithes and no taxes. But after the mind, like the Thames water, has continued for a sufficient time in this state of pleasing fermentation, the feelings I have 40 THE BACK-WOODS. Chap. II. just described begin graduaUy to subside. Some fly away, and some crawl away ; some evaporate, and some sink, until the judgment, his best friend, clearly points out to the emi grant that, after all, "liberty and equality," like many other resplendent substances, con tain in their compositions a considerable quan tity of alloy. One of the first wants, like a flower in the wilderness, that springs up in the mind of a backwoodsman, is to attend occasionally a place of worship. Solitude has first slightly intro duced, and has then welcomed to his mind, more serious reflections than any it had pre viously entertained. The thunder and the lightning of heaven, the sudden storms, the intense cold, the magnificent colouring of the sky, the buoyant air, the gorgeous sunsets, one after another, have sometimes sternly and sometimes smilingly imparted to him truths which have gradually explained to him that there is something very fearful as well as fal lacious in the idea of any human being boast ing to himself of being "independent" of that power so eminently conspicuous in the wilderness of America ! Chap. IL THE BACK-WOODS. 4 1 As soon as this want has taken firm root in the heart, it soon produces its natural fruit. The emigrants meet, consult, arrange with each other, subscribe according to their means a few dollars, a few pounds, or a few hundred pounds (one of the most powerful axe-men in Upper Canada expended on this object upwards of a thousand pounds) ; the simple edifice rapidly grows up — is roofed in — is furnished with benches — until at last on some bright sabbath- day, a small bell, fixed within a little turret on its summit, is heard slowly tolling in the forest. From various directions sleighs and waggons, each laden with at least one man, a woman or two, and some little children, are seen converg ing towards it ; and it would be impossible to describe the overwhelming feelings of the various members of the congregation of both sexes, and of all ages, when their selected and respected minister, clad in a decent white sur plice, for the first time opens his lips, to pro nounce to them those well-known words which declare that when the wicked man turneth away from the wickedness he has committed, and doeth that which is lawful and right, he shall save his soul alive. 42 THE BACK-WOODS. Chap. II. The thunder and the hurricane have now lost all their terrors, the sunshine has suddenly become a source of legitimate enjoyment, the rude log-hut an abode of happiness and con tentment, and thus the emigrant every day more and more appreciates the blessing which is rewarding him for having erected in the wilderness his own established church. Among the various good feelings that sub sequently vegetate in his mind, is that of filial attachment to Old England, The banished heart first yearns for the crooked lanes, green fields, and rosy cheeks which adorn the surface of the old country ; and then, not satisfied with loving the land, it soon learns to love all who live in it. But while these British sentiments are growing, local politics first assail and soon apparently entirely engross the emigrant's attention. He has perhaps applied to be made a magistrate, and has seen his neighbour ap pointed instead ; he has written to the Governor for a patent for the land he is clearing, and has received no answer ; his nearest neighbour and intimate friend is a reformer, who has told him that " Reform" would very likely give Chap. II. THE BACK- WOODS. 43 him a road, would perhaps get him some ap pointment ; would indemnify him in some way for the cow that died ; in short, he under stands, and firmly believes, that any change would do him good, and that even if it did not, at all events it would be a change; and so, he is ready to vote for the man that is already promising to effect " a change." Now it is almost inconceivable how eagerly the backwoodsman engages in local politics of this nature. Every angry word he utters in flames his own angry feelings. He disputes with one neighbour, and allies himself with another ; and as neither the one nor the other, nor any of them, have any knowledge of what is really going on at the seat of Government, except what they read in provincial newspapers, which are often of the vilest description, a murmur is created which, by people in Eng land who do not understand emigrants' lan guage, is supposed very clearly to threaten separation from the mother country ! Whereas, the moment that question is undisguisedly pro posed, the whole fabric of local politics falls to the ground ; party feelings are forgotten, and from all directions the Irishman, Scotchman, 44 THE BACK-WOODS. Chap. II. and Englishman, are seen worming their way through the trees, to join together hand in hand to maintain connexion with " Old England," whom it may truly be said they love infinitely more dearly and more devotedly than do her own children at home. With respect to the Canadian population the same feelings exist. They dispute and quarrel among each other quite as vigorously as their brethren from the old country ; yet although they have never seen our green lanes, and can therefore have no filial attachment to them, they are most decidedly more proud of the title of " British subjects " than people are in Eng land ; and for this plain reason, that having throughout their whole lives had an opportunity not only of beholding immediately before their eyes, but of studying the fallacy of " Repub lican government," they infinitely better under stand and appreciate than we do the inestimable superiority of British institutions. In no part of the world which it has been my fortune to visit have I ever met with a body of British subjects more enlightened and unprejudiced than the native-born Upper Cana dians, Chap. II. THE BACK-WOODS. 45 They have English blood in their veins — have English tongues, English hearts, English heads — have received an English education, and are well versed in English history. But with an Englishman's average stock of know ledge, they are divested of many of his preju dices. On the subject of government they are infinitely more enlightened than he is; not instinctively or intuitively, but simply because, from the days of their childhood, they have enjoyed advantages of observing both sides of a most important question, of which English men can only see one. In short, as political engineers, understanding the mechanism of democracy as well as that of monarchy, they see infinitely clearer than our great statesmen in England possibly can do how subtle and minute are the changes by which the latter system can eventually be converted into the former. For instance, an Englishman improperly deals with British institutions as our sailors very properly treat a seventy-four gun ship. If any trifling object appears on the ocean, they all run in a body either to windward or to leeward, for they know the old ship will 46 THE BACK- WOODS. Chap. II. bear it. The carpenter makes an incision here, and with a sledge hammer drives a spike- naU in there. He clears the decks for action ; musketry and grape stick in this bulwark, cannon shot go slap through that, but the good old ship does not feel it : in fact, if the master wiU but keep her off the rocks, her crew truly declare there is no rough usage that can hurt her. And so it is with many of our great :md good men in England. They see no harm, as regards the safety of British in stitutions, in taking out a little screw here, and in cutting asunder a plank there; see nothing to fear in pecking a stone or two out of this arch, or in diminishing the thickness of that old-fashioned beam, " A little exten sion of suffrage," they say, " surely can't hurt a great country like this ! A concession or two to public opinion will surely do no harm ; in short, if we oppose actual revolution, there is no moderately rough treatment that our insti tutions are not strong enough to bear," On the other hand, an Upper Canadian deals with British institutions as an Indian manages his bark canoe. The red pilot is not afraid of the storm, but Chap. II. THE BACK-WOODS. 47 he unceasingly watches every approaching wave, takes care to sit exactly in the middle of his band-box, not to rise up in it too sud denly, to step along it lightly, and above all, never to drop into it any heavy weight that might shiver or even shake the bottom of the frail bark ; and thus he manages to traverse waves in which many a stout vessel has foun dered. A very few facts will practically exemplify the meaning of the latter comparison. Within a week after my arrival at Toronto, I had to receive an address from the Speaker and Commons' House of Assembly; and on inquiring in what manner I was to perform my part in the ceremony allotted to me, I was informed that I was to sit very still on a large scarlet chair with my hat on. The first half was evidently an easy job ; but the latter part was really revolting to my habits and feelings, and as I thought I ought to try and govern by my head and not by my hat, I felt convinced that the former would risk nothing by being for a few minutes divorced from the latter, and accordingly I determined 48 THE BACK-WOODS. Chap. II. with white gloves to hold the thing in my hands ; and several of my English party quite agreed with me in thinking my project not only an innocent but a virtuous act of common courtesy : however, I happened to mention my intention to an Upper Canadian, and never shall I forget the look of silent scorn with which he listened to me. I really quite quailed beneath the reproof, which, without the utter ance of a word, and after scanning me from head to foot, his mild intelligent faithful coun tenance read to me, and which but too clearly expressed — " What ! to purchase five minutes' loathsome popularity, will you barter one of the few remaining prerogatives of the British Crown ? Will you, for the vain hope of con ciliating insatiable Democracy, meanly sell to it one of the distinctions of your station? Miserable man ! beware, before it be too late, of surrendering piecemeal that which it is your duty to maintain, and for which, after aU, you wiU only receive in exchange contumely and contempt !" I remained for a few seconds as mute as my Canadian Mentor, and then, without taking Chap. II. THE BACK-WOODS. 49 any notice of the look with which he had been chastising me, I spoke to him on some other subjects, but I did not forget the picture I had seen, and accordingly my hat was tight enough on my head when the Speaker bowed to it, and I shall ever feel indebted to that man for the sound political lesson which he taught me, I could mention many similar reproofs which I verbally received from native-born Cana dians, especially one which very strongly con demned me for a desire I had innocently enter tained to go once — merely as a compliment — to the Presbyterian church, which, when quar tered in Scotland, I had often attended ; but I was gravely admonished by the son ofthe soil on which I stood, that, although I ought to protect all churches, yet, as the representative of the Established Church, I ought to take part in no other service but my own ; and a few moments' reflection told me that he was right ; and as a further illustration of this transatlantic doctrine, I may state that when the bold, venerable, and respected leader of the Church of England in Upper Canada was lately appointed " Bishop of Toronto," he was not only immediately ad- D 50 THE BACK-WOODS. Chap. II. dressed by the title of " My Lord," but his humble dweUing was, and to this day is, de signated " The Palace," for the simple reason that the emigrants and native-born inhabitants of the province saw no reason for being ashamed of British institutions, or of the dis tinctions which characterize them ; and yet how astonishing it is that people in England, both Whigs and Tories, will persist in de claring that monarchical pomp cannot possibly be popular in our British North American Colonies, and therefore that it ought not to be maintained there ! In reply to this incorrect, unsound, and most unfortunate doctrine, I will, to what I have just stated, only add, that the Irish, Scotch, English, and native inhabitants of Canada, appeared to me to be quite as anxious that I should ride good horses as I was myself — that they liked to see a well-appointed carriage, and that though it be a highly popular, it is really a vulgar error to believe, that if I had ridden about in a shooting jacket, distributing stunted nods and talking through my nose, I should have prevented the rebellion. Whereas on the contrary, I found the general feeling of the Chap. II. THE BACK- WOODS. 51 Canadian people to be, that if, contrary to the policy with which they had been so long afflicted, I would but avow uncompromising hatred to democracy ; if I would but oppose, for them, irresponsible, or, as it is jeeringly termed, "responsible" government; in short, if I would maintain the prerogatives of the British mo narchy, they would maintain its glorious insti tutions ; and accordingly, as soon as I printed and circulated throughout the province the following words : — " The people of Upper Canada detest de mocracy, revere their constitutional charter, and are staunch in allegiance to their king, "Never will I allow the power and pa tronage of this thinly-peopled province to be transferred from His Majesty's representative to the domination of ' a Provincial Ministry,' an irresponsible and self-constituted cabinet" — The moment I published the above decla ration, the British emigrants and the Canadian people rose almost en masse, and drove from their house of representatives Mr. Bidwell, Mr, McKenzie, and every other prominent sup porter of "responsible" government. D 2 52 THE BACK-WOODS. Chap. II. And yet, notwithstanding this undeniable historical fact, strange to say, thousands of great and good men in England, of all parties, persist in believing, as obstinately as ever, that our noble institutions are unsuited to the soil of America ! ( 53 ) Chapter III, SERGEANT NEILL. The breaking up of the ice in the rivers of North America is one of the most wonderful operations exhibited by nature on that Conti ¦ nent. By the beginning of April, although the sun has attained very considerable power, yet the ice in the rivers is so thick, and its temperature so many degrees below freezing, that little or no effect is produced upon it in the middle of the stream. The banks, however, of the river receiving heat from the sun, treacherously melt that portion of the ice which immediately touches them, and this operation continues until a space of blue water intervenes between the shore and the ice sufficient to prevent any one from passing on foot from the one to the other, and yet, long after this period, the ice in the middle of the stream remains strong enough to bear artillery or carriages of any weight. 54 SERGEANT NEILL. Chap. HI. Now, it is evident that if a river through out its course were straight and of equal breadth, the current, without waiting unril the sun should melt the ice, would carry it bodily away into the ocean so soon as the banks ceased to hold it. Rivers, however, being more or less tortuous, and containing generally little islands and rocks, it became necessary for Nature to resort to an admixture in about equal parts of fair means and foul, or, in other words, to combine the persuasive powers of the sun with the rude violence of the torrent, and thus the dense stratum of ice which covers the surface of the river finds itself between two powerful enemies, one of which, by the constant application of heat, is trying to melt it, while the other, as it glides beneath it, is exerting a never-ceasing effort to drag it towards the sea. Any one who in swimming down a stream has ever chanced to grasp the branch of a tree over hanging the banks, has no doubt found it almost impossible to hold on, and even if the palm of the hand be applied to the surface of running water, a rude guess may be made of the force which a large river throughout its Chap. III. SERGEANT NEILL. 55 whole course must exert against a covering of ice which, standing stock still, refuses to par take of its course. As the sun strengthens, the velocity and power of the current is hourly increased by the melting of the snow, which, by wrenching the ice upwards, isolates it, excepting at particular bends and turns of the river, which retain or jam the whole mass. At these fortresses, as they may be termed, the pressure on the ice becomes immense ; bit after bit breaks, until each obstruction having given way, the whole mass is retained at some single point only. This last conflict between the elements of nature is truly terrific ; fields ofice are forced upon the land, and then grinding, squeezing, undermining, and raising each other, continue to form impending rocks from 50 to 80 feet high ! While the resistance of the ice is daily decreasing, the strength of the never-tiring current is hourly increasing, until by the swelling of the water the ice is either lifted above the insular obstruction that impeded it, or, unable any longer to resist, it is forcibly rent asunder. The hour of victory has then arrived, the spring of another new 56 SEEGEANT NEILL. Chap. III. year has once again conquered the winter ; the hquid water has overcome its frozen enemy, and the whole of the ice, writhing and break ing up in all directions, like a vanquished army, at first slowly surrenders its position, and then by a '^ sauve-qui-peut" movement retreats in confusion proportionate to its mass, I happened twice to succeed in witnessing the breaking up of the ice of the Humber, a small river in the neighbourhood of Toronto. The floods which had wrenched up the ice had floated a large quantity of timber of every possible description, and as soon as the great movement commenced, these trees and the ice were hurried before my eyes in indescribable confusion. Every piece of ice, whatever might be its shape or size, as it proceeded, was either revolving horizontally, or rearing up on end until it reeled over ; sometimes a tree, striking against the bottom, would slowly rise up, and for a moment stand erect as if it grew out of the river ; at other times it would, apparently for variety's sake, stand on its head with its roots uppermost and then turn over ; sometimes the ice as it proceeded would rise up like a house and chimneys, and then rolling head Chap. III. SERGEANT NEILL. 57 over heels, sink, and leave in its place clear water. In a few hours, however, this turmoil was completely at an end, the torrent had subsided, the stream had returned to its ordinary limits, and nothing remained to tell of the struggle and the chance-medley confusion I had wit nessed but some white little islands of ice, intermixed with dark masses of timber, floating off the mouth of the river in the deep blue lake. In the different regions of the globe which it has been my fortune to visit, I have always experienced great pleasure in pausing for a few minutes at the various spots which have been distinguished by some feat or other of British enterprise, British mercy, British ho nesty, British generosity, or British valour. About the time I was in Canada a trifling circumstance occurred on the breaking up of the ice, which I feel proud to record. In the middle of the great St. Lawrence there is, nearly opposite Montreal, an island called St, Helens, between which and the shore 1)3 58 SEEGEANT NEILL. Chap. III. the stream, about three quarters of a mile broad, runs with very great rapidity, and yet, notwithstanding this current, the intense cold of winter invariably freezes its surface. The winter I am speaking of was unusuaUy severe, and the ice on the St. Lawrence par ticularly thick; however, while the river be neath was rushing towards the sea, the ice was waiting in abeyance in the middle of the stream until the narrow fastness between Montreal and St. Helens should burst and allow the whole mass to break into pieces, and then in stupendous confusion to hurry down wards towards Quebec, On St, Helens there was quartered a small detachment of troops, and while the breaking up of the ice was momently expected, many of the soldiers, muffled in their great-coats with thick storm-gloves on their hands, and with a piece of fur attached to their caps to protect their ears from being frozen, were on the ice employed in attending to the road across it to Montreal. After a short suspense, which increased rather than allayed their excitement, a deep thundering noise announced to them that the Chap. III. SEEGEANT NEILL. 59 process I have described had commenced. The ice before them writhed, heaved up, burst, broke into fragments, and the whole mass, ex cepting a small portion, which remaining riveted to the shore of St. Helens formed an artificial pier with deep water beneath it, gra dually moved downwards. Just at this moment of intense interest, a little girl, the daughter of an artilleryman on the island, was seen on the ice in the middle ofthe river in an attitude of agony and alarm. Imprudently and unobserved she had attempted to cross over to Montreal, and was hardly half way when the ice both above, below her, and in all directions, gave way. The child's fate seemed inevitable, and it was exciting various sensations in the minds, and various exclamar tions from^ the mouths of the soldiers, when something within the breast of Thomas Neill, a young sergeant in the 24th regiment, who happened to be much nearer to her than the rest, distinctly uttered to him the monosyllar bles " Quick, march !" and in obedience thereto, fixing his eyes on the child as on a parade bandarole, he steadily proceeded towards her. Sometimes just before him, sometimes just 60 SEEGEANT NEILL. Chap. III. behind him, and sometimes on either side, an immense piece of ice would pause, rear up an end, and roll over, so as occasionally to hide him altogether from view. Sometimes he was seen jumping from a piece that was beginning to rise, and then, like a white bear carefully clambering down a piece that was beginning to sink, however, onwards he proceeded, until reaching the little island of ice on which the poor child stood, with the feelings of calm triumph with which he would have surmounted a breach, he firmly grasped her by the hand. By this time he had been floated down the river nearly out of sight of his comrades. However, some of them, having run to their barracks for spy-glasses, distinctly beheld him about two miles below them, sometimes leading the child in his hand, sometimes carrying her in his arms, sonietimes "halting," sometimes running " double quick ;" and in this dan gerous predicament he continued for six miles, until, after passing Longeuil, he was given up by his comrades as — lost. He remained with the little girl floating down the middle of the river for a considerable time ; at last, towards evening, they were dis- Chap. III. SEEGEANT NEILL. 6 1 covered by some French Canadians, who, at no small risk, humanely pushed off" in a canoe to their assistance, and thus rescued them both from thefr perilous situation. The Canadians took them to their home ; at last, in due time, they returned to St, Helens. The child was happily restored to its parents, and Sergeant Neill quietly returned to his barracks. Colour-Sergeant William Delaney, and Pri vate George Morgan, of the 24th Regiment, now at Chatham, were eye-witnesses of the above occurrence. ( 62 ) Chapter IV. THE GEENADIEES' POND. Whenever a man has a favourite propensity, good or evil, it matters not a straw, his mind is always exceedingly clever in finding out reasons for its indulgence; and accordingly, as soon as I commenced my duties at Toronto, something within me strenuously advised that I should every day take a good long ride. " You will never," said my mentor, " be able to get through your business without it ! Your constitution will become enervated ; you will get sallow, yellow, bitter-minded, sour- tempered ; you will die if you don't take your usual exercise ! " Not wishing to be considered obstinate, I yielded to this advice, and I believe I may say that, up to the period of the rebellion, I never departed from it for a single day: indeed I am confident that, under Providence, the preservation of my health has been the reward of my dutiful obedience. Chap. IV. THE GRENADIERS' POND. 63 In Canada, as soon as the hand of winter paints the ground white, everybody, muffled in fur, instinctively steps into a sleigh ; and as matter, philosophers say, cannot occupy two places at the same time, it follows that nobody can be seen on what sailors call " the outside of a horse." To this rule, however, I formed, I believe, a solitary exception. Whether it was hot or cold — whether it rained, blew, or froze, sooner or later I ma naged every day, unattended by any one, to get a canter through the dark pine-forest which immediately surrounds Toronto, and then across the Humber Plains, a distance of about fourteen miles. In spring, summer, and autumn, this whole some exercise was indescribably delightful, especially because its solitude afforded me op portunity quietly to reflect on various subjects which were weighing heavily on my mind. In winter this recreation was also highly ex hilarating; but as I was constantly detained by business until the blood-red sun was within a few inches of the horizon, and had therefore oftentimes to ride through the forest in the dark, it was necessary to take due precaution 64 THE GRENADIERS' POND. Chap. IV. to prevent being frozen; and, indeed, after being all day in a house heated by a stove, I found that it occasionally required some little resolution to face a temperature occasionally forty or fifty degrees below freezing. However, as soon as through the double windows of my room I saw my horse walking backwards and forwards, waiting for me, I always felt en couraged to make my toilette, of which I will only say that, like that of a Turkish lady, it left little but my eyes uncovered. This protection I found quite impervious to the weather ; and although if I had lost one of my fur gloves I should have lost a hand, and if I had been stripped of my fur coat, should have been frozen, yet as no such accidents were likely to befall me, I proceeded in daylight or in darkness along my usual track, the sensation of cantering through snow very nearly resem bling that of riding across ploughed land. One lovely day in spring I had crossed the Humber Plains, which in high beauty were covered with shrubs, little flowers of various descriptions — wild strawberries, wild rasp berries, and immense scarlet tiger-lilies in full bloom, and I had reached the shore of Lake Chap. IV. THE GRENADIERS' POND. 65 Ontario at a point about three miles from To ronto, when I saw immediately before me a group of men stooping down to raise from the ground something which, on my riding up to them, proved to be an enormous land-tortoise, which had burrowed into the sand of the beach. After laying the creature on its back the men continued with their hands to excavate the sand in search, as they told me, of eggs ; and accord ingly in a short time they brought to light almost a hat full of them, as round as, and about the size of canister shot. On conversing with the men, I found that, as payment for her eggs, they were going to roast the poor mother — an unjust arrangement, which by a little money I managed to prevent; and I had scarcely pro ceeded a hundred yards when I came to two men standing still, and holding between them a weak-looking middle-aged man, who did not appear to be offering any resistance, and whose countenance, the moment I beheld it, pro claimed that he was insane. " What had we better do with this poor fel low?" said one of his captors to me; "he wants to make away with himself, and says he is determined to drown himself, either in the Lake or in the Grenadiers' Pond here ! " 66 THE GEENADIEES' POND. Chap. IV. Now, the beautiful blue Lake, covered with a healthy ripple, and extending as far as the eye could reach, was close to us ; and on the other side, within fifty yards of us, there was hidden in the forest a horrid miry little spot, called the Grenadiers' Pond, because a party of English soldiers, in endeavouring, during the war, to cross it in a boat, had been upset, and after floundering in the mud had sunk in it, and were there still. Poor fellows ! I had often shuddered at their fate, as I looked at the spot, — an image of John Bunyan's " Slough of Despond." As there was no asylum for lunatics in the province, it required some few moments' con sideration to determine what to do; at last, after a short conversation with the men, I ar ranged with them that they should take their prisoner to the hospital at Toronto ; and as I had to ride by it in my way home, I told them I would see that, by the time they arrived, proper arrangements should be made for treat ing him with kindness and attention. The poor maniac paid no attention whatever to what we were saying : he offered no resist ance ; made not the slightest effort to escape ; but never shall I forget the wistful expression Chap. IV. THE GRENADIERS' POND. 67 of countenance with which he kept turning his haggard face sometimes towards the blue Lake, and sometimes towards the bank which concealed from us the Grenadiers' Pond; in short, it was painfully evident that the affec tions of this nameless, friendless being were, as nearly as possible, divided between both, and that, weaned from every other attachment to this world, or to the next, his agonising dis traction solely proceeded from the difficulty of determining which of two delightful resting places to prefer; indeed, so strong was his in fatuation, that as the two men led him between them before me, a stranger would have fancied tliat, instead of leading him away from death, we were conducting him to execution; — that his wife and children were behind him ; and that he was looking back, first over one shoul der, and then over another, to offer them one more blessing, and to bid them another — and then another — last — " farewell ! " When the party reached the hospital, they found everything ready for the man's recep tion, and next morning I was happy to learn that he appeared perfectly calm and tranquil. On the following day, however, when I in- 68 THE GRENADIERS' POND. Chap. IV. quired, I was informed that he had managed a few hours ago to escape, and that he was gone — they knew not where ! I knew well enough where he was gone, and it being in my daily track, I immediately rode to the point I have described, between the Lake and the Grenadiers' Pond. He was not there; but it was afterwards ascertained that, within an hour after he had escaped from the hospital, a man exactly answering his description had been seen walking hurriedly up and down the narrow space I have described, and that when the person who had passed him turned his head back to look for him, he had, to his sur prise, completely disappeared ! If he had gone into the lake, his body, in due time, would have been washed on shore ; but as this did not happen, well knowing where he was, I often rode to the Grenadiers' Pond to indulge for a few moments in feelings SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF A POOR LUNATIC, ( 69 ) Chapter V, THE EMIGRANT'S LARK. Henry Patterson and his wife Elizabeth sailed from the Tower in the year 1834, as emigrants on board a vessel heavily laden with passengers, and bound to Quebec. Patterson was an intimate friend of a noted bird-catcher in London called " Charley Nash." Now Nash had determined to make his friend a present of a good skylark to take to Canada with him ; but not having what he called " a real good un" among his collection, he went into the country on purpose to trap one. In this effort he succeeded, but when he returned to London he found that his friend Patterson had embarked, and that the vessel had sailed a few hours before he reached the Tower Stairs, He therefore jumped on board a steamer that was just starting, and overtook the ship just as she reached Gravesend, where he hired a small boat, and then sculling alongside, he was soon 70 THE EMIGRANTS LARK. Chap. V. recognised by Patterson and his wife, who with a crowd of other male and female emigrants, of all ages, were taking a last farewell of the various objects which the vessel was slowly passing. " Here 's a bird for you, Harry," said Nash to Patterson, as standing up in the skiff he took the frightened captive out of his hat, " and if it sings as well in a cage as it did just now in the air, it will be the best you have ever heard." Patterson, descending a few steps from the gangway, stretched out his hand and received the bird, which he immediately called " Char ley" in remembrance of his faithful friend Nash, In the Gulf of St, Lawrence the vessel was wrecked, almost every thing was lost except the lives of the crew and passengers, and ac cordingly when Patterson, with his wife hang ing heavily on his arm, landed in Canada, he was destitute of every thing he had owned on board excepting Charley, whom he had pre served and afterwards kept for three days in the foot of an old stocking. After some few sorrows, and after some Chap. V. THE EMIGRANTS LAEK. 7 1 little time, Patterson settled himself at Toronto, in the lower part of a small house in King Street, the principal thoroughfare of the town, where he worked as a shoemaker. His shop had a southern aspect ; he drove a nail into the outside of his window, and regularly every morning, just before he sat upon his stool to commence his daily work, he carefully hung upon this nail a common skylark's cage, which had a solid back of dark wood, with a bow or small wire orchestra in front, upon the bottom of which there was to be seen, whenever it could be procured, a fresh sod of green turf. As Charley's wings were of no use to him in this prison, the only wholesome exercise he could take was by hopping on and off his little stage ; and this sometimes he would con tinue to do most cheerfully for hours, stopping only occasionally to dip his bill into a small square tin box of water suspended on one side, and then to raise it for a second or two towards the sky. As soon, however, as (and only when his spirit moved him) this feathered captive again hopped upon his stage, and there, standing on a bit of British soil, with his little neck extended, his small head slightly 72 THE EMIGRANT'S LAEK. Chap. V. turned, his drooping wings gently fluttering, his bright black eyes intently fixed upon the distant deep, dark -blue Canada sky, he com menced his unpremeditated morning song, his extempore matin prayer ! The effect of his thrilling notes, of his shrill, joyous song, of his pure, unadulterated English voice upon the people of Canada cannot be described, and probably can only be imagined by those who either by adversity have been prematurely weaned from their mother country, or who, from long-continued absence from it, and from hope deferred, have learned in a foreign land to appreciate the inestimable blessings of their father-land, of their parent home. All sorts of men, riding, driving, walking, propelled by urgent business, or sauntering for appetite or amusement, as if by word of command, stopped spell-bound to listen, for more or less time, to the inspired warbling, to the joyful hallelujahs of a com mon homely-dressed English lark ! The loyal listened to him with the veneration with which they would have listened to the voice of their Sovereign ; reformers, as they leaned towards him, heard nothing in his enchanting melody Chap. V. THE EMIGRANT'S LARK. 73 which even they could desire to improve, I believe that in the hearts of the most obdurate radicals he reanimated feelings of youthful attachraent to their mother country ; and that even the trading Yankee, in whose country birds of the most gorgeous plumage snuffle rather than sing, must have acknowledged that the heaven-born talent of this little bird unaccountably warmed the Anglo-Saxon blood that flowed in his veins. Nevertheless, whatever others may have felt, I must own that, al though I always refrained from joiningCharley's motley audience, yet, while he was singing, I never rode bj' him without acknowledging, as he stood with his outstretched neck looking to heaven, that he was (at all events, for his size) the most powerful advocate of Church and State in Her Majesty's dominions; and that his eloquence was as strongly appreciated by others, Patterson received many convincing proofs. Three times as he sat beneath the cage, proud as Lucifer, yet hammering away at a shoe-sole lying in purgatory on his lap-stone, and then, with a waxed thread in each hand, suddenly extending his elbows, like a scara- E 74 THE EMIGRANT'S LARK. Chap. V- mouch ; three times was he interrupted in his work by people who each separately offered him one hundred dollars for his lark : an old farmer repeatedly offered him a hundred acres of land for him; and a poor Sussex carter who had imprudently stopped to hear him sing, was so completely overwhelmed with affection and maladie du pays, that, walking into the shop, he offered for him all he pos sessed in the world . , . , his horse and cart ; but Patterson would sell him to no one. On the evening of the — th of October, 1 837, the shutters of Patterson's shop-windows were half closed, on account of his having that morning been accidentally shot dead on the island opposite the city. The widow's pro spects were thus suddenly ruined, her hopes blasted, her goods sold, and I need hardly say that I made myself the owner — the lord and the master of poor Patterson's lark. It was my earnest desire, if possible, to better his condition, and I certainly felt very proud to possess him ; but somehow or other this "Charley-is-my-darling" sort of feeling evidently was not reciprocal. Whether it was that in the conservatory of Government House Chap, V. THE EMIGRANT'S LARK. 75 at Toronto Charley missed the sky — whether it was that he disliked the movement, or rather want of movement, in my elbows — or whether from some mysterious feelings, some strange fancy or misgiving, the chamber of his little mind was hung with black, I can only say that during the three months he remained in my service I could never induce him to open his mouth, and that up to the last hour of my departure he would never sing to me. On leaving Canada I gave him to Daniel Orris, an honest, faithftil, loyal friend, who had accompanied me to the province. His station in life was about equal to that of poor Patterson ; and accordingly, so soon as the bird was hung by him on the outside of his humble dwelling, he began to sing again as exquisitely as ever. He continued to do so all through Sir George Arthur's administration. He sang all the time Lord Durham was at work — he sang after the Legislative Council — the Execu tive Council — the House of Assembly of the province had ceased for ever to exist — he sang all the while the Imperial Parliament were framing and agreeing to an Act by which even e2 76 THE EMIGRANT'S LARK. Chap. V. the name of Upper Canada was to cease to exist — he sang all the while Lords John Russell and Sydenham were arranging, effect ing, and perpetuating upon the United Pro vinces of Canada the baneful domination of what they called "responsible government;" and then, feeling that the voice of an English lark could no longer be of any service to that noble portion of Her Majesty's dominions — he died! Orris sent me his skin, his skull, and his legs, I took them to the very best artist in London — the gentleman who stuffs for the British Museum— who told me to my great joy that these remains were perfectly unin jured. After listening with great professional interest to the case, he promised me that he would exert his utmost talent ; and in about a month Charley returned to me with unruffled plumage, standing again on the little orchestra of his cage, with his mouth open, looking upwards — in short, in the attitude of singing, just as I have described him. I have had the whole covered with a large glass case, and upon the dark wooden back of the cage there is pasted a piece of white Chap. V. THE EMIGRANT'S LAEK. Tl paper, upon which I have written the follow ing words: — THIS LARK, TAKEN TO CANADA BT A POOR EMIGRANT, ¦WAS SHIp-WRECKED IN THE ST. LA-WRENCE, AND AFTER SINGING AT TORONTO FOR NINE YEARS, DIED THERE ON THE 14tH OF MARCH, 1843, UNIVERSALLY REGRETTED, Home ! Home ! Sweet Home ! ( 78 ) Chapter VI, THE LONG TEOT. When an engineer has to construct, in a fo reign country, a work of magnitude upon which his reputation must stand or fall, his first object should be, by repeated trials, to ascertain the quality of the timber, iron, stone, lime, cement, and other materials of which his work is to be composed. The same precaution is evidently necessary in the administration of the government of an important colony ; and accordingly my princi pal endeavour during the time I was in Canada was to make myself acquainted with the anta gonist opinions, dissenting sects, and conflict ing interests, as represented by the conglome rated population of the Province, As my despatches were almost invariably written at night, for upwards of two years I was principally occupied in receiving for six days in the week, from ten in the morning till Chap. VI. THE LONG TROT, 79 three or four o'clock in the afternoon, whoever might desire to see me; and as everybody had either some little grievance to complain of, some little favour to ask, or some slight curiosity to become acquainted with me — in short, some small excuse for a holiday-trip to Toronto, my waiting-room was almost con stantly supplied with a round-robin list of attendants, to which there was apparently no end. I need hardly say that I had some endless, objectless, miserably-unimportant, and conse quently most wearisome stories to listen to; and that the bulk of the business, if such it could be termed, would have been infinitely better transacted by written memorials, to be carefully examined and reported on, by the various departments to which each respectively belonged. On the other hand, though I was often much fatigued by giving attention to such a variety of minute statements, many of which had nei ther head nor tail, and which were quite as confusedly understood by the various explain- ants as they were by me; yet I always felt it to be of infinite service to me thus to learn 80 THE LONG TROT. Chap. VI. from their own mouths whatever the inhabit ants of the Province might have to complain of; and that a little patience, a few sentences of explanation, and a few words of kindness, were seeds well worth the trouble of sowing. But although by this dull routine I became personally acquainted with most of those who could afford the enjoyment of a journey to Toronto, yet there were, of course, many emi grants in the remote districts whose purses and whose occupations tethered them to their locations. From some of these I was in the habit of receiving letters on all sorts of sub jects ; and although it was occasionally not a very easy task to decipher them, it was very gratifying to me, after a careful analysis of their contents, to ascertain what very trifling grounds of complaint they contained : indeed, I believe that in many cases the grievance was not half equal to the trouble of describing it. Some evidently did not know in what form to begin or end their epistle ; and some who had managed to ascertain this, had really nothing to put in the middle of it. In short, I was ad dressed in all sorts of ways, and with all sorts of requests ; as a sample of which I will insert Chap. VI. THE LONG TEOT. 8 1 the following very reasonable letter which I received from an old soldier of the 49th : — « 29ih March, 1837. " May it plase your Honor and glory, for iver more. Amen! "I, James Ketsoe, Formly belonging to the 49 Regt. of Foot, -was sent to this contry in 1817 by his Majesty Gorge the Forth to git land for myself and boys; but my boys -was to small, but Plase your Honor now the Can work, so I hope your honor wold be so good to a low them Land, because the are Intitle to land by Lord Bathus. I was spaking to His Lord Ship in his one office in Downing Street, London, and he tould to beshure I wold Git land for my boys. Plase your Honor, I was spaking to Lord Almor before he went home about the land for my boys, and he sed to beshure I was Intitle to it. " Lord Almor was Captain in the one Regt., that is, the Old 49th Regt. foot. Plase your Honor, I hope you will doe a old Solder Justis. God bless you and your family. " Your most humble Sarvint, "James Ketsoe." " N.B. — Plase your Honor, I hope you will excuse my Vulgar way of -writing to you, but these is hard times. Governor, so I hope you will send me an answer.'' To these various applications I gave the clearest answers in my power ; but knowing E 3 82 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VI. that a visit to my malcontents would give much more satisfaction than any letters I could write to them, I resolved to inspect every dis trict in the province, and accordingly, during the two summers I was in Canada, I employed myself in this duty. The plan I pursued was, to give notice of the time and place at which I proposed to enter each district ; and accordingly, on my arrival, I generally found assembled, on horseback, people of all conditions, who, generally from good feelings, and occasionally from curiosity, had determined to accompany me through their respective townships. The pace I traveUed at, from morning till five or six o'clock in the evening, was a quiet, steady, unrelenting trot ; and in this way I pro ceeded many hundred miles, listening some times to one description of politics and some times to another — sometimes to an anecdote and sometimes to a complaint — sometimes to a compliment and sonietimes, though very rarely, to observations evidently proceeding from a moral region "on the north side of friendly," I thus visited all the cities, towns, and Chap, VI, THE LONG TROT. 83 largest villages : all the principal locations — The Rideau, St, Lawrence, and Welland canals ; all the public works, the macadamised roads, plank roads, corduroy roads, the great harbours, Hght-houses, and the great rivers, I went down the rapids of the Trent in a bark canoe, — down the Ottawa water-slide on a raft, with the lumberers ; in fact, I traversed the wilder ness of Canada in various directions, from the extreme east to the extreme west, and visited Lakes Huron, Erie, Simcoe, and Ontario, But although the features of the country were highly interesting, the experience I valued most of all was the moral and political information I was enabled to collect from the numerous persons who were good enough to ride along with me, and whom I always found as ready to instruct me as I was to learn ; in short, quite as willing to couch from my eyes the film of ignorance and prejudice as I was to submit — so far as it could rudely be done at a trot — to the operation. It would not only make a large volume, but an exceedingly dull one, were I to describe in detail the various public works I inspected, the scenes I visited, or the facts and opinions I 84 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VI. collected ; I will therefore briefly make but a few unconnected observations. Although every foreigner, the instant he lands in England, is struck with the evidence displayed before him, in every direction, of the wealth and energy of the British people, yet a much more striking exemplification of both is to be seen by any one who will carefully sur vey a British colony. For instance, the growth of the colony of Upper Canada demonstrates beyond all doubt the extraordinary vigour of its parent state. Fifty years ago, the region in question, which is considerably larger than England and W^ales, and which is bounded by five or six of the largest States of the adjoining republic, was a splendid wilderness of deep rich soil, covered with trees — pine, beech, birch, cedar, and oak, of unusual girth and height, under the branches of which there existed, almost hidden from the rays of the sun, the wild beasts of the forest, and their lords and masters, a few red Indians, who, with no fixed abodes, rambled through the trees as freely as the wind, which " goeth where it listeth." In the hidden recesses of this vast wilderness, Chap. VI. THE LONG TEOT. 85 man and beast, unseen by any living witness, were occasionally desperately engaged in single combat. The Indian sometimes was hungry — sometimes was gorged — sometimes, emerging from the -wilderness, he stood for a moment gazing at the splendid interminable ocean of fresh water before him ; and then, diving again into the forest, he would traverse it for hundreds of miles in search of game, or of friends whose hunting grounds, as well as innumerable other localities, were clearly traced on the tablet of his mind ; in short, he was acquainted with the best salt-licks — he knew where to go for bears or for beavers, for fish, flesh, or fur, and he knew how to steer his course to com mune with " the Great Spirit" at that solemn place of worship, the falls of Niagara ; never theless, with all his instinct and intelligence, the vast country he inhabited remained unal tered and even untouched, except by his foot as he rambled across it. Upon this strange scene of unadulterated, uncontaminated nature, a solitary white man's face intruded ; and within the short, fleeting space of half a century, what an extraordinary change has he effected ! 86 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VI. Upwards of half a million of his race are now busily cultivating the country, and in various other ways reaping the golden harvests of their industry. Cities and towns, composed of substantial brick or stone houses, and lighted with gas, have arisen, as it were by magic, from the ground. Magnificent harbours have been for tified, valuable fisheries and timber trade established, and mines in operation. On macadamised roads upwards of 200,000/. has already been expended, as also an immense sum on plank roads. On inland navigation there has already been expended — on the Rideau Canal, upwards of a million sterling ; on the Welland Canal, nearly half a miUion; on the St. Lawrence Canal, more than 300,000/, ; on the Lachine Canal, about 100,000/. ; besides large sums on the Grand River Navigation, Tay Navigation, &c. Innumerable miUs of various descriptions have been constructed. A legislature has been created ; and by its power and authority, and under the blessing of sound religious establishments of various denominations, the supremacy of the law has, Chap. VI. THE LONG TEOT. 87 throughout the whole Province, been enabled to guard life and property as effectuaUy as they are protected in England, Lastly, and in addition to the above, a mil lion and a half sterling, the late loan from the mother-country, either has been expended or at this moment is expending on public works and improvements of various descrip tions ; and when it is considered that the region in question, in which, within the period stated, civilization has made more rapid strides than on any other portion of North America or of the habitable globe, is singularly gifted with a salubrious and exhilarating climate ; that it is connected not only with a series of the noblest fresh-water seas on the surface of the world, but with the colonies of Lower Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward's Island, and Newfoundland, which comprehend harbours, collieries, and fisheries of the most valuable description ; is it not aston ishing to reflect that there should exist British Statesmen, both Whigs and Tories, of great moral worth, who are disposed to argue that our North American colonies, the nursery for our seamen, the employers of our shipping, the 88 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VI. brightest jewel in the British Crown, are of no use ? Why, even if the cities, towns, villages, houses, farms, cleared land, fisheries, lumber- slides, mines, collieries, harbours, mills, light houses, canals, macadamized roads, fortifica tions, and various other public works and build ings which might be enumerated, were to be sold by public auction, the sum which all this British property would fetch in the market, enormous as it would be, would bear but little proportion to its real intrinsic value, inas much as in all new countries the value of every possession hourly increases with the swelling growth of the whole country : by which I mean, that while A is working with his axe in the wilderness, his location and his log-hut are improved in value by every neighbouring clearance, by the establishment of every ad joining mill; in fact, by every road, canal, village, town, city, or market of any de scription, constructed in any part of the country. But besides the present marketable value of our North American colonies, it is surely of inestimable importance, not only to Great Chap. VI, THE LONG TEOT. 89 Britain, but to the whole family of mankind, that the immense surplus population of our empire, instead of being every day cast adrift, as an infant is deserted by an unnatural mother — instead of being left without educa tion, religious, moral, or political, to the com mission of every possible crime, and thus to bring " sorrow, and sin, and shame " upon the English name — should be parentally conducted by the mother-country to a fertile, healthy, and happy country, inhabited by colonists who glory in the name of Britain — whose virtues and whose bravery do honour to Old England, and who, with open arms, receive all those whose labour in the mother country is a drug, but in the young country, an assistance of in estimable value. In riding through the forest I often passed deserted log-huts, standing in the middle of what is called " cleared land," — that is to say, the enormous pine trees of the surrounding forest had been chopped down to stumps about a yard high, around which there had rushed up a luxurious growth of hard brush- 90 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VL wood, the height of which denoted that several years must have elapsed since the tenants had retired. There was something which I always felt to be deeply affecting in passing these little monuments of the failure of human expecta tions — ofthe blight of human hopes ! The courage that had been evinced in set-^ tling in the heart of the wilderness, and the amount of labour that had been expended in cutting down so many large trees, had all ended in disappointment, and occasionally in sorrows of the severest description. The arm that had wielded the axe had perhaps become gradually enervated by ague (which always ungratefully rises out of cleared ground), until death had slowly terminated the existence of the poor emigrant, leaving a broken-hearted woman and a helpless family with nothing to look to for support but the clear bright blue heavens above them. In many of the spots I passed, I ascertained that these dispensations of Providence had been as sudden as they were awful. The emigrant had arisen in robust health — surrounded by his numerous and happy family, had partaken of a Chap, VI. THE LONG TROT, 9 1 homely breakfast — had left his log-hut with a firm step, and with manly pride had again resumed his attack upon the wilderness, through which every blow of his axe, like the tick of a clock, recorded the steady progress of the hand that belonged to it. But at the hour of dinner he did not return ! The wife waited — bid her rosy-faced children be patient — waited — felt anxious — alarmed — stepped beyond the threshhold of her log hut — listened : the axe was not at work ! Excepting that inde scribable seolian murmur which the air makes in passing through the stems and branches of the forest, not a sound was to be heard. Her heart misgives her ; she walks — runs towards the spot where she knew her husband to have been at work. She finds him, without his jacket or neckcloth, lying, with extended arms, on his back, cold, and crushed to death by the last tree he had felled, which in falling, jump ing from its stump, had knocked him down, and which is now resting with its whole weight upon his bared breast ! The widow screams in vain ; she endeavours to extricate her husband's corpse, but it is utterly impracticable. She leaves it to satisfy 92 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VI. her infant's hunger— to appease her children's cries ! The above is but a faint outline of a scene that has so repeatedly occurred in the wilder ness of America — that it is usually summed up in the words, " He was killed hy the fall of a tree." In riding through the midland district 1 passed a log-hut which stood about one hundred yards from the road, in the centre of a clear ance of about four acres. As it had evidently been deserted many years, I inquired, as usual, of the person be longing to the township, who happened to be riding nearest to me, to whom it belonged 1 in reply to which I received the following little story, which has since very often flitted across my mind. The British emigrant who had reared this humble shanty was one day engaged in a remote part of his two-hundred-acre lot in ploughing a small space of ground which he had but partially cleared, and he was proceeding without his coat close to his plough, driving a Chap. VI. THE LONG TROT. 93 yoke of oxen, when the animals, starting at some wild beast or other object which they saw in the forest, suddenly dragged the plough be tween an immense fallen tree and a stump, by which the driver's right foot and ankle were so firmly jammed, that the plough was not only completely stopped, but imraoveably fixed. For a considerable time the poor fellow, standing with his left leg on his plough, suf fered excruciating agony, from which he saw not the slightest chance of release. At times he almost fainted ; but on recovering from his miserable dreams he always found himself ii^ the same position — in the same agony — in the same writhing attitude of despair. In a fit of desperation he drew his knife from his belt, and for a few seconds meditated on endeavouring to release himself by cutting off his own foot ; but reflection again plunged him into despair, and in this agony he re mained until he bethought himself of the fol-t lowing plan. Stooping forwards, he cut the band that connected his oxen to the plough. As soon as they were at liberty he drew the patient animals towards him by the rope-reins he had 94 THE LONG TROT. Chap. VI. continued to hold, and when their heads were close to him, he passed his hands down his naked arms, which for some time had been bleeding from the musquitoes that had been assailing them, and then daubing the points of the horns of both his bullocks with his blood, he cut their reins short off, and striking the animals with their reins they immediately left him, and, just as he had intended that they should, they proceeded homewards. On their arrival at his log-hut the blood on their horns instantly attracted the attention of a labourer who lived with him, and who, fan cying that the animals must have gored their master, hastened to the clearance, where they found him, like Milo, fixed in the cleft oak, in the dreadful predicament I have described, and from which it was with the utmost difficulty that he could be released, I cannot accurately recollect whether or not the poor feUow suffered amputation ; but his deserted log-hut, as I trotted by it, bore me lancholy evidence that he had been unable to continue to labour as a back-woodsman, and that accordingly he had deserted it. Chap. VI. THE LONG TROT. 95 The Rideau Canal, which by a channel of 154 miles connects the St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario with the Ottawa River, is not only, without any exception, the most permanent as well as the best constructed work on either continent of America, but it is of incalculable military importance, inasmuch as it secures a communication between the Great Lakes and Upper Canada with Montreal and Quebec, in case the frontier road, that of the St, Lawrence River, should fall into the hands of the repub lican territory which adjoin it. In taking the levels for the construction of this vast work it appeared that there were two modes in which it could be executed. 1st. By deep cuttings and embankments to retain the water within the usual limits of a canal; and, 2nd. By constructing locks at more advan tageous levels, and then by flooding consider able portions of land between them, to form a series of artificial lakes, instead of a narrow channel. The latter course, after very mature consi deration, was adopted ; and although its ad- 96 THE LONG TEOT. Chap: V. vantages may be undeniable, yet it has pro duced a very appalling and unusual picture. The flooding of the wilderness was a sen tence of death to every tree whose roots re mained covered with water ; and yet no sooner was this operation effected than Nature ap peared determined to repair the injury by con verting the fluid which had created the devas tation into a verdant prairie ; and accordingly from the hidden soil beneath there arose to the surface of these artificial lakes a thin green scum, which gradually thickened, until the whole surface assumed the appearance I have described. But this vegetable matter, beautiful as it appears, mixed with the gradual decay of the dead trees, becomes rank poison to human hfe ; so much so, that by native-born Canadians, as well as by emigrants, it is invariably designated by the horrid appellation of ^^ fever and ague." As I proceeded in a steamer through this treacherous mass, which, rolling in thick folds before the prow of the vessel, again closed in at its stern, the view was desolate beyond de scription. Chap. VI. THE LONG TEOT. 97 As far as I could see, in all directions, I was surrounded by dead, leafless trees, whose pale, livid, unwholesome-looking bark gave them the appearance of so many corpses; and as the wind whistled and moaned through the net-work of their stiff, stark, sapless branches, I could not help feeling it was wafting with it, in the form of miasma, Nature's punishment for the wholesale murder that had been com mitted ; in short, I felt that as a single tree may stand in the middle of a deserted battle- plain, surrounded by countless groups of muti lated human corpses, so I stood on the deck of the steamer, almost a solitary witness of the melancholy picture of a dead forest ; or, as in Canada it is usually termed, of " drowned land." In justice, however, to the deceased distin guished officer who constructed this work, it is proper to say, that on my inspection of the WeUand Canal I beheld a similar scene ; and that for practical reasons, which it would be tedious to detail, the system of flooding land for canals is often adopted on the Continent of North America, 98 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VI. As I was journeying towards the banks of the Ottawa, I trotted some miles out of my way to visit a lone shanty, which nearly thirty years ago witnessed the death of an English nobleman under circumstances of unexampled fortitude, which have often been repeated to me, and of which I believe the following to be an accurate account. In the latter end of August, 1819, the Duke of Richmond, who was then Governor-General of the Canadas, after visiting Niagara and other parts of the upper province, reached Kingston on his return to Quebec, He had pre-arranged to inspect a new set of recently settled townships; that is to say, blocks of the wilderness which had been desig nated on the map as such, on the line of the Rideau canal, between the St. Lawrence and the Ottawa, The expedition was to occupy three or four days. On the morning of the first day, as the duke, accompanied by his staff", was rumUing tiirough the forest in a light waggon of the country, he observed that he felt unwell, com plained of a pain in his shoulder, and men- Chap. VI. THE LONG TROT. 99 tioned to the officers who were with him that he had had great difficulty in drinking some hot wine and water that had been recom mended to him. On the evening of this day, he called the attention of a trusty servant who had been ac companying him to an unfinished letter he had addressed to a member of his family at Quebec, and which the man was to dehver when they all arrived there I The next day he became so much worse, that some of his staff" would fain have persuaded him to relinquish his expedition, and make for the St. Lawrence as the easier route to Quebec. He, however, determined to make his inspec tion according to his appointments. On the following day he was evidently ex tremely unwell, and he so far consented to alter his plan, that he stopped short of the village he had intended to reach, in consequence of there being a swamp through which he would have had to walk. Colonel ., therefore, went forward to make preparations for the next day, and the duke remained all night at a cottage. Colonel saw how ill he was, and mr- f2 100 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VI. nestly advised him to stop ; but the duke feehug unwilling to disappoint those who were to meet him, persisted in proceeding. On the following morning he crossed the swamp ; and it was observed that whenever the water was disturbed he was very much agitated, and occasionally jumped upwards. On reaching the settlement he was met by Colonel , who was struck with his altered looks and manner, and begged him to endeavour to ob tain some rest ; but he turned the subject by saying he should like to walk round the vil lage, and he accordingly proceeded to do so. In the course of their walk they reached a small stream which crossed the road, on which the duke turned suddenly, and said to Co lonel , that though he had never been nervous, his feelings were then such that he could not cross it if his life depended on it. Nevertheless, though so ill, and though he was pressed to remain quiet, he persisted in desir ing that he should not disappoint the chief officers ofthe settlement from dining with him, and begged they might be asked as usual. To one of his party he calmly remarked, " You know, , I am in general not afraid Chap. VL THE LONG TEOT. 101 of a glass of wine, yet you will see with what difficulty I shall drink it," During dinner the duke asked this officer to take wine with him, and it was evident that from some unaccount able reason it required the utmost resolution and effort on his part to bring the glass to his lips. The party retired early, but as the duke, in consequence of certain feelings during the pre ceding night, expressed a great horror and disinclination to go to bed, it was not till late that he did so. Early the next morning he was found calmly finishing his letter to a member of his family, which he sealed, and then delivered to Colonel , with a desire that it might be delivered at Montreal, a request at the time utterly incomprehensible. Colonel , on receiving this letter, natu rally enough observed that they should all proceed there together ; on which the duke mildly but firmly observed, " It is no use de ceiving you, I shall never go down there alive'' Colonel , considering this to be deli rium, entreated him to remain quiet, and to send for medical advice. The duke, however, 102 THE LONG TROT. Chap. VI. persisted in going as far as he could, and inquired what arrangements had been made for his proceeding to the Rideau Falls, where a birch canoe belonging to the North-west Com pany was waiting for him. In reply, he was informed that it was pro posed he should go by himself in a small canoe down a little stream which meandered through the forest for some miles, after which he wonld have to ride and walk. The duke made some objection to the canoc) intimating that he did not believe he could get into it ; but he added, " If I fail you muM force me'.' Now all this was deemed by the officers of his suite to be the ef fect of over excitement, fatigue, and the extreme heat of the sun. However, after breakfast the duke's party, attended by all the principal in habitants of the little settlement, walked down to this stream, where they found the canoe in waiting manned by a couple of half Indians. After taking leave of the assembled party and attendants, the duke with an evident effort forced himself into the canoe, and he had scarcelj"^ sat down wben the frail bark pushed off, and almost immediately afterwards was lost sight of in the dark forest. Chap. VI. THE LONG TEOT. 103 So remarkable however was the appearance and eSoTt he had made in approaching and in seating himself in the canoe, that a gentleman present immediately exclaimed, " By Heavens ! gentlemen, the Duke of Richmond has the hy- drophobia ,'" This appalling observation conveyed to the minds ofhis devotedly attached attendants the first intimation or suspicion of the awful fact which they had so unconsciously witnessed ; and then flashed upon them the various cor roborating circumstances which for the few preceding days had been appearing to them unaccountable ; namely, the spasms he had suffered in drinking — his agitation in crossing the swamp — his inability to pass the stream, &c. The agony of mind of the officers of his staff at such overwhelming intellig;ence was inde scribable ; and while the object of all their thoughts was threading his way down the stream, they proceeded along a new road that had lately been cut through the forest to the point at which the Duke was to disembark. They had proceeded about a mile, bewil dered as to what possible course they should pursue, when to their horror they saw the 104 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VL Duke running with fearful energy across the path, and then dart onwards into the forest. They immediately ran after him, but he went so fast that it was some time before he could be overtaken, and when he was — he was raving mad ! They secured him and held him down on a fallen tree for a considerable time. At last his consciousness returned, and the very first use he made of it was to desire that they would take no orders from him, and that he would do whatever they determined for him. What to do was of course a difficult point to settle ; they at last resolved to return to the settlement, and accordingly in that direction they all proceeded on foot. Close to the settlement, they reached the little stream which he had arrived at the pre vious day, and which he had told Colonel he could not cross. At this point the duke stopped short, and turning round said, that as the last request he should have to make, he begged they would not require him to cross that stream, as he felt he could not survive the effort. Under the difficult circumstances in which Chap. VI, THE LONG TEOT. 105 they were placed, they could not resist such an appeal, and they therefore turned back along the path which led into the forest not knowing where to go, or on what plan to proceed. They at last arrived at the little shanty I have mentioned, and it being the only place of refuge for many miles, his staff requested the duke to remain there. After looking at it for a short time, he said he would prefer to go into the barn rather than into the hovel, as he felt sure it was fur ther from water. His attendants of course immediately assented to his wish, and he then sprang over a high fence and walked in. He remained in that barn the whole day, occasionaUy perfectly collected, with intermis sions of spasmodic paroxysms, which affected both mind and body. Towards evening he consented to be moved into the hut, and accordingly such a bed as could be got ready was speedily prepared. The officers in attendance anxiously watched over him throughout the night, and he became so much more calm that they suffered them selves to hope that he might recover. The duke, however, who from many circum- f3 106 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VI. stances which afterwards transpired, must, for several days, have been clearly sensible not only of the nature of his malady, but that he could not survive it, was now perfectly aware of his approaching end, and accordingly, after calmly expressing to those around him that his greatest earthly consolation was that his title and name would be inherited by a son of whose character he declared the highest opinion and confidence, he died expressing calm resignation to the will of God, and without a struggle. His body was brought down in a canoe from the Rideau to Montreal, where his family, whp had scarcely heard of his illness, had assem bled to welcome his return ; and was subse quently removed in a steamer to Quebec, where after lying in state for some days his remains were interred close to the Communion table in the cathedral of Quebec. Nothing could exceed the affliction, not only of those immediately about him, but of the inhabitants of both Canadas, by whom he was universally beloved. The bare facts of his illness, which I have purposely repeated as nearly as possible in the words in which I have often heard them Chap. VL THE LONG TROT. 107 detailed by those on whose hearts his name is indelibly recorded, form the simplest and best evidence that could be offered of the un exampled power of the human mind to meet with firmness and submission the greatest calamity which can assail the human frame. As I remained for a few minutes on horse back before the hovel which commemorates, on the continent of North America, the well- known facts I have just related, I deeply felt, and have ever since been of opinion, that there exists in the British peerage no name that is recollected in Canada by all parties with such aflfectionate regard as that noble Englishman and English nobleman, Charles Lennox, the late Duke of Richmond. On my arrival at the Ottawa I received from a number of very "inteUigent persons much information, of which I had been igno rant, respecting the lumber- trade, in which they were all very deeply engaged. I after- v.ards, for a considerable time, conversed with a gang of those fine athletic fellows who, under the appellation of " lumberers," transport an- 108 THE LONG TROT. Chap. VL nually immense quantities of valuable timber of all descriptions to the Ottawa, to be floated down that river for the markets of Europe, A little above the picturesque city of Bytown, which appears to overhang the river, there are steep rapids and falls, by which the passage of this timber was seriously delayed. To obviate this, some capitalists constructed a very im portant work, by which the torrent was first retained, and then conducted over a long pre cipitous " slide " into the deep water beneath, along which it afterwards continued its unin terrupted course. Although the lumberers described to me with great eagerness the advantages of this work, I did not readily understand them ; in consequence of which they proposed that I should see a raft of timber descend the slide ; and as one was approaching I got into a boat, and rowing to the l-aft, I joined the two men who were conducting it, and my companions who had taken me to it then returned to the shore. The scenery on both sides of the Ottawa is strikingly picturesque, and as the current hurried us along, the picture continually varied. Chap. VI. THE LONG TROT. 109 On approaching the slide, one of my tvvo comrades gave me a staff about eight feet long, armed at one end with a sharp spike ; and I then took up my position between them at what may be termed the stern end of the raft, which was composed of eight or ten huge trees, firmly connected together. As soon as the raft reached the crest of the slide, its stem, as it proceeded, of course took leave of the water, aud continued an indepen dent horizontal course, until its weight over balancing the stern, the raft, by tilting down wards, adapted itself to the surface of the slide, and then with great velocity rushed with the stream to the water, which was boiling and breaking beneath. During the descent, which was totally di vested of all danger, I found that by sticking my staff into the timber, I had no difficulty whatever in retaining my position ; and al though the foremost end of the raft disappeared in the deep water into which it had plunged, yet, like the head of a ship, it rose triumphantly above the breakers ; and it had scarcely reco vered, when the raft rapidly glided under a bridge, from the summit of which it received 110 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VL three hearty cheers from my brother lumber men, who had assembled there to see it pass. We had been riding for several hours, when, as we were approaching the Rice Lake, we arrived about noon at the end of a long strag gling village of Indians, on whose civilization much care and benevolent attention had been bestowed. On this occasion I adopted the course I had pursued on reaching several other Indian settlements — namely, I requested our party to halt, and then, dismounting, I walked quietly by myself into every single habitation of the disjointed street, which extended upwards of half a mile. By this means I managed to pay my red children a visit without being known to them, and consequently without in any way ruffling or rumpHng the simple, placid habits of their life, I found few .at home except women and children; some of the former were dressing their chUdren, a few were playing with them, Chap. VI. THE LONG TEOT. Ill and some were feeding the ravenous little things with spoons as large as a common saucer. Many ofthe huts were clean and tidy; and, as I was kindly received in all, I was well enough disposed to take a favourable view of the condition of their inmates. There was, however, something in the complexion of most of the children who were playing round the doors that completely divested the picture of the sentiment with which I was desirous to adorn it. Whether eating rice had made all their faces white — what could have made so many of their eyes blue, or have caused their hair to curl, I felt it might be unneighbourly and ungrateful to inquire ; and yet these little alterations, in significant as many may deem them to be, created in my mind considerable disappoint ment ; indeed, I felt it useless to bother myself by considering whether or not civilization is a blessing to the red Indian, if the process prac ticaUy ends — as I regret to say it invariably does — by turning him white I 112 THE LONG TEOT. Chap, VL After continuing my trot through the forest, during which I rode over a corduroy-bridge, so barely covered witb loose poles that, as I crossed it, I could see the water of the torrent rushing beneath my horse's legs, I arrived early one fine morning at the head of the steep rapids of the Trent ; and, as I had had occasion to give considerable attention to one or two very expensive projects for improving the naviga tion of that valuable river, I made the neces sary arrangements for descending the declivity, in order that I might see what it really was. The broad portion of the river before me was covered by floating trees, and masses of large timber, which lumberers, many miles above, had committed to its waters, and which, unattended by any one, were now on their journey to a distant market. This timber, in various groups, advancing sometimes endways, and sometimes sideways, came slowly towards us, until it reached the narrow crest of the declivity, when, just as if the bugle had sounded the word " canter /" away it started, to descend a crooked water- hill nine miles long, A couple of full-blooded Indians had brought Chap. VI. THE LONG TEOT. 113 on their shoulders to this spot a small bark- canoe, in which I had intended to have de scended, as I had been strongly recommended, with no one but themselves. An English boy, however, who was with me looked so wistfully and so sorrowfully, that, when the moment came, I could not perpetrate the cruelty of leaving him behind; and I had scarcely nodded to him a reluctant assent, than I found him seated in ecstasy by my side. For a short time the Indians held on by the bank, to give respectful precedence to some timber which was approaching; however, so soon as they saw a space of clear water suf ficiently large, they let go ; the canoe slowly followed the stream, until, reaching the crest of the rapids, over it went, and I need hardly add, away we went, on a little journey without any exception the most interesting I have ever enjoyed. The declivity down which we were hurrying was apparently composed of large stones, some close to the surface, some two or three feet beneath it, over which the heavy mass of water flowed, rolled, and tumbled, excepting that occasionally, without apparent reason, it would 114 THE LONG TROT. Chap, VL in certain places stand still and boil. Every now and then, I thought our band-box must have been smashed to atoms ; but the old shaggy-headed Indian who was standing at the prow, with calm dexterity guided us be tween the stones, and then immediately with equal success, avoided " snags" and " sawyers," the former of which, fixed by one end to the bottom, presented the other at us, as if deter mined to spit us. But, besides the little local difficulties be longing to the passage, we were often appa rently on the very brink of engaging in a civil war with our fellow-travellers the floating tim ber. Occasionally, these trees and rafts, as they were hurrying along before us, would strike against a rock, stop, stagger, and then, slowly reeling round, proceed, as if for a change, with their other ends foremost. During this very unpleasant operation, our placid pilots steered diagonally, to lose time, and thus pre vent the canoe dashing against them. And yet we had not much time to dispose of, inas much as the timber behind us, like irregular cavalry, was rapidly and confusedly following our rear. However, although to raw strangers Chap. VI. THE LONG TEOT. 115 like ourselves, the difficulties which preceded, followed, and environed us were apparently great, and really at times seemed to be almost insurmountable, yet the calm tranquil attitudes of the old Indian, as sometimes with a finger and sometimes with an elbow he would silently instruct his comrade in which direction to concur with him in steering, clearly proved that he was as much the master and com mander of his frail bark as an experienced railway driver is of his locomotive-engine, or as the coachman of an English mail is of his cantering team. Nevertheless, the interest of the voyage was beyond description, and as every second created something new to look at, and as there was nothing at all to talk about, in due time we reached still water, without the utterance, from the moment we had started, of a single word ; and as soon as we disembarked, we found our horses on the bank ready and waiting for us. We had arrived very nearly at the eastern extremity of Upper Canada, and had been trotting for some time through the forest, when, 116 THE LONG TEOT. Chap; VL on reaching sorae cleared land, we found in the road, at sorae Uttle distance, waiting to receive us, a fine athletic body of raen. The inslant we reached them a bag-pipe gave us a hearty welcome ; and in a few moments, very much to my satisfaction, I found myself surrounded by the muscular fraraes and sinewy counte nances ofthe Glengarry Highlanders. About fifty years ago Bishop M'Donell brought one thousand eight hundred raen of that narae to the settleraent which I had now reached, and their religion, language, habits, and honour have continued there ever since, unaltered, unadulterated, and unsullied. Their loyalty has always been conspicuous, and I need hardly say with what reverence they remeraber the distant land of their forefathers. In short, so far as I was corapetent to judge, there exists no difference whatever between these people and their clansraen in the old country, and they certainly most strongly ex emplify the old remark — " Coelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt." I received from these fine feUows not only a hearty welcome, but every possible attention. Chap. VL THE LONG TEOT. 117 During the time I remained in the settlement a Highlander guarded tbe door of the house at which I stopped, and the piper, with no little pride, during the whole period continued marching up and down as he serenaded me with various tunes, the soul-inspiring raeaning of which he no doubt considered that I as fully understood as hiraself. As the inhabitants of the township of Glen garry speak nothing but Gaelic, there exists scarcely a stranger araong them ; and as their names are all alike, they must, one would think, occasionally have some difficulty in designating each other ; for instance, a cause was lately tried there in which not onh^ the names of both plaintiff" and defendant were M'Donell, but each had selected from the Canadian bar a counsel of that name ; the jury, twelve in number, were all M'Donells or M'Donalds, and so were almost all the wit nesses. The four raembers of Parliament for the county and town bear the same name ; their sheriff is a M'Donell, so is their vicar general, so are most of their priests, and so was their late bishop. However, by whatever name they may be 118 THE LONG TEOT. Chap. VI. designated, the Glengarry Highlanders in Up per Canada may well be proud of it. They are devotedly attached to British in stitutions, and when I had afterwards occasion to send them to Lower Canada to assist Sir J, Colborne, they showed the rebels in that pro vince very clearly that Highland blood is not to be trifled with ; indeed there was so much of Rob Roy in their dispositions, that it is whispered of them that though they went down infantry they came back cavalry ! I at last reached the eastern extremities of the province, frora whence I returned by the St. Lawrence, and from Kingston to Toronto in the steamer. The next sumraer I started on a similar tour through the western districts to the opposite boundary of Upper Canada. But my reader is no doubt tired unto death of my long trot, and therefore, without asking him to follow me throughout another one, rougher, if possible, than the last, I will only say, that the splendid region which lies between Toronto and Lake Huron contains the richest land on the continent of North America, and must Chap. VI. THE LONG TROT. 1 19 hereafter become one of the most favoured countries ou the surface of the globe. The enormous size of the trees clearly indi cates the luxuriance of the earth in which they flourish, and although it is truly astonishing to observe how much has been done by the emi grant, yet as a solitary exaraple of what ample roora there still is in this favoured spot for the redundant population of the raother country, I will state, that between Lakes Ontario and Huron there exist six miUion acres of uncleared land in one block ! The Crown lands of Canada, which, in my humble opinion, ought always to have been given to the British emigrant for nothing, or, to speak more correctly, as payment by the mother country for his courage, trouble, and expense in clearing them, can even now be purchased at about five shillings an acre. An Irish gentleman, resident in Canada, was desirous to persuade his sons to work as back-woodsmen instead of frittering away their constitutions and money in luxuries and plea sure; and as champagne costs in America something more than a dollar a bottle, when- 120 THE LONG TROT. Chap, VL ever this old gentleman saw his sons raise the bright sparkling mixture to their lips he used humorously to exclaim to them, " Ah, my hoys I there goes am, acre of land, trees and all !" ( 121 ) Chapter VIL THE BARK CANOE. I DO not know at what rate in the eastern world the car of Juggernaut advances over its ¦victims, but it has been roughly estimated that in the opposite hemisphere of America the population of the United States, like a great wave, is constantly rolling towards the west ward, over the lands of the Indians, at the rate of about twenty miles per annum. In our colonies the rights of the Indians have been more carefuUy attended to. The British Sovereign and British Parliament have faithfuUy respected them ; and as a very friendly feeling exists between the red men of the forest and their white brethren, our Governors have never found any difficulty in maintaining the title of "Father" by which the Indians invari ably address them. Yet notwithstanding this just feeling and this general desire of our countrymen to act G 122 THE BAEK CANOE. Chap. VII, kindly towards the Indians, it had for some time been in contemplation in Upper Canada to prevail upon a portion of them lo dispose of their lands to the Crown, and to reraove to the British ManitouUn Islands in Lake Huron. When first I heard of this project, I felt much averse to it ; and by repeated personal in spections of the territories in which they were located, took a great deal of pains to ascertain what was the real condition of the Indians in Canada, and whether their proposed removal would be advantageous to them, as well as to the province, and the result of my inqui ries induced me, without any hesitation, to take the necessary steps for recommending to them to carry this arrangement into effect. Whoever, by the sweat of his brow, culti vates the ground, creates out of a very small area, food and raiment sufficient not only for himself, but for others ; whereas the man who subsists solely on garae, requires even for his own family a large hunting ground. Now so long as Canada was very thinly peopled with whites, an Indian preserve, as large as one of our counties in England, only formed part and parcel of the great forest which was common Chap. VII. THE BAEK CANOE. 123 to all, and thus, for a considerable time, the white men and the red men, without inconve nience to each other, following their respective avocations, the latter hunted, while the former were employing themselves in cutting down trees, or in laboriously following the plough. In process of time, however, the Indian pre serves became surrounded by sraall patches of cleared land ; and so soon as this was effected, the truth began to appear that the occupations of each race were not only dissimilar, but hos tile to the interests of each other. For while the great hunting ground of the red man only inconvenienced the white settler, the little clearances of the latter, as if they had been so many chained-up barking dogs, had the effect of first scaring and then gradually cutting off the supplies of wild animals on whose flesh and skins the red race had been subsisting ; besides which, every trader that came to visit the dwell ings of the white man, finding it profitable to sell whisky to the Indians, and the fatal re sults of drunkenness, of small-pox, and other disorders combined, produced, as may be iraa gined, the most unfortunate results. The remedy which naturally would first g2 124 THE BARK CANOE. Chap. VIL suggest itself to most men, and which actually did suggest itself to the minds of Sir Peregrine Maitland, Sir John Colborne, and other ad ministrators of the Government who paid pa-^ rental attention to the Indians, was to induce them to give up their hunting propensities, and tether theraselves to the laborious occupations of their white brethren. In a few cases, where the Iftdians, circurascribed by temptations such as I have described, had become a race of half- castes, the project to a certain degree succeeded ; but one might as well attempt to decoy a flight of wild fowl to the ponds of Hampstead Heath — one might as well endeavour to persuade the eagle to descend from the lofty region in which he has existed to live with the fowls in our court-yards, as to prevail upon the red men of North America to becorae what we caU civihzed ; in short, it is against their nature, and they cannot do it. Having ascertained that in one or two parts of Upper Canada there existed a few Indians in the unfortunate state I have described, and having fpund them in a condition highly de moralized, and almost starving on a large block of rich valuable land, which in their possession Chap. VII. .THE BARK CANOE. 125 was remaining roadless and stagnant, I deter mined to carry into effect the project of ray predecessors by endeavouring to prevail on these people to remove to the British Islands in Lake Huron, in which there was some game, and which were abundantly supplied with fish ; and with a view to introduce them to the spot, 1 caused it to be made known to the various tribes of Indians resident through out the immense wilderness of Canada, that on a certain dav of a certain moon, I would meet them in council, on a certain uninhabited island in Lake Huron, where they should receive their annual presents. In the beginning of August, 1836, I ac cordingly left Toronto, and with a small party crossed that most beautiful piece of water, Lake Simcoe, and then rode to Penetan- guishene Bay, from whence we were to start the next morning in bark canoes. It was proposed that we should take tents ; but as I had had sorae little experience of the healthy enjoyment of an out-of-doors life, as well as of the discomfort of a mongrel state of existence, and as, to use the words of BaiUie Nicol Jarvie, "a raan canna aye carry at his 126 THE BARK CANOE, Chap. VIL tail the luxuries o' the Saut-market o' Glas gow," I determined that, in our visit to our red brethren, we would adopt Indian habits, and sleep under blankets on the ground. As soon as our wants were supplied, we embarked in two canoes, each manned by eight Lower Canadian Indians ; and when we got about a mile from the shore, nothing could be more beautiful than the sudden chorus of their voices, as, with their faces towards the prow, and with a paddle in their hands, keep ing time with their song, they joyfully pushed us along. For some hours we steered directly from the land, until, excepting the shore on our right, we could see nothing but the segment of a circle of blue water ; and as the wind became strong, as our canoes were heavily laden with provisions, portmanteaus, powder, shot, &c,, I certainly for some time looked with very respectful attention to each wave, as one after another was seen rapidly and almost angrily advancing towards us ; but the Indian at the helm was doing exactly the sarae thing, and accordingly, whenever it arrived, the canoe was always precisely in the proper position to Chap. VIL THE BAEK CANOE. 127 meet it ; and thus, sometimes to one tune, and sometimes to another, we proceeded under a splendid sky, through pure, exhilarating air, and over the surface of one of the most noble of those inland seas which in the Western hemi sphere diversify the interminable dominions of the British crown. Towards evening we steered for the belt of uninhabited islands on our right ; and as soon as the sun had nearly reached the magnificent newly-gilt clouds that for nearly an hour had been slowly rising from the horizon to receive it, our pilot advised us to disembark on one of these islands for the night. The simple operation was soon effected ; in a few minutes our canoes were lying bottom upwards on the shore ; and while we, like Alonso and his crew, were strolling about our island, the Indians were busily occupied in preparing our supper. The raanner in which one of them created a kitchen-fire was as follows : — As soon as sufficient sticks and wood had been collected, he made a nucleus of some of the finest fibres of birch-bark, around this he wound coarser ones, until the raass was the size of, and soraewhat resembled, a small 128 THE BAEK CANOE. Chap. VIL bird's-nest, in the middle of which he put a piece of vegetable tinder, which he had lighted by a flint and steel. Holding the whole in his right hand, and with a countenance destitute of expression, he then began to make his arm rapidly vibrate. In a few seconds there proceeded from the mass a little smoke, which rapidly increased until all of a sudden the whole substance, as if by magic, burst into flames ; and the Indian then placing his handful of fire amongst the sticks already prepared, they burst into a blaze, and the fire was thus established. While some of the Indians, stooping over and gliding around it, were cooking our supper, others were quietly occupied in preparing our beds, by snapping off the fresh elastic shoots of the spruce fir, upon which was spread a blanket, over which two other blankets were suspended frora a horizontal pole, in the an gular form of a roof. The next morning at daybreak we all arose frora our lairs. The sky formed the painted ceiling of my dressing-room— Lake Huron my wash-hand basin ; and while in this state of magnificence I was arranging my toilette, eggs Chap. VII, THE BAEK CANOE. 1 29 were spluttering in a frying-pan, a kettle sus pended from a green bough was vigorously boiling, and in a few minutes a sumptuous breakfast was spread upon a piece of clean naked granite rock. As soon as our meal was concluded we asain a embarked in our canoes, and, accompanied by a joyous song, echoing through the wild scenery around us, we proceeded to worm our way through the commencement of — strange to say — upwards of twenty-five thousand little islands, which, like skirmishers thrown out in front of an array, guard the northern shore of Lake Huron. Although these islands are composed of granite, they were all more or less covered with shrubs and trees ; and as we proceeded in our canoes it was truly astonishing to observe the intelligence with vvhich the Indians conducted us through this labyrinth, from which there constantly appeared to be no exit ; however, whenever we expected that the canoes in a few seconds raust inevitably be wrecked upon the rocks imraediately before them, we all of a sudden came to an opening ; and, the wild fowl g3 130 THE BAEK CANOE, Chap. VII. rising from the newly discovered water the instant they saw us, we proceeded along a new channel, which shortly led us to another ap parent stand-still, and to another sudden open ing ; and thus every raoment were Nature's scene-shifters busily eraployed in changing the lovely pictures that were successively exhibited to us. In consequence of the islands being com posed of rock, the water which surrounded them was as clear as in the raiddle of the lake; and as the air was equally pure, an effect was produced by these siraple causes beautiful be yond all powers of description. Not only every tree and bush that was flourishing on the rocky edges of these islands, but the rocks themselves, were reflected so faithfully in the lake, that in the outline as well as colouring of these objects, we all re peatedly observed there existed not the slightest distinction between the original and the picture; excepting, indeed, that in the forraer the trees grew upwards, while in the lat ter frora the very same roots they grew down wards : the back-ground o.f the picture was the Chap. VIL THE BARK CANOE. 131 dark blue sky, every cloud and feature of which appeared identical in the deep cerulean lake. As we proceeded through this beautiful scenery, which in its shapes and colours changed as suddenly as the pieces of painted glass in a kaleidoscope, our party amused themselves, sometimes in shooting at flights of wild-fowl, which in their passage through the air, just clearing the trees ofthe islands, started from their course the instant they unexpectedly discovered our canoes beneath them ; at other times we employed ourselves in catching fish, not less beautiful to look at than to eat. These occupations were occasionally en livened, or, as it may be termed, set to music by the sudden choruses of the Indians, who with unabated steadiness continued to propel us ; and although the heat of the sun did not impede us, yet as it strengthened, and as the hours of their labour lengthened, the coun tenances of these faithful beardless men began to show fatigue, and by mid-day they would appear nearly exhausted, when all of a sudden they would startle us by a simultaneous scream of " Widdy ! Widdy ! ! " caused by a rat, racoon, 132 THE BAEK CANOE. Chap. VII. or some other description of game, the sight of which seemed completely to reanimate their frames for half an hour. At about one o'clock we determined to com mit two acts which, with Englishmen, always have been, are, and ever will be, inseparable — namely, to rest and eat, and accordingly, se lecting an island for the purpose, the Indians landed, and we were preparing to follow them, when we perceived them retreating towards us backwards, striking with their arms as if they were boxing ! The enemy they were combat ing was a swarm of musquitoes which had risen from a little swamp. In general a musquito approaches his vic tim as a Neapolitan approaches his inamorata, with a whining song, which resounds some times near one ear, and sometimes near the other, until the capricious, timid, dainty little creature has deterrained on the exact spot on which he will alight; but the rausquitoes which assailed our Indians, and which, as it were by the point of the bayonet, triumphantly drove us from the island, flew at us straight as bull-dogs, or as arrows from a bow : indeed, it evidently mattered not to them whether our faces were red, white, yellow, young, old, Chap. VII. THE BAEK CANOE. 133 tender, or tough; for sick unto death of vegetable diet, all they wanted was warm blood,* To escape from their intemperate desires, we paddled across to another island, which we found perfectly free from any assailant. An uninhabited island has always in my mind possessed indescribable charras, and ac cordingly while luncheon was preparing, con stantly changing my raind, like an ant on its hillock, I rambled about in all directions, until in one of the most secluded parts of the island I came unexpectedly to the grave of one of the red aborigines of the land. It was coraposed of flat stones, ^llcd in the shape of a coffin upon the clean granite rock. Within this quiet cell some Indians had deposited their departed comrade; and although our relative situations were different, inasmuch as I was * An American living near the Grand River, Michigan, told the following story concerning the musquitoes : Being in the woods, he was one day so annoyed by them, that he took refuge under an inverted potash-kettle. His first emotions of joy at his happy deliverance and secure asylum were hardly over, when the musquitoes, having found him, began to drive their probosces through the kettle. Fortunately, he had a hammer in his pocket, and he clenched them down as fast as they came through, until at last such a host of them were fastened to the poor man's domi cile, that they rose and flew away with it, leaving him shelterless ! 134 THE BARK CANOE. Chap. VII. living and he dead, I felt, as I respectfully stood at his feet, that in the chancery of Heaven his title to the bare rock on which he lay was better than mine to the soil on which I stood ; and I might have carried my reflec tions farther, had not one of my companions ^ interrupted them by exclaiming to me, with a countenance in which the sentiments of joy and hunger appeared indissolubly united, " the fish is quite ready ! " I will, therefore, en route to wards the canoes, only observe, as a remarkable instance of the unwritten laws of honour which govern the Indians, that in these graves there are invariably deposited by their friends powder, shot, and other implements, to enable the de parted warrior to hunt for game so soon as " The Great Spirit " shaU bid him " arise ! " and that although there are neither bars, nor bolts, nor sentinels to guard this property, it remains by the side of its owners, inviolable and unviolated. For the reraainder of the day we continued in uninterrupted solitude across large squares, and along streets, lanes, alleys of water, to thread our way through an archipelago of little islands of various shapes and dimensions, until at sunset we disembarked on one containing Chap. VU. THE BAEK CANOE. 135 about six acres, on which we were to stop for the night. Before, however, we retired to rest — before the moon had risen, and while the stars alone enlivened the darkness that enveloped us, I accorapanied ray corapanions on a fishing ex cursion. At the head and stern of the canoe there stood, mute as a statue, an Indian, holding in his hand a long piece of birch-bark, which, as soon as all was ready, each of them set on fire. The efl'ect of the blaze was strikingly pic turesque. In an instant the darkness above and around us seemed, if possible, to increase ; and yet, while almost everything above water was thus shrouded frora view, everything beneath its surface was as suddenly revealed to us as if the light of heaven had been transported from the firmament to the bottom of Lake Huron. Every fissure in the rock was visible, every little stone or stick at the bottom of the creek seemed to shine; and although there were neither " wedges of gold, great anchors, heaps of pearls, nor unvalued jewels," yet we distinctly saw at different depths fishes of all ages and sizes, motionless, fast asleep, and ut- 136 THE BAEK CANOE. Chap. VII. terly unconscious of the evil presence immedi ately above them — of the Red Lords of creation, whose attitudes, as they either calmly held the flaming bark, or eagerly raised their sinewy arms to dart their spears, would have formed a picture of great interest. The precision with which the Indians aimed their deadly blows was surprising ; indeed, they seldom missed, but, on the contrary, the instant their lithesome arms descended, the scales of their victim beneath them, by a sudden flash, told that the barb had fatally aroused him from his last slumber. Our amusement, if such it may be termed, was suddenly stopped by some large heavy drops of rain, which, gravely admonishing us to return, the word was no sooner given than the flaring bark at each end of the canoe was dropped into the water; and thus the lurid picture it had been creating instantly vanished into utter darkness. In a few minutes the rain fell in torrents, and continued throughout the whole night: however, my gipsey canopy kept rae quite dry, and I never awoke until daylight. The weather had then cleared up ; and shortly Chap. VIL THE BAEK CANOE. 137 after sunrise we were once again to be seen continuing our paddling career. The waters through which we steered our course appeared, if possible, to be bluer than ever ; and the colouring was so strong, that, when leaning over the side of the canoe, I dipped a tumbler into the lake, I could not help feeling surprised to find on raising it that the fluid it contained was bright, sparkling, and as clear as crystal. At about eight o'clock several of our party began to talk openly about what all of us, I believe, had for some time been secretly think ing of — our breakfast ; and, out ofthe innume rable islands we were passing, we were looking for one to suit us, when smoke from an Indian's wigwam determined us to land on the spot he had chosen. It was a heavenly morning; and I never remember to have beheld a homely picture of what is called "savage life" which gave me more pleasure than that which, shortly after I landed, appeared immediately before me. On a smooth table rock, surrounded by trees and shrubs, every leaf of which had been washed by the night's rain as clean as it could 138 THE BAEK CANOE. Chap. VIL have appeared on the day of its birth, there were seated in front of their wigwam, and close to a fire, the white smoke from which was gracefully meandering upwards through the trees, an Indian's family, composed of a very old man, two or three young ones, about as many wives, and a most liberal allowance of joyous-looking children of all ages. The distinguishing characteristic ofthe group was robust, ruddy, healthy. More happy or more honest countenances could not exist ; and as the raorning sun with its full force beamed dn their shining jet-black hair and red coun tenances, it appeared as if it had imparted to the latter that description of colour which it itself assumes in England when beheld through one of our dense fogs. The faraily, wives, grandfather and all, did great credit to the young men by whose rifles and fishing tackle they had been fed. They were all what is called full in flesh ; and the Bacchus-like outlines of two or three little naked children, who with frightened faces stood looking at us, very clearly exclaimed in the name and on behalf of each of them, " Haven't I had a good breakfast this morning ? " In short, Chap. VII, THE BAEK CANOE. 1 39 without entering into particulars, the little urchins were evidently as full of bear's flesh, berries, soup, or something or other, as they could possibly hold. On our approaching the party, the old man rose to receive us ; and though we could only communicate with him through one of our crew, he lost no time in ti-eating his white brethren with hospitality and kindness. Like ourselves, they had only stopped at the island to feed ; and we had scarcely departed when we saw the paddles of their canoes in motion, following us. Whatever may be said in favour of the " blessings of civilization," yet certainly in the life of a red Indian there is much for which he is fully justified in the daily thanksgivings he is in the habit of offering to " the Great Spirit," He breathes pure air, beholds splendid scenery, traverses unsullied water, and subsists on food which, generally speaking, forms not only his sustenance, but the manly amusement, as well as occupation, of his life. In the course of the day we saw several Indian families cheerily paddling in their canoes towards the point to which we were 140 THE BAEK CANOE. Chap. VII. proceeding. The weather was intensely hot ; and though our crew continued occasionally to sing to us, yet by the time of sunset they were very nearly exhausted. During the night it again rained for seven or eight hours ; however, as is always the case, the wetter our blankets became the better they excluded the storm. As we were now within eight or ten miles of our destination, and had therefore to pay a little extra attention to our toilette, we did not start next morning until the sun had climbed many degrees into the clear blue sky ; however, by about eight o'clock we once again got into our canoes, and had proceeded about an hour, when our crew, whose faces, as they propelled us, were always towards the prow, pointed out to us a canoe ahead, which had been lying still, but which was now evidently paddling from us with unusual force, to announce our ap proach to the Indians, who from the most remote districts had, according to appointment, congregated to meet us. In about half an hour, on rounding a point of land, we saw immediately before us the great ManitouUn Island ; and, compared with Chap. VIL THE BARK CANOE. 141 the Other uninhabited islands through which we had so long been wandering, it bore the appearance of a populous city ; indeed, from the innumerable threads of white smoke which in all directions, curling through the bright green foliage, were seen slowly escaping into the pure blue air, this place of rendezvous was evidently swarming alive with inhabitants, who, as we approached, were seen hurrying from all points towards the shore ; and by the time we arrived within one hundred and fifty yards of the island, the beach for about half a mile was thronged with Indians of all tribes, dressed in their various costumes : some displayed a good deal of the red garment which nature had given to them ; some were partially covered with the skins of wild animals they had slain ; others were enveloped in the folds of an English white blanket, and some in cloth and cottons ofthe gaudiest colours. The scene altogether was highly picturesque, and I stood up in the canoe to enjoy it, when all of a sudden, on a signal given by one of the principal chiefs, every Indian present levelled his rifle towards me ; and from the centre to both extremities of the line there 142 THE BARK CANOE. Chap. VIL immediately irregularly rolled a feu-de-joie, which echoed and re-echoed among the wild uninhabited islands behind us. As soon as I landed I was accosted by some of the principal chiefs ; but from that native good breeding which in every situation in which they can be placed invariably distin guishes the Indian tribes, I was neither hustled nor hunted by a crowd ; on the contrary, during the three days I remained on the island, and after 1 was personally known to every individual upon it, I was enabled, without any difficulty or inconvenience, or without a single person following or even stopping to stare at me, to wander completely by myself among all their wigwams. Occasionally the head of the family would rise and salute rae, but generally speaking, I received from the whole group what I valued infinitely more — a sraile of happiness and con tentraent ; and when I beheld their healthy countenances and their robust active frames, I could not help feeling how astonished people in England would be if they could but behold, and study, a state of human existence in which every item in the long list of artificial luxuries Chap. VII, THE BAEK CANOE. 143 which they have been taught to venerate is utterly unknown, and, if described, would be listened to with calm inoffensive indifi'erence, or with a smile approaching very nearly to the confines of contempt ; but the truth is, that between what we term the civilized portion of mankind, and what we call " the savage," there is a moral gulf which neither party can cross, or, in other words, on the subject of happiness, they have no ideas with us in coramon. For instance, if I could suddenly have transported one of the ruddy squaws before me to any of the principal bedrooms in Grosvenor Square, her first feeling on entering the apartment would have been that of suflfocation from heat and impure air; but if, gently drawing aside the thick damask curtains of a four-post bed, I had shown her its young aristocratic inmates fast asleep, protected frora every breath of air by glass windows, wooden shutters, hoUand blinds, window-curtains, hot bed-clothes, and beautiful fringed night-caps, — as soon as her smile had subsided, her simple heart would have yearned to return to the clean rocks and pure air of Lake Huron ; and so it would have been if I could suddenly have transported any of the 144 THE BARK CANOE. Chap. VU. young men before me to the narrow contracted hunting-grounds of any of our English country gentlemen ; indeed an Indian would laugh outright at the very idea of rearing and feeding game for the sake of afterwards shooting it; and the whole system of living, house-fed, in gaiters, and drinking port wine, would to his mind appear to be an inferior state of happiness to that which it had pleased " the Great Spirit" to allow him to enjoy. During the whole evening, and again early the next raorning, I was occupied in attending to claims on the consideration of the British Government which were urged by several of the tribes, and in making arrangements with some of our ministers of religion, of various sects, who, at their own expense, and at much inconvenience, had come to the island. At noon I proceeded to a point at which it had been arranged that I should hold a council with the chiefs of all the tribes, who, according to appointment, had congregated to meet me ; and on my arrival there I found them all assembled, standing in groups, dressed in their finest costumes, with feathers waving on their heads, with their faces painted, half-painted, Chap. VH. THE BARK CANOE. l45 quarter-painted, or one eye painted, according to the customs of their respective tribes, while on the breasts and arms of most of the oldest of them there shone resplendent the silver gorgets and armlets which in former years had been given to thera by their ally — the British Sovereign. After a few salutations it was proposed that our Council should commence ; and accord ingly, while I took possession of a chair which the Chief Superintendent of Indian affairs had been good enough to bring for me, the chiefs sat down opposite to rae in about eighteen or twenty lines parallel to each other. For a considerable tirae we indolently gazed at each other in dead silence. Passions of all sorts had time to subside ; and the judgment, divested of its enemy, was thus enabled calmly to consider and prepare tbe subjects of the ap proaching discourse ; and as if still further to facilitate this arrangement, " the pipe of peace" was introduced, slowly lighted, slowly smoked by one chief after another, and then sedately handed to me to sraoke it too. The whole assemblage having, in this siraple raanner, been soleranly linked together in a chain of H 1 46 THE BARK CANOE. Chap. VII. friendship, and as it had been intimated to thera by the Superintendent that I was ready to consider whatever observations any of them might desire to offer, one of the oldest chiefs arose; and, after standing for some seconds erect, yet in a position in which he was evidently perfectly at his ease, he commenced his speech — translated to me by an interpreter at my side — by a slow, calm expression of thanksgiving to the Great Spirit for having safely conducted so many of his race to the point an wbich they had been requested to assemble. He then, in very appropriate terms, expressed the feelings of attachment which had so long connected the red raan with his Great Parent across the Salt Lake ; and after this exordiura, which in composition and mode of utterance would have done credit to any legislative assembly in the civilized world, he proceeded, with great calmness, by very beau tiful metaphors, and by a narration of facts it was impossible to deny, to explain to me how graduaUy and — since their acquaintance with their white bref hren — how continuously the race of red raen had melted, and were still melting, like snow before the sun. As I did not take Chap. VII. THE BAEK CANOE. 147 notes of this speech, or of those of several other chiefs who afterwards addressed the Council, I could only very inaccurately repeat them. Besides which, a considerable portion of thera related to details of no public iraportance: 1 will therefore, in general terms, only observe, that nothing can be more interesting, or offer to the civilized world a more useful lesson than the manner in which the red aborigines of America, without ever interrupting each other, conduct their Councils, The calra, high-bred dignity of their de raeanour — the scientific manner in which they progressively construct the framework of what ever subject they undertake to explain — the sound arguments by which they connect, as well as support it — and the beautiful wild flowers of eloquence with which, as they proceed, they adorn every portion of the moral architecture they are constructing, form alto gether an exhibition of grave interest ; and yet, is it not astonishing to reflect that the orators in these Councils are men whose lips and gums are — while they are speaking' — black from the wild berries on whicb they have been subsist ing — who have never heard of education — h2 148 THE BARK CANOE' Chap. VII. never seen a town — but who, born in the secluded recesses of an alraost interminable forest, have spent their lives in either fol lowing zigzaggedly the garae on which they subsist through a labyrinth of trees, or in paddling their canoes across lakes, and araong a congregation of islands such as I have de scribed ! They hear more distinctly — see farther — smell cleai'er — can bear more fatigue — can subsist on less food — and have altogether fewer wants than their white brethren ; and yet, while from morning till night we stand gazing at our selves in the looking-glass of self-admiration, we consider the red Indian of Araerica as " outside barbarians." But I have quite forgotten to be the Hansard of my own speech at the Council, which was an attempt to explain to the tribes assembled the reasons which had induced their late " Great Father" to recoraraend some of them to sell their lands to the Provincial Government, and to remove to the innumerable islands in the waters before us. I assured them that their titles to their present hunting-grounds re mained, and ever would remain, respected and Chap. VII. THE BARK CANOE. 149 undisputed ; but that, inasmuch as their white brethren had an equal right to occupy and cul tivate the forest that surrounded them, the consequence inevitably would be to cut oflP their supply of wild game, as I have already described. In short, I stated the case as fairly as I could ; and, after a long debate, suc ceeded in prevailing on the tribe to whom I had particularly been addressing myself to dispose of their lands on the terras I had pro posed ; and whether the bargain was for their weal or woe, it was, and, so long as I live, will be, a great satisfaction to rae to feel that it was openly discussed and agreed to in pre sence of every Indian tribe with whom Her Majesty is allied ; for, be it always kept in mind, that while the white inhabitants of our North American Colonies are the Queen's subjects, the red Indian is by solemn treaty Her Majesty's ally. As soon as the council was over, the super intendent of Indian affairs proceeded to deliver to the tribes assembled their annual " presents," or, as they might more justly be termed, " tri butes ;" and before evening many a happy squaw grinned approbation of the bright. 150 THE BARK CANOE. Chap. VII. gaudy, glittering ornaments, white blankets, &c., which adorned her wigwam. The next day, after I had been occupied some hours in business of detail, the whole of the Indian chiefs and young men who were on the island asserabled to take part in some Olympic games which I had directed to be prepared for them, and which appeared to give them indescribable delight. We had prizes for archery, prizes for rifle shooting — at both of which sports, or rather professions, for they exist by them, the Indians highly excel. We had then canoe races, and last of all swimming races. For the latter none but the very strongest and most active of their young men competed. The candidates, about twenty in number, assembled in line ou the beach about fifty yards from the waters of the blue lake, which, without a ripple on its lovely countenance, lay sleeping before them. Their anxiety to start was clearly evident from the involuntary movement of little tell-tale muscles on their cheeks, red arms, backs, and straight legs ; in short, they stood trembling, now in one part, now in another, Chap. VII. THE BARK CANOE. 151 like young horses by the side of a cover in England which hounds are drawing. As soon as the signal rifle was fired, off they started at their utmost speed ; and certainly nothing could be finer than to see them, like so many Newfoundland dogs, dash into and then hop, skip, and jump through the water, until the first strike of their extended arms showed that they had taken leave of the bottom, and were, coraparatively speaking, tranquilly afloat. The whoop and encouragement of their respective friends, as sometimes turning one cheek upwards and sometimes the other, they gallantly stemmed through the water towards a canoe lying about half a mile from the shore, were highly exhilarating ; and the excitement increased, as first two or three jet-black heads, and then four or five more rounding the canoe, suddenly changed into as many blood-red faces strenuously approaching a prize which had been selected as not only the most appropriate but the most encouraging — namely, a horizontal pole covered from end to end with glass beads for young squaws. The eye of every swimmer as he advanced 152 THE BARK CANOE. Chap. VII. appeared eagerly fixed upon the glittering prize, which no doubt his heart had already destined for the object or objects of his affec tion; however, in all regions of the globe human hopes are eggs that very often indeed turn out to be addled ; and thus it was with the hopes of the swimmers before us. The race was what is termed excellent ; indeed the struggle was so severe that half a dozen of the leading swimmers might, to use a sporting phrase, " have been covered with a sheet ;" the consequence of which was, that they came within their depths at the same raoraent, and they were no sooner on their feet than, with uplifted arms, tearing and splashing through the shallow water, they rushed to the beach, then onwards to their goal; and arriving there nearly together, they knocked pole and pole-holders head over heels on the ground, and then throwing them selves upon them they crushed all the beautiful glass beads to atoms ! " The lovely toys, so keenly sought. Thus lost their charms by being caught." The young squaws for whom the prize had been destined, had they been present, might no doubt have drawn a useful moral from the Chap. VIL THE BARK CANOE. 153 result. The catastrophe, however, was really most tragical, and was so deeply affecting tbat, to restore sunshine after the storm, I ordered the pole to be refitted with beads, to be fairly di-vided among the young conquerors ; and in deed, to tell the truth, I took care that even the squaws of the defeated should have some reason to be thankful for the exertions that had been made in their behalf. While the excitement caused by these little games was at its height, we managed, unper ceived, to get into our canoes, and to paddle homewards. As our duty was over, we had plenty of time to shoot and fish as we pro ceeded. Our days were passed in meandering under a clear sky, through the beautiful islands I have described, and on which, at night, we slept as before. The expedition was altoge ther a most delightful one : wholesome exer cise for the body, healthy recreation for the mind ; and I certainly returned to my daily work at Toronto considerably stronger than when I had left it to make my visit to that simple, high-bred, and virtuous race of men, the red aborigines of the forest. h3 ( 154 ) Chapter VIII. THE FLARE-UP. This chapter contains a few trifling details of events with the outlines of which the public is afready acquainted. As soon as Mr, McKenzie, Dr. Duncombe, Mr. Robert Baldwin, Mr. Speaker BidweU, Dr. Rolph, and other nameless demagogues found that their demand for " responsible govern ment " was repudiated by the people of Upper Canada, to whom they had appealed ; that in consequence of their having made this de mand they had lost their elections, and that their seats in the Coraraons' House of Assembly M'ere filled up with loyal men, opposed to the revolutionary innovation they had desired to effect, it was naturally to be expected that they would have given up a political contest in which it was evident that they had morally, been completely and irretrievably defeated. Chap. VIII. THE FLARE-UP. 155 In England, where the popular voice is a many-stringed instrument composed of fund- holders, landowners, churchmen, statesmen, shipowners, manufacturers, independent la bourers, and paupers, it is quite impossible that any measure can be approved of by all these different and conflicting interests ; but in the back- woods of North America these arti ficial distinctions do not exist; and as almost universal suff'rage prevailed in Upper Canada, it must have been evident to Messrs. Baldwin, Bidwell, Rolph, and Mr, McKenzie, as it was to me, that the moral opinion against respon sible government, which had been constitution ally declared by the free and independent electors of the province, was identical with the physical force with which, if necessary, it would be resisted by thera; and when it is considered that the physical strength of the British erapire, and that the bayonets of the Queen's troops were ready to join this prepon derating force, I perhaps ought to have sus pected, from the mere fact of a few fundless demagogues holding out against such odds, that they were encouraged to do so by the Government and by the people of the United 156 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap. VIII. States. The idea, however, never for a mo raent entered ray mind : my council was com posed of raen of great sagacity, high character, and prudence ; yet no one among them fore saw or even suspected danger from our neigh bouring ally. Mr. Ex-Speaker Bidwell and his comrades, however, well enough knew whose expectations they were fulfilling, and to whom they were to look for reward ; and accord ingly, so soon as all hope of being re-elected to the legislature ceased, Mr. McKenzie com raenced a set of operations against rae which I felt at the tirae could only be compared to the antics which Robinson Crusoe's raan Friday played off upon the poor bear. The course of policy which I had deterrained to pursue — whether right or wrong it now matters not — was at all events a plain one. For upwards of two years I had occupied rayself in ascertaining the real sentiraents of the people whom it was ray fate to govern, and the result of this rainute investigation having been raost powerfully corroborated by the late elections, I felt that I might confidently await the hour, should it ever arrive, in which it would be my duty to caU upon the brave and Chap. vm. THE FLAEE-UP. 157 loyal inhabitants of Upper Canada to rally round rae to suppress rebellion, and, above all, to resist the sraallest attempt to introduce that odious principle of " responsible government " which a few republicans in the province had been desirous to force upon them. Now this course of policy, which it will be perceived treated Mr. McKenzie with abject contempt, was exactly that which he was par ticularly desirous I should not pursue ; for he felt, and justly felt, that as a political mounte bank, it was no use at all for him to be every day performing dangerous tricks unless he could asserable an audience, aud he therefore resolved to do everything he could to force rae to patron ise or bring him into notice ; and so, first, he wrote, and then he printed, and then he rode, and then he spoke, stamped, foamed, wiped his seditious little mouth, and then spoke again ; and thus, like a squirrel in a cage, he continued with astonishing assiduity the centre of a revo lutionary career, until many, bewildered by his movements, wondered that I did not begin to follow his example and do the same ; and, indeed, by several I was seriously blamed for what they were pleased to term " supineness." 158 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap. VIIL As soon, however, as Mr. McKenzie found that his poisonous prescriptions would not ope rate upon rae, he resolved to strengthen the dose, and he accordingly issued placards an nouncing raonster-raeetings, at which speeches, very nearly approaching to sedition and trea son, were uttered, and the next morning printed and published in his newspaper. These proceedings and these newspapers were brought to rae by many of my best sup porters, who, with feelings more or less excited, expressed in unexceptionable terms thefr dis approbation of the course I was pursuing, Mr, McKenzie's next step was to prevail upon his followers to assemble at their meet ings with " loaded fire-arms," and under the pretence of shooting at pigeons, they were ad vised in placards to bring bullets, and " to keep their powder dry." This measure of course increased to a very considerable degree the unpopularity of the course I was pursuing ; and raany declaring to me they were in bodily fear, and whose countenances truly enough certified the state ment, called at Government House to entreat me, in justice to the loyal inhabitants of the Chap. VIII. THE FLAEE-UP, 159 province, to arrest Mr, McKenzie for high treason ; a recommendation in which people of almost all classes appeared to concur. It was from no feeling of obstinacy, but after the most deliberate reflection, that I declined to adopt the proceedings suggested to me, I need hardly say I was as anxious to incar cerate Mr, McKenzie, and as wiUing to dis perse illegal assemblages as any wbo advocated these measures. But I had no troops, no physical force but that which is the represent ative of moral justice. Many people have blamed, and 1 believe still blame rae, for hav ing, as they say, " sent the troops out of the province." I however did no such thing. Sir John Colborne, the Coramander of the Forces in Canada, felt that he required the whole of thera to defend the lower province, and deera- ing the raoral power which he saw I possessed sufficient, he offered me a couple of companies onlj', and then, without consulting me, recaUed the whole of the remainder of the troops. Considering that Upper Canada was larger in surface than England and Wales, I felt that I should gain more by throwing myself entirely upon the militia, than by keeping 160 THE FLAEE-UP.' Chap. VIIL these two companies ; and Sir John Colborne fully concurring in this opinion, he acceded to my request, and accordingly by recalling them enormously increased ray power. Being thus without troops, I felt that even if I had wished to corarait au arbitrary act, it would not be prudent for rae to atterapt to seize Mr. McKenzie until he had advanced within the short clumsy clutches of the law ; and as I had long ago directed, and was re minding daily the Queen's Attorney-General, Mr. Hagerman, to report to rae whenever that moment should have arrived, I had no alterna tive but to set law and justice at defiance, or, regardless of clamour, to await until in the sacred name of both I could seize my victim. But I had another raost powerful reason, which, though well understood in Canada, and raost particularly by Mr. McKenzie, was from fear and excitement insufficiently appreciated by those who were blaming me. Upon the loyalty of the province I well knew I had every reason to rely ; yet it was equally well known to me that the militia of Canada are men whose time cannot with im- punity be trifled with. Chap.VIIL THE PLAEE-UP. 161 They always have been, and always will be, ready to turn out when required ; but the ad ministrators of the governraent of our North American provinces should ever beware of keeping these men — I may truly say these gentlemen — away from their farms and families, doing nothing. Now, Mr. McKenzie knew this well enough, and, inasmuch as his crafty pigeon-shooting policy was to force rae to call out the militia, send them back, call them out again, send them back again, until, when the moraent of his real attack should arrive, I might, like the shepherd- boy in the fable, in all probability have called for assistance in vain ; so, on the other hand, my antagonist policy was to refuse to harass the militia, to show them that my supineness only appeared great because my reliance upon them was great ; and thus, repressing rather than exciting their ardour, to wait until I really wanted their services, and then, pointing to the rebels, to bid them " make short work of 'em, and then go back home." For these reasons I adhered to my determi nation. Those who were alarmed looked to me ; I looked to the Attorney-General ; he 162 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap. VIII. continued silent, and I therefore reraained (for which by people in England who did not under stand my difficulties 1 have occasionally been much blamed) "with folded arms." But during the suspense in which I was thus placed, there was another path by which Mr, McKenzie endeavoured by every exertion in his power to assail me. A servant girl had poisoned her mistress, for which offence she had been arrested, tried, and conderaned to death. I believe a female had never before been executed in Upper Canada, besides which, she was young aud beautiful. All these circumstances combined, naturally enough interested many in her favour, and a petition was addressed to rae, praying that her life might be spared. I need not say that I fervently joined in the prayer, and with that feeling I forwarded it to Chief-Justice Robinson, and to the judges for their report. The subject received their most serious attention ; but inasmuch as there was nothing in the evidence upon which the young woraan had been convicted that cast the slightest shadow of doubt upon her guilt, or which offered the sraallest excuse for the deU- Chap. VIII. THE FLAEE-UP. 163 berate murder she had committed, they sub mitted to me a detailed report of their notes, almost without corament. As soon as, by the advice of my council, I had declined to accede to the prayer of this petition, Mr. McKenzie felt that a great com motion might easily be produced ; and as a number of the best men in the province con sented to be agitators in such a cause, the excitement extended ; and as the hour of re bellion in both provinces was evidently ap proaching, many who might have judged better joined in petitioning and in advising me, as a matter of "policy," to grant a reprieve. I again consulted the judges; but with tliatcalui integrity which has always distinguished their leader, he merely repeated what he had written. The executive council, much to their credit, remained firm in the opinion they had ex pressed ; and as the raoraent was one in which the sraallest concession to claraour, the slightest departure frora sound principles, the raost trifling atterapt to conciliate opponents whora it was my duty to defy, probably would, and at all events might, have been productive of serious results, I declared, with feeUngs which 164 THE FLARE-UP. Chap. VIII. I need not describe, that the sentence was irre vocable, and that the law was to take its course — as indeed it did — at Toronto. Mr. McKenzie immediately perceived that he had better raake the execution of this young girl the moraent of his outbreak. He accord ingly raade arrangements for conceaUng arms in the town, and for an assemblage of all his deluded followers, who were to enter the city under the excuse of witnessing the execution. They were then to come to Government House to petition in her favour, " dispose" of me, save the girl, plunder the banks, seize the govern ment muskets, &c. If Mr. McKenzie had, after concocting this plan, remained quiet, a number of very fine fellows would no doubt, under the impulse of the moment, have felt themselves justified in rescuing a young woman from a horrid and ignominious death ; and when once the authorities were overcorae, considerable mis chief might have ensued until the yeomen and farmers forming the militia had had time to advance ; but in the madness of his guilt he wanted method, and his conduct became so out rageous, that without being aware of his plot, Chap. VIII. THE FLAEE-UP. 165 I made arrangements for calling out at a mo ment's warning a small portion ofthe militia. The instant this order was issued, Mr, McKenzie clearly saw that, although I could reraain doing nothing, he could not. He there fore, in the following number of his newspaper, published a list of nineteen successful strikes for freedom which had taken place in the his tory of the world, and in very plain language called upon his followers to follow these glo rious examples. The Attorney-General, who with calm un remitting attention had been watching the eccentric raoveraents of this contemptible de magogue, now called upon me to report that Mr. McKenzie had at last crossed the line of demarcation, and that he was within the reach and power of British law. I instantly assembled my council, and with their advice I directed the Attorney-General to lose not a moment in arresting Mr. McKenzie for high treason ; but he had all along under stood his position as clearly as the legal ad viser to the Crown, a.nd accordingly, at the very instant I was ordering his apprehension, he had fled from Toronto, had assembled his fol- 166 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap.VIIL lowers, and as a leader of a band of rebels, arraed with loaded rifles and pikes, he was advancing to attack Toronto. About a mile frora Toronto, on the edge of a lonely cliff wbich overhangs the beautiful waters of Lake Ontario, there had been constructed many years ago a weak fort in which a regiment of the line had always been quartered. As soon as Mr. McKenzie commenced the agitation I have just described, I requested the officer of engineers of the district to strengthen this fort by every means in his power ; and accordingly its earth-works were surrounded by a couple of lines of palisadoes, the barracks were loop- holed, the magazine stockaded, and a corapany of Toronto militia were lodged in a corner of the barracks. Although, however, I made these prepara tions, and also took the necessary precautions for preventing Government House from being carried by surprise, I secretly resolved, that on the breaking out of the rebellion which had already commenced in Lower Canada, and which I was quite aware would sooner or later Chap.VIIL THE FLAEE-UP. 167 take place in the Upper Province, I would take up my position in the market-place of Toronto, instead of retiring, as it was expected I would, to this fort. For although I was a coramander without troops, I had served long enough in the corps of engineers to know — first, that there exists in warfare no more dangerous trap than a fortress too large for its garrison ; and se condly, that there is no hold against a rabble more impregnable than a substantial isolated building, well loop-holed, swarming alive with raen, and containing, hidden within its portal of entrance — as the market-house of Toronto did contain — a couple of six-pounders with plenty of grape-shot, as also about four thou sand stand of arms, with bayonets, belts, ball cartridges, &c. I submit to the opinion of any military man of experience, that such a position, within a couple of hundred yards of ray own house, was not only perfectly adequate to any attack I could possibly have to expect, but that it was infinitely better adapted for defence by the militia of Upper Canada than a circumvaila- tion of low earth-works, situated nearly a mile from any human habitation, and immediately bounded on one side by the forest. Besides 168 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap.VIIL which, in the moral contest in which I was about to be engaged, I should have been out of ray proper element in a military fort : for as my army — if I was to have any — were the peo ple of Upper Canada, my proper position was, without metaphor, in the heart of their capital ; and I therefore submit, that if I had abandoned Toronto, I should have deserted my post, I state these few explanatory details, because in Canada, as well as in England, many people very kindly disposed towards me, but unversed in the rudiments of war, have considered that I was very nearly taken by surprise ; whereas, the truth is, tbat if Mr. McKenzie had con ducted his gang within pistol-shot of the market-house, the whole of the surprise would have belonged to him. I had taken to bed a bad sick head-ache, and at midnight of the 4th of December, was fast asleep with it, when I was suddenly awakened by a person Avho informed me that Mr. McKen zie was conducting a large body of rebels upon Toronto, and that he was within two or three miles of the city. A few faithful friends kindly conducted my Chap.VIIL THE FLAEE-UP. 169 family to a place of safety, and eventually to a steamer floating in the harbour, and while they were proceeding there, I walked along King Street to the position I had prepared in the market-house. The stars were shining bright as diamonds in the black canopy over my head. The air was intensely cold, and the snow-covered planks which formed the footpath of the city creaked as I trod upon them. The principal bell of the town was, naturally enough, in an agony of fear, and her shrill, irregular, mono tonous little voice, strangely breaking the serene silence of night, was exclaiming to the utraost of its strength — " Murder I Murder ! Murder ! and vfmch worse I .'" As soon as I reached the market-house I found assembled there the armed guard of the town, and a small body of trusty men, araong whom were the five judges, a force quite suffi cient to have repelled and punished any attack which we were likely at that raoment to expect. We, however, lost no time in unpacking cases of muskets and of ball cartridges, and in distributing them to those who kept joining our party. That, however, among us we had I 170 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap. VHI. at least one whose zeal exceeded his discretion, I soon learned by a musket-ball, which, passing through the door of a small room in which I was consulting with Judge Jones, stuck in the wall close beside us. In a very short tirae we organized our little force, and as we had detached, in advance, piquets of observation, to prevent our being surprised, we lay down on the floor to sleep. About eight o'clock in the morning I in spected my followers in the square in which the market-house stands. We were of course a motley group, I had a short double-bar relled gun in my belt and another on my shoulder. The Chief Justice had about thirty rounds of ball-cartridge in his cartouch, the rest of the party were equally well armed, and the two six-pounders were comfortably filled with grape-shot. Still, however, our " faraily compact" was but a small one, and as Mr. McKenzie's forces were much exaggerated, and as Rumour, with her usual positiveness, of course declared that rebels were flocking to him by hundreds from all directions, and as he had already committed murder, arson, and robbery to a considerable Chap.VIIL THE FLAEE-UP. 171 amount, it was evident to us all that a problem of serious importance to the civilized world was about to be solved. In one of my printed proclamations I had lately said — " The people of Upper Canada detest democracy, revere their Constitutional Charter, and are staunch in allegiance to their King." Was the publication of these words by me an empty bluster, or a substantial truth ? Again, in reply to the demand for " responsible government," I had stated that " / had not the power to alter the Constitution of the province, and that, if I had the power, I had not the WILL," Was that despotic declaration now to be revenged, or would the farmers and yeomen of the province rise en masse to maintain it ? The result of the late election, and of the ob servations I had been enabled to make in my tours through the province, had convinced me that the people of Upper Canada preferred the freedom of monarchy to the tyranny of demo cracy ; but would they, in the depth of winter, leave their farms and families, to substantiate this theory ? Would they, unsolicited by me, risk their lives in its defence ? I knew that they ought — I firraly believed that they would, I 2 172 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap.VIIL If they did, the triumph of British institutions over the new-fangled demand for " responsible government " would be unanswerable. If they did not, I felt that the hour for the legitimate repudiation by the mother-country of her North American colonies would have arrived, and that, whatever penalty I individually might have to pay, no man could reasonably condemn me for having maintained, on the soil of America, so long as I was able, and without concession, the supremacy of British institu tions. Impressed with this latter opinion, I fancied that my mind was perfectly tranquil, and in this state I passed the day, which was occasionally enlivened by an alarra that the rebels were advancing upon us, and which of course caused every barricadoed window to be suddenly bristled with the muzzles of loaded muskets, "like quills upon the fretful por cupine," The sun set without our receiving succour, or any intimation of its approach. My confi dence, however, on the people of Upper Canada stiU remained in the zenith, and I have now the pleasure to show tbat in that position it was not misplaced. Chap.VIIL THE FLAEE-UP. 173 At two o'clock in the afternoon, Sir Allan MacNab received inteUigence, ar Hamilton, a considerable town at the head of Lake Ontario, and situated about forty-five miles from Toronto, that I was in the market-place, invested by Mr. McKenzie and his band of rebels. He immediately mounted his horse and rode to the wharf, seized a steamer that was lying there, put a guard on board of her, despatched messengers in various directions to the Canadian farmers, yeomen, &c,, in his neighbourhood, and at five o'clock sailed, with the vessel heavily laden with " the men of Gore," upwards of a thousand of whom had but lately spontaneously proceeded to Toronto to express to Sir John Colborne their abhorrence of a letter published by a certain member of the British House of Commons, in which he had designated their glorious connexion with Great Britain as " the baneful domination of the mother country." In all parts of the provinces similar exertions were made; and thus without a moment's delay whole companies, sraall detachments, straggling parties, and individuals, without waiting to congregate, had left their farms and farailies, 174 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap.VIIL and were converging in the dark through the forest, from all directions, upon the market place of Toronto, Poor fellows! they could not, however, compete with the power of steami and accordingly the " men of Gore" first came to the goal for which all were striving, I was sitting by tallow-candle light in the large hall, surrounded by my comrades, when we suddenly heard in the direction of the lake shore a distant cheer. In a short time, two or three people rushing in at the door, told us that " a steamer full of the men of Gore had just arrived !" and almost at the same moment I had the pleasure of receiving this intelligence from their own leader. I have said that my mind had been tran quilly awaiting the solution of a great problem, of the truth of which it had no doubt ; but my philosophy was fictitious, for I certainly have never in my life felt more deeply aff"ected than I was when, seeing my most ardent hopes suddenly reaUsed, I offered my hand to Sir Allan MacNab. I had, of course, reason to be gratified at the attachment of any one to the cause it was my duty to uphold ; but of all the individuals Chap. VIIL THE FLARE-UP. 175 in the province whom I could most have de sired to see combined with me in arms to defend it, was the very one who first came to the British standard— namely, the Speaker of the Commons' House of Assembly, the con stitutional representative of the representatives of a free and loyal people ! The next morning regiments of tired farmers and leg-wearied yeomen flocked in from all directions. On their arrival, I of course went out and thanked them, and then told those who had no fowling-pieces that they should imme diately receive muskets and ammunition. " If your Honour will but give us arms," ex claimed a voice from the ranks in a broad Irish brogue, " the rebels will find legs !" We had now sufficient force to attack Mr. McKenzie and his gang, who had taken up their position in Montgomery's Tavern, a large building flanked by outhouses, situated on the summit of Gallows Hill, and about four miles from Toronto; and accordingly my council, who had opportunities of listening to various opinions, very strongly urged me to do so. Lower Canada, however, was in open rebel lion; and as success in the upper province 176 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap. VIH. would, of course, be productive of serious moral consequences upon the other, and vice versd, I determined that nothing should induce me to risk losing a game, the court cards of which were evidently in my hands. However, on the morning of the 7th we had such an overwhelming force that there re mained not the slightest reason for delay ; and accordingly, leaving a detachment to guard tbe market bouse and protect the town, the remainder of our force which, during the pe riod of delay, had been organised into com panies, was assembled for the object they had so eagerly desired. As the attack of Montgomery's Tavern has already officially been described, I will only here mention a few trifling details, which, of course, could not be stated in a formal account. I was sitting on horseback waiting to hear the officer commanding the asserabled force order his raen to advance, and was wondering why he did not do so, wben one of the prin cipal leaders rode up to rae, and told me that the militia wished rae to give them the word of command, which I accordingly did. As the companies were very small, and only Chap.VIIL THE FLAEE-UP. 177 occupied the breadth of the macadamized road, our force had an imposing appearance, and we were scarcely out ofthe town when the rebels, from the top of the hill they were occupying, must have seen this mass of bright arms glit tering in the sunshine. The enthusiasm and joy of this column was beyond all description. Any one who had met them would have fancied they were all going to a wedding ; or rather, that every one of them were walking to be married. To this universal grin, however, there was very pro perly contrasted the serious, thoughtful, care worn countenances of the ministers of religion, of various persuasions, who accompanied us until we received a few shots from the dark forest which bounded a narrow strip of cul tivated land on each side of the road. Many among them, and especially the bold diocesan of the Church of England, would wil lingly have continued their course, but with becoming dignity they deemed it their duty to refrain ; and, accordingly, giving us their blessing, which I trust no one more reve rentially appreciated than myself, they one after another retired, i3 178 THE FLAEE-UP. ChIp. VUL " Our men are with thee," said the respected minister of the Wesleyan Methodists ; " the prayers of our women attend thee ! " Montgomery's Tavern was now but a mile before us, and the shots from the forest on each side increasing, it was deemed advisable to let loose a strong party of skirmishers upon the rebels, who were firing upon us. The word was no sooner given than I saw Judge Maclean, a high-minded Canadian Highlander, vault over the snake-fence by my side ; but the men in both detachments did the same; and the manner in which they rushed into the forest resembled the descriptions I have read of a pack of high-bred fox-hounds dashing into an English furze cover. We had hitherto listened to the firing of rifles, but the honest deep-toned voices of the English musket clearly announced the supe riority of that noble weapon over the " little pea" instrument that was opposed to it, and which gradually subsiding, very soon became silent. As soon as the head of the column arrived within musket shot of Montgomery's Tavern, which was evidently occupied by Mr, McKen- Chap. VIII. THE FLAEE-UP. 179 zie's principal force, it halted until our two guns could come up. The rebels fired, as if disposed to maintain the position, but as soon as a couple of round shot passed through this building, they were seen exuding from the door like bees from the little hole of their hiye, and then in search of the honey of safety flying in all directions into the deep welcome recesses of the forest. At this moment a man on horseback was observed trying to ride his horse into the door ofthe tavern, " Shoot me that man I" exclaimed the officer in command in a sharp eager tone of voice. A couple of our best shots advanced, took a cool deliberate aim, and were on the point of firing, when a voice frora the ranks exclaimed " Don't fire I It 's Judge Jones I " and true enough it was. This Canadian subject, followed by Alexan der Macleod (afterwards tried in the United States, and whose little story will appear in a subsequent chapter), had managed to get ahead to the point I have described. The column now eagerly advanced ; but by the time it reached the tavern, which if it had 180 THE FLARE-UP. Chap. VIU. been properly defended would have given us some trouble, the Irishman's prophecy had been completely fulfilled — that is to say, the rebels' legs had eflTectually saved them from the ARMS of the loyal. The bubble had completely burst, and no thing remained to tell of its past history but Mr. Mackenzie's flag — his bag, full of letters and papers advocating " responsible govern ment," and the heaps of dirty straw on which he and his gang had been sleeping. " Juvat ire, et Dorica castra, Desertosque videre locos, littusque relictum. Hic Dolopum manus I hic saevus tendebat Achilles !" Shortly after the column had halted in front of this buUding, a party from the skirmishers brought to me a couple of prisoners they had captured in the bush. They had corae from the interior of the province, had been told all sorts of stories, had been deluded rather than seduced, and now they stood trembUng, as if the only remaining problem in this world of any importance was, on which of the innu merable tall trees around us they should be hanged ; indeed I think I never before beheld two raen so arran tly frightened. Chap.VIIL THE FLAEE-UP. 181 They were all that remained of Mr. M'Ken- zie's army, and as I had off'ered large sums for the apprehension of him and of all his leaders, I felt at the moment — rightly or wrongly it is now too late to consider — that I could not cele brate our triumph more appropriately than by telling these two poor trembling beings, after half a dozen words of admonition, that " in their Sovereign's name I pardoned them." But the sentence came upon them so unex pectedly, that although they were released, they could neither move nor speak, indeed, they very nearly fainted away. It was, however, necessary that we should mark and record, by some act of stern ven geance, the important victory that had been achieved ; and I therefore determined, that in the presence of the assembled militia I would burn to the ground Montgomery's Tavern, and also the house of Mr. Gibson, a meraber of the Provincial House of Assembly, who had cora manded Mr. M'Kenzie's advanced guard, and who with him had just absconded to the United States. Mr. Montgomery had also been one of the principal ringleaders; his tavern had long 182 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap. VIII. been the rendezvous of the disaflPected ; it had just been their fortress from which they had fired upon Her Majesty's subjects; but far above all, its floor was stained with the blood —and its walls had witnessed the death — of Colonel Moodie. This gallant old soldier, who had highly distinguished himself in the Peninsular war, was residing three or four miles up the road on which we stood ; and as soon as Mr. M'Kenzie's body of armed rebels had passed his house, he determined that — coute qui coute — he would ride through them, and give me information that they were marching on To ronto. As he approached Montgomery's Tavern his fearless pace clearly proclaimed his object. The rebels called upon him to pull up, but feeling that he was " on Her Majesty's service," he professionally continued his course, until he fell to the ground, pierced by several shots from their rifles. On being carried into Montgomery's Tavern, mortally wounded, he was treated with bar barous indignity. The rebels called him "a Bloody Tory /" and the appellation was correct ; Chap. VIII. THE FLARE-UP. 183 but he died as he had lived, an honest, brave, loyal subject ofthe Crown, Although it will probably cause not the smallest excitement in this country among Whigs or Tories, yet in our North American colonies it is deemed most strange, and in the future history of the British empire it will surely appear unaccountable, that the leader of the Conservatives during his enjoyment of office did nothing for Colonel Moodie's widow, daughters, or son, all of whom were left in great poverty ; and yet that he advised our gracious Sovereign publicly to pardon and bring back to Upper Canada Mr. Montgomery, in whose house this gallant old soldier had died, and also Mr, Gibson, who had taken charge of all Mr, McKenzie's prisoners, and who had been Colonel Moodie's jailer while he was dying! On the return of this man to Canada, the Queen's subjects he had maltreated, indignant at his pardon, obtained writs against him for false imprisonment ; and such was his own estimation of his guilt, that, seeing that the pardon of the Crown could not shield him from the paramount vengeance of British law, 184 THE FLAEE-UP. Chap.VIIL he again absconded to the United States. However, " revenons a nos moutons !" I need hardly say that my order to burn the buildings in which Colonel Moodie had been thus treated was very cheerfully received ; and I was on horseback waiting the result, when about forty yards on my right I heard the voice of a woman who was surrounded by some of the militia, and who was evidently in an agony of despair. Fearing there might be a disposition to ill- treat her, I rode up to her. For some reason or other — probably, poor thing, because either her husband, or brother, or son, had just fled with the rebels — she was in a state of violent excitement, and she was addressing herself to me, and I was looking her full in the face, and listening to her with the utmost desire to understand if possible what she was very incoherently complaining of, when all of a sudden she gave a piercing scream, I saw her mind break — her reason burst ; and no sooner were they thus relieved from the high pressure which had been giving them such excruciating pain, than her countenance re laxed ; then, beaming with frantic delight, her CuAP. vm. THE FLAEE-UP. 185 uplifted arms flew round her head, her feet jumped with joy, and she thus remained dancing before me — a raving maniac ! But volume after volume of deep black smoke rolling and rising from the windows of Montgomery's Tavern now attracted my atten tion. This great and lofty building, entirely constructed of timber and planks, was soon a mass of flames, whose long red tongues sometimes darted horizontally, as if revenge fully to consume those who had created thera, and then flared high above the roof As we sat on our horses the heat was in tense ; and while the conflagration was the subject of joy and triumph to the gallant spirits that immediately surrounded it, it was a lurid telegraph which intimated to many an anxious and aching heart at Toronto the joyful intelli gence that the yeomen and farmers of Upper Canada had triumphed over their perfidious enemy, "responsible government." As mankind, in every region of the globe, are prone to exaggerate the importance of every little event in which they themselves happen to have been engaged, it would only be natural if I were to follow this course as re- 1 86 THE FLARE-UP. Chap. VIIL gards the events I have just detailed. Figures, however, as well as facts, fortunately prevent me from doing so. The whole force which Mr, McKenzie and his assistant, Dr, Rolph, a practising midwife, were enabled to collect, amounted only to 500 men. Now at this moment the population of Upper Canada was 450,000 ; Toronto con tained 10,000, and the Home District 60,000. On the fourth day after the outbreak, such numbers of loyal men were flocking towards Toronto from all directions, that I was obliged to publish placards throughout the province announcing that I had no occasion for their services ; and on the seventh day after the out break I issued a general order, placing (besides Her Majesty's troops, who had already de parted) the militia of seven counties of Upper Canada at the disposal of Sir John Colborne for the defence of the Lower Province. I mention these facts to prove that the advo cates of " responsible government" had physically been defeated as completely as their demand had several months ago been morally defeated thoughout the Province at the hustings. ( 187 ) Chapter IX. THE BRITISH FLAG. On my arrival at Toronto, people from all parts of the Province, propelled by a variety of feel ings which they could not control, were seen centripedally riding, driving, or walking to wards Government House. One, in pure English, described to me the astonishing lux uriance of the western district; another, in a strong Irish brogue, the native beauty of Lake Simcoe; another, in broad Scotch, explained to me the value of the timber trade on the Ottawa; one confidently assured me that in his district there were veins of coal — another hinted at indications of copper — one raved about a fishery — another was in raptures about the college — some described to rae Lakes Huron, Erie, and Ontario — several the Falls of Niagara — all praised the cliraate ; " and yet," said I to myself, as absorbed in deep melancholy I im perfectly listened to their descriptions in detail. 188 THE BRITISH FLAG. Ceap. IX. " and yet how is it that in the foreground of this splendid picture I can no where see the British Flag ? Except by its powerful influence, how can I, inexperienced and unsupported, expect to stand against the difficulties which are about to assail me ? Except by its eloquence, how can I advocate the glorious institutions of our country ? Except under its blessing, how can I even hope to prosper ? With nothing to look up to, and nothing to die under, an admiral might as well attempt to fight a ship without a pennant, or to go to sea in a ship without a bottora, as that I should vainly undertake to govern Canada from a house with nothing on its roof to greet the winds of heaven but stacks of reeking chimneys." In building, I know quite well that it is usual to coraraence by laying what is vulgarly called the foundation stone ; however, under the feelings I have but faintly described, I deter mined that I would begin to build my political edifice from the top, and accordingly in due time there appeared on the roof of Government House, first, half a dozen workmen mysteriously hammering away, as if at their own shins, then a tall straight staff wearing a small foraging cap Chap. IX. THE BRITISH FLAG, 189 on its head appeared, as if it had started up by magic, or like a mushroom had risen in the night ; and lastly, an artillery-man, in his blue jacket and red cuffs, was seen, with extended arms, to haul up, hand over head, and to leave behind him, joyfully fluttering in the wind, the British Flag, What were my own feelings when I first beheld this guardian angel hovering over ray head I had rather not divulge, but the sensa tion it created throughout the Province I need not fear to describe, " There 's no mistaking what that means !" exclaimed an old Canadian colonel of militia who happened to be standing, with a group of his comrades, at the moment the artillery-man finished his job, "Now what s the use of that, I should j ust like to know ?" muttered a well-known supporter of republican principles : however, the latter ob servation was but an exception to the rule, for the truth is, that the sight of the British Flag extinguished rather than excited all narrow jealousies, all angry feelings, all party distinc tions, all provincial animosities. Its glorious history rushed through the mind and memory to the heart of almost every one who beheld it. 190 THE BRITISH FLAG. Chap. IX. The Irish Catholic, the Orangeman, the Scotch Presbyterian, the Methodist, the English reformer, the voters for ballot, for universal suffrage, for responsible government, or, in other terms, for " no Governor," for liberty and equality, and for other theoretical nonsense which they did not clearly understand, as if, by mutual consent, forgot their differences as they gazed together with fraternal aff'ection upon what all alike claimed as their common property, their common wealth, their common parent; and, while as if rejoicing at the sight of its con gregation, the hallowed emblem fluttered over their heads — it told them they were the children of one family — it admonished them to love one another — it bade them fear nothing but God, honour their sovereign, and obey their own laws. From sunrise till sunset this "bit of bunting" was constantly, as from a pulpit, addressing itself to the good feelings of all who beheld it, and especially to the members of both branches of the legislature, who, in their way to, and return from, Parliament- buildings, had to walk almost underneath it twice a day during the session. In all weathers it was there to welcome Chap. IX. THE BRITISH FLAG. 191 them, as well as all conditions of men ; some times, in the burning heat of summer, it hung motionless against the staff", as if it had just fainted away from the dull, sultry mugginess of the atmosphere ; at other times it was occa sionally almost veiled by the white snow storm, termed "poudr6," that was drifting across it. Some one truly enough declared that " the harder it blew the smaller it grew ;" for, as there were flags of several sizes, it was deemed prudent to select one suited to the force of the gale, until, during the hurricanes that occasionally occur, it was reduced from its smallest size to a "British Jack" scarcely bigger than a common pocket handkerchief; nevertheless, large or small, blow high or blow low, this faithful sentinel was always at his post. For many years the English, Irish, and Scotch inhabitants of Upper Canada had been in the habit, on the day of their respective patron saint, of meeting and (very prudently before dinner) of marching together arm-in arm, hand-in-hand, or " shoulder to shoulder," in procession down King-street to Govern ment House, which forms the western extre mity of that handsome thoroughfare of the city. These assemblages were naturally pro- 192 THE BEITISH FLAG. Chap. IX. ductive of glorious recollections, and of noble sentiments ; and, as I have already stated, that they allayed rather than excited all provin cial disputes, it was highly desirable to en courage them; and as for some time there had been carefully preserved in the govern ment store an iraraense silk standard, sent from England, and which had been hoisted on a flag-staff" opposite Parliament-buildings on the opening of the Provincial Legislature, on the birth-day of the Sovereign, and on other State occasions, I directed that, on the three days alluded to, the artillerymen who had charge of the flag-staff' on Government House should lower the ordinary flag so soon as the head of the procession, preceded by its band, made its appearance; and then, as it ap proached, lo haul up this great Iraperial Standard. It would be difficult to describe to those who have never been long from England, and quite unnecessary to explain to those who have, the feelings with which the followers of each of these three processions received the compli ment, so justly due to the distinguished day on which they had respectively assembled. Every man as he marched towards the Im- Chap. IX. THE BEITISH FLAG. 193 perial Standard, which he saw majestically rising in the sky to receive him, felt convinced that his stature was increasing, that his chest was expanding, that the muscles of his legs were growing stronger, and that his foot was descending firmer and heavier to the ground. The musicians' lungs grew evidently stouter, the drummers' arms moved quicker ; the na tional airs of ' God save the Queen,' ' St, Pa trick's Day in the Morning,' and ' Scots wha hae wi' Wallace bled,' resounded louder and louder; and as the sacred object upon which every eye was fixed, in its ascension slowly floated and undulated across the pure deep blue sky, it gradually revealed to view a glit tering mass of hieroglyphics out of which every man ravenously selected those which he con ceived to be especially his own, " What animals are those?" said a man through his nose, on St, George's Day, as he pointed to the congregation of Lions with fists clenched ready to box, and of Unicorns quite as eager to butt, that were waving over his head. " Is it animals you 're spaking after ? " sharply replied a young Irishman, who like the querist had been standing in the crowd, 194 THE BEITISH FLAG. Chap. IX. waiting to see the procession of Englishmen arrive : " one of thim animals I till ye is the Irish Harp; and so get out o' that, ye Yankee, or I 'll bate tlie sowl out o' ye I" Now it so happened that by tbe time the last words were ejaculated, the young Irishman's white teeth had almost reached the middle- aged querist's eyebrows ; and as they were evi dently advancing, and as the surgical operation proposed strongly resembled that of taking the kernel out of a nut, or an oyster out of its shell, the republican naturalist deemed it pru dent instantly to decamp, or, as it is termed by his fellow countrymen, to " absquantilate." A number of instances, more or less amusing, were mentioned to me, exemplifying the strong feelings of attachment to the mother coun try elicited by the parental presence of the British flag. A compliment however was paid to it by one of its most bitter enemies, which, as it forms part of an important subject, and elucidates a serious moral, I will venture to relate. On my return frora Gallows Hill I rode through High Street to Government House, from which I had been absent three days. Chap. IX. THE BEITISH FLAG. 195 On entering the room which to me, as well as to my predecessors, had, by day and by night, been the scene of many an anxious hour, and in which I had been in the habit of transacting the whole of my public business, my first feeling was, naturally enough, one of humble gratitude to that Supreme Power which had given victory to our cause ; and I was in the pleasing enjoyment of reflections of this nature when one of my attendants entering the room delivered to me a card, and informed me that Mr. Bidwell was in the waiting-room, and that he appeared extremely desirous to see me. When I first arrived in the Province this Mr, BidweU was Speaker of the Commons' House of Assembly, in which he commanded a republican majority. Without, however, re peating details which are now matters of his tory, I will briefly remind the reader, that after I had dissolved the House of Assembly, and had appealed to the people to assist me in re sisting the principle of "responsible govern ment" which Mr- Bidwell and Mr, Baldwin had endeavoured to force upon me, the former not only ceased to be Speaker, but he and almost every other member of his republican k2 196 THE BEITISH FLAG, Chap. IX'. majority lost their election, and were replaced by members firmly attached to British institu tions. The insignificant gang of conspirators whose declamations had caused so much sensation in England, seeing that they had irrecoverably lost all power in the legislature of Upper Canada, were induced by a secret influence, which I shall shortly have occasion to expose, to endeavour to attain by force of arms that system of "responsible government" which by argument they had failed to obtain. In this conspiracy, as well as in the rebellion which had just been suppressed, Mr. Bidwell had been deeply implicated ; and, indeed, up to the very moment of the outbreak he had been in communication with Dr, Rolph, Mr, McKenzie, and other leaders of the rebellion. Although, however, he had acted with ex treme caution, and although, being what is commonly called " a man of peace," he had prudently refrained from taking arms, yet in consequence of the political part he had acted and the sentiments he was known to entertain, a number of. people in the United States, as well as in different parts of Upper and Lower Chap. IX. THE BEITISH FLAG. 197 Canada, addressed to him letters which arrived in such numbers, that on and from the moraent of the rebellion, the Post-Office authorities deemed it their duty to seize them, and then to forward them to me unopened. As soon as JNIr, Bidwell, on inquiring for his letters, ascertained this fact, as also that McKenzie had inscribed his name alone on the rebel flag which the miUtia had just captured at Gallows Hill, he felt that his own caution was no longer of any avail to him, for that, by the incaution of others, he was no doubt already betrayed. His only hope had been that the rebels might succeed in massacring the loyal, and in thus deposing the power and authority of the Crown ; but so soon as he learnt that the former had not only been completely defeated, but that McKenzie, Dr. Rolph, and their other leaders, had absconded to the United States, Mr, Bidwell felt that his life, that his existence, hung upon a thread. His obvious course was to fly to the United States; but the coast was already guarded; and, besides, as he was no horseman, he had not courage to attempt to escape ; and yet his 198 THE BEITISH FLAG. Chap. IX. conscience told him that the hand of any loyal man might, in retributive justice, now be raised against him : and as he knew how ex asperated the militia had been by the bar barous murder of the brave Colonel Moodie, he had reason not only to fear the ven geance of the Crown, but that any one of the militia-men he met might become his execu tioner; in short, he knew not what to do, where to go, or how to hide himself. In this agony of mind his acquaintance with the magnanimity of British institutions, his knowledge of British law, British justice, and British raercy, adraonished him to seek pro tection from the sovereign authority he had betrayed — from the executive power he had endeavoured to depose ; and accordingly with faltering steps he walked towards Government House ; and entering the waiting-room, he there took refuge under the very British flag which it had been the object of the whole of his political life to desecrate ! On the day before the outbreak, I had had the windows of the roora in which I was sitting when I received Mr. Bidwell's card, blocked up with rough timber, and loop-holed ; Chap. IX, THE BRITISH FLAG. 199 and on his opening my door, the instant this strange and unexpected arrangement caught Mr. Bidwell's eyes, he remained at the threshold for some moments, and at last slowly advanced, until he stood close before me. He neither bowed to me nor spoke ; but fixing his eyes on the tied-up bundle of his sealed letters which I held in my hand, he stood for some time broken down in spirit, and overwhelmed with feelings to which it was evident he had not power to give utterance. As I had not sent for him, I of course waited to hear what he desired to say ; but as he said nothing, and appeared to be speechless, I rayself broke the solemn silence that prevailed by saying to him, as I pointed with his letters to the loop-holed windows at my side, " Well, Mr, Bidwell, you see the state to which you have brought us !" He made no reply, and as it was impossible to help pitying the abject fallen position in which he stood, I very calmly pointed out to him the impropriety ofthe course he had pursued ; and then observing to him, what he well enough knew, that were I to open his letters his life would probably be in my hands, I reminded him of the mercy as well as 200 THE BRITISH FLAG. Chap. IX. the power of the British Crown ; and I ended by telling him that, as its humble representa tive, I would restore to him his letters un opened, if he would give me in writing a promise that he would leave the Queen's terri tory for ever. Mr, Bidwell had concealed in his heart some good feelings as well as many bad ones ; and as soon as his fears were removed, the former prompted hira to express hiraself in terras which I will not undertake to repeat. Suffice it, how ever, to say, that he retired to the waiting-room, wrote out the promise I had dictated, and returning with it I received it with one hand, and with the other, according to my promise, I delivered to him the whole of his letters unopened. The sentence which Mr. Bidwell deliberately passed upon himself he faithfully executed. He instantly exiled himself from the Queen's dominions, and repairing to the state of New York, he very consistently took there the oath of allegiance to the United States, and openly and publicly abjured allegiance to all other authorities, and " especiaUy to the Crown of Great Britain!" Chap. IX. THE BEITISH FLAG. 201 In return, he instantly received all the honours which it is in the power of Republicans to bestow ; and such was the feeling in his fa vour, that, contrary to custom, precedent, and I believe contrary even to law, he was elected by acclamation a meraber of the American bar. The sequel of the story is an odd one. At the very moment that Mr. Bidwell, with the barred light from my loop-holed windows shining on and shadowing his pallid coun tenance, was standing before me, tendering with the hand that wrote it his own sentence of condemnation, the Queen's Government were relieving me fromthe relative position in which. I stood, because I had refused to promote this Mr. Bidwell to the bench over the heads of Archibald Maclean, Jonas Jones, Henry Sher wood, Sir Allan MacNab, and other Canadian- born members of the bar, who throughout their lives had distinguished themselves in the field, as well as in the senate, by their attachment to the British throne, I had told the Queen's Governraent (vide my Despatches printed by order of Her Majesty, and laid before Parlia ment) that Mr, Bidwell's "object had been to separate Canada from the parent state, to create k3 202 THE BRITISH FLAG. Chap. IX. disaffection for the paternal Government of the King, and by forming an alliance with M. Papineau's party, to exchange the British con stitution for the low grovelling principles of democracy ;" and " that for these reasons publicly to elevate Mr. Bidwell to the bench, would deprive me of the respect and confidence of the country." But the picture I here drew of Mr, Bidwell's principles and of the objects he had all his life had in view was highly attractive rather than repulsive, and accordingly, in reply to my sketch, I was boldly informed that Her Ma jesty's Government " could not regard the part which Mr, Bidwell formerly took in local politics as an insuperable barrier to his future advance ment in his profession, and that, on the contrary, adverting to the general estimate of Mr. Bid well's qualifications for a seat on the bench, it appeared that the public service \i. e. Lord John Russell's object] would be promoted by securing his service." I was therefore ordered, in case of another vacancy, to offer the appoint ment to Mr. Bidwell : this, rightly or wrongly it now matters not, I refused to do : and thus while Mr, Bidwell, in consequence of having Chap. IX. THE BRITISH FLAG. 203 abjured his allegiance to the British Crown, was receiving in the United States compli ments and congratulations on his appointment to the American bar, it appeared from the London Gazette that the Queen's Government had advised Her Majesty to relieve his oppo nent from the administration of the govern ment of Upper Canada ; in short, " The man recovered from the bite, The dog it was that died ! " The above epitaph so graphically describes my decease, that I have not a word to add to it. Of my poor surviving flag-staff, however, I may be permitted to state, that it was deemed ad-visable to take the thing down, aud accord ingly, with the help of half a dozen carpenters, down it came never to rise again. Out of millions of acres of flag-staffs that were growing around it, not one was deemed worthy to exist on its site or in its immediate neighbourhood ! What the radicals said, and what the loyal militia thought, when instead of their revered "British Flag " they once again beheld nothing 204 THE BRITISH FLAG. Chap. IX. on the roof of Government House but the stacks of reeking chimneys I have described, it is now too late to inquire. There is one feeling, however, in which all parties in Canada have agreed, namely, of utter astonishment that the leader of the great Con servative Party in the mother country has never once opened his lips in Parliament to demand from his fearless opponent a single word of explanation respecting the strange facts connected with Mr. Bidwell's proposed elevation to the Bench, as detailed in de spatches laid by comraand of the Queen before both Houses of the Imperial Parliament. ( 205 ) Chapter X, THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. As soon as intelligence reached me that the American General, Van Ransalaer, and his forces had taken forcible possession of Navy Island, I directed Sir Allan MacNab to march the Canada militia under his command to the Niagara frontier ; and his reports of the reinforcements which were hourly arriving at Van Ransalaer's camp becoming at last so alarming, by the advice of my council I pro ceeded to the Niagara frontier, to a point within a mile of Navy Island. Of the Falls of Niagara so many detailed descriptions have been printed that I shall only attempt of them a rough outline. It is well known that the magnificent re servoirs of fresh water which characterise the continent of North Araerica are coraposed of a series of five lakes, or rather of inland seas. 206 THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. Chap. X. of different altitudes, whose circumferences ex ceed four thousand miles, and which commu nicate with each other by two short friths or narrow channels, the lowest being the Niagara river, which by an inclination of three hun dred and thirty feet conducts the waters of Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, and Erie, into Lake Ontario, from whence they flow through the St, Lawrence to Quebec, aud at last to the Atlantic, lying six hundred and twenty-seven feet below Lake Superior, and about two thousand miles from it. I had ridden from the neighbourhood of Lake Erie to this river, where I found a four- oared boat ready to receive me, and accordingly stepping on board, propelled by the current and by my crew, I proceeded down the clear blue stream at a very rapid rate. Although it was in the depth of winter, the scenery around me was calmly beautiful. On the right, or American shore, were to be seen towns, villages, and habitations embedded in snow, and intermixed in about equal parts with the remains of the forest. On the left, or Chap. X. THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. 207 British side, there existed, here and there, a village, a fort, several thriving farms, and a narrow belt of cleared land, also milk-white, occasionally dotted with stumps, and bounded by the dark -stemmed, white-topped wilderness. The difi'erence between these two fraternal shores was only that of age. The right bank was the emblem of youth, the left of infancy. Both had been partially cleared by the same parent — by the same race ; but the right shore was the elder brother, and had attained strength and age before the other was born, or, to drop metaphor, the American or eastern shore had been sufficiently cultivated, peopled, and en riched by England to enable it to cast off its dependance at a period when the left shore was still reraaining a portion of that vast wilder ness well known in North America by the appellation of " the far West. " As through a brilliant but intensely cold air we glided rapidly between these two shores, the perpendicular banks of which were from four to eight feet above the water, and which were so near to us that we could easily have hailed people on either side, we passed Grand Island, which belongs to the Americans ; and 208 THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. Chap. X. then hurrying by a lovely wooded spot be longing to the British, called Navy Island, we suddenly, on rounding a point of land, saw from the very middle of the river before us, a mysterious-looking white mist, rising towards the dark blue sky which serenely reigned above it. My heart felt sick the instant I beheld this mist ; and 1 am quite sure that if I had not known what it was, and had not listened to a strange voice of admonition which for some time I had observed to be rumbling through the air, I should have obeyed the instinctive feeling which, though I cannot describe it, earnestly warned me to "get ashore ! " Indeed Nature has beneficently iraplanted this feeling in the hearts even of beasts, a curious instance of which occurred a few years ago. Some people in the neighbourhood, who in their composition had rather more curiosity than mercy, subscribed a sum of raoney for the purpose of sending a vessel full of living animals over their watery precipice into a watery grave. As soon, however, as this un- piloted vessel reached the vicinity at which I had arrived, the sagacious bear, on seeing the Chap. X. THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. 209 mist, felt exactly what I felt, namely, that there was danger ahead, and accordingly he jumped overboard ; and being diagonally hurried down by the current, with great diffi culty he reached the little island flourishing on the brink of the grave before him. The other animals made similar attempts, but in vain ; and thus, on the vessel reaching the cataract, the only living beings that remained on board, and who, therefore, must have been devoid of the instinctive feelings which had ejected the rest, were those who, having wings, had no need of it, namely, geese; but their brother biped, man, had cut their wings ; and as they had no intuitive disposition to escape, and could not fly away, they met the doom which had so unkindly been prepared for thera. Several were killed ; and although a few, by fluttering, preserved their lives, they were al most immediately killed for the sake of their feathers, which were sold to the human species as curiosities, " Put me ashore, if you please," I said to my pilot, as soon as I saw this mist ; but the faith ful fellow knew that, without any danger, he could carry me a little farther, and so, much 2 10 THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. Chap. X. against my will, I proceeded to a spot some what lower down, on which, with very con siderable alacrity, I landed on the shore, which was about six feet above the water ; and the boat then veering round with her stern towards the mist, was soon drawn high and dry on the beach. * * # # It was in the depth of winter, near midnight, and pitch dark, when, following the footsteps of a trusty guide, I traversed the dry, crisp, deep snow, until I came to a few rugged steps which I could only very slowly descend. "A little this way!" muttered my guide, as for some seconds I was lingering on a spot from which my other foot, after fumbling in vain, could feel no landing-place at all. At last, after blundering for a short distance among trees, and over snow-covered obstacles of various shapes, I arrived on a flat surface, which I im mediately felt to be glare ice, and along which, my conductor leading me by his hard hand very slowly, we cautiously proceeded, until in a low voice he announced to me that I had reached the point to which I had directed him to conduct me — the table-rock of Niagara. Chap.X. THE palls op NIAGARA. 211 I could see nothing, and for that very reason I had come ; for in the various visits which at diflTerent seasons of the year I had made to this spot, I had felt so confused with what I saw and heard — my attention had been so dis tracted sometimes by one organ, and sometimes by another — sometimes by " Oh look .'" and sometimes by " Oh listen .'"—that I had resolved I would try and meet my enemies one at a time ; and even this I found to be almost more than my senses could endure. But although I could see nothing, yet I felt and heard a great deal. My first sensation was, that the " dreadful sound of waters in mine ears" was a substantial danger; and that I was an actor in, and ac tually in the midst of what, as a passing stranger, I had come merely to contemplate. The cold thick vapour that arose from the cauldron immediately beneath me partaking of eddies in the atmosphere, created also by what was passing below, ascending and de scending, rushed sometimes downwards upon me frora behind as if it had determined to drive me into the abyss ; then it quietly enveloped me, as if its object were to freeze me to death ; 212 THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. Chap. X. then suddenly it would puff full in ray face, and then whirl round me as if to invite me to join in its eccentric dance. But while my eyebrows, eyelashes and hair were heavily laden with this condensed vapour, which had rested upon them like flour on the head of a miller, from the same cause my at tention was constantly arrested by loud crashes of falling ice from the boughs of the trees be hind me, which thus occasionally ridded them selves of the enorraous masses which, from the congelation of this vapour, were constantly settling upon thera. Yet, although the sensations and noises I have described were quite sufficient to engross my attention, it was of course mainly attracted by the confused roar and boiling of the great cataract, whose everlasting outline, though veiled by darkness, was imraediately before me. For a considerable time I listened to it all with the feelings of confusion I had so often before experienced ; but as I becarae graduaUy accustoraed to the cold whirling vapour that surrounded me, as well as to the sudden crash ing noises behind me, I felt myself by degrees Chap. X. THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. 213 enabled — at first imperfectly, and then distinctly — to analyze and separate from each other the various notes of the two diflTerent instruments of which the roar of Niagara is composed — namely, the deep thundering tone of the fall of more than a hundred millions of tons of water per hour over a precipice of 150 feet ; and the raging, hissing, lashing, and boiling of all this broken water in the confined cauldron beneath. The more 1 studied this language, the more clearly I understood it, until, in the ever- changing but unceasing thunder of its elo quence I could always trace, in different pro portions, and often apparently in different places, the presence of these two voices in concert, Sometiraes the stunning, deafening noise proceeding from three thousand six hundred millions* of cubic feet per hour of an element of the same specific gravity as oak, suddenly arrested in its fall from 150 feet, would appa rently so completely overpower every other, that I felt I could point in the dark precisely to the bottora of the falls; at other times, nothing beneath was heard but tbe raging of • A ton of water contains thirty-six cubic feet. 214 THE FALLS OP NIAGARA. Chap.X. broken water, while the thunder that created it was resounding high over head, and some times far away, as if a heavy battering train of artillery were trotting through the forest over a paved-road. It was in the depth of the same winter that I again descended the same rugged steps, traversed the sarae ice, and once again stood, as nearly as possible, on the very same spot of the same table rock. It was bright daylight. Behind me every tree, every rock, as well as the solitary cottage that enlivens them, were covered with a glitter ing coating of congealed ice, which was also reposing in heavy masses upon the depressed branches of the adjoining forest. The unusual brilliancy of this white scenery was deserving of great attention, but I neither dared, nor had I inclination to look at it, because close to, and immediately before me, there stood, partially enveloped in the halo of its own glory, that great cataract, terraed by the Indians — " 0-Ni- -Iw-GA-RAH !" — " the thunder of water." As soon as by the utterance of a deep sigh. Chap. X. THE PALLS OP NIAGARA. 215 I had recovered from a vain attempt to repress the various emotions that overwhelmed me, on suddenly finding myself within a few feet of so many millions of tons of falling water — which have not unjustly been corapared to an ocean thrown over a precipice — the first detail that attracted ray eyes was the astonishing slowness with which the enormous mass was apparently descending into the milk-white "hubble-bub- ble-toil-and-trouble" scene of confusion which was raging far beneath. About four-fifths of the water which formed the cataract before me was of a lovely clear deep green hue ; and as I earnestly gazed at it, it was beautiful to observe in this semi-trans parent fluid the opaque masses of ice which, first appearing on the crest, were easily traced descending leisurely in the fluid, in which, like the white patches in green marble, they were embedded. The remaining fifth part of the magnificent curtain before me was composed of muddy water from Chippewa Creek, which, running into the Niagara River about a mile above, flows, without being permitted to mix with the pure stream, until falling with it over the 216 THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. Chap. X. precipice it forms a broad red border to the variegated mass I have described. About a mile above the cataract, the advanc ing volume of deep water which, imprisoned within the bordages of the Niagara River, is cheerfully emigrating from its native fresh inland seas to the distant salt ocean, receives its first check from sorae hidden rocks over which it falls about seventy feet in a series of splendid white breakers. The confusion is of course appalling ; but as delirium often leaves the human patient just before his death, so does this water previous to its fall completely recover its tranquil character, and thus for the last hundred yards it approaches its fate with that dignity, serenity, and resignation which attend it to the very edge of the cataract, and which, as I have already stated, faithfully ac company it in its descent. The sight, even for a raoment, of this enorraous mass of moving water is truly mag nificent; but when one refiects that the mil lions of tons of water per minute which are calmly passing down the glassy cataract, for thousands of years have been falling, and, for aught we know, for thousands of years may Chap.X. THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. 217 continue to flow, by day and by night, over its crest ; — the raind is illuminated rather than dazzled by the bright glimraering before it of that Almighty Power which, by evaporation, wind, and condensation, is eternally collecting frora remote regions of the globe this ever lasting supply of water, to be transported to, and deposited in, those immense inland re servoirs. Lakes Superior, Michigan, Huron, and Erie. The scene, altogether, is one of the most impressive sermons that can be preached, and it is, I think, impossible for any one to stand on the edge of the table-rock of Niagara, some times completely enveloped in the dense cloud of white vapour, that in rolling volumes,' pierced with prismatic colours, is rising from the foaming surges below ; soraetimes enrap tured with the splendid pictures before, be neath, and around him ; and sometiraes deaf ened almost to distraction by the thundering, raging, and hissing noises which frora all directions assail his ears ; without feeling most deeply his abject dependence upon that Sacred Name which naturally rushes into the raind, and which by any one who suddenly beholds L 218 THE FALLS OP NIAGARA. Chap.X. the cataract of " 0-ni-aw-ga-rah ! " surely can-. not be exclaimed — " in vain ! " But however raagnificent m^y be the Falls and scenery of Niagara, the raoral picture be fore me was, to my mind, infinitely more attractive. Upon the British shore of the river, just above the great cataract, and consequently between it and Navy Island, there had been erected, from the neighbouring forest, one of its tallest pines, upon the summit of which there was floating, in the pure freezing breeze; the British flag. Beneath, around, and for a considerable distance within view of it, were to be seen, in various costumes, either on duty, or at recre-. ation, in companies, detachments, or groups, 2500 Canadian farmers, yeomen, and other volunteers, who, bringing with them no thing but the clothes in which they stood, had left thefr families, and in defence of British Institutions, had, of their own accord, rallied round him whom they considered as their natural leader — the Speaker of t^eir own House of Asserabl}'. Their spirits were buoyant as the air they breathed ; their hearts Chap.X. THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. 219 bold as the scenery that surrounded them ; their cause pure as the deep blue canopy over their heads, or as the unsullied snow under their feet. Occasionally the armed guard, their bay onets glittering in the sunshine, were observed marching along the shore to relieve the sen tries ; and while their appearance was drawing upon them the fire of the American artillery frora Navy Island, a nuraber of young railitia- men were to be seen in the background of the picture running after the round shot that were bounding along the ground, with the sarae joy and eagerness that, as schoolboys, they had run after their foot-ball. Soraetimes a laugh, like a roll of musketry, would re-echo through the dark forest, and sometiraes there would be a cheer that for a raoment seemed to silence the unceasing roar of the Falls ; and certainly I had never before witnessed so much en thusiasm. On the foUowing day the whole of the militia were reviewed, and the ceremony was not over when I was informed that a large body of Indians had just arrived from the interior recesses of the Province, that they had l2 220 THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. Chap. X. taken up a position on the right of our line, and that the chiefs wished to speak to me. As soon as I was enabled, I rode to the ground they were occupying, where I found a long line of arraed Indians, painted for war, who, without evincing any military stiffness, but, on the contrary, standing perfectly "at ease," remained motionless as statues as I passed thera. On the right were assembled their chiefs, and, on reaching them, I soon found that their object in desiring to speak to me was to drive a bargain with me, the terras of which shall speak for themselves. As soon as the customary salutations were over, the senior chief, with that astonishing stillness of manner and native dignity of de meanour which characterise all Indian orators, briefly told rae that he and his brother chiefs had heard that the big knives (the Americans) had invaded the land of their great mother ; that, for reasons which they very clearly ex plained, they did not like the big knives ; that they did not desire to leave their great mother, and that they had therefore come to fight the big knives. Before, however, they raised the hatchet of war, they wished to be informed Chap. X. THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. 22 1 whether the wives of their chiefs and young men who should fall would receive the sarae consideration tbat in the late war had been granted to the widows of their white brethren ? This plain question ought not to have been very difficult to answer, I knew, however, that in a certain tenement in Downing-street there existed an unwholesome opinion (which, in beautiful language, was very shortly after wards expressed) that it would be barbarous to allow the Indians to assist in repelling the in vasion of Upper Canada by Araerican citizens. I had no doubt of the fatal imbecility of such a policy ; on the contrary, it was to my mind as clear as the sun that was shining upon the strange scene before rae, that, although phi lanthropic objections might be raised to the Indians accompanying a British force in in vading the territory of the Americans, there could be nothing more just than to allow them, in defending their own territory, to assist in repelling invasion ; for, against any complaints that raight be raised, with what dignity might we reply, — " Our Indians never scalp us — never scalp each other — and they have only scalped you because, in defiance of the laws of •222 THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. Chap. X. nations, you invaded their territory, to rob them of their lands. If you think their habits of war barbarous, learn in future to leave them in the placid enjoyment of peace." But although I was quite determined that, until I should receive orders to the contrary, I would employ these Indians, yet I was par ticularly anxious not to deceive them ; and I therefore told the chiefs and warriors before rae, that in reply to their question I could only say the Provincial Legislature would make no distinction between them and the militia of the province. As soon as this doubtful answer was translated, the chiefs, turning towards each other, gravely held a short conference, at the conclusion of which their red honest coun tenances became suddenly illuminated — the feathers on their heads gently waved in token ofthe feelings that were arising in their breasts ; and this slight signal being observed by their young raen, who had been eagerly watching thera, the war-whoop burst from, and ran along, the line like a feurde-joie. The note which each Indian emitted resembled the sharp, shrill yelp of a wolf; and when the whole of them joined in full cry, which must clearly enough have Chap. X. THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. 223 been heard in Navy Island, the sympathisers, I have no doubt, experienced no very pleasing sensations in their scalps. But although our force thus hourly increased, it proportionably added to a difficulty which for some days I had been suffering under, and which, without exception, was the greatest I had to contend with during my residence in Upper Canada, namely, that of restraining the power which under a raoral influence had rallied round the British flag. For nearly a fortnight the militia, in obe dience to my repeated orders, without return ing a shot, had submitted in patience to the fire of twenty-two pieces of artillery, the pro- .perty of the Government of the United States, and which had offensively been planted by American citizens on the territory of their sovereign. Great as was this injustice, it was the insult that appeared to them insupportable ; and as plenty of boats were lying idle on our shore, and as everything was in readiness to enable our overwhelming force to land, and with the point of the bayonet to clear the Island, I was urged by various arguments to allow them to do so ; arid at this critical mo- 224 THE FALLS OF NIAGARA. Chap. X. ment my difficulty was not a little increased by the sudden arrival of several waggons full of the black population in Canada, a most powerful athletic set of raen, who of their own accord, and at their own expense, had corae over to the frontier briefly to beg, in the name of their race, that I would accord to thera the honour of forraing the forlorn hope in the an ticipated attack on Navy Island. They asked for no more ; and as they stood around rae eagerly leaning forward for my answer, it was evident from the expression of their yellow eyes, red gums, and of many of their clenched ivory white teeth, that all they wanted was permission to avenge themselves on the in vaders of British soil, where raany of them, scarred and mutilated, had sought refuge from the slave States of " the land of liberty" on the opposite shore. But although it was clearly evident that I ought not to be influenced by vindictive feelings of such a nature, yet 1 had arguments calmly submitted to me which it was very difficult to refute. First of all, my own judgment told rae that I was liable to reprehension, and even to punishment, for the loss of any portion of the Chap. X. THE PALLS OP NIAGAEA. 225 Queen's territory which had been coraraitted to my care. By many, whose counsel it was my duty to respect, I was admonished that it was not politic to allow the railitia of the Pro- ¦vince to be subjected to insult and disgrace. Many of my steadiest adherents seriously dis approved of the course I was pursuing; and even Captain Drew, R.N., now in this country, who on the outbreak had joined the ranks of the militia with a musket on his shoulder, and wbo was ready enough, when called upon, to do what was right, declared to Sir Allan Mac Nab that if the system I was pursuing was much longer continued, he should feel it due to himself and to his profession to retire from the scene, I need hardly say with how rauch pain I listened to observations of this nature, and how anxious I really was to recover the territory I had lost. On the other hand, the raore I re flected on the subject the raore I felt convinced of the propriety as well as prudence of the policy I was pursuing. It is true the Americans were doing all in their power to provoke a war between Great Britain and the United States, but for that l3 226 THE FALLS OF NIAGAEA. Chap. X. tery reason I felt it my duty, by forbearance, to make every possible exertion to avert such a calamity ; and although the hourly increas ing force at Navy Island was threatening us with imminent danger, yet so long as we could possibly refrain from dislodging it by force, it was evident to rae that I was working out a moral triumph of inestimable value to mankind. Ever since my arrival in Canada I had been occupied in a chemical analysis of the compa rative advantages between monarchical and republican institutions, in the result of which the civilized world was not only deeply inte rested, but was afready more or less involved. Many great and good men in all countries were, I knew, looking to the Continent of America for the solution of the problem upon which the continuance of the govern ments of Europe and the destiny of mil lions, born as well as unborn, must eventu ally depend ; and now what was the evidence that the two opposite shores of the Niagara river offered to these political inquirers ? Why, on the one side the citizens of the republic, destitute of respect either for their own laws Chap. X. THE FALLS OF NIAGAEA. 227 or for the laws of nations, had invaded and were preparing to massacre and plunder a neighbouring people with whora they were at peace, and who had oflTered thera not the slightest cause for offence : and secondly, a Government, if such it can be called, openly declaring that it had not power to protect its own arsenals from plunder, and that it was utterly incompetent to restrain its people. Ori the other side of the river were to'be seen as sembled men of various races and colours, Scotch, Irish, English, native Canadians, the red children of the forest, and lastly, the black population of the province. Ever since the re tirement of the Queen's troops, the whole of these men had virtually been invested with absolute independence, either to continue under their monarchy or to become republicans. They had not only been invited to revolt, but had been told that, if they would but remain pas sive, others would revolt for thera. The pro mise was fulfilled; yet, instead of hailing their "liberators," they had attacked them, had de feated them, and had driven them from the face of the land they wished to liberate; and now, although they had rushed to the frontier 228 THE PALLS OP NIAGARA. Chap. X. of their country to repel foreigners, whose avowed object was to force them, against their wills, to become republicans — although they had power to overwhelm thera, and were burn ing to do so — in calm obedience to their laws, and to the administration of their Government, they submitted with patience to insults they were competent to punish, and to aggressions they bad power to revenge. And did this obedience exist only on the Niagara frontier ? and was it raerely created by the presence of the adrainistrator of their Government ? No ! It pervaded the whole province; it was indi genous to British soil. The supremacy of the law was the will of the Canadian people : it was what they were fighting for ; it was what they theraselves were upholding, not because it was a gaudy transatlantic European theory, but because it was a practical substantial bless ing — because it formed the title-deeds of their lands, the guardian of their liberty, the pro tector of their lives — because it was the sup pressor of vice and iramorality, and because it implanted, fostered, and encouraged, in the minds of their wives and of their little children, gratitude and subraission to the Great Author Chap. X. THE PALLS OP NIAGARA. 229 of their existence. It was under the influence of this feeling, of this general submission to laws human and divine, that a small detachment ofthe militia had just been enabled to conduct, from the western frontier of the Province to Toronto, the American " Major-General T. S, Sutherland, comraanding second division Pa triot Array." This vagabond, for he deserves no other ap pellation, had had the cruelty, as well, as the audacity, to direct a heavy fire of cannon upon the inhabitants (woraen and children) of Sand wich, from an American vessel, which he had conducted into the harbour of that town, under the pretence of liberating (^Anglice, massa cring) the British people. The Canada militia fiew to arms. With feelings of indignation, which need not be described, they rushed at their assailants; many, regardless of extrerae cold, jumped into the water, and then, in clothes frozen like armour, assisted their comrades in carrying the vessel ; but having attained this object, their sense of obedience to their laws admonished them, instead of massacring their prisoner, "to bring him to justice." That sacred monarchical feeling saved the 230 THE FALLS OP NIAGARA. Chap'.- X. life of this republican miscreant ; it protected him as he passed in irons through the towri of Sandwich ; it protected hira during his rriarch for 190 miles through dense districts of the forest, in which a single rifle bullet ffom afl impervious ambush could have despatched him ; and on his arrival at Toronto it protected hiiii, as he passed through a large assemblage df people, to appear before me at Government House. Now, vvhen, on the British bank of the Niagara, I gazed at, and reflected on, the two pictures before me, it Was evident to me that, even divesting the one of the chivalrous arid enthusiastic feelings which characterised it, and the other of the base passions which dis graced it, the problem was clearly demon strated that, under equal excitement, life and property were insecure in the republican country, while under monarchical institutions both were protected. The contrast was so clear, the facts so strong, the evidence so con vincing, and the conclusion so inevitable, that I felt convinced that, the longer I could keep open the exhibition of these two pictures,. the longer should I afford to the inhabitants Chap. X. THE PALLS OP NIAGARA. 231 of our North American Colonies, as well as to our politicians at home, of all descriptions, an opportunity of forraing their own opinions, and of arriving at their own conclusions, on the iraportant question in dispute ; in short, that with the case before them, they would act as jurymen and as judges in a cause in which the whole family of mankind were interested. But besides this, I felt that inasiriuch as " honesty is always the best policy," so for bearance (as long as it cobld be maintained) was the best means I could use to repel the invasion of the American people. I knew that hard shot tend to irritate, rather than con vince republicans. On the other hand, the whole civilized world knows, that however thick may be the hide of their consciences, the skin that covers their vanity is ridicu lously thin, and I therefore felt, that so soon as they should clearly see that the finger of scorn was pointed at their institutions, so soon as the disgraceful fact of there being nothing but mob-government in the State of New York becarae demonstrated, the Ame rican Congress would feel that, unless they very quickly recovered their artillery from the 232 THE PALLS OP NIAGARA. Chap. X. disreputable service in which it was engaged, American Ministers at every court in Europe would be required at all public dinners to sit below the salt, at all state ceremonies to act as the menials of the other ministers, to remain like impostors at hard labour, and to continue under political quarantine until clean bills of health should be granted to thera from the Corps Diplomatique of the civilized world, certifying to their creditors as well as to their allies that the Government of the dis-United Republican States of North America had become something more substantial than the roar of a tyrannical raob ; in short, I was fully convinced that the citizens of the State of New York must inevitably, ere long, become arrantly asharaed of theraselves, and that, sraarting under the ridicule and contempt of every respectable foreigner sojourning in their " land of liberty," they would, in due time, see the necessity of retiring from Her Majesty's territory, and of restoring to their emasculated Government that artillery which had so long been the vile emblem, as well as the criminal advocate, of lawless democracy. For the above reasons, although I had made Chap. X. THE PALLS OF NIAGAEA. 233 all necessary preparations for carrying Navy Island by assault, .1 determined that, in spite of the arguments that were assailing rae, I would, so long as it was possible, calmly remain on the defensive, A new feature, however, now presented itself. Although the American pirates on Navy Island had been fearfully increasing, it had been evident, that whatever might become their numbers, they would have a heavy day's work to perform, whenever they should en deavour, in their small boats — which were all the craft they possessed — to invade the raain land of Upper Canada ; and upon this physical difficulty we had principally relied. Our in vaders, however, were equally aware of the difficulty they would have to encounter, and they accordingly determined to take effectual means for overcoming it. In broad daylight, in the presence of the United States Marshal, who had been sent from Washington to the frontier, in the pre sence of other high authorities of the Federal Government, of the State Government, and of a militia regiment quartered in the iramediate 234 THE FALLS OP NIAGAEA. Chap. X. vicinity, a thousand men were set to work to cut the Caroline steamer from the ice in which she had been firmly embedded. Seventeen AmericEin citizens openly and publicly signed a bond to indemnify her proprietors iri case of her loss. The Collector of Customs, acting under the influence of the existing Govern^ ment, i, e. the mob, unblushingly gave her a licence, under the authority of which, and amidst acclamations of triumph, she sailed for Navy Island, where she immediately acted as passage-boat, conveying men and artillery from the American shore to the aforesaid terri tory of the Queen of Great Britain. The means for invading Upper Canada Were now successfuUy effected, A lodgment had been raade ; our eneray was converging to their carap, on Navy Island, from all directions; and we now saw the irresistible power of steam flash into action for the evident object of acce lerating the invasion of Her Majesty's domi nions ! Our danger was imrainent : the popu"- lation of Upper Canada did not araount to half a raillion, while that of the United States exceeded sixteen millions; and I was quite Chap. X. THE FALLS OF NIAGAEA. 235 sensible that if our invaders could but over power us on the frontier, the Province would immediately be overwhelmed with riflemen, who, after robbing and murdering the loyal, would take possession of the fastnesses of their country and then fortify thera with the artillery of the United States before the ice should break up and allow any succour frora England ; and surely I need hardly say that if this calamity had befallen one of the most valuable of Her Majesty's North American provinces, I should most justly have been arraigned for the high crirae and misdemeanour of having, contrary to the royal instructions, contrary to the usages of war, and contrary to the advice of every respectable authority, shamefully neglected to recover the Queen's territory and to protect the lives and properties of Her Majesty's sub jects which had been committed to my care. I most confidently submit to the judgment of even the most strenuous advocates of peace, that I had carried forbearance to its utmost limits, and that promptly to deprive the citi zens of the State of New York of an engine by which they were about to invade us, was, in 236 THE FALLS OP NIAGAEA. Chap. X. fact, under Providence, the only reasonable hope left of preventing — as it did prevent — war be tween the United States and Great Britain. Under these circumstances the " Caroline " was captured ; and that there should be no misunderstanding on the subject, on the follow ing day, in public orders, I unequivocally ap proved of the act. The details of this gallant feat need not be repeated. Every Canadian, and, I trust, every British traveller, will ever think of them -with pride as he gazes on the Falls of Niagara. I will only once more record that this act of calm justice and cool vengeance produced febrifugal results highly beneficial. It struck terror into those who, with bands and banners, were marching from all directions to invade us ; and by thus in ducing them to halt, the United States Govern ment were not only obliged, but were enabled to exert themselves. They recovered their artillery, General Van Ransalaer with his force fled, the assault of his camp became unneces sary, and frora that hour to this the Niagara frontier of Upper Canada has never been in vaded. Chap. X. THE FALLS OF NIAGAEA. 237 MORAL, How the leader of the Conservatives, with all these facts before him, could publicly ap prove of the Queen of Great Britain apolo gizing to the President of the United States for this act, involves considerations which will form the subject of the following chapter. ( 238 ) Chapter XI. THE APOLOGY. In the amicable adjustment of every question of dispute between individuals of high honour, or between nations of high character, there are certain words to which raost especial import ance has invariably been attached, and first and foremost in this vocabulary, stands the word " APOLOGY," In every case in which an individual has received unjustifiable insult, or in which a nation has reasonably complained of aggression, reparation has usually been demanded either by the payraent of money, or by the offending party consenting to use towards the other the word " apology." A man of honour does not want more, cannot take less ; and this has always been so clearly understood, that in the amicable settleraent of cases of this nature, it has been custoraary for the advocate of the offended party to say to the advocate of the offending Chap. XI. THE APOLOGY. 239 party, " Use but the word ' apology,' and you may accompany it with almost whatever other words you may think proper, but that deter gent word mu,st be ' pronounced.' " Now as regards the case of ' the Caroline,' the facts are shortly as foUows : — So long as the citizens of the United States were firing their State artillery upon the un- oflTending subjects of the Queen of Great Britain, the Federal Governraent at Washing ton saw no great reasou for complaining of the policy of forbearance I had been pursuing ; but the instant that the British force, after a fort night's endurance, presumed, in self-defence, to strike a solitary blow in return, the President of the United States (vide his message to Con gress, and other papers printed and laid before Parliament) declared the act " an outrage," and demanded for it from the Queen of Great Britain " atonement and reparation." Now, as this demand' involves considerations of the highest importance, I deem it necessary to state the following facts previous to offering a few observations on the subject. 1st. Within a few days of the capture of ' the Carolirie,' the Governor of New York 240 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XI. directed a Commissary-General of no very great capacity to recover, if he could, the State artillery from Navy Island, The foUowing extraordinary and very honest letter addressed by this gentleraan to Sir Allan MacNab, and which has been printed and pub lished in Upper Canada, is the official evidence of an American officer, showing very clearly the practical working of republican institutions. To Colonel MacNab, commanding the British Forces on the Niagara Frontier. " SiK, " Enclosed I send you a copy of a letter from Van Ransalaer, that you may the better appre ciate the embarrassing situation in which I am placed. " From the first moment after my arrival on this frontier, down to the present tirae, I have sedulously endeavoured to accomplish the purposes of my mission by every pacific and moderate measure which my own or the ingenuity and wisdom of my advisers could suggest, and all without the slightest success. " For your kind and generous forbearance and courtesy during the pendency of our negotiations, I tender you my grateful acknowledgments. " / can ask for nothing more at your hands ; and if the poor deluded beings who have encamped on Navy Island are slain, their blood he upon their own kead — not mine. " I have, &c., (Signed) " Henry Arcdlarius, Commissary-General." Chap. XL THE APOLOGY. 24 1 2nd. Besides the occupation of Her Majesty's territory of Navy Island by "General Van Ransalaer," and the firing upon the inhabitants of Sandwich by " Major General T, S, Suther land, commanding second division of the Patriot Army," it had been my duty to report to Her Majesty's Government (see my printed despatches as laid before Parliament) that an American force, armed with new United States muskets, had landed on another part of Ca nada (Point Pelee), and after killing and wounding thirty of Her Majesty's soldiers, under the command of Colonel the Honourable S, Maitland, had returned to the territory of the United States. 3rd. That about the same time another part of Upper Canada (Bois Blanc Island) was invaded by five hundred armed American citi zens, who, besides firing upon or imprisoning all Her Majesty's subjects whom they could find, carried oflT to the United States horses, hogs, sheep, cattle and poultry, valued at up wards of 1000^, sterUng, 4th. That about the same tirae a party of Americans, to revenge themselves for the de struction of ' the Caroline,' captured and M 242 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XI. burned a large British steamer named Hhe Sir liobert Peel.' 5th. That, as if to demonstrate to the civi lized world that a Republican Government cares no more for the laws of nations or for any laws on earth than do its citizens, an officer of the United States Government was directed (during a negotiation which for three years had been pending between the American and British Governments on the subject of the President's demand for reparation from the Queen of Great Britain for the destruction of 'the Carohne") to oflTer to Her Britannic Majesty the unwarrantable insult of seizing, of imprisoning, and of bringing before an Ameri can Court of Justice one of Her Majesty's bravest and most loyal subjects to be tried for his life for having (as was falsely alleged) served under her flag in this capture of ' tbe Caroline.' Considering, at the period of the destruction of the ' Caroline,' how completely the Ameri can people on the northern frontier of the United States had cast aside all respect for their own Government — for the British Go vernment — for the Laws of Nations — and for Chap. XI. THE APOLOGY. 243 the solemn treaty which existed between Great Britain and the United States, it may seem out of character with such violence, and with the repeated insults to Her Majesty which have just been detailed, coolly to argue on the legality or illegality of ray having at last been driven, as an act of self-defence, to destroy an offensive engine which, had it continued to operate, would most certainly have overpowered me. As, however, the deraand of the President of the United States for " reparation and atone ment " involves principles of vast importance, it is necessary that the subject of his claim should be fairly and dispassionately considered. Nothing in international law can be more clear than that the American Government has no right, in time of peace with Great Britain, to fire, or to allow their citizens to fire, the United States artillery upon any portion of the British empire. If the United States Go vernment had organized and equipped an army within its own territory for the avowed purpose of invading Upper Canada, we should not have borne with it. If this army had invaded us, we should have resented it as an act of war. M 2 244 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XI. If the ' Caroline 'steam-boat had been employed by the Government of the United States as a troop-ship or transport for the purpose of sup plying this army which had invaded us, we should have been justified in destroying her. Why, then, if these acts could not be done with impunity by the Government of the United States, should we suffer them frora a portion of its people acting within its jurisdiction? The answer is, the United States Govern ment could not restrain its people. To this it raust in general terras be replied, that a Governraent which wants either the will or the power to perform its functions can not be considered or treated as a Government in places where that will or power does not exist. If a government be superseded by popular violence it cannot complain of a usurpation of its rights, for the plain reason that, at the time of the alleged usurpation, it was not in posses sion of the exercise of those rights of which it alleges the usurpation. Again it is argued (vide papers laid before Parliament) that the United States are neutral, and that one belligerent power has no right to Chap. XL THE APOLOGY. 245 pursue another belligerent power into the ter ritory of a third which is neutral. To this argument there are two conclusive objections : — 1st, That there are not in the case of the ' Caroline ' two belligerent powers, and there fore there cannot be a neutral — there cannot be a middle, without at least two extremities, 2nd, It is not the exercise of neutrality to permit the organization and equipment of forces hostile to a belligerent power, within the territory, and with the means of the neu tral. The very fact of the ' Caroline ' being claimed as American property, and the persons killed in defending her as Araerican citizens, shows clearly the absurdity of setting up the ' Caroline,' her crew, and the Navy Island array as one belligerent power, Great Britain the other, and the United States the third. But even if the Navy Islanders and their steam-boat were admitted to be a power, it can only be considered as one with which the United States were at war, inasmuch as this third power had invaded their own territory, robbed their public arsenals, held their laws 246 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XL and authorities at defiance, put their arms on board the 'Caroline,' and transported theiri beyond the frontier, the owners of the ' Caro line ' consenting _to be in the ser^vice of this power, and committing acts of hostility against the United States ; so that if the United States had reparation to demand, it should be from this power, instead of which they demanded reparation for them from us their friends ! But in 1818 this doctrine was most clearly expounded by Mr. Adams, then Secretary of State, in a letter, which by otder of the Presi dent, he addressed to the Minister of Spain, respecting the seizure by General Jackson of the Spanish forts, under circumstances singu larly identical with tbe seizure of ' the Caro Une ' by Sir Allan MacNab, " The necessity of crossing the Spanish line," says Mr, Adams, " was indisputable, for it was beyond tbe line that the Indians made their murderous incursions within that of the United States. " By all the laws of neutrality and of War, as well as of prudence and of humanity, he (General Jackson) was warranted in anticipating his enemy by the amicable — and, that being refused, by the forcible — occupation of the Spanish forts. There will need no citation from printed treaties or international law to Chap. XI. THE APOLOGY. 247 prove the correctness of this principle. It is engraven in adamant on the common sense of mankind. No writer upon the law of nations ever pretended to con tradict it ; none of any reputation or authority ever omitted to assert it. " The obligation of Spain to restrain by force the Indians of Florida from hostilities against the United States and their citizens is explicit — is unqualified. The fact that they have received shelter, assistance, supplies, and protection in the practice of such hos tilities from the Spanish commander in Florida, is clear and unequivocal. If, as these commanders have alleged, this has been the result of their weakness rather than of their will, it may serve in some measure to exculpate individually those officers, but it must carry demonstration irresistibly to the Spanish Go vernment, that the rights of the United States can as little compound with impotence as with perfidy. " The United States has a right to demand, as the President does demand of Spain, the punishment of those officers for their misconduct ; and he demands of Spain a just and reasonable indemnity to the United States for the heavy and necessary expenses which they have been compelled to incur by the failure of Spain to fulfil her engagements to restrain the Indians."And yet, in the teeth of this plain doctrine, expounded by one President in 1818, another President in 1840 brought Alexander Macleod to trial for having assisted in preventing British 248 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XL territory from being invaded by the citizens of the United States ; and this President of 1840, not satisfied with this, continued — during and after Mr. Macleod's trial as strenuously as before it — to demand from the Queen of Eng land " atonement and reparation " for having, under circumstances explained by the Ame rican Comraissary - General Arcularius, de fended her territory from invasion, exactly in the raanner in which General Jackson had de fended hiraself against invasion frora the ter ritory of Spain ! Now, if the thirty separate Governraents forming " the United States " think proper to borrow from the nations of Europe millions of money under one principle, and then, under another principle, or rather in defiance of all principle, to repudiate their respective debts; if they thus deem it advisable to demonstrate to the civilized world how much easier it is for the citizens of the republic to promise than to perforra, to preach honesty than to practise it ; the evil is coraparatively of small importance ; and, at all events, by the remedy which the Reverend Sydney Smith so moderately ad ministered, the recurrence of the offence has Chap. XL THE APOLOGY. 249 been effectually prevented :— but surely the President of the United States should not be allowed to vary the laws of nations at his will ; and while he is demanding from Spain repa ration for a particular description of outrage, which he clearly explains, to commit himself this very same outrage on the Queen of Eng land ; and then, not satisfied with having punished one of her subjects for having re^ sisted it, to require from Her Majesty herself reparation and atonement for the insult She has received from him ! The violation of the American boundary by Sir Allan MacNab in capturing "the Caroline " is identical with the trespass which a man would undoubtedly commit were he to go into his neighbour's garden to remove from it the foot of a ladder which the said neighbour from the said garden had reared against his (the trespasser's) house, and from which he (the said neighbour) was wantonly firing upon his (the trespasser's) inoflTensive family. That Sir Allan MacNab violated the Ameri can boundary is undeniable ; but it is equally true that this act of aggression consisted solely of a five minutes' violation, in the middle of the M 3 250 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XL night, of American water. Now, giving to this act of aggression the utmost weight which the most subtle advocate could impart to it, surely the leader of the Conservatives, before he approved of the Queen of England using the word " apology " with reference to this act^ should have considered that there were two sides to this grievance-account, and that on the British side of the ledger there stood 1*6- corded — 1st. A fortnight's violation and occupation by the Americans of Her Majesty's territory, Navy Island. 2nd. The firing by American citizens Upon Her Majesty's subjects from the said island for fourteen days from twenty-two pieces of artil lery, the property ofthe Araerican Government. 3rd, The firing of American cannon upon Her Majesty's town of Sandwich, U, C, from an American vessel directed by the Araerican citizen, " Major-General T. S, Su therland." 4th. The murder and wounding by Ameri can citizens armed with new United States' muskets, of thirty British soldiers, Sth. The invasion by American citizens of Chap. XI. THE APOLOGY. 25 1 Bois Blanc Island, the imprisonment of Her Majesty's subjects there, and the robbery of their cattle to the amount of 1000/, sterling. 6th. The insult oflTered to the British Sove reign by the trial of one of Her Majesty's sub jects for an oflTence for which, by the laws of nations. Her Majesty alone was responsible. Now surely the leader of the great Conser vative party in England ought to have felt, and with no little indignation, that of all the blustering demands that have ever been raade since the creation of the world, the attempt of the President of the United States not only to twist this grievance-account to his favour, but, in the form of an apology, to require from the British Sovereign immediate payment of his side of the account which he was pleased to term — its balance, was, without any excep tion, the most preposterous. Surely the Conservative leader ought to have felt that if " atonement and reparation" were to be demanded by either party, it should be by the Queen of England, from the Presi dent of the United States ; and that even if the balance of the Dr, and Cr. account I have recorded had been in favour of the latter, Her 252 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XL Britannic Majesty would have been fully justi fied in maintaining, on the old legal axiom of " autrefois acquit" that inasmuch as the Pre sident and Government of the United States by their illegal trial of a British subject had forcibly taken the laws of nations into their own hands, the alleged oflTence could not, a second time, become the subject of international proceedings. In short, that the moment Alex ander Macleod had been compelled to raise his hand in the Courts of the United States, and to plead " Not Guilty" to an indictment for murder, and to trust to the decisions of the tribunals of that country whether he was to be disgracefully deprived of life or not for having performed a British soldier's duty, in repelling the attempt of a foreign power to seize upon and overturn Her Majesty's authority within Her North Araerican dominions ; the Queen of England was, to say the least, at once absolved from making any further atonement to that power which had illegally claimed reparation for the act in question from Her subject instead of from Herself, Lord Melbourne was so clearly convinced that no reparation was due from the Queen of Chap. XI. THE APOLOGY. 253 England to the President ofthe United States, that, as the guardian of Her Majesty's honour, he resolutely refused to offer any ; and, not satisfied with this, the Whig Governraent for warded to Canada a powerful despatch, the substance of which was printed and published in the Province, stating " that the Queen's Advocate, Attorney and Solicitor General, had reported it to be their opinion that, under the circumstances stated by Sir Francis Head, " the capture and destruction of the Caroline was lawful, to which the Secretary of State for the Colonies added his own irapression, " that it was justifiable and praiseworthy," Lord Palmerston also unhesitatingly declared in the House of Coraraons (vide Hansard, 9th February, 1841), that " Her Majesty's Government considered the capture of the 'Caroline,' under the circumstances, to have been a proceeding perfectly justifiable by the con sideration of the necessity of defending Her Majesty's territory, " That that opinion had been submitted both to the Minister of the United States here, and, he believed, by Mr. Fox to the American Government." But the most powerful advocate in support 254 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XL of this doctrine was Sir Robert Peel himself, who, in a raost eloquent speech, in which he quoted at great length General Adams's letter respecting General Jackson's invasion of Flo rida, most powerfully and eloquently defended the legality and propriety of the very act which afterwards formed the subject of his unfortu nate submission. However, it appears that, on his accession to power, he was anxious to get this Vexatious affair what is now-a-days called " settled," and certainly very quickly settled it was. From the correspondence presented to both Houses of Parliament by comraand of Her Majesty, in 1843, it appears that on the 27th of July, 1842, Mr. Webster, on behalf of the President of the United States, explained his case as follows : — " The act of which the Government of the United States complains is not to be considered as justifiable or unjustifiable, as the question of the lawfulness or unlawfiilnesS of the employment in which the ' Caroline' was engaged, may be decided the one way or the other. That act is of itself a -wrong and an ofi'ence to the sovereignty and dignity of the United States, being a violation of their soil and territory ; a wrong for Chap. XL THE APOLOGY. 255 which to this day no atonement or even apology has been made by Her Majesty's Government. " Your Lordship camiot but be aware that self- respect, the consciousness of independence and national equality, and a sensitiveness to whatever may touch the honour of the country, — a sensitiveness which this Government will ever feel and ever cultivate, — make tbis a matter of high importance ; and I must be allowed to ask for it your Lordship's grave con sideration, " I have, &c., (Signed) " Danl. Webster." Now, although the British minister had been unwilling to offer the " atoneraent and apology" alluded to in the foregoing letter of Mr. Web ster, it appears that within twenty-four hours he raade to him the following submission : — "Nearly five years are now past since this occur rence ; there has been time for the public to deliberate upon it calmly ; and I believe I may take it to be th6 opinion of candid and honourable men, that the British officers who executed this transaction, and their Go vernment who approved it, intended no slight or disrespect to the sovereign authority of the United States. That they intended no such disrespect, I can most solemnly affirm ; and I trust it will "be admitted that no inference to the contrary can fairly be drawn, even by the most susceptible on points of national honour." One would have thought that "the most 256 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XI. susceptible nation on points of national honour" ought to have been satisfied with this declara tion in the name of the Queen of Great Bri tain, that, in the capture of the Caroline, no slight or disrespect to the sovereign authority of the United States was intended ; but the Bri tish Minister, as if foreseeing that, without the use ofthe word " apology," this troublesome bu siness could not quickly be " settled " — and that any mention ofthe narae of Alexander Macleod . — ofthe raurder ofthe Queen's soldiers — ofthe invasion of the Queen's territory — and of the plunder of the Queen's subjects, might se riously embarrass the negotiation, added, — What is perhaps most to be regretted is, that some EXPLANATION and apology /cr this occur rence was not immediately made." The capitulation was complete — the humilia tion of the British Sovereign was deemed suffi cient ; and accordingly Mr. Webster was autho rised to address to the British Minister, as a receipt in full of all demands, a despatch of which the foUowing are extracts, and which, considering the fearful odds between the re spective complaints of England and the United States against each other, is certainly the Chap. XI. THE APOLOGY. 257 greatest triumph of an unjust deraand, which, in the annals of diplomacy, has ever been recorded.* (copy.) " Department of State, " Washington, August 6, 1842, " My Lord, " Your Lordship's note of the 28th of July, in answer to mine of the 27th of July, respecting the case of the ' Caroline,' has been received, and laid before the President. " The President sees with great pleasure that your Lordship fully admits that great principle of public law applicable to cases of this kind which this Govern ment has expressed, " Seeing that the transaction is not recent, having happened in the time of one of his predecessors ; see ing that your Lordship, in the name of your Govern ment, solemnly declares that no slight or disrespect was intended to the sovereign authority of the United States; seeing that it is acknowledged that, whether justifiable or not, there was yet a violation of the ter ritory of the United States, and that you are instructed to say that your Government consider that as a most serious occurrence; seeing, finally, that it is now admitted that an explanation and apology for this violation was due at the time ; the President is con tent to receive these acknowledgments and assurances in the conciliatory spirit which marks your Lordship's * See Appendix B. 258 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XI. ktter, and will make this subject, as a complaint of violation of territory, the topic of no further discussion between the two Governments. " I have, &c., (Signed) " Daniel Webster," It is difficult to conceive how the representa tive of the great Conservative party in Eng land could approve, not only of oflTering in the name of his Sovereign, this apology to the President of the United States (vide his speech in the House of Commons), but of ever since Withholding from Alexander Macleod indem nification for the losses and sufferings he had endured ; or of even any notice by Her Ma jesty's Government of his affecting letter of complaint, excepting a cold acknowledgment of its receipt. As history will not, I hope, blame me for the apology that has been oflTered for my defence of the Queen's territory, I can truly say that the mortification which for a moment this apology created in my mind has completely subsided. But the constitutional party in our North Ame rican Colonies, who took arms to maintain Con servative principles, deeply feel that their great leader in England has deserted them. They Chap. XI. THE APOLOGY. 259 feel that the noble cause in which they carae forward has been tarnished by an uncalled-for submission ; they feel that, while neither their lives nor their properties have been duly noticed, the demands of democracy have been too readily conceded. The best-educated men in our North American Colonies are indignant at the forraer having, as they say, been sacrificed by the Conservative Government in an unworthy atterapt to appease the latter. They complain that, like the soldiers of Whitelock, they have been irresolutely commanded — that they have been misgoverned by a timid course of policy, upon which it is impossible for them in future to rely ; and when it is considered what noble feehngs the militia of the whole of our North American provinces displayed in 1837, it is mortifying to hear how odious are the com parisons which they now form between the leaders of the two great parties in England ; and that, while they are loud in admiration of the courage of the one, they as invariably designate his opponent by a contemptuous appellation which it would be indecorous to repeat ; in short, they are in a state of despair, caused by a firm conviction that, in the apology 260 THE APOLOGY. Chap. XI. which has been made by the Conservative Government in England for the destruction of the Caroline, their interests and their honour have been alike sacrificed. There are, I know, among our Conserva tives many raost worthy raen who believed that the dishonour of this apology, though great, would be araply repaid by its pacific results. Great, however, must have been their disappointment when they perceived that de mocracy, instead of being satiated, was excited by our weakness ; and that when their leader grasped at the reward of his policy, he reaped nothing but the mortification and disappoint raent of hearing those who at such a costly sacrifice of principle he had endeavoured to conciliate, openly and ungratefully exclaim, — " And now hurrah for the Oregon !" ( 261 ) Chapter XII, THE HUNTED HAEE. It is over ; — and so it does not now matter ; — nevertheless it is a historical fact to which some minds raay attach curious importance, that although by statute-law hare-hunting ends in England on the 27th of February, it was not until the 23rd of March that the anxieties I had so long been suflTering suddenly ceased. On that day, at noon precisely, I had pro ceeded to Parliament Buildings to attend the swearing-in of my successor ; and as soon as this important ceremony was over, bowing in silence, first to hira and then to his Executive Council — who had so long been my own faithful advisers, and whom I now left seated on each side of him in the Council Chamber — I descended the stairs, and then opening a private door, I found myself at once and alone in the pure fresh air. It was a most heavenly day ; and although 262 THE HUNTED HARE. Chap. XII. the ground before me was still sparkling with snow, and although the harbour behind me was still covered with ice as thick as in the depth of winter, the sun was quite hot, the air highly exhilarating, and the Canada sky I fancied bluer and more magnificent than I had ever beheld it ; indeed, it was altogether to me a moment of overwhelming enjoyment; and the sunshine which gilded everything I beheld was but an emblem of that which was gladden ing my own heart, in the fulness whereof I could not help fervently muttering to myself, " Tlumk God I am at last relieved ! " for although there is certainly nothing to boast of in the feeling, yet I raay as well confess, that even if ray political existence in Canada had been, what is commonly called, " a bed of roses," it would have been peculiarly uncon genial to my taste, as well as to habits which, good or bad, had become too old to alter ; indeed, for so many years of my life I had enjoyed uninterrupted quietness and retire ment, that nothing short of scarification could, I fancied, erase from my mind a number of deep wrinkles, which, after all, ugly as they might appear, I did not wish to have removed. Chap. XII. THE HUNTED HARE. 263 The pinnacle of power, like the mast-head of a ship, was, I had long known, a bleak, lofty, lonely, exposed, desolate spot — in fact, a place of punishment. I had, therefore, no desire in the evening of my life to seat myself upon it to be an object for every man to gape and gaze at, well know ing that I could not even for a moment descend from it, for exercise or recreation, but that the countenances of every happy group would gra dually become formal, rigid, and joyless, as I approached them. But besides my natural inaptitude for the lofty position I had been occupying, and be sides the rough weather to which I had politically been exposed, I had been attended by one unceasing sorrow, namely, that of being obliged to act contrary to the policy of those whom I was serving, and to whom, as in duty bound, I had long ago tendered my resignation, but in vain. However, my burden, of what ever it might have been composed, had now dropped from my shoulders — the millstone had suddenly been detached from my neck, my portmanteau was ready packed, and although the navigation of Lake Ontario had not yet 264 THE HUNTED HAEE. Chap. XIL opened, and although all its bays, harbours, and rivers were still frozen up, the steamer which had undertaken for rae to break this erabargo was lying outside the ice, sraoking, hissing, and only waiting to receive me. Accordingly, almost iramediately after my re turn to Government House, and (for reasons which will shortly be explained) without ser vants, or any attendant, but Judge Jones, who had most kindly expressed a wish to accompany rae, I rode towards the vessel, around which I found asserabled a very large, and by me unexpected, concourse of the militia, and of others of various classes, to whom I had been equally indebted. Without detaining them a raoraent, I dis mounted, and stepped on board, and, as the vessel, uncasting the hawser which had detained it, instantly left the ice, it received from them the ordinary salutations ; when all of a sudden there burst from every person present a shriek of exclamation, rather than a cheer — which I am sure neither they nor I shall ever forget^ caused by the only mode I had of acknow ledging the compliraent they had bestowed on us, naraely, by taking oflT my hat, and then Chap. XIL THE HUNTED HAEE. 265 for a few seconds silently pointing to the British flag, which was waving over my head. They well enough knew what I meant ; and their sudden response to ray parting adrao- nition was, I can truly s-ay, the most gratifying " Farewell ! " I could possibly have received from them. Of all the physic in the London Pharma copoeia, there is nothing that so magically gladdens a sad heart, and which so eflTectually illuminates with joy a care-worn countenance, as the variegated ideas which, head-over-heels, rush into the mind of every one who, with a fine vessel under his foot, has just sailed from the scene of ten thousand little troubles, and at the rate of about ten knots an hour finds himself traversing wave after wave of deep blue water. The change of element is a change of existence, and, enraptured with the bright colouring of the new world, the mind simulta neously forgets the gloomy shadows of the old one; and thus, for nearly an hour, I sat on the deck in the exquisite enjoyment of the tranquil scene around me. Our steamer was the only passage-vessel — the only box full of living creatures on a lake N 266 THE HUNTED HAEE. Chap. XII. nine times as long, and from two to four times as broad as the sea between Dover and Calais, and as it gallantly proceeded on its solitary course, before us, behind us, and on our right, the horizon was bounded by a circular line; while on our left the distant shore of Upper Canada was rapidly passing in review. Occasionally I glanced at it, as the meraory does on a subject that has completely gone by; but it was the open lake, or, so far as appear ances warranted the appellation, the great ocean before me, that alraost entirely engrossed my attention, I was on my way " home ! " and yet, though the word was fondly imagined, and easily pronounced, tbere were some little difficulties in my path towards it, which, while the steamer is cheerily progressing, I will en deavour to explain. As soon as I was officially informed that my successor had been appointed, I, of course, had to consider by what route I would re turn. The direct road was through the United States to New York. In consequence, however, of the excitement created by the destruction of the Caroline, and by a reward of bOOl. which Chap. XII. THE HUNTED HARE. 267 had been offered for my apprehension, I con sidered it would not be prudent for me to take that path, and there being only one other, I wrote to Sir John Hervey, the Lieutenant- Governor of Nova Scotia, to beg that he would be so good as to obtain for me a passage to England from Halifax in a vessel of war ; a request which he very obligingly immediately fulfiUed, No sooner, however, was it known that I had made arrangements for returning by that route than, throughout the three North American Provinces through which I had to pass, naraely. Lower Canada, and New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, resolutions were agreed on, to evince, by public honours to me, their approbation of the resistance I had successfully offered to " responsible Government," and to the forraa tion of that ridiculous anomaly, " a Provincial Cabinet." As a display of this sort was not only un congenial to my feelings, but would have elicited expressions of insubordination to the Home Government, which it would have been highly culpable in me to have encouraged, I declined every invitation from the three Pro- n2 268 THE HUNTED HARE. Chap. XII. vinces by replies of which the following is a specimen : — " Toronto, March 19, 1838. " Gentlemen, " It has affiDrded me unexpected gratification to learn from your letter of the 13th inst., which I have this moment received, that a large and respectable body of the citizens of Montreal have done me the honour to invite me to a public dinner during my pre sence in Montreal. " I beg you will be so good as to ofi'er to the gentlemen who have evinced such a desire, my sincere thanks for this flattering testimony of their good opinion, which I can truly assure thera I raost sensibly appreciate ; at the same time, I request they will do me the additional favour of permitting me to express a desire not to avail myself of their obliging invitation to a public dinner. " On retiring from this Government, I shall to the utmost of my ability continue to render to the Canadas every assistance in my power ; but I trust, on reflection, you will agree with me in the opinion, that, on my journey to England, I should in no place do any thing that can tend directly or indirectly to agitate a dis cussion of any of those questions in which the people of the Canadas, as well as myself, feel so deeply interested. " I have the honour to be, " Gentlemen, " Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) " F. B. Head. " To ihe Hon. Peier M' Gill, John Mokon, and Adam Thom." Chap. XII. THE HUNTED HARE. 269 Having thus obtained for myself perraission to travel privately to Halifax, I was quietly awaiting the near arrival of my successor, when by several friends, on whom I could rely, I was informed that a gang of people had not only determined that I should not leave the country alive, but had sworn to murder me on my road to Halifax. As I had received raany threatening letters of this sort, to which I had paid no attention, I saw no sufficient reason for altering ray plan, and I accordingly persevered in it until the day before my successor was sworn in, when I received from Sir John Colborne, who was in Lower Canada, a short corifideiijial message, warning rae, on good authority, of the conspi racy that had been entered into to murder me on my way to Halifax. I said nothing to any one on the subject, but a very few moments' reflection determined the course I would pursue, and which appeared to me a very clear one. On retiring frora the administration of the Government of Upper Canada, my direct path to England was that by which Her Majesty's Government had sent me to the Province, 270 THE HUNTED HARE. Chap. XII. namely, through the United States. Now, if by going another road I could have avoided danger, I felt it would be my duty to do so ; but, from the evidence before me, it clearly appeared that the lonely circuitous route to Halifax* was the most dangerous of the two, and I therefore felt very strongly that whatever little difficulties I might have to encounter, I had better meet on the straight path than on the crooked one ; in short, that of two evils I had better select the road on which no one ex pected I should travel than that on which everybody had been led to believe that I should ; and, after all, my judgment told me that, as I had little more than three hundred miles to go through the United States, if I made the best of my way I should be enabled quietly to slip through the country before it was known I bad entered it. With respect to Judge Jones — who, without any exception, was the raost calra, fearless man it has ever been ray fortune to be acquainted with — I knew quite well that it was perfectly * The distance from Toronto to New York, through the United States, is about 350 miles ; the distance from Toronto to Halifax about 1200 miles. Chap. XII. THE HUNTED HARE. 27 1 immaterial to him which route I selected, inas much as, in accompanying me, all he desired was to share my fortune, whatever it might be ; that is to say, to be tarred with the same brush, feathered from the same bag, or, if deemed preferable, to be hanged with the same rope ; and I verily believe, that so far as re garded his own personal appearance or comfort, he did not care sixpence which of the three should be selected ; and accordingly, as soon as I communicated to him my decision, it re ceived his joyful and cordial approbation. My arrival off the harbour of Kingston was, of course, in a few minutes known throughout the town. For raany reasons I was desirous not to attract notice ; but as it was irapossible to preserve an incognito, I soon found that, of two evils, I should create infinitely less excite ment by at once receiving the deputation that desired to wait upon me, than by declining. So soon, however, as this uncongenial ceremony was over, I sent for Colonel MacDonell, a brave and distinguished officer, who had volun teered to command, as well as to lead on, the 272 THE HUNTED HAEE. Chap. XII. proposed attack on Navy Island, and whom I had lately appointed sheriff of the Midland district, and, on his arrival at the hotel, I at once told him of my intention to return to England through the United States, After a few minutes' consideration, he re commended that he should instantly call upon a portion of the militia to keep ray secret for me, by cutting off, by a line of sentinels along the ice, all comraunication between Kingston and tbe opposite shore, and to continue this erabargo until two or three hours after ray de parture, so as to give me a sufficient start. This arrangement having been approved of, and carried into effect, Judge Jones and I left the hotel the next raorning, at five o'clock, and drove down to the beach. The ice, which had covered the St. Lawrence during the whole winter, had only a few days ago broken up, and, by tbe force of the cur rent, had been carried out to sea. The river, however, during the whole of the three pre ceding days, had been nearly covered with moving fragments of ice, of various shapes and dimensions, which had floated down from Lake Ontario ; and, as soon as the sun had set, Chap. XIL THE HUNTED HAEE. 273 these fragments had adhered to each other, and the stream, which is here nearly four miles broad, had remained during the three nights frozen, but had again broken up so soon as the heat of the morning sun had dis jointed the pieces of ice which the low tempera ture of the night had frozen together. When, a little after sunrise, we reached the beach, the river was in the congealed state I have just described ; and as I had never~ft>F-a moment reflected — so I was totally unable to conceive — how it could be proposed that we should cross the wide rough mosaic pavement which was before us ; for the river beneath this ice was running with extreme rapidity, and therefore, if, in the operation of crossing, we .should happen to break in, it appeared to rae that the current raust inevitably carry, and then carefully keep us, most uncomfortably, beneath the frozen surface. The mode, however, in which we were to cross, though strange, was divested of the smallest particle of danger, and, as there was no time to be lost, we at once commenced the operation. Our two portmanteaus were put into a sraall n3 274 THE HUNTED HAEE. Chap. XII. boat which was lying in readiness on its side on the ice. Two active able-bodied men, placing themselves on each side of this little craft, balanced it on its iron keel, and the four men walking forwards pushed it along, towards the United States, at the rate of between three and four miles an hour. As soon as they started, the few faithful friends who had accorapanied me to the beach bade me farewell, and this little ceremony having consumed a few seconds, Judge Jones and I had to run upon the ice till we overtook the boat, which we then closely followed. When we got about a mile from the Canada shore, we passed several parts of the river which were unfrozen, and at which the current was rushing and boiling up with great vio lence. In a short time as we proceeded the ice began to crack slightly, then violently, upon which the men steadily continuing their course told rae to keep one of my hands on the side of the boat. We thus advanced merriljT^ along araidst most awful cracks, until it becarae quite evident that we had reached a portion of the ice which, to use a comraon phrase, had re solved " to stand it no longer," and accord- Chap. XII. THE HUNTED HAEE. 275 ingly, with a loud crack of execration, the surface for some distance around gave way ; so we all gently placed our stomachs on the sides or gunwale of the boat, and without even wet ting our feet we found ourselves afloat, and very shortly were all standing up in the boat. Nothing could be more perfectly secure than our position. The men, with long hooks in their hands, propelled the boat until it reached strong ice, when we leisurely got out, hauled the boat out of the water on to the frozen sur face, and then, the raen cheerfully pushing on as before, we proceeded, sometimes a quarter of a mile, when a second succession of little cracks and great cracks again ended by our throwing ourselves horizontally on our sto machs, and the boat beneath us again sinking souse into the clear water. This occurred to us about half a dozen times, until, as we approached the opposite shore, we found the ice considerably stronger. As soon as we reached the land, the four men who had pushed us along took our port manteaus out of the boat, tumbled tiiem on the beach, and then for reasons that may be easily understood, treating us with apparent neglect. 276 THE HUNTED HARE. Chap. XU. and as if they were heartily glad to get rid of us, they veered the boat's head round, and, pushing her towards the Canadian shore, they left Judge Jones and me behind them. Our first object was to hire a conveyance, and as my companion kindly undertook this piece of errantry, I remained quietly with the luggage ; and I was sitting on my portman teau, and with mingled feelings gazing on the Canada shore, when I saw, about a hundred yards on my right, a tall thin man, who was looking at me with quite as rauch attention as under the circumstances of the case I could possibly desire. In about two minutes he walked very leisurely towards me, and at last coraing close up to me, he said to me slowly through his nose, " Straun- ger ! ere you from Canny-day V I told him I was ; but not wishing to prolong the conver sation, I took up a stone, and as if to amuse myself, threw it along the surface of the ice. He then asked me " how the trials were going on?" to which 1 replied that they had not commenced. He then after a short pause said, "Is your new Governor come yet?" "Oh yes !" I replied ; " he came the day before I Chap. XII. THE HUNTED HARE. 277 left." The man asked me a few other insig nificant questions, and from sheer inquisitive ness would have gone on till sunset ; but Judge Jones arriving in a rough carriage he had hired, we put our portmanteaus into it, and then drove away. As the roads were very bad, we proceeded that day only about twenty-five miles, to a small village inn, where we got a good dinner, and in due time went to bed. The next morning we started in the only conveyance we could get, an open waggon, such as is generally used, in which we pro ceeded towards Waterton, a considerable town, in which I knew that there were a number of our fugitive rebels, and in which there had been great excitement on account of our burn ing the Caroline, We ought to have driven round this town, and under some excuse have sent into it for a fresh conveyance. How ever, after a short conseil de guerre, it was de termined, for a particular reason, to take the usual course ; and accordingly, driving into a town I had never before entered, we stopped at a hotel on one side of the principal square. It so happened that several people were 278 THE HUNTED HAEE. Chap. XII. standing round the door of this inn ; and as I had not thought it right to disguise myself, as I had no occasion to enter it, as I only wanted a relay of horses, and as Judge Jones the instant we stopped went into the house and ordered them, the waggon drove away, and, being thus left alone in the square, I sat down on a truck which happened to be near rae. Of all people — of all beasts — birds — or fishes in creation, an Araerican is the most inquisi tive. Like a note of interrogation, he fancies he is constructed on purpose to ask questions ; and accordingly several idle awkward-looking fellows, after gaping and staring at me frora a distance, indolently walked towards me for no earthly object but to cross-examine me on any subject. One carae, and then another carae; and then a third, seeing the other two, came to hear what they might be saying ; and so on, until among the little group that surrounded me I saw a sudden flash in the eyes of one of them, which clearly enough told me that he knew me ; and accordingly, in a very few seconds he said to rae, " Is not your narae Sir Francis Bond Head ?" I told him it was. Several immediately asked me, with great Chap. XII. THE HUNTED HAEE. 279 eagerness, if the trials had commenced, and what would be the result? However, by this time our carriage drove out of the yard ; and so having answered the questions that had been put to me, and having no desire to wait for any raore, I slowly walked towards it; and Judge Jones joining me frora the inn with a countenance of beaming joy and irresistible good humour, we got in and drove off before any of my dull catechists had quite recovered from their astonishment, or had quite made up their minds what to think, say, or do, ' As soon as we got clear out of the town I told Judge Jones that we had now no time to lose, and as by a silent nod he seemed to agree with me in this opinion, we very shortly pro ceeded to determine on the measures we would pursue. While I had been sitting in the square he had been " trading " with the innkeeper, and, according to the custom of the countrj^, had paid him in advance for a carriage with relays of four horses about every ten miles to Utica, a distance qf about eighty miles. We therefore agreed that, as soon as we reached the first post, we would leave our port- 280 THE HUNTED HAEE. Chap. XII. raanteaus to corae on by the stage-coach, and then ask the landlord to give us each a saddle- horse, instead of supplying us, as by his agree raent he was bound to do, with four horses and a carriage. We were quite sure that this proposal would as readily be accepted as, in the story of Alad din, was the raagician's oflTer to exchange new lamps for old ones ; and accordingly, hurrying our driver to the utmost speed his own teraper, rather than his horses' mettle, would allow, we soon reached the post-house, and in a very short time I enjoyed the delightful sensation of being ray own master on horseback instead of servilely sitting behind wheels. I need hardly say that our pace was a cheer ful one ; nevertheless, as I was perfectly certain we should be pursued, I foresaw that we should not be quite safe until we could get clear of the next post. As soon as we reached it — we were then, I believe, about twenty miles from Waterton — we produced our order for four horses, and raade our application for two ; and although the strange bargain was readily accepted, a considerable time was lost before Judge Jones, Chap. XIL THE HUNTED HAEE. 281 with his usual kindness, could get the horses saddled. During this interval I was waiting in a little room in the inn, when in walked a huge over grown man, whose over-heated countenance clearly explained for him that he had been taking the trouble to follow rae. His first nasal ques tion, expending an enormous quantity of super abundant emphasis on the fifth word, was, " Ere you Sir Francis Bond Head ?" and as soon as I had replied that I was, he began a long incoherent rigmarole story about some cheese of his which some Governor of Canada had seized, and for which he desired to make me answerable. He went on in this strain for about five minutes ; and he was only waiting the arrival of about sixty horsemen, or rather men on horseback, who had started imraediately after hira from Waterton, and who, like a pack of straggling, ill-assorted, long-backed hounds, were following him, when through the window I saw our horses corae to the door, and as I was anxious to get to thera without disturbance, on the principle that one bluster is as good as another, I put the fore-finger of my right hand into my waistcoat pocket, and then fumbling 282 THE HUNTED HAEE. Chap. XIL to view the small-rounded end of a piece of black walnut wood, I walked forwards. The movement, trifling as it was, succeeded, and in a few seconds, finding myself again on my saddle, 1 gave my friend a farewell look, and then, with Judge Jones at my side, we started away upon our second horses, "And now, republicans," I said to myself with feelings which it would have been more becoraing to have repressed, " if you can catch rae I shall deserve all that deraocracy has power to be stow !" But although our thirty couple of pursuers followed us for a considerable time, there was not the slightest chance of their o-vertaking us. Their horses were of course tired, and even if they had succeeded in getting others, the delay must have occupied much time, besides which, as the night was getting dark, as the road was full of holes, and as the Americans have no experience whatever in the comraon English art of " going-a-head" on horseback, I felt sure, every tirae my horse floundered in the dark, that the obstacle, what ever it was, having been overcome, remained behind an item in our favour. During the remainder of the night, we were Chap. XII. THE HUNTED HAEE. 283 I occupied, sometimes in vainly attempting to waken up our various landlords, in unsuccess fully endeavouring to satisfy them of the reasonableness of our travelling at such an unusual hour, in stirring up snoring " helps" to saddle horses that were fast asleep ; and then again, forgetful of the many nasal male dictions our project had received, in riding as fast as in the obscurity of the night was prac ticable ; at last, by the time the sun arjose, we were near Utica, where we arrived just in time to wash and repair our toilette, before the first train started by railroad for Albany, the capi tal of New York, distant about 100 miles. I was very little fatigued with the ride I had had ; but although the spirit of my companion was invincible, it was evident tbat the unusual exercise, which for my sake he had so kindly undergone, had considerably disordered, to say the least, one end of him, for his head was swelled, and his face, in consequence, appeared flushed and overheated. By tbe time we had breakfasted we were required to take our places in the railway- carriage, and I need hardly say with what in describable pleasure we found ourselves gliding 284 THE HUNTED HAEE. Chap. XII. along the surface of the earth, without anxiety, troubles, or delays. However, as the shape of our caps, and the fur they were raade of, clearly betrayed that we were frora Canada, several of the passengers conversed with Judge Jones on the subject of the late rebellion. The gentleman who sat next rae observed that he approved of the Governor having sent the Queen's troops out of the Province, and thus leaving "the people" to decide for thera selves ; and shortly after, while the others were talking, be suddenly turned, and asked me whether I (speaking of rae in the third person) had yet left Canada ; upon which, in a low tone of voice, I told hira, to his utter astonishment, that I was sitting by bis side ! He behaved very rauch like a gentleraan ; and, without raaking known to his fellow- passengers the little confidence I had reposed in hira, and which, indeed, I had no intention to conceal, he conversed with rae until we reached the city of Albany. As the steamboat for New York was there, waiting for the arrival of the train, we had only time allowed us to hurry to it, and had scarcely been on board a rainute when we CH.AP. XII. THE HUNTED HAEE. 285 found ourselves adrift, smoking, steaming, and scuffling down that splendid river the Hudson, On our arrival at New York, I was quite aware that I was not only out of reach of border-excitement, but that I was among a highly-intelligent people, and that I had only to conform to their habits to ensure generous treatraent during the week I had to remain among them, until the sailing of the packet. Instead, therefore, of living in any way that raight oflTensively savour of " exclusiveness," I resolved to go to one of the largest hotels in the city, and while there, like everybody else, to dine in public at the table d'hote. I accordingly drove up to the American hotel ; but, thinking it only fair to the landlord that he should have the opportunity of (if he wished it) refusing me admission, I told him who I was, and what I wanted. Without the smallest alteration of counte nance, he replied by gravely asking me to follow him, I did so, until he led me into his own little sitting-room, and I was wondering what might be about to happen, when, raising one of his hands, he certainly did astonish me beyond description, by pointing to my own 286 THE HUNTED HAEE. Chap. XII. picture, which, araong some other framed engravings, was hanging on the wall ! When the dinner hour arrived, my worthy companion and I proceeded at the usual pace to the room, but everybody else, as is the cus tom, had gone there so very rauch faster, that we found the chairs appointed for us the only ones vacant. There was evidently a slight sensation as we sat down ; but of mere curiosity. A number of sharp glittering eyes were for sorae little time fixed upon us, but hunger soon conquered curiosity, and in due time both were satiated. During the week 1 remained at New York, I had reason not only to be satisfied, but to be grateful for the liberal reception I met with. Although as I walked through the street I saw in several shop windows pictures of the ' Caroline' going over the Falls of Niagara, detailing many iraaginary, and consequently to my mind, amusing horrors, yet neither at the theatre which I attended, nor elsewhere, did I receive, either by word or gesture, the slightest insult. Several Araerican citizens of the highest character in the country called upon rae, and I Chap. XII. THE HUNTED HARE. 287 certainly was ranch gratified at observing how thoroughly most of them in their hearts ad mired British institutions. On the morning of my departure I was in formed that an immense crowd had assembled to see rae erabark. Mr, Buchanan, the British Consul, also gave rae intimation of this cir cumstance ; and as among a large assemblage it is impossible to answer for the conduct of every individual, Mr. Buchanan kindly recom mended me, instead of going in a carriage, to walk through the streets to the pier, arm in arm with him, I did so ; and though I passed through several thousand people, raany of whom pressed towards us with some little eagerness, yet not a word, or a sound, good, bad, or iudiflferent, was uttered, I took a seat on the deck of the packet, and when almost immediately afterwards the moor ings of the vessel were cast adrift, I felt that the mute silence with which I had been allowed to depart was a suppression of feeling highly creditable, and which, in justice to the Araeri can people, it was my duty ever to appreciate and avow. ( 288 ) Chapter XIII. HOME. During my residence in Canada, I had read so much, had heard so much, and had preached so much about " The OLD Country,'' that as the New York packet in which I was returning approached its shores, I quite made up my mind to see, in the venerable countenance of " my auld respeckit raither," the ravages of time and the wrinkles of old age. Neverthe less, whatever might prove to be her infirmities, I yearned for the moraent in which I raight exclaira — " This is my own, my native land !" I disembarked at Liverpool on the 22nd of i\pril, and, with as little delay as possible, started for London on the railway, which had been completed during my absence. Now, if a very short-sighted young man, intending to take one raore respectful look at Chap. XIII. HOME. 289 the picture of his grandmother, were to find within the frame, instead of canvass, " A blooming Eastern bride, In floVer of youth and beauty's pride," he could not be more completely — and, as he might possibly irreverently term it, agreeably surprised than I was when, on the wings of a lovely spring morning, I flew over the surface of " Old England." Ever thing looked new ! The grass in the meadovvTswas new — the leaves on the trees and hedges were new — the flowers were new — the blossoms of the orchards were new — the lambs were new — the young birds were new — the crops were new — the railway was new. As we whisked along it, the sight, per rainute, of an erect man, in bottle-green uniform, standing like a direction-post, stock still, with an arm extended, was new ; the idea, whatever it might be intended to represent, was quite new. All of a sudden, plunging souse into utter darkness, and then again into bright dazzling sunshine, was new. Every station at which we stopped was new. The bells which affectionately greeted our arrival, and which, sometimes almost before we even could stop, bade us depart, were new. o 290 HOME. ' Chap. XIII. During one of the longest of these intervals, the sudden appearance of a line of young ladies behind a counter, exhibiting to hungry travel lers tea, toast, scalding-hot soup, sixpenny pork pies, and every thing else that human nature could innocently desire to enjoy — and then, almost before we could get to these delicacies, being summarily ordered to depart ; — the sight of a crowd of sturdy Englishmen, in caps of every shape, hurrying to their respective carriages, with their mouths full, — was new. In short, it was to new and merry England that after a weary absence I had apparently returned ; and it was not until I reached Downing Street I could believe that I really was once again in " The OLD Country;" but there I found ever}' thing old: — old men, old women, old notions, old prejudices, old stuff and old nonsense, and, what was infinitely worse, old principles ; in fact, it appeared as if the building in which I stood was intended to collect and remove to our colo nies all worn-out doctrines that had beconje no longer fit for home consumption ; and al though 1 was somewhat prepared for almost any unwholesome prescription that might be Chap. XIIL • HOME. 291 administered by it, yet I certainly was alto gether overvrhelmed with astonishraent when I was gravely inforraed that Her Majesty's Government had just despatched to Quebec a Lord High Comraissioner, in order, for the fourth time, to inquire into, and, if possible, explain to Her Majesty the grievances of the Canadas, and of her other North Araerican colonies ! ! So long as Monsieur Papineau aud Mr. McKenzie, raasking, or rather casting a trans parent veil over their real designs, had asked only for " reforra," there might have been something like an excuse for Old England stoutl}' disbelieving the various administrators of the Governraent who for the last twenty- five years, in diflTerent voices, had one after another been opposing the poisonous conces sions to deraocracy which the home Govern ment, under the name of " domestic raedicine," had been pouring upon the free, the happy, and the loyal inhabitants of a New world. But the " Reforraers " of our North Araerican Colonies had lately, of their own accord, dis pelled all mystery or misunderstanding on this subject ; and accordingly, in much clearer terms o2 292 HOME. Chap. XIII. than any which a Lord High Commissioner could venture to use to the Queen, they bad themselves printed and published placards and proclamations, explicitly revealing, for the information of Her Majesty and of all her subjects, their simple secret, namely, that separation from the mother country — in short, that rebellion, and not reform, had been their object. But besides tbis valuable information, they had statistically supplied Her Majesty with a true and faithful list of all their own names ; and on the other hand, of the names, trades, and occupations of that overwhelming majority who had long professed, and who had ^ust proved, themselves ready to die in defence of her authority and of British institutions. They had shown Her Majesty that the British population in her North American Colonies, with a few contemptible exceptions, were loyal ; and that there might be no mis take, they concluded by explaining to Her Majesty, that as the principal leaders of what they had termed "their glorious minority" had absconded to the United States, the portion left behind were as small, as insignificant, and practically as harmless, as the spots in the sun. Chap. XIII. HOME. 293 It is true that the French in Lower Canada were under raartial law, but they had never even pretended to like British institutions ; indeed, for a long tirae they had honestly re fused to exercise what we call their " consti tutional liberties;" and not even understanding what representation meant, and not caring a pinch of snuff who represented them, they had naturally enough been misled by Mons. Papi neau and others, who of their own accord had just absconded. But while the inhabitants of our North American colonies had not only suppressed domestic rebellion, but had repelled foreign invasion ; in what state, I beg leave to ask, was the mother country ? Why, when I re turned frora Canada, Wales was in a state of insurrection — Ireland on the point of rebellion — there were fires at Manchester — riots at Birraingham, and even in the agricultural .districts there were disturbances which were seriously alarming the Governraent, If, therefore, a Royal Commission were at that time to be established, would it not have been infinitely more reasonable that three or four of the most inteUigent of the native-born 294 HOME. Chap. XIIL inhabitants of our North Araerican colonies should have been appointed by the Queen to probe, examine, and report to Her Majesty what were " the grievances" of the mother country, than that any one meraber of a population so dreadfully diseased should be ordered to pre scribe for that portion of their fellow-country men whom I had just left in the enjoyraent of robust health ? However, the great physician had afready sailed ; and now coraes a political story, which I will venture to assert is the raost hysterical that has ever been acted on our colonial theatre, and which is occasionally so ludricous, and yet on the whole so melancholy, that it may justly be termed " the comedy and tragedy of errors." Although freedom of speech on every sub ject which, like science or pohtics, affects the general welfare of mankind is one of tbe brightest distinctions of civilization ; yet every liberal raan feels, that to speak ill of an oppo nent behind his back is an abuse of this valuable privilege ; and if it be deeraed just, as well as generous, to aflTord this description of protection to an absent man, who in a few Chap. XIII. HOME. 295 days, or even hours, can appear to defend him self; how much more is it our duty to grant it to one who is dead, but whose character still survives, to be assailed by any one who can enjoy the unmanly pleasure of striking at that which is utterly defenceless. These commonplace observations will, I trust, be sufficient to prevent any respectable person, now or hereafter, from uttering any expression that may unnecessarily assail the meraory of the late Lord Durhara. A few facts, however, must be stated re specting him, which I shall easily compress within a very short limit. It was the Earl of Durham who, under the Queen's Commission, sailed from England as Lord High Commissioner, in 1838, to examine into and report on the state of Her Majesty's North American colonies. Whether it was that the weight of responsi bility which had been imposed upon him was specifically more than his mind could bear — whether it was that the exalted pinnacle on which he was suddenly placed made his head giddy — or whether it was that the unexpected reversal by the British Parliament of an illegal 296 HOME. Chap. XIIL ordinance which he had issued, overpowered his temper, are now questions of no earthly importance ; suffice it to say, that overwhelmed by feeUngs which he was incapable to control, he issued, under the Royal Arms, certain pro clamations against the British Parliament ; without waiting to be relieved came home ; and under the influence of passions I have but faintly described, there affixed his signature to a volurainous Report, containing with its Appen dix 690 folio pages, of the contents of which it will shortly appear he was perfectly ignorant. That Lord Melbourne never troubled himself to read this ponderous volurae, with that guile less and high-rainded honesty which charac terises hira,* he hiraself adraitted in the House of Lords. The arch-leader of his Cabinet, however, well understood its contents, and clearly fore seeing what would be their results. Her Majesty, at the age of nineteen, was fatally advised, contrary to all precedent, to order * Although Lord Melbourne of course could not concur in the policy I had pursued in Canada, yet in the various interviews I had with him, his conduct towards me was open, generous, and high-minded ; indeed, his kindness of manner was infinitely more than I had any right to expect. Chap. XIII. HOME. 297 ' to be printed and to be laid before both Houses of Parliaraent," this posthumous docu ment written after Lord Durham had abandoned his post, and recoramending, upon evidence which the Report pretended to detail, two measures : 1st, The legislative union of the Canadas, and, 2nd. That the power and patronage of the Crown should henceforward be transferred from Her Majesty's representative, to^ that system of " responsible government" which the people of Upper Canada at their late elections had repudiated, which at the hour of rebeUion they had risen almost en masse to repel, by exertions that had been greeted with the ap plause and acclamations of the Legislatures of the adjoining Provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Now, at the time these two measures were recommended in Lord Durham's Report, Lower Canada was under martial law ; and although Upper Canada had faithfully resisted open rebellion, yet it was arithraetically known that the minority of members of Parliament opposed to Governraent in the Upper Province, added o3 298 HOME. Chap. XIIL to the French radicals in the Lower Province, would constitute a permanent incurable repub lican raajority; and accordingly the bold project of the arch-leader of Lord Melbourne's Govern ment was as follows : — 1st.* Swamp for me the accursed loyalty of Upper Canada, by creating in the Coraraons' House of Assembly of the United Legislature a permanent republican majority, 2nd. Constitute for me " a Provincial Ca binet," to fetter, or, as I must at present call it, to advise, the Governor-General, which cabinet must carry with it the confidence, or in other words be the mouth-piece, of the aforesaid republican majority ; and the legitiraate infiu ence of the Crown being thus raisdirected in favour of the disloyal, and the power of her Majesty's Secretary of State for tbe Colonies completely superseded by the republican " CA BINET," the loyal of Upper Canada will be placed for ever in a rainority ; and as it is to be decreed by the Iraperial Parliament that the majority shall govern. Hurrah for the Union ! * " Never again,'' says Lord Durham's Report, page 20, " will the present generation of French Canadians yield a loyal sub mission to a British Government." Chap. XIII. HOME. 299 Hurrah for deraocracy in our colonies of the most luxurious growth, and then hurrah ! hurrah ! my lads, for a republic at horae ! ! But the Queen's sentinel, the Duke of Wel lington, clearly foresaw what must inevitably be the fatal results of the proposed Union of the Canadas ; and, as he had only to explain the reasons which were subsequently embodied in his protest to carry with him a majority in the House of Lords, and as Sir Robert Peel also comraauded a large Conservative raajority in the House of Coraraons, and was only awaiting an opportunity to exercise it, it was naturally to be supposed that the projector of this clever plot, whenever it was proposed, would be signally defeated. So soon, therefore, as Lord John Russell gave notice in the House of Coraraons of his intention to bring in a Bill for the Legislative Union of the Canadas, the Conservative party looked to Sir Robert Peel for a decided ex pression as to the course they should adopt, A raost raysterious silence, however, ap peared to envelope the whole subject: like sheep following their shepherd in a fog, they could not see a yard before thera ; when all of a sudden, to the utter dismay of all who, like 300 HOME. Chap. XIII, the Duke of Wellington, understood the sub ject, Sir Robert Peel declared in broad day light that he should very reluctantly vote for a measure which he perfectly well knew had been strenuously opposed — 1st. For twenty-five years by the successive Executive Councils of Upper Canada, 2nd, For upwards of forty years by the suc cessive adrainistrators of the Governraent of that Province. 3rd. By the two Houses of Legislature of Upper Canada, who in 1 837, fearing that Lord Gosford and the Royal Coramissioners raight possibly recoraraend the said Union, joined in an address to the King, declaring that such a raeasure would, in their opinion, " be destrUjCtive of their connexion with the parent State." 4th. By Sir George Arthur, the existing Lieutenant-Governor, who in his published despatch to Her Majesty's Secretary of State, No. 91, dated April 17, 1839, described— "The Earl of Durham's scherae for the future government of Canada as essentially the same as that which was advocated by Mr. Bidwell, Dr. Rolph, and Mr. McKenzie." and in his pubhshed despatches, dated 2d July, and 21st August, 1839, added — Chap. XIIL HOME. 301 " There is a considerable section of persons who are disloyal to the core ; reform is on their lips, but sepa ration is in their hearts. These people having for the last two or three years made ^Responsible Govern ment ' their watchword, are now extravagantly elated because the Earl of Durham has recommended that measure " It (responsible governraent) was McKenzie's scheme for getting rid of what Mr. Hume called ' the baneful domination of the mother coimtry ;' and never was any better devised to bring about sucji an end speedily." Considering the combined weight which was constitutionally due to the above authorities, especially to the latter, whose testimony, as the reigning representative of Her Majesty, was surely more trustworthy than that of the dis tinguished nobleman who had abandoned his post, it was certainly a raost astonishing spec tacle to behold the respected leader of the Conservative soldiers of the erapire combin ing against the opinions of his party with Lord John Russell in what both — the one ironically, the other with studied gravity — justly termed " a final settlement of the Canada question." The Conservative leader not only well knew that Lord Durham was innocent as a lamb of the contents of his Report ; but he equally 302 HOME. Chap. XIII. well knew that two of those who were its real authors had been convicted by the tribunals of this country of offences of a raost unusual de scription ; indeed that he (Sir R, Peel) hiraself, in bringing into the House of Commons a Bill denouncing one of these individuals, then lying in the felons' gaol at Newgate, to which he had been sentenced for three years, not only described in eloquent terms " the fraud, the forgery, and the villainy he had practised," but added — " Hundreds of delinquents, much less guilty, had been convicted of capital felonies, and had forfeited their lives ! " — (See Hansard, 6th June, 1827,) When, therefore, the Conservative leader corapared the high authorities which, with tbe Duke of Wellington at their head, were eager to protest against the proposed measure, with the moral and political character of the well known writers of Lord Durham's Report, who had recoraraended these raeasures, it is astonish ing to conceive how, for the unworthy reward of " settling " a troublesome question, prior to his approaching advent to power, he could have determined to join with his high-couraged opponent in enacting a law which he, as well Chap. XIII, HOME. 303 as every man acquainted with the subject, perfectly well knew would paralyze the Queen's Secretary of State for the Colonies, and eventually separate Her Majesty's North Ame rican colonies frora the British crown. But a new and raost extraordinary objection now arose ; for on carefully investigating the Report signed by Lord Durham, it appeared that the evidence it pretended to convey to the Queen, and which formed the basis of its re medial measures, was, to say the least, a tissue of raisreeprsentations ; and that even"Sir George Arthur, after stating in his published despatch to Her Majesty's Secretary of State, No. 107, dated 13th May, 1839, that " Lord Durham had evidently regarded the loyal as the most culpable, and tbeir opponents as the injured party," concluded by declaring " Of the Earl of Durham's Report in other respects, I will only state, that on many important points he has been rauch misinformed." to which testimony Sir Peregrine Maitland, who had administered the Government of Upper Canada for ten years, added in a printed letter dated 19th August, 1839, 304 HOME. Chap. XIIL " I have no objection whatever to its being stated that I have expressed to you my decided condemnation — with full liberty to disclose my sentiments — of Lord Durham's Report ; my opinion that it gives an inaccu rate and unfair description of the Province and people of Upper Canada, and that it censures ignorantly and unjustly, those who have administered the Government of that Province. (Signed) " P, Maitland." The merchants in London connected with the North American Colonies waited in a body on Her Majesty's Government with a public expression of their conviction that Lord Dur ham's Report was inaccurate. As the Report in question is really beneath criticism, I will raerely explain that, without giving the naraes of witnesses, the fictitious evidence which it oflTers to the Queen is usually given to Her Majesty in the strange, intangible, and anonymous form of " They say" this, and "Jit is saicZ"that; and in this way the raost flagrant mistateraents are raade to Her Ma jesty, of which the following is a small sample. 1. Page 62, The Report here tells the Queen that " In Upper Canada, under a law passed immediately Chap. XIII. HOME. 305 after the last war with the States, American citizens are forbidden to hold land." Now I have the highest authority for stating that there exists no such provisional statute ; that no law of the kind during tbe war, or before or after the war, has ever been passed, nor was any such law ever proposed ! 2. Page 56. The Report, in undertaking to explain to the Queen the real cause of the rebellion in Upper Canada, informs Her Ma jesty that "The Lieutenant-Governor on assuraing the go vernment of the colony dismissed from the Executive Council some of the members who were most obnoxious to tbe House of Assembly, and requested three indi viduals to succeed them." Now the printed journals of the House of Assembly can prove that every word of this stateraent is in opposition to the truth, for the Lieutenant-Governor refused to the House of Assembly to dismiss the obnoxious raerabers referred to, and consequently never requested three individuals to succeed them. 3. Page 61. " They say," says the Report to the Queen, " that an Englishman emigrating to Upper Canada is prac- 306 HOME. Chap. XIII. tically as much, an alien in that British colony as he would be if he were to emigrate to the United States." Now every word of this is in opposition to the truth, which is, that there is no one privi lege, great or small, that a Canadian -born subject enjoys which a British eraigrant does not equally enjoy the instant he sets his foot on the British soil of Canada ; indeed " the blue book" returned every year to the Colonial office for the inforraation of Parliament will prove, that of the five raerabers of ray Executive Council, four were British eraigrants, as also that the Receiver-General, the Coraraissioner for Crown Lands, the Surveyor-General, the Adjutant-General of the Militia, the Deputy Adjutant-General, the Vice-Chancellor, his Registrar and Master in Chancery, the Solici tor-General, the Judge of the Court of Probates, eleven Collectors of Custoras, ten out of thir teen of the Masters of the Grammar-schools, seven out of eight of the Masters of Upper Canada College, the Bursar of the University and all his Clerks, the Clerk of the House of Assembly, the Clerk of the Executive Council, &c., were all British emigrants. Is it not Chap. XIII. HOME. 307 dreadful that such mistateraents should have been made to the Queen ? 4. Page 118. T!ie Report here informs Her Majesty " That the pi-ople of the province of Canada have hitherto very imperfectly known what it is to have a Government." by which is meant a Republican Government. 5. Page 65. "It is said," says the Report to the Queen, " that they (the Roman Catholic population) are wholly excluded from all share in the government of the country, and the patronage at its disposal." Now I can state that the Roman Catholic bishop McDonell had a salary of upwards of 400Z. a year, with a seat in the Legislative Council; that one of my Executive Council was a Roman Catholic ; that there were also two in the Legislative Council ; and that the sheriflTs of the Eastern, Ottawa, and of tv\o other districts, all of whom received the emolu ments of tiieir offices, were Roman CathoUcs, &c. &c, 6. Page 60. The Report here gravely in forms the Queen that immediately after the rebeUion 308 HOME. Chap. XIII. " The whole body of reformers were harassed by magistrates whose political leanings were notoriously against them ;" which raeans that the sworn protectors of the public peace, instead of rewarding, had culpably apprehended to be tried for high-treason the principal leaders of tbe rebellion, who had been .taken in arras against the Crown, 7. Page 59. The Report here vaguely tells the Queen that " The outbreak, which comraon prudence and good manageraent would have prevented from coraing to a head, was proraptly quelled by the alacrity with which the population, and especially the British portion of it, rallied round the Government." Now the Report here, as well as in many other parts, endeavours to deceive Her Majesty by drawing a distinction, as invidious as it is unjust, in favour of her British-born and against her Canadian subjects; whereas the truth is that Mr. McKenzie, the instigator of the rebel lion, was a Britisher, so was Dr, Rolph, and so were several other leaders. On the other hand, Chief Justice Robinson, the five judges of the Court of Queen's Bench, Her Majesty's Attorney-General, Sir Allan MacNab, and Chap. XIII. HOME. 309 thousands of others, who were among the first to take arms, were Canadians; in short, the British and their Canadian brethren vied with each other in loyalty to the Crown, and in detestation of the execrable principles which the Report endeavours to uphold. Lastly, page 116, the Report, with uplifted eyes, recomraends "That the security for the existing endo-wments of the Catholic Church in Lower Canada should be guaranteed by the Act." On the other hand, speaking of the clergy revenues for the Protestant Church, whose members form four-fifths of the population of Upper Canada, the Report, with a countenance of grave hypocrisy which it is melancholy to behold, states to Her Majesty, page 64, " It is most important that this question should be settled, and I know of no mode of doing this but by repealing all provisions, in Imperial Acts, that relate to the application of the Clergy Reserves, and the funds arising from thera ; leaving the disposal of the funds to the local legislature," (which the Report well knew would, as soon as the Union was carried, be overwhelmed by the French Catholic majority,) " and acquiescing in whatever decision it may adopt." 310 HOME. Chap. XIII. No doubt this was a clear and certain mode of "settling the question;" for how, it might justly have been said to the Queen, can your Majesty's subjects in Canada possibly go on quarrelling about the Clergy reserves, when, by the repeal of all former Imperial Acts on the subject, there will no longer be any Clergy reserves to quarrel about ? Lastly, p. 94, the Report concludes by honestly and truly stating to the Queen, in the narae of Lord Durhara — "I believe that all the discontented parties, and especially the Reformers of Upper Canada, look with considerable confidence to the result of my mission." Now, if there be any raan in this world who has never uttered an untruth, who has dis tinguished hiraself through a long political life for his respect for truth, and for his ab horrence of raistatements, by whomsoever they may be raade, I believe that everybody in this country would concur with rae in declaring that raan to be Sir Robert Peel. It was therefore naturally to be supposed that, however strong raight be his desire for the attainraent of a particular object, to sup port Lord John Russell in his clever project, Chap. XIII. HOME. 3 1 1 the natural disposition of his (Sir R. Peel's) raind would have induced hira at least to in vestigate the respectable evidence I have re ferred to, the whole of which, with much more, was submitted to hira. The Chief Justice of Upper Canada, who happened to be in England at the tirae Lord Durhara's Report was published, was, above every one, the most corapetent to analyze its truth or falsehood. He subjected it to this process ; and having prepared himself with written evidence sufficient to enable him, with the utmost confidence, to appear before either House of Parliament, or before his Sovereign, to contradict the statements in Lord Durhara's Report, he addressed to Her Majesty's Secretary of State au official letter, which he afterwards published, stating that " He was ready, in any place and at any time, to show that Lord Durhara's Report was utterly unsafe to be relied upon as the foundation of parliamentary proceedings." In consequence of this offer. Chief Justice Robinson, as raight naturally be expected, received frora the Colonial-office one or two cora munications, hurrving his return to Canada ; 312 HOME. Chap. XIIL and as I knew that if Sir Robert Peel, what ever might be his policy, would only consent, for the sake of comraon justice, to stand up for one moraent in the House of Coraraons to ask Lord John Russell to allow the Chief Justice of Upper Canada to remain for a few weeks in England, in case authentic inforraation should be required, such a request could not possibly be refused, I addressed to Sir Robert Peel, with whom I had but lately become very slightly acquainted, the following private note, to which I received the annexed characteristic official reply : — Copy. " Cranford, Middlesex, March 20, 1840. " My dear Sir Robert, " I read in the newspaper, that on Monday next Lord John Russell is to ask leave in the House of Commons to bring in a Bill for the Union of the Canadas. " Under the hope that people of all politics have determined to divest the consideration of this important question from party feeling, I beg leave to submit to you, whether it would not be highly desirable that Chief-Justice Robinson should be retained in this country: — or rather, whether it would not appear inconsistent with an honest desire to arrive at the truth, for Parliament to allow so competent an au thority to leave England at the very moraent when his Chap. XIIL HOME. 313 evidence, founded upon twenty-seven years' service under the Crown, and upon eighteen years' service in tbe Provincial Legislature, might be required and con sidered. " Without the slightest reference to any opinions that Chief-Justice Robinson may or may not have formed on the subject of the Union, I can faithfully assure you that I believe there exists no individual in our British North American Colonies so competent as be is to furnish the Iraperial Parliaraent with /acis and dates ; indeed it is a conviction of my own utter in^ competency to do so, which makes me appreciate the value of Chief- Justice Robinson's experience. " I have the honour to be, " My dear Sir Robert, " Your obedient humble Servant, F, B. Head." To ihe Rt. Hon. Sir R. Peel, Bart. " I beg leave to add, that the Chief- Justice has not, directly or indirectly, the slightest idea of my having made to you the above communication." (reply.) " Whitehall, March 21. " Sir Robert Peel presents his compliments to Sir Francis Head, and in reply to his letter of the 20th March, begs leave to observe that he is not aware of any mode by which the object to which it refers could be attained, excepting through the volun tary extension of the leave of absence of Chief-Justice Robinson by the Colonial Department. 314 HOME. Chap. XIIL " He does not think that any notice of the subject in Parliament would facilitate that extension." The doom of Her Majesty's splendid North American Colonies was now evidently pro nounced ; the Conservatives, in melancholy silence, sat behind their leader, watching with astonishment his mysterious alliance with prin ciples which they could not comprehend; ai^d thus, almost in funeral silence, the fatal BiU proceeded. So long as Chief-Justice Robinson remained in England I was perfectly sensible that, under Providence, he alone was competent to arrest the measure. However, so soon as this re jected witness was about to sail from England, I felt it had become my duty to make a last desperate effort to serve the Crown, and to save a Colonial region to which I had reason to be devotedly attached ; and as for upwards of two months 1 had been studying Lord Durham's Report, and felt confident that, in spite of any cross-examination, I could overturn the evidence it contained, I addressed to that estimable personage, the Archbishop of Can terbury, the following letter, to which I re ceived the annexed very courteous reply : — Chap. XIIL HOME. 315 " Hanwell, Iith May, 1840. " My Lord Archbishop, " I BEG leave with the utmost respect to state to your Grace that for reasons which I have ex pressed, I have felt it my duty to address to the House of Lords the enclosed Petition, in which your Grace will perceive I have humbly prayed, that in con sideration of the imminent iraportance of the Bill before Parliament for the Union of the Canadas, the House would be pleased to make an exception to its usual practice, in my favour, by allowing me most respectfully to disclose at the bar of the House, certain grave objections against the said Bill, as well as against the improper means by which the consent of the Legislature of Upper Canada has been obtained to the measure. "If I belonged to any political party, if I had any party object in view, or if I had any angry feelings to gratify, I should not venture to approach your Grace on the subject ; but as I am not only totally uncon cerned with any party, but desire to divest myself of all appearance of political bias, I have determined most humbly and most respectfully to request your Grace, as the head of the Established Church, to be pleased to present and to support my Petition. " I have the honour to be, " My Lord Archbishop, " Your Grace's most obedient humble servant. (Signed) " F. B. Head." " To His Grace " The Archbishop qf Ca^nterbury." p2 316 HOME. Chap. XIII. " To tke Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled. " The Petition of Sir Francis Bond Head, Bart., late Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, humbly showeth, " That your Petitioner is in possession of certain grave objections against the Bill now before Parlia raent for the Union of the Canadas, as well as against the iraproper means by which the consent of the Legis lature of Upper Canada has been obtained to that measure, which he firmly believes, if taken into con sideration, could not fail to induce your Right Honour able House to reject the said Bill, as one which raust inevitably destroy the Established Church in Upper Canada, subvert British institutions in both Provinces, and effect the separation from the empire of the whole - of Olir North American colonies. " Your Petitioner therefore humbly prays, that in consideration of the imminent importance of the pro posed experiment, your Right Honourable House will be pleased to raake an exception to its usual practice in favour of -your petitioner, by allowing him most respectfully to disclose his objections at the bar of your Right Honourable House. " And your Petitioner, as in duty bound, will ever pray. (Signed) "F. B. Head." (Reply.) ,, -p. s, " Lambeth, May 18th, 1840. . , " I SHOULD have felt it my duty to take charge of Phap. XIIL HOME. 317 the Petition which you have placed in ray hands, more especially as it relates to a -measure which may deeply affect the interests of the Church in a part of the empire with the concerns of which you are thoroughly acquainted, if its prayer could be granted consistently with the usages of the House of Lords. But as it appears that the permission which you desire would be con trary to all precedent, I trust you will agree with me in thinking that, as I could not hope to prevail on the House to depart fi-om its usual practice in this parti cular instance, it would be useless to present the Petition. "I have the honour to be, " Dear Sir, " Your faithful and obedient servant, " W. Cantuar." " Sir Francis B. Head, Bart." Lord Durhara's political survey of the pro vince of Upper Canada had occupied his Lord ship five days, one of which had been spent by hira at Toronto, which is situated on the Lake shore, and the other four on the Niagara frontier. During the twenty-four hours he was at Toronto he had to receive in the morning, as well as again at a large party at night, the addresses and homage of people of all politics, propelled by one impulse to the capital to bow 318 HOME. Chap. XIIL their heads, with becoming submission, to the Queen's Lord High Commissioner. During the four days Lord Durham was at the Niagara frontier he reraained the centre of the same solar system, with this addition, that crowds of people flocked over to him frora that shore which has been described in the Report bearing his signature, as — " That bordering country in which no great indus trial enterprise ever feels neglect, or experiences a check." (Pennsylvania to wit !) The feelings of curiosity were mutual. His Lordship having only just returned from a residence in Russia was no doubt curious to survey, with microscopic attention, the human aniraalcula of a republic ; and on their parts they were equally desirous to behold what most of thera had hitherto only read of — " a live Lord !" His Lordship's hospitality was unbounded ; and as his dinners, served in the Russian fashion, were on a scale of unusual magnifi cence, the congratulations which he received were unbounded, and his reception all that his most ardent fancy could have desired. But this gorgeous scene, coupled with that Chap. XIIL HOME. 319 which had been exhibited at Toronto, formed the sum total of his Lordship's practical know ledge of a country larger than England and Wales ! Majestically sailing through the centre of Lake Ontario, which is more than twice as broad as the straits between Dover and Calais, he returned, in splendid magnificence, to Quebec ; from whence, under the feelings of excitement I have described, he sailed in Her Majesty's frigate ' The Inconstant,' for Eng land, without ever having been a mile in the interior of Upper Canada — without ever having seen a flake of snow — without ever having ex perienced the Canadian winter's storm — or, what is infinitely more boisterous — the Cana dian Legislature in session. Now even if Chief-Justice Robinson, a native of Canada, the Speaker of the upper branch of its Legislature, had respectfully requested per mission to offer to the British Parliaraent an opinion different from that conveyed in Lord Durham's Report, one would have thought that, on the common principle of "audi alteram partem," the appointed leader of the great Conservative interests of the empire would 320 HOME. Chap. XIIL have felt it his duty to retain him as coun sel for the Crown, or at all events to have obtained for hira a hearing ; but what Chief- Justice Robinson desired, and what I desired, was not to trouble or bother the Conservative party with opinions, but to be permitted to PROVE to tbe Imperial Parliament that the statements contained in Lord Durham's Report to the Queen, and which formed the basis of the remedial measures which Her Majesty had been advised to submit for their consideration, were incorrect and "utterly unsafe to be RELIED ON ;" and it was to this strike-but-hear- rae request which was so clearly explained to him, that the Conservative leader shook his head, and to which, as the representative of a party forming a majority in the House of Com mons, he faintly muttered " No ! no !" Now what a melancholy contrast might be drawn between this fiaccid policy of the Con servative leader, and the sinewy, muscular assistance by which Lord John RusseU upheld in Canada the supporters of his bold project, and of which the following is a striking ex ample : — Previous to the passing of the Act for the Chap. XIII. HOME, 32 1 Union of the two Provinces, the Whig Govern ment had invariably directed the Governors of the Canadas not to allow political opinions, however virulent, to incapacitate men of talent for office ; and accordingly, I was very properly removed because I had deposed a judge who had insulted rae, and because 1 had objected to raise to the bench the raost powerful instigator of the rebellion ; but on Mr, Poulett Thomson's arrival in Canada to carry the Union into effect, he was firraly backed up by instructions frora Lord John Russell, dated 16th October, 1839, in which his lordship, after referring to this practice, boldly declared, " It is time ihat a different course should be followed," which different course, it need hardly be stated, was very clearly explained to raean, that all office holders to whom it applied raust either vote for the Union or resign. It would be tedious, hurailiating, and indeed quite unnecessary, to detail all the instances of high courage evinced by Lord John Russell in order to carry his two Republican raeasures — naraely, the Union of the Canadas and the establishment of "responsible Government" into effect, I will therefore only state, that p3 322 HOME. Chap. XIIL seeing reason to fear that, in spite of every effort, he would fail, the Governor-General was authorised, among other inducements, to pledge the Crown to lend to "the people" of the United Provinces a raillion and a half ster ling for their roads, canals, and other public works ! ! It is altogether incomprehensible how so sa gacious a statesman as the Conservative leader could possibly have allowed this revolutionary bribe to be effected, without raising his eloquent voice against it ; for of all the fatal measures which a mother country can adopt towards a colony, surely there can be no one more certain to produce separation, than to PROPOSE the creation of a heavy debt due by the child to the parent, and thus to make it the interest of the young colony to revolt ! However, the unnatural alliance between the Conservative leader and Lord John Russell was but the era- blera of that indissoluble union which they had corabined together to eflTect ; and accordingly, by an Act of the Imperial Parliaraent, the Conservative Province of Upper Canada was led to the altar, to be united before God and man, in unholy wedlock, to a Province whose Chap. XIIL HOME. 323 consent had not even been asked — whose bridal ornaments were manacles and chains — and who, bound hand and foot, was pubhcly conducted from the prison of martial law to take part in a ceremony such as the history of the civil ized world had never before recorded ! The Duke of Wellington, for reasons most powerfully expressed (vide Appendix A), pro tested against the bans; but not deeming it advisable to turn out the Whig Government on a question which the Conservative leader was determined to carry, his Grace did not, as he had power to do, forbid the marriage, but, he entreated the majority he comraanded "not to reject the Bill if Her Majesty's Government persevered in calling upon them to pass it," — Hansard, 1th July, 1840. The melancholy and most extraordinary re sults of this fatal measure will form the subject of the next chapter. ( 324 ) Chapter XIV. POLITICAL POISON. However loudly tbat parti-coloured race of men distinguished by the generic title of "Conservatives" may in different notes con demn the political principles of Lord John Russell, yet surely they must unanimously concur in acknowledging his high guberna torial qualifications, and in adrairing the courage with which this charapion of reform leads on his weary followers to the assault of outwork after outwork, which an ordinary mind would trerable even to approach. " The great difficulty," said one of the writers of Lord Durhara's Report while he was in Canada, " which we have to encounter is the loyalty of the Upper Province ! " and as the Union had effectuaUy levelled this barrier, the writer in question, as well as most people, would probably, at least for a short time, have indulged in those rejoicings which, like calm Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 325 and sunshine after a storm, usually succeed all great victories. Such effeminate indulgence, however, was repugnant to the masculine en terprising spirit of the British arch-leader of reform ; and accordingly so soon as the great measure alluded to was carried, another of a much deadlier composition, of a much darker hue, was projected. In the Union Bill which Lord John Russell had laid before Parliament, he had boldly in serted twenty clauses establishing what he terraed " District Councils," the raerabers of which were to be elected very nearly by uni versal suffrage. Now, as it is only in our Colonies that Lord John Russell can just at present venture to unmask his real designs, it may be of service to the fundholders, landowners, manufacturers, and fai-mers of England, clearly to understand what his Lordship really does mean by those dissolving views which, under the general ap pellation of " Reforms," he is hourly displaying to an admiring audience. The District Council Bill in question not only beautifully displays the whole secret, but explains a useful formula or infallible receipt for converting any mo- 326 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. narchy in Europe into an unbridled democracy, such as has not yet been exhibited on the sur face ofthe globe. Lord John Russell has, it appears, shrewdly observed that in that model republic, the United States of America, " the people," tyran nical as they raay vulgarly be called, are in fact very often most inconveniently restrained by their own representatives in Parliament, and especially by " the Upper House of Parlia ment," designated in America, as elsewhere, by the contemptuous appellation of " that con gregation of old women," Now, effectually to reraedy this grievance, Lord John Russell introduced in his Canada Union Bill clauses declaring — 1st. That the raembers of the Upper House who in the two Provinces had formerly held their seats for life, should henceforward be appointed only for eight years. 2nd. That/w raembers should form a quo rum, 3rd, That " The President " of this little Upper House, as well as all members thereof, should be appointed by the Governor-General, who it will be recollected was to be advised by Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 327 his Executive Council, who it must always be kept in mind were " to possess the confidence of the people," 4th, That this " President" so appointed was to have a casting vote. On the other hand, Lord John Russell (pro bably recollecting the proportions of Falstaff's bill for bread and sack) proposed in his Union Bill— 1st. That the House of Representatives of " the people" should consist of ninety-eight members ; and 2nd, That the said House should elect their own "Speaker," Now it is pretty evident, from the mere showing of the case, that in the new constitu tional act of the Canadas the lusty representa tives of " the people" had very little to com plain of in the way of restraint. Lord John Russell however was determined that even this little monarchical " grievance" should be removed. He therefore courageously proposed in his Union Bill to deprive this Provincial Parlia ment of all power to do good or evil : in short, to convert Governor- General, Executive Coun- 328 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV, cil, little Upper House, and large House of Representatives into mere men of straw, and to vest the real adrainistration of aflTairs in the hands of a nuraber of what he called " Dis trict Councils," each of which was to elect its own " Speaker," and to be composed of twenty- seven raerabers, ten of whora were to form a quorum, and one-third of whom were annually to be replaced by yearly elections. The powers to be granted to these District Councils, Lord John Russell clearly explained in the following clauses of his Bill : — " And be it enacted. That it shall be lawful for every district council to make ordinances for providing a suitable building for the meetings of the said council, and for maintaining and regulating an effective system of police within the said district, and for the paving and lighting of any town within the said district, and for the making and maintaining or improving of any new or existing road, street, railway, canal, or other convenient communications and means of transit, whether natural or artificial, for passengers, cattle, goods, or merchandise, by land or water, -svithin the liraits of the said district, and also all bridges, viaducts, tunnels, cuttings, embankments, and other works con nected therewith, or for the stopping up, altering, or diverting of any such road, street, railway, canal, or other sub-communication as aforesaid, and the works Chap. XIV. POLITICAL, POISON. 329 connected therewith, and also for any other purpose, matter, or thing, which shall be specially subjected to the direction and control of the said district council by any act of the legislature of the said United Pro-vince. " And be it enacted. That it shall be lawful for the said district council to make ordinances directing the levying and assessing and application of moneys, for effecting all or any of the purposes for which they are empowered to make ordinances as aforesaid, either by imposing tolls and rates, to be paid in respect of any public work, and to be collected and applied as shall be directed by any such ordinance, or by means of a rate or assessment to be assessed and levied upon real or personal property within the said district, or upon the owners or occcupiers thereof in respect of such pro perty, and to enforce the collection and payment of all such rates and tolls, or such rates and assessraents as aforesaid, by reasonable penalties, and also to make ordinances for the levying ot" moneys by such rate or assessment as aforesaid, ano ^applying the same in or towards the payment of all accessary expenses incurred or. estimated as likely to h'd incurred for the current year in respect of the local government of the said district, either on account of the lawful expenses of returning officers at elections of members for the dis trict council, or the salaries of officers, or otherwise howsoever." Now, on the homely axiom that two -things cannot occupy the same place at the same time, it follows, just as Lord John Russell cleverly 330 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. intended it should follow, that when all these powers were imparted to his Lordship's District Councils, his Lordship's Provincial Parliament would prove to be an assemblage of raen of straw, whom his agents, " the people," would very soon set on fire and destroy : for besides the incon venience in a roadless country 1500 miles long, of having only one unwieldy Parliament to be convened, prorogued, and dissolved when ever the Queen's representatives should think fit ; the advantage which these snug District Councils were evidently intended to possess, was, that there would then exist no " congre gation of old women," or any other description of bridle, or even of halter, to restrain demo cracy from doing what it liked with whatever it might consider to pe its own ; in fact, that with all the patronage and popular power of their former Houses of Representatives, these District Councils would have no one above them but a harraless automaton Governor- General, whose councillors, it must always be reraerabered, were, by his Lordship's proposal, to be dismissed whenever " they found them selves opposed to the express wishes of tlie people'' Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 33 1 Now, the inhabitants of the United Kingdora have here reflected before thera, as in a looking- glass. Lord John Russell's own exeraplification of the " Reform " he is by rapid strides suc cessfully establishing for them at home. However, although Lord John Russell's Bill in question was, generally speaking, imper fectly understood in England, yet it was clear enough to many of our legislators that if these district councils clauses were passed, a demo cracy, infinitely more licentious than anything existing in the United States, would, by an act of the Imperial Parliament, be established by royal assent in the territory of the Crown, This was, of course, deemed " too bad," and the vicious clauses were accordingly expunged. Nevertheless, the establishment of such a sys tem of government in the outworks of the empire would evidently, sooner or later, lead to such important corresponding results at horae, that Lord John Russell courageously deterrained to carry the measure, although the Iraperial Parliament had not assented to it, and although the people of Canada had never asked for it, did not want it, and did not like it. Accordingly, infusing into the Governor-Ge- 332 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. neral's councils a quantum suff. of republican advocates, he re-introduced the measure before the newly united Provincial Legislature of Canada, and exerting the utmost influence which the Queen's Government could collect, he carried his point, and then, as Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, he pre vailed upon the Queen to give her Royal assent to the Bill, establishing these District Councils, which are now, by the unaniraous consent of all parties in Canada, designated " Sucking Republics," and which, notwithstand ing the influence of the million and a half of money about to be distributed for public works, were only carried in the House of As serably by the casting vote of the Chairraan of the Coraraittee, Caleb Hopkins. There were other deraocratic measures of a similar nature, which, by the irresistible force of Lord John Russell's bold policy, were intro duced and carried in the Colonial Legislature, and he was intently occupied in successfully rooting up every monarchical flower in the garden of the Canadas, and in planting in their stead a succession of republican weeds of the rankest growth, when, all of a sudden, for Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 333 reasons which I do not profess to understand, the great raass of people at home forming the middle classes, ' and distinguished by tbe title of Conservatives, became alarmed at Lord John Russell's principles, as expounded by himself in the Iraperial Parliament, and accordingly, the administration of whom he had been the arch-leader, was assaUed, routed, and broken up. By no portion of the Queen's subjects was the intelligence of this event received with greater joy, and more fervent thanksgiving, than by those in our British North American colonies who, during so long a period, had been suffering martyrdora for that cause they had risen in arms to defend ; and if any cir cumstance could have added to their triumph, it was to learn that the great Conservative party in the raother country who had achieved this victory had, by acclamation, elected as their leader and as the representative of their principles, him, whom, notwithstanding his late apparent neglect of thera, they had always considered as the individual who, under Pro vidence, was the most competent to protect the 'Queen's loyal subjects in our colonies from a 334 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. recurrence of the indignities they had so long been enduring. The general feeling among the disloyal, though of an opposite character, was equally strong. It was evident that their hopes must now be deferred and their notes of triumph suspended. They knew that those who had instigated them to rebellion must, at all events for a time, be driven from the council of the Governor-General, and that the appointments of patronage and emoluraent on which they had been feasting would now, as a matter of course, be granted to recruit their opponents for the pecuniary losses they had sustained ; in short, while the loyal with ruddy countenances beaming with joy, were shaking hands with each other — were preparing to link elbow with elbow, and in a phalanx to stand together shoulder to shoulder in defence of the glorious Institutions of Great Britain, the rebel party, pallid, sallow, and conscience-stricken, were equally sensible that their resignations were virtually deterrained on, and accordingly that — to use a Parliamentary phrase — "they were only holding office until the appointment of their successors," Very shortly, however, after the great Con- Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 335 servative leader's accession to office, the loyalists observed with astonishment and dismay that a policy was to be pursued against them by him such as had never entered their heads to conceive. The rule of his administration was soon openly announced to be — that, regardless of the character of the Crown, he had determined " to join the majority^' of whatever " poli tical opinions that majority might be com posed ;" and as by the Union of the Provinces, and by the courageous poUcy of Lord John Russell, a republican majority had of course been created in every branch of the Legislature, the result was inevitable. In vain the loyal urged — argued — supplicated — and at last loudly demanded as their birthright that, regardless of majorities or minorities, the influence of the British Crown should by the Conservative Government of England be cast into thdr scale as fearlessly as it had been cast into the scale of their adversaries by the Whig administration to the latest moment they were in power. They declared that they were con stitutionally entitled to the protection of their Sovereign in return for the allegiance which. 336 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. with muskets on their shoulders, they had lately practically evinced to Her Majesty. In answer to the above, and many other arguments — and, I might add, imprecations — that were used, it was calmly replied, that the cardinal principle of Sir Robert Peel's govern ment was to break up " party distinctions" in our colonies rather than encourage them ; that it was time that all party distinctions respecting the late " unfortunate " disturbances should be obliterated ; in short, that Her Majesty's Go vernment in Canada would in future be based on the Christian maxim of " Forget and For give;" which, being translated into comraon English, was very soon found to mean that Her Majesty had been advised by her Conservative Prime Minister to forgive her enemies and TO FORGET HER FRIENDS ! The extent to which this pernicious axiom — this unnatural policy — was carried out in favour of the rebel party, and against the loyalists, it would be tedious to detail ; and even if detailed, would not — could not be believed; indeed it is a fact, that when the first batch of appointments, as explained in a letter from the new Governor-General to Mon- Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 337 sieur Lafontaine, were by order of the Queen's Conservative Governraent published, some even of the rebel party believed and actually declared the document in question to be " a hoax." The general character of these appointments, and of the unfortunate atterapt to " break up " tlie loyal party in Canada, raay be elucidated by a few anecdotes, which, as the policy of " the great Conservative party in England," are really irresistibly ludicrous, and of which the following is a specimen. When Mr. McKenzie, to save his life, ab sconded from Gallows Hill, there was found in the roora he had been occupying a certain car pet bag, well known in Upper Canada by the narae of " the Devil's snuff-box." In this bag were found all Mr. McKenzie's private papers, and araong them several letters from Mr. Hume ; of one of which the following is an extract : — To Dr. Duneombe. " Dear Sir, " Worthing, 2Qfh Sept. 1836. " Send over to the Reform Club the note for Mr: Chambers. I have requested him to bring you a letter I have written to Mr. Bidwell : you will put it Q 338 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. into tbe cover I send herewith, and send it off with your first packet to Upper Canada. " There are several points of your letter of the 24th deserving attention ; but one in particular deserves immediate notice. You must not think of the Re formers leaving the House of Assembly to the Tories. [Mr. Bidwell, Mr. McKenzie, and their followers, had just lost their elections.] That would be to acknow ledge defeat, and that you were afraid to raeet them. No, no, that will not do. " I have to remind you that a statement of Sir F. Head's proceedings should be printed, for the in formation of the public and of the members of Parlia ment, before you leave this, unless you prefer to have a statement drawn up in Canada and sent home to us, with a petition embodying all, that, when we present it, we may move for a Committee to inquire into the allegations ; and there must be two of the best inforraed of the Reformers sent to England by the tirae the House of Coramons meets, to prove those facts you have com plained of. A coramittee in Toronto ought to take evidence, and collect facts and proofs for their own house and for ours, as you must be aware, from the state of matters here, the ministers are quite in the dark." (Signed) "Jos. Hume." In obedience to the above advice, ihis ^Dr, Duncombe, a member of the Provincial House of Assembly of Upper Canada, and a Mr, Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 339 Robert Baldwin, were accordingly despatched by the rebel party to England to complain 1;hat I had unjustly been the means of their 4einand for " responsible governraent" having been rejected at the elections. Lord Mel bourne and the Secretary of State for the Colonies very properly refusing, however, even to see either of thera, they returned to Upper Canada, "the place frora whence the}'^ carae." Up to, and even after, the breaking out of the rebellion, Mr, R. Baldwin reraained in close coraraunication with Dr, Rolph, who, after Mr. McKenzie's defeat, becarae " Presi dent of the Patriot Council " on Navy Island, Dr, Duncorabe, however, following the spirit of Mr. Hurae's advice, played a bolder garae ; and while Mr. McKenzie, in open rebellion, was commanding in chief at Gallows Hill, he simultaneously headed an auxiliary insur rection in tlie London district. As soon, however, as Mr. McKenzie ab sconded, I directed Sir Allan MacNab, without a moment's delay, to march with 700 militia into the London district and attack Dr, Dun combe, who, with a considerable force, had been q2 340 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. cutting down bridges, barricading houses, &c., and was occupying, as his main position, a mill. Sir Allan, by a quick movement round a swamp, surrounded the whole gang, who, find ing themselves surprised, and that their leader. Dr. Duncorabe, had just fled, surrendered to hira, and laid down their loaded rifles on the snow. Sir Allan MacNab instantly forraed his militia-raen into a hollow square, and the whole of his prisoners being in the raiddle of it, he read to thera papers written by many of them, showing that it had been their intention to pillage the banks, rob and destroy the property of the loyalists, " tie Sir Allan MacNab to a tree, fire a volley into hira," and carry into effect raany other "reforms." The Speaker of the House of Asserably, pointing to the railitia under arras, told these men they were now in his power. " Yet," said he, " I will allow you all to return to your homes, except you, Soloraon Lossing, a justice of the peace, whose oath of office required you to communicate all treasonable attempts ; and as it appears from the papers I hold in my hand that you have been present at all Dr. Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 34 1 Duncombe's meetings to get up this rebellion, that as an extensive miller you have supplied pork and flour for the maintenance of the rebels, taking their receipts in writing to pay you so soon as they had obtained their object of capsizing the Governraent, I shall deal dif ferently with you." In the presence of the railitia and of the whole band of pardoned rebels this fellow was taken into custody by two sergeants of the loyal militia, and coraraitted by Sir Allan MacNab to the coramon jail at Hamilton, to be tried for high treason, and tbe receipts I have raentioned were simultaneously transmitted to Her Ma jesty's Attorney-General. The great leader of the Conservatives, how ever, had determined that the majority in Canada, whatever might be its principles, should prevail, and the Union for which he and his followers in the English House of Commons had voted having placed the loyal in a rainority, he not only selected this man, Solomon Lossing, to be a justice of the peace, but, as if deterrained to work out the " forget and forgive" principle of his adrainistration, ad absurdum, he actually made hira " Warden" 342 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. of the district in which he lived, a high and distinguished appointment, similar to that of Lord-Lieutenant of one of 6ut counties, and which authorized him, Solomon Lossing, to preside at all meetings of Her Majesty's Jus tices of the Peace in that splendid district of Canada I ! Now let us for a raortient, as if by magic, fly from the transatlantic colony before us, from petty politics— and from colonial dis turbances — to Her Majesty's last court at St. James's. Let us there picture before us out Gracious Sovereign standing slightly in front of the illustrious attendants of her court, com posed of statesmen of the Hiost distinguished character, of military and naval officers, " sans peur et sans reproche," and lastly, of those lovely high-bred forms which the soil and air of Britain can alone produfce. In such a scene, " how sudden would have been the various emotions, sensations, and feelings which would have been produced, if Her Majesty, breaking with her beautiful voice the formal silence that prevailed; had mildly said to the Prime Minister of her empire, on whose conservative principles she wafe depend- Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 343 ing, and to whom she had confidently intrusted the honour of her Crown, "Who, Sir, is Solomon Lossing?" But it would ob"viously have been unfair to Solomon Lossing's associates not also " to forget and forgive" any little eccentricities of conduct by wbich they might have been dis tinguished ; and accordingly the Queen's Ga zette announced to the loyal inhabitants of Canada, that "' Her Majesty had been pleased to appoint Mr. Robert Baldwin to be Her Ma jesty's Attorney-General in Upper Canada !" and also to be a member of the Governor- General's executive council ! The royal pardon was also granted to Dr. Duncombe and to Dr, Rolph, President of the Provisional Coraraittee on Na-vy Island, which had oflTered 500^, for my apprehension, both of whom returned in triumph to Her Majesty's province of Canada, from which for the reasons detailed they had absconded. Besides this, a new coraraission of the peace was issued, by which it appeared that twenty- three magistrates who had assisted in suppress ing the rebellion were " forgotten " (^. e. dis missed), and in their stead twenty-four who had either taken open part in, or had noto- 344 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. riously instigated the rebeUion, were " for given" (i. e. appointed to be magistrates in their stead), and a high eulogium was pro nounced in the English House of Coraraons by the Conservative preraier on Mr. Hurae, and on another gentleman well known to entertain similar opinions. Now, because this policy was pursued in Upper Canada, it became necessary, for con sistency's sake, that it should also be adopted in Lower Canada, and that it was so will be sufficiently explained by the following raost extraordinary anecdote. Shortly after the burning of St. Eustache, the raurder of Lieutenant Weir, and irame diately after Mons. Papineau, on being de feated by Colonel Wetherall, had absconded to the United States, Sir John Colborne, by the advice of his council, offered a reward of 500^. sterling for the apprehension of a certain Mons. Girouard, a notary in Lower Canada, who had not only organised the rebels, but had commanded them at the horrid massacre of the Queen's subjects at St. Eustache. On Mons, Girouard being arrested for high treason there was found among his baggage Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 345 the following " nil-desperandura " note ad dressed to him by a Mons. Lafontaine imrae diately after Papineau's defeat aud flight : — " Consolez-vous ! Viger et Papineau vous donneront 20,000 Louis, pour armer les Bonnets Bleus du Nord, (Signed) " Lafontaine." The above note was transraitted to Her Majesty's Governraent by Sir John Colborne in his despatch dated 6th May, 1839, and by command of Her Majesty was laid before both Houses of Parliaraent, together with evidence on oath, forwarded by Sir John Colborne, showing that Mons, Lafontaine had addressed a public meeting in order " to raise his coun trymen against the government of the Queen, to excite their discontent, to engage them to violate the laws of the country, and to excite in their favour the syrapathy of and alliance with the United States," Sir John Colborne further reported that Mons, Lafontaine had been one of the earliest agitators in Lower Canada ; indeed this cri minal was so sensible of his own guilt, that on warrants being issued against him on oath, Q 3 346 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. charging hira wilh treason, he absconded, and only returned to the Province under Lord Durhara's proclamation of amnesty. Now, alraost iramediately after the leader of the great Conservative party in England be came the Queen's Prime Minister, he deter mined to make this Mons. Lafontaine Her Majesty's Attorney-General, as also a member of Her Majesty's Executive Council to advise the Governor-General ! ! In order, however, to carry the first of these unnatural appointments into effect, it was ne cessary to turn frora that office (the salary of which was 1500Z. a year) the Honourable C. R, Ogdeui whoj for eighteen years, had been either the Solicitor or Attorney-General of Lower Canada, Mr, Ogden, with raany corapllraents, was accordingly suraraarily dismissed by Her Majesty's Conservative Government, No notice was given to him that his reraoval was con templated — no complaint had been raade against him — no vote even of want of political confidence in him had been proposed. The only reason that was given to this loyal, faith ful, and highly talented public servant, for his dismissal, was that Her Majesty's Government Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 347 deemed it " expedient" to remove him because the rebel party had declared " their indisposi tion to co-operate with him," — that is to say, they were determined to revenge themselves on him for having, in the strict performance of the high duties of his office, advised, and issued warrants for, the arrest of Mons, Papineau, Mons, Lafontaine, and the rest of their accom plices. Accordingly Mr, Ogden was no sooner re moved than Her Majesty's Goverment not only appointed (vide the Royal Gazette) this Mons, Lafontaine to be " Her Majesty's Attorney- General in Lower Canada," authorizing him at the same time to name any one of his ac complices to be appointed Solicitor-General of the same Province, and any other one of his accomplices to be appointed Clerk of the Governor-General's Executive Council — the Conservative leader not only over the heads of the loyal thus constituted Mons. Lafontaine Her Majesty's representative in the courts of justice, but he offered a situation of the highest trust and confidence, namely, that of Commis sioner of Crown Lands,* to Mons, Girouard, * In order to gite this appointment to a rebel leader, it was 348 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. late comraander of the rebels at St. Eustache, to whom the foregoing note from Mons. Lafon taine had been addressed, and whom the Con servative Governraent designated "a gentleraan possessing administrative faculties of a high order, and, at the same time, the confidence of his countryraen," He also appointed Mons, Valliere, who, on the breaking- out of the rebel lion, had been suspended by Sir John Colborne at the instance of the legal advisers of the Crown, to be Chief Justice of Montreal ! Mons, Papineau, the guilty cause of the raurder of hundreds of the Queen's subjects, of the de struction of British property to an incalculable amount, and of an expense to the mother- country of nearly two raiUions, received under favour of a " Noli prosequi," entered by Mons. Lafontaine his accomplice. Her Majesty's At torney-General, the Queen's pardon ; and that he raight clearly see that the Conservative liberal principle of " forget and forgive " ap plied quite as easily to religion as to politics, the Conservative Government selected and ap- necessary to turn from that office (the salary of which was 800/. a year) Mr. Davidson, a loyalist, against whom no fault was even alleged. Chap. XlV. POLITICAL POISON. 349 pointed Mons. Papineau's own brother, a Roman Catholic, to be (vide the Royal Gazette) " Her Majesty's Coraraissioner of Crown Lands for Upper and Lower Canada ! ! " One of the Conservative newspapers in Canada, " The Toronto Patriot," noticed this announcement of Sir Robert Peel's policy, as expressed in the Governor-General's letter to Mons. Lafontaine, as follows : — " The doubts which long existed as to whether it was genuine, or an impudent hoax and gross personal insult, have been removed, and, to our mingled sorrow and humiliation, we know that this document is what it purports to be. " No public document issued in the British North American provinces, frora the time of Wolfe down to the present day, has ever been perused by the true- hearted subjects of the Sovereign of Great Britain with such an intensity of mortification, and such a feeling of abasement. " On no former occasion do we recollect witnessing so strong an expression of intense sorrow and humilia tion as has been exhibited by every one with whom we have conversed on the occasion of this abject surrender of the happiness, hopes, and prosperity of the people of this rising colony into the hands of a merciless and grasping faction, who have never kno-wn power but to abuse it — who have never been for a moment intrusted with influence, but they have used it to the embroil- 350 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV, ment of the whole country, the strangulation of public prosperity, and the paralysis of enterprise and im provement." On the day of this official announcement of Sir Robert Peel's most extraordinary alliance with the rebel party, the following strange scene took place in the Commons' House of Assembly of the Canadas. A Mr, Simpson, who is married to Mr. Roe buck's mother, was speaking in favour of Sir Robert Peel's new proteg^, Mons. Girouard, and of the high appointment which had been offered to him, when Sir AUan MacNab sud denly rose up, and bowing to the Speaker, said, " I ara sorry, Sir, to interrupt the Honourable Gentleraan, but as he seeras to be acquainted with this Mons, Girouard, I beg to inquire of him if he be the same individual for whose apprehension as a traitor the late Government had offered 500Z. ?" Mr. Simpson. — " He is." Sir Allan MacNab.—" Then I beg to inquire whether he was apprehended, and if so, whether the reward offered by the Government has been paidV Mr. Simpson,. —^^ Monsieur Girouard was Chap, XIV; POLITICAL POISON. 351 apprehended, and the reward offered by the late Government has been paid," Sir Allan MacNab.-^" To whom was this reward of 500?. paid ?" Mr. Simpson (confusedly).-^" To me," — (^Laughter.) Sir Allan MacNab. — " Then I suppose there must have been some mistake !" Mr, Simpson, — " No." Sir Allan MacNab (smiling). — " Well, then^ if the Queen's Government intend now to make him Her Majesty's Commissioner of Crown Lands, and an Executive Councillor^ you will of course return the money ?" Mr, Simpson. — " Oh, no ; I have spent that !" Sir Allan MacNab (addressing himself to the Speaker). — " I beg pardon, Sir, for the inter ruption ; but I thought these curious facts might as well come from the Honourable Member (bowing to him) as the best authority." (Sir Allan MacNab then sat down araidst roars of laughter.) And yet how truly may it be said — " Quis talia fando Temperet a lachrymis ?" •After the raelancholy fact of Her Majesty s> 352 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. Conservative Government having offered in the name of the Queen one of the most honour able and important appointments in the gift of the Crown to a person for whose apprehen sion as a traitor Lord John Russell's much abused " Whig-Radical Government" had honestly offered and had paid five hundred pounds sterling, it would be tedious as well as needless to detail other instances of this unna tural policy. Suffice it therefore to say, that in the Lower Province as well as in the Upper, every rebel, in proportion to his guilt, was promoted by the Conservative Governraent to offices of eraolument, trust, or honour. That the magistrates in particular were apparently selected from the Jail Calendar : indeed, so recklessly and impetuously was this policy pursued, that it is said one poor inoffensive, inefficient, senseless man was named as a raagistrate who had no strength to perform the duty, having only a few weeks ago been actu ally hanged as a rebel ! Besides these appointments, the Queen was advised by her Conservative Minister to pardon and bring back to Canada almost every ab sconded traitor who, like Monsieur Papineau, Chap. XIV, POLITICAL POISON. 353 had distinguished hiraself by insulting Her Majesty's representative, and who by rais chievous representations had encouraged his deluded followers to rebel. By the system thus detailed, the rebel party were scientifically fortified from all reasonable apprehensions, and the law was divested of all its terrors ; for not only in the Council of the Governor-General were their leaders invested with power to protect them, but in Her Majesty's Courts of Justice, in Upper as well as in Lower Canada, besides the Judges I have naraed, there appeared, as standing counsel, pur posely retained by the Crown to defend thera. Her Majesty's Attorneys and Solicitors General, who, having themselves either openly insti gated the late rebeUion, or been arrested for high treason for having been engaged in it, were peculiarly corapetent to plead for those who from over zeal might hereafter be induced to commit similar indiscretions. There remained, however, one deserving- individual whom the Whig Governraent had contemptuously overlooked, and whom it con sequently became the duty of the Conservative Government in England to promote. 354 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV, On the llth of Nov. 1835, Mr, Speaker Papineau kid before the House of Assembly, by whose order it was printed, a letter of advice, dated London, SOth May, 1835, from a Mr, Roebuck, a member of the British House of Coraraons, of which the foUowing is an ex tract : — " Let the Assembly continue steadfast to their pur poses, and pursue with undeviating energy the cause they have hitherto followed, and we may bid defiance to our opponents, and rescue Canada from that petty but harassing tyranny which has so long weighed down her powers and disgraced the Mother Country, which permitted, nay, which fostered, this infamous dominion. " I caimot avoid taking advantage of this oppor tunity of recording soleranly ray opinion as to the demands whicb, as guardians of a whole people, you are bound to insist on. The object you have in -view is to frarae a governraent in accordance with the wants and the feelings of that people. In America, no go vernraent can unite these conditions but one that is purely democratic. Any pretence by which it is sought to saddle you with any species of aristocracy ought by you to be scouted and repressed. The Le gislative Council frora the beginning has been such a pretence ; and your efforts ought never to relax until you have thoroughly rooted out that wretched imita tion of a banefully mischievous institution. All your Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 355 other grievances spring from this parent source ; if this source be not dammed up, the grievances will never cease to exist. Put an end to the Council, and they will of necessity expire at once. All other objects ought, therefore, to yield to the paramount one of ex tirpating the Council. Make it elective if you will ; that, however, appears to me a clumsy mode of ridding yourselves of the evil. Why, I ask, are not the As sembly and a Governor sufficient for the government of the country ? " Excuse me for thus expressing my opinions ; ray anxiety for your national welfare will, I hope, be suflS- cient apology. " Believe rae. Sir, that I have the most perfect con sideration for the high office which you hold, and for yourself personally ; and that I am your obedient servant, (Signed) "J. A. Roebuck. " Tke Hon. tke Speaker ofthe House of Assembly." Now the Writer of the abote letter, whose honestly expressed principles I will leave to i§peak fot theraselves, was notoriously, up to the latest moment of the rebellion, the paid advocate of the party that rebelled. Sir Robert Peel, therefore, deemed it advis able, as no doubt it was consistent, that this gentleman, for the encouragement of his col- 356 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV, leagues, should be pubhcly promoted in Her Majesty's Courts of Justice in England, exactly in the sarae way as his employers, the insti gators and actual leaders of the rebellion in Canada, had been promoted in that Colony ; and accordingly, although several staunch Con servative lawyers in England were, it is to be supposed, candidates for the honour. Sir Robert Peel, to the utter astonishment of every inha bitant of our North American Colonies, raised above them J. A. Roebuck, Esq., by giving him a silk gown ! " Finis coronat opus I" In short, while every possible encourageraent and reward were given by Her Majesty's Con servative Governraent to any man who directly or indirectly had, like Mr. Roebuck, advocated republican institutions, or who had insulted, or with loaded fire-arms in their hands had either murdered the Queen's subjects, or had openly assailed the authority of the Crown ; those who had rushed forward in its defence, whose blood had been shed, and whose pro perties had been destroyed, were, under the contemptuous appellations of "Tories," "Bloody Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 357 Tories," "Knot of officials," and " Family com pact" (the head of this " faraily" being the Queen, and the "corapact" a loyal deterrai nation to die in her defence) subjected to dismissal frora office, and to every possible indignity which the triumph of revengeful and malevolent feelings could invent. " Who are the rebels now?" said a convicted traitor, sneering over his shoulder, as he rode by a group of united loyalists. " I guess it's YOU who are now opposed to your Queen's Go vernment!" But, alas ! it was the Queen's Conservative Prime Minister in England who was opposed to them ! But not only had Sir Robert Peel (under the vain hope that, by breaking up the loyal party in our North American colonies, he would be enabled to govern there without opposition) becorae the powerful charapion of democracy on the soil of Araerica, but even in England he deemed it advisable to avert the light of his countenance from any of our colonists on a visit to this country who had distinguished themselves by their attachment to monarchical institutions. Of this I will only shortly detail two instances. 358 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. 1st. Chief Justice Robinson, a native-born Canadian, is the son of a British officer, who served during the Arperican war, and who ac corapanied General Simcoe, to Canada ; and al though he bore a distinguished part in several actions in the Araerican war, and in 1837, with a rausket on his shoulder, accorapanied by his two sons, again took his place in the ranks of the loyal, yet it was on a very different and opposite path on which he had gradu9.11y risen to distinction. At the age of twenty-one, having previously studied and been called to the bar in England, his talents gained for him the provincial ap pointment of Attorney-General, After ha-ving for ten years powerfully supported British in stitutions in the House of Asserably, he was raised to the Upper House, of which for raany years he reraained Speaker until an Act of the Iraperial Parliament (the Union of the Ca nadas) deprived hira of this distinction, an(l of the eraoluments attending it. Of Chief Justice Robinson's character, I will only allow myself briefiy to say, that a com bination of such- strong religious and moral principles, modesty of mind, and such instinc- Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 359 tive talent for speaking and writing, I have never before been acquainted with ; that every lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, for the last twenty-five years, has expressed an opinion of this nature ; and that by general acclama tion it would, I firmly believe, be acknowledged by every man in our North American colonies whose opinion is of any value. But I have reason to believe that Sir Robert Peel himself entertains, and has repeatedly ex pressed, a sirailar opinion of Chief Justice Robinson's character and attainraents ; never theless, during the five years that the patronage of the British Crown was in his gift, he offered him no compensation whatever for the loss of salary he had sustained by the Imperial Union Act ; no reward — no distinction ; and yet, most strange to relate, the Conservative minister did not altogether forget him, for to conciliate the republican party he advised the Queen (vide the Royal Gazette) " to appoint as Her .Majesty's Surveyor-General of Canada" Chief Justice Robinson's late housemaid's husband, an English emigrant who had worked industriously in Toronto as ajourneyraan carpenter, and who, under Lord John Russell's adrainistration, had 360 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. worked harder still in making for his Lordship a provincial "Cabinet" for his new system of responsible government. 2nd, Sir Allan MacNab, a native of Canada, is the son of a British officer who, decorated with thirteen wounds, accorapanied General Siracoe to the Province when it was a dense and unpeopled wilderness. At the age of fourteen he volunteered to join the grenadier company of the Sth British regiment in an attack in which raost of the corapany were killed, and he subsequently took part in several other actions against the Araericans. For his con duct in 1837 he received the thanks of Lord Seaton, of two Lieutenant-Governors, and of the Provincial Legislatures of Upper Canada, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia : tbe militia of Upper Canada presented him with a sword, and the United Service Club, in London, in opposition to a standing rule, made him an honorary member of their club. In consequence of the Union of his country by an Act of the Imperial Parliament with Lower Canada, Sir Allan MacNab, who with one dis sentient voice had been elected Speaker of the Commons' House of Asserably, lost the emolu- Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 36 1 ments of that office, and accordingly Lord Sea ton felt it his duty to present to Sir Robert Peel's Government, and very strongly to support, a memorial from Sir Allan MacNab, asking for indemnification, or honorary distinction. In reply he was officially informed, " that it was to Canadian preferraent alone that his claim could be fully justified, and that the Queen had no resources beyond the limits of Canada for compensating the valuable services he had rendered ; " but in order that there should be no mistake as to the real reasons for the refusal of Her Majesty's Conservative Go vernment to comply with Lord Seaton's re commendation, Sir Allan MacNab was verbally informed (I copy the following words frora his own written meraorandura of the interview in question), " that he had been so prorainent a political character that any raark of Royal favour conferred upon hira in England raight interfere with the Government of Sir Charles Bagot ;" and when Sir Allan compared this cautious policy of the Conservative Govern ment with the bold masculine support which the Whig administration had always fearlessly 362 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. given to their adherents, how justly might he have declared that if he had supported Demo cracy with half the zeal he had served the British Crown, he would not have been de serted. In Colonial history there surely cannot exist a more striking exemplification of the unfortunate policy of sacrificing principle to conciliate what is tremblingly called " Public Opinion " than the picture here before us. In Lower Canada a wicked rebellion was instigated, organised, and headed by the Speaker of the House of Assembly, who openly called upon his adherents to cast off their allegiance to the British Cro-wn, In Upper Canada, not only was rebellion suppressed, but foreign invasion was repelled, by the Speaker of the House of Assembly, who, at the head of the loyal railitia of the Province, successfully protected the property as well as the authority of the Crown, The above circumstances having been duly considered by the Queen's Conservative Prime Minister, Her Majesty was advised to "forgive" the rebel Speaker, and to " forget " the loyal Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 363 one ! nay more — Her Majesty was advised, as an act of generosity, to give her royal assent to Lower Canada by her own Governor, restoring to Mons, Papineau certain arrears of salary due to him previous to his having declared himself a traitor : and yet Her Majesty has not heen advised by Sir Robert Peel — as an act of justice, to indemnify Chief-Justice Robinson and Sir Allan MacNab for the deprivation of their respective salaries hy an Act of the Ira perial Parliaraent ! Indeed, to such an extent has this unnatural policy been carried out, that to gratify the revenge of rebels against whora Sir Allan MacNab had been obliged to appear as prosecutor for the Crown, he was by the Conservative Government publicly superseded in his duties of Queen's Counsel in his own district, the emoluments of which were given to a lawyer of the opposite party ! ! " There is no fear now of any rebellion in Canada," s'^id a fine handsome young Canadian miUtia-naan to me the other day, on his arrival for the first time in his life in England ; " the republican party have it all their own way, so there is no one to rebel but the loyal •' " r2 364 POLITICAL POISON. Chap. XIV. Now, casting aside all angry feelings, all colonial squabbles, all provincial politics — cast ing aside the various conflicting passions by which the two great political parties in Eng land are so unfortunately distracted, I calmly ask, what must the civilized world think of the course which the Sovereign of Great Britain, by the advice of Her Ministers, is pursuing towards her North America Colonies? What raust the King of the French— what must the Emperor of Russia, think and say of such a policy ? But I ask further, what would the Eraperor of China think of it, or what would the Cacique of the most barbarous nation under the sun say, if any raan could dare to advise hira, for the attainraent of any object, to pamper his enemies and to poison his friends ? The policy of the great leader of a party calling themselves Conservatives, must surely, to the vulgar of all nations, appear utterly in comprehensible ; and when one reflects upon the honest integrity of the " Old English" cha racter, it certainly is melancholy to hear so many noble voices, which the world has been Chap. XIV. POLITICAL POISON. 365 taught to respect, now singing, in abject obe dience to the motions of their band-master, — " Arise, Pamper her enemies. And make them fat. Prosper their politics. Reward their knavish tricks. On them our hearts we fix — God save the Qdeen!" New Song. I ask these simple questions of those who honestly, but inconsiderately, argue that be cause our colonies are out of sight, it little matters how they are dealt with, how they are retained, or how they can be got rid of. ( 366 ) Chapter XV. THE EXPLOSION. Before I explode the mine over which the reader has unconsciously been sitting during his perusal of the last fourteen chapters, and which I can promise him will scatter to the winds the whole political fabric he has been reviewing, a few preparatory remarks are necessary. Although it had long been evident to the inhabitants of the British North American Colonies that Lord John Russell had cou rageously determined to convert that splendid portion of the Queen's erapire into a republic — an act of political surgery highly interesting to the fearless operator, but of excruciating agony to the poor patient — nevertheless, on the constitutional protection of their Sovereign, and on the good sense of the middle classes in England, or, in other words, of the great Con servative majority, they placed the fullest and Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 367 firmest reliance ; and, accordingly, although the tempest that was assailing them was vio lent, and the clouds that obscured their hori zon black, yet in the transcendent talents of Sir Robert Peel they saw, or fancied that they saw, a bow of prismatic colours, foretelling to them all most clearly, that the hour of sunshine and tranquillity would in due time inevitably arrive. The confidence that was reposed in this powerful statesman throughout our North Ame rican provinces was beyond all description ; and, as a very trifling instance of it, I will state that, although I had never seen him, I commissioned my most faithful attendant — a gentleraan of high character, who is now at Toronto — in case of my death, to go to England and make known to this public ser vant from me certain facts which I believed would warn him of dangers by which the Queen's colonies were assailed from enemies in Her Majesty's own camp. On his accession to power, the confidence in his ability and his integrity were so great, that I have reason to say the whole body of the loyal were prepared cheerfully to support 368 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV, any measures, comprehensible or incompre hensible, that he might recommend. But when, with astonishment and disraay, they beheld the extraordinary raanner in which, as Prirae Minister of England, he used, or, to speak plainly, abused the powers with which, as the representative of the Conserva tives, he had been invested — when, for reasons which no person could understand, they ob served him for days, weeks, months, and years, unrelentingly persecuting every man who had evinced loyalty to the Queen — and, on the other hand, not only placing above thera in situations of confidence, honour, and emolu ment, men who had headed the rebellion, but polluting Her Majesty's courts of justice and the Governor's Executive Council by intro ducing therein persons who had been pro claimed traitors, for whose apprehension as such rewards had been offered, and in one case had actually been paid ; — when they saw him (as, indeed, I felt it my duty at the time to tell him that he was doing, namely) " re ward every raan in proportion to his guilt ;" — and, finally, when they read that in his place in Parliament he had approved of the Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 369 Queen of England apologising to the President of the United States for the destruction of a vessel, the hostile engine of pirates who were firing cannon upon the loyal inhabitants of a British colony, — the feelings that were excited against him were, to say the least, as extra ordinary as the raeasures which had created them. Now, all violent, interaperate expressions (1 have voluraes of letters filled with thera) I pass over as unfit to be recollected, and indeed as improper even to have been confi dentially expressed ; but I will describe a few of the silent sentiments and deep-rooted opi nions which I know to exist in the hearts of various classes of emigrants and colonists, I, The best educated and raost talented see, with feelings of sharae, mortification, and dis gust, that principles which they know to be just, and which for so many years, at great sacrifice, they have been conspicuously propounding, have since the death of Williara IV, been brought into derision and contempt by the very Conservative leader in England who, previous to that period, had professed to up hold thera. They see that, for reasons which r3 370 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. to their minds are inexplicable, and which, indeed, they have no desire to investigate, he has allied himself, so far as regards the des tinies of the British North American Provinces, with his bold republican opponent ; and under these circumstances they feel that resistance on their part would be nothing but a factious opposition to the authority of the government of their Sovereign. They might complain ; — they might protest ; — they might in powerful terms appeal to "the people" at home; — in fact, they have, I know, strongly been advised to do so ; but, although they are fully competent to the task, they prefer to submit in silence to the mysterious dispensation which has afflicted them. They are prepared for the calamity which they clearly foresee is about to assail thera, and they pray that no indignity they raay have to endure, no insult or loss of earthly property, may ever wring from them the slightest feeling of disaffection towards their Sovereign ; but that, on the contrary, their last breath may — as I feel confident it will— -be expended in invoking the blessing of the Al mighty upon the British Crown, upon British institutions, and upon the British people. Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 37 1 2, The bold, loyal, enthusiastic, and hitherto successful supporters in the senate as well as in the field, of the Provincial Government, openly declare that, although their attachment to " the old country " and to all that belongs to it remains unaltered and unalterable, it is hopeless to go on resisting democracy if the leaders of both political parties in England are determined to force it upon them. They mourn over the loss which they cannot repair ; but they do not hesitate to add, that if they are to consider the interests of their children, they cannot afford to make theraselves use lessly conspicuous by Quixotically revealing- political attachments and opinions which ere long may cause them to be driven from their country, and their estates to be confiscated. For these reasons they not only determine to accept office, but seek it ; and although no liberal man can say they are not justified in doing so, yet the inevitable consequence has been a complete and apparently a disreputable breaking up in Canada of the constitutional party, who, separated from each other by the timid policy of their great leader in England^ are now in many instances waging civil war 372 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. against each other, to the utter destruction of their future power. 3, The majority-men, of course, openly support the views, or, as they are falsely terraed, the "principles" of whoever raay be in power; and as the leaders of the two great parties in England have joined together hand in hand to proclaim through the Royal Gazette to the inhabitants of the British North American colonies that disaffection to the Crown is the high road to preferment; as the citizens of the adjoining states "ditto that fact;" — and as they lately offered 100 dollars in silver, and 300 acres of the best land in Canada to any who would attack with loaded rifles the loyal of that Province, — these majority-men clearly see that by reviling " The Family Compact" and by joining the disaffected, they are playing a safe and sure game, which will be rewarded by all parties, punished by none : in short, that by professing republican doctrines, however they may secretly detest thera, they embark in a lottery composed of all prizes and no blanks. 4. I need hardly say that the party who re belled, who plundered, and massacred the loyal, and who on being defeated and caught, at an Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 373 enormous expense to the mother country, naturally expected to be expatriated, rejoice inwardly and laugh outwardly at finding them selves the Executive Councillors, the Judges, and the Crown advisers of the Sovereign they betrayed ! ! ! The measures which at this moment they are carrying into effect clearly foretell their object ; but even without such ocular demonstration, it surely is logically true that if when they were in a fearful minority they dared to express their hatred to every thing that was British, they can see no reason for refraining to work out this "principle" now that the preponderating power and patronage of their Sovereign is virtually at their disposal. Now is it not melancholy (I hope I raay be permitted to add heart-breaking), that in this degraded picture are involved — without the power of extrication — the whole of that noble population of Upper Canada whose conduct in 1837 I have but faintly described ? Have not they been swamped, as we all fore told they would? Has their marriage been productive of happiness to the loyal of either Province ? On the contrary, has it not brought misery upon both, and indelible discredit on 374 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. the British narae ? In short, has it not com pletely failed in its professed object of protect ing the loyal, and has it not — as we all pre dicted it would — been the means of placing the rebel party over their heads, and of thus esta blishing in the outworks of the British empire an unbridled and ungovernable democracy ?* Lord John Russell will of course respond to these questions by a silent smile. The great Conservative leader, however, very confidently makes to those who coraplain to him the following ingenious explanation. " It is true that the Union of the Canadas has not answered the expectations which we were all led to form of it, and that it has forced me to elevate a party there whose liberal * In my published despatch to Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, dated 28th Oct. 1836, 1 stated " my humble but deliberate opinion of the Union of the Provinces is, that it would produce the effect of separating both the Canadas from the parent state, on the homely principle that if fresh and tainted meat be attached together both are corrupted." Deeply im pressed with this opinion, it is alarming to me to reflect how strongly the project will probably be pressed upon Her Majesty's Government by various classes of people, each actuated by self- interest ; for instance, by all those deep calculating republicans in both Provinces who shrewdly foresee that the union of the two Provinces would eventually cause their separation from the British Empire. Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 375 politics it would be difficult for me altogether to justify ; but, individually, I had no personal knowledge of the country, nor had any of my colleagues ; and as a nobleman of high rank had been sent out by Her Majesty's Govern ment to acquire the information of which we were all ignorant, and as the Report of this impartial and distinguished statesman recom mended that Upper and Lower Canada should be joined into one Province, I deemed it advisable to support to the utmost of ray power his Lordship's deliberate recommendation, based upon the experience which he had gained in his mission." The moment for the eaplosion has arrived. Reader ! per-ase the following letters : — 1st, From Sir Allan MacNab (Speaker of the Commons' House of Assembly of the United Canadas), 2nd. From W. B, Jervis, Esq. (appointed by Sir John Colborne, Sheriff of the Home Dis trict), 3rd, From the Honourable Justice Hager man (late Her Majesty's Attorney-General). 4th, From the Earl of Durham, 376 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. 1. From the Hon. Sir A. N. MacNab. " Legislative Assembly, Montreal, "28th March, 1846. " My dear Sir Francis, "I HAVE no hesitation in putting on paper the conversation which took place between Lord Durham and myself on tbe subject of the Union. He asked me if I was in favour of the Union ; I said, ' No.' He replied, ' If you are a friend to your country, oppose it to the death.' " I am, &c. (Signed) " Allan N. MacNab." Sir F. B. Head, Bart. 2. From W. E. Jervis, Esq. " Dear Sir Allan, " Toronto, March 12, 1846. " In answer to the inquiry contained in your letter ofthe 2nd inst,, I beg leave to state, that in the year 1838 I was at Quebec, and had a long conver sation with the late Earl of Durham upon the subject of an Union of the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada — a measure which I had understood his Lord ship intended to propose. " I was much gratified by his Lordship then, in the most unqualified terms, declaring his strong disappro bation of such a raeasure, as tending, in his opinion, to the injury of this province ; and he advised me, as a friend to Upper Canada, to use all the influence I might possess in opposition to it. "His Lordship declared that, in his opinion, no statesman could propose so injurious a project, and Chap. XV, THE EXPLOSION. 377 authorised me to assure my friends in Upper Canada, that he was decidedly averse to the measure. "I have a perfect recollection of having had a similar inquiry made of me by the private secretary of Su George Arthur, and that I made a written reply to the comraunication. I have no copy of the letter which I sent upon that occasion, but the substance must have been similar to that I now send you. " I reraain, &c. (Signed) " W, E. Jervis." Sir Allan MacNab. 3. From the Honourable Justice Hagerman. " 31, St. James's Street, London, I2th July, 1846. "My dear Sir Francis, It is well known to many persons that the late Lord Durham, up to the time of his departure from Canada, expressed himself strongly opposed to the Union of the then two Provinces. I accompanied Sir George Arthur on a visit to Lord Durham, late in the autumn, and a very few days only before he threw up his government and embarked for this country. In a conversation I had with him, he spoke of the Union as the selfish scheme of a few merchants of Montreal — that no statesman would advise the measure — and that it was absurd to suppose that Upper and Lower Canada could ever exist in harmony as one Province. " In returning to Toronto with Sir George Arthur, he told me that Lord Durham had expressed to him similar opinions, and had at considerable length de tailed, to him reasons and arguraents which existed 378 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. against a measure which he considered would be destructive of the legitimate authority of the British Government, and in which opimon Sir George declared ke fully coincided. " I am, &c. (Signed) " C. A. Hagerman." Sir P. B. Head, Bart. 4. From the Earl of Durham. " Dear Sir, " Quebec, Oct. 2, 1838. " I THANK, you kindly for your account of the meeting,* which was the first I received. I fully EXPECTED THB ' OUTBREAK ' ABOUT THE UnION OF THE TWO Provinces ;— IT IS A PET MON TREAL PROJECT, BEGINNING AND END ING IN MONTREAL SELFISHNESS. "YOURS TRULY, (Signed) "DURHAM." Major Richardson, I am confident that every honest man, un tainted by party politics, who reads the above documents, must require some little tirae to recover frora the astounding effects which, by * A few weeks only before Lord Durham sailed for England, this meeting in favour of the Union was got up in Montreal, the inhabitants of which clearly enough foresaw how much they would be benefited by their city becoming, as it has become, the place of meeting of the Legislature of the United Canadas. Chap. XV, THE EXPLOSION. 379 suddenly unbuttoning his eyes, they have pro duced on his senses, " What !" it will justly be exclairaed, " Has our Sovereign aud both Houses of Parliaraent been induced to pass an Act — 'which experience now shows should have been entitled — 'An Act for the dismemberment from the British empire of Her Majesty's North American Colo nies' — on a fictitious report? Is it really true, that the prospects of every loyal subject of the Queen in the Canadas have been blasted by Parliament having innocently but ignorantly administered — as from the late Lord Durhara's prescription — a reraedial measure which his Lordship, to the last hour of his transatlantic administration, vitally opposed — which he recommended the Queen's subjects to ' oppose to the death ' and which now turns out to have been rank poison? Have the British people been deceived ? Have they been falsely dealt with ? If so, without caring who may have been the nameless culprits, who are the states men that ought to have prevented it ?" The people of England may well ask such questions ; for there can be no doubt that they and their whole system of governraent at this 380 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. raoraent appear before the civilized world in a most ridiculous hght; — in a most unenviable position ; — such as never before has been wit nessed ;— -such as no political romance has ever before iraagined ; — such as the history of no country on earth has ever before described ; in short, in a predicaraent unheard of and unread of, " But who," the country will no doubt loudly repeat, " are we to blame ?" " Is it Lord John RussellV His Lordship may justly reply to this question : " My political course has been honest and con sistent, I have for years openly supported the republican party in our Colonies, Every raea sure I have introduced therein has been for their elevation — for the depression of the loyal. My appointments in the Colonial Department which have been publicly gazetted, have un disguisedly avowed my opinions in favour of ' irresponsible Government,' which every body surely must know raeans the separation of our Colonies frora the British Crown. " The people of England may therefore blame theraselves ; but they have no right to blarae me for honest, straightforward policy. Chap. XV, THE EXPLOSION. 381 which, if they disapproved of, they had always power to prevent," Is it the Duke of Wellington, the leader of the Conservatives in the House of Lords ? His Grace may laconically reply to this question by a very short note, referring the people of England to his celebrated protest,* in which are distinctly enumerated his objections to the fatal measure recommended in Lord Durham's Report, the consequences of which he accurately foretold. Is it then the Canadian Authorities that we are to blame ? 1. Sir George Arthur may justly reply, — " The people of England have no right to blame me. I was ordered to give all the assistance in my power to Lord Durhara ; it was therefore my duty to treat my superior with becoming respect. Nevertheless, I told the Queen's Government in my published despatch, No. 91, dated 17th AprU, 1839, that the recommendation contained in his Lordship's Report was ' the same as that which had been advocated by Mr, Bidwell, Dr, Rolph, and McKenzie,' If the people of England could * See Appendix A. 382 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. not, or would not, understand what that meant, they raay blame themselves, but they have no right to blame me." 2. The Honourable W. B. Sullivan* may justly reply : " It is true that, as the pre sident of Mr. Poulett Thomson's Executive Council, I advocated in the Legislative Council the Union of the Canadas, which, having been recoraraended by the Queen in England, and by Her Majesty's representative in Canada, and by Her Majesty's Governraent, I con ceived it would be useless for me to resist. Nevertheless, though I was forced, under Lord John Russell's despatch, dated 16th Oc tober, 1839, to advocate the measure, I made no secret that I was as inwardly opposed to it as I had always been ; indeed, when Judge McLean said to me, as I was leaving the Legis lative Council, where I had just been speaking on the subject, — That was a good speech of yours, Mr, Sullivan, in favour of the Union!" * N.B. — I first appointed Mr. Sullivan to be a member of my Executive Council, of which he was President. His extraordi nary talents were such that he remained President of the Executive Council of Sir G. Arthur, Lord Durham, Lord Sydenham, Sir C Bagot, and for about two years with Lord Metcalfe. Mr. Sulli van served me with great fidelity. Chap, XV. THE EXPLOSION. 383 I openly repUed, " Yes ; but if you had heard the one I made last year against it, you would have said it was much better," " What my opinions really were of the raea sure I was forced to advocate, will sufficiently appear from the following extract of a letter, dated Crown Lands Office, Nov, 2, 1839, which I addressed to the Speaker of the House of Assembly : — ' I do not think the House of Assembly is to be forgiven for admitting the notice of Union of the Pro vinces, upon any terms. 'If it should take place, as it probably will, the radicals of this Province (Upper Canada) will unite with the French of Lower Canada, and overpower the loyalists. If this should take place in any one session, all the safeguards you can possibly invent will be abrogated AT A BLOW. ' When the Provinces are united, on any terms, the supremacy of the party lately in rebellion seems to me to be placed beyond a question ; and I believe they krww it as well as I do.' " My prophecies have all been fulfilled ; but the people of England raust blarae the man I could name, and not me, for the success of a measure which, supported by the Conserva tives at home, was forced upon the Canadas 384 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. by the Imperial Parliament — by the mother country !" 3. Chief-Justice Robinson, the late Speaker of the Upper House of the Provincial Legisla ture of Upper Canada, may justly say — "The people of England have no right to blarae me. I told the Queen — I told the leader of the Conservatives — and that being of no avail, I told the people of England, as plainly as I could speak, in a volume which I addressed to them at the time, that, as a Canadian who had been eighteen years in the Provincial Legislature of my country, ' I was ready at any place, and at any time, to show that Lord Durham's Report was utterly unsafe to be relied upon as the foundation of Parliamentary proceedings.' It appeared, however, as if the ParUament and the people of England did not wish that the mistateraents in this Report should be dis proved ; and they must therefore blame them selves, and not me, for the disreputable conse quences that have ensued," 4. Am I to blame for the Act that has brought so much discredit upon the nation, and raisery to a large nuraber of our fellow-countryraen ? I reply—" No ; I appealed to the leader of the Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 385 Conservatives for his assistance to retain an unexceptionable witness, perfectly corapetent to disprove the statements in Lord Durhara's Report. " 1 made known to him that I was prepared to disprove it, and that Sir Peregrine Maitland, who had adrainistered the Governraent of Upper Canada for ten years, and who was in England, had also just declared it to be ' inaccu rate, unfair, ignorant, and unjust.' Seeing that the Conservative leader was deterrained to shut his eyes to every fact — and his ears to every witness that the late Adrainistrators of the Colony in question desired to produce to in- vahdate Lord Durhara's Report, and that he was deterrained to lead his party in the dark to vote for the fatal measure, I applied to be allowed to disclose, at the bar of the House of Lords, 'certain grave objections against the Bill, as well as against the improper raeans by which the consent of the Legislature of Upper Canada had been obtained.' In short, I did all that reason or desperation could do to save the British Parliament from the discredit of legislating on evidence which I knew to be iNC0RK,ECT ; but, in consequence of the Con- s 386 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. servative leader deserting me, no party would assist me, and therefore I must join with those whose names I have enuraerated in saying that the people of England raust blarae themselves, and not me, for the melancholy result." But without harassing the reader by further inquiries, it raust now surely be evident that the leader of the great Conservative party is the individual who is solely answerable for the raiserable dileraraa in which the country is placed. Lord Durham's proclamations in Canada against the British Parliaraent— his abandon- raent of his post without waiting to be relieved — his raarch of false triumph from Falmouth to London — the publication of his Report in the Times newspaper before the Queen had laid it before Parliament ; and lastly, its dis reputable contents, formed altogether indis putable evidence of the fact which, I trust, will shield his memory from all blame — namely, that his mind had been temporarily affected ; that, to speak plainly, he was for a raoment out ofhis senses, and that in this state he had signed a raost voluminous Report and Appendix, the greater part of which he had probably never Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 387 read — and, if he had read it, was not in a fit state to understand it. Although this fact was not legally proved, nevertheless, surely the circumstances I have enumerated formed grounds for exciting the suspicion of any man of business, especially of one whose raind is well known, like a banker's chest, to be protected even from his partners, by all the heavy bars, bolts, padlocks, and Chubb-locks that caution and precaution can possibly construct. But when, in addition to all these strong grounds for suspicion, Sir Robert Peel found that his clear-headed colleague, the Duke of Wellington, for twenty-seven reasons which he stated,* not only gravely opposed, but was se riously alarmed at Lord Durhara's measure ; — that the reigning Lieutenant-Governor of the Colony which was to be ruined by it com pared it to the old scheme of a gang of traitors who had either just been hanged, or for whose apprehension Her Majesty was at the moraent offering large rewards ; — when to his knowledge two ex-Lieutenant Governors and a competent Canadian witness were desirous to confirm the * See Appendix A. s2 388 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. same ; — I ask, was it not the duty of the repre sentative of the Conservative interests of the Empire to insist that such evidence should at least be received for as much only as it might be worth, by a Coramittee of the House of Coraraons, previous to the per petration by Parliaraent of an act which the Duke of Wellington and other corapetent au thorities considered would disraember frora the Empire the Queen's North American Colonies ? Is it possible for Sir Robert Peel, over whose door there might justly be written — " Dealer in figures and in facts," satisfactorily to explain the motives that caused this want of caution — this rejection of evidence ? Can he deny that this proposal to legislate in the dark was not only diametrically opposed to the favourite principle he had all his political life been advocating, but to the comraercial practice of the British people who placed him in power ? The followers of the high-sounding name of Conservatism in the House of Coramons would raost readily have listened to reason or evidence ; but their leader, raysteriously guarding his own secret in his own breast, led thera with their eyes blindfolded, and with their ears stuffed Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 389 with cotton, to vote for an Act for which he is now solely responsible. The Union of the Canadas having been dis posed of, I proceed to submit a few observations on the manner in which Her Majesty's Con servative Governraent have since carried this important raeasure into effect. No leader of a great political party can reasonably undertake the responsible duties of his office, unless his followers are prepared to give hira cordial, unsuspecting, and alraost unconditional support ; for it is obvious that no man can possibly undertake to propose any series of raeasures, all of which are exactly to match the variegated and variegating shades in the colour of his party. Accordingly, in the carrying out of the Canada Union Act, Sir Robert Peel was clearly entitled to the support of his party in such arrangements, comprehen sible or incomprehensible, as he might, on reflection, deem it best to pursue. Now, there were various ways in which the Conservative leader might have proceeded; for instance, — 390 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. 1st, He raight have said to the people of the Canadas — " There has been a wicked re bellion in both Provinces, I will recommend the Queen openly to countenance and proraote every individual who distinguished himself in suppressing that rebellion ; and as openly to discountenance and discard from office every raan who in person or by his talents actively proraoted it." 2nd. He raight have said — " I will advise Her Majesty never to forget the loyal, but, with Christian benevolence, to forgive those who have trespassed against Her," 3rd, He raight have said — " I will advise the Queen to forget the loyal and forgive the rebels, and henceforward to consider the party who rose in arras against Her authority in every respect as eligible to serve the Crown, and to be selected for places of trust, honour, and eraolument, as those who defended it," Now, on the principle I have already stated, I subrait that Sir Robert Peel might fairly have called upon his party, whatever might have been their own individual opinions, to support him in any one of these different courses. But when, over-stepping altogether Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 39 1 the limits liberally prescribed by civilized nations, he proceeds on a policy revolting to the human mind ; — when he says to a young, generous, high-minded, confiding Sovereign, — " Deeming it expedient to belong to the majority, I advise your Majesty openly to discountenance or to remove frora ofiice in your Canadian Colonies every raan who, dur ing the late rebellion and foreign invasion, conspicuously came forward in defence of your Crown : — I advise your Majesty to elevate to the Canadian Bench men who were arrested for High Treason : — I advise your Majesty to select as Your Royal Repre sentatives in the Courts of Justice raen who, on warrants being issued against them for treason; fled their country, and who only returned to it under a proclamation of amnesty : and lastly, I advise your Majesty to select indi viduals of the same attainted character as the Executive Councillors of your Majesty's Repre sentative in the Colony in question :" — I humbly subrait, that when Sir Robert Peel calls upon the great Conservative party in this country to support hira in this policy, which, from the time of his last accession to power up 392 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. to the latest moment of its existence, he has actually pursued, he asks his willing followers to do that which they have not power to effect. The Conservative leader raight as well ask his "party" to support him in preventing the sun from shining — the wind from blowing — the lightning from flashing — the thunder from roaring. He might as well entreat them to assist him in depriving honest men of the mental consolation they enjoy, — of shielding the dishonest frora the pangs of a guilty con science, — as to ask them to support hira in having given to his young Sovereign counsel which every civilized and uncivilized nation on the globe will unequivocally condemn. In answer to such a request, how justly might the high-bred members of his Conservative crew now reply to their drowning admiral — " We selected you to command our vessel ; but during the engagement to which we were all equally exposed, you thought proper to jump overboard to seek security under the eneray's guns ; and now, unable to reach either ship, and with 'sights of ugly death before your eyes,' you entreat us to leave our flag to Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 393 follow you. Were we to do so, we could ren der you no assistance ; and, as we should only share your melancholy fate farewell !" But to drop idle metaphor, and speak in plain terras, can even Sir Robert Peel hira self expect ever again to be the leader of the great Conservative party in this country ? After the course he has pursued in our Colo nies, how could he ask to be again appointed the Conservative adviser of our gracious Sove reign ? How could he possibly undertake to expound to foreign rainisters that the British Constitution requires Her Majesty to protect her loyal subjects in every portion of Her em pire in return for their allegiance ? How could he possibly ever again preach Conservative doc trines in the House of Commons? His weapons have hitherto been — 1st, powerful reasoning ; 2nd, wit ; 3rd, sarcasm ; but, brilliant as are his talents, can the first of these defend his colonial policy ? and, as regards the two latter weapons can he ever again venture to draw either in defence of Conservatism, so long as the name of Solomon Lossing is reraerabered, or so long as his bold antagonist recollects (and will he ever forget it?) his having— just as Mrs. Glass s 3 394 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. says, "first catch your hare" — offered to appoint as Her Majesty's Comraissioner of Crown Lands, a Canadian, for whose apprehension as a traitor the Whig Government had offered and had paid five hundred pounds — an act against which the Conservative leader well knows urgent remon strances were addressed to him in vain ? Although the wealth of England excites the astonishraent of all foreigners, yet the British people during the lapse of ages have amassed what is infinitely more valuable than their gold ; what in fact has created it all ; and what is now creating it; — ^naraely, a character for honesty and plain dealing. In their own country, by every grade of society, an honest raan is respected : indeed, the very countenances of the people bespeak the national virtue that characterises thera. It adorns the upper ranks — pervades the trans actions of the raiddle classes — sweetens the bread of the independent labourer ; and not only does it bring down the blessing of Hea ven upon the country, but wherever we travel, whatever part ofthe globe we raay visit, we reap — in respect — the harvest of the labour of the millions who by honest dealing and straight- Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 395 forward conduct have iu the course of centuries amassed this inestimable description of national wealth. It is evident, therefore, that the British noble man, the British merchant, and the British people, cannot afford to lose this character for the sake of supporting the political views of any individual statesman, however brilliant may be his talents, or however valuable raay be his information. The British people, whose word is every where " as good as their bond," cannot afford, for any party object that can be named, or even be imagined, to be scornfully pointed at wherever they go as belonging to that under bred nation who preach loyalty and reward treason ; — who deceitfully bow to a Sovereign whose throne they are undermining ; — and who can desert their fellow-countryraen in a dis tant land, raerely because they honestly carae forward to defend the portion of the erapire they inhabit. The British people have no desire to breed only one description of politicians ; on the con trary, they well know the advantages they have derived by political controversies. They 396 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. tolerate — nay, they even encourage every man to speak his mind, and, if in power, openly to legislate as he raay think best. In language and in conduct they liberally allow the ex pression or the action of alraost any thing ; but they can't bear double dealing — they don't like what they terra " foul play " — they abo- rainate hypocrisy : and thus though thousands of voices would have greeted the arrival in this country of their bitterest eneray, " Napoleon," the Emperor of Republicanism, yet the flesh of every honest raan araong us creeps when he thinks of that cringing, perfidious, "cage-de fer" adviser of monarchy— MARSHAL NEY, But when Sir Robert Peel reflects how nu merous of late years have been the sudden changes in his colonial principles — when he calls to mind that, previous to the death of William IV,, he as strongly supported the loyal party in Canada as he has lately re warded the rebels — that he as strongly sup ported the Protestant establishment in those colonies as he has since opposed it — that, when out of office, he as strongly approved of the capture of the Caroline, as since his accession to power he has approved of the Chap. XV; THE EXPLOSION. 397 Queen's apology for it ; it raight truly be asked of hira by his best friend, " Even if your party were again to place confidence in you, can you, after the many instances in your colonial policy in which you have suddenly changed your mind, place any confidence in yourself? Can you feel sure that you will not vote in favour of every one of those Colonial questions to which up to this moment you have declared yourself to be resolutely and conscientiously opposed ; and on the other hand, can you feel certain that you will not suddenly veer round and oppose, with all your power, the very measures you are now advocating? And lastly, are you quite sure that when the melan choly intelligence shall reach this country, that in consequence of the system of misgovernment I have hurably endeavoured to describe. Her Majesty's splendid North Araerican Colonies have been severed by rebeUion frora the British Crown, you will not, in your place in Par liament, as the leader of the Conservatives, instantly rise to declare* — ' that in approving of these measures, you had no wish to rob others of the credit justly due to thera ; — that with * Vide Hansard, 29th June, 1846. 398 THE EXPLOSION. Chap. XV. reference to the Honourable Lord opposite (Lord John Russell), as with reference to your self, neither is the party which is justly entitled to this credit ; — that there has been a combi nation of parties, and that that combination, and the influence of Government, have led to this ultiraate success ; — but that the name which ought to be associated with the success of these measures is not the narae of the noble Lord, nor is it your own (cheers) ; — that the naraes which ought to be, and will be, associated with the success of these raeasures, are the naraes of raen who, acting, you believe, with pure and disinterested raotives, have, with un tiring energy — by appeals to reason (cheers) — enforced their necessity with an eloquence the more to be admired, because it was unaffected and unadorned (cheers) ; — that the names which ought to be associated with the success of those raeasures are the naraes of Louis Joseph Papineau and William Lyon McKen zie (loud and protracted cheering) ?' " I now take leave of the Conservative Leader, as also of the past and present tenses of his Colonial policy. That he has blighted the prospects and Chap. XV. THE EXPLOSION. 399 ruined the happiness of our North American Colonies, there can be no raore doubt than that in doing so he has irrecoverably ruined hiraself. That a portion of his party will for a short time attempt to rally round him ; that by transcendent abilities he will for a short time endeavour to stand against the facts which, on behalf of the brave and loyal people of Canada, I have plainly related, is highly probable ; but the British people never have supported, and I firmly believe never will support, for any length of time, any Statesman whose policy, doraestic or foreign, brings discredit upon our institutions, or which directly or indirectly tends, in every region of the globe, to sully the honour of the British Name. The British people consider their fellow-subjects in all regions of the globe as tbeir brethren ; and if on calm reflection they shall be of opinion that the loyal inhabit ants of our North American Colonies have, by the leader of the Conservatives, been cruelly deserted and unnaturally dealt with, they will not, I feel confident, refuse redress, because the deraand for retributive justice coraes frora the poor Colonist, or frora the solitary unsup ported voice of " The Emigrant," ( 400 ) Chapter XVI, MORAL. Although in the preceding chapters it has been ray painful duty to subrait to the reader facts which irapugn the policy, or rather impolicy, of the Siamese leaders of the two conflicting parties to whom the destinies of the British Colonies have so disastrously been cora raitted, yet I have cautiously abstained from laying blame on any of their supporters, or on any Governor or Lieutenant-governor who has acted under their authority, I trust, there fore, that, with the exception of the two in dividuals to whom I have alluded, I shall not appeal in vain to the great and good men of all parties to join with rae in a consideration, divested of all angry feelings, of what course ought to be pursued by Parliaraent under the unexampled predicaraent in which it is placed ; and in this consideration I need hardly say that the interests of our colonies should be of Chap. XVL MOEAL. 401 subsidiary importance to the great paramount interests of the Empire, There can be no doubt that the system which has been pursued in our North Araerican Colonies since the union of the Canadas, of our Sovereign openly rewarding her eneraies, and of as openly degrading the supporters of our Monarchy, has not only been unsuccessful, but is unnatural, — would be discreditable to any nation, and is particularly inconsistent with that ruddy-faced honesty and open deal ing which have hitherto distinguished the Bri tish people ; indeed, it must surely to every body appear unaccountable, that while in the eastern, northern, and southern regions of the globe our honour and military successes are at this moraent, if possible, brighter than they have ever been, we are, in the Western World, acting a part which makes every man among us feel asharaed of the very name of the nation to which he belongs. Now, the answer of Sir Robert Peel and of Lord John Russell to this fact is, — " Strange as our late joint-policy may appear, we have had no desire to betray our Sovereign ; but the truth is, the Earl of Durham's recommendations of 402 MORAL. Chap. XVI. an union of the Canadas, and of irresponsible governraent, have created a republican raajority in the Provincial Legislature which it is out of our power to control ; and we have therefore advised our Sovereign, for the sake of peace and quietness, to go along with this republican majority, instead of vainly endeavouring to oppose it." Now, with every respect for the inestimable blessings of peace and quietness — without re verting to by-gone prophecies, or repeating a word of reproach, let us calraly consider— 1st. What will be the consequences to the Erapire, of the Queen continuing to pursue the course of policy recoraraended to Her Majesty by Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel ? 2ndly. What would be the results if the Queen were to pursue an opposite course to that which those two statesmen have concurred in advising Her Majesty to consider as " ex pedient?" 3rdly. Supposing the severance of the Bri tish North American Colonies from the Pa rent State to be a question only of time ; and that being so, it is, comparatively speaking, of no great importance at what exact period Chap. XVI. MORAL. 403 these colonies raay leave us, what is the tran sition or intermediate policy best suited to the interests of both parties ; — or, to speak still plainer, what is the safest and most creditable course for us to pursue, so that when the hour of separation shall arrive, we may be prepared to part with our North American Colonies on good terms, and without the misery of a fratri cidal war ? Now, to arrive at this useful result, we will consider the questions in the order in which they are proposed, 1st. What will be the consequence to the Empire, of the Queen continuing to pursue the course of policy recommended to Her Majesty by Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel ? There can be no doubt that the raillion and a half of raoney which to carry the union of the Provinces was lent by this country to the Canadas. and which has nearly been spent, must have had the effect of strengthening tbe Governor's influence ; and, on the other hand, that when nothing is recollected of this loan but the necessity of repaying either its interest or capital, the influence of the Governor will inversely be dirainished. But even supposing 404 MORAL. Chap. XVI. it should remain equal to what it now is, events similar to the following must, it is submitted, be the inevitable result of the existing anomaly of a colony being responsible only to the popu lar branch of its own legislature, and conse quently irresponsible to the monarchy of which it is a dependency, 1, In addition to the arrears of salary, which in the last session of the Canadian legislature were voted to Monsieur Papineau, by a bill introduced by one of the Council of Her Majesty's Representative and since con firmed by the Crown, Commissioners have already been appointed by the Governor-Gene ral's Council to ascertain the araount of losses sustained by the rebels in Lower Canada ; which losses the loyal raen in both Provinces will, it is clearly foreseen, be ere long called upon to pay. In vain will they plead, that when they and the Queen's troops destroyed that property, they were acting under the proclaraation of their Sovereign's representative ; for the answer will be : — The power of governing the Canadas has been transferred by your Sovereign to the raajority, who now rule, — We are the raajority, and you raust therefore pay. Chap. XVI. MORAL. 405 Accordingly, the Queen's Representative will be advised by his Council, either himself to bring in a bill, or in Her Majesty's Name to assent to an Act bearing soraething like the following title : — " An Act for indemnifying The Honourable Louis J. Papineau, and divers other Honourable per sons,forlosses consequent upon their expulsion, as well as voluntary retirement, from the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada in the years 1837 and 1838, on the affairs of THE people : for the remuneration of those who were transported by Her Majesty's Government to Van Diemen's Land, of widows and other sufferers, andfor other purposes therein mentioned. Louis J. Papineau and D. Wolfred Nelson to be Commissioners on behalf of Her Majesty, for carrying the same into effect." 2. The Governor-General, by the advice of his Executive Council, who, it must always be kept in mind, are by the recoraraendation of the Queen's Government to be dismissed the instant they cease " to possess the con fidence of the people," has lately passed an Act, since assented to in England, by which Her Majesty is divested of every acre of her Crown Lands in the Canadas, the disposal of 406 MORAL. Chap. XVI. which is invested in the Governor and Coun cillors " responsible to the people," These lands, acquired by the blood and treasure of Englishmen, and which should have been the future home of the surplus emigrant British population, will no doubt now be applied to the worst uf purposes. But besides this, there is now lying before Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, an address from the Coraraons' House of Asserably of the Canadas, praying Her Majesty to cause the Civil List Clauses in the Union Act to be repealed. By this arrangeraent the power of the Crown is at once to be materiaUy reduced : every public servant is eventually to be made responsible to, and dependent for his salary on, the House of Asserably, and Her Majesty's Government in Canada will thus be left without a shilling. If tbis be assented to, our Sovereign will be ad vised to sever by Her Majesty's own act the last and only lien that the mother-country has on her colonies, except by military occupation, 3, In case of hostilities between Great Britain and the United States, an Executive Council such as at present exists, or as then no doubt would exist, raight either by ora is- Chap. XVI. MORAL. 407 sion allow the Militia Act, as also the PoUce Force Act, to expire, so as to deprive the Crown of that valuable aid, or it might decline to sus pend the Habeas Corpus Act, by which means treason could not effectually be repressed. But a raore overt course raight, and no doubt would, be pursued. The Executive Council, under the plea that they must be " responsible to the people," have lately demanded, and have had conceded to them, power tantamount to the appointraent of the militia of the province. Should, there fore, the leaders of the House of Assembly ever again be induced to correspond with the Government and people of the United States, or, in other words, be bribed to sell Her Majesty's splendid provinces of Canada to the adjoining Republic, their course would be a very simple one. They would, through the Exe cutive Council, and in the name of the British Sovereign, raise, arra, equip, organise, and drill an army, which they would oflScer, and which, masked under the narae of " Militia," would be ready to act at a moment's warning, as they might desire. In fact, it would be a force sui cidally created by the Crown, which the loyal 408 MORAL. Chap. XVI. would clearly foresee was in preparation to seize their persons and confiscate their pro perty, as punishment for the attachment they had so obstinately evinced to the British Crown, 4, During the decline and fall of our Sovereign's power in her colonies by the system I have but faintly described, the Exe cutive Council, who generally hold the most lucrative appointraents under the Crown, would find it necessary, in order to satisfy the ma jority of " the people," or, in other words, to retain their offices, to be guilty of every kind of corruption. All men in office would be obliged, more or less, to advocate principles they inwardly disapproved of, aud to listen to language (such as Mons. Papineau and his followers formerly used, to insult Her Majesty's representative, to ridicule everything that was British, and extol everything that was Republi can) which, without offending the Governor in Council, it would be out of their power to rebuke. By this disgusting procedure their characters, as Conservatives, would gradually be lowered even in their own estimation. The bench of justice would every day be more and Chap. XVI. MORAL. 409 Inore polluted until the whole system of British Government would becorae despicable in the eyes of the raost sensible raen of all parties, " The doraination of the mother- country" would then really be " baneful ;" and whenever, under the bribe of tbe people of the United States, the reraedy of separation should be resorted to, not only would all the raoneys that have been spent on that colony be lost to us, but what is infinitely raore lamentable, there would reraain in it seeds of hatred and contempt for " Perfidious Monarchy, the friend of its enemies, and the enemy of its friends !" For ages and ages our institutions would in the English language be execrated, reviled, and despised ; and thus by our own acts and deeds, by the continuance of a revolutionary policy, which the heart of every honest man among us tells hira is unnatural, and which has already evidently accelerated rather than retarded the hour of separation, shall we, in a very few years, convert one of the noblest regions ofthe globe into a republican hotbed of hatred and disaffection to the British Name. Let us now consider — 2ndly, What would be the results if the 410 MORAL. Chap. XVL Queen were to pursue an opposite course to that which Lord John Russell and Sir R. Peel have concurred in advising Her Majesty to consider as " expedient ?" and — 3rdly. Supposing the severance of the British North American Colonies from the Parent State to be a question only of time, what is the safest and most creditable course for us to pursue, so that when the hour of separation shall arrive, we may be prepared to part with these Colonies on good terms, and without the misery of a fratri cidal war ? However great may be the wealth of the British Erapire, its raoral character is infinitely raore valuable. Our raoney, it cannot be de nied, gives us coraforts and luxuries which excite the envy of raankind ; but it is our cha racter which raakes that money, and which above all practically demonstrates to mankind the reward of an honest submission to justice ; or in other words the inestiraable advantage of the English systera of self-government, under which public opinion is required obediently to sit behind the law ; whereas in a republic, public opinion is always dragging the law behind it. Chap. XVL MORAL. 411 On the maintenance, therefore, of British in stitutions, not only do our own wealth and national happiness depend, but the destinies of all other nations are to a certain desree in- volved in it; for if, in England, the office of Lord Chancellor is sufficient to excite the emu lation of every meraber of the bar — if a few well-paid appointraents in the church, array, and navy, are practicaUy sufficient to induce thou sands of people to hope to attain thera ; how powerfully raust our enorraous wealth and in fluence encourage the whole family of mankind to belike England, "true and just in all their dealings !" Whatever, therefore, may be the value ofour Colonies ; — however convenient they raay be to us as outhouses for our superabundant popula tion, or as nurseries for our searaen, &c., &c., it is evident that we ought never for a moment to jeopardise our character, or, in other words, to peril the great interests of the British Empire for the sake of retaining them ; indeed, as most people beUeve, that, do what we will, we shall not be able to retain them after they have reached a certain age, it would be weakness to T 2 412 MORAL. Chap. XVI. incur a permanent disease for the sake of appeasing a teraporary pain. Nevertheless, if the petitions of the few insig nificant deraagogues in our Colonies to whom we have lately succumbed were merely for a remission of this duty, or for an increase of that one, — it raight be the interest, and it cer tainly would be the desire, of the raother- country good-huraouredly to yield to tbe solicitations of her children, however indeco rously they raight be expressed; but the object which the gang in question have had in view — which, with loaded rifles in their hands, they demanded — and which our two great statesmen have, to say the least, attempted to concede, has been, that the portion of the British Empire they inhabit should, under and by our monarchy, be converted into a Republic ! Now surely it must be evident to every one, that our plain answer to this preposterous request should be " No ! The British nation can't afford to change its poUtical creed for the sake of retaining an insignificant portion of its congregation. If you don't like our Teraple, leave it ; but you ought not to ask, nor can you Chap. XVL MORAL. 413 reasonably expect, that we are to change our tenets, overturn tbe opinions and forget the experience of ages, to suit your epheraeral views ! 1 hurably submit that the Prime Minister of this country, whoever he may be, should, in reply to such a request, advise Her Majesty to authorize Her Governor-General to address to the respective Legislative Assemblies of our North American Colonies a speech of which the following might be the raw raaterial. " Honourable Gentlemen and Gentlemen, " I am commanded by our Sovereign to explain to you without guile the principle upon which it is Her Majesty's intention in future to govern this favoured portion of the British empire. " As it is the happiness of Her Majesty to reign in the hearts of Her subjects, so She has no desire to extend the beneficent protection of Her Empire to any portion of it in which allegiance to Her Majesty does not voluntarily exist; and therefore, although the power of the empire is ready to protect you so long as the flower of allegiance shall spontaneously grow in your land, you must clearly understand that no expense will be incurred — no force exerted- — and above all, no war undertaken, to prevent you from separating yourselves from the British Crown whenever you may deem it your interests unanimously to ex- 414 MORAL. Chap. XVI. press through your respective Legislatures a decided desire to do so. " In the mean while, the course which Her Majesty has been advised to pursue in the Colonies is as follows : — "Perfectly regardless of numbers. Her Majesty will openly countenance, and fearlessly select for em ployment in Her Service, those who have evinced a loyal adherence to British Institutions ; and on the other hand, Her Majesty will direct that henceforward no person, whatever may be his talents, shall be per mitted to hold office under the Crown who has ever taken part in open rebellion, or who, by any overt act, has evinced disaffection to the British Government. Moreover, Her Majesty wishes it to be clearly under stood throughout Her North American Colonies, that under no pretence, however trifling, or for no reward, however large, will She consent to the smallest attempt to conciliate democracy. " Lastly, Her Majesty has directed me to inform you that the ill-advised experiment of 'responsible Government ' is hereby for ever abolished. " Her Majesty's subjects are constitutionally repre sented in their Coraraons' House of Assembly. They are also members of the Upper Branch of their Legis latures. Her Majesty's Representative will ever be ready to listen to any facts or opinions which his Council may suggest to him ; but Her Majesty hereby declares that Her Representative is responsible to Hek, — not to Her Majesty's Colonial people,— for tbe course he may pursue ; and that unless he were so, Her Majesty Chap. XVL MORAL. 415 would virtually be deprived of all power to maintain the paramount interests of Her Empire, or to afford to Her Colonial subjects that protection which it is Her happiness to bestow." Now, as no sensible raan, whatever raay be bis politics, can desire that the Sovereign of the British Empire should ever be afraid to do what is right, or to say what is honest, it follows that if the above declarations be both one and the other, the consequences that might result, let them cost what they might, ought not for a moment to be urged in arrest of a just judgment : for instance, let us suppose that the utterance of a speech such as I have imagined were to produce a temperate or intemperate remonstrance frora the local legis latures of our North Araerican colonies, which, after an appeal by the Governor-General to the hustings, were to be repeated by new Houses of Asserably; the discussion, after all, would be one only of words and of a little ink ; no disturbance, no bloodshed would be necessary ; the people would, through their representatives, declare their deliberate desire to be severed frora the British Erapire ; their Governor, in the narae of Her Majesty, would from the 416 moral. Chap. XVL throne of the Province accede to their wish. With British colours waving over his head, with the ancient axiora, " Nolumus leges Anglice mutari," inscribed on the banner at his side — with his Bible undesecrated — with British laws unaltered — with the Honour of the British narae unsullied, he would take leave of the citadel of Quebec, and frora the deck of the British raan-of-war which was about to con duct hira to England, in accordance with the royal salute that had just thundered from below, he would, in bidding farewell to tbe Canada shore, express to the people he was leaving Her Majesty's most earnest prayer that the Blessing of Almighty God might FOR ever rest upon THEM, THEIR CHILDREN, AND their land. The parting would be one of tears, which would for ever nourish sentiments of venera tion for tbe British Sovereign, of affection for the British people, and of admiration ofthe mag nanimity of British Institutions ; in short, the colony would be converted into one of Her Ma- jestjf's most faithful and most natural allies. Now, when one contrasts this picture with that which I have endeavoured to show must Chap. XVL MORAL. 417 inevitably be the result of the raiserable course of policy we are now pursuing — a policy which is heaping disgrace upon our institutions, dis credit upon the principles of Monarchy, and dishonour upon the British Narae — is it not melancholy to reflect, that if we were to adopt the first instead ofthe second, it could not possi bly accelerate hy one year the separation of the North Araerican colonies frora the British Crown ; on the contrary, I believe every raan acquainted with the inhabitants of these Pro vinces will concur with me in saying that while this second or degrading course of policy is quite certain to effect their separation, the opposite course would as surely prevent it. Tbis assertion, strange as it may sound to those unacquainted with the sentiments of the British Emigrant, is no matter of idle spe culation, but an incontrovertible truth which has been proved; for the very speech which has been suggested, is in fact the conduct tbat was pursued in Upper Canada in 1836 and 1837. The principle of responsible Government was then resisted : the dissatisfied were then told that not the smallest concession to democracy would be made ; and tbe consequence, as this T 3 418 MORAL. Chap, XVL volume will have shown, was, that " the people" rose en masse to declare their affection to their Sovereign and their attachment to British In stitutions ; and if such an effect was produced by the non-conciliatory process, when the representative of the Sovereign was inex perienced, unsupported, and eventually — as every one foresaw he would — publicly removed for his adherence to the Crown; is it not alraost incalculable to conceive what would be the overwhelraing effect if the British Sove reign, the British Parliaraent, and the British Governraent would combine together in sup porting a Governor-General in declarations such as I have described ? View the policy in any light, it is the best tbat can be devised ; for if we are to lose our colonies, it is the best way of losing them ; if we are to retain thera, it is the best raode of doing so. Whereas by the other course, whether we retain thera or whether we lose them, the character of the British nation is alike irretrievably disgraced. Seeing, therefore, that the experiment of converting the Queen's representative in a colony into the people's representative has Chap. XVL MORAL. 419 proved to be as mischievous in practice as it is evidently unsound in theory, it is humbly sub mitted that by the recommendation of Par hament the error should be discontinued, and the anomaly peremptorily abolished. The question of Responsible Government having been sufficiently discussed, there now remains to be considered what should be done with respect to the awkward predicament in which Parliament is placed as to the Union of the Canadas ? The case is a very plain one. The British Parliament united the Canadas because they believed that the Earl of Durham had recommended the measure. But it turns out that Lord Durham was opposed to the measure. Query : Will the British Parliaraent remedy their raistake or not ? It is said, If they do, people will laugh at them. It may as vulgarly be said, If they do not, people wUl laugh at thera ; and if tbis be true, can there be any doubt that it is better to be laughed at for doing what is right, than for persisting in doing what is wrong ? If an 420 • MORAL. Chap. XVL honest man has wronged his neighbour by mistake, does he not feel pleasure in ac knowledging his error, and in doing all he can to repair it ? Would it not be false pride in him to say, I shall be humbled if I am seen to acknowledge my fault ? But in this case Parliaraent has coraraitted no fault ; they have merely been deceived ; and if it be true that in both Houses of Parliament there does not exist a single nobleraan or gentleman who, having been deceived, would not, the instant his eyes were opened, repair the raischief he had done, can there be any reason why these persons, whora it is our duty to respect, should refuse to do collectively what every one of thera would do individually ? That a few radicals who chuckle at the con fusion they have created, would endeavour to ridicule the proposal of repealing an Act which had been passed by raistake, there can be no doubt; but would the civilized world ridicule the British Parliaraent for magnaniraously undoing what it had erroneously done ? Would History ridicule the act ? No ! it would proudly record it : — indeed one can scarcely iraagine a finer spectacle than that of the raost Chap. XVI. MORAL. 421 powerful nation of the globe, with real great ness of mind, openly confessing that it had acted wrong : whereas if frora vulgar appre hensions we try to conceal the error, we shall be most woefully deceived ; for not only the living, but the opinions of the dead, will in all directions rise up in evidence against us. For instance, let us take the case of an indi vidual whose name all parties respect. When Sir Charles Metcalfe arrived in Canada, he began by carrying out Sir Robert Peel's unfortunate doctrines with the utraost fidelity ; and he accordingly not only sub mitted to " responsible Government," but in a written document he publicly declared it to be " the only way of governing the Canadas !" He persisted in this course for about a year, until of his own accord he discovered his error. The whole of the remainder of his adrainis tration was eraployed in a vigorous atterapt to undo what on his arrival he had been induced to do. He openly declared, in terms of un usual force, that nothing should induce hira to take back to his Council Mr. Robert Baldwin, Mons. Lafontaine, and others, whora the Con- 422 MORAL. Chap. XVI. servative Government had so improperly raised to that post ; and he left the Province, openly declaring "That the union of the Canadas WAS a F,4TAL measure, AND THAT RESPONSIBLE Government was an impracticable theory." And will the British Parliament, so justly respected by the civilized world, in the teeth of such sentiments, which are probably re corded in the Colonial Office, refuse to dissolve what they have iraprudently united ? When a certain individual, " by fraud, for gery, and conspiracy," succeeded in carrying to Gretna Green a child of fifteen, and in legally marrying her, Parliaraent did not hesi tate to undo that which it is said no raan should put asunder; and if the whole nation has been deceived — by tbe very same indivi dual, or by others, it matters not* — into marry- * The most able of the writers of Lord Durham's Report has already lived to see the mischief he has committed, and accord ingly in a printed confession now lying before me, and bearing his signature, he thus honestly unveils the feelings with which he left this country to legislate for Her Majesty's loyal subjects in the Canadas ; and which sufficiently account for the hatred expressed in the Report of everything bearing the name of British, as also for the bombastic adulation with which the Report describes " the material prosperity of the United States " vnder aperfectli/free and eminently responsible Government :" — " For a long while before the rebellion in Lower Canada, I Chap. XVL MORAL. 423 ing the Canadas, do there not exist the same reasons for ordering a divorce ? I am quite aware, and have no desire to con ceal, that speech-fulls of tiny objections, prin cipally pecuniary, might be enumerated in de tail against this decisive reraedy, ., On the other hand, it is quite clear, and indeed always was so, that the United Provinces are infinitely too large to be governed by one Legislature ; that in that Legislature the loyalty of the Upper Province is swaraped ; whereas, if the latter Colony were " had deeply sympathised with the majority of the people, as " represented by the House of Assembly. [Mons. Papineau " and Mr. Bidwell were then the Speakers.] I imagined, or " rather fully believed, that the contest in Lower Canada re- " sembled the dispute between England and her old colonies in " America ; that the great majority of the colonists were strug- •' gling for popular principles and good government, against an " arbitrary, corrupt, and oppressive faction ; that the Act of the " Imperial Government, which violated the Canadian constitu- " tion, would justify a rebellion ; and that if rebellion for such " a cause should succeed, every friend of liberty in the world " would have as good ground for rejoicing as when Luther " vanquished the religious despotism of Rome, and Washington " established the United States of America." The writer of the above sentiments, now that the Union has been perpetrated, frankly confesses his error ; but in doing so, how completely does he blow into the air the only vestige of authority which the Imperial Parliament had left, for having legislated on a Report which the nominal author and principal writer have, it now appears, openly denounced ! 424 MORAL. Chap. XVI. to be replaced under its own Legislature, it would not only reraain distinguished by its attachraent to the British Crown, but it would ever be ready to march into Lower Canada should the people of that Province rebel. But the truth is, that the French Canadians are a virtuous, peaceable, and amiable people ; and if the few dema gogues who have wickedly incited them were firmly dealt with, instead of being meanly con ciliated, as they hitherto have been, they would not for a moraent dare to stand against the power and the justice of the British nation, especially as they well know tbat the in habitants of the United States have no sym pathy for them, but, on the contrary, frankly say, — " If ever they fall into our hands, in six months we will just improve them off the face of the globe !" And so no doubt they would. Still, after tbe wilful raisraanageraent of our Colonies, it may be repeated by many that, do what we will, we cannot now retain thera, I hurably differ from this opinion ; * but, even admitting it to be correct, I submit that it forms an unanswerable reason for Parliament * See Appendix C. Chap. XVI. MORAL. 425 determining that this loss to the British Empire of Her North American Provinces shall clearly be the act of the Colonies themselves, and not the act of the Imperial Parliament. If we lose the Canadas under the system we are now pursuing, our present race of statesmen must, by history, inevitably be made answerable for the results; whereas, if Parhament repairs the raistake it has made, they will as clearlj'^ be absolved from thera. Whether the Colonies would like the repeal of the Union Act or not (those who wish for separation would, of course, oppose it), is, I submit, a matter of very secondary importance to that of the British Parliament maintaining its high character. The objections of a pecu niary nature could easily be solved by the mother-country making a present to Canada of the late bribe of a raillion and a half; the greater portion of which must inevitably be lost, if the present ira practicable systera of governing the United Provinces be continued. Although many more arguments might be detailed in favour of the Imperial Legislature, 426 MORAL. Chap. XVI, without delay, righting itself in the opinion of the world, yet I feel very strongly that it would be unbecoming, and indeed that it is perfectly unnecessary, for me to say another word on that subject. The British Parliament, however often it may have been deceived, has never yet been blind to its duty, regardless of its honour, or insensible to sharae; and, tberefore, having subraitted all the evidence I desire to offer, our statesraen will, no doubt, on due reflection, see their course quite clearly, and will act with better judgraent than any individual could presurae to offer. Confidently relying on their wisdora, I will therefore now proceed to ray concluding ob servation, which, though the last, has, I can truly say, been the cause of the arduous task I have undertaken. 1 allude to the position in which the raost Illustrious Personage in Her Realra has been placed by the course of policy I have detailed. I need not say, that in the Honour ofthe Bri tish Crown the Nation is deeply involved ; but leaving our own character and interests on this subject entirely out of the question, I feel I Chap. XVL MORAL. 427 shall not appeal in vain to Lord Melbourne, Lord Aberdeen, Lord Lansdowne, Lord Stanley, in short to every member of both Houses of Parliament, to afford to Her Majesty that timely succour which it cannot be denied has become highly necessary. On Lord Melbourne's retirement frora office. Her Majesty was advised by his Lordship to intrust Herself to the counsels of that great Party justly bearing the title of Conservative, Her Majesty, with the unsuspecting con fidence which not only adorns Her Character, but which endears it, guilelessly and iraplicitly committed Herself to the course of policy which the Leader of that great pa:ty advised Her to pursue. And now, I ask, what has been the result ? What has been the use which has been raade of Her Majesty's Narae? What has Her Ma jesty been advised to do? What has Her Majesty actually done? , , . . The hand of Her subject trembles to record it. But wUl History refrain from writing the truth ? That the course which Her Majesty has pursued towards Her Loyal and towards Her disloyal subjects, in Her North American 428 MORAL. Chap. XVI. Colonies, has been by the advice of Her Con servative Prime Minister, we all know ; but has the History of the British Sovereigns been the mere history of their Ministers ? or have they been held accountable to posterity for the acts, good or bad, which they have severaUy coraraitted ? 1 will go no farther ; but will now conclude my volume with a sentiment to which I feel confident tbe British People will unanimously respond, namely : — From the Statesman, whoever he may be, that for any earthly object he may desire to attain, will not hesitate to sully the Honour of the British Crown God save the Queen ! ( 429 ) APPENDIX A. Protest of the Duke of Wellington against the Third Reading of a Bill to Re-unite the Colonies of Upper and Lower Canada. J Sth July, 1840. Dissentient, 1. Because the union of the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada into one province, to be governed by one administration and legislature, is inconsistent with sound policy. 2. Because the territory contained in the two pro vinces is too extensive to be so governed with conve nience. 3. Because the communications from one part of the country to others are very long and difficult ; the difficulties whereof vary, not only in different localities and parts of the country, but in the same locality at different seasons of the year. 4. Because the expense which might be incurred to remedy the inconveniences and overcome the difficul ties of the coraraunications at one season would not only be useless, but raight be prejudicial, and render the communications impracticable, at other seasons. 5. Because, even in the hypothesis that a central place is fixed upon as the metropolis and seat of Governraent of the United Province, ^nd for the assembly of the Legis- 430 APPENDIX A. lature, still the communication with the distant parts of the United Province would require a journey of from 500 to 1000 miles by land or by water, and in raost cases by both. 6. Because the inhabitants of these provinces, having originally emigrated from different parts of the world, talk different languages, and have been governed, and have held their lands and possessions under laws and usages various in their principles and regulations as are the countries from wbich they originally emigrated, and as are their respective languages. 7. Because portions of this mixed population profess to believe in not less than fifteen different systems or sections of Christian belief or opinion ; tbe clergy of some of these being maintained by establishraents, those of others not; the Roman Catholic clergy of French origin being maintained by an establishment, while the Roman Catholic clergy attached to the Roman Catholic population of British origin have no established raaintenance, and the system of provision for the clergy of the churches of England and Scotland is still under discussion in Parliament. 8. Because these inhabitants of the two provinces, divided as they are in religious opinions, have no common interest, excepting the navigation of the river St. Lawrence, in the exclusive enjoyment of which they cannot protect themselves, whether internally, within their own territory, or externally, but they must look for protection in the enjoyment of the same to the political influence and naval and military power of the British empire. APPENDIX A. 431 9. Because the legislative union of these provinces is not necessary in order to render them the source of great influence and power to the mother-country. 10. Because the operations of the late war, termi nated in the year 1815 by the treaty of Ghent, which was carried on with but little assistance from the mother-country in regular troops, have demonstrated that these provinces are capable of defending them selves against all the efforts of their powerful neigh bours, the United States. 11. Because the military operations in the recent insurrection and rebellion have tended to show that the military resources and qualities of the inhabitants of Upper Canada have not deteriorated since the late war in North America. 12. Because the late Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, Sir Francis Head, having, upon the breaking out of the rebellion in Lower Canada, in the year 1837, detached from Upper Canada all the regular forces therein stationed, relied upon the loyalty, gal lantry, and exertions of the local troops, militia, and volunteers of the province of Upper Canada. 13. Because, with the aid of those under tbe com mand of the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada, Colonel Sir Allan MacNab first de feated the rebels in Upper Canada, and then aided in putting down the rebellion in Lower Canada, at the same time that he was carrying on operations in re sistance to the invasion of the province under the Government by plunderers, marauders, and robbers from the United States, under the name of sympa- 432 APPENDIX A. tbisers in the supposed grievances of the inhabitants of the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada. 14. Because the legislative union of the two pro vinces, although the subject of much literary and other discussion, had never been considered by the legisla ture of Upper Canada, excepting on terms whicb could not be proposed, or by any competent authority in the Lower Province, excepting in the Report of a late Governor-General . 15. Because the Bill introduced into Parliament in the year 1839, having in view a legislative union of the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, was withdrawn before it was completed. 16. Because the Legislature ofthe province of Upper Canada which had co-operated with the Government under Sir Francis Head, and had enabled him, after getting the better of the insurrection in Upper Canada, to assist the Commander-in-Chief of Her Majesty's Forces in 1837 to put down the rebellion in the pro vince of Lower Canada, was not fairly consulted upon the proposed measures for the legislative union of the two provinces. 17. Because a Despatch, dated the 16th of October, 1839, having for its object the introduction into Upper Canada of new rules for the future administration of the patronage of the Government and for the tenure of office, was made public at Toronto some days pre vious to the assembling of the Legislature of Upper Canada, for the purpose of taking into consideration the proposed law for tbe legislative union of the two provinces, and the members of the two Chambers of APPENDIX A. 433 the provincial Parhament of Upper Canada must have had reason to believe that Her Majesty's Government were anxious to carry through that particular mea sure ; and that they would be exposed to all the conse quences of opposition to tbe views of Her Majesty's Government, as communicated in the said despatch, if they should object to the Bill proposed to them. 18. Because it is well known that there is in Upper Canada a large body of persons eager to obtain the establishment in Her Majesty's colonies in North America of local responsible government, to which they had been encouraged to look by the Report of the late Governor-General, the Earl of Durham, recently published. 19. Because these persons considered that the de spatch of the 16th October, 1839, then published, held out a prospect of the estabhshment of a local respon sible government under the government of the United Provinces. 20. Because another despatch, dated 14th October, 1839, appears to have been sent to the Governor- General at the same time with that of the 16th of October, 1839, in which despatch of the 14th of Oc tober, 1839, Her Majesty's Secretary of State clearly explains the views of Her Majesty's Government upon the subject of, and against the concession of, local responsible government in the colonies. 21. Because this despatch was not published, nor its contents made known in Upper Canada during the session of the Legislature, for the consideration of the measure of the legislative union, although called for u 434 APPENDIX A. by the provincial Parliaraent, upon which call the Governor-General answered by the expression of " his regret that it was not in his power to coraraunicate to the House of Assembly any despatches upon the sub ject referred to." 22. Because the Legislature of Upper Canada must have voted in favour of the measure proposed to them while under the influence of a sense of tbe intentions of Government, declared to be erroneous, in relation to the despatch of the 16th of October ; and its total ignorance of the intentions of Her Majesty's Govern ment, in respect to local responsible government in the colonies, as declared in the despatch from the Secre tary of State to the Governor-General, dated the 14th of October, which it appears that his Excellency had in his possession, during the discussions in the provin cial Parliament of Upper Canada, on the measure of the legislative union of the two provinces. 23. Because it appears the French population of Lower Canada have generally declared against the legislative union of the two provinces. 24. Because the bill cannot be considered by any as giving facility to the administration of tbe govern ment of the provinces of Canada by Her Majesty's officers, when united by virtue of its provisions ; and security in the dominion to the Crown of the United Kingdom. 25. Because the difficulties existing in the govern ment of the two provinces of Upper and Lower Canada under the provisions of the Act of the 31st George HI., which led to insurrection and rebellion, were the APPENDIX A. 435 result of party spirit, excited and fomented by leaders in the Legislative Asserably in each province, acting in later times, in coraraunication, concert, and co operation with citizens of the bordering provinces of the United States. 26. Because the union into one Legislature of the discontented spirits heretofore existing in two separate Legislatures will not diminish, but wiU tend to aug ment, tbe difficulties attending the administration- of the government ; particularly under the circumstances of the encouragement given to expect the establish ment in the United Province of a local responsible ad ministration of Government. 27. Because a spirit had still been manifested in the adjoining provinces of the United States in recent acts of outrage upon the lives and property of Her Majesty's subjects on the frontier, and even within Her Majesty's dominions, which must tend to show in what light the spirit of opposition to Her Majesty's admin istration in the Legislature of the United Province will be viewed in the United States. Wellington. u2 ( 436 ) APPENDIX B. The part which the Government and people of the United States took in the repeated invasions by American subjects of the territory of the British Sovereign will be best explained by American tes timony. 1. Thomas L. Sutherland, an American citizen who styled himself in his printed proclamations to the Canadian people as "Brigadier-General Command- " ing 2nd Division Patriot Army, Upper Canada," when taken prisoner by a British force, declared to the officer who had charge of him (vide his deposition on oath certified by the mayor of Toronto, and already published), " that in the proclamations of the President " and of General Scott to put down the meetings and " disarm the Patriots, the Government had acted with " duplicity, for it was not their wish or their intention " to suppress them ; that it was a piece of mockery on " their part, and that in fact none ofthe arsenals were " robbed of their arms, but the doors were opened " and the patriots told to help themselves." 2. Ransalaer van Ransalaer, who, under the title of " General," commanded the Araerican force and United States artillery on Navy Island, printed and published in the United States, on the 29th March, 1838, a ' Narrative of Facts connected with the Fron- APPENDIX B. 437 tier Movements of the Patriot Army of Upper Canada,' of which the following is an extract : — " About the 10th of December last, while in " Buffalo on private business, I was urged by Thoraas " L. Sutherland, who brought me a general letter of " introduction from Thomas W. Taylor, late " Speaker, to take command of the Patriot Forces " destined to act in liberating the oppressed of Upper " Canada, and to establish a republican form of " Government in the Province " Full and sole powers were to be invested in me to " conduct all military operations in my own way, and " no one allowed to interfere " With the hope of being instrumental in hastening " a crisis so desirable to all tbe republican world — " my wish as a Northerner to see the chivalrous ex- " ample of the South in the case of Texas emulated " here — ^my innate detestation of tyranny and oppres- " sion wherever manifested ; finally, relying upon " numberless promises of being sustained, and trusting " in the smiles of Heaven itself, I agreed to accept " the offer. (Signed) " Ransalaer van Ransalaer." 3. It has been certified on oatb that an officer of the State of New York, whose duty it was to prevent the State artillery from being carried off to Navy Island, allowed a cannon to proceed there on being told by those who were conducting it, that " it was only going to shoot ducks." The following extract from the New York ' Sunday x 438 APPENDIX B. Morning Herald' of the 28th Jan., 1838, relates a similar anecdote : — " The Western Frontier. — There is nothing new or of any interest from Buffalo or Detroit. The following is a verbatim et literatim copy of the docu ment, which Colonel Ransom chose to consider as General Scott's manuscript, and on the strength of which he gave up the cannon to the rogue who pre sented it. A fine compliment to the General's literary reputation, and the accomplished Colonel's own dis cernment. This gem of military correspondence reads thus : — ' Buffalo Head Qr Jany 18 1838. ' Col H B Ransom commander in Chief at ' Tonawanda. ' Pleas sen on those pieces of Canon which are at you place let the same teams come on wdth them. . ' Your in hase, 'W SCOTT* Commander ' in Chief on tbe Frontiers 'of Niagara.'" It was in the bare-faced manner above published, and explained by American authorities, that as, fast as volunteers could be collected in the United States for the invasion of Canada, they were allowed to arm them selves from stores of artillery, muskets with bayonets, rifles, and knapsacks, which tlie American Govem- * This General Scott is now a candidate for tiie Presidency of the United States. APPENDIX B. 439 ment, for no ostensible object, had deposited in unpro tected stores all along the Canada frontier ; in short, as the American citizen Brigadier-General Thos. S. Sutherland has honestly confessed, "the doors were opened, and the patriots told to help themselves." They did help themselves : we submitted for a fort night to be fired upon by this artillery and by these muskets ; and then because, for the reasons I have stated, we struck a single blow in return, the Govern ment of the United States declared the act an " out rage," and demanded and obtained from the British Sovereign an acknowledgment of the wrong, and that an apology was due for it ! ! ( 440 ) APPENDIX C. Nothing is more disheartening to those who are interested in the welfare of our North American Colonies than to observe the erroneous opinion which exists in the minds of people of all politics in England, that these colonies must naturally and necessarily desire to leave us. What is the opinion of the most intelligent colonists themselves on this subject will appear from the fol lowing short extract from a volume entitled ' Canada and the Canada Bill,' written in 1840 by an Upper Canadian, namely, by Chief Justice Robinson, who for eighteen years was a member of the Provincial Legislature of bis country : — " The conclusions which I desire the above observa tions to lead to are, that the British possessions on the continent of North America are precisely those which the circumstances of Great Britain require ; that they are placed exactly where it is most desirable they should be ; that if their extent had been greater, it would have been a disadvantage rather than a benefit ; that they are large enough to maintain a population sufficient, with the aid of Great Britain, to defend them ; that they are not so situated as to admit of their combining to throw off the dominion of the mother-country ; that they could not rationally hope APPENDIX C. 441 to exist as an independent nation, and have, therefore, no other alternative before them but to become mem bers of the American confederacy, or to continue what tbey are — the favoured colonies of Great Britain, pro tected by her fleets and armies, participating freely in her trade, aided by her capital, and confirmed, by her example and her power, in the possession of a consti tution and laws better calculated than those of any other country to secure the best interests and promote the happiness of the human race. " Tliey have showTi constantly and unequivocally (not speaking at this moment of the peculiar case of the French population of Lower Canada) that they in finitely prefer the latter alternative. It remains for the mother-country to consider whether she desires as earnestly, on her part, that the connexion shall con tinue, and whether and by what means she can ensure its duration." The mother-coimtry, after duly considering these important questions, has decided to desert Chief Justice Robinson and all who have made known facts sucb as he has above expounded ; and, on the other hand, to select, for all offices of emolument and honour in our colonies, whoever has most prominently recom mended rebellion. THE END. London : Printed by William Clowes and Sons, Stamford Street. Y ALBEMARLE STREET. Novemiike, 1846. MR. MURRAY'S LIST OF WORKS IN PEEPARATION. aUARTERLY REVIEW, No. CLVI. CONTENTS ; I. FORTIFICATIONS of PARIS. 11. LORD NUGENT'S TRAVELS in GREECE. III. SPANISH LADY'S LOVE. IV. CONSTANTINOPLE in the FOURTH CENTURY. V. DR. HOOK on tlie EDUCATION ofthe PEOPLE. VI. COLOGNE CATHEDRAL. VII. GENERAL NOTT in AFFGHANISTAN. VIII. HOCHELAGA and the EMIGRANT. IX. CLOSE of SIR ROBERT PEEL'S ADMINISTRATION. Svo. 6s. (Ready.) npHE EMIGRANT. By Sir Francis Bond Llead, Bart. Contents. — A New Sky — The Backwoods — Sergeant Neill — The Gre nadier's Pond — The Emigrant's Lark— The British Flag — The Bark Canoe — The Long Trot— The Falls of Niagara— The Apology— The Hunted Hare-Home— Political Poison — The Explosion — Moral. Post Svo. (Ready.) LIVES OF THE LORD CHANCELLORS of ENGLAND : . FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE REIGN OF GEORGE IV. Second Series. From the Revolution of 1688 to the death of Lord Chancellor Thurlow in 1806. By John Lord C'ampbell. Vols. IV. and V. Svo. SKETCHES OF THE TTISTORY OF CHRISTIAN ART. By Lord Lindsay. Author of "Letters on Egypt and the Holy Land." Three Vols. Svo. 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