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Elizabeth Buffum Chace

In Two Volumes

Volume II

'X

ELIZABETH BUFFUM CHACE AND BESSIE

" Save the Children." — e. b. c.

Elizabeth Buffum Chace
1806-1899
Her Life and Its Environment

by
Lillie Buffum Chace Wyman
and
Arthur Crawford Wyman

Volume II

" The progress of the Anti-Slavery Movement revealed
the great injustice, the detriment to human welfare of
the subordinate, disfranchised condition of tuoman.^'
— E. ji. c.

Boston
W. B. Clarke Co.
1914

Copyrighted
by W. B. Clarke Co.
Boston

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Volume II
Elizabeth Buffum Chace and Bessie . Frontispiece
From a photograph taken when Mrs. Chace was seventy-three
years old.
Thomas Wentworth Higginson . . Facing page 10
Margaret [Bright] Lucas . . . Facing page 28
Lillie B. Chace ..... Facing page 48
From a pencil drawing by Edward Clifford.
John Weiss  Facing page*"6&
William L. Garrison the Second . Facing page 100
Taken in 1903. Printed by permission of F. J. Garrison.
Mary C. Tolman ..... Facing page 116
Chart of the Old United States Sen
ate Floor  Facing page 132
Showing the seat occupied by Charles Sumner when Preston
S. Brooks assaulted him. Printed by permission of Little,
Brown and Company.
Lucretia Mott ..... Facing page 140
The Homestead ..... Facing page 162
Edward Clifford, aged about thirty . Facing page 188
Edward H. Magill, aged fifty . . Facing page 200
Printed by permission of his daughter, Mrs. Robinson.
Daisy ....... Facing page 238
Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg . . Facing page 250
Arnold Buffum ..... Facing page 270
In photogravure, from a pencil drawing made by Edward A.
Spring shortly before Arnold Buffum's death in 1859.
Abby Kelley Foster, aged forty . . Facing page 282
From a daguerreotype. Printed by permission of Miss Foster.
Frederick Douglass .... Facing page 299
From Miss Sarah J. Eddy's portrait, made in 1881. Printed by
permission of Miss Eddy.
Arnold Buffum Chace, aged fifty-five . Facing page 316

TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME II
Broader Social Life, and the Fulfillment of Duty as
a Rhode Island Citizen
1872—1900
PAGES
Chapter Seventeenth. A New England Quaker in
Old England (1872)  1-2.5
Letters and papers in relation to E. B. C.'s European trip.
Gives her impressions of Killarney; her visit to Dublin. Her
reflections in Carnarvon Castle. Methodist Chapel. Visits
cotton miU in Manchester. Social and other experiences in
London. Attends the Prison Congress and reads a paper.
Goes to Leeds and sees George Thompson. Proceeds north
ward, passing through the Crinan Canal to Oban. Returns
to Edinburgh and meets Mrs. Nichol and Dr. John Brown.
Chapter Eighteenth. Continental experiences
(1872-1873)  26-49
E. B. C. crosses the English Channel. Visits Paris. Calls
on J. Wells Champney at Ecouen and meets M. Edouard
Fr^re. Switzerland. Ascends the Wengern Alp in a chair
carried by porters. Goes up the Rigi on the railroad. Drives
from Lucerne to Interlaken. Meets Fanny Garrison Villard
in Strasbourg. Memories of the Jungfrau. Dresden. Be
comes an opera-goer. Sees the Emperor William and King
John of Saxony. Goes to Rome and sees the Carnival. Visits
Naples. Returns to Bome, where she sees intimately a love
affair between an ex-Garibaldian and a Protestant Danish
Countess. Meets William and Mary Howitt and Edmonia
Lewis. On a trip in Northern Italy and to Venice, she forms
what proves to be a lasting friendship with Edward Clifford.
Returns to London, meets William Bradford. George
Thompson comes to Liverpool to bid her good-by. Sails for
home on September 13th.
Chapter Nineteenth. Return home and renewed
activity (1873-1876)  50-73
E. B. C. one of the first members of the National Free Re
ligious Association, and one of the leaders in forming the
Free Religious Society in Providence. Pleased with engage-

ment and marriage of her daughter Mary. Confronted with
the caste feeling in relation to servants. Attends funeral of
Marcus Spring. Letter from Mrs. Howe. E. B. C.'s name
heads the list of signers of a Memorial presented to the Leg
islature in behalf of Woman Suffrage. Spends a month on
the Island of Appledore. Letters from Col. Higginson in
reference to an imprisoned soldier. Miscellaneous matters
and a bit of self -revelation. Failure in E. B. C.'s health and
serious crisis. Resigns from the Woman's Board of Lady
Visitors to the Penal and Correctional Institutions of the
State. Correspondence with John Weiss about temperance.
Becomes one of the earliest workers to obtain the appoint
ment of matrons in police stations. Accepts reappointment
to the Board of Lady Visitors. Letter from Mrs. Howe ex
pressing great dissatisfaction with a recent Peace Conven
tion held in Philadelphia, and appealing to E. B. C. to help
get up an "independent Convention and organize a sounder
and better Peace Association, a really international one."
Chapter Twentieth. Old issues and new (1876—
1877)  74-97
E. B. C. visits the Centennial Exposition. Horace Cheney's
illness and death. Letter from Wendell Phillips. Gov. Lip-
pitt asks her opinion of the usefulness of giving Lady
Visitors an equal vote with Commissioners in charge. She
replies urging the appointment of women with the same
power as men on the Boards of State Charities and Correc
tions, Inspectors of the State Prisons and Trustees of the
Reform School. Urges the establishment of a State Home
and School for pauper children. Establishes a kindera:arten.
Opposes the policy of the Providence Woman's Club in
drawing a color line in membership and resigns from the
Club. Letter from William C. Gannett in answer to her
criticism of Moody. Family events. Letters to the Provi
dence Journal, one condemning pigeon shooting for sport
and another outlining her plan for the building of the State
Home and School, and explaining the purposes which the
school should fulfill. Her dissatisfaction with the manage
ment of the Reform School. Visit of William Lloyd Garri
son, his son Frank and Captain Wyman to the Homestead.
E. B. C. advocates Sunday recreation in Roger AVilliams
Park. Takes her daughter to Philadelphia for medical
treatment. Inciters from John C. Wyman. Attends Woman
Suffrage Convention in Washington. Writes to the Provi
dence Journal about the want of comprehension of the in
tents and purposes of the earliest and best friends of the
State Home and School shown by the discussion about its
establishment in the Legislature.
Chapter Twenty-first. Last visit of William Lloyd
Garrison and his death (1878-1879) . . . 98-116
E. B. C. renews her protest against color prejudice. Is in
vited to become Vice-President for Rhode Island in the
Cliisolm Monument Association. Spends the summer of

1878 at Wianno. William Lloyd Garrison visits the Home
stead for the last time on October 29, 1878. E. B. C. con
tinues her efforts to obtain a State Home and School. Visits
L. B. C. W. in New York and writes to the Providence
Journal about Felix Adler's sermons and the work of his
society. Meets Sojourner Truth again, and attends a meet
ing of the committee to prevent state regulation of vice.
Some New York charities, a visit to the Tombs and the
Court of Special Sessions. Anna Dickinson's lecture on the
Platform and Stage. The Kindergartens. Letter from
Dr. William F. Channing urging her to answer an editorial
in the Providence Journal entitled "Woman Suffrage in
England and the United States." She writes two articles on
Woman Suffrage. She spends Anniversary Week in Boston,
during which she attends the funeral of William Lloyd
Garrison. In June she makes a "journey of enquiry into the
possibility of making darkened lives brighter." Miscellane
ous incidents, private and public.
Chapter Twenty— SECOND. A year of work (1880) . 117-141
E. B. C. memorializes the State legislature on behalf of the
dependent children of the State, January, 1880. Her interest
in Mary Dyer, about whom she prepared an historical sketch.
Is opposed to working for the bestowal of school suffrage on
women. Writes a paper on Soul Liberty. Removal of the
Reform School. Her opinion of it endorsed by leading
authorities. Disapproves of the custom of counseling prison
ers to plead "not guilty" to crimes they are known to have
committed. Her annual address to the Rhode Island Woman
Suffrage Association in November. Attends a Woman Suf
frage Convention in Washington, D. C. Gives especial study
to the color question while there. Letters from Samuel May
and Frederick Douglass.
Chapter Twenty— third. Factory Women and Girls
in New England and other notable papers (1881—
1882)  142-171
E. B. C. reviews the reports of several different boards.
Her paper on Factory Women, etc., read before the conven
tion of the Association for the Advancement of Women.
Some letters in response. Address at a Woman Suffrage
Convention in Woonsocket. Writes for the Providence
Journal about the fate of an ill-treated pauper child. Cor
respondence with persons and periodicals on public topics.
Chapter Twenty— fourth. Two main efforts ac
complished (1882-1884)  172-192
General correspondence. Letter from Lucy Stone asking
E. B. C. to write a paper setting forth the reasons why it
became necessary to form the American Woman Suffrage
Association. E. B. C. discovers that the Rhode Island
statute Is so phrased that men could be arrested in cases
where it is the custom to arrest only women. She addresses

the Free Religious Society in Providence on the Teaching
of Morality in Schools. She appears before the Senate Com
mittee of the Judiciary in behalf of the State Home and
School. She writes to the Providence Journal, thoughtfully
considering all the serious objections to the passage of the
act establishing this school. The bill is passed. Years later
she acknowledged that the friends of this bill yielded too
easily to the pressure exerted upon them to allow the State
School to be given in charge of the State Board of Educa
tion. The Memorial Meeting for Wendell Phillips. She
tells what she has done in one single day. In May she at
tends the anniversary meeting in Boston and writes of
Wendell Phillips. She advocates the adoption of the kin
dergarten. She attends Whittier Day at the Friends' School.
Letters from Abby Kelley Foster, Edward Clifford, Alfred
M. Williams, Lucy Stone, Frederick Douglass, Margaret
Lucas, R. G. Hazard, Susan B. Anthony, and Parker Pills-
bury. E. B. C. presides at the Annual Convention of the
Woman Suffrage Association held in Representatives' Hall
of the State House.
Chapter Twenty— fifth. Wianno summers (1877—
1893)  193-211
E. B. C. visited Wianno for two successive summers and
then built a house for herself there called Sabbatia Cottage,
which continued to be her summer home as long as she was
able to travel thence from Valley Falls. The life in Wianno
was at first simple and lacking in ceremony, but as the com
munity grew larger its customs necessarily changed to be
more like those of fashionable society. There was much
entertainment in all the cottages, but that in Sabbatia Cot
tage was differentiated from the others by E. B. C.'s reign
ing characteristics, which imparted a special flavor both to
meetings for serious discussions and to gatherings for the
purpose of playing the lightest and most mirth-provoking
games. Her greatest social achievement there was the estab
lishment of Sunday evening receptions in her own parlor to
listen to papers and discussions upon moral, religious and
literary topics. Extracts from her summer letters to the
Providence papers.
Chapter Twenty-sixth (1885-1886) . . . 212-226
Letter from Susan B. Anthony telling of her efforts to get
the U. S. senators to pledge themselves to vote for the
16th Amendment. E. B. C. addresses the special commit
tee of the R. I. House of Representatives on Woman Suf
frage. Letter from William C. Gannett. Edward Clifford is
troubled about her religious theories. She issues an appeal
in behalf of Calvin Fairbank. In February, 1886, she pleads
again before the State Legislature for Woman Suffrage, and
in March the Senate passed a resolution that an amendment
to the Constitution should be submitted to the voters of
Rhode Island, which, if carried, would confer the right of
suffrage on the women of that State. The State Home and

School is fairly started and E. B. C. feels quite satisfied with
its situation. Miscellaneous letters and papers. Reunion of
old Abolitionists at Lucy Stone's. E. B. C.'s illness inter
feres with plans for celebrating her eightieth birthday.
Letters in reference to it, and William C. Gannett's poem.
Chapter Twenty— seventh. Climax of E. B. C.'s
work for the wards of the State (1887-1891) . . 227-258
Letters from Samuel May and Lucy Stone about the death
of Abby Kelley Foster. Campaign work for the Woman
Suffrage Amendment. Letter to Edward Clifford. Human
itarian work. Family incidents. Deaths of Oliver Johnson
and Jlrs. Doyle. Investigation of the management of the
State Home and School and its reform. Acquaintance with
Baroness Gripenberg. Birthday letters.
Chapter Twenty— eighth. Anti-Slavery reminis
cences (1891)  259-283
Extracts from E. B. C.'s Anti-Slavery Reminiscences. Let
ters to her in relation to the book. A portion of her tribute
to Abby Kelley Foster.
Chapter Twenty— ninth. Approaching the end
(1892-1895)  284-308
E. B. C. addresses the Legislature once more in an effort to
obtain suffrage for women. Letter about the Arnolds. She
offers a prize for the best essay against the use of tobacco.
Letter to the Danvers Historical Society. Miscellaneous
correspondence. In the valley of the shadow of death and
partial recovery. Friendly letters. Last memorial to the
Rhode Island Legislature. Letter of resignation of the
presidency of the Rhode Island AVoman Suffrage Associa
tion which was not accepted. Verses printed in Ye Odde
Number.
Chapter Thirtieth. Last years of life (1895—
1900)  309-332
Continued interest in public affairs. Evidences of friend
ship, sympathy and affection which surrounded her to the
last.

x1

TABLE OF CORRESPONDENCE IN VOLUME II
Letters from
Adler, Felix, to E. B. C, 248.
Ames, Charles G., to E. B. C, 293.
Andrews, E. Benjamin, to E. B. C, 251, 287, 325.
Anthony, Susan B., to E. B. C, 185, 190, 212, 213, 235, 319;
tot. B. C. W., 318.
Baker, L. E., to E. B. C, 288.
Baker, M. E., to E. B. C, 87.
Barker, Catherine J., to E. B. C, 273.
Blackwell, Alice Stone, to E. B. C, 295, 320.
Blackwell, Henry B., to E. B. C, 295.
Blaisdell, F. D.,'to E. B. C, 71.
Bright, Jacob, to E. B. C, 276.
Brown, Rebecca Bartlett, to E. B. C, 278.
Buffum, William Arnold, to E. B. C, 213.
Burrage, Julia Severance, to E. B. C, 277.
Capron, Adin B., to E. B. C, 324.
Carnegie, Andrew, to E. B. C, 1, 288.
Chace, Elizabeth B., to Augustus O. Bourne, 174; to C. S.
Bradley, 166; to Caroline B. Brown, 28; to Arnold B.
Chace, 5-9, 9, 11, 12, 14-18, 18, 19, 20, 21-23, 24, 26, 27,
29-31, 32, 33, 34-36, 37, 38-40, 41-44, 45, 46, 47; to
Mary C. Cheney, 57, 58; to Elizabeth K. Churchill, 79;
to Edward Clifford, 230; to S. E. Doyle, 99; to Clara M.
Holmes, 316; to Henry Lippitt, 65, 76; to A. H. Little-
field, 166; to A. D. Lockwood, 64; to William McKinley.
323; to Seth Padelford, 10; to .Alary C. Tolman, 140, 181,
219, 245, 311, 330; to Royal C. Taft, 183; to John Weiss,
67; to L. B. C. W.. 140; to  . 285.
Chace, George I., to E. B. C, 172.
Chace, L. B., to Mrs. A. B. Chace, 3; to E. B. C. 53. See
Wyman, L. B. C.
Champney, James Wells, to E. B. C, 256.
Channing, William F.. to E. B. C 51, 110, 143, 174.

Chase, Charles A., to E. B. C, 278.
Chase, Thomas, to E. B. C, 272.
Cheney, Ednah D., to E. B. C, 122, 173.
Clifford, Edward, to E. B. C, 187, 215, 216, 233, 240, 280,
322, 325.
Clifford, Margaret, to E. B. C, 46. See Williams, M. C.
Clough, Mrs. S., to E. B. C, 70.
Collyer, Robert, to E. B. C, 237, 255.
Colt, Samuel P., to E. B. C, 78.
Conway, Moncure D., to E. B. C, 222, 257, 297.
Correll, Erasmus M., to E. B. C, 173.
Curtis, George William, to E. B. C, 279.
Douglass, Frederick, to E. B. C, 139, 189, 251, 253, 280; to
L. B. C. W., 189, 298.
Downing, George T., to E. B. C, 254.
Doyle, Sarah E., to E. B. C, 98.
Doyle, Sarah E. H. (Mrs. Louis J.), to E. B. C, 92.
Doyle, Thomas A., to E. B. C, 128.
Eaton, Amasa M., to E. B. C, 52, 53.
Eldredge, W. D., to E. B. C, 102.
Fairbank, Calvin, to E. B. C, 325.
Farnum, R. M., to E. B. C, 272.
Fletcher, Alice, to E. B. C, 56.
Foster, Abby Kelley, to E. B. C, 185.
Freeman, Edward L., to E. B. C, 184.
Gannett, Wilham C, to E. B. C, 81, 215, 318.
Garrison, Frank J., to E. B. C, 2, 279, 290, 312, 326; to
L. B. C. W., 331.
Garrison, George Thompson, to E. B. C, 275.
Garrison, Wendell P., to E. B. C, 223.
Garrison, William Lloyd, to Arthur Albright, 2 ; to E. B. C,
60, 63.
Garrison, William Lloyd, the Second, to E. B. C, 294, 304.
Garrison, William and Ellie, to E. B. C, 223.
Gripenberg, Baroness Alexandra, to E. B. C, 249, 326, 327,
328.
Hall, Martha Lovell, to L. B. C. W. and ]\Irs. Tolman, 252.
Hazard, Rowland G., to E. B. C, 190.
Higginson, Thomas Wentworth, to E. B. C, 61, 62, 90, 114;
to L. B. C. W., 331.

Hinckley, Frederic A., to Ellen K. Bolles, 305.
Holmes, Clara M., to E. B. C, 275.
Howe, Julia Ward, to E. B. C, 56, 62, 72, 115, 220, 294; to
L. B. C. W., 332.
Hughes, Thomas, to E. B. C, 11.
Ingersoll, C. M., to E. B. C, 100.
Janes, Sophia L., to E. B. C, 272.
Lawton, James, to E. B. C, 109.
Lippitt, Henry, to E. B. C, 71, 72, 76, 78.
Little, Sophia L., to E. B. C, 217, 275.
Littlefield, Alfred H., to E. B. C, 168.
Livermore, Mary A., to E. B. C, 221, 296; to L. B. C. W., 253.
Long, John D., to E. B. C, 169.
Lucas, Margaret, to E. B. C, 29, 189.
Magill, Edward H., to E. B. C, 318; to M. C. Tolman, 331.
May, Samuel, to E. B. C, 137, 222, 273, 274, 300, 309; to
' L. B. C. W., 227, 296.
Morse, Lucy G., to E. B. C, 284, 289, 303, 323, 328, 329, 330;
to M. C. Tolman, 331.
Mowry, Eliza A., to E. B. C, 272.
Nichol, Elizabeth Pease, to E. B. C, 276.
Palmer, Fanny P., to E. B. C, 125.
Phillips, Wendell, to L. B. C, 1, 75.
PiUsbury, Parker, to E. B. C, 192, 224, 240, 277, 281.
Pillsbury, Mr. and Mrs., to J. C. Wyman, 254.
Porter, Delia W., to L. B. C. W., 255.
Potter, William J., to E. B. C, 256.
Powell, Anna Rice, to E. B. C, 328.
Purvis, Robert (Mr. and Mrs.), to E. B. C, 254.
Richardson, Erastus, to E. B. C, 252.
Snow, Edwin M., to E. B. C, 129.
Spencer, Anna Garlin, to E. B. C, 177.
Stanton, Elizabeth Cady, to E. B. C, 115, 234, 253, 318, 330.
Stone, Lucy, to E. B. C, 130, 169, 170, 173, 180, 188, 218, 219,
229; to Arnold B. Chace, 256.
Taft, Royal C, to E. B. C, 275.
Tolman, Elizabeth M. S., to E. B. C, 114, 123.
Tolman, Harriet S., to E. B. C, 221.
Tolman, Mary C, to E. B. C, 312.
Trueblood, E. Hicks, to E. B. C, 280.

Van Zandt, Charles C, to E. B. C, 83.
Villard, Fanny Garrison, to E. B. C, 223.
Webb, Richard D., to E. B. C, 3, 5.
Weiss, John, to E. B. C, 69.
Weld, Theodore D., to E. B. C, 223.
Wells, Kate Gannett, to E. B. C, 159, 175.
Wetmore, George Peabody, to E. B. C, 218.
Whitney, Edwin H., to E. B. C, 217.
Whittier, John G., to E. B. C.,"221, 279.
Wilkins, Mary E., to E. B. C, 286.
Williams, Alfred M., to E. B. C, 188.
Wilhams, Margaret Chfford, to E. B. C, 281.
Winch, Wilham J. (Mrs.), to M. C. Tolman, 234.
Woodbury, Augustus, to E. B. C, 2, 51 ; to  , 304.
Worthington, Edgar, to E. B. C, 176.
Wyman, John C, to E. B. C, 91, 100, 103, 239.
Wyman, L. B. C, to E. B. C, 123, 239, 324.
Young, Joshua, to L. B. C. W., 256.
 to E. B. C, 160, 161, 286.

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTED MATTER, EXTRACTS
OR FULL REPRODUCTIONS, IN VOLUME II
By Elizabeth Buffum Chace
Undated manuscript, 63.
Extracts from Letters and Articles Printed in the
Providence Journal and Other Rhode Island Papers
Matrons in Police Stations, 70 ; Pigeon shooting, 84 ; Prevention
of Pauperism and Crime, 84—86 ; Sunday Recreation, 89 ;
State Home and School, 92-97 ; Appeal for Vagrant Boys,
102, 109; Purification of the Drama, 104; Letters from
New York, 104-109; Woman Suffrage, 111; Funeral of
William Lloyd Garrison, 112; Soul Liberty, 125; Woman's
Exchange, 126; State Home and School, 127; Custom
of Pleading Not Guilty, 129; Letters from Washington,
132-137; Treatment of Women in Reformatories, 142;
Color Question, 145; Protest against Gambling, Plea for
Friendless Children, 163; Golden Rule in the Legisla
ture, Sad Fate of Jennie D. Nevin, 165; Partial Enforce
ment of Law, 175; One Objection to a State Home, 178;
Use of Liquor in Cooking, 180; Grave of Wendell Phillips,
Save the Children, 184; Visit to Friends' School, 186;
Letters from Wianno, 205-210; Rhode Island Woman Suf
frage Amendment, 219; Dr. Morgan's Address, 235; About
Mrs. Gorman, 292; Woman Suffrage, About Apples, 313.
State Home and School, 65, 84, 86, 92, 101, 109, 113, 117, 126,
127, 128, 129, 163, 177, 178, 181, 184, 210, 218, 233, 234,
242-248.
Memorials to the Senate and House of Representatives, 117,
300.
Factory Women and Girls in New England, 146—159.
Woman Suffrage Activity, 57, 111, 113, 124, 140, 165, 214,
217, 234, 313, 314, 317.

Addresses as President of the Rhode Island Woman Suffrage
Association, 124, 131, 162, 191, 236, 237, 238, 242, 250.
Tribute to Abby Kelley Foster, 236, 282.
Memorial of Sarah E. H. Doyle, 241.
Anti-Slavery Reminiscences, 259-271.
Letter to Danvers Historical Society, 287.
Letter to Executive Committee of the Rhode Island Woman Suf
frage Association, 302.
Verses, 306, 307, 315.
Reminiscences of Old Smithfield, 320.
In Quaker Days, 321. Miscellaneous
Rejaresentative's ticket to the International Congress, 2.
Extract from Julia Ward Howe's Reminiscences, 14.
Extracts from Moncure D. Conway's Autobiography, 19, 201.
Editorials in Providence Journal, 97, 177.
Editorial in Springfield Republican, 244.
Woman Suffrage circular letter sent to Rhode Island Postmas
ters, 217.
Verses by William C. Gannett, 224.

xviil

CHAPTER SEVENTEENTH
Trip Abroad; Experiences in Ireland and England;
Prison Congress; Mrs. Chace's Letters to
Arnold Buffum Chace
THE journeys and changes during the two preceding
years prepared Mrs. Chace's mind for a purpose suffi
ciently indicated in the following documents.
Wendell Phillips to L. B. C.
"Hurrah and ten thousand cheers for Europe! Sink back
into history in England. Sun yourself in France. Bathe in
beautiful Italy, — make me crazy when I think you'll see the
Pyramids and laugh in Damascus. Ah, if you do, can I do
anything but hate you in my envy.'' Congratulate Mother
and go and enjoy yourself, remembering sometimes, yours,
W. P." Andrew Carnegie to Mrs. Chace
"March £, 187'2. Mother bids me say that she counts her
self your superior as a 'strong-minded' woman, whenever
action is required, especially in travelling, and she will be
delighted to bring her talents into active play in getting yoii
and your daughters nicely off for your foreign tour."
Andrew Carnegie to Mrs. Chace
"New York, March 8th, 1872. I found your letter on my
return from the West. We have secured the adjoining rooms
[1]

on the Cuba, May 1st. You are to have Md'Ue Nilsson as a
fellow passenger. There is no better ship afloat than the
Cuba, and the Captain is a first class seaman."
Rev. Augustus Woodbury to Mrs. Chace
"I send you herewith the necessary credentials for the
London Meeting just received from Dr. Wines."
"Representatives Ticket.
International Congress on the Prevention and Repression of
Crime, Including Penal Reformatory Treatment, in the
Hall of the Middle Temple, London, July 3rd, 1872.
Admit Mrs. Chace. No. 74. Edwin Pears, Secretary."
Frank J. Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"Roxbury, April 21, 1872. I send herewith my small con
tribution to your letters of introduction, and trust it will be
followed by a package of a dozen or more from Father.
"I was sorry I could not go to the depot last Monday,
when (I suppose) you returned home from the Radical Club.
Other things being equal, I should make my contemplated trip
to New York next week, in season to see you off, but I cannot.
Mother desires me to convey her love to you and to express
her disappointment in not having you here for a night before
your departure."
William Lloyd Garrison to Arthur Albright
"Boston, April 30, 1872. Allow me to introduce to you
the bearer of this, my esteemed friend Mrs. Elizabeth B.
Chace, one of the earliest and most efficient of my co-workers
in the Anti-Slavery cause, and interested in all movements to
[2]

promote temperance, peace and human brotherhood. She is
acquainted with all the leading American Abolitionists, and
greatly respected by them all."
Richard D. Webb, the old Irish Abolitionist, wrote from
Dublin to Mrs. Chace, giving minute directions as to what she
and her party were to do when they should land at Queens-
town, and how they should go thence to Cork, "of which," he
wrote, "the natives are proud, though you will be sorely
puzzled to guess why. I am sure I don't know unless it be that
they, generally speaking, know of no other cities."
Mr. Webb went on :
"Wise people here travel 2nd class and economize, but
Brother Jonathan and his wife generally prefer to pay for
first class.
"You must all come and cheer me up. I am very fond of
society, particularly American society."
Mrs. Chace's party consisted of her daughters, of whom
Clara M. Holmes had long been considered one, and also of
her cousin, Anne Vernon BufFum.
L. B. C. TO Mrs. Arnold B. Chace
" Steamer Cuba. Ugh! Here I am on the fioor of the deck
wrapped up in Mr. Wyman's blanket, and otherwise propped
at the side by a pile of shawls and wraps of various kinds,
and at the back by a ventilator, or some other iron machine,
that comes up out of the deck, and conveys to our staterooms
below their scanty modicum of air. On the whole I have
known in my short life moments of greater hilarity and vigor.
"Mr. Wyman, whose new, light grey blanket is at this
moment subjected to the defilement of the cinders from the
smoke pipe for my sake, is a middle-aged, stout, beaming
benefactor on this ship, always on hand when anybody is
needed, and he has an inexhaustible fund of humor and plenty
[3]

of thoughtful tenderness. An old friend of John Weiss,
Theo. Brown and the like, he tells some capital stories about
them. He is almost the only acquaintance we have made.
Col. Higginson's brother is a fine looking, pleasant gentleman,
but seems shy, and we don't progress much in our acquaint
ance. I think I prefer the Colonel. Miss Nilsson is rather
retired, or, I believe, is rather sea-sick. Parepa also is seldom
visible. Little Carl Rosa trots round with his hands in his
pockets pretty constantly.
"We expect to get to Queenstown sometime tomorrow.
We hope to pass Sunday at the lakes of Killarney.
"There is a horrid looking set of men on board. Mary fell
very much in love with one nice looking fellow, because he was
so attentive to his wife, but her idol was broken when she
learned that he had been losing money at euchre. She thinks
that worse than playing simple cards on Sunday."
Though in some directions Mrs. Chace's powers did not
further mature after middle life, in many ways her ideas and
tastes changed, broadened and improved until the end. Even
where development ceased, it seemed to be merely because
there was no impelling reason for its continuance. Where
such reason existed progress was maintained successfully,
aided by her wonderful elasticity of mind which continued
through all her long life, and her European experience was
evidence of this progressive possibility in her endowment.
She did her part as a tourist collector. Not a scholar in
any branch of learning, not a connoisseur in any art, she had
the courage of her preferences, and she did not avoid the
gratification of her more luxurious tastes.
Much that she did and said during this 1870 decade
showed that she was influenced by the belief that she was
establishing a home for her descendants, and making a collec
tion that was to carry on a family tradition, and the character
[4]

of her European purchases proved that while abroad she was
especially moved by such thought and purpose.
In later years, her daughter Mary said that the Homestead
furnishings so thoroughly represented, in their medley, the
seventy-five years during which they were gathered together,
that a careful observer could trace through them the intellec
tual and artistic evolution "of a family of that era."
Except where otherwise designated, the letters relating to
her European experience were all written by Mrs. Chace to her
son Arnold. Dates have sometimes been omitted because the
letter date was so much later than that of the incident related,
that to give it would tend to confuse the reader as to the true
order of events.
Richard D. Webb to Mas. Chace
"Dublin, May 9th, 1872. I hope you have landed by this
time. As to Dublin, if you wish for economy (which it is no
shame on this side of the Atlantic) you can save considerable
by going to Mrs. Douglas', though you will not have the
magnificence of the Shelbourne which the Americans, of
course, throng to. Glorious weather for Killarney. Don't
stay fewer than three days. Perhaps you will visit the
Blarney Stone and Castle."
Writing from Killarney, May 14th, Mrs. Chace tells of a
drive and describes the cottages of Lord Kenmare's tenants :
"As we drive by them and look in upon their mud floors,
and see the bare feet of the women and their scanty clothing,
everything tells us of large rents for small privileges, which
added to the poor-rates, of which they complain and, the
church rates, which they submit to for the salvation of their
souls, leaves little to feed and cover them. I find that the
National schools are so far apart that really many of
the children must be denied their benefits."
[5]

Richard D. Webb looked like a benignant human lion,
when Mrs. Chace met him in Dublin. He spoke with a strong
accent that made his speech sound almost unintelligible to
American ears. He seemed proud of his work as biographer
of John Brown of Ossawatomie, and he gave to Lillie a small
engraved portrait of the hero. He explained to the party the
Irish voting system, which sometimes gave to a man the right
at the same election to cast a ballot in each one of several
voting districts. He did not appear to be an ardent Home
Ruler. Being in feeble health, he only drove with Mrs. Chace's
party, received their calls and entertained them at supper in
his own house, but left to his brother Thomas the duty of
conducting them on their sight-seeing expeditions. Gallantly
and well did Thomas Webb perform his task.
Mrs. Chace saw an academic ceremony in Dublin, and wrote
home to her son, that the actors in it all wore "those abom
inable looking caps and gowns!" Imagination faints in the
effort to conceive how she would have felt, if, twoscore years
later, she could have seen the Chancellor of Brown University
wearing the costume of his office. Still, we, the writers of this
chronicle, are inclined to believe that had Mrs. Chace been
permitted to gaze with earthly eyes upon the Chancellor's
gold-tasseled cap and hooded gown she would have decided
that such apparel and ornament must be wholly appropriate
since her son Arnold wore it.
"5th. mo., 25th, 1872. Carnarvon Castle is an immense
structure, built in the 13th century. How people ever lived
and 'kept house' in these places, I don't see. I like to sit
down and gaze silently at these remains of the life that was,
of our British ancestors. How do I know but some drop of
blood is now flowing in my veins that once throbbed within
these castle walls .' How do I know but some traits in my
character came down to me from the life that centered here.''
[6]

Well, if they did not, they came from some other old spot
over here, and this makes this island of Britain sacred to me.
"We drove sixteen miles through the pass of Llanberis.
Our ride was on an excellent road, cut round among the moun
tains, which are very steep and so rocky that for miles we
would not see the smallest sign of vegetation, while constantly
pounding down their rugged sides were little cataracts, some
times so steep that it seemed strange the water did not all
drop at once, in one great dash."
"Chepstow, 6th mo., 6th. We came upon a small Metho
dist Chapel and hearing the singing, we concluded to enter
and found the little congregation just finishing partaking
from a plate of small crackers. The man who carried the
plate showed us into a pew and telling us it was a ' love feast '
offered us the crackers which we declined. Then the minister,
who was a young man, made a sort of confession of his faith
and exhorted the congregation to express their feelings.
Many of them followed, both men and women. They all be
lieved their sins were washed 'haway' by the 'blood of Christ'
and they were bound for "eaven'; but they seemed so simple
hearted and there was so much freedom for the women and so
little form and ceremony, that, disgusted as I am with the
flummery of the English Church, I was glad of this meeting
and very cordially dropped my shilling into their collection."
"In Manchester, I enquired where we could find some large
cotton factories. They advised us to go to McConnell's. So
we took a hansom cab for the first time, just for the fun of
it. The driver went out of sight ; the horse started up and
gave us a tip back which made us start too and off we went.
" I was sorry to find that they did not weave, but only made
fine yarns. Their mules have 1,304 spindles each. But oh!
those mule rooms were so low and so hot. The mercury was
at 90 degrees. Do we keep ours as hot.''
[7]

"They have one machine which I believe we do not have;
the combing machine, somewhere after the carding, and I
think after two or three drawings, which leaves the cotton
looking so silky as it is gathered up into a narrow strip to
pour again into a can.
"There were some small children whom I asked about and
was told that the firm was obliged to send them to school half
the day and that it furnished the school."
"London, 6th mo., 14-th. Day before yesterday we went
to Netting Hill, and called at the Conways'. They were out,
but yesterday morning came a note inviting us to come last
evening to a reception; so Mary, Lillie and I went. Clara
had been all day at the Ascot Races with the Carnegies
[Andrew Carnegie and his mother], where she saw the Prince
and Princess of Wales and swarms of the nobility and gentry.
"At the Conways' we had a delightful evening.
"Tomorrow we are to drive, at the fashionable hour, in
Hyde Park. Mr. Wyman has just called and will manage that
for us. Clara will go with the Carnegies.
"Mr. Smalley told us that, according to his latest des
patches, it looks as though Horace Greeley would go with a
rush into the White House, that there is no doubt he will
receive the nomination of the Baltimore Convention. He says
Greeley is infinitely more fit for President than Grant. He
says he was not surprised at Phillips' letter. That Phillips
has long personally disliked Greeley, etc. But then Smalley
is the correspondent of the Tribune.
"Do write me about my garden and about the grass and
the strawberries, and do keep my bank green and don't let
people run up and down on it, but make steps between mine
and thine, partly on mine and partly on thine.
"I long for home food, and do not believe I shall ever get
fond of such breakfasts as we get everywhere. If I could have
[8]

some Indian-cake now and then, it would be delicious. But all
that is denied us. It is meat and eggs, — meat and eggs, till
I am quite disgusted."
" 6th mo., 18th. Well, what does thee think we did last
night.? About half past nine, Mr. Carnegie and an English
gentleman came with a lady who is staying with the Carnegies,
and invited our whole party to go with them to 'Evans' supper
and music rooms,' a sort of club and concert hall, established
a hundred and fifty years ago. It has been the place of resort
for poets and literary men, such as Thackeray, etc. They go
and eat supper and drink ale, and talk and read, and all the
time some sort of entertainment, mostly musical, is going on.
At quarter after ten, we started, eight of us, taking two cabs.
"Spectators at the supper-room sit in boxes and look down
through wire grating on the scene below, where respectable
looking gentlemen sit till one o'clock around little tables,
while athletes perform wonderful gymnastic feats, and a band
of little boys sing old English songs accompanied by a piano.
That part of it was very sweet. Everything was very orderly.
"We stayed till midnight, and then rode home through streets
almost as thronged as in the daytime."
Mrs. Chace, escorted by Mr. Conway, made as thorough a
trip through the worst portions of London and inspected
them as carefully as she could ; but she did not take either of
her daughters with her.
"6th mo., 19th. Yesterday afternoon we all went to the
¦Century Club room, to a meeting of the Anglo American
;Society, called to receive and welcome T. W. Higginson.
Before the meeting, Mrs. Howe, Mr. Higginson, Mr. Conway
and we were introduced to the Hon. Thomas Hughes, who sat
right down and chatted with us in the most delightful manner.
He made an appointment with Mrs. Howe and us to show us
[9]

over both Houses of Parliament. He presided at the meeting,
making a lovely speech about Col. Higginson and America,
and introducing Lord Houghton, who offered a very flatter
ing resolution of high consideration and admiration for
Col. Higginson as a scholar, writer and reformer, which he
supported in a neat speech of commendation. He was fol
lowed by Mr. Pollock, son of Sir Francis Pollock, who seconded
the resolution and also made a speech. Then the Hon. Dudley
Campbell spoke very beautifully of his visit to America and
Col. Higginson's kindness and attention to him there. The
Chairman followed with some of his pleasant reminiscences.
During all this time, Wentworth's head kept falling lower and
lower, till it seemed almost as if it would go out of sight ; but
when Mr. Hughes had put the motion and the resolution was
carried, he rose up so grandly and spoke so well and yet so
modestly and at the same time so much more fluently than the
Englishmen, that we Americans held up our heads with pride
and gratification.
"^Ir. Smalley told us that Mr. Phillips had written to him
and consigned us to his care."
[From a draft]
"London, 6th mo., 24.th, 1872. Hon. Seth Padelford,
Governor of Rhode Island. Respected Sir: I learn, with re
gret, that you have given me, for this year, an appointment
on the Board of Lady Visitors to the Penal and Correctional
Institutions of the State. I hasten to say that, while thank
ing you for the confidence in me thus expressed, I must re
spectfully decline the appointment, because, being absent
from the country, I cannot perform its duties.
"I have visited prisons in Ireland. I expect to do so in
England, and hope to in France and Germany.
"When I return home, if the State desires my services in
any way in which I can be useful, they are at its disposal."
[10]

THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON

This resignation was not accepted and Mrs. Chace was
continued as a member of the board.
Thomas Hughes to Mrs. Chace
"June 24.. I find I shall not be able to be at the House
tomorrow, so trust that you may find Thursday as convenient
a day. "I can meet you on that day at any time you like to name,
at the door of Westminster Hall. Will you let me have a line
to say whether this change will suit you, or if not, what other
day and hour (naming several,) will. I hope you and the
young ladies enjoyed the Temple Church."
"Mr. AUingham we knew was a poet and that was all.
He questioned us, especially the girls, about literary matters
on which we were particularly ignorant ; and we were mortified
to be obliged to confess. But afterwards he proved very
genial and gave us much valuable information. Mr. Conway
has since told us that he is a friend of Tennyson's and one of
Carlyle's companions."
"6th mo., 27th. Mr. AUingham came to see us. After
dinner, we had a feast of strawberries, of our own providing.
He is a bachelor of about thirty-five. He told us a great deal
about Carlyle, Browning, Dickens and Tennyson, and invited
us all to be his guests for tea at the Kensington Museum next
7th day evening. Isn't that English.'' They can't go any
where or do anything but they must eat and drink.
"In the afternoon Clara, Mary and I went to the House
of Commons, where the talisman of Tom Hughes' name
(everybody calls him 'Tom') opened to us the door of a dark
cubby-hole at the top of the House, where is room for forty
or fifty women to look down on the Legislators, through a
heavy grating, and hear as much of the speaking as they can.
We heard them on the land question.
[11]

" Thursday afternoon, Mr. Hughes himself was kind enough
to escort us over the Parliament House. He gave us a peep
into the House of Lords where the Royal High Commission
was sitting to give the Royal assent to bills which had passed
the Houses. The Lord High Chancellor sat in front of the
throne, and opposite him stood the speaker of the House of
Commons. A clerk would announce the bill, the Chancellor
would give the Royal assent and another clerk would say,
*La reine le veut.' Lillie asked Mr. Hughes, 'Why do they
announce the assent in French.?' and he said, 'Why they did
so in the days of the Plantagenets and we never change any
thing.' We were at the entrance to the Hall which the Lords
pass through on the way to their H-ouse, and Lillie asked, 'Is
that a real, live Lord.?' Mr. H. replied, 'I think so, he looks
foolish enough.'
"Then we went to the door of the House of Commons and
heard Gladstone speak. He is older looking than I thought
and did not come up to my imagination, which had pictured
him as very noble looking."
Mrs. Chace was a delegate to the Prison Congress held that
summer in London. Much allusion to her official connection
with this Congress can be found in both print and manuscript,
yet, oddly enough, neither written word nor the recollection
of any person who has been consulted furnishes positive evi
dence what body she there represented as delegate. Probably,
however, she was chosen in virtue, not only of her character,
but of her membership in the Rhode Island Board of Lady
Visitors. "7th mo., 7th. Fourth-day morning the Prison Congress
commenced with the Earl of Carnarvon as chairman and Lord
this and Sir that and the other as speakers, and having started
with eclat, it went to work the next morning in earnest, with
[12]

Dr. Wines of New York as temporary chairman, and with a
program all laid out by the executive committee. Russia,
Germany, Austria, Holland, Belgium and France have their
representatives, as weU as most of the northern and middle
states of our Union, and various societies in England. All
men from the continent; a few women from the societies in
England and nine women delegates from America.
"Only delegates can take any part in the proceedings and
no others can get in at all except by tickets obtained either
by favor to the delegates for their friends, or by the payment
of one guinea, except correspondents of newspapers. Most
of the continental delegates speak in French and then it is
translated into English; one or two in German, and then it
is translated into French and English. The European dele
gates are thoughtful, earnest, enlightened men, far in advance
of the Englishmen intellectually and in their ideas of the
treatment of prisoners. We have had two very exciting de
bates on the use of corporal punishment in prisons ; in which
the Englishmen with one exception defended it and claimed
that it was indispensable ; the Europeans with one exception,
declared against it and the few Americans who spoke were also
against. Some of us women were terribly stirred by the in
human assertions of the English; Mrs. Lucas, Mrs. Howe,
myself and some others. I said a few words, Mrs. Howe spoke
better than I ever heard her, equal to Mrs. Livermore, in her
handling of a flogging English prison governor of thirty
years' standing. We were cheered by the foreigners tremen
dously and by all good Englishmen and women and our folks.
And we made many friends among the foreigners. One gentle
man from Belgium, whose speeches particularly please us,
shakes hands with me and talks to me in the most enthusiastic
manner, in French; to which I can only smile in reply, and
when I said, 'Can you speak English.?' he replied, 'Ver poor!

ver poor!' "

[13]

In her Reminiscences Julia Ward Howe says :
"As well as I can remember, each day of the Congress had
its own president, and not the least interesting of these days
was that on which Cardinal Manning presided. I remember
well his domed forehead and pale, transparent complexion,
telling unmistakably of his ascetic life. He was obviously
much interested in Prison Reform, and well cognizant of its
progress. . . . At this meeting, the question of flogging prison
ers came up, and a rather brutal jailor of the old school told
an anecdote of a refractorj' prisoner who had been easily
reduced to obedience by this summary method. His rough
words stirred my heart within me. I felt that I must speak ;
and Mrs. Chace kindly arose, and said to the presiding ofl5cer,
'I beg that Mrs. Julia Ward Howe, of Boston, may be heard
before this debate is closed.' Leave being given, I stood up
and said my say, arguing earnestly that no man could be made
better by being degraded."
"7th mo., 7th. Yesterday morning, the chairman (an
Englishman) announced that Mr. Thomas Bruce, Home Sec
retary of Her Majesty's Government, would come in and
address the Congress ; which announcement was received with
applause. After a while, he announced that he [the Home
Secretary] was now in the Ante-room and would soon come
in. After another while, he entered amid more applause, and
then he spoke, assuring us that Her Majesty's Government,
although it decided to take no direct part in this affair,
because it was not the custom, still was not indifferent to its
proceedings but watched them with interest, and was ready
to afford every facility to give us information, etc., etc. The
chairman followed in great thankfulness, for this condescen
sion on the part of Her Majesty's Government, and soon
announced that the Home Secretary would now retire, the
people mostly rising and standing as he did so. I did not ;
[14]

some other Americans did not but I think some did. Yester
day at the close of the afternoon session. Dr. Wines requested
the American delegates to withdraw to a corner, so we did,
only two women, Mrs. Howe and myself, being then present.
Then he stated that on Tuesday evening next, all the foreign
delegates are invited to a soiree in the Hall, where in addition
to the usual social enjoj'ment, the Prince of Wales is to come
to receive the introductions of the foreign delegates. 'Of
course,' said Dr. Wines, 'all the American delegates cannot
be introduced to His Royal Highness, and what I have to
propose is, that the delegates should select ten of their num
ber to be presented to His Royal Highness.' A man who
stood behind me, with a frank, honest face, said bluntly, 'You
may strike my name off, to begin with,' and something like
'I don't want anything of Princes.'
"Then Aaron Powell said he should like to be left off. It
was decided that Dr. W^ines and two others should pick out
the ten. We were all previously engaged for that evening,
so I said nothing."
"I went all day to the [Prison] Congress, and then went
home to dress for the party at Mrs. McLaren's. I wore my
brown silk, (of which I had fortunately brought the two or
three yards I had left, with which, and some fringe, a London
dressmaker made it from a plain, to a handsomely trimmed,
gown,) and the head-dress I wore at your wedding.
" We were met by a gentleman waiter who delivered us over
to two handmaidens. As soon as we had put off our shawls,
we were asked would we take tea or coffee.
"A waiter preceded us to the drawing-room and announced
'Mrs. Chace and daughters.' Mrs. Lucas then introduced
me to her sister Mrs. McLaren. The rooms were soon quite
filled. It is not customary to introduce people much, but
Mrs. Lucas and her sister took great pains to introduce us.
"I had most conversation with a Mr. Shane, a lawyer, who
[15]

told me he had been a teetotaller for thirty years. He is a
republican and sick of all this homage to Royalty.
"After supper, Mrs. McLaren called the company to order
and introduced Mrs. Howe, who spoke very nicely on 'Peace.'
The girls had a deal of fun at not always being able to dis
tinguish the elegantly dressed young men who were waiters
from the equally elegantly dressed young men who were
guests. "Lillie got acquainted with Mrs. Justin McCarthy, who
invited us to tea the next evening.
"The young gentlemen (not waiters) attended us to cabs
and we went home.
"That was the evening when the Prison Congress had a
soiree, at Middle Temple Hall, where was the Prince of Wales,
and we had thought some of leaving Mrs. McLaren's early,
and looking in on it, but there were some things about it
which disgusted us and we wouldn't go. The truth is, the
Prison Congress is a grand affair and will do a world of good,
but there has been an awful sight of toadying in connection
with it. Most of the European delegates are Counts and
Barons and altogether a good many folks have made fools
of themselves one way or another."
"Everybody seems to like the girls, and I have not been
ashamed of them anywhere. For my part, I am content to
be known always, as what I am, a plain American woman."
"The next morning I got up early. I had been promised
that the question of women's work in prisons should come up
on Friday, and I should have a chance to present the ques
tion of appointing women on the Boards of Inspectors, so I
had a paper to finish and thought I'd better do it that morn
ing and get it off my mind. So I wrote it all to my satisfac
tion and went, rather late, to the morning meeting where they
were discussing Juvenile Reformatories. Just before the
[16]

recess, the Chairman announced that the afternoon would be
spent in reading reports from the Committees, on the discus
sions of the last two days ; that on Thursday and Friday the
Congress would divide into three sections, one to be held at
one place for the German and French members, who would
speak in their own languages, one in another place for English
and Americans to discuss comparative merits of different
penitentiary and jail systems, and one in another place under
the direction of Miss Carpenter to discuss Woman's work.
I was in despair ; because this would shut out my paper which
was especially for men to hear. So, at the recess, I told a
Liverpool magistrate what I wanted to do ; and he said he
would help me. So he went and talked with Mr. Hastings,
who is a great man here; then brought him and introduced
him to me and told him how I had crossed the ocean with this
burden on my conscience and that I could not go away satis
fied, unless I had an opportunity to lay it before the Congress ;
that I did not wish to go to a Women's meeting with it. What
I had to say was to be said to the men. He (Mr. Hastings)
said that he would see that I had a chance that afternoon,
and the Liverpool gentleman said he would look out for it.
So when the meeting opened with the Baron something in the
chair, they both went to him and he promised that as soon as
the reports were all read, he would call for me. Mrs. Howe
and two or three other women and I sat together and waited.
Mrs. Lucas, expecting it on Friday, had stayed away. The
trouble about doing any such thing is, that the work is all laid
out beforehand for every hour of each day and there are a
great many speakers and they are very unwiUing to change
anything. But, when the time came, the Baron called for my
paper very handsomely, and I went up on the platform and
read it as well as I could. They had made it a rule that
there should be no speaking that afternoon, only reading,
so Mrs. Howe, who would have spoken after me, and
[17]

Aaron Powell could not say a word; but when the Congress
adjourned a great many came and spoke to me, in approval
of the idea, among them a big English judge, a foreign count,
and most all the women present. My mind was freed and I
went home, changed my dress, and Lillie, Mary and I went
to Justin McCarthy's tea."
Justin McCarthy and his wife had recently been in America,
where they knew Marcus and Rebecca Spring, and it was in
consequence of this acquaintance that they entertained the
Chace party. Mr. McCarthy was a blond, handsome and
very agreeable man. He was interested to know what impres
sion had been made on the travelers by their j ourney through
Ireland. They told him of their talks with the peasantry,
and that it seemed to them that there was great poverty and
discontent among them. Though an Irishman, he had not
himself been in Ireland for many years. His politics were
rather revolutionary and he listened eagerly to the account
given by the Americans, who were all sympathizers with
the movement to obtain Home Rule. An Englishman who
was present at the table confirmed the statements made by
Mrs. Chace and her daughter; he said, "I was in Ireland last
year, and it seemed to me the most profoundly disaffected
country that I was ever in."
The question of the English policy towards Ireland never
after this season came very close to Mrs. Chace's considera
tion, but she retained the ideas which she then received, and
in later time, she rejoiced enthusiastically when Gladstone
joined the Home Rulers. She always admired Gladstone,
never appearing to be much influenced against him by the
recollection of his antagonistic attitude towards the United
States during our Civil War.
"Miss Carpenter came in the afternoon and told me that
in their woman's meeting, they took up my subject and passed
[18]

a resolution of endorsement and recommended the official
appointment of women."
In his Autobiography, Moncure Daniel Conway says :
"In that same month [July, 1872] Elizabeth Chace of
Rhode Island and Julia Ward Howe, delegates from America
to a Prison Congress in London, summoned a peace congress."
I can give little data additional to that in the foregoing
paragraph, and am inclined to think that although Mrs. Chace
was deeply sj'mpathetlc and somewhat cooperative with
Mrs. Howe's Peace Mission, Mr. Conway has amiably over
stated her direct agency In summoning a Peace Congress to
meet in London.
"In the evening we went by special request to spend an
hour or two at P. A. Taylor's, at Notting Hill. There we
met Mr. Shane again. They are all republicans. When
we were talking of the soiree, where the delegates were intro
duced to the Prince of Wales, Mr. Taylor said: 'We wouldn't
condescend to be Introduced to him. He's a very ordinary
young man. I am surprised how the Americans run after
royalty.' "
"Yesterday, as my mind was freed of the Congress, and
as I didn't mean to go to the great dinner to be given to the
foreign delegates, which, I had no doubt, would be a very
wine-drinking, snobbish affair, we left London on the twelve
o'clock train and came to York. After we took our seats in
the car, who should appear at the door but dear Mrs. Lucas,
who had come all the way to the King's Cross Station to see
us off, and to bring us two baskets of fruit to eat with our
luncheon. She and I have had very good times together."
Soon after leaving London, Mrs. Chace's party went to
Leeds. Everywhere in all Great Britain the letters of
[19]

Mr. Garrison and his son Frank prepared the path and made
it charming to the travelers. They took to Leeds, letters to
the family of Mr. Barran, the Mayor of the city, and to
Joseph Lupton, one of the English Abolitionists who had long
helped to support the I^iberator.
Robert Collyer, shortly before Mrs. Chace left America,
had insisted to Lillie that the party should see his mother in
Leeds. Mr. Lupton drove with them to call on the fine old
woman, who said contentedly, "Robert is a son no mother
need be ashamed of."
Mrs. Chace called on Mr. and Mrs. George Thompson, but
found that he was away from home. It was with stronger
desire to see him than anybody else that Mrs. Chace had come
to Leeds. Mr. Lupton was a man ready to act ! He tele
graphed to Mr. Thompson, who responded in a few hours by
bringing his beloA'ed and beautiful presence into the company
of the Americans ; and they gladly met the old man who had
served two nations with perfect loyalty to the best interests
of each.
He went with Mr. Lupton and Mrs. Chace's party to the
Barrans'. At the supper table, he said, "When I was In
Boston in the winter of 1850—51, we used to pass evenings
together at Mrs. Chapman's, — Garrison, Phillips, Mrs. Chap
man and I, each of us trying to say something wittier and to
tell a better story than the others did. I can imagine no social
enjoyment In Heaven that would be more perfect than were
those evenings."
"Edinburgh, 7th mo., 26, 1872. We explored Holy-rood
and all the time we were in Queen Mary's rooms, an uncon
trollable spirit of sadness overpowered me, so I wanted to
cry. "We went into the Chapel, and the keeper let a boy climb
up and get me some Ivy leaves from the window under which
[20]

poor Mary pledged her troth to Darnley. When he brought
them to me, and I thanked him heartily, he said, 'Now you
won't send soldiers over here to thrash us, will you.?' I said,
'No, and I never wanted to. I didn't approve of the "indirect
claims." ' "
Mrs. Nichols was the Elizabeth Pease who had been the
friend of Mr. and Mrs. Wendell Phillips and WlUiam Lloyd
Garrison since the World's Anti-Slavery Convention in 1840.
She called on Mrs. Chace, who described her as a pleasant,
fair-faced woman about her own age.
"I really think there is among cultivated English people
who are content with their system, and have not been in
America, a good deal of contempt for Americans. I believe
they regard us very much as we used to the 'down Easters'
from Maine. In the Prison Congress the American gentle
men who were delegates did not receive a quarter of the
courtesy shown to English and Continental delegates ; except
Mr. Chandler, ex-member of Congress from Pennsylvania,
and Dr. Wines, who was the originator of the Congress Itself.
Mrs. Howe and I were only permitted to speak because we
were women, and our speaking was a sort of curiosity. Mrs,
Lucas seemed to me, while I was in London, the most thor
oughly American of any woman I saw th6re. But the thou
sands of weak-minded, unprincipled Americans, who come over
here to make a show,will carry home a deal of rubbish, where
with to belittle our American life."
Mrs. Chace's enjoyment in Scotland was especially keen
and sweet. Everything recalled to her the poetry and romance
which she had read in her youth, before she became a reformer,
and when her spirit had felt Quakerism to be a hindrance to
its free movement, only in such an hour as that in which she
watched her father read the novel, the further perusal of
[21]

which she feared he might forbid to her. There was no one
now. In the world, to forbid anything to her fancy or desire.
"Oban, 8th mo., 1. We sailed up the river Clyde, amid
most lovely scenery. The steamer stopped often and took
on many people. It seems as though nobody stays at home
in this country except the poor. The rich nobility have so
many estates they do not seem to have real homes anywhere ;
and they just move about all the time from one place to
another. "We left the Clyde river and entered the Crinan Canal on
a little steamer; sailing nine miles and passing fifteen locks.
Little girls ran from lock to lock with cans of milk which they
sold us, at a penny a glassful.
"Every spot along the banks is so rich with the associations
of song and story that we were constantly enraptured. After
leaving the canal we took steamer and sailed along the coast
between islands to Oban. We are now in a hotel on the top
of a rocky cliff overlooking the sea.
"We intended to go to Statfa and lona today, but I was
lame and Lillie tired, and so I decided that / and Lillie
couldn't go, and if we didn't that I could not have Mary go.
Anne Vernon and Clara went this morning. INIary is disap
pointed ; Lillie Is calm, as she Is used to sacrifice, and I am
sorry all round. So here, in 'the heart of the Highlands,'
we rest and wait.
"We took the boat Chevalier for the head of the Caledonian
Canal. We had the Marquis and Marchioness of Anglesey
for fellow passengers ; she is a soft-eyed woman with the lovely
yellow hair so common in this country and so uncommon in
ours. She appeared like a sweet, sensible person. We had
on board also the Bishop of Edinburgh and his wife, and a
company of volunteer soldiers. The Captain told us they
were quarry men from Glencoe, and were the descendants of
the men who fell there in the great massacre. They were in
[22 ]

Highland costume and several of them were quite drunk.
People here do not seem to think any the worse of a man for
being drunk, if he only keeps pretty quiet.
"Our sail through the Caledonian Canal I can do no justice
to ! Ben -Cruaehan towered up with its two peaks in the dis
tance where it has not fallen ' to crush Kilchurn.' The lovely
heather charms me beyond any flower I ever saw in wildness.
All along are dropped the cottages of the peasantry, not on
roads or in neighborhoods, but separate, one In a place, some
of them very near the tops of the mountains. How the people
living in them get what we call ' comforts ' ; how they live with
no more intercourse with their kind than this life affords, and
where the children go to school were questions which disturbed
my meditations.
"I made acquaintance with the Bishop and his lady wife.
The}' told me much of the life among the natives of the Cape
of Good Hope where he was Bishop once.
"We took train the next morning from Inverness and rode
through the district of the 'Grampian hills,' where Norval's
'father fed his flocks.'
"Lillie, Mary and I went to see Mrs. Nichols after dinner
and spent two hours. Met there Miss Estlin of Bristol and
Dr. John Brown, author of 'Rab and His Friends.' "
Dr. Brown was an attractive man, but he acted as though
he could not think of much to say, until at last, reflecting
upon the fact that Mrs. Nichols' visitors were Rhode Island
ers, a conversational idea seemed to come to him, and he said:
"A Rhode Island man once sent me a book which he had
written. I can't think of his name ; it was a queer name, and
was part of the book's title. Let me see, what was it.? — Oh
yes, I have it. Chance, — that was It ; 'Chance on the Will.' "
The Americans cried out, "Hazard! Rowland Hazard; —
'Hazard on the WIU!'"
[23 ]

"London, 8th mo., 10th. WiUIam Bradford spent last
evening with us. He is riding on a high wave here and I think
he bears himself well. The Marquis of Lome and his brother
are very friendly with him. The Marquis invited him to the
Isle of Wight, where the Royal family are staying. The
Marquis and Princess Louise received him and were very
gracious to him. He was asked to stay to lunch, but declined.
When we asked him why, he said he 'didn't want to go too
far.' He is preparing a book of photographs [of Arctic
scenery] which he Is going to publish, and the Queen has con
descended to subscribe for a copy. Into hers, he is going to
insert a small painting. He is invited to spend a week at the
Castle of the Duke of Argyle, and he is going.
"Mr. Stanley Is at the Langham, and very popular, since
the British have concluded he Is not an impostor, which they
were very slow in doing. Bradford gave him a breakfast a
few days ago.
"I am getting quite interested in British politics. And
what about politics at home.? We snatch at every item of
intelligence. What a heavy load Grant has become for the
Republican party to carry ! And then Greeley and the Demo
crats ! Does thee believe he has pledged himself to carry out
their plans of paying the Rebel war debt and pensioning the
Rebel widows.?
"If I were a man, I don't know what I should do. But I
have about made up my mind that I should not vote for Grant.
I think that the idea Is a bad one that military success is a
qualification for the presidency. Do write me what thee
thinks. Read both sides, and come to a rational and con
scientious judgment. Clara's father writes strongly in favor
of Greeley. Frank Garrison says Greeley's sale of himself
to the Democrats is shameful. Sidney H. Morse looks on
from the outside and calmly smiles at the whole. ]\Ir. Cheney
has not expressed himself to us about It. But I'm a little
[24]

uneasy about him, lest he is carried away by the popular voice
in Massachusetts, and goes for Grant with all his might. So
I'm going to write and caution him. I don't want any of my
boys to go wrong."
In other letters referring to home politics Mrs. Chace ex
pressed much faith in Mr. Phillips' "statesmanship." She
spoke of reading Mr. Garrison's articles on the situation as
though she gave a deferential consideration to everything
he thought; but as to Sumner, she felt that, no matter what
he said or did, he, himself, should be spoken of and treated
with "great tenderness."
Her feeling about Sumner was the same as that of many
persons In her generation, who always remembered when they
thought of him, not only his long service to freedom, but the
fact that from the time of the assault upon him by Brooks,
he was In almost constant suffering and that he was in the
truest sense of the words a living martyr.

[25]

CHAPTER EIGHTEENTH
European Experiences ; Correspondence with Arnold
Buffum Chace Continued; Other Letters; Sails
for Home September, 1873
MRS. CHACE crossed the English channel from Folke
stone to Boulogne on August 14th, and although she
did not know it till a fortnight later, on that day her first
grandchild was born.
She proceeded directly to Paris.
" 8th mo., 1872. Last Tuesday morning we hired a carriage
for the day for Ecouen to visit Mr. Champney [James WeUs
Champney]. It was a lovely day and we drove out into the
country through one or two suburbs. When we approached
Ecouen we found our friend waiting for us just outside the
village. He jumped into our carriage, and took us to his
studio. It Is a large, high room, in an old house which,
until this year, has been the residence of his master, the
distinguished interpreter of peasant life, Edouard Frere.
Mr. Champney has the sketches for a good many fine little
pictures. He uses the people of Ecouen in their funny cos
tumes for his models. He rode with us round the village.
It was the day of conscription for the Army, so there was a
good deal of stir, flying of colors and much drinking. Ten
poor boys had been drawn that day. Then he took us to
Monsieur Frere's, a lovely new house on a hill, surrounded
by a nice garden, and Introduced us to the great artist and
his wife. They are about sixty, and seem like a very happy,
loving pair. She Is very proud of him. The house is deco
rated with the studies of the paintings he has sold. We were
[26]

admitted to the studio, and enjoyed his beautiful pictures
exceedingly. They are all scenes in peasant life, the figures
small. We were shown, what Mr. Champney said was a rare
treat, two volumes of pencil drawings of his paintings. He
has one of every painting he has made. Then we were per
mitted (of course, as a favor to Mr. Champney, who is evi
dently a great favorite with them,) to see the cross of the
Legion of Honor, presented to M. Frere by Napoleon; also
several gold medals from various societies. It was a charm
ing visit, and one we shall long remember. Then we went to
the studio of Mr. Schenck, a German animal painter, where
we were delighted with the pictures."
The party stayed only a week, this time. In Paris, but
although It was to all of them a hitherto unvisited city, it did
not seem like an abode of strangers. Mr. Champney had been
a friend since the year he came back from service in the Union
Army. They rejoiced to see the promise of his genius now
fulfilling itself. "Is he going to become an artist.?" asked
Miss Buffum, who then met him for the first time. "He is an
artist," proudly replied his older acquaintance.
Mrs. Chace's brother William with his wife Marian were
in the city, and the much separated sister and brother re
joiced to be together again. Herbert, the younger son of
Marcus and Rebecca Spring, was there too. And In the great,
sad garden of Pere la Chaise, was the grave of him who had
been "the baby" in Arnold Buffum's home. Mrs. Chace and
her daughters made their reverential pilgrimage to the rest
ing place of their kinsman, and Lillie left a pot of forget-me-
nots to bloom and, alas, to perish on the marble slab.
"Basle, 9th mo., 2nd, 1872.
"My dear fatherly boy: —
" We arrived here yesterday and found thy letters announc
ing the arrival of the grandbaby. Mary is quite displeased
[27]

because he presumed to be a boy. Lillie is at this moment
embroidering his afghan blanket and I am trying to realize
the wondrous fact that I am a grandmother ! I hope he will
live and grow finely until we get home."
It Is to be presumed that Mrs. Chace did not desire that
the baby should cease to live or even to grow finely after her
return home !
"I want to see him amazingly. Keep him warm, and carry
him out doors every day when it is pleasant."
Mrs. Chace to Mrs. Caroline Bartlett Brown
"Lucerne, 9th mo., 4-th. To neither of my sisters have I
written one word. Somehow, when I left home, it seemed
absolutely necessary that I should leave behind me as nearly
everything which had for forty years claimed my attention
as possible. My body and mind needed the rest. And It has
done me good. Whether I shall ever again take up the battle
of life with as much earnestness as I have done, is, in my
mind, somewhat uncertain. But, whether I do or not, this
change has already done something for me."
"If I had not been a teetotaller before, I think I should
be now, so disgusting to me is this everlasting drinking of
wine. Americans who come over here are assailed everywhere
by the cry that the water is unwholesome. And yet, the peo
ple who drink wine here, drink nearly as much [water] as we
do, for the wine doesn't quench thirst. I cannot help think
ing that drinking, even of this mild stimulant, does lower the
moral standard of the people of these countries; does keep
the women In their degraded condition, and does foster
licentiousness." Mrs. Chace very much enjoyed her sojourn in Switzerland;
she ascended the Wengern Alp In a chair carried by four
porters, went up the Rigi on the railroad, which was then
[28]

MARGARET BRIGHT LUCAS

new, and drove from Lucerne to Interlaken, making a two
days' trip.
She was rather terrified at Chamouni because there came
a heavy snowstorm, but It stopped and the party drove down
over the Tete Noir.
On the whole, considering her age, her mountain traveling
showed that she possessed both nerve and endurance.
Margaret Lucas to Mrs. Chace
"Bath, Sept. 26, 1872. I am spending a few weeks with
my nieces whom you met in London that memorable evening.
I have been to Plymouth, the place from whence the May
flower sailed for New England. The Social Science Congress
was held there, and it was a busy and interesting time.
Plymouth, Devonport and Stonehouse are three towns closely
united by buildings and It Is in these towns that those dreadful
Acts are established. In Devonport are large barracks. It
has been a memorable time to us, to see while there the work
ing of these acts. Vice made respectable. We held two meet
ings against them and I am glad to say made some impression.
"I have an Invitation from my nieces for you to come here,
and when I told my brother Jacob of thy disappointment in
not being introduced to him, he hoped you might meet next
spring. "Mr. Sumner Is on this side, poor man. His health seems
very broken. 'I doubt if his bitter opposition to Grant has
gained him any good."
"Strasbourg, 10th mo., 27th. We left Basle, First-day
morning at eleven (we don't prefer to travel on First-day,
but, when we have nothing else to do, we often find It con
venient, and It helps us forward just as much as any other
day). We reached Strasbourg about one o'clock. The next
morning we drove to the fortifications, over which the
Prussian Army bombarded this doomed city, making terrible
[29]

destruction. Some houses are spotted all over with patches,
where the holes made by cannon balls have been stopped up.
"As we were riding along we saw some people passing. The
lady turned and I recognized her at the same moment that
she saw me, and I exclaimed, 'There's Fanny Garrison'
[Villard]. Of course there was a rush and great rejoicing.
They are staying at Baden-Baden, and had come to Stras
bourg, where Mr. Villard has relatives, to spend the day.
They said we must go with them to Baden-Baden and we
have decided to go. Fanny is a very charming woman.
"I have had a little talk with the landlord at this hotel,
who told me what a sad time it was during the siege, which
lasted fifty days. He said there was great suffering among
the people. I said, 'Well, you like now, being under the
German Empire, don't you.?' He replied, 'No, we do not like
it, at all. We hope to get back Into France again.' "
"Dresden, 11 mo., 3rd, 1872. The Jungfrau is a beautiful
sight ! Among mountain views, it Is with me, the one which
by Itself, stands out as the most grand and impressive, the
one which took deepest hold of me. The ride over the Tete
Noir has much of solemn grandeur and great beauty and
Interest. But the Jungfrau Is by Itself. We did not merely
ride by it and pass to something else ; but we sat before it,
apparently almost within reach of It, and gazed In rapt aston
ishment on it alone. I want everybody to see It. I carry the
picture of it with me all the time, and frequently' turn my
eyes in and gaze on it. I am so glad to have seen It.
"I have given up Greeley, though at first I thought he was
the best man, and I don't believe now that he means paying
rebels or restoring slaveholding. But I fear the Democrats
have deceived him, and did mean to use him as their tool. But
I can't swallow Grant, and therefore I shall withhold mv
influence till our blessed country is ready for a better man
than either, or a woman.
[30]

"Mr. Cushing proposed we should all go to the Opera,
Fourth-day evening, and we agreed. Fourth-day afternoon
he and a young English clergyman came and read the opera
to us in English. It was Ivanhoe. Then Mrs. Cushing, the
young people, and I all went and enjoyed it very much. The
scenery was gorgeous, the acting very fine and the music
(I suppose) was excellent. What is best of all, such perform
ances begin here at half past six and close at half past nine.
" Sixth-day evening, where does thee think we went .? Why,
to the circus ! Well, the Cushings were going and proposed
for us to go. The girls wanted to ; I didn't like to have them
^o without me, and I could not bear to stay at home alone,
so, as I never went to a circus before, I went too. It was
chiefly an American company. We enjoyed It, of course.
There are objectionable features, as there are in the Opera,
which might, and ought to be, dispensed with and when the
public taste is pure enough to demand it, they will be."
"We have our breakfast and supper In our rooms, and dine
at table d'hote, a kind of dinner which I especially detest
(particularly a German one) and trust I shall never get
reconciled to."
"And now about the baby's name ; have you named it
Arnold Buffum.? I had thought of William Arnold. That
would be after his great grandfather [Mrs. Arnold B. Chace's
grandfather,] and also after thee. But you must name him
as you like, and I shall be satisfied. I am glad you did not
name him for any one who has gone to the other world. It
is especially unpleasant to me."
Mrs. Chace's reference to her feeling about naming her first
grandson, meant her objection to having a new child In the
family called b}' the name of one of her five dead sons. She
liad no aversion to the use of a remote ancestor's name.
[31]

Her letters after the birth of the junior Arnold Buffum
Chace are full of the ordinary prattle of grandmothers,
and much citation Is unnecessary, because it has the
mingled sweet inconsequence and sweet wisdom which is
familiar in every properly constituted family. She was espe
cially anxious that the "baby" should not be allowed to "take
cold," and she assured the young father that it injured the
constitution of an infant to "let it get into the habit of taking
cold." She was a trifle Spartan about one disputed method of
juvenile training, for she hoped "Its" father and mother
would not get up and walk with "It" nights.
She was sure "It" was a "dear little thing." Indeed to the
end Mrs. Chace always spoke of her grandchildren as though
she thought they were well looking and well behaved, — and
it Is probable that she really did think they were !
"Does the Division [Sons of Temperance] go on.? I am
afraid the temperance cause suffers frpm our absence. I
am sure it suffers over here in our presence. This German
beer-drinking and smoking is far worse than I had ever
imagined." "11 mo., 10th. Clara and I went to the gallery, where^
leaving everything else, we just seated ourselves before the
SIstlne ^ladonna, and wondered at its marvelous beauty and
loveliness. "Sixth-day evening we went to the Opera. It was RIenzi.
And nothing did we ever behold of artificial make so gorgeous
and wonderful. We think the company consisted of over two
hundred people."
Mrs. Chace and her party had a window looking on the
route over which the Emperor William rode, escorted by
the King of Saxony, on the occasion of the King's Golden.
Wedding. She thus describes the scene:
[32 ]

"Finally the Cavalcade came, and such waving of handker
chiefs and throwing of bouquets, and such cheering! First
came two carriages with Officers and with coachmen, and
footmen, in the King's livery, then a very large and elegant
opened carriage with the Emperor WiUiam and the King.
The Emperor, a large man with gray hair, wearing a cap
with high white plumes, and dressed In royal robes ; the King
I did not notice. The Emperor looked up at our windows
and bowed in response to our salutations. He looks able to
conquer Napoleon. Other carriages with the Crown Prince
and other men and the ladles of the Imperial Household
followed, all making a grand display. They were accom
panied by no music and no military.
"Tonight the King has an Opera to which no ladies are
admitted, and strangers only through the Intervention of
persons connected with the court."
"12th mo., 1st. The girls have this moment come In from
the Gallery, where they heard that Horace Greeley Is dead.
Well, I don't wonder at it. He has had enough abuse and
ridicule heaped upon him to kill any ordinary man. Peace to
his memory ! We all make mistakes."
"I'm glad Jonathan [Chace] is in the town council. It
will be good for him and for the town."
This notes the beginning of a political career which was
ended by resignation from the United States Senate, after
election to a second term.
"12th mo., 20th. Last night we went to the theatre to see
the play of Cinderella; it depends much on the wonderful
scenery and the magical transformations. These operas and
plays are supported by the king for the people. Of course
a temperance lecture or a labor reform lecture thrown in
[33 ]

occasionally, would be an improvement, but this Is a good
thing." Nonny was a small black and tan dog, that had belonged
to Ned.
"Do thee pet Nonny a little. She must miss us very much.
See that she has enough to eat. I wonder if she will remem
ber us when we go home. Speak to her about us. How does
she like the baby .? I have no doubt she would learn to be very
fond of him."
On her way south Mrs. Chace stopped over Sunday In
Nuremberg, and the whole party went to hear one of Wagner's
operas, largely to find out how It would seem to go to the
theatre on Sunday.
In Munich they stayed several days, where Mrs. Chace was
particularly pleased with the statues and pictures she saw In
the studios. She intended to visit Vienna, but in Innsbruck
she and Lillie were taken 111, and the party was detained
there a month, and afterwards proceeded as rapidly as they
could to Rome, where they had friends whom they were
anxious to meet.
"Munich, 1st mo., 5th, 1873. Our courier proves to be
quite a remarkable man. He has been several times in America.
In 1854 he was in Mississippi with a party of naturalists and
helped off into the state of New York twenty-two ['runaway']
slaves. During our war, he was sent, by Bismarck, to carry
over despatches which he delivered into the hands of Presi
dent Lincoln. I should like to- know what they were about."
" Rome. At last we are in the Eternal City ! Nowhere have
I been so overwhelmed with emotion. Yet Rome, as I have yet
seen it, is different from what I expected. It is much newer
and brighter than I thought. I was prepared to see every
thing look old."
[34]

"Now I have something [to tell] which may astonish thee.
Capt. Adams was very desirous the girls should go to the
masked ball, which is one of the features of the Carnival.
And they wanted to go. But, if they did, they thought I
must go too. And, on the principle on which I went to the
Circus, I consented. Capt. Adams engaged a box and he and
Mr. Cushing and we four occupied it from half past eleven
P.M. to half past two A.M. It was interesting, but I cannot
say that I thoroughly enjoyed It. For as to all these things,
I cannot keep out the question whether It is good for the
people who do it ; and neither can I avoid the responsibility
of the answer. There was very little dancing, for the theatre
became so full there was too little room. The women were all
masked, the men unmasked. Our young folks put on masks
and went down among them a little while.
"I suppose as the women are masked, such can obtain
entrance as would not be received in respectable society un
masked ; but since men, whatever their characters, may enter,
it is not necessary that they should be unknown. That was
my solution of the difference ; and as I could obtain no other
from the 'Society Man' in our party, I concluded it is the
correct one. There were a few women there who were so un
dressed that I could not but suppose that they were unfor
tunate victims of the state of society that requires the sacrifice
of a proportion of the women. So I could not but feel that
there must be a good deal of what is not good connected with
this sort of performance."
"In the afternoons we went to our balcony on the Corso
and witnessed the frivolities of the Carnival. The girls throw
confetti and receive bouquets zealously, but there is too much
of it for me ; and I cannot but feel that for a whole people to
give themselves up for so long a time to sheer nonsense, and
to be encouraged In It, is to foster the habits of Idleness and
improvidence which help to keep in degradation this ignorant
[35]

and debased people. The horse racing, with which each after
noon's revelry ends, is dreadfully cruel. Thee knows, they
attach spurs to the horses' backs, and then let them loose at
one end of the Corso, and with every step they are goaded,
and so without riders they run the length of the street. They
also attach little birds to bouquets and oranges and throw
them Into the balconies. Lillie received one and brought it
home. But it was so badly injured that It died before the
next morning. One afternoon the Princess Marguerite, wife
of the King's son, riding through the Corso, bought up all
the Imprisoned, tortured birds she saw and released them.
An effort Is making to organize a Society for the prevention
of cruelty to animals. They have lately established one in
Florence. "An American lady who has lived in Rome a long time has
established two charity schools for Italian children and is
said to be doing an excellent work. I hope to visit them."
"Naples. Capt. Adams and Mr. Cushing made aU arrange
ments for our departure and left us in the carriage just
before the train started. I tell the girls I shall never think
of traveling without young ladies. It ensures the most de
voted attention. And I get the very best of care."
"And the beggars ! Oh ! dear, it is so dreadful to turn our
faces away, but we cannot undertake to support the paupers
of Italy. I want to get hold of Victor Emmanuel and advise
him to send a man over to the United States to study our
poor-house system."
Mrs. Chace passed about two weeks in Naples and its
vicinity; she visited Sorrento and Pompeii, and ascended
Mt. Vesuvius as far as she could go in a carriage; she was
very much impressed by the beauty of the Bay of Naples,
by the volcanic grandeur of the scenery around it, and by
the revelation of antique life at Pompeii. Sorrento was the
most southern point of her European journey, and it must
[36]

be admitted that, notwithstanding the emotions indicated in
preceding sentences, her keenest one was of delight when she
started to return to Naples from Sorrento, because that was
the first stage in her homeward j ourney towards Rhode Island.
"Rome. A Danish countess and her two daughters, the
youngest a very sweet, pretty girl of nineteen, have been stay
ing at our hotel for a few weeks. While we were at Naples,
Dr. Cushing came here, and a young Italian nobleman,
Barbierl, who is intimate with him, began to spend his even
ings here in the public parlor. He was a Garibaldian, and
had suffered imprisonment, and been severely wounded. He
is now an officer in the King's Guard. He is very handsome,
and he would come into the parlor in his glittering uniform.
He noticed the beautiful young countess, and obtained an
introduction two weeks ago tonight. He Immediately fell in
love with the fair girl and from that time spent every even
ing here; and usually dined and lunched here. He lavished
his Italian courtesies on the mother and elder sister, sending
them as well as the young one bouquets, and doing everything
to please them.
"Finally, last Third-day, he proposed and was accepted
all in the parlor, before folks, in the French language, the
only one they knew in common. At dinner he ordered cham
pagne, in addition to the stuff they furnished. This party,
the Cushings and we, occupied one end of the table. So he
Invited us all to drink with him in honor of the occasion and
we had another of our frequent chances to stand by our
temperance principles."
Mrs. Chace felt much satisfaction in one thing which she
did In Rome. Edmonia Lewis was a young American woman
who had done moderately good work as a sculptor. Her
marble copy of the Young Augustus, which Mrs. Chace
purchased, seemed to all of us the best reproduction of the
[37]

original then offered by any artist in Rome. Miss Lewis was
a woman of mixed Indian, negro and white blood. She had
a childlike character and manifested eager pleasure when
Mrs. Chace took her to drive in an open carriage through
the main promenades of Rome and over the Pincian Hill.
She was especially delighted at being told by Mrs. Chace that
somebody had said it was very fitting that she should be an
artist; but as her father had been "a man of color" it would
have seemed as though she ought to have been a painter, had
it not been that her mother was a " Chipp-e-way " Indian,
and that made it natural for her to be a sculptor.
The old English writers, William and Mary Howitt, who
had been intimate friends of Mr. and Mrs. Spring, were in
Rome this year, and Mrs. Chace met them several times.
They invited her to a small evening party, where there was
a little Interesting talk about George Eliot, and Mrs. Howitt
received some information which was new to her concerning
Oliver Wendell Holmes' Romance of Elsie Venner.
"I went with Mrs. Cushing to the church of St. Stepheno,
where are forty-three fresco paintings of Christian martyr
dom. It was well enough, but I didn't much enj oy seeing the
representations. I comforted myself with thinking that as
soon as they got the power, the Christians did not think that
sort of treatment was too bad for heretics.
"We went to the Vatican for the last time, resting long in
the room of the Apollo. Isn't it a most perfect human form.?
"We did a little Roman scarf business, as we often have
done. "We visited the Pantheon, which I had not before seen by
daylight. We went down into the Roman Forum, which has
been much excavated since thee was here. Then we went to
the Colosseum. Standing inside, and looking through the
arches to the fields beyond, we saw many lovely pictures, —
one of Italian soldiers in linen uniforms going through their
[38]

maneuvers, with greenness all about them. We afterwards
drove around this most interesting of all these wondrous
ruins, to which I was so sorry to bid adieu.
"We drove back and over Monte Pincio, where we never
tire. Does thee remember the busts arranged along the sides
of this winding road.? The new Government has taken away
those of Church dignitaries and substituted busts of repub
licans and liberals.
"We went with Dr. and Mrs. Cushing to Story's Studio,
and repeated our admiration of his statues.
"What I was more sorry to leave than anything else in
Rome, was the ruins. Next to these, the fountains. Can thee
ever forget the two In front of St. Peter's? I was so sorry
to see them for the last time, — and the grand one of Trevi!
And all the others."
"Last First-day a crowd of 'clericals' were issuing from
the Church of the Jesuits, after listening to exciting appeals
against the government, when seeing two or three young
liberals near, they commenced insulting them. The colonel of
the King's Guard, hearing there was a disturbance requested
his Lieutenant, our young friend Barbierl, to go and attend
to it. He was out of uniform and unarmed. He went and
finding they had come to blows, and one of the leaders of the
'clericals' had a 'slung shot,' he wrested the weapon from
him and dealt him severe blows with it and received in return
a wound on the head and a sword thrust in the side, which
was only prevented from going deep by a leather belt he wore.
He and the other liberal leaders and also the 'clerical' leaders
were arrested by the civil authorities. The one, however,
whom he had struck was carried to the hospital. In the
morning Barbierl was examined; his colonel testified to his
having sent him, and was reprimanded by the judge for
sending him ununlformed and unarmed, and he was discharged.
He came to our table looking dilapidated and pretty solemn.
[39]

If the man he had beaten died, he would be quite melancholy
but if he lived, he should want to kill him in a duel.
"All the week before he had been passing a medical exami
nation, and after a severe trial with his competitors, he had
won two of the first prizes. At the same time he was hoping
every day to go to Naples, to join his betrothed who was
awaiting him there.
"This night he came to dinner but ate almost nothing and
talked much In Italian with his friend Dr. Cushing. After
dinner, we told him that we were going in the morning. He
refused to bid us good-bye, and said he would give himself
the honor of seeing us in the morning. When he was gone.
Dr. Cushing told us that the editor of a 'clerical' paper, a
certain marquis, had denounced Barbierl as a 'brigand,'
for his part in the proceedings of Sunday. Whereupon his
colonel told him that he must challenge the marquis and if
he didn't he would be disgraced before the army. So this
young man, the victim of this terrible system, had sent his
challenge and unless the marquis apologized, the duel must
come off at half past six the next morning. So we were very
much excited.
"If it were settled amicably that evening we were not to
hear from him ; if not he was to come to Dr. Cushing's room
and write a farewell letter to Julie. In the meantime we
talked of duelling. Finally we went to bed, but most of us
could not sleep. We rose early, had our breakfast and went
to the train. Lieutenant Barbierl suddenly came rushing up
to see us off; his general having had him arrested the night
before to prevent the duel, of which he did not approve. So
he was saved that time ; but so rapidly reads his history that
he may be In some new trouble by now."
The simple truth is, that although Mrs. Chace did not in
the least modify her principles to suit the occasion, she did
look at the starry-eyed, shy Danish girl and perhaps even
[40]

more at the beautiful Italian boy with a maternal tenderness
for their physical grace, and their young romance, and she
realized a little more than might have been expected of her,
that theirs had been a mental and social training so different
from that of New England, that it did not Imply anything
very wrong in them to Uave a code which permitted much
that was wholly wrong to her. The Countess Julie, during
her fortnight of acquaintance with Barbierl, had asked him
to promise her that he would not fight duels, and he had
promised that he would not enter into a deadly quarrel unless
his country's honor was involved. He considered that that
honor was Involved in this political affair. Mrs: Chace actu
ally understood, although she did not approve, and she
realized the moral effect of such environment as had made it
occur to the little Countess to ask for such a promise from
a new acquaintance like her lover. What daughter of New
England would have deemed It necessary to ask such a pledge
of a Bostonlan lover.? So, also, Mrs. Chace merely listened
without unsympathetic comment when Barbierl said: "I am
not a good Catholic, but I shall never be anything but a
Catholic. The man who changes his religion is to me like the
soldier who breaks his oath of allegiance."
She knew the difference, but still seemed to . comprehend
why he did not. Moreover, her own objection to Romish
Catholicism was undoubtedly satisfied by his Garibaldian
aversion to the extreme papal claims ; and she was not ill
pleased by a scornful tone In the young fellow's voice, when
in answer to her inquiry about Victor Emmanuel's religious
attitude, he said: "Oh the king! When he is well he laughs
at the Church and cares nothing for its rules. When he is
sick, he sends for a priest!"
"Florence, ith mo., 13th, 1873. We visited the UflSzi
gaUery. I, who admire Correggio's Madonnas, was pleased
[41]

with the one In the Tribune ; and more stIU by Andrea Del
Sarto's Holy Family, just back of the Venus di Medici,
which I don't admire, although the form is beautiful. After
lunch, we went to the PIttI Palace. No copies do any justice
to the Madonna of the Chair.
"Marble, which is really worth having. Is very expensive.
I shall not order any at present. Franklin Simmons, our
R. I. sculptor, has a beautiful figure representing Milton's
Abdiel, when he turned his back on his comrades and was
'faithful found among the faithless.' It is well conceived and
it did so take me that I could hardly leave it."
" 4-th mo., 19th. Second-day we took a drive in the suburbs
and visited the beautiful English cemetery, where lie the
mortal remains of dear Theodore Parker, over whose grave
we lingered, loth to leave, feeling that we were on consecrated
ground. "Third-day Mary and I started for Pisa. Arriving there
we took a carriage to the tower. It didn't fall on me but It
overwhelmed me ! I don't think the pictures of It give one
any Idea of its size or its Inclination. Why, I just sat down
on the cathedral steps opposite and riveted my gaze upon it.
I could not avoid a sort of feeling that it was actually falling.
We had entered the cathedral previously where a priest was
declaiming to a large audience in such violent tones, that I
could not help thinking he was denouncing the government.
"The next morning, I chose to rest. In the afternoon, we
all went, by invitation, to take tea with Mrs. Putnam,
Sarah Remond and Miss Sargent. We had a fine visit.
Sarah Remond is a remarkable woman and by indomitable
energy and perseverance Is winning a fine position in Florence
as a physician, and also socially ; although she says Americans
have used their influence to prevent her, by bringing their
hateful prejudices over here. If one tenth of the American
women who travel in Europe were as noble and elegant as she
[42]

is, we shouldn't have to blush for our countrywomen as often
as we do."
"Venice, ith mo., 26th. We left Bologna in the rain, and
arrived in this fair spot about five o'clock.
"Yesterday morning, being the Feast of St. Mark, we all
went to High Mass in the Cathedral, and heard beautiful
music, besides seeing the performance, and looking on the
crowd. Then we went out, and returning home, found we
had had callers. The night we stayed at Perugia, we met, at
our hotel, an English artist and his sister, two very sensible
and agreeable young people ; and it so happened that we got
a little acquainted with them. They knew the Howitts, and
one way and another we talked together. Then at Florence,
we met them in Galleries and on the street, and finally got
to shaking hands with them.
"At Bologna the day we left, whom should we see at break
fast, but this same brother and sister.? By this time, they
seemed like old acquaintances. We were coming away, how
ever, and they did not expect to reach Venice till after we
would get away, but we all hoped to meet some time and
we exchanged cards.
"Well, yesterday, we being all out, but Clara, they called
here, having come to Venice sooner than they anticipated.
They invited us all to go In the evening with them. So we
went and the young man was very entertaining, having none
of the disagreeable English ways. We sailed about on the
star-lit water of the Adriatic ; and our young man sang to
us. When he was tired, Lillie and Mary repeated Whittier.-
"I have made up my mind what thee better let me get for
thee in London instead of a painting or a piece of marble.
And that Is a microscope which will cost two hundred or
two hundred and fifty dollars. Such an instrument is a never
failing source of amusement, and if I were thee I should rather
have it than a painting."
[43]

"5th mo., 8th. In MUan, we visited the picture gallery in
company with Mr. Clifford, the artist, and his sister. It is
worth something to look at pictures with an artist.
"Last evening we had a very interesting time, discussing
American literature with some pleasant English people,
among them our friends the Cliffords.
"Young Clifford, who is very intelligent on all subjects.
Is Interested in republicanism, and says he should like to go
to America and study the democratic system, though he
thinks in some respects It has proved a failure In our country,
because of the venality of our elections. I told him we could
manage our democratic system better, if they did not send
so many people to help us, or. If those they did send were of
a better class.
"In one of thy letters, thee speaks of the society we are
enjoying and really. It is one of the most delightful features
of our European experience. I enjoy It exceedingly, and it
is giving the girls a culture and polish which will enrich all
their future lives. At the same time. It Is taking from them
none of their naturalness, and does in no degree shake their
principles. While they are improving In manners and in con
versation, acquiring an ease and grace which is very becom
ing, they are. If possible, more strongly American than ever."
"I wonder if the people In our mills did strike on the first
of May. It would certainly be very ungrateful, but that we
must expect from Ignorant people, and after all. If they only
cut down to ten hours everywhere, perhaps it will be just as
well, and who knows but ten hours Is as long as people should
work continuously. I do believe that some system of coopera
tion must, erelong, be adopted, by which the operatives can
be made to feel that they are working for themselves, and
have an Interest in the success of the business."
[44 ]

Mrs. Chace and her party stopped at Nice, intending to
remain but a few days. Mary was taken dangerously ill there
and was at one time not expected to live more than an hour
or two. They were forced to stay several weeks.
"Nice. The darling Is now very comfortable. She sends
her love and says, 'tell him, I am more than ever like a potato
vine that grew in the dark.' Except for a very few days
when she was the lowest, she has never ceased to say her bright
and witty things.
"While our angel has been so 111, I could not keep up the
epistolary diary. The girls go out driving nearly every day ;
and I go when I am not too anxious to leave Mary for an
hour. She begs me to go. She Is just as unselfish as when
she is well and is all the time caring for the rest of us, lest we
get iU."
This illness of Mary's resulted in a change In Mrs. Chace's
attitude toward physicians. She wrote during the days of
anxiety :
"I shall attribute her recovery to the extraordinary skill-
fulness of these European physicians, and their thoroughness
in all their examinations, and their extreme watchfulness of
every symptom. I never saw anything like It."
The party came to Paris when Mary could be moved.
Mrs. Chace took the doctor who had been in attendance from
Nice to Paris, lest accident or renewed illness should occur,
but none did.
Just as Mary had become able to go about freely, Horace
R. Cheney arrived in Paris, attached himself to the party,
and j oined it again in London.
But the mother, all this while, had her sorrowful thought
mingled with her j oy in Mary's springing life. She wrote to
Arnold that she believed "Sam and Eddie" might have been
[45]

saved from their early deaths, could they have had in the
critical hours such medical care as had been given to Mary.
Mrs. Chace had hitherto been under the influence of the
theorist who regarded food almost as the source of disease,
and both Sam and Ned in their illnesses had been treated
according to the starvation method. In her later years,
she seldom spoke of It, and when she did it was without bitter
ness, but she did admit that she had come to believe that this
denial of adequate nourishment had turned the scale and
taken away, at least from Sam, any chance for recovery.
"London, 8th mo., 20th. Day before yesterday Mr. Clif
ford took us to the house of the Hon. Cowper Temple who
has about half a dozen of his paintings ; then to two other
houses where were also some of his pictures. They are very
pretty, — portraits and groups of figures. He came last
evening and took us to Christy's Minstrels! I was not very
much pleased, though It was quite amusing and not very bad."
Margaret Clifford to Mrs. Chace
" 1 Highberry Place,
Kingsdown, Sept. 2nd, 1873.
"We are all disappointed that you are not coming to
Bristol, and I, of course, especially so. I fear that I shall
never go to America, but if ever I do, I suppose that one of
my chief pleasures will be to come and see you In your own
home. ^
"I think that perhaps the English will give themselves the
chance to become a Republic some day. I used to dread it,
but I am more reconciled to it now, and believe that whatever
comes It will be good for Old England. I cannot help think
ing that there are too many good and wise people among us
for wickedness and folly to be uppermost, at least I trust
so, but the English character is different from the American
and I do not know how far our people are to be trusted with
[46]

power. I wonder If you think us ripe for it yet.? I fear that
our Poor are inclined to be unreasonable and discontented,
and our Rich unreasonable and tyrannical.
"I wonder if you have many institutions like the one where
I teach.? It is called a Preventive Mission. It Is voluntary
and intended for girls who are little cared for at home or
who would be likely to fall into temptations, but any poor
girl may come if she Is not bad enough to hurt the others by
her company. They are kept a few months and trained a
little and taught to read and write, and then situations are
found for them, where they can earn about 1/6 a week and
there are free lodgings where they stay when they leave their
situations. "I believe that it is most useful and helps on many girls
when they are just getting old enough to be In mischief."
"Fifth-day we went to the National Gallery, and had a
good time. I like Turner's paintings very much and there
are some beautiful Claude Lorraine's. I begin to feel as
though I shall miss picture galleries when I get home. We
had Mr. Clifford with us to show us the best and talk to us
about them, and that helps us to enj oy them.
"Yesterday Mr. Clifford went with me through 'Seven
Dials' and 'Church Lane,' which is as bad as anywhere that
a cab can go. We stopped before a house where lives a young
man, whom Mr. Clifford has had for a model and In whom he
has taken much interest. A crowd of fifty or more women
and boys and children coUected round us as though they had
never seen any decent people before. Mr. Clifford said we
should not have been safe if James (the model) had not been
there to protect us. As It was we got away unmolested.
But oh! the multitude of poor, miserable children was sick
ening to behold. And aU this right in the heart of the city !
"A cousin of Mr. CKfford's, at whose place of business we
called to inquire about streets too narrow for the cab, told
[47]

us by no means to enter them without two policemen, for we
would not be safe. The people he said 'would tear every
article of clothing off you.'
"I went with Mr. Bradford to hear Spurgeon. I could see
where, with those who believe as he does, lies his great power.
But to me his sermon was a bundle of irrational inconsisten
cies ; [yet] I doubt not he is doing some good.
"Fifth-day evening we went to the theatre. The play was
Wilkie Collins' 'New Magdalen,' — and it was the best sermon
I have heard In London.
"Mr. Clifford likes the girls collectively."
The party did comparatively little sightseeing during this,
their third and last stay in London, but Mrs. Chace visited
the Dore gallery which she had seen the previous year, and she
wrote that she was not now so much Impressed by the paint
ings as she had then been. "I suppose," she said, "it is be
cause I have seen so many better paintings since." Once
before, from Munich she wrote, speaking of Voltz's pictures,
"I have learned the difference between pretty good and very
good, and these belong to the latter class."
Mrs. Chace stayed at the Langham Hotel, in these final
weeks In London. James H. Chace was there, with his wife
and daughter ; WlUiam Bradford had a large studio on the
ground floor, and both the Chace parties used it as their
sitting room, passing there enchanting evenings among his
paintings of Labrador scenery. To go from London streets
thus In among circling, rose-hued, yet unfrozen icebergs did
indeed seem to them like entering into all the wonders of
Aladdin's cave.
Mr. and Mrs. Conway, faithful, courteous and kindly as
ever, sought Mrs. Chace again, and Invited her and the others,
including Horace R. Cheney, to a supper and charade party.
Mr. Conway also introduced Mrs. Chace one evening to some
young Hindus whom she was very much interested to meet.
[48]

LILLIE BUFFUM (.'HACK, 1873
From Clifford's portrait

Mrs. Chace sailed for home on the Algeria, leaving Liver
pool September thirteenth. Mr. Joseph Lupton came from
Leeds to see her off,and introduced the party to Wilkie Collins,
who was a fellow-passenger who proved to be a very agree
able acquaintance. One touching incident occurred during
the last hours in Liverpool. George Thompson appeared
there, quite unheralded, — he had come from Leeds to bid
his friends good-by, — but he seemed a little dazed, and they
feared some harm would happen to him on his return j ourney.
"Oh, I will take care of him," Mr. Lupton assured them.
The good-bys were spoken, and then faded from the vision
of his friends the "old majesty" of George Thompson, whose
step upon American soil forty years before had shaken the
continent.

[49]

CHAPTER NINETEENTH
Return Home; Free Religious Association, and the
Society in Providence; Marriage of Mary Chace to
Horace R. Cheney; Personal and Family Topics;
Connection with Mrs. Howe and the Association foe
the Advancement of Women ; Letters from T. W.
Higginson ; Winter in Boston ; Illness ; Renewed
Work for the Wards of the State ; Temporary Re
tirement from Board of Lady Visitors ; Return to It ;
Correspondence with John Weiss.
THE letters and extracts from letters by Mrs. Chace to
periodicals have been taken from printed slips which
she preserved. Some of them had appeared In various papers
of which I have, now, no knowledge, but most of them were
published in the Providence Journal. The dates were some
times lacking from these slips, nor was the name of the paper
in which each had been printed always there. Effort has been
made to place these extracts with chronological accuracy,
and to refer them correctly to their periodical source, but it
has not been deemed necessary to verify such effort by hunt
ing over newspaper files.
The first few weeks after Mrs. Chace returned from her
European trip were spent In preparing the Homestead for
renewed occupancy. During this period jNlary became en
gaged to Horace R. Cheney, and the mother was supremely
contented in the betrothal.
The sojourn abroad had not taken from Mrs. Chace any
of her Interest in reformatory matters, and she was soon
busily engaged again.
[50]

Rev. Augustus Woodbury to Mrs. Chace
"Jan. 13, 187 Jf.. I gratefully acknowledge the receipt of
ten doUars, in aid of the two colored students in Brown Uni
versity. Yes, the time wIU come for women, by and by. Think
of ten years ago — and now, and thank God for the good
which has been accomplished."
The National Free Religious Association was formed in
Boston on May 30th, 1867. Octavius Brooks Frothlngham
was chosen president and twenty-three persons signified their
desire to become members. The Association reports give
their names apparently In the order of their offered adhesion
on that day. Ralph Waldo Emerson's name stands first and
Elizabeth B. Chace's fifth in the list. She was elected Vice-
President of this National Association in May, 1881.
An effort to form' a local Free Religious Society in Provi
dence began while Mrs. Chace was In Europe, Dr. William
Francis Channing, Dr. Lucius F. C. Garvin, Arnold B. Chace
and others cooperating In the endeavor. In January and
February of 1874 this movement took definite shape.
Mrs. Chace assisted and directed, several conferences were
held and a Society was formed.
William F. Channing to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, January 2Ji,th, 187 4- Dr. Garvin called upon
me a year ago and I was quite Interested by his discriminating
liberalism and earnestness. I am engaged to take my whole
family (baby excepted) to the Philharmonic concert on Mon
day evening, and cannot, therefore, attend the proposed
meeting, as I otherwise would. I will do everything in my
power to help the movement, but that will not include much
money, as all the people who owe me money can't pay this
winter, while all to whom I owe money expect me to pay. I
[51]

am therefore living on faith and credit, which is next to the
celebrated chameleon diet.
"I heard yesterday that Mr. Weiss was dangerously ill
with pleurisy. If so he cannot lecture on Shakespeare. But
if otherwise, I should like to inform Mrs. Hart, who is in doubt
about continuing to sell tickets.
"I hope thee will be able to make an early visit to Mr.
Rein's room, as he has the best pictures which have been in
Providence for many years, and they have begun to go off
rather fast."
Mrs. Chace was a member of the Committee appointed to
draw up the Constitution for the Providence Free Religious
Society, and she was for many succeeding years a zealous
member of its congregation, over which Frederic A. Hinck
ley was finally settled as minister. He became an intimate
friend of hers, cooperating with her especially In her Woman
Suffrage work, and although he went a little farther than she
did in Labor Reform, she sympathized with him largely in
that, and rej olced when he received some official appointment
In relation to the labor problems which concerned Rhode
Island manufacturers very closely.
On May 5th, 1874, Mary Chace was married to Horace R.
Cheney, who was then practicing law in Boston.
Amasa M. Eaton to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, May 29, 1874-. I introduced the BiU to
appoint six women members of the State Board of Charities,
which you sent me, and it was referred to the Committee on
Education. We considered the matter in Committee, and
decided to leave it untU January, to be fortified, if possible,
by the favorable opinion of the members of the present Board,
and of the Board of Female Visitors. Can you get this for
us by next January.?"
[52]

L. B. C. to Mrs. Chace
"Newport, June 11, 187 4-. How does my own Mother do,
and why doesn't she write to me and tell me to keep warm,
and not to get drowned.? I haven't been drowned at all yet,
nor Clara either.
" Col. Higginson has not made himself visible. I think it is
real shabby of him.
" Why don't thee let me know who stays with thee .? I should
have been worried about thee, for fear Cousin M. did not
come, only I was morally certain that nothing would induce
thee to stay over night in the house with only the girls.
"Clara is anxious for me to tell thee that we have not yet
needed our linen dresses to wear boating with Col. H !
"I want to see the baby [A. B. C, Jr.] ever so much. Little
darling, he seems somehow like a message sent to me from
those who are gone, and to claim from me the love due to
them as well as to himself.
"Yearly Meeting begins tomorrow. I shall try to get to
the hotel sometime and see who is there, and perhaps I'll
make Clara sit through a meeting. Dr. Channing wrote to
Mr. Whittier and asked him to come here during Yearly
Meeting, but the poet writes he is too sick to come to Newport
at all. Would it not have been lovely, if he had been here
when we were ! Dr. Channing told him we were to be here,
as If that would be an Inducement ! Weren't we flattered !
"Please give my love to everybody, but take a rather large
proportion for thyself, and save some asparagus till we get
home, and don't pull up my flowers when the garden is
weeded, and don't harbor evil thoughts about me."
Amasa M. Eaton to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, June 26, 1874-. I agree with you that Mr.
Higginson would be an fionor to our State, and to the Senate,
but is it possible to get him there .?
[53]

"Although I do not think Burnside is a great man, I think
he Is honest, sincere and a gentleman. And he is so universally
loved for his many kind deeds that I think he would have more
influence In Washington, even if only silently, than many a
greater man.
"Should Burnside withdraw I hope Higginson or 
may become candidates. But I should prefer to have a New
port man elected three years hence, in place of Anthony."
Sometime In the summer, Mrs. Chace took, with me, a.
carriage trip to visit Mr. and Mrs. Horace R. Cheney, at
WInthrop, Massachusetts. It was during an interregnum
in Mrs. Chace's stable service, and not a coachman, but
James Whipple drove for her. He was a Rhode Island
Whipple, a sturdy, high-hearted, strong-handed, noble Yankee
villager. He had been teamster for H. & S. B. Chace or the-
Valley Falls Co. for thirty or more years. Back and forth
over the road between Valley Falls and Providence, he had
driven the great teams drawn by four horses and loaded with
cotton or with cloth. He had reigned as monarch by divine-
right In the "Company's" big barn. He was a large, power
ful, magnificent-looking old man.
When Ned Chace died, James Whipple spoke from his
tender, puzzled heart, and said :
"Why should he die, a young fellow like him, and I live.?
'Tain't much, just to drive a team of horses through the
world." It was as a neighborly service, though probably a recom
pensed one, that he drove Mrs. Chace's party on this trip
across the rural lands of Massachusetts to the seaside village
of WInthrop. A curious incident Illustrating the peculiari
ties of caste distinction occurred on the journey. Mrs. Chace
had her waiting maid with her, a nice, young Irish girl named 1
[54]

Isabel. The carriage was a two-seated phaeton. Isabel
naturally sat on the front seat beside the driver. The party
stopped over night at a wayside tavern. James Whipple
attended to the proper stabling of the horses. Isabel accom
panied us to our rooms. Mrs. Chace tactfully managed the
matter concerning which "James" had probably never had
a thought. She and I and he met and went together to the
supper table. After we had seated ourselves the fine old
gentleman asked simply, "Why, where is Isabel.?" Some
response indefinitely expressed was made, for we were half
abashed by his unconscious and superior nobility.
Mr. Whipple once told Mrs. Chace that he had grown
tired of the heavy teaming work, and would like to take charge,
instead, of her barn, and to drive for her.
"No," she said to me, "he does not realize what such work
would mean to him, in many ways. It would put him with
other coachmen. He would not like that part of it, and it is
not best for him to do it."
She never made any marked effort to change the social
status of the servant class ; she herself liked the personal
remoteness of acknowledged superiority In station, but she
would not let her old village neighbor unwittingly and in her
service get into a position which he might grow to feel was
inferior to that which he had held among his comrades. She
detested livery and never put upon her service staff the least
approach to a wardrobe badge. To the Joe Collet, of whom
mention has been made, she said, "Don't you ever let anybody
make you wear livery." Her maid servants did their un
capped hair as they pleased, and wore black, brown, yellow
or blue, or any colored cotton or woolen frocks, aproned or
not aproned as they liked.
She had an especially charming young Irish girl in her
employ for several years, and she felt great tenderness for
her uncultured but rather glorious maidenhood. She said:
[55]

"I watched Jenny today, as she stood on the bluff, and aU
our young people rushed by. She was as pretty and sweet
as any of them. It seemed sad to me that she could not be
one of them. I wondered how she felt."
The visit to WInthrop ended sorrowfully. Horace Cheney
brought to the house a telegram announcing the death of
Marcus Spring, and Mrs. Chace, both her daughters and
Horace hurried to Eagleswood. It seemed very strange to
enter the beautiful house there and receive no smiling welcome
from its master. Mrs. Spring and her son Edward were the
only members of the family present, for the death had been
sudden. Mrs. Spring looked and demeaned herself like an
inspired being while the last rites were performed.
Of Marcus Spring I can say nothing more fitting than the
words his daughter wrote of him thirty-five years after his
death: "My father was the only perfect human creature I
ever saw, and the great beauty of him was his moral will, so
exquisite that It restored and kept the balance of everything,
apparently without effort."
On the sheet containing a printed call for the meeting of
the Second Congress of Women in Chicago, 1874, Mrs. Howe
wrote :
"Dear Mrs. Chace. Are you intending to attend our Con
gress, and to write something for us on the subject of Crime
and Reform.? I will talk of this with you when we meet in
Providence on Oct. 1st."
Alice Fletcher to Mrs. Chace
"New York, Oct. 26th, 1874- At the Executive session of
the Ass. for the Advancement of Women, held durine the
Second Women's Congress in Chicago, 111., you were elected
as Vice-President for Rhode Island."

[56]

Mrs. Chace to Mrs. Mary C. Cheney
"11th mo., 12th, 1874-. Last evening we went to the
Shakespeare Club at the Benedict House. It was quite a
brilliant affair. They read Henry the Eighth.
" This morning came Radical Club tickets and an invitation
to Mrs. Sargent's reception, a week from next Sunday even
ing. I got a charming letter from Wendell Phillips this
morning. And what does thee think it was about.? Why,
nothing more nor less than all about that colored man, and
his finding Horace, and how well Horace managed the case,
and his gratification, etc. I'll bring the letter when I come,
but it's too good to let you have. I'm afraid It might set you
up too much and too suddenly. So, I'll keep It to set my
self up with."
The year of 1874 was filled not only with the matters
already noted, but with Woman Suffrage work. Mrs. Chace
presided at meetings ; she wrote articles to the Providence
Journal about the Cause; as President of the R. I. Society,
her name headed the list of signers to a Memorial presented
to the Legislature. When the Judiciary Committee failed to
make a response to this Memorial, her name again headed the
list of officers who publicly protested against this Indifference
on the part of the committee " to the respectful, conscientious
appeal of a respectable body of men and women, in behalf of
the wives, mothers and daughters of Rhode Island."
When a hearing was granted, Mrs. Chace appeared before
the committee to plead for the Cause, and once added her
word thus ; when James C. Collins was speaking on the Woman
Suffrage side, he referred to the "decisions of the Supreme
Court in giving children to the father in case of divorce."
Mr. Sheffield, of the committee, remarked that that was dis
cretionary with the court; Mrs. Chace said, "The court is all
men."
[57]

Mrs. Chace to Mrs. Mary C. Cheney
"1st mo., 3rd, 1875. Now I must teU thee about the party.
Alia Foster came at midday. The evening guests were from
Providence, Pawtucket and Valley Falls. The 'months' came
into the parlor in procession, and looked finely. Then they
played pantomime crambo, and then we had supper; —
escalloped oysters, chicken omelet, biscuits, ice cream, snow
pudding and cake, ©ranges and grapes. Then the company
scattered around. Some looked at photographs ; most played
'Shouting proverbs,' 'Drop the handkerchief,' etc., and
finally, the crambo again.
"At supper, we had had those popping things with caps
in them. They took out the caps and put them on, and kept
the explosives till twelve. Then all stood in a circle, holding
together by the ends of these, and, just at twelve, exploded
them. Then after a little while, all went away who did not
stay all night.
"Alia went yesterday afternoon. When everybody is gone,
we cannot help being lonesome. I want some change. This
house is too large for Lillie and me.
"Evening. Lillie and I have been to Free Religious meet
ing. It does me good to go there. Thursday, we are to have
a public Woman Suffrage meeting, and the same evening the
quarterly meeting of the Free Religious Society, at the W. S.
rooms." Mrs. Chace spent a month on the Island of Appledore In
the summer of 1875. Her pleasure was great in the fulfill
ment of chaperone function to three or four maidens In her
immediate group, and she liked It when the young men flocked
around them.
There were yacht races in the neighborhood of the Island
that summer. General Butler was there, sailing his yacht
America and winning the race against the Resolute, which
[58]

was then in the temporary possession of Rufus Hatch. The
sea around Appledore was dotted thick with other yachts.
Mrs. Chace perceived the beauty of the white-sailed boats
moving over the waters, but she was not wholly decided in
opinion about the races. She admitted that racing in itself
was Innocent, but she feared that it excited the gambling
spirit, and she probably thought that many persons were
betting on the races, who really were refraining as completely
as she was herself. I knew, by the competent testimony of
Captain Wyman, who was one of the party on the Resolute,
that not a person on that racing vessel had made the smallest
bet upon any sailing fortune. I doubt however if Mrs. Chace
knew it, and I presume she felt a little needless trouble about
that yachting party.
Dr. Hedge, John Weiss, Mrs. Ednah D. Cheney, David
Wasson, Julius Eichberg, Levi Thaxter and Col. William B.
Greene were all at Appledore for shorter or longer periods
during that summer. It was a brilliant season of successively
brilliant days. One evening, on the hotel piazza, there was
grave discussion of the origin of evil. Mrs. Cheney gently
stated her conviction that God was good, notwithstanding
some circumstantial evidence to the existence o£»a malevolent
force. She said that the pain of life was in the nature of
kindly discipline, the administration of which did not reflect
upon the benign character of the Creator.
"Ah," replied Mr. Wasson, "you would not put your Daisy
through such a course of sprouts. Just try," he added, "to
imagine a God infinitely powerful and infinitely good, sitting
down deliberately to make a mosquito."
John Weiss said: "It would be easier to understand many
things, if we accepted the theory that there are two Creators
of existence, one good and the other bad. But I cannot
accept that theory. My mind simply rejects it, because of
something in its own constitution."
[59]

Whittier was on the Island for a week this summer. There
had not been much previous acquaintance between him and
Mrs. Chace, but they were old Abolitionists and Quakers.
I remember once looking into the hotel sitting-room as I
stood outside on the piazza. It was evening, and there in the
soft lamp light sat the poet and Mrs. Chace. "They are
taking comfort together," whispered some one who stood
gazing with me.
One day at Appledore, Mr. Whittier was asked whether
he had agreed with Mr. Garrison or Mr. Phillips when they
parted company.
"I agreed with Phillips," said Whittier. "I had not
thought like him on all preceding questions, but he was clearly
right in that last issue with Garrison about dissolving the
Anti-Slavery Society. That Society had no right to go out
of existence at that time."
"Of course he was right !" said Frank P. Stearns, who was
standing by.
William Lloyd Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"Aug. 3, 1875. Your letter to wife has just been received.
This answer may reach you too late with reference to your
departure from Appledore tomorrow, but, whether you and
Lillie come to us on Wednesday or Thursday, it will be equaUy
agreeable and pleasant to us.
"I wrote Mrs. Thaxter on the Woman Suffrage question,
enclosing some copies of my rhyming effusion.
"Friday afternoon, I accompanied WiUiam [L. Garrison,
Jr.] to Jaffrey, N. H., and returned home last evening, hav
ing made a very enjoyable excursion. I made no attempt
to ascend Monadnock, but the mountain presented a grand
appearance." In the autumn of this year Mrs. Chace solicited Colonel
Higginson's assistance in behalf of a boy, whose girl wife
[60]

had appealed to her. The lad, to whom the fictitious name of
RosweU is here given, had enlisted, committed some offence,
and been sentenced to a long Imprisonment In Fort Adams.
Colonel Higginson thought at first that he would try to get
Roswell off on the plea that his enlistment was itself null,
because it had happened when he was drunk, but afterwards
decided that it would be wiser to take another course in the
matter.
Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Mrs. Chace
"Newport, R. I., Sept. 27th, 1875. Various delays have
Intervened about poor RosweU. It Is rather a difficult matter
to know just what wires to pull, though I have no doubt of
the ultimate result. Tlie trouble Is that the fact of intoxica
tion, though really the strongest ground to urge, is also by
far the most risky ground, for this reason: that it makes
it too serious an affair. There are heavy penalties for enlist
ing a man Intoxicated, and this makes It almost essential for
the recruiting officer to resist the charge of having done so,
by false swearing if necessary. If I urge this man's release
on that ground, the government may say, 'Certainly; prose
cute the recruiting officer and hold Roswell as a witness.'
Then would come trial, a court probably prejudiced In favor
of the recruiting officer. If however he is convicted, all right
for Roswell, but if Roswell fails to prove it, (which is very
probable, his witnesses not very strong or clear headed,
perhaps even If truthful) then it would all bring a reaction
against him, as having tried to get up a false charge.
" On the other hand, if I try to get him off on the seemingly
weaker grounds that he Is rather feeble minded, has a wife
and children, that makes it for nobody's interest to oppose.
So I have nearly decided, under advice of his officer, to let the
intoxication go, and try on these minor grounds. I am now
trying to get aid from the Surgeon, a humane man. Roswell
[61]

seems in fair health, but the sergeant of the guard told me
he was weak 'here' (tapping his forehead), and cried every
night about his wife and children. I have little doubt that he
can get off, or his sentence very materially shortened, but
wish to make sure of the best way of doing it. He told me
himself with satisfaction that the commanding officer was
authorized to shorten every sentence by one sixth for good
behavior: and he meant to get that at any rate- — 2^ for 3
years — but I am sure he will do better than that.
"There is no real hurry about it for the reason that every
day of imprisonment makes people in authority more willing
to excuse, and vindicates what is called the 'majesty of the
law.' I shall proceed as fast as I can but don't be impatient,
for every day's delay really Increases the chances of success.
"Tell Mrs. Roswell to keep up a good heart and I think
we shall succeed."
Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Mrs. Chace
"Newport, Dec. 17, 1875. Roswell's pardon arrived to
day. I worked through Burnside, and S. through Anthony ;
but I don't know which method effected the result, — nor do
I care. Burnside has never written me a word in answer
to my letters."
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe to Mrs. Chace
"Boston, Oct. 7th, 1875. Your paper Is received with
many thanks, but I hope that your sending it does not mean
that you will not attend the Congress. I want a discussion
of 'ways and means of prevention' [of crime] at the next
Congress. Dear friend. If you cannot attend, would you be
wiUing to help our friend Mrs. Churchill to afford the
journey.? Her help was very important to us last year. I
am very poor this year, but if necessary, I will give $5.00
rather than not have her at hand. I wish very much that
[62]

we might have your presence at the Congress, particularly
to help us take up this terrible subject of crime at close
quarters." Mrs. Chace did not attend this Congress.
William Lloyd Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, Oct. 29, 1875. Health and happiness, and
affectionate greetings, accompanied with congratulations in
regard to the success of your Suffrage anniversary. I shall
be glad indeed if anything I said at the meetings was of any
service to the Cause ; but I do not like to take the platform,
and make the Suffrage movement almost the only occasion
to do so."
In an undated manuscript of Mrs. Chace's, which was
undoubtedly written In this 1870 decade, we find this bit of
noble self-revelation:
"I am not much in the habit of talking about myself; and
as a practice, have ordinarily strong objections to It. But,
now. In order to explain fully my position in this matter, I
shall have to make myself a prominent figure in my statement.
"Long ago, when I was a young woman, I began to try to
learn how was the best way to live in this world, so as to avoid
everything that was proved to be Injurious and therefore
wrong in practice or principle. And so it came to pass, that
many practices common in the world, I learned to consider
wrong, and therefore it became a principle with me that they
should be discarded and protested against. Leaving the
Society of Friends because I found that they violated their
principles and that I could not remain with them without
stifling my own, I became associated in ideas, and in moral
fellowship with reformers ; and through aU my middle life and
up to this time, my acquaintances, my friends, my associates
[63]

have been mainly among people who, living In the world, have
yet. In a certain sense, lived apart from it, bearing before it,
in their lives, a continual testimony against its evil habits.
And thus certain principles have become so interwoven and
fixed In every fibre of my moral constitution that it is im
possible for me to look with any favor upon any violations
of those principles. I do not claim any credit that it is so,
I could not help its being so. Probably, in all these direc
tions, the circumstances surrounding me have been favorable
to such results. My life has been apart from any tempta
tion to sacrifice such principles. It has been easier for me to
follow them, than to violate them. I am no more to be praised
than blamed that it is so."
Mrs. Chace and her daughter Lillie spent a large portion
of the winter of 1875—76 with Mrs. Cheney in Boston. At
this time they renewed their acquaintance with Mr. Conway,
who had returned to America for a short visit after an absence
of twelve years.
The primary object of this sojourn in Boston was Mrs.
Chace's health, which had been seriously affected; and while
she was there she underwent a severe surgical operation.
Mrs. Chace to A. D. Lockwood
"Boston, 1st mo., 26th, 1876. I have been absent from
home, and also prevented by Illness from attention to my
duties on the Board of Visitors to the Reform School, etc.,
ever since the commencement of your month — Dec. — at the
School, when you said you would look into the matters I
presented to your consideration some months ago.
"Have the hours of instruction In the [Reform] School
rooms been altered and if so to what other hours .?
"Has any change been made in the seating of the girls in
the Chapel, and if so, what change.?
[64]

"Has the superintendent been forbidden to inflict corporal
punishment upon the girls.?
"Have there been any other changes made, with a view to
render the institution more reformatory in Its character.?
"Are parents still permitted to place young children in the
Reform School as boarders.?
"Is what is called 'the girls' play ground' still used for
laundry and other purposes.?"
It is hardly conceivable that It should have been so, but
up to this time of Mrs. Chace's effort, parents had been per
mitted to "board" their children at the Reform School.
The first public suggestion of any plan for a State Indus
trial School in Rhode Island was made in the report of the
Board of Lady Visitors for this year ; and the treatment
which the whole report received in the Legislature led to the
writing of the following letter :
Mrs. Chace to Governor Henry Lippitt
"Valley Falls, R. I., 3rd mo., 1876. My appointment on
the Women's Board of Visitors to the Penal and Correctional
Institutions of the State, which I received at your hands for
this year, I am now compelled, respectfully, to resign. My
experience on this Board, for nearly six years, has convinced
me, that this Office, which confers on its holders no power to
decide that any improvement shall be made In the govern
ment or workings of these institutions, is so nearly useless,
that, I am forced to the conclusion, that, for myself, the time
spent in the performance of its duties, can be more effectively
employed elsewhere.
"That the influence of women is indispensable to the proper
management of these institutions, I was never more sure than
I am at this moment ; but, to make it effectual, that influence
must be obtained by placing women on the Boards of direct
[65]

control, where their judgment shall be expressed by argument
and by vote.
"A Board of women, whose only duties, as defined by the
law, are, to visit the Penal and Correctional institutions of
the State, elect its own Officers, and report, annually, to the
Legislature, bears within itself the elements of weakness and
inefficiency. And, if the annual reports contain any exposure
of abuses, they are sure to give offence to the managers, to be
followed by timidity and vacillation in the Board of Women
itself. "Our late Report, written with great care and conscien
tious adherence to the truth, which called the attention of the
Legislature to certain abuses in one of our institutions, and
to some defects in the system established In the others, has,
thus far, elicited no official investigation or action; has
brought censure upon us from the press, and great dissatis
faction has been created In our own body by the failure of a
portion of Its members to sustain the allegations, to which
the entire Board with the exception of one absentee, had
affixed their names.
"When the State of Rhode Island shall call Its best women
to an equal participation with men In the direction of its
penal and reformatory institutions, I have no doubt they will
gladly assume the duties and responsibilities of such positions ;
and I am also sure that the beneficent results of such coopera
tion will soon be manifest, both in benefit to individuals and
in safety to the State. But, In the present circumstances,
I must most respectfully decline to serve, any longer, on the
Advisory Board of Women."
Notwithstanding her resignation In March, JMrs. Chace
was persuaded a few months later to accept again service on
the Board of Visitors, as certain concessions were made to her
opinion, and reforms started In the management of some of
[66]

the institutions in question. At a later period she retired
finally from the Board.
Mrs. Chace to John Weiss
"Valley Falls, 6th mo., 16th, '76. The other day, when
thee spoke to me about my trouble at the wine-drinking at
Appledore, I had no unpleasant feeling over it as a matter
personal to myself; and therefore I was so excessively dis
concerted by thy apology for what, on reflection, thee con
sidered a rudeness to me, that I could say nothing in reply.
"Indeed, I had not thought of it in that light at all, and
was quite sorry to have thee troubled about It In that waj'.
But there Is another way in which I was troubled by it ; and
this I think I ought to explain to thee.
"There is, evidently, a wide difference of opinion between
thee and me on the question of wine-drinking Itself. So wide,
that my judgment in regard to it Is so entirely foreign to
any thought of thine, that it is impossible for thee to see that
it can be a vital question with me. Otherwise, I am sure thee
would never have regarded my objections In the light thy
words Implied. And so, it has seemed to me, ever since I met
thee In Boston, that I ought to tell thee why I was troubled
by the wine-drinking at Appledore.
"I have lived long enough in this world to see many men
of fair promise, acquiring, by the social custom of wine-
drinking, an appetite for strong drink, which has finally
destroyed their manhood, wrecked their lives, and buried them
in the drunkard's grave. I am acquainted with prisons, with
almshouses, with insane asylums, with houses where children
are sent because they have gone astray, having nobody to care
for them. I know pauperism, crime and wretchedness in the
streets and in homes. And careful Inquiry, searching investi
gation, long study have convinced me that the one over
shadowing cause of all this, is the use of alcoholic drink.
[67]

"There are other causes, — ignorance, unfortunate circum
stances, accidents ; cruel dispositions, etc. ; but this one great
evil outweighs them all.
"In my judgment, founded on long experience, and con
firmed by the testimony of keepers of Penal, Reformatory
and Charitable institutions, this one habit sends more people
into prisons, almshouses and asylums ; makes more unhappy
homes, more Imbecile and vicious children, more of everything
we all deplore, than all other causes combined. Could all the
pauperism, wretchedness. Insanity, crime. In the civilized
world, be measured and counted and traced to [Its] origin,
it would, I believe, be found to be a fact that the use of
intoxicating liquor outweighs all else. If I hear in answer
to this, that It Is the abuse and not the use that does this, I
reply that the use leads to the abuse. Nobody begins by
drinking excessively. The use creates an appetite which,
in most cases, gradually demands an Increase.
"I suppose there are people who can continue the habitual
use of wine or other alcoholic drink through their lives with
out drinking to what Is called excess. But I have been com
pelled to believe that the exceptions are very few, among
habitual drinkers of these beverages, of persons who do not
sometimes drink so much as to be mentally and physically
so affected thereby, that I should call them Intoxicated.
"Does thee wonder that, with all this staring me in the
face, I am troubled when I see men and women, who have
great gifts and large Influence over others, indulging in this
dangerous habit.?
"But there is more even than this. If we admit that there
may be persons who, though drinking wine or other strong
drink will never become drunkards, and will in no wise be
morally debased thereby, in themselves, then their example
is all the more dangerous to others. A young man would
scarcely wish to foUow in the path of the loathsome inebriate,
[68]

but, when he sees the persons to whom he listens for Instruc
tion, indulging in wine-drinking and not appearing to be
Injured by it, he is more likely to follow their course, which
may be to him the direct road to ruin.
"Therefore, thinking all this, was It strange that when
I heard Dr. Hedge preach a sermon on our moral responsi
bility for the effect, however remote, of everything we do,
I could not help marvelling that he could sit In that great
dining room, in the presence of four hundred people, drink
ing his wine, without thinking that he might thereby be leading
some young men into habits fatal to their future welfare.?
"Now can I be mistaken in all this.? If I am, I should be
glad to know It. But whether I am or not, I am sure thee
will kindly admit that thinking as I do, I could not be other
wise than troubled at that daily wine-drinking at Appledore,
and I know thee will believe that I can be no other than most
sincerely thy friend."
John Weiss to Mrs. Chace
"July 5, 1876. I don't think I shall any longer regret my
little escapade at Horticultural Hall, since it seems to have
been the cause of your excellent letter. At almost every point
you state my own convictions upon the great question ; and
I am quite alive to the evils mentioned by you.
"Every man must have a substantial reason for his own
action; therefore I cannot undertake to go Into the matter
of other people's examples, nor furnish them with apologies.
I must only take care of my own. And I think that some time
ago I explained to you how my life was saved and my whole
habit placed upon a robust and effective basis by the use,
long sustained, of the article which is so frequently abused.
And to this day, I am saved in that way from many incon
venient and debilitating troubles. Don't tell me that you
don't see whj' it was particularly necessary for me to live;
[69]

I have a prejudice for surviving, and as long as I survive
I want to keep my machine in the best possible working
condition. "When I was a young ascetic, I was an invalid; and for
long years ; so that I now astonish the people who used to
know me. At the critical moment the proper advice stepped
in, and the constitutional repair-way was Indicated. I now
have my choice to fall out of line, or to finish the series of
tasks which I have set before me.
"My Shakspeare Lectures went to press this morning."
Mrs. Chace to the Providence Journal
[Extract]
"In behalf of our falling and fallen sisterhood, I appeal
to the City government for the appointment of a jNIatron and
Assistant Matron for every police station in the city. They
should be women of good character and wise judgment, and
such provision should be made for their comfort that suitable
women would be induced to accept such positions."
Mrs. S. Clough, Secretary of the Temperance Union,
to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, June 19th, 1876. I take the liberty to
address you to thank you for your recent Appeal to our city
government for the appointment of Matrons in the police
stations. "After reading your Appeal, I prepared a form of petition,
and presented it to the Temperance Union, asking that body
to circulate it for signatures. They voted unanimously to
do so, and also to invite the City Missionary Society to co
operate with us. The petition reads thus :
" 'We, the undersigned, women of Providence, heartily
sympathize with Mrs. Elizabeth B. Chace In her recent appeal
to our City Government In behalf of the fallen " Sisterhood."
[70]

•«,I#'

JOHN WEISS

We have long desired that some provision should be made,
whereby the women, so often arrested on the streets, should
be committed to the keeping of their own sex. We therefore
reiterate her request ; and earnestly beseech your honorable
body to immediately "appoint a Matron and Assistant Matron
in each police station In the city, and to make such provision
for their comfort, as shall induce women to accept the appoint
ment who are in every way fit for the position." '
"I hope this meets your approval."
Gov. Henry Lippitt to Mrs. Chace
"State of Rhode Island,
Executive Department.
Providence, June 26th, 1876.
"I have your note of the 25th accepting the appointment
on the Board of Lady Visitors, etc., and am very much obliged
for your kindness In this respect.
"I have a number of applications for the position, and
doubt not shall be able to fill the Board up with acceptable
persons ; and before doing so should like to consult you."
F. D. Blaisdell to Mrs. Chace
" Office of Superintendent, Rhode Island State Farm,
July 1st, 1876.
"Your kind letter came to hand this morning; not having
heard from you, and not deeming It prudent to send Maggie C.
out into the world as before, we have made an arrangement
to send her to the Sisters of Mercy, believing it to be much
better than to allow her to go at large.
"I fully agree with you as to the unsatisfactory accom
modations for grading and separating the females, (in the
State Farm institutions,) although I am satisfied that com
munication between the sexes has been greatly checked by
constant vigilance.
[71 ]

"The rhubarb [a gift from Mrs. Chace's garden,] came
in good time, and was given to the inmates in shape of sauce,
which was relished. I have not yet tried the gingerbread,
and am not fully decided about it. I am glad to know that
you have consented to accept the position on the Ladies'
Board." It Is impossible to say now why "gingerbread" presented
to Superintendent Blaisdell a problem in relation to the
"inmates" which he found difficult of solution!
Gov. Henry Lippitt to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, July 13th, 1876. Your note of the 12th
reached me this morning, and I regret not having seen you
yesterday. "Mrs. Doyle has not positively declined, and It Is my in
tention to see her In a few days and try to prevail upon her
to accept the position for another year, which I am in hopes
she will do; if not, I will with pleasure appoint Mrs. Aldrlch,
if that meets j'our approbation."
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe to Mrs. Chace
"July 27th, 1876. I have had you in mind ever since ray
return from Alfred Love's Peace Convention in Philadelphia,
where I suffered many discomforts, the greatest of which
were caused by the absurd mismanagement of the Convention.
To begin with. Love is a weak man. He allowed Shakers to
describe their doctrines, — Spiritualists to deliver messages
from the other world, — lunatics to rave, and so on. The dis
order of the five days of meeting was disgraceful. No business
meetings were held. Mrs. j\Iott was in the chair. She is
in her dotage, and the unprincipled and designing use her
presence and Influence as a cover.
[72]

"We had some good things at the meeting, certainly. We
had addresses in French, German and Italian, which I inter
preted. We, also, proposed and carried an Address to the
Working People of both hemispheres, which I wrote mainly,
embodying In it two paragraphs furnished by Mr. John
FretweU. "I write to you because your name is, with mine, as vice-
president of the U. P. U., which is only a small, Philadelphia
affair. Now the foreign delegates who took part in the Con
gress are much disgusted with Alfred Love's management.
Some of us are moving to try for a better Peace Convention
in the Autumn in Philadelphia, probably on Oct. 2nd and 3rd.
The subject is becoming too important to be left to crazy
heads and weak hands. Will you try and help us to hold this
independent Convention and to organize a sounder and better
Peace Association, a really international one.?
"I will come up to meet you in Providence, if you do not
intend to come down here. Pray write me a line about this
soon, and believe me always, yours affectionately."

[73]

CHAPTER TWENTIETH
Family Life ; Correspondence with Governor Lippitt ;
Kindergarten ; Resignation from the Providence
Woman's Club upon its Refusal to Admit a Colored
Woman to Its Membership ; Letter from William C.
Gannett ; Extracts from Mrs. Chace's Writings ;
Work to Get the State Home and School Estab
lished ; Dissatisfaction with the Reform School;
Family Events ; Letters
IN the Autumn of 1876, Mrs. Chace spent a month In
Philadelphia for the purpose of attending the Centennial
Exposition. She stayed with her cousins, Anne Vernon and
Mary Lee Buffum, a part of the time, and during the rest she
visited Mr. and Mrs. Enoch Lewis ; and every one who has
been a guest in the Lewis home knows that that was an experi
ence of pure enjoyment.
Returning to Valley Falls, Mrs. Chace began her accus
tomed life as housekeeper, hostess and reformer, but calamity
interrupted. Andrew Carnegie's mother was a guest in the
house and a party had been invited for the evening, when a
telegram arrived bringing word that Horace Cheney was
dangerously ill in Philadelphia, where he and his wife had
been staying for a few weeks.
Arrangements were hurriedly made, and Mrs. Chace and
Lillie, with two servants and Horace Cheney's little girl,
started that night for Philadelphia. Clara Holmes joined us
there. We found young Mrs. Cheney exhausted, and for a
week we fought a losing battle with death.
[74]

We returned to VaUey Falls and brought with us a widowed
girl-mother. Horace Cheney's briUiant life ended so early, that, it left
little on earth but the memory of Its promise ; but because of
that fine promise, and because he was so dear to Mrs. Chace,
it seems appropriate to Insert here the following letter :
Wendell Phillips to L. B. C.
"Friday. I read in the morning papers the notice of
Mr. Cheney's death, with the sincerest sympathy for you all,
and with great regret for our loss. An honest, high minded
lawyer, one so ready to work for the friendless, and one whose
standing gave so much weight to his words, — the times will
miss such a servant. I had heard that he was working too
hard, — beyond his strength, the sword wearing out the scab
bard. Hard to hold such souls back! But be sure his few
years have been crowded with labors that are not and never
will be forgotten; this very hour I listened to warm praise
and hearty appreciation from one of our leading colored men
who seemed deeply touched by the news of his death.
"I am very sorry I cannot be with you, but am just leaving
for New Hampshire, — an engagement it is too late to post
pone, and that makes it impossible for me to reach you In time.
Give my warmest, most affectionate sympathy and regard to
your sister and mother and believe me, tenderly yours."
The winter months moved heavily and sadly. Mrs. Chace
was often ill. She was growing old, and was subject, at this
time, to sudden attacks of violent pain. But her interest in
public beneficence, and the demands upon her for action and
advice, all went on unceasingly.
It was not merely that she did not want to live a narrower
life, she was not allowed to do so.
[75]

Gov. Henry Lippitt to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, Dec. 29th, 1876. Are you still of the opinion
that the Lady Board of Visitors to the Penal Institutions of
the State should have equal vote with the commissioners In
charge of those Institutions, so far as relates to the govern
ment of the female Inmates .? If so, will you give me, by return
mail if possible, your views on that subject that they may
appear In my annual message to the next session of the
legislature. "I should also like to know, if you have the information,
the number of females In the different reformatory and penal
institutions of the State."
Mrs. Chace to Gov. Henry Lippitt
" Valley Falls, 12th mo., 31st, 1876. Your letter of inquiry
Is received, and I thank you for the interest It manifests In
an important question.
"My conviction that women should have an equal share
with men In the management of all Penal and Reformatory
Institutions not only remains unchanged, but Is continually
confirmed and strengthened by actual experience.
"In the case of the female Inmates, only women can fully
understand their peculiar characteristics and necessities ; and
women only can thoroughly Investigate their actual condition
and the treatment they receive at the hands of those employed
in their Immediate control.
"In the treatment of male criminals, the influence of women
is also of great usefulness ; and will often accomplish more
for their discipline and benefit than could possibly be effected
by the efforts of men alone. The motherly voice of a kind,
judicious woman will sometimes reach the hardened con
science, when that of a man, equally wise and kind, might
appeal to it in vain. My judgment therefore Is, that the
[76]

Boards of direction and control of all these institutions
should be composed of both men and women, endowed alike
with power.
"There cannot be two bodies, one of men and the other of
women, having an equal voice in the management of the same
Institution. And where one Is vested with power and the
other Is not, It is vain to expect harmonious or useful coopera
tion to any very valuable extent.
"In the counsels of a Board of men and women, the aid of
the women would be found to be Invaluable, from their keen
Insight into character, their clear moral perceptions, and
their large experience in all household arrangements.
"It is therefore my settled conviction and earnest wish,
that our Legislature, at its next session, should make some
provision whereby women shall be appointed on each one of
the following Boards : State Charities and Corrections, In
spectors of the State Prison, and Trustees of the Reform
School. "I cannot immediately say what Is the number of our
female prisoners ; but It Is usually less than one-third that
of the male.
"Will you allow me to suggest that you do also recommend
to the Legislature the establishment of an industrial school
for the prevention of juvenile criminality."
Beginning in 1876, Mrs. Chace supported a kindergarten
in Valley Falls for seven or eight years. It was designed
primarily for the children of factory families, but was open
to others, and her own grandchildren attended it. She con
tinued this work at an annual expense to herself of nearly a
thousand dollars, until she thought it had passed the experi
mental stage, after which she believed it should be maintained
by the public, and she made some unsuccessful effort to have
the kindergarten system adopted by the town authorities as
[ 77 ]

part of the public education. Her income was never so large
that she could easily devote several hundred dollars in a single
year to a single charitable object, and she finally gave up her
kindergarten ; partly because she became less able to furnish
the necessary money, partly because she felt that her private
benevolence in that direction prevented the development of
the public conscience in the matter, and largely because her
increasing age and frequent illnesses made the management
of the kindergarten too great a tax upon her strength.
Samuel P. Colt to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, Feb. 28th, 1877. Can you give me any case
where our statute which allows a husband by his will to
appoint a guardian for his children has worked injustice
upon the mother.? At our first hearing either Mrs. Campbell
or Miss Garlin referred to this law as one 'that should make
any man blush.' If you should know or can ascertain any
cases In which the father has appointed by will a guardian
for his children, and thus deprived the mother of their cus
tody, I will be obliged if you will let me know."
No record has been found of Mrs. Chace's reply to the
foregoing Important request for her aid.
Gov. Henry Lippitt to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, March 31st, 1877. I duly received your note
of the 27th Inst., and was not unmindful of your suggestion
in relation to the proposed 'Industrial School' which met
with my hearty approval.
"You wiU notice by the reports in the newspapers, that
the Bill, which passed the Senate nearly unanimously, was
killed by the stupidity, (I can caU It by no softer name) of
the House of Representatives. The Legislature voted yester
day over $200,000 for building Prisons and expense of
[78]

State Farm, etc. ; but do not think it necessary to devote one
twentieth part of that sum for the prevention of crime, and
to help keep the coming generation out of prison.
"I am satisfied however it will come at last, and we must
keep trying."
Mrs. Chace to Mrs. Elizabeth K. Churchill
"4th mo., 13th, 1877. I cannot acknowledge that I have
'cast off' any of mj' friends 'because they do not view any
question from my precise point.' I certainly have always
known that thee and I differed widely in our opinions con
cerning theology, and Christianity, and all matters pertain
ing to religion. Still, this has not separated us.
"But, when thee says, 'if you require agreement upon all
points that you deem vital and Involving principle, your
friends must be few,' if thee means moral principle. It Is in a
measure true, so far as close, Intimate friendship is concerned.
"Of course, I can be friendly, and often am, toward per
sons who seem to me defective In, or even destitute of, moral
principle, but I cannot take them to my heart, and feel or act
towards them as I do towards persons whom I love because
their ideas of right and wrong are true and just, and their
actions are in accordance therewith.
"In the Woman's Club, Mrs. Palmer declares, as I am told,
that with her, it is a principle, that people of different races
should not mingle together. If she is sincere in believing so,
and acts conscientiously, although I consider her mistaken,
I respect her for standing by her beliefs, until she learns that
it Is a prejudice born of the oppression of one race by another,
which has produced its legitimate result of hatred of the
oppressed by the oppressor. If she Is honest, I have no doubt
but the example and arguments of those who see more clearly,
will. In time, lead her to see the Injustice of her position
towards the colored people of this country, now become
[79]

'bone of our bone, and flesh of our fiesh,' and so established
among us that they cannot be removed, and cannot be kept
separate even by cruel treatment.
"But when those women in the Club who did not hold
Mrs. Palmer's belief, and who claim that they have been 'life
long Abolitionists' sacrificed their principles to please those
who shared with Mrs. Palmer her prejudices, and relentlessly
trampled under their feet a person of colored skin, I cannot
accord to them the respect which I give to her. When some
of those women were of the number, who for years had been
pleading the cause of disfranchised womanhood, and now, for
the sake of drawing Into their circle women of the conserva
tive, prejudiced classes, were willing to reject and to crush
a woman more than disfranchised, worse than ill-paid, more
outraged than themselves, I, certainly, with my lifelong
principle, that we should reach out our hand farthest toward
those whom others repel, could not regard them as I did,
when I supposed them to be governed by the principles of
justice and equality."
INlrs. Chace goes on to describe the manner In which the
controlling members of the Providence Woman's Club had
met the protest which she and a few others had made against
the action of the Directors of the Club, in refusing admission
to a colored woman, and adds :
"What shocked me more than anything else, more even
than the rejection of the colored woman, far more than any
personal 111 treatment of the protesters, was the inability of
the Directors to see that there was any principle involved
in the matter, and their utter disregard of what we claimed
to be with us an Inviolable one. . . . This melancholy affair, of
the Woman's Club, has given me more pain than I would ever
voluntarily Incur again."
[80]

As Mrs. Chace has stated in her Reminiscences, she and
her daughters resigned their membership in the Providence
Woman's Club, when it became evident that Its majority
would not adopt a policy which made no discrimination
among applicants for membership "on account of race or
color." It was a disappointment to Mrs. Chace and her
daughters to withdraw from the Club, as they had anticipated
much enjoyment In the social opportunities it would afford
them. Living as the}' did at a distance from the city, more
or less ostracized, or Ignored, as they had always been by
city society. It was with much regret that they found them
selves unable to take with clear consciences the happiness
which they had felt would be theirs In the Club companionship.
William C. Gannett to Mrs. Chace
"St. Paul, Minn., May 1st, 1877. It was good to get thy
letter and see thee as I read it. I could hear thee say some
parts of it, — just so. No, I shall not be back before you
close your meetings, or I should enjoy coming again to Provi
dence, and to ^'alley Falls, where is really, among the kindly
opened homes, the one I most enjoyed coming to. Thee won't
tell that. But don't think I don't appreciate my good times
at thy home.
" Thee don't need this explanation, — but I think thee does
need to see the Moody matter in a different light; — though
thee sees it as almost all my friends do, and I may live to see
with them. I think the trouble Is they are too much like
Mr. Moody himself, too literal!
"When thee has lived as long as I have [he was more than
thirty years younger than ^Irs. Chace] thee will see that with
most people words don't express the wholeness of their mean
ing, and that this is especially true as to 'religious' thinkings.
Talk with men fairly and freely, or sometimes even listen to
[81]

them all round their talk, and you find they bring out sides
of meaning that show but little on the outside statement.
"To me you seem to greatly misrepresent Moody and his
friends by summing him up as you do; — 'fear of hell, and
escape depending not at all on character and conduct.' Even
though a part of Moody's talk is just this, to take this for
Moody and Moody's effect would be — for me — a shaUow
listening. Part of what I tried to show was that even his
spoken testimony was more 'love of Christ' than 'fear of
Hell' ; and another part was that so far from his 'conversion'
not depending at all on character and conduct. It did involve
a moral consecration, and that his hearers understood that.
And this In spite of the 'vicarlousness' that was so much
emphasized. "As to thy other point, about 'truth being good for every
body,' — I fear I am just that sinner that thee hopes I, am
not, — one who believes that my truth may not be nearly as
good for a great many people as somebody's else truth. But
then to talk this way about 'truth' at all Is really to miss
the whole point of my distinction between the substance
and the forms of truth, between the essential meaning that
the mind Is trying to grasp, and the symbols of doctrine
through which It grasps It.
" Think a little over that word ' Imag-inatlon * and the part
it plays as a function of our minds, and, tell me, don't you
see why the Evangelical, with his 'incarnate' God, can make
God real to many a mind who would hardly realize God at
all, as presented under your or my vague abstractions .? Don't
you see that 'love of God,' under the form of a God dying
on the cross for men, makes the thing more real to many than
'goodness of the Universe' can do.?
"In this sense I fully believe that 'truth which is not good
for us may be good for others,' the idea you dIsaUow. I
believe in the 'law of relativity' as applied to conceptions.
[82]

"What follows.? 1st, Let none be dishonest and use other
people's symbols in order to teach ; but let him be glad there
are others to whom those symbols are genuine, who can there
fore teach by them, and so help thousands that he can't help
himself. 2nd, Let him try to solve the problem how these
inferior symbols can help at aU. And that I tried to do, —
my solution being that there is essential truth common to a
great many varying symbols. You see the whole thing lies
in that distinction between the substance — largely moral
substance, but partly, intellectual substance also — and the
forms. "Think it over and tell me — is all this foolishness?"
In the early summer Mrs. Chace took her grandchUd,
Bessie, her daughters and her carriage to Newport, Rhode
Island, for a few days of driving through the beloved island.
Later, in consequence of friendship with James P. Tolman
and his sister Harriet, Mrs. Chace and her immediate family
spent some days at Wianno — then called OstervIUe, on Cape
Cod. Because of Llllle's Illness they all came back to the
Homestead in July.
Gov. Charles C. Van Zandt to Mrs. Chace
"State of Rhode Island, Executive Department, Newport,
July 3rd, 1877. I am of the opinion that Its powers [those
of the Board of Lady Visitors] might be enlarged with
benefit to the State.
"Before the receipt of your letter, I had informed the
Committee that I desired there should be no intoxicating
spirits at the Presidential entertainment, and that has been
scrupulously assured.
"I am gratified at this expression of your views, and am
full of sympathy with them."
[83]

Mrs. Chace to the Providence Journal
[Extracts]
"I have waited from day to day, hoping that some one
would express, through the Journal, the moral sentiment of
Rhode Island concerning the pigeon shooting at Newport,
of which such a detailed report appeared in a late number of
your paper.
"When factory boys are arrested for cock-fighting, and
subjected to fine and imprisonment, through the agency of
the 'Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals,' how
will the difference be explained to them between their cruel
crime and the fine affair at Newport, which results in the
torture of pigeons by the fashionable and wealthy actors?
Do not both the cock-fighting and the pigeon-shooting have
their origin In the same brutal instincts as the bull-fights of
Spain and the gladiatorial combats of ancient Rome? And
shall Rhode Island civilization do honor to such scenes?"
Extracts from ax Article on The Prevention of
Pauperism and Crime, by Mrs. Chace, printed
IN THE Providence Journal, August 27
1877
"The tendency to pauperism and crime has so alarmingly
increased in this country, that it is become a positive neces
sity for the safety of the State that some improved methods
should be adopted for its prevention and cure.
"I propose to discuss only the best means of saving
the children who have lately come into existence under
circumstances most unfavorable to the development of good
character. "Of course, there is no place in the world so excellent for
training as a good home, but when parents become a burden
or a danger to the State, then the Commonwealth owes to
its own safety, and to the children, such provision as shall
[84]

preserve them, if possible, from following in the parental
footsteps. "Our State has never yet made any special provision for
the children of drunkards and criminals when the parents
are condemned to imprisonment.
"Let us build a home for such children, and let this home
be so situated and so managed that it shall entirely remove
its inmates from all degrading and disreputable circum
stances ; and let us adopt therein every possible method to
train them into good citizenship.
"That the life In it may be as much as possible like family
life, I would have it built in this wise. There should be a large,
plain, central building, in which should be kitchen, laundry,
dining-room, school-rooms, workshop, hall and sleeping rooms
for adult persons employed therein. Then the plan should
be to build a circle of cottages around the central house, all
facing toward it, with plenty of space between them for free
circulation of air, and also between them and the central
building for a large playground and avenues. It would be
necessary to begin with only one or two cottages. In each
cottage I would place a good woman and a certain number
of children ; and this should be their home. The whole estab
lishment should be under the general care of a superintend
ent and head matron, who should also live In a cottage in the
circle In order to have the whole Institution under their eyes."
Mrs. Chace goes on to explain that she would have gardens
and workshops, where the children could prepare to enter
the Industrial, self-supporting world; and she would have
school facilities provided, so that they could acquire the
elements of a sound academic education. She continues :
"I would have earnest endeavor exerted throughout the
whole of the daily life of these children to give them a
thorough moral training.
[85]

"I would have the boys and girls in this institution so
guarded and trained that they should learn to behave properly
in the presence of each other, as children do in families;
always being taught that what is wrong In one sex is equally
wrong In the other. ,
"I would have the State searched for the best and wisest
men and women to constitute a Board of Control for this
institution. They should be persons of large experience and
yet of such leisure as to be able to devote much time to this
work. "These persons should have no connection with penal or
pauper Institutions because every effort should be made to
keep this school distinct from such places.
"Indeed the education should be such as to make it a
recommendation for any person seeking a situation, in any
business for which he Is qualified, that he Is a graduate of this
school." This, she said, should not be a permanent home, but when
ever possible children should be transferred from it to proper
places, and the thoroughly vicious, who, by no process at
present known, could have their evil propensities eradicated,
should not be suffered to remain in the institution beyond
a certain age. For such cases some other place would be
found necessary.
She concludes :
"I am fully aware that an Institution such as I advocate
would involve great expense. But I have much faith that a
few years would prove it a great economy. Indeed, I foresee
that the additions and extensions of our prisons and alms
houses which we are constantly taxed to supply, might soon
cease altogether and in time, perhaps, these places themselves
be nearly superceded by 'this wisest of our State charities.' "
[86]

The following letter must refer to the article which we
have quoted above. But it is Interesting to note that the
writer of It seems to be more Impressed in behalf of the possi
ble matrons than of the children In such an institution. She
seems to see In Mrs. Chace's plan, if it were carried out, the
means whereby many conscientious but overworked women,
then tolling in defective institutions, might labor to such
advantage that they would feel that they were not wasting
their lives so far as Improvement of the dependent class was
concerned. The writer was evidently a woman who wished to
feel that she was not merely earning her living, but doing
some positive good to somebody when she was giving service
to the State as a matron.
Miss M. E. Baker to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, Aug. 27, 1877. I cannot refrain from ex
pressing to you the great pleasure and satisfaction I felt
upon reading your article In this morning's Journal upon
Homes. It Is the first really practical thing I have ever read
during my seven years' life as a matron of an Orphans' Home.
It Is teeming with good, sound ideas which ought to be acted
upon, and I hope will be. I love the work, and would be very
glad to spend and be spent in the service, and finally die in
the harness. I am however slowly coming to the conclusion
that, unless some improvement such as you speak of can be
made, it is an almost hopeless work, — one in which, I do
believe, many women are sacrificing their lives.
"Will you accept my warmest thanks for your noble plea?
In the name of scores of overworked matrons, and in the
name of thousands of children neglected, forgotten and starv
ing for a mother's love, I thank you."
Mrs. Chace was thoroughly dissatisfied with the manage
ment of the Reform School, with which she became very
familiar during her service on the Board of Visitors. She
[87]

visited It constantly and brought home graphic accounts of
the way of life there, and of especial inmates. It was thus
that Lillie obtained the close knowledge of the School which
she combined with the knowledge of girl-life in factory tene
ments acquired by her own observation.
Mrs. Chace was greatly Interested when from this double
experience was produced a story called The Child of the
State. Mrs. George I. Chace, one of the other members of the
Board, furnished some details In a written statement which
Lillie did not hesitate to use, and to represent the discipline
in her Reform School as being almost as brutal as that of the
real School.
Mr. Frank J. Garrison asked Mr. William D. HoweUs to
read the manuscript. Mr. HoweUs was then editor of The
Atlantic Monthly. He accepted it, but delayed publication
for a year, when, as a crisis was approaching In the manage
ment of the Providence Reform School, Mrs. Chace wrote
to him urging him to print It for the sake of what she hoped
would be the effect of Its appearance.
He published it In the September number of the Monthly
in this year. Its unusual subject caused it to attract much
attention throughout the country. Its Reform School was
recognized In Providence, and Mrs. Chace had the gratifica
tion of believing that this work helped to reform the original
School. Change had however been fairly Inaugurated there
before the story was printed ; INIr. Talcott had been dismissed
and new officers appointed, — one of whom, after the story
appeared, said to a visitor, "We do not mean to turn out
from here any more 'Children of the State.' "
In the early faU of 1877, William Lloyd Garrison, with
his son Frank, made a visit to the Homestead, spending a
Sunday there. Another guest was Capt. John C. Wyman,
tg whom Lillie was engaged.
[88]

At this time Mrs. Chace published in the Providence Jour
nal a letter entitled Sunday Recreations in Roger Williams'
Park. There was then much discussion about the use to
which the park should be put on Sunday. She gave in this
article an historical review of the Sunday question In the
Christian church ; and naturally made a special statement of
the attitude which the Quakers had always taken toward the
observance of the first day of the week. She told this story
of her own experience :
"I remember, when I was a child, making, in a private
carriage, a j ourney with my father, which left us on Saturday
night in a town in Connecticut. Rising early In the morning,
we commenced our travel, when, as we were riding quietly
along, my father, I dare say, repeating texts of Scripture,
or reciting religious poetry, as was much his wont, a solemn-
vlsaged man came rushing bare-headed out of his house, and
called us to halt. As we did so, he said, 'By the virtue of my
office as a magistrate of this town, I am obliged to order you
to stop driving on the Sabbath day.' My father, who was a
Rhode Island Quaker of the stralghtest sort, good-naturedly
explained our situation and wishes, and the inconvenience that
would result from our being compelled to spend the day In a
Connecticut tavern (for I think the man did not offer us the
hospitality of his house), and he finally permitted us to go
on. Passing the whipping-post, which stood in front of
the meeting-house, we had reason to be thankful that even
Connecticut had made some progress, since the days when
Sabbath-breakers were subjected to its inflictions."
Her conclusion of the whole matter Is thus expressed: "I
pray you, open more green fields, plant more trees, invite
more singing birds, put up more swings, launch more boats,
run more horse-cars, encourage everything that is not wrong
in itself, that will lure away from the haunts of vice the boys
[89]

and the girls, the men and the women of your city. Let these
healthful resorts be kept morally as well as physically pure,
by all necessary and proper guardianship. Let no saloon or
other place of temptation be near. Encourage the resort
thither of the best and the noblest of our people, that the
good may outweigh the evil. Let the rich and the poor,
the cultured and the Ignorant, meet here on common ground,
that. In the interchange of courtesy and good will, the hard-
worked and the weary, the ignorant and even the vicious may
learn the gentle graces, and the sweet manners of refined and
cultivated life ; and the proud and the arrogant may learn
sympathy and humility, while all may find kinship running
through every strata of our human life."
The following letter was the result of a jesting promise
which Its writer had made to Lillie that he would give as much
that year as she did to the Rhode Island Woman Suffrage
Association. Mrs. Chace's delicate scruple was aroused lest,
as a consequence, too large a drain had been made on her
friend's resources, and she wrote to him that she would get
him honorably released from the fulfillment of his pledge.
Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Mrs. Chace
"Newport, Oct. 25th, 1877. It was very kind of you, and
thoughtful, to write thus about my subscription ; but it makes
me think I carried my little joke too far. Really I can afford
the money now, and though I had not thought of giving so
much, am not at all sorry to have done it, and shall send it
on Nov. 1st. It only amused me a little to think how in the
effort to exact a liberal subscription from Lillie, I had done
the same for myself. If I could not really have afforded it,
I should feel free enough with you all to say so ; I have no
false pride about money matters, I think."
[90]

Lillle's health continued to be such, that in November,
accompanied by her mother and Captain Wyman, she went
to Philadelphia to receive special medical attention.
John C. Wyman to Mrs. Chace
"Dec. 20. I do hope the doctor will be generous enough
to let me see L. once a week. I do not believe it will retard
her progress and It will so greatly help mine. Try and per
suade him, her heart has something to do In securing her
restoration, and neither sour milk nor malt can reach It.
Only let me come in once a week as consulting physician and
his patient shall recover, for which he shall receive all the
credit and cash and I will solemnly promise not to ask the
same liberty in regard to any other patient of his."
John C. Wyman to Mrs. Chace
"Jan. 5, 1878. This excitement about the Whittier dinner
recalls to my mind a dinner given many years ago to Mrs.
Stowe, at the time when I was connected with the publication
of the Atlantic Monthly. She made It a condition before
accepting her invitation, that no wine should be furnished at
the table, and there was none, while she was there. I am really
sorry for Mr. W., for I think I can understand how he was
over persuaded, as also, that he might have disliked to dictate
any conditions, even if he thought of the matter, which very
likely he did not.
"I am truly rejoiced at the rigid enforcement of the Excise
law here in New York, and while I do not hope to see N. Y. a
temperance city, I am glad to see they are removing much
temptation by greatly reducing the number of dram shops.
If we can only get a chance to show that pauperism and crime
diminish in the same ratio that we prevent the sale of alcoholic
drinks, I believe we shall have large numbers join us, who now
give the matter no thought.
[91]

"I think the letter you sent me is admirable, and while I
have been trying to think our President was trying to do right,
I may be obliged to change my mind. I don't like to lose ray
faith in his sincerity and genuine patriotism."
Mrs. Chace, escorted by Captain Wyman, went that winter
to a Woman Suffrage Convention In Washington, District of
Columbia, and continued correspondence on the subject with
friends at home.
Mrs. Doyle to Mrs. Chace
"Jan. 2nd, 1878. In regard to our winter's work, I find
It almost Impossible to get Interested In it, without the in
spiration of your presence — I have so little leisure, that I
do not seem to have the Interest for any reform that I ought.
If it were not for you, I think I should drop everything out
side of my home for a season.
"I think your suggestions. In regard to the Clergy of the
city being Invited to speak in our room, are good."
Sitting In the next room to her daughter's sick chamber,
Mrs. Chace wrote a letter to the Providence Journal, of which
we give nearly the whole :
"Pliila., Feb. 10, 1878. Obliged to be absent from Rhode
Island through this winter, I have not been unmindful of Its
interests ; and, when the morning mails bring to my door the
letters from home, and with them comes the Providence Jour
nal, I cannot but greet this as a letter from that larger family
scattered all over our State ; to so many Individuals of which
I am bound by the ties of Rhode Island blood, through a
common ancestry of more than two hundred years of citizen
ship. Nothing relating to the welfare of this family is un
important to me, but my feelings have been most thoroughly
aroused by the agitation of the question of the establishment
[92]

of a State school for dependent children, which is from day
to day occupying the attention of Rhode Island senators.
The discussion shows such a want of comprehension, in some
minds, of the real intents and purposes of the earliest and
best friends of such a school, and of the importance of its
speedy establishment, that I feel called upon to explain how
it came to present itself to our Woman's Board of Visitors,
and what we meant by urging the matter as we did from year
to year, upon our legislators.
"I think the discovery of the facts that all children sent
to the Reform School must first become offenders against the
law; must have been arrested, tried and sentenced as such;
the name of the school and their treatment therein as crim
inals, thus fixing upon them an Ineffaceable stain, which must
darken their whole lives, first suggested the Idea that we might
find a way to save many such children by commencing our
care over them when they were innocent, and making their
life such as should bring upon them no reproach. We found
that many of the children sent almost in Infancy to the
Reform School, were consigned there for such trifling offences
as would never have been thus noticed had they not belonged
to the neglected class ; and yet here they were forced Into the
companionship of older, hardened criminals.
"After the opening of our State almshouse the number
of children born there, and those brought there with their
mothers, again demanded of us some arrangement which
should remove them from the evil Influences by which they
were surrounded. Believing, as I do, that God sends into this
world no human soul which has not in It the possibilities of
a pure and virtuous character, it was natural that I should
see that a grave responsibility rested somewhere for the proper
education of these children thus thrown upon the guardian
ship of the State.
"And although disfranchised on account of sex, and thus
[93]

prohibited from the exercise of the rights and duties of citi
zenship In this matter, I determined that no word of mine
should be wanting until some place of safety was provided
for these children, in whom lies the prophecy of great evil or
of great good, according as the duties thus devolving upon
our State are neglected or performed. As our investigations
progressed, the establishment of an Institution gradually
unfolded Itself, which should be both a school and a home,
entirely free and separate from all penal or pauper influences,
wholly educational In its character, and therefore wholly
respectable; that it should be under the control of a choice
selection of men and women, who had no connection with
prisons or reformatories, but who would make it such a place
as would best develop the tendencies to good common to chil
dren of human parentage. In all our discussions of this
matter. It was never suggested that there should be anything
about this school to make it less respectable than any other
public school. Of course, it was never our design that this
should entirely supersede, for the present, at least, the neces
sity of the Reform School, for such cases as required penal
treatment. "And, notwithstanding much that has been said both inside
and outside of the Legislature of the character of the children
contemplated by this plan, I claim the benefit of large experi
ence and observation when I say that, taken into such an
institution as I desire when they are very young, they will
compare favorably with the same number of children taken
promiscuously from all classes of people in any one neighbor
hood in the State. In regard to 'truant children,' I suppose
that simply means all who from any cause stay away from
school. It does not necessarily follow that such children are
Inately bad. Here again my acquaintance with the homes of
our working people gives me authority to say there are many
causes besides viciousness, why children are not always found
[94]

in school. Want of suitable clothing, the frequent necessity
for the mother to be at work in the factory or the shop at the
hour for sending the children to school, the natural love of
most children for play, and the irksomeness of the bodily
restraint at school, are among the Innocent causes of this
absenteeism, which no one can deny is full of danger to the
children. But I have known children in wealthy families to
require a great deal of urging and some coercion to get them
regularly to school in good order. In some large families,
where the labor of the father is insufficient for their support,
the labor of the older children becomes needful to help pro
vide the absolute necessities of life, and the temptation to
over-state their ages is too strong for the parents to resist,
in order to get these children received into the factory or
the shop. Thus these helpful little ones fall Into the 'truant'
class. "I cannot understand how there can be a diversity of
opinion in regard to locating this school at the State Farm.
But, as there is, I feel obliged to state the objections, at the
risk of repeating what I have said In some former communi
cation. In the first place, it would make it too far from the
city. It is absolutely necessary for its success that it should
be where some of its managers could visit it daily. In the next
place, many and probably a majority of the children having
parents in some one of the other institutions there, the prox
imity of the school would excite in these parents a constant
desire to communicate with the chUdren, which would not be
for the interest of the children, except under circumstances
more easily managed if the school were farther away. But,
worse than this, I am very sure that the chUdren, thus only
taken into another house adjacent to the others, would be
impressed with the idea, which would be a true one, that their
place was a part of the State Farm institutions, and that as
such its inmates belong to a degraded class. Such an impres-
[95]

sion would, of itself, be fatal to the success of the school, if
its purpose were to save its Inmates from becoming paupers
and criminals. If Its design were to raake such, no better plan.
could be devised to raake this a primary school to prepare
candidates for the other institutions. In the public mind the
school would be inseparably connected with the other places.
Visitors would go the rounds : the State School, the Work
house, the Asylum for the Insane, the Almshouse, and the
State Prison — one series — a beginning and an ending, and
an unbroken chain running through the whole. The Board
of State Charities and Corrections, having this series of places
under their care, could not keep them entirely separated In
their minds. The spirit which governed one would govern the
whole. In spite of the best intentions, and thus in every way
would these wards of the State have their lives blighted by
the contamination, and a stigma would attach itself to every
child brought up at the State Farm. If Mayor Doyle de
clared that no stigma attached to the children of the Reform
School, he probably thought so. But It shows that he has
not followed out the system in all Its workings, in the after
life of those children. I know that it is not true. And I could
tell Instances of the fact, such as cases of ladies adopting into
their households girls from the Reforra School, and carefully
concealing from their neighbors the place they came from
because they knew that no social courtesy would be extended
to them, from anybody. If the facts were known. I was told
by a lady who claimed to know that the keeper of a factory-
boarding house. In one of our Rhode Island villages, had
decided to take into her service a girl from the Reform School,
having satisfied herself that she would be a desirable help
to her. She informed the young women who boarded with
her of her intention. They, fearing it would jeopardize their
own reputation to be in the same house with a girl from that
institution, held a consultation, and unanimously agreed to
[96]

leave the house if its mistress carried out her Intention ; and
she was compelled to yield.
"A bright and apparently pretty decent girl from the
Reform School told me that if It was known on the street in
Providence that a girl had been an Inmate of the Reform
School, she was sure to be followed by vile men and boys,
with insult and temptation.
"It is better to build up than to hold down. There is one
reflection which may be good for us all, in considering this
question. The whirligig of time and the revolutions of human
events bring great changes. Wc have none of us arrived at
that elevation In human life, from which there is no possibility
of descent, either for ourselves or our posterity. So, in pro
viding for an establishment of this kind, it is well for us to
consider what sort of a place we would choose for our own
or our children's children, should they ever come to need its
protection and Its fostering care, remembering also that the
Founder of the religion which our State so loudly professes
declared, 'Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least
of these, ye have done it unto me.' "
In reference to this letter of Mrs. Chace's and the legisla
tive discussion, the Providence Journal said editorially:
"The debate has turned more upon the location than the
thing to be located ; and herein Mrs. Chace has the advantage
of the Senators, that she not only knows what she is talking
about, but is ready to say exactly and fully what she means,
wishes and thinks ought to be done."

[97]

CHAPTER TWENTY-FIRST
Renewed Protest against Discrimination on Account
OF Color; Last Visit of William Lloyd Garrison;
Letters from John C. Wyman ; Continued Effort on
Behalf of the Children of the State ; Mrs. Chace's
Letters from New York; Plea for Narragansett
Indians ; William Lloyd Garrison's Funeral ; Miscel
laneous Correspondence; Visit to Massachusetts
Prisons ; Family^ Events and Correspondence
ALL the winter of 1877-78 Captain Wyraan and Mrs.
Chace, cooperating In every way, fought together the
battle that saved LlUIe's life, and together they brought her
back to Valley Falls, in March. Sorae business necessity
called hira Immediately to Europe, and when he returned in
June, it was decided to postpone the marriage till autumn,
in order to give a little business opportunity time to develop,
and to secure to Lillie a few summer weeks of complete rest,
before she began any wedding preparation. It may be ques
tioned whether any mother and daughter were ever more
closely and happily united In confidential relation, as to the
daughter's betrothal experience, than were Mrs. Chace and
Lillie during these months of hope, yet fear, lest the thread
of life had been strained beyond its elastic capacity.
Miss Sarah E. Doyle to Mrs. Chace
"Rhode Island Woman's Club, Providence, May 3rd, 1878.
The Association for the Advancement of Women having
accepted the invitation of the R. I. W. Club to meet in this
[98]

city next October, the club will have a meeting at its room,
Atlantic Building, Wednesday evening, June 5, at 8 o'clock,
to consider plans for the entertainment of the A. A. W.
"Knowing your interest in all subjects relating to women,
you are cordially Invited to be present. For the sake of the
A. A. W., the committee of arrangements of the club desire
to awaken a general interest in the meeting in October."
This Invitation to be a guest of the Rhode Island Woman's
Club roused in Mrs. Chace the spirit which, almost from the
beginning of her Anti-Slavery life, had made her determined
never to countenance anything like color prejudice.
Mrs. Chace to Miss Sarah E. Doyle
"Valley Falls, 6th mo., 4-th, 1878. I thank you for the
courtesy of your note. I shall be very happy to do anything
I can, when the time comes, for the entertainment of the
A. A. W., and I know nothing now to prevent me from invit
ing some of its members from abroad to the hospitality of my
house. But I cannot accept your invitation for tomorrow
evening. The attitude of the R. I. Woman's Club toward the
colored women of Rhode Island and its treatment of its dis
senting members preclude all possibility of my cooperation
or fellowship with It.
"My 'Interest in all subjects relating to women' is not
limited by the color of their skin, but Includes all women,
and Is given most to those who need It most.
"The reading of an Essay, by a colored woman, on the
Colored Women of America, before the Woman's Congress
In 1876, has deepened my Interest In the A. A. W., and, as I
said before, I will do all I can to give It welcome and support
In Providence."

[99]

C. M. Ingersoll to Mrs. Chace
" Washington, D. C, July 14, 1878. It becomes my duty,
as Secretary of the Chisolm Monument Association, to con
vey to you an invitation to give your name, as Vice President
for Rhode Island of the C. M. A. Lloyd Garrison suggested
your name as the suitable one for Rhode Island. To me it
seems the most raomentous issue of this time, that the North
shall understand the true state of our country, and arouse
itself to make and execute laws that shall make immunity for
Chisolm massacres no longer possible."
A large portion of the summer of 1878 was passed at
Wianno, and In this season began the special friendship which
endured unto the end between Mrs. Chace and William, the
son of William Lloyd Garrison.
On October 29th of this autumn Lillie was married to
Captain Wyman. William Lloyd Garrison came again and
for the last time under Mrs. Chace's roof on the evening when
his former Anti-Slavery disciple married Arnold Buffum's
granddaughter. That evening Mrs. Chace gained the son-in-law who was
thenceforth to do more for her and to live closer to her need
than any others, save two, of all her kin. During the succeed
ing years. Captain Wyman literally devoted many thousand
hours to her entertainment ; he was unremitting in attention
to her minor desires; he bestowed large and small service
constantly upon her ; and she enj oyed his gracious gayety as
she enjoyed few other elements in her older life.
John C. Wyman to Mrs. Chace
"N. Y., Thursday. Do you know how really glad you
made my heart by saying in your letter to LiUie, you did not
see why I should not call you Mother, and in addressing you
say 'thee and thou'? If love for LiUie warrants my free use
[100]

">

<

^/l

let. 6s
Snn of WiUiam Lloyd Garrison

of sacred terms, I feel that you simply accord to me my right ;
as our love for one and the same person must bring us very
near to each other. To find a wife and a mother, at one and
the same time, is such a prodigality of good fortune as to make
one almost apprehensive something untoward must soon
happen; but my disposition is to look on the bright side of
things ; and with a loving and loved wife, — a kindly and
generous Mother, I am going to rejoice, sing anthems, and
believe my day of Jubilee has really come, — taking no thought,
nay, more than this, not permitting myself to think anything
can come to darken or chill the light and warmth of my
present life.
"Dearly as you love your child, and near as her happiness
lies to your heart, I do believe you would be very nearly con
tent could you see her. I think I have never seen her In such
apparent good health, and I feel confident she is going from
'strength to strength,' until firmly established In health.
"I must stop here and catch my breath! This moment,
Lillie, Clara, Miss G. and Mr. H. have been In my office, and
really L. looked as full of fun, and seemed /to be enjoying
the frolic quite as much as any of them. They all seemed to
be having a very happy time. I was sorry not to join them
in their search for china-ware and other curiosities, but my
business compels me to ignore pleasure during the day. I was
obliged to let them aU leave in charge of Mr. H., a satisfac
tory person — no doubt. Mr. H. Is a great comfort to me, for
I find he has age, and while I don't care for any more of it,
than I have, I do like to meet friends of Lillle's who are en
dowed with a liberal supply of years. With much love, your
new son."
Mrs. Chace's efforts to obtain a State Home and School
were incessant. She bombarded the daily journals with
articles on the subject. She appeared at a hearing of the
[101]

Joint Special Committee of the General Assembly, and in
her address referred to a child, whom she did not then name,
but who was Ellsha Peck, a Valley Falls boy with whom,
before he was ten years old, her own children had played. She
said, "One of the worst criminals now in our State prison,
perhaps the one whom the officers there would pronounce the
most hardened and incorrigible, said to rae, 'I never wanted
to be a bad man, but I never had a fair chance.' "
The question where the State School, If established, should
be situated was very seriously considered by her. A proposal
was made to take the Chapin Farm for that purpose, and of
this plan she entirely approved.
In this autumn, Mrs. Chace published an article in the
Providence Journal, which she entitled Two More Unfor
tunates. She told therein, with comment, the story of two
boys who had been sentenced to the Reforra School, for
"vagrancy," but who were absolutely Innocent of any offence
except homelessness. "This," she said, "was in the beautiful
city of Newport, In October, 1878, a city that spends thou
sands of dollars on one night's entertainment of distinguished
strangers, but could not furnish the sawing of a pile of wood
to save two poor, honest boys from starvation and misery.
Are there no women there to raake a stir that shall undo this
terrible wrong?"
Her published appeal had beneficent effect so far as one
of the boys was concerned.
W. D. Eldredge to Mrs. Chace
"Prov. Reform School, Nov. 6th, 1878. Dear Madam:
An application for the 'unfortunate' Jno. WiUiaras has
reached our Board of Trustees, and they have decided to
place him with Mrs. Griswold who lives near the Stone MiU
in Newport. Congratulating you upon the great good your
[102]

newspaper article has so speedily accomplished, I remain,
Very truly Yours."
John C. Wyman to Mrs. Chace
"N. Y., Dec. 20. I found your letter last evening upon
my return to about as comfortable and happy a home as you
can find in all New York. I confess I smiled as I read your
instructions or requests In regard to Mary. Everything
shall be done as you wish. I will consult the weather report
in the Tribune, and be as sure as one can be about meteorolog
ical conditions, before I assist or even consent to her start
ing, — then go with her to the station, — put her In charge of
the conductor, — put her in the chair she is to occupy, and,
with my sternest tone, direct her not to leave It till she reaches
Pawtucket. Nay, more, if she will consent, I will have a large
label printed with her name and destination on it, and attach
it to her. When the train has actually started, I will tele
graph you, and do, I beg you, then go about your usual
avocations and wait without worry or anxiety for her arrival."
The sweet, gay spirit conquered ; the saucy yet tender
ridicule of her curious fears did not indeed dissipate her
nervous tremors, but It did really soothe and divert Mrs.
Chace, and she grew to love the chivalry of his homage. She
was fearless with him, and often as the years passed, confided
to him desires she would have hesitated to make known to her
own children, lest with filial freedom, they should inform
her that her wishes were now going a little "too far" in some
Quixotic path. I believe he executed every commission,
granted every request, and with delicate comprehension,
sympathized with every feeling which she confided to him.
She did not know it herself, but she was better fitted by
nature to get on with men than with women. She loved her
daughters, her daughter by adoption and her daughter-in-
law ; but in all her dealings with feminine life, which was close
[103]

to her own, she used a touch that was too constraining,
exerted an authority that was too confining. With men, on
the contrary, who bore similar relation to her, she became a
little oddly passive, even In her most strenuous effort to con
trol them.
Mrs. Chace to the Providence Journal
"It seems to me to be the Imperative duty of all lovers of
the drama, who desire the purification and Improvement
of the modern stage, to patronize, In our best theatres, only
such representations as raake clear the distinctions between
virtue and vice."
Mrs. Chace made a short visit to her daughter, Mrs.Wyman,
in New York.
Mrs. Chace to the Providence Journal
[Extracts]
"Jan. 20, 1879. The friends with whom I am visiting and
myself have been twice to hear Prof. Felix Adler, who lectures
every Sunday morning in Standard Hall, before the 'Society
for Ethical Culture.' He Is, as Is well known, the son of a
Jewish Rabbi in this city, has been a Professor in Cornell
University, but Is now living here, and devoting himself to
humanitarian work. This winter, he is delivering a series of
lectures on 'the duties of life,' in which he advocates, as the
essence of true religion, the highest morality, truthfulness,
integrity, absolute purity of heart and life, holding men
amenable to the same law that governs women.
"Mr. Adler does not condemn the individual accumulation
of property, but [he says] the motive should be, not that the
possessor may be enriched for his own aggrandizement, but
that his power of doing good to those less endowed may be
enlarged. When we give money to those who render us service,
as the physician, the lawyer, the minister, etc., the motive
[104 ]

should be, not to pay them for their work, which should be
unselfishly performed, but to sustain them in the performance
of still greater service to mankind.
"The following evening, we attended a reception given in
private parlors to Soj ourner Truth, the distinguished woman,
once a slave In New York, emancipated by the act which, in
the year 1817, set free all the slaves in this State over forty
years of age. She is therefore at least one hundred and five
years old. She received the guests sitting, having been par
tially paralyzed, but she looked in good health, and her re
membrance of friends whom she had not met for years is
remarkable. Clad in a neat, plain garb, her bright, intelligent
face beaming out from beneath a Quaker-like cap, she looked
the prophetess and seer she has many years been. In the ranks
of reform. When, after many congratulations followed bj'
music and singing, she stood up and addressed the audience
for nearly an hour, though the originality and brilliancy.
In her utterances of many years ago, were quite diminished,
yet her spirit, if less fiery, was lofty and uplifting, and her
repetition of some of her old sayings was strikingly effective.
One which I remember having heard long ago from her lips
was especially Inspiring to me at this time. In answer to some
one who questioned whether she believed in the everlasting
existence of evil and Its punishment, she replied: 'Of course
not. Everything that had a beginning must come to an end.
Goodness existed always, and therefore will be eternal. But
evil began with sin and sin must come to an end.' At a late
hour we left her, still standing, her tall form erect and steady,
her voice clear and strong, declaring her undying and un
faltering faith in the power and the eternity of goodness.
"Another evening we attended a meeting of the ' committee
to prevent the State regulation of vice,' a measure which has
been recommended in New York by one, at least, of its emi-
[ 105 ]

nent physicians ; and, what Is stranger still, by the Board of
Charities and Corrections."
Mrs. Chace to the Providence Journal
[Extracts]
"Feb. 10, 1879. 'The Isaac T. Hopper Home' had a
special interest for me, because I have long desired that we
might have, in our own city, a place of refuge and reform
for the homeless, friendless, sorely tempted women, who are
discharged, unreformed, from our penal institutions. I there
fore gladly accepted the invitation of one of Its managers,
to accompany her on a raorning visit. This Home was estab
lished many years ago, through the efforts of the philanthro
pist whose name It bears, and is under the manageraent of the
Woman's Prison Association, of which Abby Hopper Gibbons,
daughter of its founder, Is the President.
"Women discharged from prison are invited to enter It
[this home] on condition that they will work for its Interest
for one month, and they are there fed, clothed and furnished
with employment. At the expiration of that time they are
permitted to go out to service, making a home elsewhere, or
they go out to work by the day and return for lodging at
night, paying a small fee for whatever they require. If, on
going out, a woman returns drunk, she is not received, but
sent to the station house, although Mrs. Gibbons told me they
overlook, as much as possible, slight offences of this kind, and
try to keep a hold upon the woman as long as they can.
"I was very glad of ray visit to the Tombs, because its
name and all I had ever heard had given rae a glooray picture
of this place of detention; but I found it better than I ex
pected. It is dark and dismal and damp, but it Is kept very
clean and as dry as good fires can make it. Lime is used very
freely, even the floors being whitewashed. As we passed the
doors of the ceUs in the men's department and looked in on.
[106]

their anxious faces, I was shocked, as I always am in prisons,
by the large proportion of very young men, some of them
almost boys, awaiting trial for murder, burglary, robbery
and other heinous crimes. I spoke of this to two officers in
attendance, and one of them replied: 'Yes, but they are often
not very bad. If they were handled rightly. It is the hard
times compels them often. Going by a shop window, they are
tempted to break a pane of glass and take something. They
don't know the law, but It is burglary, and so they get sent
up for five years.'
"When we know that a lonely imprisonment means in most
cases a hardening of the heart and a deadening of the con
science, so that the man will be a more dangerous person
when he comes out, than he was when he went in, this being
'sent up for five years' has an ominous sound, which, in the
case of such boys, it Is not pleasant to hear.
"In the woman's department the scene was sad enough.
The bloated faces, the bleared and bloodshot eyes, the vacant
stare of the confirmed victims of the system which makes
drunkards by law, the young girls brought there alone, for
suspicious conduct on the street, the pale, worn faces of the
sorely tempted women whose self-control was Insufficient to
prevent the unlawful appropriation of their neighbors' goods ;
their tears and wails over little children left at home with no
one to care for them, were heartrending. The matron of the
institution is a woman who has occupied the position for
thirty years ; and she still has a cheerful spirit and a kind,
sympathizing heart ; at the same time she has a strong will
and great controlling power. Her plain common sense and
her sound judgment struck me forcibly. I should like to
see her on the judicial bench.
"From the Tombs we went into the Court of Special Ses
sions, which sits close by, with three judges on the bench.
Here two features impressed me with sorrow and Indignation.
[107]

The first was, the presence of a large number of boys, who
filled one-fourth of the seats for spectators, and they sat there
learning lessons which in a few years will bring many of them
before the bar. The other was the fact that, in a trial for
assault upon a woman by a man, in which the testimony of
both was heard, the treatment of the woman by a lawyer and
the judges was far more harsh and offensive than that of the
man. But my days were not all spent In these sorrowful
scenes. "Dr. John Lord Is delivering a course of lectures In Chlck-
erlng Hall, and thither, one morning, I accompanied a friend
to listen to one on St. Augustine.
"I heard Anna Dickinson's lecture on the Platform and
the Stage; and while I assented to much of her criticism of
the platform, the pulpit and the press, I could not agree that,
as a moral influence, the stage Is, as she claims, superior to
them all. While the manager of one of the best theatres In
New York, in putting upon the stage the charming little
drama of 'The Cricket on the Hearth,' feels obliged to precede
it by a display upon which no man or woman ought to be
able to look without shame, and a sense of insult, I cannot
believe the moral effect, as a whole, of the modern stage is
yet of a very elevating character. I think it ought to be what
Miss Dickinson claims that it Is.
"There is much work for humanity In progress in the great
world of New York, a little of which I saw and ranch of which
I heard. But nothing which I saw or heard gave me so much
hope and courage as the Kindergartens. And, coming home
to Rhode Island, I could not but bring with me a strong
desire that, in our own city and State, we should devise more
thorough measures than we have yet tried for the saving of
the children. The institution of the State School for depend
ent, homeless children, which some of us have so sought for,
and the establishment of public Kindergartens, seem to me
[108]

the two instrumentalities most needed and best fitted for this
purpose." In this same month of February, as soon as she had returned
home from New York, she wrote a long article to the Provi
dence Journal In behalf of the Narragansett Indians. She
told of a visit made in the previous summer to the village on
Cape Cod, where the Marshpee Indians lived, and concluded
with an appeal that all the ordinary rights of citizenship
should be given to the Rhode Island Indians.
Mrs. Chace to the Providence Journal
[Extracts]
"Only a few days ago, George Schofield, 'a bright, intelli
gent lad of twelve years,' who 'besought lodging at the Central
Station, and told a pitiful story of desertion and cruel treat
ment, which was ascertained to be true, was taken before the
Court and sentenced to the Reform School as a vagrant.
Mr. Eldredge urges larger accommodations [at the Reform
School,] that the boys may be classified and separated. I say
that the innocent boys should not be sent to the same Institu
tion [as the guilty ones]."
James Lawton to Mrs. Chace
"Barlow, Washington County, Ohio.
Feb. 13th, 1879.
"I often think of the darkness which overshadowed our
country, when a few of us had the temerity to oppose what
seemed to be the irresistible power of slavery. At the begin
ning of the war, I was told that there was a combination of
ruffians on the other side of the Ohio River who had pledged
themselves to kill a number of persons on this side, whose
names they had enrolled, and my name was on the list. At
[109]

any time previous to that, such Information might have
alarmed me, but at that time I well knew that such characters
would have other work to do than crossing the Ohio for the
purpose of murder. But it is probable such a compact did
exist, and It Is not strange that my name should be included,
for I had often spoken against slavery, declaring that if there
was but one abolitionist in the world, I wished to be the man.
"But I have ceased to trouble myself much about politics.
Indeed I never did unless there was a moral side to the
question." Frederick Douglass resumed his long-discontinued habit
of making occasional visits to Mrs. Chace when he came Into
New England, but I cannot date exactly these various visits.
I remember that once Mrs. Chace asked him why he still kept
his residence In Washington, where, I believe, just then,
he had no governmental business. He made characteristic
reply. "I should rather live in the North," he said; "aU the
friends I care most for, the old Anti-slavery friends, are in
the North ; but there are forty thousand colored people in
Washington; my wife is in her element there."
William F. Channing to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, R. I., March 10, 1879. Are you not moved
to reply to the quasi editorial in the Journal this morning,
entitled, 'Woman Suffrage In England and the U. S.' ?
"I should answer It if I had not already in this morning's
paper a short article on the same subject. I should possibly
have the advantage over you In answering It, in that I believe
In the freest and largest and raost universal suffrage, and
utterly disbelieve In limiting humanity's right of self govern
ment by the accident of more or less education. I am not
sure that you are on the aristocratic side of this question,
but believe you are. If you are not, I apologize !
[110]

"The editorial can be answered however from its own
ground of privileged and restricted suffrage. The editorial
is spurious and cynical and suited to the calibre of brain of
the average legislator. Therefore it may do us harm just
at this time if not answered."
Mrs. Chace wrote a reply to the article in the Journal
referred to by Dr. Channing, but she did not enter Into the
question whether suffrage should be granted irrespective of
education, and simply based her claim on the natural equality
of rights in men and women.
She also wrote a paper upon Woman Suffrage for the
Providence Journal on March 18, 1879, In which she said:
¦"If the tirae ever comes when the discussion and the decision
of practical questions affecting human welfare are based
solely on their merits, as questions of pure ethics, when the
principle involved is the one thing to be considered, then
indeed will the pathway of human progress be a plain and
straightforward one. Then, the right or the wrong of any
new theory or practice or movement having been determined,
our acceptance or rejection will be In accordance therewith;
and we shall have no fear that the result of a decision so
arrived at will not be satisfactory. But, now, In our efforts
to secure justice, we are obliged to prove that it works well
to be just; in order to remove wrong we have to show that
it is safe to do right ; to secure obedience to the Golden Rule,
we are compelled to prove that. If we do unto others as we
would have them do unto us, we shall be secure from harm
to ourselves in consequence."
Mrs. Chace spent Anniversary Week In Boston and at
tended meetings of The Woman's Suffrage, Free Religious
and Moral Education Societies.
School suffrage had recently bsen granted to women in
Massachusetts and New Hampshire ; she was then very much
[111]

1-^1 1"™ -'t-T^

pleased by this concession of rights to women and wrote
enthusiastically about it to a Providence paper, but, as will
be seen, at a later period she felt very differently as to the
desirability of obtaining, or trying to obtain, partial suffrage
for women. There was one event, however, that week which
transcended all others in solemn significance ; William Lloyd
Garrison had died in New York on May 24th, and his funeral
was held In the afternoon of jMay 28th in the church of the
First Religious Society on Eliot Square, in Roxbury.
]\1rs. Chace to the Providence Journal
[Extracts]
"No other man In this country, if in the world, could have
so stirred the heart of a whole people — indeed of a whole race,
on both sides of the ocean — as did this man in his dying
hours. No other man has so stamped upon the age In which
he lived the Impression of a life so unselfish, so heroic, so true
to principle, and so unsullied by a single stain, as did he,
whose mortal remains were that day laid away for their final
rest. It was fitting, as It was beautiful, that. In the vast con
gregation of loving friends, the race should be largely repre
sented which owed, primarily, its deliverance from slavery to
the self-sacrificing labors of this one man; that, among the
pall-bearers of gray-haired men who had stood side by side
with the great reformer for many years, should be one who
was a fugitive slave, and that a colored choir should sing in
the church and at the grave the hymns he loved. No other
man than Wendell Phillips could so appreclatingly, and so
magnanimously, have given utterance to the eulogy, which,
in coming time, will go far to mark this event as one of sur
passing interest, such as has closed the career of no other
mortal man.
"Not a word, not a syllable, did the great orator utter of
Ills own following of the heroic leader, of his own participa-
[112]

tion In the grand life-work of Mr. Garrison ; but we, who had
known them both from their youth upward, as, side by side,
they had laid their all on the altar of suffering humanity ; the
one, his 'statesmanlike intellect,' his 'unerring sagacity,' his
'unequalled courage,' his personal safety; the other his
exalted talents, his high culture, his masterly eloquence,
his prospects of place and renown; and both an unswerving
fidelity. We were filled with devout thankfulness that when
one was taken, the other was left to tell the story of the great
soul with which his own had been so closely Identified; and
when he bent his majestic form over the lifeless body, we felt
he was the one to say :
" ' Serene, brave, all-accomplished, marvellous man ! I sit
down to contemplate the make-up of his qualities. I remem
ber that he was mortal, and yet, where shall we find one among
those waging earnest, unceasing effort to quell sin, to reform
error, to enlighten darkness, to bind up broken hearts, his
equal?' "
In June Mrs. Chace called the Providence Journal to ac
count for belittling the interest felt by Massachusetts women
In their newly conferred right of school suffrage.
Sometime during this summer, she made a pilgrimage,
accompanied by Captain Wyman, which she called "a journey
of enquiry into the possibility of making darkened lives
brighter." She visited the Massachusetts State Prison for
Women at Sherburne, and the Reform School for Girls at
Lancaster. She wrote an account of her inspection of both
institutions in two long articles which were published in the
Providence Journal, and in which after careful description
of what she had seen, she reiterated what was her constant
thought in these years, that the Children of the State must
be provided for in sach manner that they would not naturally
grow up to be inmates of Reform Schools and Prisons.
[113]

In September, 1879, Mrs. Chace's daughter Mary became
engaged to James P. Tolman, whose deceased father had been
the associate of Boston reformers and Transcendentalists
and who was one of the original members of Ralph Waldo
Emerson's Town and Country Club, of which John C. Wyman
was also a member.
Mrs. Elizabeth M. S. Tolman to Mrs. Chace
"Green Lodge, Osterville,
Sept. 11, 1879.
"I am Informed, by a letter from my dear James, that
your family were 'all cordial' to him.
"Therefore it now only remains for me to say that I hope
his own famlh' will, as he says, 'continue to love and bless
him.' And this I know will be the case, if while you gain a
son, I do not lose one ; but rather gain a daughter ; and from
what I have seen and known of Mary, I am ready to welcome
her as such. I am sure you will receive a reciprocation, as
my son, who Is worthy of a happy home, has been invaluable
in the one which has thus far claimed his entire love and care."
Captain Wyman's only child was born in the Homestead
In September.
Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Mrs. Chace
"Cambridge, Oct. 9, 1879. I can come to Providence in
the afternoon of the 15th but can't yet promise the evening.
"I had heard about Mary's prospects. My wife's family
at W. Newton know Mr. Tolman. But I had not heard about
Lillle's happiness, and am greatly pleased to hear it.
"I am sorry that I did not bring you and my wife together
at the Festival. Pray come and see us."
Thus the Interests all flowed on together to make up the
currents of Mrs. Chace's Ufe, — new and old friendships, new
and old loves, births and betrothals, and always reforms.
[114]

Mrs. Julia Ward Howe to Mrs. Chace
"Oak Glen, Newport,
Oct. 12th, 1879.
"I must pray you to be patient and charitable, even beyond
what 'Friends' principles' demand, in view of my neglect of
your kind letter, received, I am afraid to say how long ago.
Private business and public undertakings have kept me very
busy for more than a month past.
"I have really had to work up to the extent of my abil
ity, having had a very important paper to furnish for the
N. American Review, and a paper promised to the Woman's
Congress. Imagine, besides all this, a house full of guests,
and a fashionable daughter to keep and conduct, and you will
think that my wits may have failed me now and then, as they
certainly did when I failed to answer thy letter." . . .
Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton to Mrs. Chace
"Nov. 12, 1879. I owe you an apology for not keeping
my engagement with you. I wanted to talk to you about the
History of Woman Suffrage which we have been publishing
in the National Citizen. A rich lady In New York, Mrs. Eliza
beth Thompson, promises to publish it for us as soon as we
are ready. My idea is to have some capable person in each
State write a chapter on what has been done there. Would
you or your daughters over your name write up Rhode Island,
in as brief a manner as possible to do the work justice, giv
ing Mrs. Davis due praise for what she did and keeping all
personal antagonisms In abeyance to the grand results
achieved? We do not desire to give the world unimportant
bickerings, and thus mar our grand movement In the eyes of
future generations, but [to] make a fair history of all that
has been well done, and throw the veil of charity over the
remainder.
[115]

"Of course it is a task of love, as we can make no money
on such a History.
"If the American Association would cooperate with us
in writing a great History, we will agree that Mrs. Gage
[Matilda Joslyn] and myself on one side, and you and
Mrs. Howe on the other, shall decide on all that shall go into
the published volumes. We might add Mr. Higginson and
Dr. Channing If you think best. Let me know what you
and your daughters think of the proposition."
Neither Mrs. Chace nor her daughters joined in the work
of preparing this History of Woman Suffrage. Mrs. Wyman
was then an Invalid ; Mrs. Cheney was arranging for her second
marriage. Mrs. Chace and Mrs. Wyman moreover felt that
the original differences with the Stantonltes were not suffi
ciently removed by time to make them desire public connec
tion with Mrs. Stanton's work.

[116]

I

/ \

MARY CHASE TOLMAN

^m

CHAPTER TWENTY-SECOND
jMrs. Chace Memorializes the State Legislature on
Behalf of the Dependent Children of the State ;
j\Irs. Chace Writes Governor A'an Zandt; Letter
FROM Mrs. Ednah D. Cheney; Mrs. Chace's Daughter
Mary Marries James P. Tolman; Family Life and
Letters ; Mrs. Chace Writes about Mary Dyer ;
Begins to Doubt the Wisdom of Asking for Partial
Suffrage foe Women ; Writes an Historical Paper
about Soul Liberty in Rhode Island ; Removal of the
Reform School; Indignant Letters from Thomas A.
Doyle and Edwin M. Snow ; Mrs. Chace on Legal
Custom of REauiRiNG Prisoners to Plead Not Guilty;
Letter from Lucy Stone; Mrs. Chace's Woman Suf
frage Address in November ; Goes to Washington,
Attends Woman Suffrage Convention, A'isits Colored
Schools, the White House, and Frederick Douglass ;
Studies the Color Question ; Writes Letters to
Providence Journal; ]Mrs. Chace Addresses a Com
mittee of the State Senate on Woman Sueeeage;
Letters from Samuel May and Frederick Douglass;
Mrs. Chace's Letter to L. B. C. W.
"¦It/TEMORIAL of Elizabeth B. Chace to the Seriate and
2_ rj_ House of Representatives of the General Assembly
of Rhode Island. "January Session 1880.
"I, the undersigned, a native-born Inhabitant of Rhode
Island, do respectfully represent, that, by careful enquiry,
[117]

I have ascertained, that there have been since the beginning
of this year, in the several town poor-houses of this State,
thirty-one children under the age of twelve years. That there
were admitted to the State Almshouse, In Cranston, during
the year ending Dec. 31st, 1879, thirty boys and nineteen
girls ; and that there reraained on Jan. 1st, 1880, fourteen
boys and eight girls. Thus there are, throughout the State,
fifty-three children consigned to such life as the Almshouse
affords. Now the Almshouse, under the most favorable con
ditions. Is, of course. Inhabited by persons who, with few
exceptions, have proved Incapable of supporting themselves,
or of providing for their own maintenance in old age; and
this Incapacity Is often the result of their vicious lives.
"Although In rare instances, respectable and worthy per
sons are, by unavoidable misfortunes, compelled to seek refuge
in the poor-house, yet, as a class, the paupers are Ignorant,
idle, low, and often vicious. Consequently they are, as a rule,
wholly unfit to have the care of children, or to be associated
with them. And children, living under such care, and exposed
to such corapanionship, are not likely to acquire the habits
and character requisite to good citizenship; but are alraost
inevitably doomed to the acquisition of such character and
such habits as will render thera. In the future, a burden, and
a source of expenditure, as well as danger, to the State.
There Is also a stigraa that rests heavily upon persons who
have been inmates of the Almshouse, which must have a de
pressing influence upon all chUdren who have been sent
thither; and this, added to the direct debasement of poor-
house life, goes far to render such training the sure pathway
to confirmed pauperism, or to a career of vice and crime.
"A few years ago, I visited one of the two Almshouses in
the city of Dublin, where I found six hundred inmates. In the
children's ward, I saw eighty-four infants under three months
old, in the arms of their mothers. Most of these mothers were
[118]

young, unmarried girls, from fourteen to twenty years of age.
I enquired Into the history of these girls, and learned that
most of them grew up In the Almshouse until they were old
enough to go to service, when places were found for them,
whence they soon returned, to add to the inmates another set
of children, born to the same inheritance, and doomed to the
same training; and so, from generation to generation, this
type of humanity and this sort of education are repeated.
"During the last two years, a number of boys, not over
fourteen years of age, have been sent to our Reforra School
as vagrants, charged with no crime, not even with a fault,
but simply because they had no homes ; and this institution
is the only refuge, outside of the Almshouse, which our State
has provided for such children. Here they are associated
with older boys, who are familiar with vice and crirae, and
no araount of care on the part of the raanagers can prevent
their initiation into all sorts of viciousness. If, in the future,
we are obliged to consign them to the felon's cell, whose will
be the responsibility? We cannot then deny that we have
done all In our power to make them what they are ; not simply
by neglect, but by our direct Instrumentality. It will not
suffice for our excuse, when some pitying looker-on is sadly
gazing at them through the prison bars, that we piously
ejaculate, that 'the way of the transgressor Is necessarily
hard.' For who have been. In these cases, the actual trans
gressors ?
"In addition to these classes are other children, still living
In places they call 'homes' where drunken fathers and mothers
abuse, and starve, and train to vice, the little ones they have
brought Into the world; sending them into the streets to
become idlers and beggars, and to learn whatever of evil our
streets afford.
"In the last report of Mr. Wightman, Overseer of the Poor
in Providence, occurs this passage on pauperism: 'One Im-
[119]

portant factor. of evil Is the permitting of children to grow
up Into the pauper ranks or the criminal ; which is the worst,
one can hardly tell. There are scores of children in our city
today, whose doom is sealed; inevitably they will become
paupers or criminals, and where will be the blame? It must
primarily, and mainly, rest upon the community, because it
neglects, or refuses to use, the ounce of prevention ; eventually
to resort to pounds of cure, through charity rolls, almshouses,
reformatories, jails and State prisons.' In view of all these
threatening conditions, is it prudent, as a matter of safety
and economy to the State, to continue our present system,
which involves, as we have already experienced In Rhode
Island, a constant Increase of expenditure In the line of our
pauper and penal institutions ? At the same time, the increas
ing corruption and debasement of our people present aspects
so alarming, that no tongue or pen can depict them in lan
guage sufficiently strong or denunciatory.
"The story of 'Margaret, the mother of criminals,' is
familiar to most readers of newspapers. It Is that of one
neglected girl, who lived in one of the lake and forest districts
of New York, a little more than a hundred 3'ears ago, whose
posterity, distributed over the State, a recent investigation
has shown to consist mainly of an army of paupers, insane
persons, prostitutes, criminals and vicious persons of all
grades. "The State of Michigan, in 1871, established by Legisla
tive enactment, a 'State School for Dependent Children,'
which Is now a flourishing institution, that seems to approach
nearer to perfection than any other, and has proved, from
year to year, to be a great blessing to the State. In closing
the report for the year 1878, the Board of Control of this
institution use the foUowing language: 'It is a source of
gratification that the success of this Institution still continues
to attract the attention of social scientists and legislators in
[120]

the several States in this country, and also in Europe. The
Michigan system of State support for dependent children in
a school, no taint of crime attaching to any inmate by reason
of the manner of his admission, is so original in its plan, that
Its career has been watched with unusual interest. And, now
that It has been demonstrated that all the most desirable re
sults are reached here at less expense than bare support is
had In the average country poor-house, the interest has be
come greater among legislators. With experience, with a
better knowledge of the School among the people, and with
facilities still to be furnished by the Legislature, it is believed
that the best attainable results are yet to be secured for these
children of the poor.'
"It seems to your petitioner to have become a pressing
necessity in this State, that an Institution of this character
should be established here. These children in our Almshouses,
the abused, neglected children in our streets, the horaeless
vagrants, all appeal to our fears as well as to our benevolence.
That a few of the children of the State Alrashouse have been
taken into the house of the Chaplain, and are sent to the dis
trict school, is good as a temporary expedient, but Is wholly
Inadequate to meet the demand in behalf of the dependent
children throughout the State. To the suggestion that this
experiment is 'forming the nucleus of a home for children,
which should be made one of the best of the State institutions,'
there remains, and must ever remain, the strong and Insur
mountable objection — that It must Inevitably be subject to
the unwholesome mental and moral Influences of the situation.
The children there must be State Farm children, and no effort
could save them from the degrading effect of such association.
In view, therefore, of all these facts, circumstances and
considerations, I, a tax-paying woman of Rhode Island, do
respectfully, earnestly and solemnly Implore, that you, the
elected guardians of the welfare of our State, will refer this
[ 121 1

memorial to a joint special comralttee of both houses of the
Assembly, requiring them to report, during this session, a
bill with plans for the establishment of an Institution for the
protection and support of such children as should come under
the care of the State ; and also, for their education, mentally,
morally and industrially, to the end that, as fast as they are
prepared, suitable places and occupations may be found for
them, where they shall have a fair and equal chance to become
useful, worthy and self-supporting men and women ; a bless
ing, not a burden, to the State. Elizabeth B. Chace."
In this first month of the year Mrs. Chace wrote a letter
to the Journal, thanking Governor Van Zandt for having
recommended to the favorable consideration of the Legisla
ture the question of taking the necessary steps to secure to
the women of the State the right to vote upon all school ques
tions under the same conditions as men did.
Mrs. Ednah D. Cheney to Mrs. Chace
"Jan. 10, 1880. I have consented, at the request of the
Women's Protective Union, to serve on the Committee for
the Sunday meetings. I want If possible to give the women
who come there the most earnest speech from the deepest
experience. My thoughts have turned to you, as knowing so
much of the struggles of life, and I have been tempted to ask
if you would give us a leaf out of your book, and tell us what
has helped you in your work, or what you think others need
to help them."
Mrs. Chace's daughter Mary Cheney married James P.
Tolman in February. Acquaintance with Mr. Tolman and
his family had begun more than a dozen years before when
his sisters were school girls at Lexington, Massachusetts.
[ 122 ]

That acquaintance had deepened later into a family Intimacy,
and the marriage was completely satisfactory to Mrs. Chace.
Mrs. E. M. S. Tolman to Mrs. Chace
"Feb. 24-, 1880.
"Dear 'Sister Chace' : I am heartily disposed to write you
a little letter at this time of so much interest to you and me ;
— to thank you for the pleasant time we had at your house,
just one week ago, — for all that your abundant hospitality
did to alleviate the sadness which might have been connected
with so pleasant an event as that for which we sought your
home. " Harriet speaks in admiration of the skill which prevented
all appearance of what must be under ordinary circumstances
the trouble of preparing for so many guests. Everything
went off admirably.
"The wedding, too, was altogether pretty and sociable.
Our children looked well and behaved well. They seemed
earnest and reverent and dignified.
"I am getting proud of my granddaughter Bessie. The
children all behaved well that night and honored their
parents." Captain and Mrs. Wyman were living in Boston at this
time.
L. B. C. W. TO Mrs. Chace
"Boston, March 31. I am glad thee does not let thyself
get unhappy, for it would be very hard to think of thee as
lonely. Thee is very good about it.
"John and Anna and I went to see Vedder's pictures at
Williams and Everett's. I wanted to own them ! There is a
picture of Pan piping to rabbits squatting around him.
Snow covers the ground, yet the loveliest light makes the
scene as glad and bright as summer.
[123 ]

"We had a very pleasant time at the receptions, Saturday.
Fanny VlUard looked like a duchess in black velvet and wear
ing a diamond pin. Wendell Phillips was there, and day
before yesterday, Anna and I met him on the street.
"Mrs. Wells' reception was less gorgeous than the Garri
sons', but very nice. She is always lovely, and a glimpse of
her would have been enough to repay me for going If there
had been nothing else, but I was also glad to see Mrs. Diaz
and Mrs. Churchill there.
"Tomorrow night, John Is to take Anna to the Woman's
Club entertainment. He thought I'd better not go, as I have
planned a theatre party for tonight, and two evenings out
in succession would be too hard.
"I don't believe thee quite knows how much I love thee."
Mrs. Chace was always very much interested in the char
acter and the history of the Quaker martyr, Mary Dyer.
It was therefore natural that this heroine of the old struggle
to obtain religious liberty In New England should be a promi
nent figure in an historical study, which she prepared and
read at the Monthly Meeting of the Rhode Island Woman
Suffrage Association in April, 1880.
This paper was entitled, Quakerism and Woman Suffrage,
and in it she traced the growth of an Idea through Quakerlsra
and Anti-Slavery, to the Woman Suffrage movement, with
something of the ability of a real historian.
Mrs. Chace, by this time, had become opposed to the policy
of advocating the bestowal of School suffrage on Women.
She thought that all effort should be concentrated on the
attempt to secure full suffrage; and that the acceptance of
partial suffrage, as an object for endeavor, distracted atten
tion from the principles of equal justice, and It seemed to
her that legislators, who had granted such limited voting-
right to women, would be self-satisfied by their own action
[124]

and aU the less ready to respond to the demand for complete
equality.
Mrs. Fanny P. Palmer to Mrs. Chace
"Prov., R. I., April 10th. I am very much pleased to see
an editorial notice of your paper on Quakerism and Woman
Suffrage, in this morning's Journal. I have wished to ex
press my own appreciation of the paper in warmer terms than
I have ventured to speak, — lest they should seem like flattery.
To my mind no more profound or able argument has been
uttered from the Woman Suffrage platform.
"I want to say in this connection, that I advocate pressing
partial Suffrage only on account of its offering a greater
chance — as it seems to me — for success. We all know that
defeat is demoralizing. Any sort of success would help the
cause of women vastly, in Rhode Island.
"I desire to urge School-Suffrage because of its larger
popularity; because it appeals to an influential class whom
we cannot reach [In presenting] any other phase of this
question. " I feel deeply that what the cause of woman needs in Rhode
Island just now is some immediate success. I don't want to
stand for compromise — only for expediency."
Mrs. Chace wrote in April a long historical and argumenta
tive paper, entitled Soul Liberty, in which she rehearsed the
course of legal action in Rhode Island, since 1637, towards
differing religious sects and practices, and drew the conclu
sion that the Free Religious Society of Providence was an
organization whose minister, Frederic A. Hinckley, should
be recognized as competent to perform the marriage cere
mony. This paper was printed in the Providence Journal.
In May, 1880, Mrs. Chace published an article in which
she said that she was very much interested in the plan for
[125]

starting a Woman's Exchange in Providence, such an ex
change being then a new method of helping indigent women.
Not long after Mrs. Chace had memorialized the Legisla
ture on behalf of dependent children, some action was taken by
the State authorities which tended to fuse all child offenders
Into the solid mass of adult and confirmed criminality which
existed in the body politic. The Reform School had In recent
years passed under better management than that which had
served as a model for the Child of the State. It was situated
In the city of Providence and had outgrown its buildings and
yards, and therefore a change was necessary. Instead of
making such change as would have separated the children,
even in their own thoughts, from the vicious classes, a reso
lution was passed at the May session of the Rhode Island
Legislature, adopting the report of the State Board of
Charities, and this adoption permitted the removal of the
Reform School from Providence to a site adjoining the State
Almshouse and Penal institutions In Cranston. Mrs. Chace
vigorously opposed this change. She felt that the unfortu
nate boys and girls In the school would Inevitably be asso
ciated in the public mind with the pauper and criminal Inmates
of the State Farm and Prison to whom the change would make
them near neighbors.
At this time the Rhode Island State Farm was not greatly
unlike institutions In other States which had been established
for similar purposes. A tract of land In the town of Cranston
was owned by the State. Here were sent paupers and va
grants, who were not eligible as Inmates of the town poor-
houses, which required that the recipients of their doubtful
benefits should have been, at some time, taxpayers. On the
farm were located other state and county penal and correc
tional institutions.
Mrs. Chace wrote a paper dated June 1st, in which she
approved of that part of the Legislative plan which proposed
[126 ]

to accommodate the boys and girls of the Reform School In
cottages rather than in one or two large buUdings, but she
concluded with the following paragraphs :
"There is a little mistiness in the propositions regarding
the Reform School for girls. In one part of the report, it is
proposed that it should be under the immediate supervision
and control of a board of women. In another place, two sites
on the State land are offered, one for the boys' and the other
for the girls' school; and then the report goes on to say,
¦'Should the two schools be built on these sites and placed
under the same management as the other State institutions,'
etc. So it looks as though the design is that the board of
women, under whose 'immediate supervision and control' the
girls are to be placed, shall be subordinate to the board of
men. I trust we shall have no more subordinate and power
less boards of women.
"Finally, and to my mind, astonishingly, the Board of
State Charities suggests to the Legislature: 'Should your
honorable body decide to establish a home for the children
in the almshouses of the State, which the public welfare de
mands, it might very properly be built In the neighborhood
of the girls' school, and placed under the same manageraent.'
I can Imagine no surer scheme for the manufacture of crim
inals on a large scale, than this whole plan of congregation.
The strong point presented by the report in Its favor is, its
financial economy. If it would indeed be a saving of money,
what Is that to be compared with wasted human lives ! But
I am sure that the experience of a few years would prove its
results to be a vast increase of expense to the State.
"I certainly consider that the consignment of children to
such an arrangement would be a crime. Our Legislature has
adopted this report of the Board of State Charities, and
lias placed the whole matter in their hands, with a large
appropriation wherewith to carry out the plan. But it was
[127]

done very hastily, and without due consideration. It Is not
too late to retrace a step which, I am sure, all true friends
of our dependent and delinquent children must, on reflection,
see to be a mistaken one. To decide, let every Intelligent man
and woraan in the State ask himself or herself, 'Would I be
willing that any child of mine should, under any circum
stances, be placed in an institution so situated?' There can
be no question about the answer. In regard to the temporary
transfer of the inmates of the Reform School to the old State
Prison, I need say nothing. The strong feeling against It in
the community, the manly and humane protest of the Trustees
and the action of the city government will, of course, prevent
this outrage."
In less than a week she followed up this letter with another
In which she said :
"I am a disfranchised, powerless woman. But I do entreat
our legislators to reconsider or postpone the carrying out
of their late too hasty action."
Thomas A. Doyle to Mrs. Chace
"Executive Department, Providence, June 4-, 1880. I have
your favor of 3rd Inst, and fully agree with you In regard
to the reform school matter. I do not see how we can prevent
the school from being located at the farm, the time being so
limited, in which to act.
"The friends of the removal have worked shrewdly and I
am sorry to say. In a most improper way, to accomplish their
work, which I fear will be the destruction of the school as
a means of good.
"If petitions could have been circulated throughout the
State during the present week they might have accomplished
a stay of proceedings. As it Is, I shall do all in my power
to prevent the removal and if possible get a suspension of
[128 ]

the law until the January session, hoping thereby to pre
vent the consummation of this blot upon the good name of
the State.
"One thing is secure, I think, and that is the children wIU
not go Into the old Prison."
Edwin M. Snow to Mrs. Chace
" Office Superintendent of Health, City Hall, Providence,
June 5, 1880. I am not on the Board of Trustees of the
Providence Reform School. Declined a re-election last Janu
ary ; and am extremely thankful that I am not on the Board,
to be insulted and abused as it Is by the recent action of the
General Assembly.
"I consider this action most outrageous, and full of evil
for the present and the future ; both to the State, and to all
the children who will need the care of a Reform or Industrial
School. "The whole scheme is an outrage, unwise, and in many
respects Impracticable.
"I feel all that you do upon the subject, and would be glad,
as an individual, to do anything to prevent It."
The school was transferred and then divided Into the Oak-
lawn School for girls and the Sockanosett School for boys.
Mrs. Chace to the Providence Journal
" Valley Falls, June 21st, 1880. I heartily endorse the
protest of Thomas R. Hazard, in this morning's Journal,
against the custom of counselling prisoners to plead 'not
guilty' to crimes they are known to have committed. And,
certainly, there never was a case where the absurdity as well
as the wickedness of such counsel was more apparent than
in this case of Walter Winsor.
"It has long been a source of astonishment to me that, in
order to secure fair treatment to a criminal, it is considered
[129 ]

1 -^

necessary that he should further criminate himself by telling
a falsehood. Much as our whole system of dealing with crim
inals needs revision, there is no feature of it more objection
able than this. And I am glad that so conscientious and able
.a writer has taken it up.
"When this poor, badly-organized and misguided youth
had confessed his guilt, even to the giving of details of the
manner in which he perpetrated the appalling crime, and
himself exhibiting the proofs, what greater harm could be
done hira than to counsel hira to add to the atrocity by a lie?
Perhaps, in the horror of the spectacle of what he had done,
a spark of conscientiousness may have been awakened in his
soul, which led hira to tell his story, although In a most brutal
way. At that time had he fallen into wise, judicious and
friendly hands and been urged to speak only what was true,
and submit patiently and penitently to the consequences :
who knows but that even in him, a flame might have been
kindled, which, In time, would have done something toward
softening and purifying his brutal nature? But instead of
that, his counsel advised him to lie, and thus, perhaps, was
extinguished the last ray of light In this darkened soul,
leaving him more demoniac than he was before."
Mrs. Lucy Stone to Mrs. Chace
"Boston, Oct. 25. Will j'ou not read my editorial this
week, entitled 'Armed Neutrality,' and if you agree with it,
will you not next week send an article to say so? I feel sure
that I am right. No one would expect colored men to take
up with a party that despised all their prayers for equal
rights. It ought not to be expected that women should.
But you see what Col. Higginson said In his article last week.
Now, I should like the moral support which your express
agreement would give. Everybody respects your level head
and the good solid sense they all know you have.
[130]

"I have been trying to show that the loud shouts about
the disgrace Butler is bringing upon the State stand for very
little to me, so long as the great shame and sin exist which
come by the disfranchisement of women."
Mrs. Chace's address as President of the Rhode Island
Woman Suffrage Association, In November, dealt with the
moral topics which. In her mind, were always associated with
the Idea of woman's enfranchisement. She reiterated her
belief, often expressed before and often to be expressed in
the future, that public virtue and private morality would be
greater if women were allowed to vote. But in this address
she began to express her doubt of the wisdom of asking for
school suffrage: "If women are taxed for privilege of voting
on one question, as largely as men are for voting on all, the
former not being permitted a voice on the appropriation of
funds so obtained, it does not surprise me that hard-working,
or that high-minded women should refuse to furnish such
funds for such vote. And, If the State of Rhode Island shall
give to her daughters so small a modicum of right. Instead
of the fullness which Is their due, and then make the condi-
tlciis of accepting it so hard, I shall not blame them if they
turn their backs upon It as do so many of the women of
INIassachusetts." Because of recent events in the country, she went on thus
to connect the two principles which had been dominant in her
Avhole life: that of justice to the negro race, and to woman.
"In the political campaign just ended, a great emergency,
that of justice and safety to the long oppressed black man,
as weU as of security to the nation against the spirit of arro
gance existing in the Southern States, made it a necessity and
a duty that we should give our sanction to the triumph of
Republican principles, so far as we were permitted to do so,
and so far as they are republican. At the same time, I, as a
[131]

woman, could not but be continually impressed with the
absurdity of the fact, that, in a crisis like this, in a State
and a Nation calling Itself republican, one-half the people
were excluded from all active participation."
She introduced Into this address a reminiscence with a
moral attached: "When I sat in a hole In the wall, where,
through a grating, women were permitted to look down on
the British House of Commons, and strained my eyes and
my ears to get an idea of the assembled wisdom of England,
I said to my friends there that, were I an English woman,
I would never rest until this dark and miserable place was
exchanged for seats in the House, for the women of a land
ruled over by a Queen."
At a later session of this Association the question came up
whether to make a special effort to obtain the ballot for tax-
paying women, which It was thought would be easier to get
than universal suffrage; Mrs. Chace explained her position
on the question, saying substantially, if the Legislature should
give that privilege they would gladly accept It, yet as a tax-
paying woman she could not ask a privilege for herself which,
at the same tirae, her poorer sisters could not have.
In the early winter, Mrs. Chace went to Washington and
attended the eleventh annual convention of the American
Woman Suffrage Association. She called with several of the
Woman Suffragists on Mrs. Hayes at the White House, and
wrote afterwards to the Providence Journal:
"However we may differ In opinion, concerning the policy
of this administration toward the Reconstructed States, we
are of one heart and mind concerning this lovely woman, and
we shall always retain the pleasantest memories of our delight-/
ful visit to bright, sweet, womanly Lucy Webb Hayes."
She went one evening to a Methodist class-meeting of
colored people where she had been assured that she would find
[132]

I

L

PLAN OF THE OLD UNITED STATES SENATE CHAMBER IN 1856
Number 9 is the seat occupied by Charles Sumner when Brooks assaulted him
Copyright by Little, Brown & Co.

the old plantation variety of reHgion. Apparently she did
find it and was not edified, but the deep vein of humanity
within her led her to make this comment : "I could not see how
such demonstrations could have any good effect upon their
lives, except as any recreation and social enjoyment must be
an alleviation of the hardships of a life of heavy burdens, and
as giving them something to look forward to In a happier lot."
Mrs. Chace to the Providence Journal
[Extracts]
"On Sunday morning we went to 'AU Souls'' Church to
listen to Edward Everett Hale, — a church called Unitarian,
but which, from its name up through its decorations, its
mottoes, its tablets, its robes, its ceremonies, its prayers and
its sermon, I could not have distinguished from the most
orthodox of the orthodox.
"The Supreme Court room interests me only as the old
Senate Chamber, and when an Intelligent colored porter
pointed reverently to the spot where stood the seat of
Charles Sumner, and showed us the door by which the assassin
Brooks entered behind him, with the weapon in his hand with
which he struck down the colored man's friend, we whispered
to each other of the martyred hero as though we were in a
holy place.
"On Tuesday evening we called on Mrs. Chisholm, the
widow of the martyred Judge Chisholm, and the mother of
Cornelia and John Chisholm, who were also fatally wounded
when they rushed between their father and his blood-thirsty
assailants, in Kemper County, Mississippi, In the year 1877.
She is living In two small upper chambers, where she and her
youngest boy are supported by her labor as a clerk in the
Treasury Department. She seemed to me a remarkable
woman, brave and strong ; but the iron which has entered her
soul was of crushing weight, and it Is not strange that It has
[133 ]

left a bitterness which tirae can never assuage, toward a land
where such atrocities are not only perpetrated, but approved
and sanctioned by the administrators of the law.
"On Wednesday morning a lady, resident in Washington,
accompanied me to a free kindergarten, where twenty happy
little children, coraing from poor homes, were enjoying the
blessings of this beneficent system of development. Knowing
that there were all around it, colored children who equally
needed these benign influences, I asked the principal if there
were none such admitted. She said: 'No; they sometimes
come In, and I let them sit over there,' (pointing to some
empty seats) 'and when they ask if they may come here, I tell
them this Is for these children, but by and by, we will have
one for them.' And so she tried, kindly, to reconcile them in
their Infancy to their pariah lot, which is cruel and unchris
tian, whatever of charity and kindliness may be poured over
it." *********"Mr. Douglass lives in a handsome house standing on the
top of a hill and commanding a fine view of the city and
the adjacent country, through which winds a branch of the
Potomac River. Stately trees adorn the slopes of the hill on
all sides of the house. This was built for his own residence
by the former owner of a large tract of land, who sold house-
lots only on condition that no spot should ever be sold to a
negro or an Irishman. Having become poor, he now lives in
humbler quarters, and United States Marshal Douglass has
become the owner of the house, with fifteen acres of the land-
around It. We found Mr. Douglass in the midst of his family,
a patriarch Indeed. His wife is infirm from rheumatism ; his
sister, who remained a slave until released by the Proclama
tion, lives in a small house on the premises with her son, who
works for his uncle; his daughter, a fine, energetic looking
woman, with her daughter, a bright, intelligent girl of sixteen,
[134 ]

was spending the day with her parents; a little motherless
granddaughter, pleased and happy, clung to her grand
mother ; an adopted daughter was busy about the house, and
an orphan boy of ten years, fuU of intelligence, was there,
who, a few months ago, wrote to Mr. Douglass from Mary
land, claiming to be his grand-nephew, and, proving himself
to be so, was sent for to come and share his hospitable home.
The three sons live about Washington, one being employed
in his father's office. In the well-furnished study where he has
a large library, Mr. Douglass showed us several pieces of
furniture which he purchased at the sale of the effects of
Charles Sumner, among which were his desk and a table.
He gave us a very interesting account of his recovery of a
long-lost brother, much older than himself, who had been sold,
many years ago, into Texas, where he had been cruelly treated
and had suffered much hardship, until he was broken down
with age and infirmity. Like many others, it was long after
the Proclamation that he first learned that he was free.
Mr. Douglass, becoming acquainted with the facts, brought
him to his home, and supported and cared for him until death
came to his relief. He also related to us his visit, after the
war, to his old master on his death-bed ; his friendly meeting
with his master's daughter, who, when a child, had shown
him sympathy and kindness, and whom, in return, he had be
friended, as a slave might, when her stepmother had ill-treated
her ; and of his receipt from the daughter of this cruel step
mother, and mistress, of a letter imploring his pecuniary aid
in her poverty and distress.
"Thus we spent two hours with him and his family, in the
most delightful manner, as much honored and as happy as we
had been in the Presidential mansion. And when he took us
back to the city, in his own carriage. It was as though a king
had attended us. For, as a kingly man, as a high-bred gentle
man, no man in this broad land stands before Frederick Doug-
[135]

lass. And when we consider that his youth was spent in
slavery, in his early manhood he was a hunted fugitive, that
he had no education save what he gained by observation, and
what by extra toil he ground into and out of his massive head,
and, withal, that he is now allied to a despised and hated race ;
looking at him as he stands, scholarly, broad in every sense,
a man of property and a man of mind, large-hearted, philan
thropic, with lofty aims and unselfish ambitions, crowned
with the honors he has fairly won, in spite of all these draw
backs, and modestly ignoring all greater honors, that, but for
the one dishonor of race, might now be his, what other man,
in this or any other land, has a right to call himself his peer?
********* "I also visited, besides the lower schools, a high school
and a normal school, the latter instructed by a middle-aged
black lady, who presided like a queen, and was said to be
highl}' educated. The principal In this building was a very
interesting, pleasant, white lady. After ray experience in the
other school-house, I could not feel sure, and so, with an
apology on account of my deep interest in the color question,
I asked her if she belonged to the colored race. She replied
pleasantlj', and yet there was a pathetic tone In her voice.
'Well, I suppose I am nearer related to your race than to the
other, yet I am a colored woman.' I could but reply, 'So long
as there Is anything degrading in It, it Is a shame that it Is so ;
for, of course. It excludes you from any but the society of
colored people.' She said : ' Yes, but we have excellent society.
I could go out today and bring together in a short time
twenty-five of our people as well educated, as intellectual
and refined as you could find anywhere.' Then I said: 'Now
you are a white woraan. Here in these schools are children
all the way frora white to black. Is there any difference in
your feeling toward them? Have you any feeling of repulsion
toward the dark ones on account of their color?' She re-
[136]

plied emphatically: 'None at aU,' and further said, with
tears gathering in her sweet brown eyes, that black children
and black people seemed just as near to her as white. By her
few drops of African blood she is excluded from alliance with
the race of the oppressors, and so she does not share the
hatred which comes from wrong-doing toward our fellow-
creatures. Soon after my interview with this Interesting
woman, I left her, and. In a few hours, I left Washington,
with no result of my experience there more strongly Impressed
on my mind than this reflection: that, if these United States
remain one nation, under one central government, the time will
surely come when the people will be one people, with the same
political, civil, educational, industrial and social rights and
privileges, regardless of race or previous condition. Intel
lectual ability and moral and social characteristics will deter
mine the position of a man or woman, and not the color of the
skin, or heredity of the blood. The complexion will be what
the climate and other influences shall produce. By our mean
prejudices, by our cruel selfishness, by our unjust and pro-
scriptive laws, we may retard this movement In human prog
ress ; but. In so doing, we hinder our own advancement, and
wc leave for our children and our children's children that
portion of the work that belonged to us to do, in harmony
with the divine law that governs the universe."
Samuel May' to Mrs. Chace
"Leicester, Jan. 23, 1881. WIU you suffer an old corre
spondent to take up a little of your time? I have read two of
your communications to the Providence Journal, as reprinted
In the Woman's Journal.
"Your account of F. Douglass, as to his present manner
of living, his bearing, and his present standing Is the only
reliable one I have seen. It Is delightfully satisfactory.
"When Chief Justice Chase had presided, In 1865, In a
[137]

meeting at Washington, to introduce F. Douglass, who, as
a comparatively unknown man, had given a public lecture in
that city, I met the Judge shortly after and thanked him,
who had set so grand an example to the land, and had not
deemed the Chief Justice's dignity was impaired by his asso
ciation with one who had been a slave, for I could not help
contrasting his course with that of Chief Justice Taney, —
and I remember I shed sorae tears then, as I have now at
the concluding part of your letter, — he checked me, with the
words, 'Mr. May, Frederick Douglass is a great man.' I said
the Abolitionists had known It long, but It was a new thing
for one in his position to recognize It.
"That is not what I set out to say; but this, — Isn't It
worth while to have your Washington letters put in a tract
form? I would like a hundred copies. There are dark places
yet where they should go.
"Your account of the Schools in the D. C. for the colored
children, — of those teachers, especially of her with whom you
talked so much and In a way so surely helpful, is the most
valuable portion of your letter. Why haven't you written
more, and much? These letters ought not to go the way of
the daily newspaper only.
"How well I remember the hearty, cordial, immediate yes
you sent me back in answer to the very first letter I wrote,
to go out of Mass. for a series of A. S. Conventions ! The
encouraging tone gave me a courage and faith which lasted
all through, and is not gone yet.
"Greed, selfishness, and great wrong abound now; but the
sure work of undermining them goes on. Your vision of
the coming Nation shall be fulfilled.
"I felt I must write you these thanks. Pray write on."
Mr. May had by this time ceased to be a "Junior," hence
the change in heading.
[138]

Captain and Mrs. Wyman spent three months of this
season in Washington, remaining there until after the Inaugu
ration of Mr. Garfield.
Frederick Douglass to Mrs. Chace
"Washington, Jan. 23, 1881. I should be the most un
grateful of men if I did not feel pleased and grateful for the
part you give me in your Washington letter. I was fully as
much pleased by your visit to 'Cedar Hill' [the writer's resi
dence] as you were. In yourself I saw one connected with.
the most precious of all my anti-slavery recollections. New
England was the birthplace of my freedom. Mrs. Borden
and yourself were among the first of the dear Anti-slavery
people of New England to make me feel at home, and at ease
in your homes. I am bound to those early workers In the
cause of the slaves, by bonds stronger than links of steel,
and I never see one of them, without a joy which is perhaps
a little too noisy. I felt that I had taken up entirely too
much time in talking when you were here, and that I ought
to have heard more from Mr. Wyman and yourself.
"I am ashamed to say, that I have not yet found time to
call on 'Miss LiUie.' I like the old name, though I am not
averse to the new. She has kindly Invited me to see her dear
little boy and I mean to go soon. Mr. Wyman is doing all
he can to have me retained in the office of U. S. Marshal of
the D. C, and he Is In a position to be able to do much.
"I read your article aloud to Mrs. Douglass and the family.
Like myself they were surprised that you could remember
everything about your visit so accurately.
"I attended the morning and the afternoon session of the
National Woman Suffrage Association here last week. The
morning session was very impressive. It was a kind of memo
rial service of Lucretia Mott. You would have assented, I
think, to aU the good things said of that noble woman, though
[139]

-with your own plain Quaker views and education, you might
have objected to the profusion of fiowers and music on the
occasion. I am quite sure that Lucretia would have objected
herself. — But I only took up my pen to thank you for your
kind and spirited notice in the Journal."
Mrs. Chace would not in this period of her life have objected
to "flowers and music" on any occasion.
Mrs. Chace to Mrs. Mary C. Tolman
"The kindergarten Is full all the time; so that some of the
¦children have to sit on boxes. I am sorry to have it stop for
the summer.
"I've got Rosanna  here. Her mother abused her so,
I took her in to protect her till she could do some other way."
In the early winter of 1881 Mrs. Chace addressed a com
mittee of the State Senate on woman suffrage. She began by
saying: "As the advocates of Woman Suffrage in Rhode
Island have seldom been heard before a committee of this
House, It seems fitting that we should, at the outset, make
a clear statement of our grievances."
She then proceeded to state these grievances ; first, and
foremost, that women were disfranchised because of their
sex; second, that they were not endowed with equal right to
property with men ; and third, married women had not the
.same right to their children that the fathers had.
Mrs. Chace to L. B. C. W.
"West Newton, 2nd mo., 1881. I hope thee will return
Mrs. [Robert] IngersoU's call. I want to know what sort of
yvoraan she is. Go to Mrs. Hayes' receptions and other nice
things ; and I hope some pleasant Sunday, you will go out to
.see Frederick Douglass. [ 140 ]

LUCRETIA MOTT

"They had an entertainment at the Christian Union [here J
last night of private theatricals in which Arnold, James, Leila
and Anna Turner took part. Preceding it, Wendell Phillips-
spoke nearly an hour, giving Anti-Slavery reminiscences,
illustrated by a Slave scene. / did not go there, but I went,.
with Mrs. Moore and her younger boy, to a very large and'
elegant party at Mrs. Fenno Tudor's, where legislators, the
Governor and others were invited to meet the Woman Suf
fragists. It was very fine. Col. Higginson seemed to be in;
a most enchanting and enchanted state of mind. Was very
lovely to me! Wished me to visit him and his wife in their
new house, which is said to be very unique.
"Mrs. [John T.] Sargent was there. She inquired after
thee and said she had sent a note to Hotel Waterston inviting
thee and John to a reception next week. Maud Howe was
there [wearing] a white sUk dress with red trimmings. A
cousin was with her dressed In white satin. She is a daughter
of Mrs. Howe's sister who was once the wife of the sculptor
Crawford. This girl Is a Roman by birth, daughter of
Mrs. Crawford's second husband.
"Today is Mary and James [Tolman's] anniversary.
Mary gave James a water color painting of wild roses by-
Connie Nowell."

[141]

CHAPTER TWENTY-THIRD
Mrs. Chace Reviews Official Reports ; Letter from
William F. Channing on Woman Suffrage Topics;
Mrs. Chace Opposes Color Prejudice in Relation to
the Providence Shelter for Colored Orphans; Her
Article on Factory Women in New England ; Letters
from Mrs. Kate G. Wells and from Factory- Opera
tives; Mrs. Chace Addresses a Woman Suffrage
Meeting in Woonsocket ; Letter to Governor Little-
field; Correspondence to Persons and Journals;
History of Wills of Frances Jackson and Mrs. Eddy ;
Letters from Mrs. Lucy Stone
IN March, 1881, Mrs. Chace wrote a long paper, which was
published in the Providence Journal, reviewing the annual
reports of the Board of State Charities and Corrections and
of the Woman's Board of Visitors, which had been recently
presented to the Legislature. We give the following extracts :
"In the report of the Woman's Board of Visitors for 1879
occurs the following passage: 'We are pained to find so many
bright young girls the victims of Intemperance. . . . We have
endeavored the past year to convince them of their ruin If
the habit Is continued, but fear with little effect, from the
numbers that have been returned from time to time.' Then
the report goes on to say: 'The practice of reading aloud to
them while at work, we consider important, that their atten
tion may be profitably engaged.' This year, this Board of
Woraen again mildly suggest: 'We would again recommend
reading aloud to them while they are engaged with their work
in the sewing room, that their minds may be profitably
occupied.'
[142]

"Now, here is an institution professedly 'correctional,'
which I suppose means 'reformatory,' where women and
'bright young girls' are confined, because their evU habits
and associations have led them into excesses that have made
them disturbers of the public peace. They are accustomed
to constant excitement, to indulgence in whatever their
diseased appetites demand, and to a large liberty of locomo
tion in the open air. Here they are shut up and set down to
sewing in a room where, through the lofty windows, they can
only see the sky, and but little of tliat. They are necessarily
prohibited from conversation, beyond what Is required for
their work. Their food is often distasteful from its sameness,
and they thirst for the stimulus of Intoxicating drink. They
crave the excitement of their outside life, and the demon
of sensuality rages within them. Who could doubt, that, to
effect any good result, it is all important that some useful,
acceptable nourishment should be furnished to these hunger
ing, sin-sick, disordered minds? That some Innocent pleas
ures, the supply of some happy thoughts, should be offered
them, which might win them away from their fierce longings
for sinful gratifications? Too many well-meaning, but un
thinking, people are apt to fear that persons so situated may
be made too happy, and that punishment Is all they need.
They should have recreation, social enjoyment, sympathy
and companionship from the matrons. . . .
"These women should have reading aloud while they are
working, although I remember It was forbidden several years
ago by the Superintendent, because It interfered with the
work by taking the time of one person : as though the amount
of the work done was the main thing."
William F. Channing to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, R. I., June 9, 1881. I received your letter
of the 31st ult. from West Newton.
[143 ]

"I believe all of our friends interested In Woman Suffrage
participated in the National Convention here, and were
strengthened and broadened by it. The reports also in the
newspapers helped fonvard our work in the State, — discount
ing duly the equivocal advocacy of the Journal. As to the
Suffrage movement in the Country, I think It is gaining
rapidly in the true America, — the West. Our civilization on
the sea-board partakes of the feebleness of Europe in all
matters requiring vigorous organizing and reorganizing
power. "There is much discouragement and fatigue In every
'forlorn hope.' Not the least of it comes from the imperfec
tions, want of character and of culture, want of manners
sometiraes of our associates. People are not as perfect as
we are! It Is necessary to work often with persons whom we
like only in the precise matter in hand. I don't know that
our Puritanism is put to any great strain in Rhode Island
either in the Suffrage or Free Religious movement. But I
suppose we all find things that offend our taste and good
sense. "I notice that you refer in your letter to the Critic and
Ballot Box as representing the National Association. It is
a paper owned and edited by Mrs. Gage, representing only
her in any authoritative sense. The Association use the paper
as their mouthpiece from tirae to tirae. The rather vague
proposition of Mrs. Gage, or someone else, for women to use
money, as men do, to influence elections was an individual
escapade, easily caught up by those wishing to criticise the
National Association. Not but that the National Association
has all the faults incident to a vigorous, healthy human life.
I hope it has not the painful faultlessness of inanition. It is
earnest, resolute, hopeful, womanly and alive."
On June 11th Mrs. Chace wrote an article on the color
question for one of the Providence papers.
[144 ]

In this paper she traces the gradual removal of the legal
restrictions based upon racial prejudice, and concludes as
follows: "I have been led to these reflections by reading the
Forty-second annual report of the 'Providence Association
for the Benefit of Colored Children,' the second article of
whose constitution declares that its 'object shall be to place
in the Shelter orphan children of color, and to have them
suitably educated for their sphere in life.' The establishment
of this institution was doubtless a beneficent one, and It has,
of course, been the instrument of much good. But It Is too
late now, if it was necessary forty-two years ago, to keep up
institutions especlallj' for colored people, or for colored chil
dren, without doing more harm than good. It is an unwise
and injurious attempt to preserve from utter decay the rotten
assumption that persons with any taint of African blood are
to be always considered degraded as a class, and that their
education must be such as to fit them specially for a 'sphere
in life' suited to such degradation. All children should be
trained industrially, and thus such training would be made
honorable as well as useful. But no children should be taught,
even by implication, much less by all surrounding circum
stances, that there is something in inheritance, or in their
present condition, that will forever forbid them to aspire to
any 'sphere in life' which they may prove themselves capable
of filling worthily.
"Lest any reader should enquire, would I have this benefi
cent institution abandoned, I reply by no means. We have
now far too little provision for the support and care of desti
tute, homeless children. But I would have the color line
removed. I would open the doors of the 'Shelter' to any
chUdren who need its protecting, fostering care; and then I
should hope that the Children's Friend Society and aU other
benevolent and educational Institutions would do the same;
that henceforth it might not be only the almshouse and the
[145 ]

penal institutions in which the aU-embracing 1 esson of human
ity should be taught, that 'God hath made of one blood aU
nations of men that dwell on the face of the earth,' or the only
abodes where the doctrines of brotherly and sisterly love and
regard for the rights of man are inculcated and practised."
Mrs. Chace, In the article above, has addressed herself
directly to the "reader" of her day; the writers of this
chronicle would directly address the "reader" of their day,
and call his attention to the keen satire of the old Abolitionist
upon the civilization in which the doctrine that God hath
made of one blood all the nations on the earth was exeraplified
only in its jails and poorhouses.
The following article was written to be read before the
Women's Congress at Buffalo in October, 1881. It was again
read before the Rhode Island Woman Suffrage Association
by Mrs. Chace herself. In presenting it here, it has been
necessary, because of space limits, to omit the first portion,
which was a valuable historical statement of the growth of
cotton manufacture and the change In the character of the
employees. But the portion of the article given is as she
wrote it, except for the omission of some sentences which
merely repeat ideas already expressed.

"Factory Women and Girls of New England
********
Thus, it is a fact, that a very large number of women and
girls, from ten j'ears old to forty or fifty, are employed in the
cotton and woolen mills of the northern and middle states of
this country, mostly in New England. It is, therefore, a sub
ject of grave concern as to what is their actual condition, and,
what are the duties of other women toward them. Many of
those born in England, Ireland and Canada cannot read
[146 ]

or write; and of those who have had a chance In our public
schools, most of them have gone to work so early, that their
schooling has been of the most rudimentary character, and is
easily forgotten. They are excluded from the society of their
own sex outside of the factory, by a variety of barriers —
chief of which are their foreign birth or extraction, their
poverty, their want of education, and the necessity that they
should be always at work. Two other causes also contribute
largely to this exclusion. These people are mostly Catholic
in their religion, and this excludes them from Protestant com
panionship, as well as excludes Protestant companionship
from them; and the other cause is, the growing tendency in
our civilization, toward class distinctions.
"Many of these operatives live a floating life. Trifling
circumstances, and the hope of Improving their condition,
lead them to move about, and thus they continue unthrifty
and poor; and, whatever unfortunate results follow, they all
bear with most hardship upon the woraen. On the contrary,
those who remain in one place. If they cultivate habits of
industry and sobriety, do constantly improve their circum
stances, and become more and more assimilated to the native
inhabitants. But, with rare exceptions, they have brought
with them the inherited improvidence, which comes from many
generations in hopeless poverty, under old world oppressions.
Their grandmothers were not of the kind who never suffered
a crumb that a chicken would eat, to be swept into the fire,
or a piece of bread that a child could hold In his hand, to be
cast into the swIU-paU, or a shred of cloth that would serve
for a patch, to go Into the rag-bag. The vice of intemperance
is a terrible curse to these people ; and, though drunkenness
is far less common among women than among men, still, it is
they who suffer most severely from its effects. The opera
tives are mostly women and young persons of both sexes;
the men are not always able to find employment at anything
[147]

they can do, and so, they often get Into the habit of depend
ing on their children for support, and, in their idleness, they
indulge in drinking, which renders them a torment as well as
a burden in their homes.
"These homes have too often little to make them either
comfortable or attractive to their inmates. The tenement
S3'stem in the villages necessitates the crowding of several
families in too close proximity; two and sometimes four
families using the same stairs, entries and doors, making neat
ness and privacy Impossible. In some of these tenements,
the room where all the cooking, eating, washing, etc., are
done, is the only sitting room, thus giving little chance for
comfort, to say nothing of recreation.
"Much of the poverty which we find in families who have
been long employed in the factory is due to the constant
employment of young girls therein, because they are thus
left ignorant of all proper management of household affairs.
Many of these girls cannot sew decently; they know nothing
of the cutting or fitting of garments, that great source of
economy In poor households. They understand little of cook
ing, they are wholly Ignorant of hygiene, and have no idea
what foods are nutritious, and, consequently, economical.
They have had no time to learn, and nobody to teach them,
for their mothers were ignorant before them. The need Is
imperative, of finding some way to teach these growing girls,
who are to be the wives and mothers of future workers of both
sexes, the needful art of right home-making and home-living.
Where there are no sufficient accommodations for bathing in
doors, the health of the women suffers more from the want
than the men, because men and boys have the use of the ponds
and rivers. The introduction of bath-houses for the opera
tives, by some manufacturers, is a blessing that should be
made universal, and where It has been bestowed, it is appre
ciated by the recipients beyond all expectation.
[148]

"Ventilation in tenement houses is seldom sufficiently pro
vided for, and, as a rule, this class of people are excessively
afraid of open windows at night. The pale faces, the languid
steps, noticeable in factory girls, are as much due to unhealth-
ful conditions at home, as to overwork and confinement in the
mills. And, I repeat, the important necessity is, the securing
of time and opportunity to the girls for learning the arts of
healthful, frugal housekeeping.
"A girl who goes into the mill at twelve years of age, and
I am sorry to have to say they often do when younger,
and works there till she marries ; and, as is frequently the case,
continues to work there until she has children, and often after
ward leaves some old woman to care for the little ones while
she goes to the factory for ten or eleven hours a day, cannot,
in the nature of things, become a wise and prudent house
wife. "The question of the employment of young children in the
factories is of so difficult solution that one meets with great
discouragement at the outset in any undertaking to prevent
it. The first obstacle which strikes the humane student of
factory life, after the conviction that young children should
not work there, is the apparent necessity that they must do
so or be worse off than they are. They often belong to large
families. In which there are several children younger than
themselves ; the mother has her hands full, with the nursing
and the housework ; the wages of the father will not support
the family, even if he dispenses with the expense of tobacco
and rum. Thus, It often happens, that the labor of such chil
dren is so important an item in the maintenance of the house
hold, that one Is unable to see how it can be dispensed with.
I have, myself, with the best intention of preventing young
children from being permitted to work, lacked the courage
to interfere, when it seemed quite certain that such Interfer-
.ence must ensure their actual suffering and that of the other
[149 ]

members of their families, or compel them to depend on
charity. In all the New England States, laws have been
enacted and amended, frora time to time, to limit and regulate
the employment of children in manufacturing establishments.
In Massachusetts the law forbids such employment of any
child under ten years of age, with heavy penalty upon any
parent or guardian who violates It. Also, the employment of
any child under fourteen, unless such child shall attend school
twenty weeks in each year. Truant officers are appointed in
every manufacturing town, to see that the law is enforced ;
and I believe it is more fully attended to in Massachusetts
than in any other state. Still, violations are frequently re
ported at Fall River, while at Lowell, it is claimed that the
law Is strictly obeyed, as far as Is possible ; and that the super
intendents of the corporations and the school teachers coop
erate with the authorities in the matter. And yet, the super
intendent of the Merrimack Mills says, that he has no doubt
they have many children at work below the age of ten years,.
because mother and child will swear to the requisite age,
and so, with all their vigilance, the authorities are foiled. In
Maine, the law is scarcely less stringent, and yet, ex-Governor
Dingley declares, that 'it is not enforced, except in special
cases — as when the School Committee' (who are the only
persons appointed to attend to It) 'make a special request
to the agents' — and frora the tone of the answer of Gov
ernor Dingley, I judge this is but seldom. Connecticut, New
Hampshire and Rhode Island statutes differ only slightly
from the preceding; but I fear they are not very rigidly
enforced or obeyed, except as the manufacturers choose to
observe thera. I am sure this is the case In Rhode Island;
although there is a movement here in the direction of more
stringent measures, which is not yet put Into law. For reasons
heretofore stated, there Is not, as a general rule, in most
manufacturing places, any hearty cooperation with the
[ 150 ]

authorities, on the part of the parents or the employers.
There is much excuse for the parents, in the fact that they
do not know the physical deterioration which must result to
their offspring from too early continual labor ; and they
do not appreciate the value of the education which their chil
dren are thus deprived of. Also, these parents are. In many
cases, miserably poor. The father Is often intemperate, and
the mother, dragged about from one factory village to another,
too frequently adding more children to the burden she already
carries, learns to calculate upon their earnings, as fast as they
get old enough to use their hands. For all this, the employer
is not wholly responsible. Partly in charity and kindness,
partly because such labor is cheaper, partly because some
work In factories can best be done by children, and partly
from Indifference and inattention, it Is seldom that the em
ployers themselves take any decisive measures to secure obedi
ence to these laws. The laws themselves, although intended
for the protection of the children, do not sufficiently protect
them, because continuous labor of this character, from ten
to eleven hours a day, is too much for any children under six
teen years of age, even for nine months in the year ; and many
of those so employed are not over ten or twelve. The moral,
economical, physical and mental effect Is injurious, and, there
fore, although temporarily beneficial in the support of the
families, it Is, In the end, unprofitable to all concerned. Also,
in many cases, the effect upon parents of depending upon
their young children for support is bad. Drunken, idle
fathers, drunken, negligent mothers are to be found In this
class of our population, who learn to depend easily on the
labor of young boys and girls for bread, as well as for rum
and tobacco.
"I shall, of course, in this paper especially consider only
the effect of this juvenile labor upon girls, leaving the question
[151]

of its results upon the growing manhood to be discussed on
other occasions.
"Most of the work performed by girls In factories requires
almost constant standing ; and of course some of it is more
difficult than others. A superintendent of many years' experi
ence told me that the work on one kind of machine, performed
entirely by girls of thirteen and fourteen years. Is, with one
exception, considering the nature of the labor and the strength
of the laborers, the most difficult and the most straining of
any work done in a cotton mill. And the exception is sorae
work performed by men. When I asked him why boys were
not set to do this work, he replied, that it required a nimble-
ness and dexterity of the fingers, of which only young girls
are capable. And yet it is absolutely legal to employ these
girls In this standing, straining work, which requires this con
stant and swift motion of the hands either ten or eleven hours
a day, for nine months in the year. Fortunately, in each
cotton mill, there are but few required on this particular
machine, and most of the girls can gain time to take sorae
rest during every day. But raany girls, at that critical age,
are employed In other tasks, which, though less arduous, do
keep them on their feet the greater part of the time ; although
at this day, seats are pretty generally provided for them to
use in spare moments.
"Many physicians, of late years, have sounded the alarm
concerning overstudy, school-houses built In such a manner
as to necessitate the climbing of raany stairs by young girls,
and other causes of Ill-health among them. These evils affect
the more carefully guarded classes of children, belonging to
families, where. In other respects, hygiene is more or less con
sidered, and youth receives some protection, in the effort to
establish a vigorous womanhood. The girls for whom I speak
come from another class, who. In other respects, have little
chance for health, who sleep in Ill-ventilated rooms, who eat
[152]

unwholesome food, who are often poorly clad, and upon whose
dawning womanhood is laid this fearful strain.
"It seems to me a vain excuse to say that such Is an un
avoidable result of financial laws, which require that the
working classes shall be worked to the utmost extent of their
strength. If the controlling classes, in their struggle to re
tain and increase their wealth, are justified in availing them
selves of all the power given them by the possession of capital,
of all the forces created by what are called the laws of trade,
to the detriment of their weaker fellow-creatures, I see no
reason why they would not also be justified in using physical
force to attain the same end, thus converting their employees
Into chattel slaves. Neither can the urgency of competition
justify us In 'laying heavy burdens grievous to be borne'
upon shoulders too weak to carry them healthfully.
"If manufacturers would raake their superintendents and
overseers understand that they desire the welfare of the help
more than the greatest amount of labor, much good would
result. A superintendent said to me, 'A man in my position
is between two duties ; he doesn't want to crowd work on an
operative that he knows will nearly kill him, and yet he feels
under an obligation to the manufacturer to get all the work
done possible.'
"Studying this question of juvenile labor In all Its aspects,
the only just solution which seems to me possible is the
general establishment by law of half-time schools, to be main
tained at the public expense, and made a branch of the public
school system. Thus, there could be two sets of children to
attend the same machinery, one in the forenoon and the other
in the afternoon, alternating the attendance at school in the
same way; and this, of course, should be made compulsory.
By this means the children would be receiving a double educa
tion — one In the very Important art of being useful and of
earning a living ; the other in the knowledge and wisdom of the
[153]

school, so necessary to the proper development of character
and the making of worthy citizens. This system, as adopted
and tried In England, is pronounced entirely satisfactory.
These families of factory workers must have the help of their
children, and our present system, even where the restraining
laws are best enforced, as they are, I believe, in Massachusetts,
do not overcome all the objectionable features in the employ
ment of these children. And where they are not thoroughly
enforced, as I know to be the case in Rhode Island, we are
allowing to grow up, a large class of dwarfed and ignorant
people, which gives anything but proralse for the future wel
fare of our country, to say nothing of the cruel Injustice of
such a system to the people themselves. It is asserted, as the
result of experience with half-time schools, that children so
taught learn more rapidly and have more liking for the school
than do those who are confined there the whole of the
school day; and also that they have more Interest and more
activity and faithfulness in their work when their working
time Is so shortened that it does not weary them. All which
seems rational. Evening schools for children employed
jthroughout the day, though better than none, must always
be a partial failure, because preceded by a full day's work,
which unfits the raind for much mental activity.
"An important subject to be considered In this connection
is the virtue of factory girls. In this, perhaps, more than in
any other class of society, it is impossible to be sure of pre
serving the purity of the maidens, while no effort Is made to
inculcate an equal morality Into the minds of the boys who
grow up beside them. These young men have no lower class
of woraen upon whom to prey, and, if their passions are un-
controUed by moral principle, their influence upon the girls
with whom they are in daily and hourly association is of the
most dangerous character.
"Both tenement and factory life tend to break reserve
[154]

between the sexes, and, when the girls are only slightly guarded
and imperfectly taught, and the boys are neither guarded
nor taught at all, the result Is natural. There Is, of course,.
a large class of factory families in which virtue Is taught and
respected, and where the daughters are as carefully trained
and watched over, as the circumstances will permit; but. In
the more ignorant and wretched famUIes, where the parents
are frequently intemperate, and the children rush gladly,
when the day's work Is done, into the streets, away from their
crowded and unclean homes, it is not strange that the sensual
instincts assume control. The discomforts of many of the
homes, sometimes extending to actual cruelty' by drunken
parents toward their children, not unfrequently sends the
daughters out to become an easy prey to any solicitations
which wear the garb of tenderness and gentleness, and which
come from the sex, who, in the eyes of the world, suffer little-
disrepute thereby.
"Another source of temptation is the fact, that girls who
live at home, whether they are of age or not, rarely have the
control of their own wages. Instead of paying their board
to their parents, and reserving the rest to use at their own
discretion, it is the almost Invariable custom for the mother
to take all that the daughters earn, and then provide them
such clothing as she thinks she can spare from the family
necessities. I have known girls long past their majority, who
had worked ^z the mill from their childhood, but had never-
had a cent they could call their own. Notwithstanding all
these untoward circumstances, I believe it is rare that a
factory girl becomes an actual prostitute; and though less
mercenary lapses frora virtue, often followed by wretched'
marriages, do occur, there is still much to be said In praise
and commendation of the lives of many of these girls. Better
homes, wiser teaching, for the youth of both sexes, would do
much to prevent the currents of their young lives from settlng;
[ 155 ]

in wrong directions, into which too many' of them naturally
enter, when It is almost the only relief from toil, and the sole
change from dreary conditions of existence. With experi
enced, conscientious teachers, I should hope much from the
half-time schools, for the moral training of this, to me, deeply
interesting class of people.
"In depicting the condition of women and girls, both in the
factory and the home, I wish It to be understood, that much
of what I say is the result of my own personal observation.
Also, I do not mean to give the impression, that the employ
ment of large numbers of woraen and men. In establishments
for the manufacture of useful fabrics, is, in itself, an evil.
Neither do I mean that the wrong conditions of which I speak
are equally in force in all manufactories, although I do believe
they exist in all to some extent. There are many cases, where
constant attempts are made by manufacturers to correct
abuses, and to improve the condition and elevate the character
of the operatives.
"In factory homes a frequent visitor will often meet with
incidents and circumstances that reveal conditions from which
there is much to hope. I have, myself, witnessed Instances of
rare cleanliness and tastefulness, under very unfavorable
circumstances, and evidences of unselfishness and kindness,
such as Is seldom to be found elsewhere. Living as these
people generally do. In tenements so connected, that the differ
ent families are constantly coming in contact In all their
domestic affairs, the numerous children being much together,
from all parts of the house, there have been times when I have
bowed my head In humiliation and reverence, before the for
bearance, the self-denial and the patient endurance of some
of these women. Unless incited by Intoxicating drinks, a
quarrel between different families Is a rare occurrence.
"There is another class of factory woraen, to whom I have
hitherto made no allusion, but to whom I should be very un-
[156]

just, if I failed to include them in the considerations of this
paper; and that is, the wives and daughters of the manufac
turers. In this day of larger establishments, of greater
wealth and higher opportunities, they are not required to
take part in the running of the machinery; but, in the light
of a searching analysis of duty, they cannot be excused from
a grave responsibility in the process of dealing with the con
cerns of those from the results of whose labor, they largely
derive the means of their own comfort and enjoyment.
"The ascent frora ignorance, poverty, coarseness and hard
ship, to culture, wealth, refinement and ease, is by slow steps
of progress, and those at the highest point are fortunate in
having had the way opened for them by others who have pre
ceded them. And surely it is their duty to hold out to those
behind them a helping hand, in order to lift them as far as
possible to a level with themselves. I know plenty of people,
who are now in the enjoyment of all the advantages which
wealth bestows, whose grand-parents were, within my own
memory, among the hand-workers of the day ; sorae of them
as uneducated and as poor as are many of those now employed
by their grand-children. There is much these more fortunate
women can do to Improve the conditions in the lives of their
humbler sisters ; and, as the recipients of the fruits of their
labor, there Is no excuse for them if they pass them by on the
other side. These factory women of the higher class should
make themselves personally acquainted with the actual con
dition of the feminine workers in the mills. It Is their duty
to see that too heavy work is not required of them ; that they
have seats on which to rest in spare moments ; and, above all,
that the superintendents and overseers are men who, while
they are qualified to manage the work well, are also morally
fit to preside over women and girls. If this better class of
factory women would combine in any one state, to secure the
establishment of half-time schools, I believe they would be
[157]

:successful. When this is accomplished, the time thus gained
will afford opportunity to institute cooking schools, sewing
schools and kitchen gardens, where the young girls can be
trained for house-keeping. These upper class factory women
should visit the homes and take a personal interest in their
concerns. Man}' suggestions they might make there would
be invaluable to these households. Their very presence and
their kindly words would give comfort and hope to the hearts
of the women they would meet there. The little children in
the families of the factory workers should be the especial care
of these ladies, who should establish nurseries and kinder
gartens, to save from neglect in the homes and contamination
in the streets, these future men and women, whose lives are
often turned in wrong directions before they are old enough
to be admitted to the schools. To my sisters of this fortunate
class of factory woraen, I would urge an appeal. If I could,
that should banish sleep frora their eyes and sluraber from
their eyelids, until they were so awakened to a sense of their
duties, as to lead them to go forth to the Investigation of the
condition of every family, and of every woman, and of every
girl, whose labor in the mill, while it produces the raeans of
their own support, helps also to furnish the supply of purple
and fine linen which these ladles wear. What better supple
ment to the education of a young lady could there be, than
the round of visiting by her mother's side, which this service
would require? To what better purpose could she devote a
share of her leisure time, than to devising and carrying out
methods for the amusement, instruction and benefit, in a
variety of ways, of the young girls, whose lives could be
sweetened and enriched by her sisterly ministrations ; while,
from some of them, she could learn lessons of self-sacrifice
and faithfulness in the performance of duty, such as her life
has hitherto given her no opportunity to conceive?
"I would not exclude from such beneficence other woraen
[168]

living in factory neighborhoods, who are not directly inter
ested in the financial interests of the mills, but who, with their
children, cannot escape the effect of the moral, intellectual
and physical atmosphere around them. I maintain that,
wherever we live. It Is our duty to interest ourselves in the
welfare of the people among whom our lives are cast, espe
cially if in the race of progress, they are behind us ; and this
for our own sake as well as theirs. We cannot flee from our
responsibilities of this character, and woe be unto us if we
ignore them. The plea that the people around us are not
in our employ, and therefore we have no duties toward them,
will not save us from the consequences to ourselves of our
neglect of them. The unfortunate Jew who fell among thieves
was not only an alien but he was an enemy of the good
Samaritan who ministered to his necessities."
October, 1881.
Mrs. Kate G. Wells to Mrs. Chace
"Oct. 20th. The Congress itself was the best we have had
for a long time.
"Your paper attracted marked attention. It came first
In order to secure a future good opinion for us. Of course
Miss Eastman read it well. Mrs. Cheney spoke to It first,
and spoke of you. Miss May followed in an adraonltlon to
simple dressing as an example to Factory Girls. The gentle
men spoke of it with special regard as a most able and valu
able contribution to the subject. Let me offer you their
congratulations."
Mrs. Kate G. Wells to Mrs. Chace
"At a Board meeting of the A. A. W. Oct. 22nd, you
were appointed a member of the Committee on Reforms and
Statistics. . . .
"You were also elected Vice-President for R. I."
[159]

The spelling and punctuation of the following letter are
much corrected, but the original wording Is given absolutely.
  TO Mrs. Chace

"Nov. 28th, 1881. I had the pleasure on Friday eve of
last week of reading your paper on Factory Women and Girls
of New England. I was well pleased, it was so true to life,
and that there was one woman that would interest herself in
that class of girls, having been one myself. I had indeed come
to think that they were truly forsaken.
"I was left fatherless when very young. My mother went
to Lonsdale, R. I. wltlj 8 little ones to provide for. I went
to work in the factory before I was 8 years old, and not to
school but very little afterwards, a few weeks at any one time.
In those days, or 40 years ago, I worked 14 hours daily. So
with poor health and hard work, with little or no encourage
ment, I find myself today, an ignorant woman on the shady
side of fifty, trying to get an education, — God willing, I will
yet accomplish it.
"After my brothers and sisters were grown up, my mother
was an invalid eleven years. Then I married, and my child
Is gone up. I have but one living. I find myself with a com
fortable home, a kind Husband, and a desire for an education.
This desire I have had through life, but I have never seen the
time before when I could devote time and money for that
purpose. Should I not gratify this desire? Hoping you will
excuse me for addressing you, a stranger, although you do
not seem like one, I have known you so long through the
press. "I have ever been interested in your writing. What more
can I say to encourage you to go on In those good works?
My heart is with you. If I held the pen of a ready writer,
I would use it for the poor women and children of America."
[160]

TO Mrs. Chace

"Nov. 30th, 1881. I am only a working man, but I feel
I cannot rest till I write to thank you for your able paper,
that was published In the Evening Bulletin, on the factory
system. I have only been here a short time, and I have seen
the hardships In your cotton and worsted mills at OlneyviUe
and Pawtucket, — little children going to work at ^ past
6 A.M., and having to get their breakfast before starting from
home; — and some I asked, had to walk over two miles, so
you can guess what time they had to rise out of bed. They
[have] f of an hour for dinner, and give up work at \ past
6 at night, and on Saturdays at 5 o'clock.
"I find your strong able bodied men work 10 hours per day,
starting at 7 o'clock, and some less. You see there are many
months in the year that the children never see their homes
by daylight, — only on Sundays, — and thank God for that.
I am sure it hurts me to see their poor, pale faces coming
out of the mills.
"I had thought before I saw your paper, 'What a grand
chance for some large hearted man to make himself a noble
name.' I am sorry to say the Factory Workers I themselves
seem indifferent about it. They are like the children of Israel
In Egypt when they told Moses to let them alone. I am afraid
you will not get your reward here [from] the people you are
working for, unless they wake up to see their own folly. But
I hope you will get one of the brightest crowns in Heaven.
"I might say I have been brought up in the Mill, just as
you describe in your paper. There was seven of us left, so
we had to work for our living In the Mill, and mills are a great
blessing if rightly used.
"I am not working in a Mill at present, but being new to
your country, I take more notice than some people.
"I have had no schooling to mention, so I hope you will
excuse all errors, I mean in grammar and putting together."
[161]

The preceding letter is signed only "A Man," but omitted
passages show that It was written by some one who was
familiar with factory life in England.
Just before her seventy-fifth birthday, Mrs. Chace made
an address at a Woman Suffrage Convention in Woonsocket.
Here she sounded her peculiar personal note; she spoke of
the Quaker meeting-house in that Immediate vicinity, she
referred to incidents in her own childhood, she told how
she used to read the Congressional debates to her grand
mother, she described the character of the Smithfield women
of the generation preceding her own; and drew, what was
for her, the inevitable conclusion, that women should receive
the legal right of suffrage.

Mr. and Mrs. Arnold B. Chace lived In Valley Falls for
several years after their marriage; they occupied a house
almost opposite the Homestead, and Arnold went in to see
his mother usually once or twice In the daytime, and always
between eight and nine o'clock in the evening, to bid her good
night. In the autumn of 1881, he took his family to Europe :
and Captain and Mrs. Wyman came from Boston, hired his
house and lived in It In order to be near Mrs. Chace in his
absence. When he returned, it seeraed better, for various
reasons, for him to make a home In Providence. Captain
and Mrs. Wyman felt that It would not be right to leave
Mrs. Chace alone in Valley Falls ; they bought Mr. Chace's
house and lived there until about six years before her death ;
when her Increasing age and Illness seemed to make it necessary
that they should live in the Homestead with her, and j\Ir. Chace
returned to the house he had formerly owned.
These facts are stated to make clear to the reader the
allusions which follow.

[162 ]

Mrs. Chace began the year 1882 by sending to the Press
a protest against Gambling In All Its Forms; she included
in these forms, playing games for prizes, and raffling for
charitable purposes; and this sentence occurs in the letter:
"I do believe that the example of respectable and so-called
good women engaged in such practices, and encouraging
others to participate, is far more demoralizing to the com
munity than the occupation of the professional gambler."
On February 5th Mrs. Chace wrote an article about some
terrible incidents which had recently come to her knowledge.
This article was published and we give an extract :
"The recent death of little Ella Jones, from cruel treatment
at the hands of Francis and Mary D  , is one more, among
many, instances that show the necessity of some humane and
adequate provision for the protection, support and training
of the destitute, friendless children of our State. Let us look
at this case in detail (and here, let me say that I have no
sympathy with that sentimental sensitiveness which refuses
to read or hear of such shocking cruelties, occurring in our
midst; for, if we can bear their existence, we ought to bear
to know about them). This child, probably an orphan, as
no mention is made of any parents, was an inmate of the
Warwick poor-house. And to any one familiar with the con
ditions and the associations In this class of our Institutions,
it is unnecessary for me to say that such houses are poor
indeed as homes for orphan children. No person was officially
responsible for this child's welfare, except the Overseer of
the Poor of that town, and it is not always that this officer
is chosen because he is especially wise or exceptionally humane.
This man (for I never heard of a woman being selected for
that office,) gave the child to a man and woman, whose brutal
treatment of her is now partially accounted for by their gross
ignorance. They brought her to the city— this child of
eleven years- — to do most of the work of their house. They
[163]

beat her, they starved her, and finally killed her by their
excessive cruelty ; nobody looking after her, nobody enquiring
how she fared, nobody responsible.
"Can any mother, or grandmother, of little children read
this sad stor}' — and they should read it- — and then go tO'
sleep at night without dwelling with horror on the condition
of that child; day after day, week after week, month after
month, hungry, cold, sore from bruises inflicted on her tender
flesh, always afraid of her tormentors ; with no friend to whom
to appeal, no eye to pity, no hand to save; with no hope —
only despair and death?
"And this was In the midst of what we call our Christian
civilization. Had this story been told us by a returned mis
sionary, from the Interior of some barbarous, heathen land,,
how our ears would have tingled, and our hearts burned wlthlni
us, with an enthusiasm to go forth to rescue the perishing.
And above all. If we were told that the perpetrators of these
atrocities were supporters of the religion of that land, how
important it would seem to us that we should carry to those
savage people the blessings of our better faith. And yet none
of us can say that we are not guilty, or at least partiaUy re
sponsible for this sorrowful case, while we sustain a system
throughout our State that makes such cases, at all times.
possible. Two years ago a careful inquiry elicited the fact
that there were on the first of January, fifty-two [poor-house]
children. A few years earlier a strong effort was made to
procure a legislative enactment, with appropriation, for the-
establishment of a State Home and School for children of this
class ; and the plan only failed on the ground of insufficient
funds in our State Treasury. Since that time large sums of
money have been expended by the State for military equip
ment and parade, for the celebration of battles, for the
banqueting of foreign guests, and for various other demon
strations equally distasteful to persons whose hearts are-
[164]

aching for the neglected, suffering children, whom misfort
and dire necessity have made the wards of our State."
Mrs. Chace to the Journal
[Extracts]
"March 15. When I read, some weeks ago, in the rej
of the day's proceedings in the General Assembly, that
amused smile passed over the countenances of the Sena'
as Senator Baker presented the Memorial of the Rhode Isl
Woman Suffrage Association,' I wondered If the consclei
of the legislators of Rhode Island could ever be awakenet
a sense of their continual violation of the principles of
government as well as of the Golden Rule."
To some representation that the methods employed by
Indiana Woman Suffragists to infiuence their legisla'
savored of lobbying and social fascination, Mrs. Chace rep
earnestly on March 18th, in a letter to the Journal, gy\
sketches of the lives and characters of some of the Indi
women, who, it seemed, had "held receptions" and invited
legislators to come and talk over suffrage questions with tl
She did not see any reason why such "receptions" mi
not be occasions of profit to all persons concerned.
During the next six months she published four addlti(
articles on Woman Suffrage in the Providence papers;
she sent, in between these messages to the Rhode Island pul
her grave word from her seaside home, concerning The
Fate of Jennie D. Nevin. The title itself of this letter 1
the story, and Mrs. Chace's comment may be easily divli
The erring man should not go unknown and uncondemi
and the physicians whose malpractice is often, as in this g
case, a murder which "is doubled" should not be "recogn
as members of that profession which, above all others, sh(
be pure and stainless." Her final word is that the facti
[165]

such cases should not be hidden either by newspaper reporters,
medical examiners, or the coroner's jury ; but that they should
be told, not "in a manner to gratify or excite a morbid curi
osity," but so as to denounce the evil and to warn all tempted
persons.
Mrs. Chace to Judge C. S. Bradley
" Valley Falls, 6th mo., 20th, 1882. Your note in behalf
of the Committee of Brown University is received and read
with interest. Its full consideration I must defer until the
arrival of my son, Arnold B. Chace, who is supposed to sail
from Europe today. I am, however, prepared to say now,
that if I live to see the doors of Brown University opened to
women, on equal terms with men, I trust I shall be able, as I
am sure I shall be willing, to contribute to its preparation
for so desirable an event, and one which is so important to
the future welfare of our State and its institutions."
Mrs. Chace made up her mind that the State should give
some official recognition to herself as well as to the fact that
the Woraan Suffrage advocates constituted a definite political
body.
Mrs. Chace to Gov. A. H. Littlefield
"Osterville, Mass., July 24th, 1882. The annual meeting,
of the Rhode Island Woman Suffrage Association, is to be
held early in October, with some of the best speakers In the
country on Its platform. This Association will, at that time,
have existed fourteen years ; and it has, throughout, sustained
a character and exerted an influence, such as, in the future,
the people of the State will learn to appreciate and to be
proud of. Many of the improvements in our State are largely
due to the efforts of this Society. The [estabUshment of the]
Board of Women Visitors, the employraent of matrons in
[166]

Police stations, the election of women on School Comn
what small advance we have made in equalizing the sti
of morality between men and woraen, owe their origin
sentiments constantly set forth in the appeals froi
Society. "Some of the women, among its members, have ser^
State in the few ways which are open to women. iM
them contribute financially to the support of its Instit
and all of them are deeply interested in Its welfare.
"For myself, I may be permitted to say, that be
paternal and maternal ancestors have been land-holt
Rhode Island since the days of Its earliest Colonial
one of them having been the first President of the Aqu
Colony ; — and, through all their succeeding generation
have contributed to the prosperity of the State bj
active participation in its agricultural and manufac
industries. "More than this; most of those of the early time c
exiles for conscience' sake to Rhode Island, and aided .
in the establishment of that 'Soul liberty,' for whi<
State organization has been so justly distinguished.
"In mv own person, I have obeyed the laws, never re
or in any way evading, the payment of the taxes Ii
upon me by the State.
"Now, I have a small favor to ask of the State of
Island, and I appeal first to you, because, at this tin
are Its highest representative, and I want to enlis
approval to the granting of my request.
"I am very desirous that this Annual Convention
be held in the Hall of our House of Representatives ;
soon as I can learn to what body of persons a request
kind should be submitted, I intend to make such appli
Both political parties hold their Annual Conventions
and it seems to me remarkably fitting, that the women
[167]

state should have some representation in the house they have
helped to build, — to the support of which they have largely
contributed. Especially should it be considered that this
meeting will occur at a time when it can be no interruption
to legislative proceedings, and consequently such occupation
would be comparatively Inexpensive.
"It Is true the State has not endorsed Woman Suffrage.
Neither does it endorse the principles of the Democratic
Party ; but It acknowledges the citizenship of the members of
that party, and their equal right to such use of the property
of the State.
"Trusting that you will see the justice of compliance with
this request, and so give to it the weight of your approval
and influence, I am, respectfully, your friend and neighbor."
Gov. A. H. Littlefield to Mrs. Chace
"August 4th, 1882. Your very interesting letter of
July 25th came duly to hand. I fully agree with all you say
in regard to the good work done by the women of this and
other States, and the association over which you preside with
so much ability. I should be glad to have you use the State
House for your Annual iMeeting In October next, but I find
In Section 1 of Chapter 25 of the Public Statutes the following :
" 'The Senate Chamber and the Representatives' Hall of
the State House in Providence shall not be used for aiij' other
purpose than for meetings of the two houses of the General
Assembly and of committees thereof.'
"I am sure you are in favor of 'law and order,' and will
therefore be obliged to look for another place for your
meeting." If Mrs. Chace made a formal application after Governor
Littlefield's letter, it was refused, and the annual Convention
over which she presided, as usual, was held this year in the
Amateur Dramatic Hall.
[168]

John D. Long to Mrs. Chace
"Sept. 28, 1882. I have already so fully declared myself
in favor of Woman Suffrage, that whatever my opinion is
worth, it goes for that cause."
The following letter relates to a story in connection with
Woman's Rights, In which Mrs. Chace was very much inter
ested as it progressed.
Francis Jackson attempted to leave by will a considerable
sum to aid the Woman's Rights movement; but that clause
of the will was declared null because it was decided by the
court that Woman's Rights was not a charity which could
receive testamentary bequests. Later Mr. Jackson's daugh
ter, Mrs. Eliza Frances Eddy, having in mind this defeat of
her father's desire, asked Wendell Phillips to draw up her
will, in which she wished to make Woman's Rights practically
her residuary legatee. And, in order to do that, she left the
residue of her estate to Lucy Stone and Susan B. Anthony,
without absolutely defining the use to which they must put
this property (about $50,000) which they should thus re
ceive. Mr. Phillips, who had chosen phraseology which would
avoid the technical point on which Mr. Jackson's will had been
disallowed, suggested that these women could use the money
for their own benefit; Mrs. Eddy replied, "Well, let them;
they have worked hard and they deserve a little comfort."
An eft'ort was made to get this bequest set aside, but General
Butler defended the case successfully; and Lucy Stone and
Susan B. Anthony treated the money thus received as a sacred
trust, and employed it for the benefit of Woman's Rights.
Mrs. Lucy Stone to Mrs. Chace
" Nov. 4-, 1882. You will see, by the Journal, that Col. Hig
ginson has this week again laid the blame on the Indifference
[169]

of women. Now will you not write an article for the next
Journal, and give your view on that subject? It is wrong
for him to ease the conscience of men In this way, and to lay
the blame on the more helpless shoulders of women.
"Col. Higginson has the greatest esteem for you, and he
would feel and heed your criticism. So pray do try to get
time to present your view.
"I had a pitiful letter from Mrs. Campbell last night. She
has given four months of her best effort to Nebraska; — it is
very hard out there. I had promised her $100 and her ex
penses, and she meant to rest this winter. Wendell Phillips
had written me that the hitch with Mrs. Eddy's Will had
passed, and that now we could have the money. On the
strength of that I had promised iMrs. Campbell. But when
I reached home, the first thing I heard was that the opposition
was again raised, and the Will declared 'void.' iMr. Phillips
and the Executor met me, and said we could not get anything
before July, but that it is sure sometime.
"Now, poor Mrs. Campbell needs rest, and she will have
nothing to go upon, if we cannot help her out. We spent out
there [in the Nebraska Woman Suffrage campaign] about a
thousand dollars, and we expected to have the Eddy money
to repay it. Now that is absent and our taxes to pay, so we
have nothing to spare, and I must provide rest and comfort
for Mrs. Campbell this winter. Can you lend me $100, and
let me pay you from the Eddy money as soon as we get it ? "
Mrs. Lucy Stone to Mrs. Chace
"Dec. 3, 1882. I wish I could help you bear the 'opera
tion' this week. If the warmest sympathy and large love will
help, you will have that.
"I remember our first acquaintance in anti-slavery times,
before your Mary was born. Then I felt that you were 'true
[170]

as steel,' and I have never had reason to change my mind since.
So, you need never feel it necessary to explain anything to me.
I know beforehand that it is all right.
"While you are convalescing, perhaps you will 'think up'
the article I hope for from you sometime, to give Col. Higgin
son a better view of the 'Indifference of women' and the duty
of men. But in any case I am always truly yours."

171

CHAPTER TWENTY-FOURTH
Correspondence Private and Public ; Mrs. Chace's
Addresses to the Free Religious and Woman Suf
frage Societies ; Her Appearance before the Senate
Committee of the Judiciary ; Passage of the Bill to
Establish the State Home and School ; Mrs. Chace's
Account of the Mistake Made in Placing the Insti
tution IN THE Charge of the State Board of Edu
cation; Letter to Royal C. Taft; Memories of
Wendell Phillips ; The Use of the Representatives'
Hall Secured for the Woman Suffragists by Hon.
Edward L. Freeman ; Letters from Susan B. Anthony',
ApBY Kelley Foster, Lucy Stone, Frederick Doug
lass AND others; Convention in Representatives'
Hall; Letter from Parker Pillsbury- about Stephen
Foster Prof. George I. Chace to Mrs. Chace
^'jr^ROVIDENCE, Dec. 15, 1882. Accept my thanks for
J_ your ready assistance in furnishing the boys of the
Sockanosset School with musical Instruments for a Brass
Band. I thought you would approve the object. The girls
already have a good parlor organ, which some of them play
with skill. Their singing Is very fine.
"I hope, when the winter is past, we shall have the pleasure
of seeing you at the school. The girls are contented and
happy, and there has been no attempt to escape this year."

[ 172 ]

Mrs. Ednah D. Cheney to Mrs. Chace
"Jan. 15th, 1883. I thank you, my dear friend, for your
kind words of comfort and sympathy which I know come from
a heart sorely and often tried. If we had not deep down in
our hearts a faith in the Everlasting good. It would seem
impossible to bear what life brings us. It is very hard to go
on in life when its earthly light and joy Is gone."
Erasmus M. Correll to Mrs. Chace
"Hebron, Neb., Jan. 28th, 1883. Your very kind favor
with enclosed check for $100 is received. It Is impossible for
me adequately to express my thanks. I beg to be permitted
to consider it as a loan.
"We are trying to obtain municipal Suffrage in Nebraska."
The members of the National and the American Woman
Suffrage Associations began to draw together, as the years
passed, changing the immediate issues, and throwing into the
background their original differences.
Mrs. Lucy Stone to Mrs. Chace
"Boston, Feb. 6, 1883. I hope your foot is so far weU that
you can go about. I have been shut up with a serious cold,
and it made me think of so many things that ought to be cared'
for before we, who are alive and know the facts, pass on. I
wish therefore you would write out your statement about
 '—, etc. I want to write a paper that wIU set forth
the reason and the necessity for forming the American.
Woman Suffrage Association, and to have you and others.
sign it, as an historic paper to be published some time.
"But now can you not Avrite an article for the Woman's
Journal, that wiU uphold the duty of Woman Suffragists not.
to vote for anti-suffragists, and also to make it clear that to
[173]

withhold a right is a sin. Both these things need to be done,
and they would carry more weight from you than from any
one else. Think of  voting for Bishop !
Now, he and such as he would stop to think if you said what
you think on the subject. They are good men and good
suffragists, and they would not vote for a man like Bishop If
they could see the question from our point of view. Do try
to raake thera see."
Mrs. Chace to Augustus O. Bourne
"March 11, 1883. Believing as I do that women are en
titled equally with men to all the rights of citizenship, and
also, that the public welfare would be very much promoted
by the participation of women in governmental affairs, I can
not, conscientiously, give my influence toward the election
of men to responsible positions in the State, who are opposed
to the principles, which, if acted upon, would give justice to
the wives, mothers and daughters of Rhode Island. Under
standing that you are a candidate for the Governorship, I take
the liberty, in the most friendly way, to ask you to be so kind
as to tell me how you stand on this question which is coming
more and more into prominence In State matters, and which
must, ere long, be settled, In the only manner which true
statesmanship can accept or justify."
William F. Channing to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, R. I., April 23, 1883. We live under model
institutions. Within a week, a young, drunken, furious
colored woman nearly beat an old white woman to death, with
a flat iron, and was fined five dollars ; also a boy for playing
ball on Gaspee St. on Sunday was fined the identical amount
of five dollars. Let us bear on the anchor of Rhode Island
and pronounce the word 'Hope !' "
[174]

Mrs. Chace to the Providence Journal
[Extract]
"Within the last fortnight, three girls of tender age have
been found in the city In association with a larger number of
the voting sex, under circumstances that proved them all
to be guilty of gross misdemeanors. The girls were arrested
and locked up, to be exposed in open court ; the young men
were unmolested. Yet the written law is equally severe against
both." She had discovered that the Rhode Island statute did so
use the word "person" and so omit the word female, that it
would have been entirely according to law to arrest both men
and women in such cases as the one which she cited.
The Anniversary meetings of the Societies which Mrs. Chace
loved drew her again this spring to Boston; and as her
younger daughter now lived in West Newton, she was able to
combine moral and family happiness by visiting her relatives,
and going from their home to attend meetings in the city.
After her return to Valley Falls, she wrote a rather unusu
ally brilliant account of these meetings for the Providence
Journal, in which she took occasion especially to compliment
Mrs. Howe, Mr. Douglass and Colonel Higginson.
Her July letter, this summer, from Sabbatia Cottage, had
Woman Suffrage in England as its theme.
Mrs. Kate G. Wells to Mrs. Chace
"Mrs. K. G. Wells requests the pleasure of your company
at a reception for the Woman's Congress Oct. 16th, Sat.
from one to four o'clock, 155 Boylston St. Dear Mrs. Chace
do come."
Mrs, Chace gave, this autumn, one of the Sunday afternoon
discourses before the Free Religious Society in Providence.
[175]

This effort was the nearest approach she ever made to the
delivery of a lecture. Her subject was The Teaching of
Morality in Schools. She read a thoughtful address as Presi
dent of the Woman Suffrage Convention in October, and
finished her public work for the year by writing, in December,
an article entitled. Holiday Gifts and Good Books for the
Young. The writer of the following letter was a charming young
Englishman who came to the Homestead with a letter of
introduction from Miss May Lewis, afterwards Mrs. William
C. Gannett. He was at Mrs. Chace's one evening when the
local Shakespeare Club read Cymbeline in her parlors.
Edgar Worthington to Mrs. Chace
"Manchester, Dec. 11, 1883. Now that winter comes round
again bringing Christmas, I am forcibly reminded of all your
kindnesses to me last winter, when I was spending some time
in Providence. It is one of my pleasantest recollections of
America, — the time which I spent in Providence, where I
think I saw more of what was truly American, than during
ray stay either in Philadelphia or New York. For many of
the workshops of Providence, and the men who made them,
I have a great respect, and in my little visits to Valley Falls,
I had an opportunity of seeing what could be developed out
of a waterfall.
"I wonder if you have had Irving at Providence yet, and
whether your circle, so highly educated by Shakespeare Socie
ties, considers his acting very good or only good. I feel sure
that no one could be disappointed by his Richard III, or
Miss Ellen Terry's Beatrice.
"We have this week a Mr. Winch — a tenor singer — at a
concert in Manchester. I believe he is a Bostonlan.
"A good many of our best Englishmen are coming over to
[176]

see you, and I am glad you appreciate Lord Coleridge. Do
you see that Tennyson has been made a Lord? Is it not
foolish?" Rev. Anna Garlin Spencer to Mrs. Chace
"Florence, Mass., Dec. 19th, 1883. The kindergarten is
flourishing as usual. The carriage which goes about the vil
lage to pick up and carry home the little ones passes our door
brim full of chattering kinder and looking like a nosegay of
flowers on wheels. ...
"Our Society has a Christmas dinner in the hall, with a
tree for the children and services to which they contribute
songs and recitations. It is a very social occasion and begins
at one o'clock Christmas day, closing in time for the tots to
get to bed by six o'clock. We have the dinner first, then the
exercises and distribution of presents from the tree, and then
marching and music and a little dancing by the older children,
and talk in quiet corners by the older grown-ups, and then
home." In the winter of 1883-84 the question of establishing a
State Home and School came again before the Legislature,
and this time it was taken up seriously with evident intention
to do something final about it. It was referred to the Senate
Committee on the Judiciary; Mrs. Chace appeared before
that Committee and made her usual plea.
The Providence Journal published an editorial about that
time which suggested objection to the passage of the act to
establish the school, on the ground that the proposed measure
would be "an entire reversal of the Rhode Island doctrine,
that the town should support its own paupers and school its
own children."
Mrs. Chace replied in a communication to the Journal.
She also considered what was, in a humanitarian way, a more
[177]

serious objection. The proposed system would necessitate
the separation of pauper parents and their children. Hitherto
they had been cared for together, but by the new plan the
children would become the wards of the State, while their
fathers and mothers would be either under the control of the
town authorities, or in other State Institutions.
She wrote: "In regard to the objection that the provisions
of the bill are such that the legal relationship between parent
and child may be severed at once and forever. It should be
remembered that under no circumstances could this be done
unless It was evident to the best judgment of the persons
selected to control the case, that the unfitness of the parents
and welfare of the child, as well as the safety of the State,
made such separation necessary. And, as the Board of Con
trol are to have authority to place the children In suitable
families, whenever the circumstances are so changed that the
child's own family has become suitable this relationship may
be easily restored. Children sent to the Reform School dur
ing minority are subject to such separation; and. If I am not
misinformed, this is often the case with children placed in
private institutions of charity. Also, I believe that Overseers
of the Poor have the power to bind children as apprentices,
who have become chargeable to the town as paupers. It is
therefore ardentlj' to be hoped, that, in the consideration and
decision of this question, so fraught as it is with weal or woe
to many human beings, no unworthy influences will be per
mitted to prevent the necessary steps to be taken for the
establishment of a State Home and School for our dependent
children." The bill was passed ; of the manner of its passage Mrs. Chace
wrote six years later in the Telegram: "On the morning of
the day when the vote was to be taken In the Senate, the few
long-tried friends of the measure were assured that, if we
insisted that a new board of management should be created,
[178 ]

it would either be Indefinitely postponed, or be placed In
the hands of the Board of State Charities and Corrections.
But, if we would consent to have it given to the State Board
of Education, they were confident of the passage of the
blU. We had no objections to the State Board of Educa
tion, as such; but they were not elected with this object
in view, while a part of them held their position by virtue of
their election to some office in the government. They had not
so far taken an interest in the matter, and they were all men,
and no way had yet been found for placing woraen on that
board. We knew and felt strongly that a motherless institu
tion, for the care and training of children, could never be
what we desired ; but, wearied with the long-continued struggle
and delay, and, fearing to risk its fate with the charities and
corrections, we reluctantly consented. We made a mistake.
We would have done better to have advised postponement.
If the State of Rhode Island was not ready to see that a home
and school required mothers in its management, she was not
prepared to say, 'Suffer the dependent children from all my
doraain to come unto me, that I may train them to become
virtuous, useful and Intelligent citizens.' "
The first Mrs. Douglass had died about a year after the
visit which Mrs. Chace described in her Washington letter,
and Mr. Douglass had recently married Miss Helen Pitts.
He and she came together to New England this winter,
visited several of his old friends, attended the funeral of
Wendell Phillips, and passed two quiet days with Mrs. Chace
In the Homestead.
Although the name is not mentioned in the following letter,
there can be no doubt that the Memorial meeting described
was for Wendell PhUlips, whose death had occurred on
February Second.
[179]

Mrs. Lucy Stone to Mrs. Chace
"Boston, March 1st, 1884. We were all sorry not to see
you at the Memorial service. It was a very interesting time.
The hearts of the people were touched; but they rejoiced in
the heroic, beautiful life that had gone on. The white heads
that were on the platform were very few. There sat Samuel E.
Sewall with his beautiful face and snow-white hair ; Elizur
Wright, Dr. Bowdltch, Sam'l May, Theodore D. Weld; and
just a few years younger, Mrs. Howe, H. B. B. and I. Dear
old Robert Wallcut wanted to be there, but he had tried to
write out what he wanted to say, and had not finished It, and
he was not well besides, and could not come. Abby Foster,
of course, could not be there. You were away, and that, I
believe, completes the little circle who remain.
"Miss Barry sang beautifully. It was past ten o'clock
before the company broke up. In spite of the snow, the hall
was full.
"The activity of the Reraonstrants as well as of the
Suffragists Is very encouraging. You will see In the
[W Oman' si Journal our great petitions. But for all that
we have little to hope for from our legislators, but there is
more thought about the subject than ever. You raust let the
Journal know if you have any result in R. I. We would
credit you with all your petitions if we knew how many you
had." March 22nd Mrs. Chace wrote a letter to the Providence
Journal protesting against the use of intoxicating liquors
in cooking, saying: "If these liquors are used In cookery they
must be procured where they are kept for sale, and thus this
traffic Is supported and encouraged by all who purchase them
for this purpose, and by all who partake of the food thus
prepared. Nor is this all. The effect in the kitchens where
such articles are in use is one to be seriously considered;
[180]

and I have reason to believe that cooks have been often dis
charged for drunkenness, when the responsIbUity lay heaviest
at the parlor door."
Once in a while the freshets in the Blackstone River were
dangerous, and in this period one occurred which was really
terrific.
Mrs. Chace to Mrs. Mary C. Tolman
"We were damaged somewhat, but so much less than we
feared, that we are all quite comfortable. Arnold was calm
and heroic through all. The river was wonderful to behold,
and looked dangerous ; but that wonderful dam your father
built proved impregnable.
"We had our Woman Suffrage hearing today.
"I mean to write to Bessie. Dear little girl, I want her
to be always pleasant."
Governor Van Zandt, in April, favored placing the Home
and School on the State Farm in Cranston. Mrs. Chace
in a published letter dealt with hira, personally, very gently,
saying merely, that she thought he could not have considered
the matter quite enough before he gave his opinion; but she
sounded yet again her word of protest and warning against
thus mingling children in the public estimation with paupers
and criminals.
Mrs. Chace to Mrs. Mary C. Tolman
"May 18, 1884- Just for the fun of it I am going to tell
thee what I did yesterday afternoon, and see if thee will think
I can be very feeble.
"I started at half-past one for Providence, Mrs. W. accom
panying me. We stopped first at the milliner's — up stairs.
I got my bonnet. Then we went to the Elizabeth Building,
to talk with Mr. Stockwell about the State School. Up stairs.
[181]

He was not In, but was expected. I couldn't wait, so came
down and went to the Journal office. While I looked over a
file of papers, I sent Mrs. W. to do some errands. After I
was through standing at the counter fifteen minutes, I sat
down and waited fifteen more for the carriage. Then I went
back to the Elizabeth Building. Up stairs again. I found
Mr. S. and stayed half an hour talking with him.
"Then T went to the Friends' School to get Augustine Jones
to sign that petition, which he did. Talked with him a while,
when he invited rae to go to the Hall and see the bust of
John Bright. So I got Mrs. W. and took her along. We
went through the girls' school-roora, which always brings
back a flood of old raemories, and makes me want to be a
school girl again. Then to the Hall where we saw the beauti
ful piece of sculpture, presented by James [Chace]. It has
a corner railed off and is surrounded by drapery, and made
as conspicuous as the Belvedere.
"Augustine showed us the Library and a cabinet full of
ancient books, and a hail-storm came on which we had to wait
through. So we strolled about, visiting the boys' great
school room.
"When the shower was over, we left, and went to the Ken-
yons', for Susan to sign the petition, and we encountered
another hail-storm on the way; I, looking over, as I always
do Into 'That silent, solemn, sacred spot'
where I seldom feel inclined to enter. [Swan Point Cemetery,
where her husband and seven of her children were buried.]
"We came home to supper, I, really, not feeling much
fatigued. Lillie came to see that we were back all right, and
wondered that I could do so much. I rather wonder myself.
Before I went, I had seen to a good deal of gardening, and
had a long call from a friend, and had engaged Elizabeth Fitts,
who came to see me, to teach the chUdren next Fall; by a
[182 ]

kindergarten In the forenoon, and a primary school in the
afternoon. It is to be at the expense of the District, only I
engage to furnish the material ; and if there Is room for any
children under five years, I am to pay the District for them."
Mrs. Chace to Hon. Royal C. Taft
" Valley Falls, 5th mo., 19th, I884.. WiU you do me the
favor to tell me why the Committee on Constitutional Changes
reported as they did on the Woman Suffrage Memorial,
'without recommendation'?
"We had been assured that some of the Committee were
in favor of Woman Suffrage. Why did not they make a re
port in accordance with such sentiment? And, If the rest
were opposed, why did they not so report?
"It looks as if they all considered It a matter of no impor
tance, and the petitioners as persons to whom no considera
tion was due. While to male foreigners of all nationalities
and of all degrees of ignorance or intelligence, they propose
to give the suffrage on the same terms as to native-born
Americans. "I cannot comprehend it. It seems to me that some action
was due to our Memorial. If we are wrong, we should be told
so. If we are right, surely Rhode Island men should be ready
to say so. Some answer should be given us. Please tell me
why we were so treated."
During Anniversary Week, Mrs. Chace attended the
Woman Suffrage and the Free Religious Meetings in Boston,
of which she wrote an enthusiastic letter to the Providence
Journal, telling exactly how she felt about everything. She
closed the letter with one of those exquisitely sincere, but
personal, paragraphs which seem to me to give to her writings
their most distinctive note and the one which prevents them
from being mere argumentative and ethical compositions:
[183]

"Boston Common was in all the pride of Its early summer
garb of greenness, the Public Gardens were beautiful beyond
compare ; there were cordial greetings with friends, there was
good to bring home to Rhode Island, and there was the sight
of the grave just within the gate of the cemetery, covered
with pansies and daisies, where rest the mortal remains of the
man who, more than any other, has left the impress of his
grand, unselfish, noble life upon a nation which will in time
learn to heed its lessons. All through these many years a
hearty handshake, a kind and sympathetic word, a letter now
and then from Wendell Phillips have given assurance of
personal friendship, which must ever remain a priceless jewel
in all my memory of the past."
Hon. Edward L. Freeman to Mrs. Chace
"Central Falls, R. I., June 11th, 1884-. The slight service
I was able to render your Association in introducing and
advocating a resolution permitting the use of the Representa
tives Hall in the State House by the Woman Suffrage Asso
ciation of R. I. is unworthy of the very commendatory letter
which you have been pleased to address to me. I believed that
what you and your fellow petitioners asked for was just and
right, and I was also glad of an opportunity to oblige one for
whose personal character and virtues no less than her public
deeds, I have a respect amounting almost to reverence, though
we may conscientiously differ on some questions."
On August 13th Mrs. Chace sent from Sabbatia Cottage
to a Providence paper an article caUed Save the ChUdren, in
which she advocated the adoption of the Kindergarten into
the public school system of Providence; and expressed sym
pathy with an association in the city which had been organ
ized to bring about that result. As yet no location had been
found by the Board of Education for the Home and School,
[184]

and in this article she also urged that there should be no more
delay than was inevitable, saying that a place should be found
before the coming winter.
Susan B. Anthony to Mrs. Chace
"August 30th, 1884.. We have the files of the Woman's
Journal, so get from them the bare facts of conventions, etc. ;
— but what we would very much like is a nice letter from you ;
that can go in just as you write — sort of gossipy-like, giving
the spirit and purpose of the work, — and little recollections
of the persons and incidents. Your little testimonial relative
to Mrs. Davis in her early work is very good indeed. If you
could give us a letter of reminiscences, — ever so brief, — and
Mr. Hinckley [Frederic A.] give one, with what we can gather
of Conventions and Hearings, etc., we should have a spicy
Chapter of Rhode Island.
"Don't be afraid of saying /. Our women need not be
ashamed of saying or writing, 'I did,' — for each one knows
but very little beyond what she herself did !
"If you see my very dear friend Ellen Wright Garrison,
give her my best love, and tell William [L. Garrison] I have
just been reading and enjoying the little beginnings of his
Father's Biography in Scribner's Monthly."
Mrs. Abby Kelley Foster to Mrs. Chace
"Sept. 24-, 1884- It does me so much good to see others
still at work as dear Wendell Phillips was, so long as they can
work, unless, like my own Stephen, they overdo, and bring on
themselves unspeakable suffering.
" So you are to have the privilege of speaking, at your next
Suffrage Anniversary, in a house in Providence, called the
State House ! Whose house is it?"

[185]

The writer goes on to censure Colonel Higginson, and
although she does not expressly say so, her allusions make
It evident to the instructed student of that epoch, that she
condemns him for supporting Grover Cleveland as Presidential
candidate. She expresses surprise that the Woman's Jour
nal should "allow such a course in an authorized editor";
and a phrase in her letter Indicates her surprise and con
demnation to be caused not merely by the fact that Cleveland
was the Democratic nominee, but because of his personal
character. Mrs. Chace attended Whittier Day at the Friends' School
in October, 1884.
Mrs. Chace to the Providence Journal
"As I sat, on Friday of last week, in the pleasant, ample
dining-room, where the girls and the boys were seated at the
opposite sides of the same tables, conversing properly and
quietly together and learning by this natural arrangement,
the gentle courtesies and proprieties of a well-ordered social
life; how well I remembered the unnatural restraints and
limitations and prohibitions of that early time which were
often themselves the temptation to their own violation.
"In those days we had school before breakfast and after
supper, besides the forenoon and afternoon sessions, and if
we did not become profound scholars, it was not for lack
of sufficient time devoted to study. For gymnastics, the girls
had the sweeping, the chamber work, the bringing of wood
from the cellar and making the fires, with the occasional varia
tion of making the boys' beds on busy days ; and this last, in
our narrow circle of amusements, was considered a privilege.
We had no vacations, no holidays ; there were no pictures on
the walls, no sculptures, no celebrations; we were allowed
no curling of the hair, no laces, ruffles, or bright colors upon
our garments, no jewelry; our bonnets were largely of wire
r 186 ]

and pasteboard; and, as for music and singing, why. It almost
takes my breath away to hear it now within those waUs ! And
yet it was a good school, where the teachers performed their-
duties conscientiously ; the learning was thorough and solid ;
and the limitations and restraints, that now are outgrown,,
were only in excess of what, as 'Friends' children,' we were ac
customed to at home. I do not think as a rule they were
considered oppressive, and they certainly were not entirely
without some good results. At any rate, I remember well
that I left the dear ' Stution,' as we used to call it, with much
sorrow that my school days were over ; and good reason have
I had since, and still have, to regret that they could not
have been prolonged; and at this day I visit the place with
a heart full of reverence and love."
Edward Clifford to Mrs. Chace
"Care of D. L. Moody,
Northfield, Mass., 25 Oct., 1884-.
"I wonder if you will remember me all these ten years!'
I feel pretty sure you will, so I write to say I am in the States
for two or three months, and I wonder if there is any hope
of seeing you and your daughters. I think you know my
sister Margaret is married, very happily and with two babies.
I have had ten such happy years, since we met. I wonder if
you have more grand-children than that splendid baby whose
photograph I have.
"I am painting away and having a delightful time. Do'
send me a few lines to this address."
Soon after writing this letter Mr. Clifford came to visit
Mrs. Chace and the Wymans in VaUey Falls. He played'
and sang to them. He rode horseback, he walked with
Mrs. Wyman and talked of his Evangelical Episcopalian
religion. He showed photographs of his paintings, mostly
- [ 187 ]

portraits of members of the English nobility and the Royal
family. He sketched a little in Mrs. Chace's rooms ; and
from that time on he always visited her when in this country.
He came to see her when on his way to the Sandwich Islands
to carry to Father Damien a reraedy for leprosy which he
had brought for that purpose from India, and he visited her
on his journey back from that heroic embassy. Mr. Clifford
was about the age of Mrs. Chace's son Arnold.
Alfred M. Williams to Mrs. Chace
"Providence Daily Journal, Nov. 1, 1884- In reply to
your kind and friendly letter I have to say that the columns
of the Journal will be open to your communications on social
and reformatory questions as heretofore under the conditions
of its limitations of space. Finally I do not consider that
I can draw the line in a newsp&per against the accounts of
boxing matches, which I do not consider demoralizing in the
form In which they are published in the Journal."
I have no recollection that any article of Mrs. Chace's was
€ver refused publication in the Providence Journal. That
paper was often editorially scornful of such opinions as she
held, but, during all the nearly thirty years of which I have
memory, it certainly treated her personally, and treated all
direct expression and noticed action of hers, with respect,
which, as the seasons passed, deepened into a deference that
finally grew to be even reverential.
Mrs. Lucy Stone to Mrs. Chace
"Boston, Nov. 9, 1884. We have settled aU our plans
to be back in time for your meeting. We saw the need our
Western friends had of help, and we wanted to help them.
At the same time / could not bear to leave all the care here
[188]

EDWARD CLIFFORD

to our overworked daughter, and was, on the whole, glad to
feel it right and best to come back.
"I feel the critical condition of your health, but I rejoice
in the calm look forward — 'As one who wraps the drapery of
his couch about him, and lies down to pleasant dreams.' So
it is to you, but I hope you may be spared to see women vote.
"I wish you and Lillie would consider, and let me know
your opinion, whether the meeting at Chicago should have a
resolution against Mr. Cleveland as president.
"I felt utterly sick yesterday when it seemed sure that he
was elected."
Frederick Douglass to L. B. C. W.
"Cedar Hill, Anacosta, D. C, Nov. 14-, I884. I give you
hearty thanks for your cordial invitation. I see nothing now
to prevent my attending your Mother's proposed Suffrage
Convention, Third December. I shall like to be there, if only
to count one in the Suffrage army. I am more than pleased
with hope of seeing your honored Mother's face and hearing
her voice again. It was only this morning, before I received
your letter, I was thinking of the pleasant birthday and
especially of Mr. Wyman's part in it.
"Of course, if I come, as I now think I shall, I will bring
Helen with me, for she Is not less a Woman Suffragist than
myself."
Mrs. Margaret Lucas to Mrs. Chace
"London, 11th mo., 16th, 1884- I am exceedingly pleased
to receive thy letter containing the intelligence that the Hall
of Representatives, In the State House of the city of Provi
dence, has been granted for the coming Convention of Woman
Suffrage. It is indeed a triumph to have obtained the unani
mous vote of both Houses, granting this favor. I wish it
[189]

were possible for me to be with you on the 3rd and 4th. Thy
message has been sent to ray brother Jacob Bright and I hope
he will be able to send you a line."
Hon. R. G. Hazard to Mrs. Chace
" Peacedale, 11th mo., 17th, 188 4. I think your sex and our
whole country have cause for congratulation and encourage
ment in the circumstances developed In the recent Presidential
contest. For the first tirae, frora both parties [word illegible]
respectable In number, and notably so In character have risen
up and asserted. In words and action, that they will no longer
be bound by mere party ties, and if party leaders do not
nominate good, reliable candidates, they will not vote for
them. This, I think, marks a progress In our political
morality far more important than the temporary success of
either aspirant for the highest official position. It has seemed
to me obvious, through the whole of the fierce struggle, that
Woman was exerting far more influence upon It than in any
previous, similar contest, — and this in the direction in which
we would naturally expect it, — insisting on purity of char
acter. The parties being so nearly equal, I think there is
little doubt that had either of the two prominent candidates
been, in this regard, free from unfavorable criticism her
[woman's] influence alone would have been sufficient to turn
the scale in his favor."
Susan B. Anthony to Mrs. Chace
"Indianapolis, Nov. 22nd, 1884- Yours of the 8th Inst.
received, with a line from Mrs. Stanton promising to write
a letter to your Convention, — but I hope, to make it sure,
you wUl send her another and strong appeal, before the date
of your meeting. She ought to do it, and I am sure she wiU,
If you keej) importuning her.
[190]

"I shall take the night express after my lecture (in New
Jersey) Dec. 3rd, and reach you about ten o'clock, the morn
ing of the 4th.
" Now, to help me to frame my talk for you, will you please
tell me exactly what you are asking of your Legislature this
year. "I am glad I can be with you of R. I. and Providence, once
more, and I should dearly love to see you in your own home, —
a privilege I have never yet enjoyed, but my time will be so
short that I hardly hope for that pleasure this time."
The Annual Convention of the Woman Suffrage Associa
tion was held in Representatives Hall of the State House.
A Providence paper said, "The President, Mrs. Elizabeth B.
Chace, presided over the exercises with grace and dignity,
the desk being beautifully decorated with clusters of flowers
and trailing smilax." She made the opening address on this
triumphal occasion, beginning thus :
"Friends, I bid you welcome this morning to this house.
We are come here hoping to leave behind us an Inspiration
that shall affect for good whatever may be done hereafter
within these walls, concerning the interests, the rights and the
duties of the women of our State."
The attendance was so large that there was an overflow
meeting, and the speakers at the two meetings were, the
President Mrs. Chace, and Mrs. Stone, Rev. C. W. Wendte,
Miss Susan B. Anthony, Hon. Abraham Payne, Mrs. Heind-
man, William I. Bowdltch, Esq., John C. Wyman, Rev.
F. A. Hinckley, William Lloyd Garrison, Jr., Miss Mary F.
Eastman, and Frederick Douglass.
About this time Parker Pillsbury republished Stephen
Foster's book. The American Church a Brotherhood of
Thieves.
[191]

Parker Pillsbury to Mrs. Chace
"Concord, N. H., Dec. 24, 1884. A thousand thanks for
your pleasant little note and its accompaniments. I wish we
had a newspaper worthy or even willing to copy your Whittier
article, here in Concord.
"I trust you have made, or will make our friend Whittier's
Christmas a little more 'merry' by sending him a copy. I am
glad you are pleased with the reproduction of our peerless
friend Foster's 'Brotherhood of Thieves.' The reading seems
to have affected you much as It did me. I have heard him
read those terrible, arraigning passages so many times in our
meetings, that I found on reading the book that I had learned
many of them by heart. And even in correcting the proof,
I was almost as grave and solemn as he used to make me, many
years ago.
"It seems to rae it was a happy thought, the reproduction
of the work. It came from one of our old Anti-Slavery friends
in Michigan. He wrote me that he would pay twenty-five
dollars for his part, to have It done.
"I mentioned the matter, and soon had enough secured to
venture on the enterprise. I have already the money back
the work cost me, and quite a pile of the Tracts still on my
hands. I send most of them, of course, gratuitously. But
the 'Brotherhood' themselves would never see the book unless
brought to their very doors. Mr. May paid five dollars and
had twenty-five copies of the work.
" If you think of any who would be likely to make good use
of copies I will send them if you will give me addresses."

[ 192 ]

CHAPTER TWENTY-FIFTH
Wianno Summers
IN the summer of 1877 Mrs. Chace went for the first time
to the Cotocheeset House, In that part of Cape Cod known
then as Osterville — but now, separated from the old fishing
village, not only by the original mUe of distance, but by the
new habit of life of the summer colony, known as Wianno.
This visit was made through the recommendation of James
and Harriet Tolman, who were there for a part of the time ;
but Lillie became seriously ill, so that the visit was shortened
and the family returned to Valley Falls.
The next summer Mrs. Chace and her daughters came again
to the Cotocheeset, having with them Mary Pratt, who after
wards became Mrs. Frank J. Garrison.
In the spring of 1880 Mrs. Chace built for herself a cottage
near the hotel, which she called Sabbatia Cottage, from the
pink blossoms then growing abundantly by a pond in that
region for which she felt an almost passionate love.
Sabbatia Cottage stood only a few yards from the edge of
the bluff which made the inland border of the long, sandy
Wianno beach. There were small pine trees around the
cottage, even between it and the ocean. It had spacious
verandas to which wide, low staircases ascended from the
ground. Mrs. Chace made no attempt to convert her land
into lawns. She delighted in its natural and uneven surfaces
and in its growth of herbage. Bayberry bushes and mush
rooms grew at will, wild roses and Queen Anne's lace, golden
rod and everlasting blossomed in the small field and wooded
space that constituted her seaside domain.
[193 ]

Her pleasure was both childlike and intense In the gold and
silver and pink tinted shells that strewed the beaches. She
collected thousands of them, and carried them back with her
to the Homestead, where they filled shelves, drawers and boxes.
She found great pleasure also in the wild flora of the region,
and liked to have the younger members of the household keep
the cottage full of flowers.
She always had her own carriage at Wianno, several times
driving between Valley Falls and Cape Cod. She spent two
days on each of these trips, stopping over night either at
New Bedford or Wareham, and calling, for an hour or two,
on her relatives in Fall River. And thus it was, I think, that
she made her last visits to the scene of her early married life.
Notwithstanding her great happiness at Wianno, she
generally abbreviated the season there by going back to
Valley Falls a few days or weeks earlier In the Autumn than
the others in the Cottage wanted her to go. She went because
it was time, she said, for her to attend to the fruit harvest
In the Horaestead gardens, and also because she must begin
the season's Woman Suffrage work In Rhode Island.
She never transferred from Rhode Island to Massachu
setts any of the only feeling she had which was exactly like
patriotism. Her main interest at Wianno was In the summer
colonists, who were alien sojourners like herself; but she
visited the Barnstable jail, learned about its management,
the character of Its keepers and Its few prisoners; and she
made sorae investigation Into local methods for relieving the
poor. She approved of the neighborly spirit in which such
relief was administered.
She established a friendly acquaintance with the old Abo
litionists, Mr. and Mrs. Russell Marston, of Centreville, but
formed very little other social relation with native or perma
nent Cape Codders. The society at Wianno was sufficient for
her. Perhaps for the first time in her whole experience, since
[ 194 ]

her early youth at Smithfield, she felt neither lack nor antag
onism In her daily environment.
She enjoyed sea-bathing and continued to take baths in
the ocean long after she was eighty years old, but graduaUy
she ceased, not feeling able to walk down and up the staircase
leading from the top of the bluff to the beach. She walked
about Wianno with ordinary ease for some years, but after
an Injury to her foot when she was seventy-seven, she almost
never stepped off her porches either at the Homestead or at
Sabbatia Cottage, except to enter her carriage, or to be care
fully assisted In a very short walk. But she constantly took
long drives and apparently without fatigue. Her summer
habit was to pass two or three afternoon hours reclining in
her own room, while all the adjoining portions of the house
were kept as solemnly silent as possible, for the least noise
at that time distressed her. Yet, whenever she pleased, she
would vary the programme by going in those very hours on a
drive of a dozen or twenty miles, whence she would return
as fresh and ready for the evening occupations as though she
had taken her usual siesta.
The Sabbatia Cottage household was composite. The
Arnold Chace tribe were sometimes there In whole or part,
the Tolmans, Invariably, and the Wymans, the larger portion
of the time.
Mrs. Chace always had special attendance, either from a
waiting maid or a lady companion. In the later years she
was provided with an attendant who slept in a little room
opening out of her own chamber. She had not much desire
to do for herself, merely for the sake of exertion, what could
be done for her by another.
The household was financially cooperative. After the first
year or two, one of Mrs. Chace's daughters, and generally
Mrs. Tolman, was the housekeeper and ordered the meals,
but Mrs. Chace was the supreme social ruler. Guests were
[195]

invited or not invited, parties given or not given, and enter
tainment was furnished or avoided according to her desire.
As the Wianno colony increased in number and variety of
human representation, there arose, properly, some question
in the minds of the older residents as to how far and in what
manner It was wise to modify the primitive simplicity of life
in the place. Should formal afternoon teas be given? Should
refreshments be offered in the evening; should elaborate
supper parties be countenanced, or strenuous effort be made
to confine entertainment to conversation and the playing of
games? Should servants be kept in attendance on the front
door in hours, when If excused from that duty they might be
enjoying a little summer leisure? Wianno custom was indul
gent to servants in such way, and Mrs. Chace's domestic
assistants were never compelled to sit or stand around un
necessarily. Day and evening visitors at Sabbatia Cottage
simply walked into the open front door, stayed if they found
members of the family and went away If they did not.
Mrs. Chace's Influence was given mainly on the side of sim
plicity of manner and in favor of intellectual and merry talk
or game-playing rather than of eating recreation.
The habit arose of giving small prizes in connection with
some amuseraents. She permitted one or two such gay
present-making occasions in her cottage, and then came to
the opinion that there was a gambling element In "playing
for prizes," and no more of it was tolerated under her roof.
She sometimes sat in the cottage hall, or on its porch, and
shelled peas, and if Captain Wyraan was there, he invariably
helped, but her principal manual occupation was knitting.
I seem to remember her as always knitting in her chair by the
great fireplace in the haU, or by the sitting-room table ; and
often as she sat thus. Captain Wyman read aloud. He was
the most beautiful unprofessional reader I ever heard.
She thoroughly enjoyed the social Ufe at Wianno and
[196]

developed in it a more gracious habit and power than she
had ever shown before. It was amazing to us, who had known
her elsewhere, to see this development at her advanced age.
It suggested a rather pathetic thought of what she might
have been, and might have enjoyed, had her youth and middle
life been passed In the genial atmosphere of cordial relations
with literary, artistic and socially trained people, who were
also morally In sympathy with her more serious opinion and
purpose. But just that atmosphere was never very present
In her ordinary life till she was nearly seventy years old.
Of course she remained autocratic even in these years of
greater grace.
She still enjoyed parlor games, and had evenings at home,
to which any of the colonists might come to play such games.
Once I proposed a variation In the routine, saying, "Let
the children, and whoever else would like to, play little games
in the hall, while the rest play one game In the sitting room."
"No," she said decisively, "it is better for us all to be
together." I was Inwardly persuaded that my method would produce
more general pleasure, on the proposed evening, but her tone
was that of the absolute Monarch, and moreover that of one
whose "better" referred to some ethic. Submission was for
me the better part.
Her satisfaction was perfect In any entertainment which
made an audience of one part of the company and a troupe
of reciters, minstrels or actors of the other. Sabbatia Cottage
had been architecturally designed to afford facility for such
performance. The hall with Its staircase made an excellent
stage, to which the sitting room was auditorium, there being
wide opening from the one Into the other. This was the most
¦effective way to use the ground floor of the cottage for dra
matic purposes, but for lectures and concerts, the longer
[ 197 ]

sweep of sitting room and dining room gave ampler accom
modation to the audience.
Numberless hours In Sabbatia Cottage were devoted to
amateur theatricals. Mrs. Chace was very fond of charades.
She never took any acting part herself, but she selected the
words and helped plan most of the scenes enacted.
Very seldom did Mrs. Chace attempt any management of
her grandchildren beyond the ordinary household regulations,
and she was extremely tolerant of their small preferences.
To her son Arnold, she once said: "Ward" (then five or six
years old) "always keeps his hat on in the house. We like
to have him do so ; we like everything he does."
Once, however, when she undertook to have some chips
picked up and stored away, a basketful at a time, by her
little grandsons, some one at a window overheard Arthur
Wyman and Richard Tolman grumbling at their tiny task.
"Gra'ma Chace ought not to make us work," said Arthur
Wyman, "she don't seem to understand what we come down
here for, — we corae down here to have a rest."
"It's mean in her," said Richard sagely. "She don't work
herself; she just sits an' knits."
Mrs. Chace was benignly amused when these remarks were
reported to her.
When the boy Malcolm played lawless tricks at the dining
table, she remembered only similar action on the part of her
son Ned, and laughed happily saying: "It almost makes me
believe in the transmigration of souls to see Malcolm. I feel
as if he was 'Eddie' come back."
She actually exulted in Malcolm's triumphs as a tennis
player; went to the tennis court to see him play and read
eagerly the newspaper reports which confirmed his young
renown. She sometimes expressed a little vague and tender
anxiety lest travel over the land to the netted fields would
not be quite "good" for such a young boy. It was natural
[198]

for her to feel so, for Malcolm had a national reputation as
a "boy wonder" on the tennis courts when he was only fifteen,
and was in constant demand at tournaments In various por
tions of the country. But she was easily persuaded that it
was all "good" for this beloved grandson who seemed to her
to be the Incarnated spirit of her dead baby boy. In reality,
although there was much temperamental likeness between
them, and also the quality of personal magnetism was strong
and similar in each, Malcolm still had a much more buoyant
and insouciant nature than Ned had possessed, for Malcolm's
soul was free from the bitter drop of black melancholy which
fiowed always beneath Ned's gayety. Mrs. Chace, however,
did not note this difference, or if she did, she had by this
time persuaded herself that the difference was not innate, and
that Ned would have been as light-hearted as Malcolm was
had not his boyhood been so shadowed by the constant pres
ence of death and illness In the home, and affected by his own
111 health.
Assured that it was all "good" for Malcolm, — as appar
ently It was, — Mrs. Chace naively accepted the Idea that she
was the grandmother of an athletic prodigy, as .something
of which to be proud, and she expected people to be aware of
Malcolm's reputation ; so completely expected it that her tone
expressed surprise and almost disapproving criticism, when
she once said, "Why, Eva Channing did not know who Mal
colm was!" She evidently thought that Miss Channing's
education had not been a thorough one. But what a relief it
was to her long and great maternal bereavement, to live again,
as it were, with one of her dead boys at her side,^ — not seem
ing a ghost, but the Image of vigorous young life.
Bessie Cheney was unquestionably Mrs. Chace's favorite
grandchild. She was the first girl in that generation ; she had
been born in the- Homestead, was Mrs. Chace's namesake,
and during a large portion of the first four or five years of
[199]

her life had been an inmate of Mrs. Chace's home; all these
circumstances helped to concentrate her grandmother's affec
tion upon her. But besides all this, Bessie was a bright,
attractive girl, gifted with a sweet disposition, and a modestly
lively manner. Neither she nor her cousin Daisy Chace ever
acquired a trace of forwardness. They never thrust them
selves on anybody's attention, and were therefore always
pleasant to everybody's notice. Bessie was the only member
of the whole Chace group who had musical ability. She
derived it from the Cheneys. Daisy Chace, on the other hand,
had some literary and artistic talent, and was carefully edu
cated in both American and French studies.
Till she was eighty years old, Mrs. Chace had never felt
the slightest desire to attempt any work of an artistic nature,
and she had shown very little interest In the effort of other
people to draw or sketch. Then after a serious illness, she
began to try to use a water-color brush. She took lessons,
and thenceforth, alraost to the end of her life, she painted.
She never attained much proficiency; she never learned to
draw with even approximate correctness ; but she had an eye
for color and for light and shade ; she mostly painted flowers ;
enjoying the occupation exceedingly, and once In a while she
did paint something pretty well.
Her daughter, Mrs. Tolman, was an excellent amateur
flower painter. There were a number of gifted amateur and
a few professional artists at Wianno. Classes met in the
Sabbatia Cottage attic, and a water-color and crayon exhibi
tion was held there towards the close of each of several
seasons. Among the calling, evening and house guests at Sabbatia
Cottage in these years were iMr. and jNIrs. Edward H. jMaglll,
the two young actresses, Ray Rockraan and Nannie Craddock,
j\Ir. and Mrs. Herbert Morse, Joseph Jefferson, Helen Camp-
beU, AUce French (Octave Thanet), Mrs. Lucy Buffum
[ 200 1

EDWARD II. MAGILL

Ijovell, Anne Vernon Buffum, Mr. and Mrs. Frank J. Garri
son, Mrs. George W. Smalley, Mrs. Ellen Batelle DIetrick,
Carl Zerrahn and many others — the names of some of whom
will be given In record of special entertainment. The number
of house guests in the whole period was comparatively small,
because the family itself was large ; there was not much extra
¦chamber accommodation; and In the early years, there were
.always babies for whom day-time repose or playroom privi
leges must be arranged; and in the later period it was, as
has been suggested, necessary for Mrs. Chace's sake, to secure
some hours each day when nobody should make a noise In the
halls, or on the piazza, or in the sitting room under, or in
the attic over, or in the chamber next to the one where she
was resting.
Nevertheless, it made her very happy to have her Wianno
neighbors and their visitors stream freely In and out of Sab
batia Cottage. Once three of the sons of the great Garrison,
William, Wendell and Frank, all called together on her as
upon a Mother in Israel. She was pleased. They were all
then over forty years of age, and no one of them looked young
for his years. They were all men who had led strenuous lives,
Uad had deep and earnest experience and bore the marks
thereof In countenance and manner. When they had left her,
the old, old woman drew a long, ecstatic breath.
"Oh," she said, "What nice boys they are!"
In his Autobiography, Moncure Daniel Conway says :
"Ah, that last beautiful summer at Wianno ! What tab
leaux and theatricals at the amusement hall, and what
memorable Sunday evening conversations at the house of the
venerable EUzabeth Chace! Especially memorable was the
visit of Thomas Davidson, biographer and interpreter of
Rosmini. Mr. William R. Warren of New York, the most
intimate friend of Davidson, tells me (1904) that Professor
Knight is writing a life of that marvellous man. I hear it
[201]

with pleasure, but even the art of my old friend at St. Andrews
can hardly convey to those who did not know Thomas David
son, the charm of the man, his disinterested devotion to high
philosophic thought, the happy way in which he went about
distributing the riches of his mind among us, every gift
suggestive of his abode in some invisible pearl-island in com
munion with all spirits finel}' touched to issues too fine for
appreciation by a world consecrating Its energies to stupen
dous trifles. Yet no man of the world had finer and friendlier
manners, or a more engaging personality."
Mr. Davidson was once for several days a house guest at
Sabbatia Cottage, and was there a number of other times
as a caller, or visitor, at special hours. He recited Scotch
poetry at the fireside, he read marvellous essays in the parlor,
he sat many hours Idly happy on the piazza, he accompanied
the young people on picnics, and he talked nonsense or
philosophy and ethic to enchanted listeners. It was the
Wianno custom to speak of and to the mistress of that cottage
as "Madam Chace," but he used an old world title and called
her "Lady Chace."
The oratorio singer, William J. Winch, was charmingly
courteous to Mrs. Chace, and sang at one of her evening re
ceptions. Occasionally tickets were sold for special perform
ance in her parlor, when it was desired to raise a little money
for some purpose. This was the case when Mrs. Edmund
Noble talked on Russia, and Henry Austin Clapp kindly gave
his lecture on Twelfth Night.
During each of a large portion of the summers, iMrs. Chace
held a series of Sunday evening gatherings. Everybody was
at liberty to come or stay away. The custom was not quite
that of the reception. Neither Mrs. Chace nor any of her
family formally "received." Chairs were ranged in audience
style. She took her place by the table near the inner end of
[ 202 ]

the room. A lamp was on this table, another was swung above
it, so she sat in full light. She occupied a large wicker chair.
Her hair was not very white, but she always wore on her head
a plainly falling or simply fashioned coiffure of rich white
lace. Her gown was generally gray or white, and she held
some white knitting work in her hands and plied her needles
all the while. A more venerable and sweetly majestic image
of aged womanhood has seldom been seen than that which she
presented on these Sunday evenings, while near her, preter-
naturally silent and well behaved, and generally clad in white
flannel, sat little Arthur Wyman and Richard Tolman.
People came In at the open doors, and greeted each other
informally through a half hour of gathering together. Many
went forward to make special salutation to her, which had
in It some character of rendered homage. Others did not,
either feeling shy, or impeded by the crowd. Then, some
member of her family, generally Mr. Tolman, called the com
pany to order. It seated itself and became an audience, and
an appointed person read a paper or conducted a discussion
on some topic. Usually there was a paper followed by dis
cussion under Mr. Tolman's guidance, but sometimes Arnold
Chace or Moncure Conway was the leader.
The company dispersed as it came, though most people did
go to Mrs. Chace's chair and speak to her either when they
entered or were about to leave the house. She never seemed
to notice It and made no comment when they did not. She
appeared to have no desire to impose upon her Sunday even
ings any routine of etiquette which might have detracted frora
their usefulness as opportunities to hear and talk and think
of the themes treated In the papers and discussions.
Moncure Conway and his beautiful wife were prominent
figures in these assembUes, and he bore large and generous
part in the discussions.
Henry Demarest Lloyd read a paper on the Wage Theory,
[203 ]

which was afterwards published In The North American
Review. William L. Garrison read a paper protesting against a
tariff for protection.
Richard Hovey read a paper on Faust. . Thomas Davidson
with prodigal generosity discoursed whenever he was asked
to do so. Harriet Tolman read a paper on the question,
"Should rich Women work for Money?" and threw the
weight of her opinion on the negative side. Prevailing senti
ment In Sabbatia Cottage answered the question with permis
sion. Miss Tolman also gave there an account of the Concord
Summer School of Philosophy, and Dr. Keene once read a
paper in the cottage.
No formal record was kept of these Sunday evenings, but
¦entries in Mr. Tolman's diaries let us know that
Aug. 19, 1888, Mr. Conway gave an address on Wagner.
Aug. 26, 1888, Mr. Conway spoke on Lesslng's Nathan
the Wise.
Sept. 2, 1888, Wm. L. Garrison spoke on Woman Suffrage.
July 20, 1890, Mrs. Ellen Batelle DIetrick spoke on
Prohibition. July 23, 1893, Rev. J. W. Hamilton [afterward Bishop
Hamilton] spoke on the Southern Question.
July 30, 1893, Mrs. Dietrick read a paper on The Use of
the Sabbath.
Aug. 13, 1893, Wra. L. Garrison discussed the Chinese
Question. Aug. 27, 1893, The Suffrage Question was discussed by
Rev. Frederic A. Hinckley, Mrs. Dietrick, and Wm. L.
Garrison. The friendship between herself and William Garrison was,
I believe, the greatest social joy that ]\lrs. Chace had in her
Wianno Ufe, outside of her own family. Mr. and Mrs. Fred-
[ 204 ]

eric A. Hinckley spent a few seasons at Barnstable, and she
was very happy because they came to spend occasional hours
with her; but William Garrison lived close beside her In the
rare sweet atmosphere that breathed around her age in
Wianno, and he was to her like a son beloved.

Extracts from Mrs. Chace's Letters to
Various Papers
"Sept. 11, 1883. One day a small party visited a well-
preserved two-story house, more than two hundred years old,
which contains many pieces of rich, ancient furniture and
quantities of lovely old china. The only memento I was per
mitted to bring away from the old house in: Cotuit is a spinning
wheel for flax, such as, when a little girl, I once spun linen
upon, 'enough,' my grandmother said, 'to make a milk
strainer.' "
"During the season now nearing its close we have had two
especially Interesting occasions, on one of which Miss Helen
Magill read, in one of our cottage parlors, her paper on the
'Higher Education of Women in Cambridge, England,' and
on another, her father, the President of Swarthmore College,
gave in the same parlor a lecture on the evil effect of the use
of tobacco, especially upon the young, speaking from large
experience and observation in the care and education of
boys." "Sept. 4, 1885. On occasional Sunday evenings we have
had full assemblages in [Sabbatia Cottage] to listen to
addresses on a variety of subjects. WiUiam Lloyd Garrison,
Jr., read the address on American Slavery, given by him a
short time before, in the historical course of lectures provided
by the philanthropic Mrs. Hemenway for the school children
of Boston.

[205 1

" Last Sunday evening we were favored with a most deeply
interesting lecture on the 'Customs, Habits and Conditions
of Chinese Women,' by Miss Adele M. Fielde, of Swatow,
China, where she has spent many years in labor among the
native women. While she depicted the horrors of the system
which leads the mothers of that semi-barbarous land to de
stroy, at birth, large numbers of their female infants, some
of us could not but reflect that In our own country a form of
destruction, scarcely less abhorrent and no less criminal,
prevails to an alarming extent, although with less openness
and impunity."
"Sept. 18, 1886. The wayside flowers. In their succession,
have given us unspeakable delight. And now the glory of the
golden-rod, the wealth of the many-hued aster, the royal
purple of the blazing star, with the summer atmosphere that
lingers in this September weather, and the sunshine of the
morning and the moon-glade of the evening, painting the
dancing waves with a golden and a silvery splendor, are all
tempting us to prolong our stay beyond our usual period
of departure.
"Last Sunday evening our parlor was filled by an audience
assembled to hear a historical 'Essay on Early Quakerism'
by Richard P. Hallowell. It was a brief record of the rise,
progress and persecution of the Society of Friends in Eng
land and America. Moncure D. Conway followed in an
address full of interesting reminiscences of his life, as the
son of a Virginia slaveholder, having, when a youth, received
his first impression of the wrongfulness of slavery through
his introduction into a settlement of Quakers in the northern
part of that State. When the war came and the Union army
entered Virginia, his sister wrote to hira: 'Our poor servants
are scattered everywhere. Try to find them.' He went to
Washington, and after much difficulty, he succeeded in his
search, took the whole company and escorted them to Ohio,
[206]

where he settled them In conditions in which they could take
care of themselves."
"Sept. 8, 1887. We have had more than our usual number
of parlor lectures this season. Thomas Davidson, fresh from
his School of Philosophy at Orange, N. J., and also from the
famous summer gathering at Concord, gave us three — first
on 'The New Education,' In which, after beginning with early
parental training, he described and commended an Ideal school,
for both sexes, wherein all the faculties should be developed,
and all ethical principles inculcated. His second lecture was
a brilliant portrayal of the genius, the beauty and the purity
of character of Sappho. His third was 'Education In Greece
up to the time of Aristotle,' in which he convinced us that,
imperfect as it was, and In many respects quite at variance
with modern ideas, it had In it qualities of reverence, sturdi-
ness and thoroughness, which we might do well to Imitate
with modifications in the education of our own children.
Mr. Davidson on several occasions gave us recitations of
Scotch poetry, as only a cultivated Scotchman could.
Prof. Niles of the Boston School of Technology devoted an
evening to a historical and descriptive discourse on Holland
and the Hollanders. Moncure D. Conway gave us Life and
Character in India, as he learned It from personal observation,
including his experience with Theosophists, and his discovery
of the fraud by which Madame Blavatsky and her aids are
acquiring wealth, through the credulity of their deluded fol
lowers. All Instructive and interesting. Henry A. Clapp,
dramatic critic of the Boston Advertiser, treated us to an
entertaining lecture on the drama in which he credited the
public taste with the character of the plays presented on
the stage; and commended the cultivation of a high moral
sentiment and the just treatment of performers, as a means
of making the theater a power for good while otherwise it is
for evil."
[207 ]

"Sept. 11, 1888. Although circumstances have led me to
choose this lovely spot for my summer home, I can say to my
native State, as did Goldsmith to his brother,
'Where'er I roam, whatever lands I see.
My heart untraveled ever turns to thee.'
And so when I gather up the events of the season, it is to
my Rhode Island that I am Impelled to comraunicate the
record. "During the twelve years that we have summered here, in
all our walks and drives throughout all this region, with Its
many rural ways and villages, no intoxicated person have
we ever met, and no sign of the liquor traffic have we ever
beheld. The hotel here has no bar — no private closet for
liquors — and no alcoholic beverages are supplied by the
guests. Parents are sure that the drink temptation will not
assail their growing boys and girls. According to my annual
custom, I have visited the county jail, where I found only
seven prisoners, not one of them a woman, and none of them
there for liquor selling. At Barnstable almshouse, I found
only seven inmates, all either aged or Incompetent persons,
and no children.
"The two last [Sunday evenings] have been devoted to
Woman Suffrage, opened by a most admirable address by
Mr. Garrison which powerfully stirred the minds of several
woraen who have been hitherto oblivious to this question. On
the second evening, Mr. Conway gave a record of the condi
tion and estimate of woraan from the earliest periods of the
world's history, illustrating by raany curious legends concern
ing her status in the human family from age to age, winding
up with the author's conclusions of what she may become,
and what Is to be her mission in the future of our race."
"Cape Cod, Sept. 17, 1890. In the first place, my four
teenth season here has continued the confirmation of my
[208 ]

original experience, that prohibition of the liquor traffic does
prohibit on Cape Cod.
"Our usual Sunday evening discussions of religious and
economic questions have been less frequent than at other
seasons, for the reason that we have had fewer public speak
ers among us. On one occasion, however, we had a very
animated discussion, pro and con, of prohibition, a few per
sons deprecating legal measures on the ground of Inefficiency,
the restriction of personal liberty, and the Idea that educa
tion is the only legitimate way to abolish intemperance ; while
a larger number defended prohibition In the interest of
morality, as a preventive of vice and crime, and as a neces
sary measure In education. AU, of course, claimed to speak
in the interest of temperance. But I think we almost univer
sally find that those persons who oppose prohibition, unless
they advQcate the doctrine of no government at all, are them
selves not quite clear and decided on the question of total
abstinence. "A visit was made here. In one of our best families, by
Booker Washington, a graduate of Hampton University,
who is the principal of a large Industrial and scientific train
ing institute for colored students of both' sexes at Tuske-
gee, Ala. He Is a young man of thirty-three, a fine-looking
mulatto, and he Impressed us as a man of remarkable ability
and great nobility of character. Mr. Washington assured
me that no corporal punishment Is ever inflicted, that the
students are impressed with a high sense of honor and respon
sIbUity, and that there is very Uttle difficulty in their manage
ment. On one evening. Miss Elizabeth Botume, who has been
teacher of colored children at Port Royal for twenty-flve
years, related to us her experiences among the very primitive
people she found there, with their growth through aU these
years during which she has instructed, in some instances,
three generations. She gave us many anecdotes and illustra-
[209 ]

tions of the peculiar customs, ideas and characteristics of
this remarkably interesting people.
" Some of us have been favored to become acquainted with
the family of Russell Marston, who has a lovely home at
Centreville, they being natives of the Cape. During the con
flict for the overthrow of slavery, there was a strong anti-
slavery sentiment throughout Cape Cod, and he and his
excellent wife were among its firmest supporters.
"One of the associations here, never to be forgotten. Is our
intimacy with the family of Herbert and Lucy Morse of
New York; she an artist and author, the granddaughter of
Isaac T. Hopper, and he the proprietor and principal of a
private, select school for boys in that city. They own a small
farm and a house near Cotuit, on the shore of West Bay,
where they entertain during the summer many distinguished
guests, artistic, literary and philanthropic, whom their friends
here are privileged to meet by the generous host and hostess.
Mrs. Morse's father, James S. Gibbons, a steadfast anti-
slavery man, was the author of the song, beginning 'We're
coming. Father Abraham, three hundred thousand strong';
and her mother, Abby Hopper Gibbons, a woman eighty-five
years old, is still an active worker in reforms in New York
City. I told Mr. Morse of our great trouble over our State
Home and School and he was much interested. He said, 'No
corporal punishment should ever be permitted in such an
institution'; and further: 'I have taught school for twenty-
six years and I have never yet laid a hand upon a boy. There
are no results obtained by whipping that cannot be better
obtained by other means.' Mr. Morse Is a wise man. ]\lrs.
Morse was so concerned over the cruel treatment of the chil
dren In the School that she exclaimed, 'Why, I almost want
to go and take It myself.' Alas ! we do not often find such
people in our Institutions for poor children. There will be
cause for thankfulness when we get them on our Boards of
Management." j- ^^^

Some further quotations from Mrs. Chace's summer letters
will be given chronologically, because they relate to her life
and interests In Rhode Island rather than to Wianno. The
summer of 1893 was the last one which she spent at Wianno.
I remember that I stood on the Sabbatia Cottage piazza
watching her ride away in her own carriage, and saying to
myself, " She will never come back here again."

[211]

CHAPTER TWENTY-SIXTH
Home Events in Rhode Island ; More Work for Woman
Suffrage ; Friendly and Reform Correspondence ;
Reunion of Anti— Slavery Friends ; Mrs. Chace's Ill
ness ; Mr. Gannett's Poem on Mrs. Chace's Eightieth
Birthday
IT seemed to me that I could best present to the reader the
peculiar charm of Mrs. Chace's Wianno life by giving a
consecutive outline of it from the beginning to its end in 1893.
Now it is necessary to return In the general narrative
to the point which we had reached at the end of Chapter
Twenty- fourth.
The leaders of the National Woraan Suffrage Association
continued to beckon graciously.
Susan B. Anthony to Mrs. Chace
"Jan. 6, 1885. Enclosed is the call for our Washington
Convention. How glad I should be to have your good presence
and earnest word on our platform ! Why can't you and your
Lillie and her John corae? I would love to see and hear hira
among these powers that be. But If you cannot come, do each
of you write a letter to be read and published with our
proceedings. "I look back upon my visit at your beautiful home, with
yourself and the dear ones across the way, with great pleasure.
And may you each and all have entered joyfully upon the
new year, and may every blessing attend you all through this
and many more beyond."
[212 ]

"Susan is a dear," said Anna E. Dickinson once, and so
Susan was, although she did belong to the Suffrage party
which was "the other" in Mrs. Chace's household of faith.
William Arnold Buffum to Mrs. Chace
"56 Commonwealth Ave., Jan. 7, 1885. Your token of
sisterly aft'ection is at hand, and It Is very gratifying to me
to feel that, in the midst of your many cares and interests,
you keep a place in your heart for your brother.
"We have an excellent photograph of you, and when 
wishes to put me in a particularly good humor, she calls
me Mrs. Chace. The likeness Is indeed most astonishing.
Perhaps you think I flatter myself !
"It must be very pleasant for you, to have sister Lydia
with you. I was much struck when I saw Lydia last with her
remarkably refined and spirituelle face and manner.
"After all, health and not wealth Is the greatest boon, but
as with liberty, the price of it Is 'eternal vigilance.' For
my part, I am too busy to be 111. I have undertaken the diffi
cult task of bringing some of the Mugwuraps hereabouts to
a realizing sense of their monstrous wickedness. These fellows
are all Puritanical Philistines who strain at a gnat and swallow
a camel. W^ith much love, my dear Sister, affectionately your
brother."
Susan B. Anthony to Mrs. Chace
"Feb. 10th, 1885. I give you the copy of your senators'
replies to me. I wrote each of the 76 senators on Sunday,
Feb. 1st, asking him if I might count him among the senators
who would vote for our 16th Amendment bill. Senator Chace
writes : ' I am obliged for thy good words to me in thy letter
of the 1st instant. I have little hope of being able to fiU
Senator Anthony's seat, or to answer the expectations of his
[213 ]

friends and mine who have placed me there. I notice thet
asks me to speak. One of the traditions of the Senate is that
a new member Is expected to keep quiet for a season ; a con
straint hardly necessary for me, for I shrink from much
speaking, and never do it except when impelled by a sense of
absolute duty.'
"Senator Aldrlch wrote: 'Dear Madam, I beg to acknowl
edge receipt of your letter of the 1st Inst, with enclosures.'
" Now my dear, our bill is promised to come up in the senate
without fail, and I want you, and as many of your women as
you can stir up, to write letters to both your senators. I have
no doubt but Mr. Chace will vote Yes, though he doesn't
absolutely say he will do so, but I am not so sure of Aldrlch :
his reply evades the subject matter of my letter to him alto
gether. Without letting him know of my sending you this
copy of his reply, do just have him literally pelted with
appeals to vote for our bill. It would be a shame for one of
R. Island's senators to vote no, or not vote at all."
In the middle of February Mrs. Chace addressed the special
committee of the Rhode Island House of Representatives on
Woraan Suffrage, and called attention to the very high char
acter of the men andwomen who had that year signed petitions
for Woman Suffrage. She gave some details, as for Instance :
"On the Valley Falls petition are the names of two clergymen,
one deacon, four teachers, twenty-three tax-paying women,
twenty-two tax-paying men, a large nuraber of persons Inter
ested in the raanufacturing industries of the State, two ex-
members of the Legislature, one meraber of Congress and the
President of the Providence Board of Trade."
As raany letters bear witness, jNlrs. Chace's more intimate
friends were apt to use Quaker phrase In addressing her, even
when they had no Quaker training or Inheritance.
[214]

Edward Clifford to Mrs. Chace
" 52 Wigmore St., London W. I put by the Judge's charge
in the Armstrong case for thee to see that there are two sides
to the question ; Stead's side is the right side, and I back him
up. But it was very wrong of him to be so careless and In
accurate, and very wrong to make poor Jarrett behave as
she did.
"But God be praised that the Criminal law amendment
Is passed, and all honor to Stead for effecting it. Jose
phine Butler is a glorious woman. Have you read her book,
Catherine of Siena?
"I have been so enjoying painting lately, — our autumn
tints, and also my mother — from memory and a photograph,
and my white-haired sister Mary.
"The Providence paper was very interesting about the
Woman Suffrage meeting. How I wish I could have seen thee
preside, in thy nice velvet dress, with the flowers In front of
thy dear face !
"Goodbye and God bless thee."
Mrs. Chace wrote to the Rev. William C. Gannett object
ing to his placing In sorae Sunday School Lessons a phrase
which she deemed to savor of Orthodox doctrine.
Rev. William C. Gannett to Mrs. Chace
"April 30, 1885. . . . Your little criticism, for whose kind
liness I truly thank you, opens a large question. It is the old
question, — Shall we, like Puritans, whitewash the Cathedral
walls and take down all the statues? "The Quaker Is very
strong in thee. I see it in Mr. Potter and one or two other
dearest ex-Quaker friends. The Quaker in their blood per
haps disfellowshlpped the Poet in them before they were born.
So they knew it not, and perhaps never will ! And this, I say,
[215]

while believing that Quakers are our spiritual aristocracy,
and wishing I had a wee strain of the blood honorable in
myself!"
Edward Clifford to Mrs. Chace
"21st May, 1885. I am going, as soon as I get It, to send
you my photograph.
"I had a happy voyage back and am very busy, but not
too busy to often think of thee and Mrs. Read, and to look
at thy photograph which I like so rauch.
"How I should like to breathe some of the Valley Falls air
again. How light and bright and lovely It was, and how I
enjoyed those three visits. God bless and keep you.
"It still troubles me to think of your having such a starving
religion as the Free Religion seeraed to me. I don't think I
could get warmth and power for my soul from it. I would
rather have the four Gospels, or the Epistles or the Psalms,
than all of It. Now do decide to trust and believe in God
more as a Person who cares for all and has personal friend
liness and personal intercourse with us by prayer and the
Holy Spirit. Do not put away Christ because Christianity
has been falsified by certain Christians. He has been so good
and so real to me, and He is so now, that I know He would
be rich towards j'ou also. You know so much and have done
so much, that I long all the more for you to have this one
thing." In 1885 i\Irs. Chace issued an appeal for aid for Calvin
Fairbank, who in the old time had served nearly a score of
years in Kentuck}' ja'ils for helping away some fugitive slaves.
He was subjected to barbarous treatment while in prison,
tasks beyond his strength or manual skill being imposed upon
him, for the inadequate performance of which he was beaten,
in all, many hundred blows. He was not released until the
[216 ]

Civil War and Congressional decrees brought their changes
to Kentucky. He lived fully thirty years longer, but he was
a broken man. A woman waited for him all that weary time
he was Imprisoned, and married him when he became one of
the captives whom the sword had set free. I saw him once
soon after his marriage, when he came with his wife to Lex
ington, where I was then at school. He was a tall man, who
walked with a stiff rheumatic gait ; she was a very noble look
ing woman.
Mrs. Sophia L. Little to Mrs. Chace
"Newport, Oct. 1st, 1885. Enclosed please find my check
for five dollars, a small gift to Calvin Fairbank. I think If
any living being deserves adequate support in his old age,
it Is this true hero and living martyr."
Edwin H. Whitney to Mrs. Chace
"Oct. 1st, 1885. I have read your appeal for Calvin Fair-
bank. I experienced a feeling of regret that It was not my
privilege to have struck one blow for the holy cause. But
now the opportunity has come when we of the later generation
can comfort one of the sufferers. I Inclose my mite."
This circular letter was sent with a Woman Suffrage
petition to each Rhode Island postmaster:
"Sir. If you know any woman In your neighborhood who
will circulate this petition, please give it to her; and If you
¦do not, will you keep it In your office, and invite any adult
persons who come in to sign it; and return It to me as soon
as you have obtained all the names you can, and oblige, yours
respectfully, E. B. Chace, Valley Falls, R. I., Oct. 7, 1885."
In February, 1886, Mrs. Chace went again before the
State Legislature and pleaded for Woman Suffrage, and in
]March the Senate passed a resolution that an amendment
[217 ]

to the Constitution should be submitted to the voters of
Rhode Island, which, if carried, would confer the right to
suffrage on the women of that State. This action of the
Senate had to be ratified by the May session of the Legisla
ture at Newport.
The State Home and School was fairly started within a
reasonable time after the passage of the act enabling its
establishment. Its situation was satisfactory to Mrs. Chace,
being in a region, which although within the city limits, was
so rural that the buildings were half a mile from the public
road and not discernible therefrom. It contained some thirty
or forty acres, and was partly farm and partly wood land.
It seeraed to be an ideal place where children, under proper
management, might be both happy and good; but Its very
Isolation made It a place where much offence and much tyranny
could go on unnoticed and unknown. If the wrong persons
were given the daily control. Mrs. Chace, however, at first
saw only the bright side of everything; was sanguine In her
anticipations and happy In seeing, what she believed to be,
the realization of her long dream. She made no criticism,
then, of the chosen superintendent, who indeed seems to have
Impressed her very favorably when she visited the school.
Gov. George Peabody Wetmore to Mrs. Chace
"Feb. 17, 1886. I am very glad to know that you have
succeeded in raising the amount necessary to purchase a
piano for the State Home and School, and Inclose with rauch
pleasure the sura promised by me."
To such effort had the Quaker-born woman come !
Mrs. Lucy Stone to Mrs. Chace
"March 9, 1886. You cannot count upon me for any help,
dear Mrs. Chace. Today I am so stiff that every motion is
a pain. [218 ]

"Dear old Julia Smith has gone on to the wide circle on
the other side. Yesterday, I thought I should go to her
funeral. But I seem much more likely to be at my own.
"This Spring, If we are aU still here, I want to have you.
and Abby Foster, Theodore Weld, Sam May and the few old
anti-slavery people who are left spend a day with me at my
home. Mr. May was in the office the other day, and we both.
thought it a pleasant thing to do."
Mrs. Chace to Mrs. Tolman
"4th mo., 25th, 1886. When recovering from Illness, I
always find it such a good time to think, to recall the memo
ries of old events, that I have often been glad of the oppor
tunity, which does not come when we are engaged In the
activities of ordinary life."
Mrs. Chace to a Providence Paper
"June 3rd, 1886. On Thursday morning of last week,.
when my son telegraphed me from Newport 'Woman Suffrage
Amendment passed the house by a vote of forty-eight to eight,'
my heart swelled with fervent thanksgiving, the ground seemed
firmer under my feet, my faith In the sense of justice of Rhode
Island men grew strong, and life, devoted to human progress,
seemed really worth living."
Mrs. Lucy Stone to Mrs. Chace
"Boston, June 12th, 1886. You know we are to have a-
visit at my house, you and Theodore D. Weld, Sam May,.
Abby Foster, if she can come, and Sarah Southwick.
"Now what day can you come, either next week or the-
week after? Any day will be convenient for me. You can
bring your maid and stay over night, and be very comfort
able, or my maid, who is used to looking after me, will be kind
[219 ]

¦to you. As soon as you fix the day, I will write all the others,
and we will have a real good time, and after the others have
left, we will settle the State of Rhode Island, and plan for
the success of the Amendment."
The reunion was held as Lucy Stone had planned. Many
of the friendships of the vigorous anti-slavery days were re-
Tiewed. Samuel May, Theodore Weld, Mr. and Mrs. Sewall,
TMrs. Chace, Mrs. Foster and Miss Southwick met and talked
of the stirring days of the past. The four sons of William
Xloyd Garrison were also there to represent their father.
Because of some question of womanly dignity, which seemed
to her Involved, Lucy Stone, at her marriage to Henry B.
Blackwell, had refused to change her name, but insisted on
being known, socially as well as professionally, as Mrs. Lucy
Stone. Yet as I saw them passing together through public
places, they alwaj's seemed to me like one person moved by
one purpose.
Long after her death, I heard ]Mr. Blackwell tell how In
his youth he had aided in the escape of a fugitive slave-girl.
"I was told later," said the white-haired patriarch of reforms,
"that this act of mine was what gained me my wife. If that
was so, I received the most heavenly reward that ever came
±0 earthly man for any deed."
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe to Mrs. Chace
"Newport, July 12th, 1886. By aU means let us have the
Convention here. I will try for the Channing church, but
doubt whether we can get it. As to speakers, EUzabeth Chace
can probably bring with her helpers from Providence. I will
¦do my small best."
[220]

Mrs. Mary A. Livermore to Mrs. Chace
"Melrose, July 17, 1886. Mr. Livermore and I work for
Woman Suffrage in our own way, spending hundreds yearly,
doing what we see to be done.
"It has never seemed necessary for me to attend a Woman
Suffrage meeting in Providence, for I never have an audience
there, when I speak for that reform. If I speak on any other
topic, I have Immense audiences. The size of the house alone
limits the attendance. But I have never had a hundred people
in my audience, when I have talked on Woman Suffrage in
Providence. As my time of work has dwindled to a span,.
and the calls upon me are Incessant, it seems wiser for me to
go where I can command the largest hearing, and allow those
who can command the popular ear as I cannot, [to] speak
in Providence. Our force is not so large yet as to make us
regardless of Its economical use."
John G. Whittier to Mrs. Chace
" Oak Knoll, Danvers, 10th mo., 18, 1886. I cannot be with
you at your meeting on the 22nd Inst., but I congratulate
you on the Legislative submission of the Suffrage to the
people ; and I am especially pleased to know that the Corpo
ration of Brown University are favorably disposed to the
admission of women to the privileges of its noble institution.
I cannot entertain a doubt that, with proper effort on the
part of the Suffrage Association, the people of Rhode Island
will respond In an emphatic affirmative to the overture of the
Legislature."
Harriet S. Tolman to Mrs. Chace
"Nov. 7th \^1886'\. Mary thought you would like to see
a copy of this fine ode by Lloyd Garrison. I was very glad
of the opportunity of attending the exercises In Sanders
[221 ]

Theatre. Mr. Garrison's ode was considered 'the best thing
written In Harvard for twenty years.' He looked very beauti
ful as he stood erect and repeated it. Afterwards It was sung
by all the students to the tune of 'Fair Harvard.' It seems
to me a very remarkable, composition in its polish and full
ness, when one considers that it was written in the form pre
scribed by the music."
Extensive preparations had been made to get together a
large number of Mrs. Chace's scattered friends to celebrate
her birthday In December of this year, but a few weeks
previous to the day, she became ill with pneumonia, and while
she was still confined to her bed, the terrible question was
presented to her, whether or not she would undergo a surgical
operation with only half the chances In her favor. The opera
tion was performed in early December.
Samuel May to Mrs. Chace
" November 28th, 1886. Your daughter Lillle's note telling
me of your disappointment in regard to keeping your
approaching birthday In the way you had planned, and the
cause thereof, came when I was myself disabled.
"If we cannot meet at your house on your birthday, we
:shall wish we could. I wish I could properly thank you for
the support you have given to those who battled so long
for the American Slave."
Moncure D. Conway to Mrs. Chace
"Boston, Nov. 29, 1886. I was much pleased to hear from
the [B. A.] Ballous that there is a prospect of the Woraan
Suffrage movement gaining a triumph in the near future. 'It
wIU be more the work of Mrs. Chace than anybody else,' they
said ; and I know well how true that Is.
[222 ]

"My wife, Mildred and I are about starting off to make
a Httle pilgrimage to Brook Farm, where the ever blessed
TranscendentaUsts had their community. Alas, how many
of them are gone ! I stUl feel a pang when I remember how
I used to regard Boston as a mere station on the road to
Concord, where my beloved friend and Teacher, Emerson,
resided. My daughter has a passion for Concord which I
verily believe she has Inherited. There are few men left that
one can look up to now ; — but here is dear Dr. Holmes, whose
face, still cheery under silvered hair, has just left some sun
shine in the room where I write. And there is Whittier, whose
spirit is still strong. Goodbye, dear friend."
Theodore D. Weld to Mrs. Chace
"Dec. 6th, 1886. We all cherish you, beloved sister, among
our precious memories, thanking God and you that you have
struggled so long and have never fainted."
Mrs. Fanny Garrison Villard to Mrs. Chace
"N. Y., Dec. 7, 1886. Frank has written to me of the
severe operation to which you have again been subjected. . . .
He tells me also that you will celebrate your 80th birthday
this week. I send you warm congratulations, and feel almost
as If some one of us ought to add those of my dear parents
too. I wish It had been permitted to Father and Mother to
live so long."
To Mrs. Chace
"Dec. 8, 1886. Hail eighty years! And may we be able
to exclaim next December, 'Hale eighty one !' Affectionately,
William and Ellie Garrison."
Wendell P. Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"The Nation, New York, Dec. 8, 1886. It is a source of
gratification to remember the friendship of our parents, and
[223 ]

the kindly aid which your father extended to mine in his
struggling days. I hope the two lines of descent will never
diverge so far, in space or mutual regard, as not frequently
to recall the old association of Buffum and Garrison."
Parker Pillsbury to Mrs. Chace
"Concord, N. H., 12th mo., 8, 1886.
"My very dear Friend: Thanks sincere and many for
opportunity to contribute my humble word to the observance
of your eightieth birthday. It Is Indeed an honor of which
I would be glad to be a thousand times more worthy.
"Let me join ray wish and prayer to your family's own;
that your days may be yet many in the land ; and be as happy
and peaceful at the last, as the forraer have been truly noble,
womanly, useful and beautiful. Then shall I be ever glad,
and I trust not faultily proud, that I am permitted to
subscribe, today. Faithfully, fraternally and affectionately
yours." The Rev. William Channing Gannett has kindly permitted
here the reprint of one of his published poems. He wrote and
sent it to Mrs. Chace when she had completed the thirty
thousand days comprised in her eighty years.
THIRTY THOUSAND
To E. B. C.
Eighty years old on December 9, 1886
"Thirty thousand," said the Fates,
Mixers of the days to be.
As she passed the mystic gates.
Little Quaker baby she !
[ 224 ]

Thirty thousand days and nights —
That the dower with which she came ;
All their sounds and all their sights
Vested in the tiny dame.
Thirty thousand dawns to print
Junes, Octobers, on the lands !
Title-deeds to every tint
Brought she in her rosy hands.
Thirty thousand flocks of stars
Pastured in the upper skies.
Sunsets for their pasture-bars ;
Title-deeds were in her eyes.
And a thousand moons had she
In her right of royal breath.
Ah, the dues they laid on thee.
Dainty Queen Elizabeth !
Price Is high for royal dowers ;
Thee must earn thy golden state;
Spend-thrift gods fling out the hours.
Miser gods keep count and weight.

Day and night and night and day.
One by one, as moments flee :
Lady of the Yea and Nay,
Thou hast earned thy queenerle !
Earned It as a noble should.
Dauntless, tireless, gentle-strong;
Giving Yea to every good.
Daring Nay to every wrong.
[ 225 ]

Thou dost leave a sweeter earth.
Less of poison, less of fen.
By thy precedent of worth
Stabllshed in the world's Amen.
Thou art part of all uplift :
One tint brighter rises morn
Henceforth, ever,- — that thy gift
To each child that shall be born.
Not in calendars thy fame.
But secrete in happy prayer ;
Men shall bless thee — not by name —
Thanking God for daily care.
"Thirty thousand," said the Fate:
But who draw the royal breath
Into lives the "days" translate, —
Quaker Queen Elizabeth !
w. c.

[ 226

CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVENTH
Letters from Samuel May and Lucy Stone about the
Death of Abby- Kelley Foster; Campaign Work
FOR THE Woman Suffrage Amendment; Letter to
Edward Clifford; Humanitarian Work; Family In
cidents ; Deaths of Oliver Johnson and Mrs. Doyle ;
Investigation and Reform in the Management of
the State Home and School; Acquaintance with
Baroness Gripenberg ; Letters from the Baroness ;
Birthday Letters
Samuel May to L. B. C. W.
"T EICESTER, January 18, 1887. I have thought very
M J much of your dear Mother for the last four days;
and particularly yesterday as we went to the last rites for
our dear Abby Kelley Foster. Whether to write directly to
your mother or not, I have hesitated; not knowing If she
continued as well as when I last heard from her, — about two
weeks since, when the account was very favorable indeed. I
hope she continues to improve.
"Your Mother and Mrs. Foster were such intimate and
long- abiding friends, that I know everything relating to the
one raust be of interest to the other. So I venture this hasty
note, as due to that friendship, and to your Mother's early
and devoted service to the A. S. Cause; you will kindly use
your judgment in showing [this letter] to her or not. . . .
"The news of the death has startled all her [Abby's]
friends, as the death itself did all In her immediate family.
She was not supposed to be IU.
"The trouble seemed to be exhaustion of all nervous and
[227 ]

bodily power, induced by sorae unusual brain work she had
been doing. She had been applied to, to furnish to Cyclo
pedia of Biography, a sketch of her husband. She undertook
it, calling in the help of P. Pillsbury, who gave It promptly.
Knowing her great thoroughness and exactness In everything
she undertook, we know she would not slight any work she
might take on herself ; but this would have the greatest claim
on her ; and she could not advance far in It, without becoming
Intensely absorbed. It would soon become to her like living
the whole over again; and all her husband's wrongs and suffer
ings would return with fresh force.
"Her sister Mrs. Barton saw the effect on her, — begged
her to go more slowly — to spare herself; again and again
tried to have her take rest. I suppose she could not; the duty,
once undertaken, and the consciousness that it was the very
last chance for her to bear a testimony In vindication of her
husband, would Impel her to go on, without stopping, to the
completion. It even seems strange to me that she lived to
complete It. But she did. She did the very last work on it
Wednesday, and as she brought from her room the concluding
post-card to P. P. to notify him that the last copy had gone
to the printers, her sister said the card trembled so In her
hand and she herself so trembled, that she thought both would
have fallen to the ground. Next morning (Thursday) she lay
late in bed, and had some porridge brought to her there.
Later in the day, she got up, and dressed, and sat up awhile ;
but found herself unable, and went back to bed. The exhaus
tion continued and Increased, and on Friday morning, as there
was no Improvement, AUa was summoned. . . . The funeral
was very private; the house Is not large, and the rooms In it
small. Still a very considerable number collected. From
Boston, Lucy Stone, her husband and daughter, William and
Frank Garrison, and Mr. Richard HaUoweU; several from
neighboring towns and a small number from Worcester.
[228 ]

"After my own introduction, services and address, Lucy
Stone, W. L. Garrison, Jr., Mr. Blackwell and Mr. Joseph
Howland spoke, all of them most Interestingly, and as she
would have loved to hear, except as her great modesty would
have deprecated the eulogies. AUa is very steady, bore her
self most simply and touchlngly. It is hard to part with dear
Abby, but she had won the crown If ever mortal did. I trust
W. L. G.'s address will be printed In full. It was perfect.
I fear we shall never get Lucy Stone's just as she spoke it;
for it was not written out ; and I fear it never can be as It was
uttered. "Mrs. Barton seemed overcome with grief. I think she
feels that her sister slipped through her hands in spite of her.
As I understand It, It was wholly owing to this brain-work,
and that, not merely because it was somewhat hard work, but
still more, because it took such hold of her feelings, like a new
sorrow and crucifixion. Dear soul! But could It have been
better, — her dying work for another in the hope that she
might justify him before the world!"
Mrs. Lucy Stone to Mrs. Chace
"Dorchester, Jan. 21, 1887. Yes, we are left and Abby
Foster is gone, — and the group of last summer will never
meet again. I am glad we had that much, — glad that Abby
went to see you. She slept her life away without pain. Her
face as she lay in her coffin had the old, sweet serenity and
look of refinement of the earlier time. The troubled and care
worn look was gone, and only peace and rest were visible.
There Is no woman like her ! How much the woman's move
ment was to her ! Tired as she was, most women would have
¦escaped, — fled before it. But for her flight and escape were
impossible. . . .
' ' It would be worth much if Dr. Robinson of Brown LTni-
yersity would help at the [Woman Suffrage] meeting. I hope
[229 ]

Kansas will give Municipal Suffrage this winter. Here
Joslah Quincy will do what he can to amend the laws, but he
does not think it best to move for Municipal Suffrage."
Mrs. Chace did a generous share of the labor in arranging
the campaign in Rhode Island, when the people voted upon
the Woraan Suffrage Amendment to the Constitution which
the General Assembly had decided in the previous year to
submit to the voters. All the prominent suffragists of the
State worked earnestly, and she contributed largely towards
the necessary expenses. The Amendment was defeated, but
the workers felt that the campaign itself had advanced the
cause.
Mrs. Chace to Edward Clifford
" Valley Falls, R. I., 6th mo., 3rd, 1887. Thy letter of
April 16th was very welcome, and reminded me how long It
was since I had written to thee.
"A year ago I had a letter from thee, Inclosing an enquiry
which thee wished me to answer, 'How should I feel If I knew
I should die in three weeks?' Well, I hardly knew what to
reply, and so, perhaps that rather hindered me from writing
at the time. It seemed to me impossible for anybody to know
exactly how they would feel In such circumstances. If I was
well and strong, I think I should feel as though I must try-
to get everything about me In good condition to be left, —
provide for the help and comfort of as many people as I could,.
see my friends, and say all I could to my children to prepare
them to go on without me, doing their duty, — in short, set
my house in order every way. But if I were ill and weak I did
not know how It would be.
" Now, I think I do know pretty well, because I have, since
then, passed through ' the valley of the shadow of death,' and
I can truly say that I 'found no evil.'
[230 ]

"Last October, I was taken suddenly ill with pneumonia;
from which, in three weeks, I was partially recovered, when,
weak as I was, I was obliged, in order, If possible, to save my
life, to undergo a very severe surgical operation, when the
chance of my living through it was very small. The shock
was so great that they found it very difficult to keep me alive
during the operation, and to make me rally after it.
"When they, and I too, thought I was dying, I did not feel
any anxiety about myself. I was sorry to leave my children,
I was sorry to go before seeing justice done to the women of
Rhode Island, but I was not the least troubled about the
future to myself.
"My faith, in the good purpose that runs through all, so
perfectly satisfied me, that I was sure that whatever became
of me would be just what was best for me. I had no fear, but
entire and absolute faith in the 'Eternal Goodness.' So I
rested on a rock of assured safety.
"I lived however, and am now in pretty good health. I
[became] eighty years old, while I was lying very low, and
it is marvellous that I could recover.
"After I sat up a little, I wrote the Inclosed, as a contribu
tion to the work being carried on to prepare our people to
vote on the Woman Suffrage Amendment to our State Con
stitution, which had passed our Legislature. This was, how
ever, defeated, when it came to the vote of the people in AprU.
" Since then, through my daughter Mary's encouragement
and assistance, I have taken up the painting of fiowers In
water color, in which, while of course it Is very crude and
imperfect, I succeed far beyond mine or anybody's else ex
pectations. I had never attempted to use a paint brush In
my life nor dreamed of doing so ; and so, it Is thought strange
that I could do anything. But my ivy leaves are distinguish
able from horse shoes, and my tulips and geraniums from pot
hooks, and my vases and flower pots frora cooking pans and
[231 ]

kettles. I wish thee could see them as they are pinned up all
about my little morning room, where thee used thy deft brush,
just because It would amuse thee to see the work of my un
skilled hands. I am so fascinated with it, that I want to do
nothing else so much.
"Can thee believe it; — I look on everything with a new
eye-sight. I see the varying shades of color in Nature, as I
never saw them before. I notice varieties of shape and form,
as soraething to me. I want to paint everything. Maybe
when I do a little better I will send thee a specimen.
"All this shows how undeveloped we all are ! What one
sided creatures fill the world, — what undiscovered faculties
lie within us. Now, to me music Is an unknown tongue, and
I begin to think I have lost something valuable, by my in
ability to understand and enjoy It. My long Inheritance of
Quaker blood is destitute of comprehension of the beauty
that delights those who feel the music when they hear it. I
believe we may hereafter find that we have in us powers which
development will bring out, that we dreamed not of in this
earthly life.
"So thee wUl go to India, to tell people there what thee
knows about God. Well, that is good, — very good. If thee
will forbear telling them anything thee doesn't know.
"Has thee read about the 'Andover controversy' here
among the Orthodox Congregationalists ? The question was
whether missionaries might be permitted to teach to the
Chinese or other heathen people, that their ancestors who
never heard of Christ, might be saved, i. e., whether there is
any future probation. They had a long consideration of the
subject and finaUy left It rather unsettled. Ah, how little
theologians know of the 'Eternal Goodness!' They seem to
think God is not acquainted with the Chinese and the East
Indians, and does not rank them among his children, and isn't
looking after them at all. If thee goes among them, do try
[232 ]

to lead them Into better ways of living. Into treating their
women and children better, and don't condemn them because
their Ideas of Duty are, by tradition and Inheritance, different
from ours. The boundless love, that embraces us, embraces
them also; they want our enlightenment in some directions,
while they can give us some In others.
". . .In thy journey around the world, let us come Into
the line, and we shall be so glad to see thee. Love to dear,
saintly Margaret and her little ones. I should so love to see
her again. . . .
"P. S. Poor Ireland! Will England ever settle right the
question? Will Gladstone live long enough?"
Edward Clifford to Mrs. Chace
"What a delightful letter thou hast written me. I must
spare it a day or two for Margaret to see.
"How I wish I were at Valley Falls this very minute instead
of in murky, depressing London. 0, that sweet, clear young
.air of America! How I love the roads and woods about
thy house, those 'burning bushes' — the maples, — and all the
greys and purples and buff's of your landscapes. I long to
come back and really think I shall next year, if all goes well.
"Let me know if I can send thee anything at any time.
"I love to have your approval of the Church Army. But
there is more in it than thou thinkest! It takes nothing less
than God to change some of these poor dear folks.
"I am very busy painting, and our election Is coming on.
I am very anxious for Woman Suffrage, and I believe we shall
get it before long."
Mrs. Chace visited the State Home and School In June and
was very much pleased with what she saw there, and was again
satisfied with the appearance and manner of Mr. and Mrs.
Healy, who were the Superintendent and Matron.
[233 ]

In August of this year Mrs. Chace read of the arrest of a
ten-year-old boy in Central Falls. He was charged with steal
ing money from the woraan with whom he was boarded by his
sisters, and was sentenced to the Reform School. She wrote
indignantly to the Providence Journal, saying :
"According to the report of the case, there is room for
suspicion that his fault was exaggerated and that 'his sisters,'
who had him to support, 'thought It would be better to send
him to the Reform School.' Now the State Home and School
was the place where this boy should have gone ; not sentenced
as a criminal, but as an unruly boy would be sent by well-to-do
parents to a private boarding school to be trained in the
knowledge of what Is good, and saved frora further contami
nation by the dangerous influences surrounding him."
On November 7th Mrs. Chace announced In one of the
Providence papers that all the expenses Incurred in the
Woman Suffrage campaign of the previous spring had been
paid, and joined to the announcement an earnest appeal to
all Interested In the cause to unite in work for a bazaar to raise
more money for future need.
Mrs. William J. Winch to Mrs. Tolman
"One of the raany beautiful things your dear Mother has
accomplished in her long life is giving to me a beautiful
example of how lovely a thing It is to live, so that, as years
pass by, the face becomes radiant, suggesting only what is
noblest and best in woman."
Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton to Mrs. Chace
"Congratulations are In order until the year Is past, so
I accept yours with pleasure. Can it be possible you have
beaten me in the race? Well, let me congratulate you that
you enjoy so much health and aspiration at eighty-one, and
[234 ]

stUl feel young. Yes, I feel young too, in spirit, and were
it not for a slight stiffening in the knees, and too many pounds
to carry, I should be quite agile still, for I feel the impulse
to dance whenever I hear inspiring music.
"About going to Providence, I wiU think the matter over,
I should love to see you. . . .
"If we can get this Vol. Ill off our hands, and the Washing
ton Convention disposed of, I wiU take a trip to Hartford,
Boston and Providence.
"I have not come to a maid yet, though I do dislike to travel
alone, but so short a journey as to Providence I should not
consider much."
Susan B. Anthony to Mrs. Chace
" Washington, D. C, Feb. 2, 1888. Thanks for your $5.00,
q^nd thanks for your thought of heroic Abby Kelley. Do send
on your paper. It shall be read if possible; and If not, it
shall go into the report of the Pioneers' session, as will all
other papers and letters from those dear friends who cannot
be here to speak their good words. . . .
"I hope you may stay this side to see the good works
accomplished." In February Mrs. Chace wrote for. a Providence paper a
review of a recent address by Dr. Morgan, Principal of the
State Normal School, delivered to the graduating class of
eleven young ladies.
Her quotations from Dr. Morgan's address show that he
had dwelt very admirably upon the duty of the public school
teachers to instruct their pupils in the principles of true
citizenship. He said: "To vote is a duty; to vote wrong
may be a blunder ; to refuse to vote at all Is a crime."
Mrs. Chace recognized all this counsel as admirable In the
abstract, but she sent her keen comment after his speech, say-
[ 235 ]

ing: "How could ... a woman tell the boys in her school that
'not to vote is a crime,' when to be truthful, she must tell the
girls that It would be a crime for them to attempt to vote?
In the State of New York, woraen have been arraigned as
violators of law for atterapting to vote, and they probably
would be in Rhode Island."
Mrs. Chace's tribute to Abby Kelley Foster was published
in March. Speaking of her as one of the most remarkable
woraen of this nineteenth century, she said : "Abby Kelley was
a beautiful, refined, sensitive young woman. Her voice was
sweet as a silver bell. . . . Her delicate nature was keenly alive
to attacks of bigotry and hate ; especially when they came, as
they often did, from women. I remember well the trembling
of her voice, the quiver of her lips, and the tears in her eyes,
as, in answer to my inquiries, she related to me the insults,
the unkindnesses and the cruel scandals that were heaped upon
her." On March 12th Mrs. Chace made the opening address at
,a meeting of the Rhode Island Woman Suffrage Association.
She began by saying that "The R. I. Woman Suffrage Asso
ciation had taken a rest," and practically admitted that the
defeat of the amendment to the Constitution and the failure
of nearly all women outside their own ranks to support that
amendment with their Influence had made the suffragists ready
to say : "If the women of Rhode Island do not want the ballot,
we will leave them to wait until they do. And, if the men of
Rhode Island do not know that men alone can never make a
government what it ought to be, we will wait until they find
it out." But, by the time that Mrs. Chace uttered this confession.
Its mood had passed, and she went on as enthusiastically to
urge her hearers to work for Woraan Suffrage, as if she were
twenty-one instead of eighty-one. [ 236 ]

Rev. Robert Collyer to Mrs. Chace
"Oct. 1, 1888. You did not make a blunder, but there was-
no chance for me to come. I am up to my lips in work, as I
said I should be, and can see no way or make any. But you
must not fret over this because there are many better men
and more women who will be there ; and as for yourself, you
know It all and need no teaching or Inspiration. I am a bit
sorry all the same that It Is so, because I should be sure to get
more good than I could do, — but there is no help for It, and
so we must say so."
On October 12th, 1888, at the twentieth annual meeting
of the R. I. Woman Suffrage Association, Mrs. Chace gave a
history of the progress of woman's advancement during the
preceding twenty years.
The R. I. Woman Suffrage Association had a sale, recep
tion and supper on April 23rd, 1889. After the supper,
Mrs. Chace responded to the toast, "Women in the Anti-
Slavery Movement." Her own experience as a devoted friend
and helper of the slave made It appropriate that she should
give the sympathetic speech of the evening upon one of the
greatest of all human struggles.
We quote the following frora this address :
"Of such women was Helen Garrison, the young wife of the-
great reformer; when her husband was dragged through
the streets of Boston, with a halter round his neck, by a mob
of 'gentlemen of property and standing' who were thirsting
for his blood, this heroic young woman, instead of bemoan
ing his daring or bewailing her own unhappy condition, was
heard to exclaim, 'I'm sure my husband will not desert his-
principles ! '
"I have in my mind some women here in Rhode Island,.
whose names are unknown to fame, but on whose private
[237]

recprd stands a history, worthy to be written in letters of
gold, as the friends of humanity. In a sense of which the Rhode
Island woraen of this generation have no knowledge or con-
¦ception. In those dark days, when to speak an anti-slavery
word, or do an anti-slavery deed, meant odium, if not peril,
these women, then young, cherished, talented, refined, stood
.always by the right, through experiences worthy of the age
¦of martyrdom. The six Sisson sisters, of Pawtucket, the
Browns, of East Greenwich, daughters of a man who bore
worthily the name of the hero of Harper's Ferry, the Burgess
;sisters, of Little Compton, the wives of two of the prominent
^ibolitlonlsts of Providence, Anna Fairbanks and Sophia Janes,
the daughters of William Chace, of Pleasant Valley, Eliza
beth Brown, a young colored teacher of this city, whom the
others that knew her took by the hand as a worthy co-laborer,
Amarancy Paine, Susan R. Harris, Caroline Ashley, Hannah
Shove, and others whose names I fail to recall, must never be
forgotten in the record made by Rhode Island in this great
struggle for human freedom."
In October, 1889, at the annual meeting of the R. I. Woman
Suffrage Association, Mrs. Chace gave an address in which
she said: "That our movement Is In itself essentially religious,
I feel impelled seriously, soberly and positively to affirm. In
the spirit of the declaration of the Apostle James that 'pure
religion and undefiled before God, the Father, is this : To visit
the fatherless and the widows in their affliction and to keep
ourselves unspotted from the world' — I do claim that this
movement for the uplifting of humanity the wide world over
is a manifestation and expression of pure and undefiled
religion." Captain and Mrs. Wyraan spent the winter of 1889—90 in
Georgia. They had with them Arnold B. Chace's daughter
Daisy and their own boy, Arthur, then ten years old.
[238 ]

The latter was dangerously ill for many weeks that winter,
and'Mrs. Chace sent divinely consoling and sustaining letters
to the anxious parents. Unfortunately those letters are not
to be found, but they were answers to such as these :
L. B. C. W. TO Mrs. Chace
"Thomasville, Ga., Feb. 12, 1890. Arthur, last night, was
in one of those strange, spirituelle moods, that I believe only
sick children ever have, looking at me with big, misty eyes.
" 'You are a box full of pain,' I said, trying to speak
lightly, when he mentioned some new pain.
" 'Yes,' he said, 'I'm a box of pain, like the box Ulysses
.shut the winds in. I wish Pandora hadn't ever opened her
box, — but Hope stayed. Hope comes when the doctor comes.
Poor Mama, don't worry, I'm going to get well. I'm going
to get well and strong, and drive the Shetland pony. God is
going to help me. I asked him to. I told Him I would be
patient. I'm having a hard time, — worse than the Greek
beroes. I can't bear to have my Mama get so tired,' — and so
¦on, all with those great eyes fixed on me ! "
John C. Wyman to Mrs. Chace
" Thomasville, Feb., 1890. We have had kind friends about
¦us, and were fortunate in a colored nurse, — white as Lillie
really — but an old slave, who has been both faithful and
¦efficient. She has taken a great fancy to Arthur, and has
watched him as devotedly as she could have done, had he been
Jier own flesh and blood."
Captain and Mrs. Wyman brought their Invalid boy to
Wianno in June and cared for him through a three months'
convalescence. It was not until September that he was
allowed by Dr. Whittier of Boston to get up before he had
bad his breakfast. Mrs. Wyman had desired that nothing
[239 ]

should be said to the child to set him thinking about the fact
that he and Death had lain so long and so close together, but
one day Mrs. Chace yielded to an impulse towards spiritual
exploration. The little boy sat before her, in the great sitting
room of Sabbatia Cottage, and she asked, "Arthur, when
thee was so sick in Georgia, did thee ever think thee might.
not live?" "Yes." "What did thee think about it?" per
sisted the grandmother. "I thought," answered the child,.
"that If I died It would not be ray fault."
Parker Pillsbury to Mrs. Chace
"Concord, N. H., 7 March, 1890. Oliver Johnson wrote-
me a beautiful birthday letter and then passed away before
it had had a recognition.
"No one of our old Invinclbles Is more really a loss to rae,.
In his removal, than is Oliver Johnson. He was not always
with rae In position, but In heart he could always be trusted.
And since Garrison and Phillips were no more on earth, their
enemies and raaligners had a raore hearty and keener dread
of hira than of any other person."
Edward Clifford to Mrs. Chace
" 1 Studios, Campden Hill R'd.
London W., 25th, 3rd, 1890.
"You will think me a bad Edward for not writing, and so-
I am. This Is the fourteenth letter this evening, and I fear
It Is likely to be stupid and numb. But here am I full of
happy pleasure, large experiences and of affection for thee,.
so I ought to be able to write.
"Margaret is well and very happy In the thought of seeing
her husband In twelve days. You would think her rather
middle-aged, with her gray hair, and the lines that come in
the face when there are four babies to be anxious about. But.
she is sweeter and dearer than ever.
[240 ]

"I have painted two pictures of Father Damien, one as a
young man holding a saw with some dreadful lepers round
him. The other, reading a book as I saw him shortly before
his death.
"I think you know Amanda Smith, — the negress, — don't
you? She has come back from Africa looking years younger,
after all her hard work, and with a nice little adopted black
boy. "Mary says she thinks that corporal punishment is used
here in nearly every school. Do let me know any facts about
It. I was Impressed by what you told me.
"My life just now Is full of brilliant, delightful things,
and I do thank God and feel grateful from my heart. Good
bye ; God bless thee."
Sarah E. H. Doj'le, the wife of Louis J. Doyle, known to
her intimates as "Bessie," was for years Mrs. Chace's very
dear friend. Mrs. Doyle was much the younger, yet the
friendship between the two woraen was raore equal in its
character than that between Mrs. Chace and any other Rhode
Island woman except Mrs. Paulina Davis and women of her
own kindred.
Mrs. Chace and Mrs. Doyle sympathized Intellectually and
morally and they also felt a warm temperamental affection
for each other. Mrs. Doyle died In 1890, and her death was
a great loss to Mrs. Chace's age. She wrote an obituary
notice, from which we give an extract. The English gentle
man mentioned was Edward Clifford:
"On the last occasion of a visit from her at the house of
the writer she met there an English gentleman, who was a
devout churchman, with whom she held a serious conversation
on these questions ; and in the frankest but sweetest manner
she expressed her lack of Interest in all theological specula
tion, and bore the finest testimony to the beauty of that
[241 ]

religion which enters into every act of the daily life, and leads
therein to the doing of what is right, simply because it is
right, and thus becomes our duty. I was deeply Impressed
by the eloquence of her speech, while her beautiful face was
radiant with the intensity of her feelings ; and the gentleman
himself seemed fairly awed by the spiritual beauty and prac
tical application of her simple faith. Alas ! how little I
dreamed that this was the last time I should hear her voice,
as she uttered words which seemed like a divine inspiration."
At the twenty-second annual meeting of the R. I. Woman
Suffrage Association Mrs. Chace said: "I have just been
reading a little work by John FIske, entitled The Beginnings
of New England, and I have been greatly impressed by it.
The writer traces the growth of the Idea of representative
government from Its dawnings in the human mind, through
centuries of development, until It culminated in the organiza
tion of the United States of America. It took a long time,
but It gives us today the best theory of government the world
has ever known. And yet, grand as the Idea was, and noble
as were the men who planned the Constitution which embodies
It, forcible and all-embracing as were the declarations of the
principle of self-government which they enunciated, they
miserably failed, as we all know, to make the application
which their words logically Implied."
It is not quite possible to tell when and how Mrs. Chace
first received the Impression that matters were not going
rightly at the State Home and School. She never held any
official relation to it; she was nearly eighty years old when
It was established; she was during all these years subject to
severe Illnesses; and carried with her all the time a source
of physical distress and anxiety. She visited the school a
Uttle oftener than twice a year, made some inspection of the
buildings, and talked with the officers and children. Of her
[242 ]

experience In these visits she wrote later: "I have been told
that one day, when the children knew of my arrival at the
mansion house, thirteen boys agreed to meet me when I came
toward the cottage and tell me how they were deprived of
their suppers. But when I came and spoke to them their
courage failed, and when I said to them, 'Isn't this a good
home?' they answered 'Yes.'
"At that time I thought it was a good home, everything
being made to appear smooth and pleasant while I was there.
There were a few things I was not quite pleased with, as, for
instance, the clothing, but I thought It would grow better,
and I knew the expenses were large. I never asked a question
concerning the treatment of the children of any person, ex
cept the superintendent himself, and he gave me the impres
sion that he used corporal punishment only In extreme cases,
and I had no suspicion that this was not true."
Emma Carr was appointed cottage matron at the school
probably during the year 1889 ; she belonged to a factory
family which was of English extraction. I do not know
whether or not Mrs. Chace recommended her for the position
of matron. I myself knew her well in later years, and am
certain that she possessed a character of sterling worth.
Mrs. Chace wrote thus of her connection with the school :
"When Miss Carr received her appointment there by
Mr. Stockwell's recomraendation, I never requested her, as
has been stated, to report to me anything she saw which was
wrong; and she never did until the day when her heart and
her conscience would permit her to be silent no longer."
On November 4th, 1889, Miss Carr told Mrs. Chace that
the children were cruelly treated at the school. The shock
and the horror that the old woman felt can only be imagined.
But she bestirred herself at once, and one of the Providence
[ 243 ]

papers said that the mere fact that Mrs. Chace believed there
was something wrong in the State School was sufficient reason
why an investigation should be made.
She girded herself up for what was to be her last great
¦ personal conflict with official authorities, but It was difficult,
at first, to obtain an investigation; some committee report
was made In the Legislature to which she thus referred
in an article dated February 12th: "The committee in their
report seek to give the Impression that with a little check on
Mr. Healy's propensity to be severe there is no fear of any
further cause of complaint. It seems very strange to me that
intelligent men cannot see that a man who could from choice
treat children in this manner is incapable of employing any
wiser or more humane measures."
Of the legislative situation in that season, the Springfield
Republican said: "The recent session of the Rhode Island
Legislature, after many appeals from charitable people and
the threats of the minority, decided to Investigate the many
charges of cruelty made against Superintendent Healy. The
matter was, in fact, the most prominent question of the ses
sion, and the Senate and House were under dead-lock over
it for several weeks, the former refusing to investigate and
the latter to appropriate money for its support unless it was
to be Investigated. The hearing, therefore, did not begin
under the best auspices. Mr. Healy's conduct was exposed
by several women who had served In the home, and some of
the instances of cruelty were as follows :
"The beating of a seven-year-old boy on the bottom of his
feet so that the blood was drawn; another's feet treated In
the same way were so swollen and painful that he fell down;
the children were poorly clothed (one boy wore seventeen
patches) ; pinching of the windpipe and pressing of the back
of the neck to prevent crying; beating with a strap with a
naU in It; boys put to work in the fields without their hats
[244 ]

and returning IU and vomiting ; painful death of a small boy,
to whom Mr. Healy is said to have remarked a few minutes
before his death that all he needed was a 'dose of cayenne
pepper to get up his gumption,' and who was buried soon
after without even a prayer.
"These witnesses were unanimous in their distressing tales,
and, after making all allowances for exaggeration and preju
dice against Mr. Healy, there is enough left to convince any
one of humane instincts that he Is no person to be placed In
charge of orphaned children. Mr. Healy's own statements
do not avail to remove this unfavorable impression. He
should be credited with a denial of many of the charges and
an explanation of others, which somewhat softens their
severity. But he is apparently more of a business man than
a humanitarian. He told how the school had Increased in
numbers, how the place had gained In attractiveness, and
how the quality of the food had been Iraproved. But he ad
mitted that he pressed the windpipes to prevent crying and
that he used the bastinado to whip the children on the feet.
This instrument is described as a strip of wood eighteen inches
long and two Inches wide ; It is flat at one end and rounded
at the other."
Mrs. Chace to Mrs. Tolman
"If thee had seen me writing for two weeks a paper on
State School matters, most of which I wrote three times over,
thee wouldn't wonder I hadn't written to thee.
"The Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children
passed a resolution that they would take neither side in this
matter. Only think of it ! They dare not attack the Powers
that be! I wonder how that fear came to be left out of rae.
I could not summon it up if I wanted to. And I don't."
The investigation was at last carried through; Mrs. Chace
attended the trial, and gave her formal testimony, but before
[245 ]

the final arguments were made, she asked permission to make
some remarks ; by unanimous consent the permission was
granted her. She told the committee what had been the
purposes of the persons, Including herself, who had labored
to get the State Home established. She then went on to say :
"The evidence of numerous witnesses, including Mr. Healy
himself, has shown that the design of the school has been to
a great extent subverted by the methods adopted for I*s
management. The treatment of the children has been harsh
and cruel, the punishments astonishingly frequent and severe,
and often inflicted where there was no blame or responsibility
resting on the child. What I consider the worst feature in
this case has been that the idea has pervaded the management,
and been Impressed on the children, that they belong to an
exceptionally degraded and depraved class — in short, that
they are thoroughly bad, and that they are paupers and must
be set apart from other children. Had the design been to
hold them down, to keep them low, to raake certain their
degradation, no surer methods could have been devised.
"It is true that some children Inherit stronger tendencies
to evil than others. But inherited tendencies cannot be
whipped or knocked or choked out. The cruel blows, the
tortures inflicted upon the children, have hardened and de
graded them, have kept them down; the patches on their
clothes have symbolized the patches on their minds ; and
altogether their treatment has made them what Mr. Healy
describes some of them to be. There is George Navy, for
instance, a boy who was admitted by jNlr. Healy to have been
fairly good, fairly inteUigent when he came to the home. At
one time he was considered so reliable that i\lr. Healy selected
him, with one other boy, to help care for the little children,
they being the only two who could be trusted. And now
at nearly fifteen years of age he is declared to be so bad, so
filthy in several ways, that his influence is dangerous to the
[246 ]

welfare of the other children, and he is sent away to take his
chances at the almshouse. Certainly he has had punishment
enough, if that were reformatory, to have made him a model
of virtue."
The newspapers of the time report that what Mrs. Chace
said at the trial was received with profound attention ; they
describe her as being "draped in black, looking exceedingly
pleasant"; they speak of her great age with a little evident
wonder that she could endure the fatigue of the sessions. One
paper said: "Everybody would have liked to have heard
Mrs. Chace more at length. She is a most delightful talker,
clear, logical and quick at repartee. When Mr. Healy made
one statement yesterday on the stand, a look came over
Mrs. Chace's face as If she had completely lost all faith in
human veracity. It was an expression of supreme disgust,
and one could easily imagine that she had in mind the words
of the Psalmist, 'I said In my haste all men,' etc."
The committee before which the investigation was made
was a joint committee of the House and Senate, there being
five members from each body; they submitted their report
to the May session of the Legislature. Briefly summarized.
It was this : They believed the Board of Education had not
sufficiently acquainted itself with the needs of the School, and
therefore had not recommended to the General Assembly to
vote large enough appropriations ; consequently the Super
intendent had not been able to feed the children properly.
They did not think that the children had been required to
work too hard, but they thought that a more varied industrial
Instruction should have been given them. They did not think
that all the charges of excessive punishment had been proved,
but they thought enough had been proved to show that cruel,
excessive and unusual punishments had been used, all of which
they condemned, especially the unusual, which they consid
ered degrading. And they thought that the members of the
[247 ]

State Board of Education had neglected to give the School
the personal attention and oversight which the people of the
State had a right to expect, and which the best Interests of
the school required. Their condemnation of the Board was
really severe.
Among Mrs. Chace's private papers I have found the
following In her handwriting: "As the result of a prolonged
Investigation, Martin C. Healy and his wife were finally dis
charged from the State Home and School, and a new man
and woman were placed there, by the State Board of Educa
tion, as Superintendent and ^Matron ; who have proved to be
a vast improvement upon the former. At the May session
of the Legislature, In 1891, In response to numerous petitions
for a change of management, the Home and School was taken
from the Board of Education and consigned to a special
Board, to be composed of four men and three women ; the
newly elected Governor, Herbert W. Ladd, urging the adop
tion of the Bill. He then, following wise counsel, appointed
an excellent Board, without regard to party or creed."
Felix Adler to Mrs. Chace
"The Society for Ethical Culture.
N. Y., July 17, 1890.
"I have read the newspaper accounts of the trouble In your
State School for dependent children, and should, of course,
be very happy to aid you in any way in my power. The man
to whom you refer Is not suitable for the place.
"I am extremely grateful to you for the Interest which
you continue to feel in founding an Ethical College. . . .
"I should dearly like JMrs. Adler to meet you, and I have
promised myself the pleasure of Introducing her to vou
sometime."

[ 248 ]

Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg was a Finnish author who,
while visiting this country, came to Valley Falls and was
Mrs. Chace's guest for a day or two. She was a pleasant,
comely woman, apparently about thirty-five years old.
Mrs. Chace invited a small company to meet the Baroness,
who gave to them an informal address describing the indus
trial instruction which was part of the public school educa
tion in Finland. She was a Woman Suffragist and was, later,
a member of the Finnish Parliament.
After this visit she occasionally wrote or sent papers to
Mrs. Chace. Her letters were written In English, and only
a word or phrase now and then betrayed the foreign writer.
Baroness Gripenberg to Mrs. Chace
"Finland, Helsingfors, 16th October, 1890. Thank you,
dear friend, for the kind letter you sent me.
"You asked me once if I really was a protestant of my
heart, and I said 'yes,' with sorae reluctance. I think that
you in America find It impossible to understand our ways of
taking those things. In your country, where everybody and
everything is free — at least In theory, — It must be difficult
to understand how accustomed we are, with our State-
religion, to accept the kernel of a system, and leave the rest.
So I have done with the Lutheranism. There are many things
I do not believe or which I do not like, but I have seen so
many blessed fruits of it, that I must keep the kernel of It, —
until I find a better.
"You have, of course, read In your newspapers, about the
efforts which the Russians have made this last year to inter
fere with our legal condition. Although the foreign papers
this year have been filled with lies concerning us, there is a
bottom of truth In their descriptions. I want to say that
these various efforts to tyrannize us and take away our con
stitution is a new example of the generosity, the wisdom and
[249 ]

the beauty of the Bismarckian politics, [by] which the little
nations have no right to exist. Oh my. If you Americans
lived here or In Russia, you would not admire It as much as
you do ! Now you do not know it, it Is soraething immensely
large and unknown to you, — so mysteriously fascinating, — -
n'est ce pas?
"I send you — for fun — a Finnish paper, where I have
written a little description of you and my stay with you.
The little wooden cup you gave me I have on a little shelf,
together with other American remembrances. I kiss you, dear
Mrs. Chace, and remains, always yours, very affectionately."
Mrs. Chace gave her approval In February, 1891, to the
organization of Woman Suffrage Leagues throughout the
State. In the same year her annual address to the Woman Suffrage
Association was an historical sketch ; in which she related
some Incidents that occurred during the occupation of Rhode
Island by the British troops. The woraen of the story were
her own grandraother and her aunt Susanna.
Extracts from Mrs. Chace's Address
"I know of one Newport woman, whose house was invaded
at that time by British officers, they taking Its best apart
ments and Its best household supplies, giving such orders as
they chose to its Inmates. This woman had a daughter, a
maiden of sixteen, who was one of that galaxy of beauties for
which our lovely Island was famous. According to the custom
of the tirae, it was this girl's duty to milk the family cows.
That mother let her child out of a bedroom window with her
mUk-paUs, at early morning, and again at evening, and waited
to take her in, keeping a constant watch that the eyes of no
rude Britishers might rest on her fair young face. Every
hour of her time, for she had many chUdren, was filled with
[ 250 ]

ALEXANDRA GRIl^ENBERG

numerous cares. One day a French officer was brought bleed
ing Into the house, from a skirmish with the British in a field
near by, and placed on a bed in an apartment usually occu
pied by the enemy. This woman, who did not dare to let her
husband enter their rooms, went in herself, to assist In dress
ing the poor fellow's wounds. And, when the English officers
came rushing In, brandishing their swords and threatening
him with instant death, she calmly looked them in the face,
and rebuked their inhumanity. Her bearing quelled their
savage Instincts for the time, and, until he recovered, she
continued to minister to his necessities with her own hands."
President E. Benjamin Andrews to ^Mrs. Chace
"Sept. 11th, 1891. It Is likely that an arrangement will
be made by me for the present year, whereby young women,.
prepared to begin our Freshman work, can be instructed by
college teachers In the very same studies which the Freshmen
In college are pursuing, being examined at the close of their
work by the men who have instructed them. This work will
be unofficial, but in no other respect different frora that done
by and for the young men.
"I am anxious to comraunicate with any women who desire
to join this class, and I can assure them that they will enjoy
it." Frederick Douglass to Mrs. Chace
"Sept. 24, 1891. The call to Hayti, though long expected,
after all came as a surprise, and found rae In need of so much
preparation, as to compel me to give up my rauch desired
visit to the East. I wanted much before leaving home for
Hayti, to see once more, a few of my old and dear friends In
New England, but this is now out of the question. I hope
however to assist at the celebration of your eighty fifth anni
versary. I am glad to observe that you still write with a firm
hand. Mrs. Douglass joins me in love to you and yours."
[251 ]

Mrs. Wyman and Mrs. Tolman gave an afternoon reception
for Mrs. Chace at Mrs. Wyman's house In VaUey FaUs, on
December ninth, 1891, when Mrs. Chace became eighty-five
years old.
A few of the many letters received in response to invitations
are given here.
Martha, sister of Nehemiah LoveU, who married Lucy
Buffum, became the wife of John Hall, an early Abolitionist
and a religious thinker of the type that was deeraed heretical
in the decades of 1830 and 1840.
Mrs. Hall to L. B. C. W. and Mrs. Toxman
"Dec. 7, 1891. I think the friendship between your mother
.and rae raust be of more than sixty years' standing. I went
to Fall River In 1832, a child of thirteen. It could not have
been very long after that I became acquainted with your
mother and quite fell in love with her. To call sometiraes at
her house and be received as an equal was an honor and a
pleasure. "At that time I was shy of your father, and avoided meet
ing him. Years after I learned to value his quiet friendship
as highly as your mother's more enthusiastic one. Your
mother was a friend of my dear husband before I knew him.
I look back on many happy later hours when we four formed
an interested quartette, often pleasantly divided, your mother
and my husband the more radical, and your father and I the
more conservative of the party."
Erastus Richardson to ]Mrs. Chace
"12th mo., 7th, 1891. Before me Is the old yard, with Its
¦cherry-trees by the fence, its currant bushes beneath them,
the pear-tree that hung over the shed, the gate which opened
towards the mill, and the little angel that would emerge there-
[•^52 ]

from, saying, 'Come here, little Erastus!' Often during the
last fifty years have I found myself walking upon the brink
of a precipice, and that sweet voice has called me away to
safety !
"But forgive me, I have no right to go on in this way.
I love you with the whole force of my nature and you know
It, — or ought to !
"Because of illness in our family we cannot be with you.
But there will be none present who can wish you more
happiness." The " old yard " referred to was that which surrounded the
house occupied by Mr. and Mrs. Chace when they first settled
in VaUey Falls, and "the little angel" was John Gould Chace.
Mrs. Mary A. Livermore to L. B. C. W.
"Dec. 7, 1891. Your mother is an illustration of the
conserving power of a life devoted to high pursuits."
Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton to Mrs. Chace
"Dec. 7th, 1891. You have reason, ray dear friend, to be
satisfied with your life."
Frederick Douglass to Mrs. Chace
"Dec. 7, 1891. I am very much distressed that I cannot
meet you and your dear family and assist in the celebration.
of your 85th birthday. I have looked forward to this happi
ness, and have many times spoken of It to Helen, who now
shares with me the regret and disappointment. You have
blessed many and I wanted to bless you with my gratitude
In person. I hope still to see your face and hear your cheerful
voice yet many times before you go hence; but whether we
meet again or not, we can say, as Webster once said of Massa
chusetts, 'The Past Is safe.'
[253 ]

"I shall never forget your noble sympathy with me in my
¦earliest efforts in Valley Falls to awaken an Interest in the
cause of the slave. Your children were then young, your
domestic duties raany, your husband perplexed and weighed
down with business troubles, — and while you cheered and
helped him, you still found time and heart to make a way for
one Frederick, a fugitive slave, to plead the cause of the
slave."
Mr. and Mrs. Parker Pillsbury to J. C. Wyman
"Dec. 7, 1891. Thanks, many thanks, for so kindly re-
¦memberlng us in connection with the observance of the eighty-
fifth birthday of our Inestimable friend, and everybody's
friend, Mrs. Elizabeth Buffum Chace.
"What Wendell Phillips once wrote of a person whom he
bad known long and intimately may well be told here :
" 'It has been my lot to know many rare and devoted men
.and women; but I can truly say, the sight of her daily life
has enlarged mj Idea of the reach of human virtue. I am
indebted to her for a new Lesson of Practical Christianity.' "
Mr. May and his family were invited to the birthday party
and to make an additional visit In the Homestead. They
were for various reasons unable to come at all.
Mr. and Mrs. Robert Purvis to Mrs. Chace
"Dec. 8, 1891. The Invitation to attend thy birthday re
ception was highly gratifying to us. We tender our warm
congratulations that thou hast lived to see the consummation
¦of thy labors In the cause of human freedom."
George T. Downing to Mrs. Chace
"Newport, Dec. 8, 1891. I have put off writing to the last
moment with the hope that my wife and I might express in
[254 ]

person our great pleasure that a dear Lady has been spared
to greet her friends who wiU come to honor her birthday,
but circumstances will not permit our being present.
"For nearly a half a century I have been Identified with
Rhode Island, my adopted State, — for nearly all that time
the name of Chace has been familiar ; Its bearer, the lady now
.exceptionally revered, has played such a part in trampling
upon customs that degrade and depress."
Robert Collyer to Mrs. Chace
"N. Y., Dec. 8th, 1891. I cannot come down on your
birthday as I would love to do, but will be one of many in
my thraldom who will send their hearts. You were a bonny
lassie of 19 on the birthday when I was one day old. So we
are in the same planet I suppose, and it was a good star.
And we may say of you, as we thank God for what you have
been and done In all these years, what your namesake once
said to her kinswoman, 'Blessed is she that believed, for there
shall be a performance of those things which were told her
from the Lord.'
"You have lived to see many of these things come to pass
that were dear to your heart, and I trust you may live to see
more. " 'That will do,' dear old Thomas Whitson said, when they
read to him the great Proclamation, and then he fell on sleep.
So I trust you may still remain until some great thing is done
which still waits, on which you have set your heart, and then
draw a breath of deep thankfulness, and enter into the joy
of the Lord."
Mrs. Delia W. Porter to L. B. C. W.
"Emmanuel Rectory, Newport, R.I. Perhaps your mother
will be interested to hear that we were at George Downlng's
[255 ]

Golden Wedding. He belongs to our parish. There were a
few white people besides ourselves present. Mr. Porter took
a colored lady out to supper ; but I felt defrauded, for an
unmistakable Caucasian took me, a retired naval officer."
Mrs. Lucy Stone to Arnold B. Chace
"I knew the dear Mother before Mary was born, and spent ¦
a day or two (with her) when LiUie, delighted at being In the
parlor, nearly broke the springs of the sofa by hard jumping
on It, assisted by a brother or two."
Rev. William J. Potter to Mrs. Chace
"New Bedford, Dec. 8, 1891. You and I were born in a
denomination professing to be guided by the 'inner light.'
By that light you have walked; and it does not fail you In
these latter years, nor will it fail In the years to come."
Joshua Young to L. B. C. W.
" Groton, Mass., Dec. 9, '91. My personal regards and
warm congratulations to Mrs. E. B. Chace on her 85th
birthday." It was to Joshua Young that Mr. and Mrs. Chace sent fugi
tives, and It was he who preached at John Brown's funeral.
J. Wells Champney to Mrs. Chace
"Dec. 9, 1891. I write on your birthday to send congratu
lations, which I should gladly have offered In person with
Mrs. Champney to double them. I am sorry that Valley FaUs
and New York are so far apart that one cannot run around
for an evening."
At the birthday reception, i\lrs. Chace sat in a corner of
the parlor, facing the wide doorway into the haU, so that
[256 ]

guests saw her immediately before them, as they entered.
Flowers were in vases around her, and she seemed embowered.
She did not rise from her chair.
One or two seats were placed beside hers, so that persons
could sit down with her. If they wished to give more than a
greeting word. Thus James Whipple seated himself, the old
teamster, sturdily imposing as ever ; as she gave him her hand,
he leaned forward and kissed her. She took the salute like a
queen from a king. He retreated radiant with satisfaction,
saying, "I said I'd do It and now I've done It."
Dr. Lloyd Morton of Pawtucket had been Mrs. Chace's
friend and physician through much of her later Illnesses.
He had died a year or two previous to the reception, and his
widow and son were then living In Boston. Mrs. Tolman and
Mrs. W^yman placed Dr. Alorton's photograph on a shelf
that afternoon, saying, "He ought to have been here." The
words had hardly fallen from their lips, when the door-bell
rang, and a messenger handed in violets from Mrs. Morton
and her son.
Other friends sent or brought blossoms, but I especially
recall the entrance of Mrs. ]\Ietcalf, the daughter of iMrs.
Chace's anti-slavery friend, Edward Harris, as she came Into
the parlor, bringing roses.
Among other guests were the min'ature painter, iNIrs. iMark
HoUingsworth ; Mrs. William J. Winch ; some of the Garrison
family, and a number of Mrs. Chace's kinsfolk.
iMoNCURE D. Conway to Mrs. Chace
" Phila., Dec. 11, 1891. I left home last Monday, and have
been travelling in the wilderness of Virginia, otherwise you
would have received on the 9th this birthday greeting. You
haye a place in the affections of the Conway household; and
in none is It warmer than In mine, for my memory of you and
your beloved children stretches farthest back, and into the
[257]

old days when we were striving together for the good cause,
whose triumph we have lived to rejoice in. It is enough to
have lived for. How well do I remember my first visit to your
house, and the little lady who guided me about !
"I am here to deliver an address to the alumni of Dickinson
College — Carlisle, Pa. — where I graduated in 1849, being a
strong, pro-slavery, fire-eating man — or baby — at the time.
We who used to frolic In the college grounds are now gather
ing here as grey men, while In some respects, the nation has
'renewed its youth like the eagle.'
"I am still hard at work on my Life of Thomas Paine.
Mr. Shipley was astonished to hear that Thomas Paine was
the first man In America to write in favor of Immediate
emancipation of the negroes. Palne's 'Garrlsonian' essay
was published March 8, 1775."

[258]

CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHTH
Extracts from Mrs. Chace's Anti-Slavery Remi
niscences; Letters in Relation to Her Book;
Abby Kelley Foster
MRS. CHACE, in 1891, printed a small volume con
taining some of her Anti-Slavery memories, from
which some condensed extracts are here given.
The volume was dedicated as follows :

"To my
Beloved Son and Daughters,
I dedicate this record of a portion of my life.
In the remembrance of which,
Among many failures and short-comings,
I now, in the
Eighty-fifth year of my age.
Find the most entire satisfaction.
And I hope that they and their children
May gather therefrom
Some lessons of
Adherence to principle and devotion to duty,
At whatever cost
Of .worldly prosperity or advancement."

[259 ]

Anti— Slavery Reminiscences
[Extracts]
"My grandmother, Sarah Gould, was born [In Newport,
R. I.] near the year 1737 and her father, James Coggeshall,
soon after her birth, purchased a little African girl, from a
slave-ship just come Into port, to serve as nurse-maid to the
child. She remained a slave In the household until the Friends
abolished slavery among themselves in 1780, when, becoming
a free woman, she established herself as a cakemaker and con
fectioner in the town, and lived to a very old age. In my very
infancy, my mother used to tell to my sisters and myself the
story of this girl, Morier, who was stolen from her home and
brought up a slave in our great-grandfather's house. My
mother remembered, as a child, her frequent visits to the
homestead, and the affectionate welcome which always greeted
her there. But, In all this story, our gentle mother gave us
no idea that she thought It was ever right to buy little girls
and hold them as slaves, although it was done by her own
grandfather ; so that we never had any predilections In favor
of slavery.
"My paternal grandfather, WiUiam Buftum of Smithfield,
was a raeraber of the Rhode Island Society for the gradual
abolition of slavery : which was probably organized near the
time when slavery was abolished in the State.
"When my father, Arnold Buffum, was a child. It was not
uncommon for fugitive slaves from New York to seek refuge
in Rhode Island. On one occasion, a whole family who had
been for some months in hiding came to my grandfather's
house. They were established in a farm house near the home
stead, and employment was furnished to the father and the
older children. In a short time, their place of refuge was
[260 ]

discovered, and one day the slave-master frora New-York,
accompanied by an officer, came riding up from Providence
to arrest them. The neighbors were hastily summoned and,
with the household of my grandfather, formed a human bar
ricade opposed to their entrance through the gates. A smart
young colored laborer, who had become attached to one of
the fugitive's daughters, brandished a knife before the slave-
catchers, and threatened to 'pudding' them if they did not
depart ; and the calm determination, with, perhaps, some wiser
threats of the assembled and constantly Increasing company
of defenders, succeeded in driving them away without their
prey ; and the family remained without further molestation.
In my childhood, my father used to tell us how, as a little
boy, he stood between Pedro's knees, and listened to his tales
of the sufferings of the slaves, of their capture In Africa, the
miseries of the slave-ship, and of his own adventures In the
escape with his family ; the fond father ending by placing his
hand on the curly head of his youngest child, and exclaiming,
'And Pedro love Cuffie better than all his chillen, cause he
be free born.' And so, my father became an Abolitionist In
his childhood.
"Our family were all Abolitionists. Never, In our large
household, do I recall one word short of condemnation of the
vile system. In our minds there were no palliating circum
stances. The slave-holders were man-stealers ; and, as one of
the earliest of the lecturers used constantly to declare, they
must 'quit stealing.' When I married, and my husband's
attention was called to the question, he readily accepted the
Anti-Slavery principles, and remained faithful thereto, during
his life.
"Up to the time of the Issue of the first number of the Lib
erator, In the year 1831, we had believed there should be
devised some scheme for gradual emancipation, as did our
father. Soon after that, when he came to my home at Fall
[ 261 ]

River, and brought us the new paper, and told us of having
met Garrison and heard his arguments, and how the New
England Society had been formed ; I remember asking him if
he thought It would be quite safe to set the slaves free aU at
once. In a few words, he dispelled, once for all, that illusion
from my mind ; and from that hour we were all Garrlsonlans."
*********
"At that time, the prejudice against color, throughout
New England, was even stronger than the pro-slavery spirit.
On one occasion, my husband and myself went to Boston, to
attend the annual meeting of the New England Anti-Slavery
Society. Accompanied by a gentleman friend, we drove to
Taunton from FaU River, there to take the railroad, which I
think, at that time, furnished only one car for the journey.
As we entered the car, Samuel Rodman, an Anti-Slavery man
from New Bedford, and a highly respectable, weU-dressed
colored man and his wife, from the same town, took seats
therein also. The conductor came and ordered the colored
people to leave the car. We all remonstrated, of course, but
without avail. He called the superintendent, who peremp
torily repeated the order. They got out quietly, and we did
the same, (but not so quietly), and retired to the waiting-
room, leaving the car empty. The officials held a conference
outside, and the conductor soon Informed us that an extra car
had been put on for the negroes, and invited us to take the
seats we had left. We held a little conference among ourselves,
and then every one of us entered the car with the colored
people. The superintendent was very angry, but he did not
quite dare to order us out, so he assured us that our conduct
would avail nothing, for no negroes would ever be permitted
to be mixed up with white people on that road. They were
mixed up with us, however, on that day, and we found them
intelligent, agreeable companions.
"In some cases, persons who were willing to work for the
[262 ]

Abolition of Slavery, still strongly objected to any associa
tion with colored persons. We organized a Female Anti-
Slavery Society at Fall River, about the year 1835. In the
village were a few very respectable young colored women who
came to our meetings. One evening, soon after the Society-
was formed, my sister and myself invited them to join. This
raised such a storm among some of the leading merabers that,
for a time, it threatened the dissolution of the Society. They
said they had no objection to these women attending the
meetings, and they were wiUing to help them in every way,
but they did not think it was proper to Invite them to join
the Society, thus putting them on an equality with -ourselves.
We maintained our ground, however, and the colored women
were admitted.
"At one time, when we had an Anti-Slavery Convention at
Fall River, a large number of visitors dined at our house.
Among them were the two New Bedford people who had so
shocked the sensibilities of the railroad officials at Taunton,
and, I think, Charles Lenox Remond, a young colored Anti-
Slavery orator. We had then in our house, in some useful
capacity, a devoted Baptist woman who usually sat at the
family table. When the dinner was ready, I asked her to
come. She replied, 'No; I don't eat with niggers.' When
the dinner was over and the guests' had retired to the parlor,
I called her again. And again she answered, 'No ; I don't eat
with niggers nor after 'em.' Whether she went hungry that
day, I never inquired."
"In the year 1839, my husband and myself removed with
our family to Valley Falls, Rhode Island, bringing our Anti-
Slavery principles with us. And, though he had been a con
sistent Friend from his youth up, and I remained clerk of
Swanzey Monthly Meeting until obliged to resign on account
of our removal, the certificate they gave us to Providence
Monthly Meeting was deficient in respect to our standing,
[263 ]

in that it omitted the usual acknowledgment that we were 'of
orderly lives and conversation,' and only declared our mem
bership in the Society.
*******-»*
"Uxbridge Monthly Meeting disowned Abby Kelley for
Anti-Slavery lecturing, although they did so, ostensibly, on
some frivolous charges, which had no real foundation In fact."
"Several persons, in various parts of the country, were
forcibly carried out of Friends' meetings, for attempting
therein to urge upon Friends the duty ' to maintain faithfully
their testimony against slavery' as their Discipline required.
A few meeting houses in country places, had been opened for
Anti-Slavery meetings ; whereupon, our New England Yearly
Meeting adopted a rule, that no meeting house, under Its jur
isdiction, should be opened, except for the meetings of our
religious Society."
"One young Friend in iNIassachusetts had written a very
earnest, open letter to Friends, in remonstrance against their
pro-slavery position. He was universally conderaned by all
the powerful influences of the Society. Talking with one of
the most influential members of our Yearly Meeting, who ex
pressed strong condemnation of this 3'oung man's presump
tion, I said, 'But Is not what he says true?' And he replied,
'AVell, thee may be sure it will certainly kill him as a Friend.'"
*»*»*****
"From the time of the arrival of James Curry at Fall
River, and his departure for Canada, in 1839, that town be
came an Important station on the so-called underground rail
road. Slaves in A'irginia would secure passage, either secretly
or with consent of the captains. In small trading vessels, at
Norfolk or Portsmouth, and thus be brought into some port
in New England, where their fate depended on the circum
stances Into which they happened to fall. A few, landing In
[264 ]

some town on Cape Cod, would reach New Bedford, and thence
be sent by an Abolitionist there to Fall River, to be sheltered
by Nathaniel B. Borden and his wife, who was my sister Sarah,
and sent by them to VaUey FaUs, In the darkness of night
and in a closed carriage, with Robert Adams, a most faithful
friend, as their conductor. Here, we received thera, and after
preparing them for the journey, my husband would accom
pany thera a short distance, on the Providence and Worcester
Railroad, acquaint the conductor with the facts, enlist his
Interest In their behalf, and then leave them in his care, to be
transferred at Worcester to the Vermont road, from which,
by a previous general arrangement, they were received by
a Unitarian clergyman named Young, and sent by him to
Canada. I used to give theni an envelope, directed to us, to be
mailed In Toronto, which, when it reached us, was sufficient
by its post-mark to announce their safe arrival beyond the
baleful Influence of the Stars and Stripes.
"One evening, in answer to the summons at our door, we
were met by Mr. Adams and a person in a woman's Quaker
costume, whose face was concealed by a thick veil. The per
son, however, proved to be a large, noble-looking colored man,
whose story was soon told. He had escaped from A irglnia,
bringing away with him a wife and child. Reaching New Bed
ford, he had found employment, which he had quietly pursued
for eleven months. Being a valuable piece of property (I
think he was a blacksmith), his master had spared no pains
In discovering his whereabouts ; and, finally, traced hira to
New Bedford. Coming to Boston, he secured the services of
a constable, and repaired to New Bedford, and went prowling
round In search of his victim. But the colored people of that
town discovered their purpose, communicated with some of
the few Abolitionists, and the man was hurried off to Fall
River before the man-stealers had time to find him ; and the
Friends there dressed him in Quaker bonnet and shawl, and
[265]

sent him off In the daylight, not daring to keep him till night,
lest his master should follow immediately. He said he carried
a revolver In his pocket, and. If his master should overtake
him on the road, he would defend himself to the death of one
of them, for, no slave would he ever be again. We sent him
off on the early morning train, with fear and trembling, but
had the happiness In a few days to learn of his safe arrival,
of his having procured work at once; and afterwards, that
he had been joined by his wife and child. . . .
"Another time we were aroused about midnight by the
arrival of the good friend Adams, with two young men about
twenty-four years old. They also were from Portsmouth,
Virginia. They had each secured a passage on a small trad
ing vessel bound to Wareham, Massachusetts, through
the friendly Interest of the colored steward, but without the
knowledge of each other, or of the Captain and crew of the
vessel; and they were strangers to one another before their
escape. The steward concealed one in the hold and the other
in his own berth In the little cabin he had all to himself, and
he carried them food in the night. They belonged to different
masters, and had each a wife and child, whom they said they
would never have left had they not learned that they were
soon to be separated from them and sold to the far South.
So cruel was slavery In this country, less than forty years
ago ! They were three days on the voyage. Before their ar
rival, the steward told them of the presence of each other, and,
as they would reach the port In the night, he requested them
to remain concealed until three o'clock the next afternoon,
at which time he should have left the vessel, as he should not
engage for a return voyage. Then he Instructed them how
to proceed when they reached the shore. The rest of the story
I wiU give, as nearly as I can. In the words of the man who
occupied the steward's berth, premising that It was then a
time of extreme cold weather, about the last of February;
[266]

the ground being covered with ice and snow, and everything
in a freezing condition.
"'I was lyin' in de berth, while dey was unloadin' de cargo,
an' I heered some one comin' toward de place where I lay.
Dere had ben a leak In de vessel, an' de Cap'n, he was searchin''
round tryin' to find it. I covered myself wid de bedcloes, and
fiattened myself out like a plank, so I couldn't be seen. He
come an' reached over me, feelin' along de side o' de vessel
for de leak, and, as he drew back his hand. It hit my head ; an'
den he stripped off de does, an' dere I lay. Oh ! den I fell to
beggin' an' prayin' him to let me go, but he went out widout
speakin' a word, an' I heered him bolt two doors between me
an' de deck ! He meant to carry me back ; but, God knows I
couldn't go back dere no more, an' I alongside o' dat wharf.
]My coat an' my hat an' my shoes was under dat berth, but
I didn't stop for dem ; and I bust open de two doors, reached
de deck, an' jumped on de wharf, before dey had time to stop
rae. De Cap'n, he called to de men to seize me, but dey never
moved ; an' I run up de street as fast as I could. I found de
colored woman and her son de steward tole me to go to, an'
dey took me in, an' de neighbors come In ; an' dey warmed me,
an' fed me, an' put does on me, an' I don' know what dey
didn't do to me.'
"Then the poor, brave fellow told them there was another
fugitive on board the vessel. And an old white man said he
knew the Captain, and he would go down and get him off. So,
he went ; It was dark, and he succeeded In finding the man In.
the hold, and brought him away without discovery ; and the
Captain and sailors never knew that a second slave had been
their passenger. But, the Captain, hoping to set himself
right with his patrons North and South, and make it safe for
him to return to Virginia with his trade, went to New Bed
ford, and offered through an advertisement a reward of five
hundred dollars, for the return to him of this young man.
[267]

who had so dexterously eluded his grasp. But, he did not find
him. He with his fellow-traveller, was sitting by our fireside,
while, with bolted doors, and barred windows, we were hastily,
with the help of one of our neighbors, fitting them out with
warmer clothing for their wintry journey northward. We
had no time for anything raore than to pick up what we could
find, whether it fitted them or not ; for we dared not keep
them longer than was absolutely necessary. And when one
of them put on a straight-collared, round-cut Quaker coat,
which was rauch too large for hira, the grotesqueness of his
appearance caused them, as well as ourselves, much merri
ment. . . .
"Another night, good Robert Adams aroused us with a
carriage full — a woman and three children. She had escaped
from Maryland, some time before, with her family, and estab
lished herself at Fall River as a laundress ; had made herself a
home, and was doing well. Her eldest boy, of seventeen years,
had gone six miles away to work for a farmer. Soon after
this, the same officer who arrested Anthony Burns In Boston,
arrived in Fall River, and was seen prowling around the neigh
borhood where colored people lived. Alwa3-s living in fear.
In this so-called 'land of liberty,' her excitement was extreme,
when learning these facts. The friends of the slave hurried
this woman off, with her three children, in the darkness of
night, to await at A'alley Falls, the disposal of her household
effects, and the bringing of her son from the farmer's. We
kept them three or four days, in hourly fear and expectation
of the arrival of the slave-catcher; our doors and windows
fastened by day as well as by night, not daring to let our
neighbors know who were our guests, lest some one should
betray them. We told our chUdren, all, at that time, under
fourteen [probably eleven] years of age, of the fine of one
thousand dollars, and the Imprisonment of six months, that
awaited us, in case the officer should come and we should re-
[268]

fuse to give these poor people up ; and they heroically planned,,
how, in such an event, they would take care of everything;
and, especially, that they would be good during our absence.
... In this case, our faithful Irish servants declared, that
they would fight, before this woman and her children should
be carried into slavery; and they were ready to bear their
share of the burdens incident to the occasion. So, we waited,
and kept our secret. On the third or fourth day, the boy
arrived with money from the good friends at Fall River, and
we sent them off, still fearing their capture on the road. . . .
"In the case of the family of whom I write, . . . the
youngest child, only a little over two years old, had evidently
been born since the escape from slavery, and was nearly
white ; and the mother seemed to think he had raore right to
freedom than the others ; and she said he should never be
carried into slavery. So, when they were going off, I told her
if they were caught on. the train, to give him to some kind.
looking person and request hira to bring him to me, and I
would keep hira; and that relieved her, although, had they
been caught, it is not certain that she could have saved him
thus. My husband accompanied them a part of the way to
Worcester, and told their story to the conductor, who prom
ised to see that they were safely started on the Vermont road.
When he came back, he told Mr. Chace, that the superintend
ent at Worcester said they should be taken care of, and if
no train was going North soon enough to secure their safety,
he would put on an extra train.
"The few days which followed were full of anxiety; but
the envelope came back with the Toronto post-mark, and
the man-stealers lost their prey. . . .
"The summer and autumn of 1856, the year of the Fremont
campaign, my parents spent with us. At a political meeting
In our village, on a warm, sultry evening, my father was speak
ing In favor of the Anti-Slavery candidate, and in earnest:
[269 ]

tones depicting the horrors of slavery and the blessings of
freedom, when, suddenly, he fainted, and fell prostrate on
the platform. We hastened to his side, supposing he was
dying, and I remember well how, in my distress, I felt great
satisfaction in the fact that the last utterance from his lips
was the grand word, 'Liberty.' I knew, if he could, he would
have chosen that. He recovered, however, and lived several
years after, to bear further testimony In the slave's behalf;
but not, like Garrison, to see slavery abolished.
" The campaign of that year was a very exciting one ; and
our children entered heartily into it; and when the watch-
¦words of the parties were flying in the air and floating from
every flagstaff, they prepared, also, to display their several
p)redIlectIons. While two of my boys, Samuel and Edward,
aged thirteen and seven years, raanufactured and swung from
the top of the well-house the stars and the stripes, with 'Fre-
¦mont and Freedom' in flaming letters, Arnold, — aged eleven,
quietly constructed his flag all by himself, and, ascending to
the top of our house, swung It out upon the breeze, bearing,
in brilliant color, the motto of the Liberator, ' No Union with
.slave-holders.' I think our little girls sympathized with all
-their brothers, and rejoiced in the waving of both the flags."
*********
Of the results of the Civil War, Mrs. Chace writes :
"In the confusion and difficulty that followed this sudden
¦overthrow of slavery, which threw the emancipated slaves,
without any resources, upon their own responsibility; much
remained to be done to save them from starvation, nakedness
and homelessness. The people of the Northern States were
aroused to great activity In their behalf; and a widespread
sympathy and generosity were extended toward them. But
none except the long-tried Abolitionists saw the necessity of
aU removal of race prejudice and the establishment of the
principle of a common humanity.
[270 ]

^^t^ i"^/:>(;/.t,/v.''i.-t.

"The public schools of Rhode Island had, some years be
fore this, after a severe and protracted struggle, been opened
to colored children. And yet, about the beginning of the war,
a lad of rare excellence and attainments was refused an exam
ination for admission, by the authorities of Brown University,
on account of the color of his skin. . . .
" I regret to be obliged, as a faithful chronicler of my Anti-
Slavery experiences, to state that, in the. year 1877, my daugh
ters and myself were compelled, conscientiously, to resign our
membership In the Rhode Island Woman's Club, because that
body refused admission to a highly respectable, well-educated
woman, solely on account of the color of her skin, although
she had been a teacher of a colored school in that city for
twenty-five years.
"My own convictions, long since established, were con
firmed by these and other similar experiences, that it is not
right for me to give any countenance or support to charitable
or educational institutions, maintained exclusively for colored
people. The colored people are here, by no choice of their
own — members of our body politic ; and the sooner they are
admitted to all the privileges of citizenship, and estimated
solely by their merits and qualifications, the better for all
concerned. It is a baneful policy to undertake to support
two distinct nationalities in one commonwealth, or two dis
tinct social fabrics, on any basis except that of mental and
moral fitness."
Several hundred copies of this little book were distributed
among Mrs. Chace's friends, and she received in return scores
of letters, from which are selected a few passages, notable
either because of the writers or for some intrinsic interest.

[271 ]

Thomas Chase, Ph.D., to Mrs. Chace
"5.- 21, 1891. The history of the Anti-Slavery movement
in America is one of the most Important chapters in the his
tory of civilization ; and In all history, individual memoirs and
reminiscences are among the raost valuable, and are generally
the raost Interesting documents."
The distinguished scholar and ex-president of Haverford
College, who wrote the above letter, was a brother of Charles
A. Chase and a grandson of Arnold Buffum's sister. Patience
Buffum Earle.
R. M. Farnum to Mrs. Chace
"May 26th. In Philaddphia at the time of John Brown's
attack, we saw the greatest excitement. It was with great
difficulty that the Mayor could protect Wendell Phillips
during his lecture on Toussaint L'Ouverture. We heard It,
however. In National Hall, with a guard of six hundred police
men in a lower room."
Mrs. Sophia L. Janes to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, May 28th, 1891. In the year '41, we went on
our wedding tour to New York, and attended the anniver
saries, and I first saw Garrison and heard an Anti-Slavery
lecture. I became interested, and, as perhaps you know, we
had some experiences with fugitive slaves."
Eliza A. Mowry to Mrs. Chace
"North Scituate, May 29, 1891. I am greatly obliged for
your gift, 'Anti-Slavery Reminiscences.' Tomorrow, I am
to read selections frora it at the ' Memorial Exercises ' In the
church. I have sometiraes felt that Decoration Day exercises
were wrong, because of their tendency to keep up the feud
between North and South. But, if by such readings, the young
[272 ]

can be shown the cause of the war, and incited to moral
bravery and patriotism, — that is well."
Catherine J. Barker to Mits. Chace
"Tiverton, R. I., 29th May, 1891. I remember when my
dear aunt Phebe Jackson was almost ostracized by Providence
society, for her entertainment in her father's house of William
Lloyd Garrison and his wife, Henry C. Wright, the Grimkes
and others. Such a hubbub as was raised one evening at
Grandfather's, when at the time of a social tea-drinking. Miss
Ellen Waterman unexpectedly walked in accompanied by
Charles Remond ! The story went about the next day of a
party at Mr. Jackson's, where 'niggers' and white ladies —
for the number was multiplied indefinitely, — walked around
arm in arm, etc.
"Though an anti-slavery man, my father did not feel any
unity with those who were anxious to break the laws. He
desired that, obeying the Discipline, he should 'keep in the
quiet and wait for Divine guidance.' Later on, I remember
comments on Elizabeth B. Chace for leaving the Friends, and
ray father's stopping the Liberator, on account of Garrison's
infidel views, I was told, in answer to my protest."
Samuel May to Mrs. Chace
"June 4, 1891. I have read your little book with the great
est pleasure. Here we find you in your eighty-fifth year writ
ing one of the dearest, most convincing and personally helpful
little works which we have had. I congratulate you upon so
crowning your life-work, and I may say sealing it."
Apparently Mrs. Chace, when sending a second copy of
her book to Mr. May, offered some explanation of the fact
that his name did not appear in it, as one of her remembered
[273 ]

co-workers. Probably she regretted that she had not made a
place especially for It, while calling his attention to the
names she did mention as being those of frequent visitors in
her house.
Samuel May to Mrs. Chace
"Leicester, June 10, 1891. I was afraid in writing you my
previous note, that its coming might seem like a suggestion
that my name  !  should have been brought into your
Reminiscences, which would be a very poor result of your
kindness In your gift, but I couldn't help writing the note.
And now I lament all the mental exercise you have gone
through in consequence. Pray do not give the matter another
thought. "You are just right, — I was in your house only once;
but I had seen you before, and often since ; and from many
quarters known about Samuel and Elizabeth B. Chace.
"And now I am enriched by another copy of your little
book, one In firm covers, which will stand with my best Memo
rials of the Anti-Slavery warfare.
"I attended, yesterday, the funeral of Wm. B. Earle. He
was an uncoraproralsing Abolitionist. The progress of the
A. S. cause. In Its earliest stages, in this southerly half of
Worcester Co. was owing as much to him, as to any other
man. Abby Kelley outranked all others, of course, — our
Joan of Arc.
"No, dear friend, I cannot now. If ever I could, write the
history of our 'One Hundred [A. S.J Conventions [held in
one year,] in New England; nor of the renewal and repetition
of them in the succeeding years, until Daniel Webster himself
was wearied and worried with the 'rub-a-dub agitation,' ^ — a
most desirable result for which wc might be devoutly thankful.
"I, several times, during my agency of eighteen years,
attempted to keep something like a journal of doings, but I
[274 ]

never got far with it. It would not do for me to rely upon
memory. My cousin, S. J. May, used to urge me to write and
publish the incidents of our contest, occurring in my own
experience. " Sarah Russell May is from home or would have a grateful
message for you."
Royal C. Taft to Mrs. Chace
"Providence, June 6, 1891. As a young man In Uxbridge,
I was knowing to the efforts of the Anti-Slavery people of
that section in forwarding the escaped slaves to a safe home
in Canada, In many cases when the pursuers were close behind."
Mrs. Sophia L. Little to Mrs. Chace
"That book is a better memorial of you than a monument
of marble. It Is the book for the times, because the Southern
question is before the Nation. Slavery is about to make Its
i .st death struggle. I hope it will pro-v^e its death struggle.
It will If the people awake, and the spirit of your book is
calculated to awaken the thinking people who are to decide
whether the former slaves shall be really free citizens."
Clara M. Holmes to Mrs. Chace
" It seems to me the race question is still a very serious one.
I am quite interested to know how HoweUs will treat It In his
story now running in Harper's.
"Father read thy book with intense Interest, for he had
much to do with runaway slaves In Ohio and here in Iowa.
"Thy other daughter,"
George Thompson Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"How little the present generation of young people know
of the Anti-Slavery struggle before the war!"
[275]

Jacob Bright to Mrs. Chace
"London, June 12, 1891.
"My dear Friend: For after reading your Anti-Slavery
Reminiscences, I hope I may so address you, thank you rauch
for sending me this record of a portion of your life. I have
read it with great Interest ; it has served to remind me of
persons and events of which I had a somewhat Intimate knowl
edge during your great struggle and the terrible war which
followed. W. L. Garrison, H. C. Wright, Frederick Douglass,
and I think a gentleman of the name of Buffum [doubtless
James N.] have been, in former days, my guests in my old
home at Rochdale.
"Your pages show what women have done in this great
cause, and you are right in calling attention on the last page
of your Record, to 'the work of far wider significance to the
progress of all mankind than was the Anti-Slavery struggle.'
To that work, — the civil and political equality of the sexes —
more Influence is every day being given In England, and
though the victory may yet be far off, the educational advan
tages of the movement are great and are realized year by
year." Mrs. Elizabeth Pease Nichol was eighty-four years old
and nearly blind when she dictated a letter from which an
extract Is here given.
Elizabeth Pease Nichol to Mrs. Chace
"Edinburgh l^Scotland^ June 10, 1891. The references to
your noble Father are especially Interesting to me, awaken
ing as they do the remembrance of his work and the perse
cution he underwent because of his adherence to Garrison-
ianisra, with which I was once famiUar, and which — the
treatment he received from the Society of Friends — used to
arouse in me no slight feelings of indignation."
[276 ]

Mrs. Julia Severance Burrage to Mrs. Chace
"June 14, 1891. It takes me back to the days of 'under
ground raUroads,' mobs, etc. When we came East (in 1855)
we were so nearly ostracized for our being Garrlsonlans and
Parkerites that I remember well the feeling of Isolation it
gave, except when we were with our kind. Even we children
were made to feel this ostracism."
Parker Pillsbury to Mrs. Chace
"Concord, N. H., June 20, 1891. Among aU my Anti-
Slavery Reminiscences yours seems the pleasantest and best.
Brevity Is the only fault that can be pleaded against them.
They are to the point and purpose on every page. And most
beautifully gotten up too. You could not have done the work
better in any part of it.
"You should have been the school mistress, for the writers
of those ponderous ten volumes of Abraham Lincoln. I am
glad Carl Schurz criticises them, for too much praise and
glory, and too rauch of everything. And It seems to rae the
critic himself has not done much better in either particular
than they. I never had any respect for Lincoln as an Aboli
tionist. To the night of his terrible taking off he was a Coloni-
zationist, and none of the best even of the supremely selfish
colonizationists. He was perhaps a little better than 'Dred
Scott' Taney. He would not say 'the black man had no
rights.' But he always said he would have all the blacks held
only in a serfdom that admitted of no right of suffrage, no
right as witnesses against white criminals.
"His Lincoln and Douglas Debates convicted him out of
his own mouth in a way that should have shamed Schurz even,
into condemning him. And then his Inaugural Address,
plunged hira deeper in proslavery Infaray than Deraocrat
ever dived, or the slave-holder ever desired him to go ! Do
[277]

you stIU recollect that memorable State Document? Seldom
has it had a parallel.
"But pardon me, this whole page rushed off from my pen-
point in a way wondrous even to myself."
Having given my opinion of Mrs. Chace's attitude towards
Lincoln during the war ; and having stated that she followed
Mr. Phillips and Mr. Pillsbury in their mental pathway after
1862, I feel under obligation to say in relation to the above
letter that, while its characterization of the Douglas De
bates, of Lincoln's first inaugural and of his attempts to
bring about colonization does seem to me to be true for all
historical purposes, it does also seem to me that in his old
age Mr. PiUsbury confused some memories and dates, and
represented Lincoln's objection to the Negro's enjoyment
of full freedom In America as more determined than the
records quite warrant us in believing it to have been.
Charles A. Chase to Mrs. Chace
" Worcester, June 23, 1891.
"My dear Cousin, ... I will say here that as a contribu
tion to history, thou hast perhaps builded better than thou
wist. So I am going to ask thee to mail a copy to the American
Antiquarian Societ}' at Worcester, and also to the Massa
chusetts Historical Society at Boston. Copies should be
given to the libraries in Providence — and elsewhere. Do not
hesitate In the matter from feelings of humility."
Mrs. Rebecca Bartlett Brown to Mrs. Chace
"June 28, 1891. I wanted to talk with you, better than I
can write, about your Interesting book. Did you send a copy
to G. W. Curtis? Doctor Channing has some reminiscences
known to no other one now living, which he intends, with the
aid of his daughter, to write out, and I hope he will not
[278]

neglect it too long. ]\Iy friend Mrs. Whiting writes to me,
'I want to thank you for sending me Mrs. Chace's Remi
niscences. I took it from Mr. Whittier's hand and read it
through at once."'
George William Curtis to Mrs. Chace
"June 29, 1891. I have read your little volume with very
great Interest and pride, as a man, an American and a Rhode
Islander. To receive your book as a friendly gift is to have
the hand of benediction laid upon my head."
Frank J. Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"July 6, 1891. Among the friends abroad to whom I sent
your Reminiscences were Alfred Webb — now a member of
the House of Commons, and Miss Estlin ; and I have received
acknowledgments from them both. Alfred writes: 'Many
thanks for the delightful Reminiscences you sent me. They
quite brought my heart into my mouth, at the associations
they called up in my mind.'
"Miss Estlin writes, 'How sad a picture Mrs. Chace draws
of the pro-slavery spirit of the Friends, which is always
stoutly denied by their English brethren.'"
John G. Whittier to Mrs. Chace
"Wakefield, N. H., July 16th, 1891. Thy Book thou so
kindly sent me several weeks ago reached me at Danvers, and
I thank thee very much for thus remembering me. I have read
the book with great Interest, reviving as it does many stirring
incidents of a most eventful period in our history, and in
which thou so largely shared.
"I should have acknowledged thy kindness at once, but
for the press of my c;orrespon,dence, and my unusual feeble
ness. I am now with my cousins Joseph and Gertrude Cart-
[ 279 ]

land at this quiet spot among the New Hampshire hUls, hoping
to gain some strength from this bracing mountain air.
"It always gives me pleasure to hear from thee and thy
faraily; the old associations are none the less precious for
our added years. With love to thyself and family in which
my cousins join I am
"Affectionately thy friend"
Frederick Douglass to Mrs. Chace
"July 31st, 1891. Your name was on my lips at the break
fast table. Mrs. Douglass, her sister Jane, Miss Joy, a guest,
and Estelle, my granddaughter, were at table, and I had
hardly ceased giving reminiscences of you, when your Anti-
Slavery Reminiscences came to us from the post office.
"I hope to see you before we go hence. Now tell me that
you mean to celebrate your ninetieth birthday, and make me
happy!"
E. Hicks Trueblood to Mrs. Chace
"Hitclicock, Indiana, 8th mo., 14, 1891. iMy father with
two other men, and their good wives, Wm. J. Trueblood and
James L. Thompson, helped to prepare the way for the free
dom of several hundred slaves. They kept the first depot the
poor slaves could rest at after leaving their masters."
Edward Clifford to Mrs. Chace
"London. Thy book has just arrived and I must send a
word of thanks by today's mail, though I have only had time
to glance through it, and to find that I Uke it very much
Indeed. The subject is so stirring, the- style so simple, the
facts so convincing, and the pride so natural, even if it were
not written by a dear, old valued friend I should prize it for
its own sake, and now much more so for thine."
[280 ]

Mrs. Margaret Clifford Williams to Mrs. Chace
"Bristol, l^Eng.] Aug. 14, 1891. I read your book with
great pleasure. . . . We are longing to know what will be
done about the opium trade which is such an awful blot upon
us in England.
"Edward has just returned from Belgium, where he has
been staying with a painter friend In Brussels, and has found
a good deal to interest him. We hope to have hira with us
soon. My four children are very fond of him, he is such a
;good, kind uncle to them."
Parker Pillsbury to Mrs. Chace
"October 10th, 1891. An invitation from Capt. Russell
and Mrs. Marston, lately carried me to Cape Cod for a week
or ten days, my visitings extending as far as Harwich.
"We drove twice to Osterville passing your spacious house
there. We all wished I had come sooner and I the more wished
so, when told that you had converted your commodious par
lor Into a Temple for First Day worship.
"Your beautiful little chapter of Anti-Slavery Reminis
cences greatly interested us all.
"Probably you have received a copy of ray lecture on 'the
Popular Religion, and What Instead.' With this will be
mailed a copy of the third edition made necessary, because
the two former had not proper protest against war, for a
What Instead. So I added some pages after the 23rd and
should be glad to know how the Tragedy of Calvary, in its
three acts, strikes the minds of yourself and household.
"We are all in usual health, and I am still able to do some
Parlor work as well as something at Correspondence."
The foUowing passages from a paper written by Mrs.
Chace, a year or two previous to her Reminiscences, are given
[281 ]

here, because this place seems fitting to such reverential
effort to carve in words a lasting statue of
ABBY KELLEY FOSTER
"She had a high and holy mission, and she pursued it
cheerfully and bravely, seldom speaking of the obstacles in
her way. There was no fund wherewith to give salaries to
anti-slavery speakers, and had there been, I think she would
have refused payment for her services. She went forth to
preach the Anti-Slavery gospel ; and she was largely imbued
with the Quaker sentiment that to receive pay for preaching
was wrong. She had no money for traveling expenses or hotel
bills. But In nearly every town some friend could be found who
would give her board and lodging, and carry her to the next
place of meeting; and where none such appeared, she made
her way as best she could, and often fared as women who go
forth now in the Interests of reforra have no conception of.
Meeting-houses were, of course, almost universally closed
against her. Even where a solitary church had declared
Itself opposed to slavery, she was refused admittance on
account of her sex. Schoolhouses could often be obtained,
and now and then a hall. But, wherever and whenever she
could draw a few people together, she told them of the wrongs
of the slave, and the guilt of the supporters of the slave sys-
tera. When her garments became old and worn she went to
her sister, did her sewing, her house-cleaning, or any other
useful work, and, with what she thus earned, she replenished
her wardrobe and went out again on her appointed mission.
When the American Anti-Slavery Society needed a printing-
press, and was otherwise in peril for lack of funds, Abby
Kelley, who had received from her mother a legacy of a thou
sand dollars, poured It all Into the treasury of the society,
being glad that she had It to bestow.
"After her raarriage to Stephen S. Foster she left her
[282 1

ABBY RIX.LEV FOSTER

public work temporarily to become the most exact and care
ful of homemakers. When her only child was old enough to
be entrusted to another's care, she took her to New Hamp
shire to her husband's sister, and, with a heart almost break
ing at the separation, she went forth again on the mission to
which she believed herself called. On her journey horaeward
she met a friend, who exclaimed: 'How can you leave your
baby to go out again lecturing?' and she replied, almost
choking with emotion : ' For the sake of the mothers who are
robbed of all their children.' :
*********
"The women of this land owe to this woman, more than to
any other human being, a debt of gratitude for the doors she
opened for them to enter, for the paths she made smooth for
them, with her own bleeding feet, for the courage and the
conscientiousness and the faithfulness with which, amid per
secution and reviling, she made the way clear for them to
walk safely, where she encountered what to them would now
seem Insurmountable difficulties.
"Her sympathies and her strong influence were given to
all reforms — temperance, social purity, and whatever con
duces to human welfare ; and to all she contributed the un
compromising support of her earnest, unwavering spirit.
Let her name stand high on our record of love and of honor."

[283 ]

CHAPTER TWENTY-NINTH
Effort for Presidential Suffrage for Women ; Anec
dotes about the Arnolds; Minor Incidents and Cor
respondence ; Letter to the Danvers Historical
Society ; In the Valley of the Shadow of Death ;
Correspondence ; Partial Convalescencje ; Faithful
Attendance ; Her Last Memorial to the Rhode
Island Legislature; Letter of "Resignation of the
Presidency of the Rhode Island Woman's Suffrage
Association; Her Resignation Not Accepted; Deci
sion TO Retain Her as President so Long as She
Should Live; Verses
IN the year 1892 an effort was made to obtain Presidential
Suffrage in Rhode Island for woraen. The question came
before the Legislature, a committee was appointed, hear
ings were granted, and at one of them Mrs. Chace, in spite of
her advanced age, made an address.
The summer of this year was spent at Wianno as usual and,
during a day passed at the summer home of Mr. and Mrs.
Herbert Morse in Cotuit, Mrs. Chace met Mary E. Wilkins.
Mrs. Lucy G. Morse to Mrs. Chace
"Bonny Haven Barn [Cotuit^, Aug. 10th. I want just to
remind thee that next Monday will be thy day. Thy day will
be our happiest one of all the summer. I believe even the
squirrel Is making resolutions to do his prettiest. So think
how excellent It Is for our characters to do thee honor, and
that by insisting upon having everything thee wants thee
[284 ]

advances the cause of morality and promotes a high standard
of living and thinking. 'Promotes' is not quite the word —
how is 'elevates'? Hoping this will stimulate thy will in the
right and proper way, I am thine with true love."
Mrs. Chace to 

" Valley Falls, 12th mo., 28th, 1892.
"Dear Cousin: I am always pleased to find new relatives,
especially. If they are after my own heart. I am glad thee
believes in Woman Suffrage.
"Now, about the Arnolds. I knew we had a Welsh king for
ancestor. I wonder what sort of a man he was. Being a king
doesn't prove him to have been an ancestor to be proud of.
Judge Peleg Arnold was brother to my grandmother Buffum.
There was a Cyrus Arnold in Smithfield, cotemporary with
my grandparents, who had five daughters, very handsome
girls, who married five brothers named Aldrlch, well-to-do
farmers. The tradition is that the five brothers all 'went
courting ' the five Arnold girls at one time. They were women
that spun and wove, baked, brewed, washed and ironed, and
talked politics, and in every way looked well to their house
holds, and when they married, 'brought their husbands a
handsome property,' and never thought of voting. Now, I
suppose, I shall surprise thee, by telling thee that I am
eighty-six years old; that people flatter rae by telling me I
have lost none of my faculties, — though I am sure it is not
true. Our folks were Quakers ; and I left the Society In Anti-
Slavery times, when the Friends had become pro-slavery. I
always now say 'you' to strangers, but as soon as I get on
friendly terms with anybody, I, involuntarily, say ' thee,' and
when I began this letter ' Dear Cousin,' I fell into the Quaker
dialect without thinking."

[285 ]

Mary E. Wilkins to Mrs. Chace
"Jan. 3rd, 1893. Indeed I have not forgotten all about
you. Since our meeting in the barn at Cotuit, I have thought
of you, and often wished I could see you all again.
"Now, I thank you most warmly for your kind invitation
to make you a visit, and only wish I could give myself the
pleasure. But, I am just now in such a rush of work as never
was with me. I have a novel to finish as soon as may be, and
that Is probably not for some time to come, as It turns out
more work than I expected. It Is Impossible for me to get
away, and I am very, very sorry."
The following letter belongs to this general period of Mrs.
Chace's effort.  TO Mrs. Chace
"I thank you sincerely for your kind letter to me. Of all
the hundreds and hundreds of letters that have corae to me,
there is not one that I appreciate above yours.
"Your letter made me feel, if possible, more earnestly that
I am pledged to be a strong and good citizen.
"Mrs. Chace, after such sorrow and suffering, starting over
again is terrific ! I despair every other hour in the day and
night. The fluctuation of my strengths and weaknesses
appalls me. A ship rocks when it is anchored, and I try every
way to raake rayself realize that I am anchored now.
"I wish I had your record of eighty years of fine work."
In 1893 Mrs. Chace wrote to Dr. Andrews, President of
Brown University, that she would offer a prize to be given to
the member of the Freshman class of that year who should
produce the best essay against the use of tobacco, and con
siderable correspondence ensued. We quote from one letter
only. [286 ]

Dr. E. Benjamin Andrews to Mrs. Chace
"April 7, 1893. I announced the prizes yesterday. You
will be gratified to learn that upon show of hands, certainly
not more than one-fifth of the Freshman class use tobacco in
any form.
"Now to the principal purpose of my note, — to inquire
whether it would suit you to admit the Freshman women to
this competition. I have no preference one way or the other,
but venture to call your attention to the question."
In the spring of this year Mrs. Chace received an invita
tion to attend a Commemorative meeting of the Old Anti-
Slavery Days held by the Danvers Historical Society. In
answer to this invitation she sent her last great word upon
the cause, whose service she had inherited from her ancestors,
shared with her husband, and taught as holiest duty to her
children. It sounds like a Recessional hymn floating back
ward through the church of life.
From Mrs. Elizabeth Buffum Chace
[Extracts]
"Valley Falls, R. I. April 18, 1893. It is with extreme
regret that I am obliged to deny myself the great happiness
it would be to me to unite with the dear old friends in com
memorating the great struggle for human freedom in which
it was my blessed privilege to bear an humble part. . . .
"No guests were ever more welcome to my door, than were
those who came In the darkness of night to escape from the
human bloodhounds who were seeking for prey. No ministers
of the Gospel brought me so acceptable Instruction as did
the self-sacriflclng teachers of the Gospel of Freedom. To
me, as to many others, it was a liberal education. . . .
"That so many of those early workers have passed away,
will cast a shadow on the brightness of the occasion. . . .
[287]

" Those of us who still remain on the earth, but are denied
the pleasure of this reunion, will miss the hearty handshakings
and greetings of the day but we will enj oy them in spirit, and
we will wish for you all the brightest of skies, the loveliest of
southwesterly breezes and the warmest expressions of friend
ship."
Andrew Carnegie to Mrs. Chace
"July 13th, 1893. Your letter has given me great pleas
ure, but alas, as for aiding any cause ! My surplus for a long
time is already pledged. How to meet the monthly bills of
two libraries now building Is the question. I am. over two
millions of dollars deep in engagements for these, and the
Steel business Is down to one pound of steel for one cent, —
practically the British price. Where is the money to come
from? WeU, it will come, — It always has, and It will as It is
wanted, but like Rip Van Winkle, I have had to 'swear off'
drinking at the raost seductive spring of all, — giving. I see
so raany things I feel that I raust give to, that I have been
over pledged for years.
"I should so rauch like to see you. Mrs. Carnegie's grand
mother is just ninety, and writes as well as you. Every age
has Its crown, but old age crowns all. I worship the 'old Lady.'
My Madonnas are all Octogenarians.
"Our labor troubles have placed me and Mrs. Carnegie In
purgatory, — or worse — . Never had such a trial to endure,
and all so unnecessary.
"Really, if I go to Boston I'll call and pay my reverential
rites at your shrine."
L. E. Baker to Mrs. Chace
"Nov. 8th, 1893. Your letter of Aug. 8th was received, and
Its cordial interest in St. Andrew's School was most grateful.
Mr. Chapin does not wish direct appeals for money yet.
"He would gladly caU upon you, but from Barrington to
[ 288 ]

Valley Falls is quite a trip. Would it be possible for him to
come to Providence, some day when you are coming there?
If it would not be too much trouble for you to climb the stairs
to Mr. Gregory's library, over the book store, you could have
a quiet little talk there. I crave for him the friendship of one
so well known as yourself in philanthropic work."
St. Andrew's School was founded and managed by Mr.
Chapin as a place where unruly boys who might otherwise
fall under penal correction, could be sent for educational
experiment. Mrs. Chace felt great interest in it, and she and
Captain Wyman together got at least one boy sent there
rather than to the Reform School for a childish misdemeanor.
It is very likely that Mrs. Chace out of her abundant philan
thropy did make the effort to meet Mr. Chapin In Providence,
but it is to be hoped that the earnest writer of the above letter
did not realize that it was an invalid woman, eighty-seven
years old, who was asked to go miles and climb stairs, in
order to save Mr. Chapin from traveling the same number of
miles and not find a staircase at their end. I,
Mrs. Lucy G. Morse to Mrs. Chace
"[New York] Nov. 23rd [1893]. We had a rare evening
last First Day, and thee ought to have been here, sitting in
the easy-chair, that Mother embroidered, with thy knitting,
and thy ready storj' to tell. Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Jefferson
and Mr. and Mrs. Sol Smith Russell were the centre of
attraction. Mr. Russell is an actor of Jefferson's school and
his very dearly beloved friend, — a most Interesting man and
one who impresses us as a noble character. In the circle about
them were HoweUs, young Mr. Houghton, Wm. Carey- — of
'the Century,' — and a group of nice young people. Mrs.
Russell and Mrs. Jefferson acted as prompters, reminding
their husbands of stories to tell, and I can tell thee, the wit
[289 ]

sparkled. If only Mr. Wyman had been here ! I would dearly
love to sit by and watch how he and those three — Jefferson,
Russell and HoweUs — would enjoy one another. I never saw
HoweUs so genial, so sunny, and he told beautiful stories too.
Next First Day we shall have the Stocktons with us and
Mr. Russell will come again.
"Oh what a beautiful story Mrs. Wellington wrote me
about thy presiding at the Annual Suffrage meeting. I wish
I had been there to see."
As a presiding officer over public meetings, Mrs. Chace's
manner was that of serene dignity. She made no parlia
mentary mistakes, and showed no nervous embarrassment.
When managing discussions in small and informal meetings
or the councils of committees, she was wholly impartial, and
while she kept talkers to the proper subject, she was ad
mirably complaisant to all natural and minor expression of
individuality. I have seen more fascinating presidential man
ner but never one that was really finer than hers.
She was more completely devoid of the especially feminine
desire to attract admiration or attention to herself, than
almost any other woman I ever saw. I do not remember ever
to have seen her, when the least gesture, pose, look or move
ment seeraed to say, "Regard me, now, and let me know if ray
manner, apparel, my face or voice has gained favor for me
or for my cause." She faced the world, and all its folk, some
times bravely, sometimes bashfully, sometimes with grand
and sometimes with awkward demeanor, but always as a soul
to be considered, and not exactly as a person to be either
commended or criticized.
Frank J. Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"Rockledge, Dec. 9, 1893. I did not mean to let you pass
your 87th milestone without standing by it at the moment
and saluting you with lifted hat and — not a 'three times
[290 ]

three,' but a three times twenty-nine! But I know you will
forgive me for having let the planning for our Suffrage Tea
Party at Faneuil Hall drive the date from my mind for the
moment, and will allow me to chase after you and give you my
cheers and heartfelt rejoicings that you are travelling on
towards the 88th milestone with such erect and soldierly
bearing. If you will allow me, I will follow after you as nearly
as I can, and strive to catch the secret of perpetual youth,
and perpetual progress which you surely possess.
"I had forgotten that you were born just a day less than
a year after mj' dear father, who is celebrating his 88th anni
versary in that other sphere of activity to which dear Lucy
Stone looked forward with such serene confidence and joy.
If, as she anticipated, they are too busy there to come back
and look in upon us, how pleasant it would be to peep In upon
them for a day ! But we have our work still, and must keep
pegging away to try and make the world better, and after all,
as Phillips Brooks said, 'What fun it Is!' I think few have
got more delight out of it than you have, and it is lovely to
us all to see with what keen and unimpaired zest you still
throw 3'ourself Into the fray, and to feel that you will keep
on doing It until you are mustered out and promoted to a
higher service."
The summer of 1893 was the last which Mrs. Chace spent
on Cape Cod. Her two daughters, neither of whom was at all
well, remained a few weeks longer than she did at Osterville,
and then both joined her at Valley Falls, where Mrs. Tolman
made a short visit before returning to West Newton.
Captain Wyman was still at the Chicago Exposition, where
he was Commissioner from Rhode Island. Before he came
back, it was decided that he and Mrs. Wyman should not go
into their own house for the winter. They Intended to go
South in the late autumn, but because of various business
[291 ]

reasons they stayed with Mrs. Chace nearly the whole winter,
only making a brief trip to Georgia.
Mrs. Chace's health failed seriously during that fall, and
she became subject to severe attacks the cause of which was
obscure. Early In March, 1894, she wrote a letter to the Providence
Journal commending the action of Mrs. Margaret B.
Gorman, who had appealed to the town council of East
Greenwich for an abatement of her taxes on the ground that
licensed liquor selling had injured the value of her property.
On March 27th she wrote again replying to a question
which the Journal had asked editorially in reference to the
implication in her former letter about Mrs. Gorman that the
men cf the town were to blame for having granted licenses for
selling liquor.
In answering, Mrs. Chace said, "Men and women are
endowed with different qualities and qualifications which are
all needed to make complete any social or political organ
ization." Holding this belief, that men and women had different
capacities she was inclined to think that In some depart
ments of government, woraen would do better than men had
done. Mrs. Chace retained her interest In Miss Emma Carr, who
was then fitting herself to become a public school teacher, and
invited her to become a member of the household, where she
proved to be very helpful.
Mrs. Chace was suddenly taken very ill early in July, and
nobody expected her to rally from that lUness. INIrs. Tolman
came frora West Newton and spent the rest of the summer
in Valley Falls. About a week after the above mentioned
attack, the family engaged a trained nurse, who within the
first twenty-four hours of her service gave the Invalid such an
overdose of morphine that the doctor thought the effect must
[292 ]

be fatal. His instructions were to keep her awake if possible.
Mrs. Wyman, Mrs. Tolman, Miss Carr and Miss Tillinghast
worked over her for hours, compelling her attention while
she begged them to let her sleep. When the danger was over
Mrs. Wyman made arrangements so that such a mistake
could not happen again.
It was soon found necessary to have two nurses and during
all that summer the constant attendance of one or two other
persons was needed.
About the middle of July many of her intimate friends,
hearing that she was in imminent danger, wrote to her, and
though that especial crisis passed letters continued to come
to her ; some of which are here given.
The doctor was Augustine A. Mann, who had attended her
since the death of Dr. Lloyd Morton, and was unto the end
a very true and helpful friend.
Rev. Charles G. Ames to Mrs. Chace
" Wianno, July 15, 1894.
"Dear Young Friend: I must call you young for more
reasons than one. First, because you are one of my recent
discoveries — a friend newly found, and not yet half grown
in our acquaintance. But you are also young because your
spirit is fresh as a child's. And I think you are young in the
feeling that all your years of experience have only brought a
beginning of the real life, and that the earth is only a primary
school where we pick up the alphabet.
"Dear Lucy Stone's sweet confidence, that she should find
more work awaiting her in the new life, to which she was going
must have touched you in a pleasant way; for I am sure that
you could hardly feel at home in a heaven of indolence and
mere psalm singing. Yet my dear friend, I would gladly j oin
you in some less exacting and less anxious activities than those
which are imposed on us by the sins and follies which we share
[293 ]

with mankind ; and there Is one stanza of Dr. Watts which I
can sing without an inward protest :
" 'Then shall I see and hear and know
All I desired or wished below.
And every power find sweet employ
In that Eternal world of joy.' "
William Lloyd Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"Osterville, July 15, 1894- How much we miss you ! Sab
batia Cottage has lost its charra, and when Sunday evening
comes we have no place to go to. We should have had a rare
season had you been here, with the Charles G. Ameses and
Anna Shaw, Susan B. Anthony and the Conways to come."
Mrs. Julia Ward Howe to Mrs. Chace
"Oak Glen, Newport, July 17th, 1894- I am grieved In
deed to hear of your continued Illness. You have had other
visitations of this kind, but have always rallied from them in
a wonderful way. How happy has it been for you that you
have escaped the mental and moral limitations of invalidism,
and have always kept your outlook beyond the bounds of
personal suffering and Inconvenience, embracing in your re
gard all the widespread Interests of Humanity.
"I prize the remembrance of the occasions, too few in
number. In whose work I have participated by your invita
tion, usuaUy aided by your presence. It is grievous to all of
us who love noble work to give It up, but I, for one, am con
fident that the Influence of a good and earnest life is some
thing very solid, built into the community to whose welfare
it has been dedicated, and far outlasting. In its uplifting
power, the term of years of our mortal life.
"You, dear Mrs. Chace, have not only had the joy of
helping the good cause in its various forms, but also that
[294 ]

of helping it when 'days were dark and friends were few.'
You have been a leading spirit In the noble band of pioneers,
who have done so much to forward the new civilization, which
is building itself above the old time barbarism. You ought
to be able to look back upon your brave and faithful life
with satisfaction, if any one of us can.
"Looking forward, I do believe in the dear Christ's saying,
that 'eye hath not seen nor ear heard the good things pre
pared of God for those that love Him.' And surely, those
who have truly loved their fellow creatures have loved Him.
"I do indeed hope that I shall see your face again, but If
I should not, I shall think of you as comforted with sweet
and abiding peace, and as inheriting the promises which
made Paul say that 'to die Is gain.' Your loving friend of
many years."
Alice Stone Blackwell to Mrs. Chace
"July 18, 1894- To me you have always been one of those
few old ladies who rob old age of Its terrors. You were one
of the women whom my Mother most loved and honored.
You must try to get well for all our sakes. But If it be
otherwise — if you meet my Mother, give her my love, and
tell her that Papa and I are trying to do as she would have
had us do."
Henry B. Blackwell to Mrs. Chace
"July 20, 1894. AUce has had a letter from Mrs. Tol
man, saying that you are very ill. As I know how Lucy
would feel, if she were here, I write as she would have written.
"It must be a satisfaction to you in these hours of weak
ness and suffering to remember how you and your dear father
before you have given tirae, thought and money to help
those who cannot help themselves. When you go on to join
Lucy, tell her for me that I will keep her flag flying as long
as I live." [ 295 ]

In one of Mrs. Chace's weakest moments, when death
seemed near, she whispered to me : " Give my love to
Mr. May. He was always so kind and helpful."
Samuel May to L. B. C. W.
"August 9, 189 4. Your note comes by this evening's mail,
and I am deeply grateful for your dear and honored
Mother's remembrance ; that she should have sent her
thoughts to me in these sacred hours, through which she is
passing now, is a new honor, and one of the crowning satis
factions which are granted me, as I too am ceasing from my
labors. I have known of your Mother's illness from an early
day of It, — from Frank J. G[arrIson], who is ever doing
thoughtful things.
"It is most hopeful and gratifying to hear of the peace in
which she abides, and of the great confidence she has that
'all Is right.' Nothing from human source can be added to
that; — it is of that treasure which cannot perish.
"I was writing to F. Douglass a few days since, and I
spoke of the illness of your Mother and of P. PiUsbury.
In reply he spoke of the great service which both had ren
dered to the cause, not of his own race only, but of all men,
and of the high and reverent honor he felt for both.
"I have never forgotten, nor am I likely to forget, that
meeting of Anti-Slavery and Woman-Suffrage friends at
Lucy Stone's house, of which your Mother was one.
"I am sending Mr. Wyman a copy of F. Douglass' power
ful appeal for ordinarily decent and fair treatment of the
Af ro- American ; — a truer name than Negro, though F. D.
uses the latter."
Mrs. Mary A. Livermore to Mrs. Chace
"Aug. 11, 1894. That you should think of me when
you are suffering, and should send rae an 'AU Hail,' of ap-
[296 ]

preciation and cheer, has touched me to tears. I will not say
' Goodbye,' because I am so close behind you in the journey
that I know it is only a hand's breadth of life that is left
me. It is good to have no fear of death, good to feel cer
tain that no harm can come from God to us. And that con
viction abides with us both."
Moncure D. Conway to Mrs. Chace
"Wianno, Aug. 10, 1894- We left England just a month
ago, and have now managed to reach Wianno ; but what Is
our sorrow at missing the friendly welcome of you and your
family, on account of your Illness. You may rest assured
that you are nowhere more affectionately remembered than
in our little cottage. We are relatives In spirit, I always
claim, and our memories go back to the same old conflicts
between slavery and freedom.
"It has been in recent years a large part of my summer
happiness to go over these old stories with you, and learn
so many things about the good men and women who carried
on the good causes In times and places previously unknown
to me. I feel deep gratitude to you for all this, and I feel
certain that now, when you are confined to your house, you
cannot fail to find strength and support in the consciousness
of having faithfully followed your light, and unweariedly
helped to advance every truth and every humane cause which
appealed to your heart and reason. Around your couch and
chair will be the smiling faces of those you have helped to
free, to save, to console, to uplift, to enlighten.
"We miss here a good many of the old faces. We have no
Sunday evening conferences and no entertainments. But
still here are the beauties of nature, amid which I sit part
of the time at work, and part of the time In the sweet doing
of nothing. Our daughter Mildred is at Lake George, at
the summer home of Mr. and Mrs. Sawyer, to whose son
[297 ]

Philip she is betrothed. Early next year we return to Lon
don, where I resume my discourses at South Place.
"We saw the Garrisons yesterday, and I have consented
to go up to Boston to an important demonstration against
'lynching' to be held In Faneuil Hall on the 29th. Strange
how long it takes to eradicate savagery from the whites —
not 'blacks' or 'reds' of this country."
On August 10, 1894, Parker Pillsbury's daughter wrote
to Mrs. Wyman, he being too feeble to write himself, but
thus came the message from the old Invincible :
"Father feels very sad to hear of your mother's severe
illness. Please accept his heartfelt sympathy."
Frederick Douglass to L. B. C. W.
"Aug. 10, 1894- I am deeply touched by your note just
to hand, telling rae of the condition of your precious mother.
She has been a great teacher by precept and example. In the
world. She has faithfully taught how to live and it now
seems she is teaching us how to die. A great sufferer, yet
calm, trustful and even happy in the visible approach of
what used to be described and pictured as the king of terrors.
How glorious it is, and how thankful we should be, that the
soul can be so enlightened as to banish such thought from the
mind when approaching the end of our life journey. I had
hoped once more to look into your mother's noble face and
to hear her firm and tranquil voice, but I fear that this
cannot be ; but what matter ? these will never be forgotten.
I shall always see her as I saw her and heard her kind voice
when I was yet new from slavery. The words of kindness
and sympathy given me then were fitted to last longer with
me than I can hope to live in this world. Do make my love
to her. If she shall be still with you when you receive this
line and tell her that I rejoice In the life she has been able
[298 ]

FRFDFRICK DOUOL \SS
( .11x11(1 6-'. Hears old)

to live and that I thank her for what she has done for tem
perance and freedom; for men and for women. Mrs. Doug
lass joins me In all the sentiments I have tried to put into the
words of this note."
In the autumn Mrs. Chace recovered sufficiently to be able
to go from one room to another, but she never again de
scended the oaken staircase of her house. Two attendants
were kept for her all the time during the rest of her life,
except for a short period when one nurse seemed to be
enough, with the help of a woman of the neighborhood who
came in every day.
The general household conditions after this were those of
a hospital. Captain Wyman's health was breaking, but until
he became an absolute invalid he did everything In his power
to entertain Mrs. Chace and carry out her wishes In the
world which she could no longer enter. Mrs. Tolman came
often, and her visits were a great relief to the monotony.
Mr. Tolman was also a very welcome visitor. Arnold came
to the house at all hours of the day and night, and his com
panionship was still that which Mrs. Chace loved best.
Though as the years of sickness went on one of her chief
joys was to get as many of her grandchildren as could be
coUected into her room, to stand in a row so that she might
see how their heights compared. One of the upstairs rooms
was fitted for her sitting room, to which she was drawn in
a chair after she could no longer walk. She actually took
up water-color painting again; she painted while able to
sit in a chair and, when unable to sit up any more, painted
in bed, though she could not then turn herself over.
She held Woman Suffrage committee meetings in her
rooms, and corresponded with people on public matters.

[299 ]

Samuel May to Mrs. Chace
"May 2, 1895. If I had not been daily mindful of the
letter which you wrote to me with your own hand, and which
I received on my 85th anniversary, and of the wondrous roses
which soon followed it, I should be the most ungrateful per
son on this planet. I am still wondering how it be that you
an 'almost helpless invalid' could write such a letter, could
paint such a picture. My wife, who is a thorough flower
lover, was delighted with the roses, and mounted them for
me, so that they stand on my book table all the time.
"I go from home very little. A very little matter fatigues
me completely. I send my very warm regards to your
daughter and Mr. Wyman. And to yourself my highest
respect and affection."
"To the Honorable Committee on Special Legislation of the
Rhode Island General Assembly of 1895:
"Gentlemen of the Committee : —
"Beginning in the year 1868, the petitioners for Woman
Suffrage in Rhode Island have appeared almost annually be
fore a Committee of this Assembly in behalf of a principle
which they believe to be inviolable, — equaUty of rights, re
gardless of sex; until in the year 1887, the necessary legis
lation sent to the people an amendment to our State Con
stitution, which struck the 'male' therefrom; i.e., sent it
to the male people to be voted on. It secured a large vote,
but was defeated ; and has been foUowed by a suspension of
aU effort in this direction for several years, during which
time we have been unremitting in our endeavors to educate
the voting citizens of the State in the principles of equaUty
and justice. Today, we come to you again, hoping for a
more favorable result.
"Prostrated as I am by severe iUness and my advancing
[300 ]

years, with a heart full of the warmest love for my native
State, I send you herewith from my chamber, my earnest ap
peal that you will give to our petition your rational, con
scientious consideration, looking at the beneficial results of
full Woman Suffrage in Wyoming and Colorado, Municipal
Suffrage for women in Kansas, and of School Suffrage in
other States. Women are sitting in the Colorado legislature,
and on juries; are holding office there and in Wyoming and
in Kansas, and everywhere fllling honorably the new places
into which suffrage has brought them, and the results every
where are pronounced good.
"I want to tell you, moreover, that apart frora and beyond
our conviction that women have the same right to self-gov
ernment that men have, and which lies at the foundation of
all republicanism for men. Is the fact, that Intelligent, con
scientious women feel a deep and ineradicable sense of duty,
to assist in the management of governmental affairs. I want
to tell you that, as wives, mothers, sisters and daughters,
we can never perform our whole duty to our families and
our homes, until we share In the making of the laws under
which those Institutions are organized and exist ; until woraen
have a choice in the selection of the officers by whom these
laws are administered ; untU women apply their housewifely
skill in helping to purify the bodies politic and civil, from
the cancerous sores which corrupt our towns, our cities and
our States.
"For myself, at eighty-eight years of age, obliged to re-
Unquish all active participation in public labor for human
welfare, it is a grief to me to feel that I have been prevented
from exercising my share of the power to which I was en
titled, to help make our life here in Rhode Island, better and
wholesomer for our children and our children's children to
grow up in. It Is a grief to me to feel that I shaU probably
pass away from this life, before justice is done to the women
[ 301 ]

of Rhode Island ; whereby better conditions would be secured
to those who will come after us.
"Wherefore, my last word to you, gentlemen, is. Give the
Ballot to Women. "Respectfully "Elizabeth B. Chace."
There was a little improveraent In Mrs. Chace's condition
about this time. An elevator was put into the house, a
wheeled chair was obtained, and by raeans of these appliances
she came down stairs nearly every day for a year or two.
She never took a step unaided and very seldom even an as
sisted step. She never sat at the dining-room table, always
preferring to have her meals served directly to her.
She sat for hours, however, on the back piazza or In the
front vestibule of the house, and she did mingle occasionally
with little companies of friends. It was on the piazza that she
entertained Alfred Webb and his wife when they visited her.
Mr. Webb was the son of her old Dublin friend, Richard D.
Webb. She was occasionally taken in her wheeled chair from
the piazza onto the ground and twice she was gotten Into a
carriage for a drive. She was wheeled up to her son's resi
dence on the day when he celebrated his silver wedding, and
she went thus to lunch at Jonathan Chace's. At this lunch
there were some dishes on the table which took her fancy,
and she came back eager to have some purchased for her own
household. Of course her china for common use had to be
renewed during these years of her Illness, but her closets were
so full of the finer china that it was hard to find a place for
the new dishes when bought.
In June, 1895, Mrs. Chace wrote a long letter to the Exec
utive Committee of the Rhode Island Woman Suffrage Asso
ciation which she concluded as follows :
"And now, dear friends, with grateful and happy remem-
[302 ]

brances of harmonious co-operation with the faithful labor
ers with whom these years have passed, with unfaltering faith
and trust in the not far distant success of our most righteous
cause, with the promise of such ability to help as I can still
bring to you, I resign Into your hands, at the close of this
year, the office I have tried to make potent for success.
"Elizabeth B. Chace."
Mrs. Lucy G. Morse to Mrs. Chace
"Bonny Haven, July 5th. Dearly beloved friend: But
thou art doing such a wonderful work, there. In thy room !
Dear, noble friend, I know I ara a better woman because I
have known thee. And I would not part with what I know
on that subject for anything I can think of. I tell thee, thee
cannot live a minute and not be the best kind of a blessing.
And not a whit do I care If I am called sentimental, because
I choose to write a bit of truth to thee ! I'll write what I
please, I will.
"Yes, I went to Albany and sat by Susan B. Anthony,
when we went Into one of the rooms to listen to a hearing
on 'Cities.' A large table was before us, with all the peti
tions on It, — a huge pile.
" 'Come, Miss Anthony,' I said, 'take your memory back
forty years, and then take in the present situation, with all
those petitions under your eyes, and tell me how you feel.'
"She turned her face to me with that expression which I
remember on the faces of Abolitionists after the Proclama
tion — a look of blank inability to realize — of simple, quiet
peace, — and said, 'You write about It, and say how I feel.*
That was a minute I shall always keep as a treasure.
"It is necessary to raise money [for the Cotuit library].
So, / am going to have a 'Midsummer Jubilee and Fair.' I
bave set my husband and Edith Thomas to writing two songs
[303 ]

for me, and am drilling all the village children to march while
they sing them. I have had two squads — 30 each — rehears
ing in the barn — and they and I are as happy as clams.
They are to be dressed in costumes. I am making fancy
paper caps for thera all. I shall have a little tree full of
tiny Ghosts of Ideas. I make the ghosts, but Edith Thomas
is helping me with the ideas which accompany them."
W. L. Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"Aug. 31, 1895. I gave ray lecture on WendeU Phillips
at Mrs. WeUington's, last Sunday and then spoke of the loss
we all feel that you are not in your own hospitable parlor."
The October Woraan Suffrage Convention of that year
raarked the passage of twenty-five years since Mrs. Chace
was chosen president. Her letter of resignation, written In
June, was to take effect at this meeting. The plan of the
workers was to make the occasion very largely one of com
pliment to her, but she expressed her desire that the main
object of the meeting should be, as usual, to consider Woman
Suffrage. Letters commemorative of her service were written to
those persons who were preparing the celebration of the
annlversary.
Rev. Augustus Woodbury to 

"Concord, N. H., Oct. 6, 1895. The wonderful ablUty,
courage, patience and faith which your President has shown
both in private and public life are most worthy of being
commeraorated by all who have known her, and especially by
those whora she has led like the commander of a 'forlorn
hope,' in the movement for the freedom of her sex. Every
good cause has had her countenance and active support. In.
season and out of season, in favorable and unfavorable cir-
[ 304 ]

cumstance, in sickness and health, in weakness and strength,
she has been true, brave and persistent. To know her was
not only to love her, but to be stimulated by her virtue and
strength to nobler and higher living. I beg to express my
own obligation to her for the marvellous power of her
example."
Rev. Frederic A. Hinckley to Mrs. Ellen K. Bolles
"Florence, Oct. 8th, 1895. How glad I should be to join
the company who, at your coming convention, will render
loving tribute to my beloved friend, Elizabeth B. Chace.
Friendship with Mrs. Chace has been one of the rare and
sacred privileges of my life.
"I have seen her as inexorable as Destiny, and yet as
tender and affectionate as a child; — and I feel how inade
quate all words are, when I try to say how much I owe her
personally. She has little Idea of how much she has done
for us all, and for the world.
"You will emphasize especially her work for Suffrage.
She was always our beacon light in that cause in Rhode
Island. But I remember so well her active interest in prison
management, her efforts in behalf of vagrant and vicious chil
dren; her splendid devotion to the doctrine of soul liberty;
I remember so vividly her ability and willingness to see the
laborer's side in the great struggle between Labor and Capi
tal. My first introduction to her was In the name of Woraan
Suffrage, but I recall a nobler occasion, when I spoke upon
the Labor problem, from the Laborer's point of view, on the
very eve of a strike in her own mills. I do not know that we
agreed In all I said, but I always felt, and feel still, that she
recognized then and there, an honest seeking for substantial
justice in that effort, quite akin to her soul. I have known
her as the philanthropist who cherished Portia's vision of
'the quality of mercy.'
[305]

"When my thoughts wander to the little company of ear
nest women in Rhode Island, — always it is Elizabeth B.
Chace who sits at the head of the table."
The convention met on October 10th, the Rev. Anna
Garlin Spencer In the chair. A letter from Susan B. Anthony
was read, sympathizing with the desire to keep Mrs. Chace's
name at the head of the organization; other letters were
read, showing a simUar feeling; Mrs. Spencer made an ad
dress in the same vein and a resolution was passed expressing
appreciation of Mrs. Chace's Ufe and work. Finally Mrs.
Chace was re-elected president, Mrs. Spencer announcing
that the society had decided "that as long as she lived the
great name of Elizabeth Buffum Chace should be inscribed
on the records as that of their leader."
From this time on a working vice-president was always
elected, who performed the routine labor of the president.
The following verses were written by Mrs. Chace at the
time of one of her severe illnesses for Mrs. A. A. Mann,
and were afterwards printed In Ye Odde Number, gotten out
and sold for Thanksgiving, 1895, to raise money for the Day
Nurseries and their Kindergartens In Providence.
"On Receiving a Basket of Lovely Apples from a
Dear Friend
"Dear Sarah — when our Mother Eve —
That much abused young lady.
Went walking in her garden fair.
Through flowery paths and shady ;
"If, when she reached that fatal tree
Its branches bent to m.eet her.
With fruit like this you've sent to me
That nodded low to greet her ;
[306 ]

"I'm not surprised that, tempted thus.
This inexperienced woman
Forgot all rules and laws and threats,
Prescribed for creatures human.
"Indeed his snakeship might have saved
His breath to cool his dinner
While golden apples she did eat.
This thoughtless little sinner.
" And while I revel In your gift
I never more will wonder
That she, our gentle Mother Eve,
Committed such a blunder."
These other verses were probably written for Ye Odde
Number and were finaUy published In the Boston Transcript.
"Christ said of the little children,
(A lover of children was he)
Of such Is the kingdom of heaven.
Let them come unto me.
And in his arms he pressed them.
And with his love he blessed them.
And tenderly caressed them.
Saying, 'Come ye unto me.'
"And the Kindergarten says to the children,
'Come ye all unto me.
And we'll make a kingdom of heaven
Most beautiful to see.'
And with outstretched hand she reaches them.
And lovingly she teaches them;
And earnestly beseeches them,
'Oh, stay ye here with me.'
[307]

'And the kindergarten spirit
Shall enter the children's home
And build there a heavenly kingdom
In the better days to come."

[308 ]

CHAPTER THIRTIETH
Last Years of Mrs. Chace's Life
STILL the kind letters came from Mr. May, the true
comrade in the old and holy work. I think he and
Mrs. Chace never met after that day at Lucy Stone's, but
their written words passed to each other, breathing messages
of a friendship which had been cemented in righteousness.
Samuel May to Mrs. Chace
"Leicester, Oct. 11, 1895. When I saw weeks ago that the
October Meeting of your State Woman Suffrage Ass. would
also be the 25th anniversary of your Presidency, I made a
memorandum that I would attend it, and perhaps see
yourself, and personally thank you for your many kind
thoughts, words and deeds to me. Now the time has arrived,
and I read this morning that the meeting took place yester
day; while I, instead of attending it, was lying flat on my
back, by doctor's directions.
"I rejoice to know It was so good a meeting. How ad
mirable Mrs. Howe's topic, and how fine your courage in
being willing to receive continued election.
"It is just six months today since my birthday; when my
— wholly unlooked for — birthday book was put into my
hands. That book contained your letter, — Indeed a won
derful letter. When I tried to tell you of my thanks, and
of the pleasure you had given us all by it, and by the glow
ing roses of your painting, you wrote me another letter, and
as we read it, my daughter Bessie said, 'Now, father, you
[309 ]

must indeed go to see Mrs. Chace; and I will go with you;
it shall be only a short visit, not enough to tire her.' I
agreed, and we named the day, only one or two ahead.
"Alas! my dear wife had already lost so much since
the birthday, that it was found Bessie must not leave her
mother even for the one day ; arid then soon, by the doctor's
advice, they went together, with attendants, to Bessie's
house on the Maine coast, where the dear woman lived but
eight days longer. —  1 have made almost no visits since
then, even in town here, — have seldom gone far from the
house, and have written but little. I am glad to see friends
who come, — and many do; I am glad to hear from others;
but I feel no spur to action; nor have I the strength,
either of body or mind, to do what I gladly would in other
circumstances. "But I think of you, dear Mrs. Chace, with the highest
respect I am capable of feeling for any one on earth; and
with strong gratitude and affection too. I wish I could send
you a really helpful word of cheer ; but I fear my letter has
too little of that. I am sure you have the best of helpers
about you; and I hope you have not any severe suffering.
I send my warm regards to Mr. and Mrs. Wyman, and my
daughters join me in that, and in fuUest love to you. May
every good gift and the fuUest blessing be yours."
During these years of her complete invalidism, her friends,
near and distant, continued their constant efforts to please
her, and to divert the marvelous activity of her mind Into
channels which would make happy an occasional respite from
pain. No outsiders really knew how rauch she suffered, but
generously and tenderly they did their best to help her, and
those of her immediate household, to bear the burden and
to lessen the weight of her daily pain. They came to see
her and they wrote ; but chief of aU her comforters was her
[310 ]

son Arnold Bijffum Chace. As he was close by, there are,
however, no letters to or from her, to testify to the firm
texture of the bond between this mother and son. Among all
the friends who were near, Mrs. John R. Bartlett and the
Jonathan Chaces did the most In the way of little daily,
thoughtful kindnesses to relieve the woman upon whom de
volved the responsibility of Mrs. Chace's household.
Mrs. Tolman and her children and Mr. Tolman came very
often for brief visits.
Letters from Mrs. Chace to Mrs.. Mary C. Tolman
"2—8—95. I have had 3 successive days and nights of al
most entire freedom from pain . . . the pain has come back,
and here I am groaning and crying again.
"I have painted seven butterflies and some of them are
very beautiful."
"11—20—95. I suppose Lillie wrote thee about our going
to the lunch party at Jonathan's on Monday. It was very
pleasant, and I enjoyed it very much. I had not thought of
ever going into a neighbor's house again. But, It didn't seem
so great a circumstance after all. Last evening, by invita
tion, we had a company to listen to a paper on Mary Dyer,
by Horatio Rogers, one of the Judges of our Supreme Court.
"The paper was very fine, the parlor was brilliant with
light and flowers ; and after the reading, we had ice-cream
and cake in the dining-room. I staid down 'till nearly ten ;
but I got very tired and had rather a poor night after it."
"3—6—96. I ara having a pretty comfortable week, i. e.
for me, for which I am very thankful. I do very rauch wish
that I might get Into a comfortable condition and so remain
until it is time for me to be called away. But, I do now have
comfort enough to be very grateful for. My painting, my
[311]

knitting and my writing give rae great enjoyment. I am
getting along beautifully with my afghan. The colors of
my worsteds blend together in the loveliest way."
Mrs. Mary C. Tolman to Mrs. Chace
"This morning I went to Newton to hear WiUiam Garri
son read a paper on Immigration. It was practically the
same as his paper that he read on the Chinese Question in
our Osterville parlor ; although he said he had put new
'collars and cuffs' to it."
About this time Mrs. Chace wrote an article for the Sun
day Journal on Municipal Reform, a subject which was being
largely agitated in Rhode Island. She expressed great faith
in the new Chief of Police and called his attention to the word
ing of the law, which, as we have seen, really authorized him
to arrest men in many cases when the custom had been to
arrest only the women Implicated.
Frank J. Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"Rockledge, June 23, 1896. By a rare chance I happened
to meet James Tolman at dinner today, and learned from
him of the gallant manner in which the Rhode Island Legis
lature has responded to your appeal for the State House,
and when your letter came a couple of hours later, it seeraed
a coincidence almost telepathic. I congratulate you on
your success, which insures the October meeting a good
start." The writer then goes on to offer suggestions and informa
tion as to speakers and expenses necessary to the getting up
of an effective Woman Suffrage convention, and frora that
theme passes to personal news, as,
"We greatly enjoyed the Webbs' visit to us, and wanted
to keep them a month. Their little season with you was one
[ 312 ]

of the precious experiences of their week, and they had a
happy three hours with Parker Pillsbury at Concord. Alfred
is certainly one of the salt of the earth."
On July 23rd, 1896, Mrs. Chace wrote a long letter about
Woman Suffrage to the Sunday Journal, taking for her text
the appeal of Abigail Adams to her husband in Revolutionary
times. A week later she published a second article, which was
a resume of the history of the Cause, and a statement of the
bearing upon It of the statutes relating to women throughout
the Union.
After the death of her son Ned, Mrs. Chace told rae that
this experience had developed In her a strong maternal love
and yearning interest in young men. Such especial feeling is
very evident In every case where her word related to boys
whose young impulses were likely to get them Into trouble.
Moreover, the natural desire of the boy appealed to this
Niobe among women, — this Mother of the Dead. AU that
hidden tenderness flows through the subjoined bit of her
writing, which she produced as she lay helpless. If it were
not so very moral in Its suggestions to the owners of
orchards, I should be tempted to say that this little com
position is almost a prose pastoral. I will say, however,
something that is better than praise of her literature. She
had done for many years just what she now Implored other
people to do.
"About Apples
"To the Editor of the Sunday Journal:
"It Is the year when the apple trees are loaded with their
healthful and delicious fruit ; and in every village and coun
try neighborhood are well-to-do people who are blessed with
the ownership of these bounteous products of our mother,
[313 ]

the earth. Also, in aU these places are a larger class, espe
cially in the factory villages, who own no apple trees, and
to whom the fruit now falling in great abundance from the
trees is a great temptation. The children, particularly as
they see the apples on the ground apparently going to waste,
experience an almost irresistible longing for a taste of the
fruit. So, with your permisson, I want to raake an appeal
through the Journal In behalf of these boys and girls. It
is not always convenient or agreeable to open the orchard or
the garden gate and bid them to enter and help themselves,
but it Is not much trouble to let your gardener or your own
children pick up the apples and heap them outside the gate ;
and the pleasure of witnessing the eagerness and thankful
ness with which these appleless children fill their pockets
and caps or come with baskets to carry the fruit to their
mothers quite repays you for the trouble. And the lesson
in kindness thus taught your own children is of more value
than the apples would be In the market. And further, if
some boys, tempted by the sight of the fruit, should enter
your garden and help themselves, don't drive them away
harshly, accusing them of stealing, or, what is worse, hand
ing them over to an officer to be tried in court and branded
as thieves, and, perhaps, sent to the Reform School. Oh, no ;
reprimand them gently for the trespass on your ground, but
give them of the apples, and your own heart will be the
lighter and your sleep will be the sweeter, and your apples
will taste better for the kindness.
"Sept. 10th. E.B. Chace."
The Rhode Island Woman Suffrage Convention, about
which Mrs. Chace had consulted Mr. Frank J. Garrison,
was held on October 14 and 15 In the Representatives'^
Chamber of the State House, Providence. Mrs. Chace had
prepared an address which was read by John C. Wyman.
[ 314 ]

It was in this October that the silver wedding anniversary
of Mr. and Mrs. Arnold Buffum Chace was celebrated, and
for it Mrs. Chace wrote some verses.
Her great desire to be present so worked on her nerves
that she actually got to crying that day, not being really
sicker than usual, but in fear that she would not be able to
be present. She was, however, taken to -their house in a
wheeled chair, and read these lines :
"Though silver coinage is the ill,
That we are all a dreading,
We gladly come to celebrate.
This pleasant silver wedding.
"Though we protest, both long and loud
Against this silver coining.
We all desire that every cloud
Should have a silver lining.
"If silver, as the standard, works
But evil to a nation,
We like to have our forks and spoons
Of silvery creation.
"But whether gold or silver rules.
In national finances,
'Tis love and love alone controls
A household's circumstances.
"'Tis love alone that makes the home
A mansion of the blest ; ,
'Tis love that makes a warm hearth-stone
, A place of heavenly rest.
[315]

"So children dear, pray never let
Your lamp of love burn low.
As side by side and hand In hand,
Along life's path you go.
"Your children shall arise and bless
Yoiir wise and gentle sway.
As with your love still warm you reach,
Your Golden Wedding day."
After the death of WiUiam H. Holmes, father of her dead
son's betrothed, Mrs. Chace wrote one of the last private
letters which she ever did write with her own hand. It lies
before me as I copy It ; perfectly legible, written in ink, yet
with faintly trembling lines ;
"Valley Falls, 10 — 29 — 96. Dear Clara — We are
thinking tenderly of thee, in this sorrowing time for thee.
And yet, we cannot but feel that. In some respect[s], it is
a relief to thee that the harrowing time is over. Let us hear
from thee often, and, be sure, we carry thee always in our
hearts ; with love. Thine, Mother."
During Mrs. Chace's illness a peculiar sweetness often
pervaded her personality, which seemed to differ a little
from the same quality as shown in her period of strenuous
effort. Her cousin Mary Lee Buffum said, during this last era
of her development, "I have heard that in desperate sickness
the fundamental quality of a person's nature rises to the
surface; the fundamental quality of Elizabeth's nature al
ways was sweetness, and now it makes itself fully evident."
[316]

ARNOLD BUFFUM CH,\CE

Mrs. Anna Aldrlch, one of the younger Abolitionists and
Woman Suffragists of Providence, who had not seen Mrs.
Chace for a year or two, came out one day to the Home
stead; a temporary mental failure had recently become ap
parent in the invalid's speech and manner. I was afraid
Mrs. Aldrlch would be a little shocked or disturbed if she
saw her, so I described the condition as far as seemed best,
telling Mrs. Aldrlch that she would see a very different
woman from the one she had known, and asked her plainly
if she wished to go up to the sickroom. She sat silent for
several minutes and then said quietly, "I am not going to be
satisfied not to see her." We went up and Mrs. Aldrlch sat
down by the couch. I heard that she afterwards said, "I
would not have missed seeing Mrs. Chace for the world, she
was so sweet and lovely." And I myself shall never forget
the beauty of the smile with which Mrs. Chace looked up at
her friend that day.
On November 5th Mrs. Chace contributed a half column
article on Woman Suffrage to the Providence Journal.
Preparation was made to celebrate her ninetieth birthday,
and friends all over the country wrote to her of their inten
tion to make pilgrimage to her home on that day. But
shortly before the time she became more ill, and announce
ment was made, both privately and through the Woman's
Journal, that there could be no such welcome gathering.
When the day came, she saw a few friends and the members
of her immediate family, and a Woman Suffrage Convention
was held in Providence that afternoon and evening In honor
of the day. The home celebration would have been a notable
occasion if the original plan could have been carried out,
and it seems worth while to give a few of the letters which
relate to this festivity which did not come to pass.
[317 ]

Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton to Mrs. Chace
"Nov. 9. Many thanks for your invitation to visit you on
your birthday. I hope I shall feel bright enough to do so,
if not I will send my daughter."
Susan B. Anthony to L. B. C. W.
"Dec. 4, 1896. Your note of yesterday is here this morn
ing at our dear friends, the Garrisons. I shall hope to the
last that Dec. 9th will find your dear mother so far improved
as to enable her to permit Miss [Anna] Shaw and myself to
see her."
Rev. William C. Gannett to Mrs. Chace
"12th mo., 7th, 1896. My May is nearer to you than to
me — in Boston, — but I wish for us both to say the Thank
you and Bless you on your ninetieth birthday. Almost three
thousand more of those 'days and nights' added to the
thirty thousand, to raake your record and title clear ! 32,850,
if I figure rightly.
"If new work is not for you now, the old service abides
and renews itself in the untraced ways."
Edward H. Magill to Mrs. Chace
"12-28, 1896. I ara reaching the period of Ufe when I
can appreciate the remark a dear aged friend made to me
when a small boy, and which I then but little understood:
'Edward,' said he, 'the young are happy only when they
are enjoying themselves, — the old, when they are free frora
pain.' "But as I advance toward the end of all that is of Earth
for me, the dread of death which. In early life, was some
times really fearful with me, is gradually wearing away.
"I have just been getting those glimpses Into the lives
[318]

of Girls In a factory village, which LiUie has been giving us,
and I am sure that such startling revelations as she makes
to us of their inner lives can but be productive of great
good."
Susan B. Anthony' to Mrs. Chace
"Rochester, N. Y., Dec. 29, 1896. This is to say a
Happy New Year to you, since I have heard nothing from
you since that red-letter day of mine — Dec. 9th — when I
had those few blessed interviews with you. I feel sure you
are still lying there so sweetly and lovingly, so brightly ! !
"It was a great pleasure to me to go all round to see my
Octogenarian friends and old co-workers ; Parker Pillsbury
and wife, Armenia S. White of Concord, Maria Mott Davis,
Lucretia Mott's daughter, at West Medford, — then dear
Elizabeth Buffum Chace at Valley Falls, — then Elizabeth
Cady Stanton In New York. Then on my arrival home I
found two had slipped over the big river, — Mrs. Matilda
Anthony Mosher, aged 79, and Miss Maria G. Porter —
91- — who was the head of the Anti-Slavery Society of this
city all through those heroic years.
"I was glad for the little visit with your Lillie and Mary,
but their noble mother was my chief admiration.
"Now, my dear, I hope you won't forget to send your
good contribution to our National treasurer, so as to keep
your name enrolled among our financial saints just as long
as you remain this side. Though I no longer handle the
money that goes into the treasury. It always does me a great
deal of good to read the names of all of our dear old friends
in the financial report, from year to year.
"Well, It was a good meeting we had In Providence, and
a good check you sent to Miss Shaw and me, and a good
visit with you, and also a good one with Miss Eddy and her
sister, Mrs. Harris, — so it was a good time generally, —
[319 ]

always the best those few precious minutes with you, my
dear. So again, a Happy New Year to each and all, — and
yes ! and to Mr. Wyman too."
Mr. Douglass came to see Mrs. Chace several times during
her illness. Once while he was in the house, she discovered
that her nurses were anxious to meet him, so she had them
come and be introduced to hira In her sickroom. A few
minutes later, when he was about to leave, he turned to them
and pointing to her said, in a husky, broken voice, "Take
good care of my patient here."
In his last visit he sat close beside her bed, so that she
could easily hear his voice, and told her that the older he
grew, the more certain he became of an over-ruling Provi
dence and of Immortality. No one that day would have
supposed that he would go first, but he died about six months
later. From her bed of pain went Mrs. Chace's message and
summons as to the woe and evil on the other side of the
globe, and back came the word of counsel from Lucy Stone's
daughter.
Alice Stone Blackwell to Mrs. Chace
"July 23, 1897. It seems to me that a joint protest from
men and women against that Iniquity in India will do away
with the need of a protest from women alone."
In August, 1897, the New England Magazine published a
paper by Mrs. Chace of Rerainiscences of Old Smithfield.
This paper she had prepared by working on It at intervals
for several years ; but no sooner did it appear than she
began to compose a second article, entitled "In Quaker
Days." In this she was obliged to have some intellectual as
well as clerical assistance, but the article was essentiaUy her
own, and was finally published in a Woonsocket journal.
[320]

In Quaker Davs
[Extracts]
"A bitter feeling against the Mother Country still existed
in New England In my childhood and pervaded the Buffum
household. Near the beginning of this century a young
Englishman, apparently of fine character, came to Massachu
setts. He was a Quaker and made some attempts to win
the youngest daughter of WiUiam Buffum.
"But he was an 'old country man,' and my grandfather
discouraged his advances solely on this account, and he had
to obtain a wife elsewhere.
"Years after the English lover was sent away from the
daughter, William Buffum's youngest son William married
a girl whose parents were English. . . . She attended a
Quaker meeting on one occasion and heard a Quaker sermon,
and she was so impressed by the beauty and spirituality of
the faith Inculcated therein that she was converted and joined
the Society of Friends. . . . She captivated my young uncle,
married him, and in due time became the mistress of the
colonial homestead. . . .
"At the time my uncle married this English girl my grand
father had become an old man. Perhaps his prejudices had
grown weaker, so that he did not refuse his consent. More
over, the parental authority was never exerted so strongly
over sons as over daughters. My uncle inherited all his
mother's sweetness of disposition, and in my childhood I was
especially fond of him. His wedding In the Friends' meeting
house was the first one I ever attended, and to it I wore my
first pair of kid gloves [which were green]."
I mention the color here because Mrs. Chace wrote it In
the first draft, but crossed it out afterwards, saying it was
foolish. I was Interested to know that the gloves were green,
[321 ]

having supposed that early Quakers would not wear such a
color. So when I took the sheets to reconstruct the sen
tences, I put that clause back; but, when I returned the
papers to her, she blotted it out again. I corrected the
article several tiraes more, said nothing to her about it, but
each time restored the color, which she erased, until I silently
submitted, and the article was printed without that clause.
During this autumn Captain Wyman's health suddenly
broke. He struggled for two or three months still to go
daily frora Valley Falls to his office in Providence, but in
January, 1898, he gave out corapletely. In June he was
so ill as to be at the point of death for nearly a week.
After that he was never again able to enter Mrs. Chace's
roora, being unable to talk loud enough for her to understand
hira, and a few weeks later he was moved down stairs. And so
these two lived in the same house, never seeing each other for
the last eighteen months of her life. All that time two night
attendants sat up, or reclined fully dressed, through each
midnight unto dawn ; one to guard the feebleness of the man
to whom the old saying was later applied, that "his death had
eclipsed the gaiety of nations " ; the other to care for this
raost majestic woman, who was dying such a long, strange
dying.
Edward Clifford to Mrs. Chace
"Perugia, Italy, 26th Oct., 1897. How long ago it is —
twenty-three years, I think, since you with your Lillie and
Mary met Margaret and me here. And what friends we have
been ever since ! God bless you. I am here for a short holi
day, but I expect to be back in London next week. The
weather is lovely, a glorious blue sky, with a bracing air.
Americans are in the hotel, but alas ! none like you.
"This is only a greeting because I want you to know that
you are in my thoughts and in my prayers. I hope you are
[322 ]

having a quiet, happy, peaceful time, with those whom you
love about you, and the sense of God's presence and blessing."
Mrs. Lucy G. Morse to Mrs. Chace
"Oct. 5th, 1897. I sent thee from Mr. Stockton's, where
I had been on a visit, a copy of my sister's 'Life' of my
Mother. I wish I could happen in upon thee after thou hadst
read the parts which set such memories as thine to work. I
do love to hear thee recall thy experiences, and thy thoughts
are always good to hear."
From a Pencilled Draft in Mrs. Chace's Handwriting
"Dear President McKinley: With a degree of hesitation
to trespass for one moment on your valuable time, I, a
woman of ninety years, do feel strongly impelled to express
my profound and tender respect and admiration for the
marvellous ability, patience, wisdom and conscientiousness
with which you are dealing with the momentous questions
entrusted to you.
"Permit me to assure you that the loftiest moral senti
ment and the best and truest heart of the Nation is with
you ; and that thanks arise therefrom that this great trust
and responsibility were providentially placed in your hands.
Blessed are the peacemakers ; for they shall be called the
chUdren of God.
"In behalf of the young manhood which war would de
moralize, of the human life which war would sacrifice, in
the Interest of all the departments of our country's life, I
pray that even at the eleventh hour your efforts to avert this
great affliction may be" —
A half illegible, incorrectly used word ends this manu
script, the writing of which must have been very difficult;
as at that time, Mrs. Chace had ceased to use her hands
much.
[323]

A letter was prepared, which probably follf>wed this draft
in all its main character and phrasing. Under date of
April 7th, 1898, the Hon. Adin B. Capron, M.C., acknowl
edged the receipt of this letter, and expressed pleasure "to be
the instrument of Its transmission to the President." On
AprU 16th, the President's Secretary wrote cordially to
Mrs. Chace, that her letter had been received, "and the
President has noted its contents with pleasure." The ad
dress of the Secretary's letter shows that Mrs. Chace in hers
had not availed herself of her customary abbreviation, but
had signed it with her full name, Elizabeth Buffum Chace.
In the year 1898 she became entirely bedridden, except
that four or five times she was lifted by a machine and gently
placed In a large easy-chair — the sitting position, however,
hurt her and afterwards the machine was used only to lift her
to another bed, from which she could see the electric cars,
which had been introduced since she had been near enough
to a window to look out. In spite of her helpless condition
she continued to send letters to the Providence Journal. She
did this by scribbling a few words on a slate, from which
and dictation an attendant put the article Into shape for the
press. After the citations which have already been made
from her writings, it is only necessary to give the titles of
some written In this year which have hitherto been unnoted :
Kindergartens, Women and the Constitution, Make the
World Better, Woman Suffrage Testimony, Children In the
Street, Curfew Law.
L. B. C. W. TO Mrs. Chace
"Newport, R. I. [date unknown]. Dear Mother: I hope
thee is sitting up this afternoon. I am lying down most of
the time in my room and resting beautifully. I think of thee
a great deal, and think how sweet thee looks and how patient
thee Is." [324 ]

Edward Clifford to Mrs. Chace
"It is such a long, long time since I heard of you and
yours. I do want one of your daughters to send me a few
lines, If you are scarcely up to writing. I so often think of
you. "At present I am staying with the Duke of Sutherland, —
such an exquisite place as much like Italy as Scotland, with
terrace and gardens and endless flowers.
"I have had a good many American friends with me this
year, but I suppose I must not expect to see thee unless I
come over to Valley Falls.
"The Church Army work gets more and more absorbing,
and we do feel God's care and providence, so miraculous day
by day, though we ought not to wonder at it.
"Margaret and her four little ones are well. God bless
you, dear Mrs. Chace, in body, soul and spirit."
Calvin Fairbank to Mrs. Chace
"My dear friend of Auld Lang Syne: Reading from the
Boston Transcript, which Wm. Lloyd Garrison sends me, the
Oration of Mr. Garrison at Parker Pillsbury's funeral, I was
gratified with Intelligence from this noble son of the old, peer
less hero, that you are still on this side. We are nearly all
dismissed from earth. A little longer and the last of the
Anti-Slavery army will be discharged. I am today, 81 years,
9 months and 10 days In life."
Dr. E. Benjamin Andrews to Mrs. Chace
"Chicago, Sept. 18, 1898. Several weeks ago you were
kind enough to write me a letter, which I prized very much.
At that time it was my Intention before leaving Rhode Island
to make a call upon you, and In this way to thank you for
the letter. I found this impossible, however.
[ 325 ]

"I beg hereby to say that I reciprocate fully all your
expressions of high and kindly regard. I have always thought
and often said that to you, almost more than to any one now
living, Rhode Island is indebted for rebellion against an
effete and harmful conservatism, and for a brave public spirit
in opposition to wrongs. I hope it is a pleasure to you now
to feel that you have accomplished so much in these and other
importan-t ways."
This letter from Dr. Andrews bears strong testimony to
the weight and value of Mrs. Chace's work during his time,
all the more because he probably knew little or nothing of
the long Anti-Slavery labors which had preceded It and which
had certainly done something towards re-forming the Nation.
Frank J. Garrison to Mrs. Chace
"Boston, Dec. 8, 1898. I wish that It were possible for
love and reverence to banish the bodily pain which It grieves
us all to see you compelled to endure. If they could, we
should not be willing to have you leave us before you had
rounded a century."
Baroness Gripenberg to Mrs. Chace
"Finland, Helsingfors, Dec. 16th, 1898. My journal has
grown and gives me rauch work. So has the Women's Associ
ation of which I am the president. . . . The fact that we have
two languages, Swedish and Finnish, here in Finland, makes
my work so trying, as we have to conduct meetings and ar
range lectures, etc., in two languages.
"This year we have had great troubles, because Russia,
to which we belong, wants us to increase our army. Already
now It is a very great burden, for us to keep up an army, as
our population is only about 21/2 millions. We need all our
men for the agricultural work during the short summer. In
[326 ]

January, we shall have an extra Parliament to treat this
question. You know that Finland has a Parliament of Its
own. It is very peculiar for us to read in the foreign news
papers about the Czar's peace manifestation, when he at the
same time, exactly, wants to force us to increase our army.
"At present, we have a very cold and penetrating wind
from the North. But as we have our houses built with very
thick walls, and ovens in every room, we do not feel very
much of the cold indoors, especially when we use birchwood
for the fires. As we are used to the cold from childhood,
we do not mind It so much, and a promenade in the clear
frosty air is rather nice. When we return, we have a pecul
iar, pleasant feeling of warmth. It is so dark now, that in
dear days, we have daylight only between nine and ten in
the morning until two or three o'clock in the evening."
Baroness Gripenberg to Mrs. Chace
Undated. "My journal's name Is Home and Society. It
has, besides the Woman's Cause department, three other de
partments ; the Household, the Gardening, and the Needle
work. I have a very clever weaving-teacher who manages
the weaving department. Many peasant women contribute
articles to the first department. It Is indeed wonderful the
growth of the Idea.
"Dear Mrs. Chace, how sorry I am that America is so far
away. I wish it would be as near to us as Russia is, — Russia,
which I can reach by rail in twelve hours, but where we
Finnish people do not go.
"Remember that your life and work have been and are
still an inspiration to me, as to many others."
After the publication of the Anti-Slavery Standard had
ceased, Aaron M. Powell and his wife became especially active
in work connected with personal morality. The Philanthro
pist was a small monthly which Mr. Powell edited.
[327 ]

Mrs. Anna Rice Powell to Mrs. Chace
"The American Purity Alliance, N. Y., Jan. 14th, 1899.
We very much appreciate your kind letter of encouragement
and the $2.50 enclosed for three renewals of The Philanthro
pist. We feel very much alone In this work at times, and
such a Godspeed as yours means a great deal to us."
Mrs. Lucy G. Morse to Mrs. Chace
"February 3rd, 1899. I am so proud and touched because
thou hast been reading my book again ! I do wish Mr. Wyraan
and Lillie could happen in on us this evening. Mr. HoweUs
and the Stocktons are coming. Tell Mr. Wyman that my
husband and I lunched in company with Joseph Choate re
cently, and he was delightful. I remember times when
Mr. Wyman held a circle including him and my uncle John
Hopper fairly spellbound by his conversation, stories and
wit." Baroness Gripenberg to ]Mrs. Chace
"Helsingfors, Finland, Feb. 16th, 1899. Thank you so
much for your letter and the touching picture. It is won
derful how well you keep up. Nothing but a strong soul
and belief In God can raake life endurable during such cir
cumstances. "You ask me about our political conditions. They are
very sad indeed. The czar, who arouses the world's admira
tion by his peace manifestation, at the same time forces
upon Finland aU kinds of Illegalities, to make us increase
our army. If the new laws he wishes to have passed wiU
be confirmed, the majority of our youth wiU be sent for
five years to the south of Russia and to Caucasia to serve
their time as soldiers. Fancy sending boys of eighteen years
for five years to a foreign country, with different reUgion,
different language, and the Russian army discipline! Be-
[ 328 ]

sides that, it means ruin to our little country with its hard
climate and scanty population, to have the majority of its
men sent away to the army. The czar's peace manifestation
is a bitter irony; only diplomacy, nothing more.
"I do not approve of  's attitude in several questions,
as I think we 'women's rights' women' must be attentive
concerning our own conduct, when we claim reforms In the
public morals. You ask If we have the state regulation of
vice. Not exactly. Our constitution strictly forbids it, but
sometimes the local authorities are able to introduce it, in
a certain form. We have to be on a constant lookout.
"The little girl I took care of Is now fifteen. She has
never been living with me, but with one of my married sis
ters, who had adopted her two elder sisters. My sister could
not afford to adopt the third girl, and so I promised to
pay for her, and give her education. She goes to a co-educa
tional lyceum, and will pass her first examination to the
university, after four years.
"I wonder if you have got the papers I sent you. I hope
to get soon a new photograph of myself, and that I will
send you. You will scarcely know me. The climate makes
us early look old, and the stoutness is a common curse among
us, especially for those who have work like mine, much writ
ing, proof-reading and night work.
"I follow everything going on in America with great
interest, -and like my Woman's Journal very much.
"God bless you, dear Mrs. Chace."
Mrs. Lucy G. Morse to Mrs. Chace
"N. Y., May 24th, 1899. My darling. Thy pencilled note
is very precious to me. Thy thought of us is most beauti
ful and thy blessing is the crowning glory of our preparation.
The other day I presided at the last Board Meeting of our
colored kindergarten, and was presented with a beautiful
[329 ]

steamer rug, which twelve colored women had bought for
me. Now thee has earned that sort of thing a thousand
times over, but I have not and I was overwhelmed.
"This is only a wee bit of a love-letter. Let Lillie smile
at us — and give her my dear love for her smile, — and just
tell thy dear family that our sentiment for each other is
chronic." Again on June 22wd Mrs. Morse writes :
"We are going with gifts and good wishes from many
dear friends, but the best thing we take Is thy blessing."
Penciled Note from Mrs. Chace to Mrs. Mary C.
Tolman
"8—4—99. — Dear Mary. — I was glad to learn that thee
and Elizabeth thought of coming up . . . so, let us expect
you early next week. I ara glad Lillie Is so much better.
Much love to her and all the rest.
" Cotton business Is good ! ! ! "Aff'y "Mother"
The letter from which an extract Is given below I think
was not brought to the invalid's consideration.
Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton to Mrs. Chace
"Dec. 8th, 1899. I send you a specimen of my early
speeches, that you may judge whether they are worth re
publishing for our descendants to read."
Some verses written by William L. Garrison for his
friend's ninety-third birthday were received on December 9th,
but, although she was told of thera, it was too late to read
them to her.

[330]

Frank J. Garrison to L. B. C. W.
"Dec. 13th, 1899. 1 learned from William that your dear
Mother was released yesterday. She and Mr. May have
passed through the gate very nearly together, and another
faithful Abolitionist on the other side of the water — EUza
Wigham — has also recently gone."
Edward H. Magill to Mrs. Mary C. Tolman
"Dec. 14th, 1899. How I wish It were my lot to be with
you tomorrow, but that may not be. I ain so glad that
Wm. L. Garrison is to be there."
Mrs. Lucy G. Morse to Mrs. Mary C. Tolman
"December 14th, 1899. I learned last evening that thy
dear mother had gone, and with the knowledge it seemed as
if a light had gone out which I shall always miss, and I know
that her absence takes from me an enthusiasm in life which
it is hard to spare. With a feeling of nearness to you all,
Thy loving friend."
Thomas Wentworth Higginson to L. B. C. W.
"Dec. 14th, 1899. Dear Lillie: Thank you for thinking
of me. I had seen the notice of your Mother's passing on,
and it seemed almost the last link with my elders and betters
in the work of reform. It always did me good to know that
she was there ; and I should go to the funeral service if health
permitted. "I remember your Mother's showing me scrap books of
your grandfather Arnold Buffum's newspaper writings. As
the collection is, of course, unique, would it not be well to
idd them to the great collection of Anti-Slavery MSS. and
nemorials which Frank Garrison is giving to the Boston
Public Library? I am making some additions to it."
[331 ]

Mrs. Julia Ward Howe to L. B. C. W.
"241 Beacon Street, Dec. 20th, 1899. It is indeed a sor
rowful thought that we shall not see again in this world the
face of your beloved Mother. Hers was an august presence,
and raust be so reraerabered by all who were fortunate enough
to know her.
"I always valued her kind regard for me, and was glad
to respond to her summons when she would call upon me
to speak for Suffrage. I remember too how she stood by
me at the Prison Congress in London, asking that I might
be heard.
" She has been such a central figure of Interest to her
family and many friends that she will be much missed. I
sympathize sincerely In the pain you and yours must feel
at the severance of so dear a tie."

I do not wish to claim too much as I now end my account
of Mrs Chace In her capacity both of woman and of citizen,
but I feel that I ara not exaggerating when I say that no
future scholar who would learn, no future historian who
would report the sources of Influence In New England and
especially in Rhode Island between the years 1830 and 1900,
can afford to leave unnoted the life of Elizabeth Buffum
Chace. She did not always shape the sentences which she
wrote in the best literary style ; she even made an occasional
grammatical error, which I have allowed to stand as I found
it; she held some opinions which were Inadequate to their
subject, and some which were not quite up to the level of the
highest thought of her period ; but she honestly and steadily
endeavored after righteousness, did the work which seemed to
her most needed, and thus fulfiUing the noblest duty of the
citizen she advanced the civilization of her country.
[332 ]

INDEX TO MEMOIRS

In indexing we have sometimes introduced
slightly irrelevant but interesting items ; and
we have used "Mrs." in indexing the names
of women whom we Imow to be married but
do not know the husband's name. + means
additional mention on the page.
Adams, Abig:ail
[Wife of John], II: 313.
Adams, Capt. Albert !Eg:ertoii
Masked ball, II: 35; 36.
Adams, Charles Francis
Biographer of R. H. Dana, 1 : 250.
Adams, George James
I: 160.
Adams, John
Second Pres. U. S., II: 313.
Adams, John Quincy
"Defender of the right," I: 41; A. S. in
terview with Arnold Buffum, 60 ; believed
that in case of war Federal Government had
full power to emancipate slaves, 216—7 ; opin
ions quoted by Liberator^ 225 ; his emancipa
tion theory questioned, 248.
Adams, Mrs. 
I: 188.
Adams, Mary H.
[Wife c* George James], I: 176-7.
Adams, Robert
Conductor on underground R. R., II: 265—9.
Adamsj William
Delegate from R. I. to World's A. S. Conv.,
I: 78.
Adler, Felix
Heard and described by E. B. C, II: 104-5 ;
cannot recommend a certain person for Supt.
of State Home and Sch., 248.
Adler, Mrs. Felix
II: 248,
Albert Edward, Prince of Wales
II: 8; Prison Congress delegates selected to
meet him, 15 ; at a soiree, 16 ; disapproved
of by P. A. Taylor, 19.

Albright, Arthur
II: 2.
Alcott, Amos Bronson
I: 109.
Alcott, Louisa M.
Her Flower Fables, I: 131.
Aldricli, — ¦
Five brothers marry the five Arnold girls,
II: 285.
Aldrich, Anna [Gladding]
[Wife of Elisha], possible substitute on
Woman's Board, II : 72 ; calls at Homestead,
317.Aldrich, Nelson W.
[Senator from R. I.], evasive reply to S. B.
Anthony, II: 214.
Alexandra (Caroline Marie Charlotte
liOuise Julie), Princess of Wales
II: 8.
Allen, Walter
Marries one of Wm. Buffum's daughters,
I: 6.
AUingham, William
Irish poet, acquaintance with E. B, C.'s
party, II: 11.
Ames, Rev. Charles G.
Friendly letter to E. B. C, II: 293-4; men
tioned with wife, 294.
Ames, Hon. Oakes
Delegate to interview with Lincoln, Jan. 25,
1863, I: 249.
Andersen, Hans Christian
His books, I: 131.
Andrews, Pres. !E. Benj.
First efforts to establish a Woman's College
in connection with Brown University in
Prov., II: 251; interest in E. B. C.'s effort
to discourage use of tobacco, 286-7 ; his
estimate of E. B. C.'s work in R. I., 325-6.
Anglesey, Marquis and Marchioness of
II: 22.
Anthony, Adam
Friendship with E. B. C. ; second marriage ;
his opinion of Consuelo, 1 : 127-8.

[333 ]

Anthony, Charlotte Benson
[Wife of Henry], I: 136.
Anthony, Henry
Marries Charlotte Benson, I: 136; not in
much sympathy with Garrison's opinions, 137.
Anthony. Hon. Henry Bowen
Approaching retirement from Senate, II : 54 ;
62; 213.
Anthony, Joseph
Uncle of E. B. C, I: 26, 136.
Anthony, Martha
[Wife of Adam], I: 128.
Anthony, Mary Gould
[Dau. of John Gould and wife of Joseph],
I: 26; 136.
Anthony, Susan
[Sister of Adam], anecdote, I: 127.
Anthony, Susan Brownell
Prominent in Nat'l W. S. Assn., I: 310;
opposes 15th amendment, 316 ; residuary lega
tee in Mrs. Eddy's will, II: 169; effort to
get details of W. S. movement in R. I., 185 ;
untiring activity in behalf of W. S. ; -|-,
190-1 ; urges attendance at Wash. Conv., 212 ;
sends E. B. C. copies of letters from Senators
Chace and Aldrich on W. S. amendment,
213-14 ; urges E. B. C. to send paper to be
read at Conv., 235; 294; anecdote, 303 ; 306 ;
hopes to see E. B. C. on her birthday, 318 ;
rejoices in recent visits to old friends, 319.
Argy le, George Douglas Campbell,
eighth Duke of
Invites Wm. Bradford to his castle, II: 24.
Arnold, Alexander S.
1 : 288 ; believes Samuel Oliver Chase could
organize temperance work in Valley Falls,
293-4. Arnold, Cyrus
Mentioned with daughters, II: 285.
Arnold, Judge Peleg
II: 285.
Arnold, Thomas
[Half-brother of Grandmother Buffum],
I: 151.
Ashley, Caroline
Mentioned in reminiscence, II : 238.
Atkinson, Charles
Visited by Arnold Buffum, I: 89.
Augustine, Saint, L. Aurelius Augus-
tinus
Subject of lecture, II : 108.
Auld, Bowena Hamilton
[Second wife of Thomas], II: 135.
Auld, Thomas
[Old master of Frederick Douglass], II: 135.

Austin, George Ii.
Biographer of Wendell Phillips, quotations
from, I: 82-4.
Austin, Samuel
Obtains use of Quaker Meeting House for
Peace Meeting, I: 288.
Baker, ^^
A R. I. legislator, II: 165.
Baker, IL. E.
Tries to make appointment for E. B. C. to
meet Mr. Chapin, II: 288-9.
Baker, M. E.
Matron of long experience in reformatory
institutions approves E. B. C.'s theories,
II: 87.
Ballou, Adin
Inspiring genius of Hopedale community,
1 : 121 ; considered as A. S. speaker for Prov.
meetings, 182; 186.
Ballou, Amos
Cumberland farmer, brother-in-law of Abby
Kelley, 1 : 121.
Ballou, B. A.
Mentioned, II: 222.
Ballou, G. C.
Redeems pledge made to Abby Kelley Fos
ter, I: 168.
Ballou, Hosea
Founder of the Universalist Church, 1 : 121.
Ballou, Joanna
[Wife of Amos], her personality; help to
her sister, Abby Kelley ; her home, 1 : 121—2 ;
mentioned, II: 282.
Barbieri, Lieut. Enrico
His love affair, II : 37 ; result of conflict
with Clericals, 39—40 ; Catholicism, comment
on the king, 40-1.
Barker. Mrs. Catherine J.
Gives anecdote of pro-slavery in J*rov., ber
father's course, II: 273.
Barker, Ellen
Visits E. B. C. ; describes housekeeping
methods of E. B. C. and S. B. C, I: 29;
later marries Christy Davis.
Barran, John
[Mayor of Leeds], entertains E. B. C.'s party
at his house, II: 20.
Barry, Miss ¦
Sings at memorial meeting for Wendell
Phillips, II : 180.
Bartlett, Jennie B.
[Wife of Capt. John R., U. S. N.], thought
ful kindness, II: 311.
Bartlett, John B.
Sec'y of State of R. I. (1870), I: 334.

[334]

Bartlett, Otis
Marries Wm. Buffum's dau., I: 6; second
wedding, 17.
Bartol, Cyrus A., B.D.
Radical Club, 1 : 306 ; speaks at Edward G.
Chace's funeral, 342.
Barton, Mrs. 
Sister of Abby Kelley Foster, II: 228-9.
Beecher, Rev. Henry Ward
I: 150; advocates W. S., 304.
Beede, Mary
Christian character, I: 19.
Benson, Charlotte
[Sister of Helen Eliza Benson], I: 136.
See Anthony, Charlotte B.
Benson, Helen Eliza
I: 136. See Garrison, Helen E.
Bird, Francis W.
Delegate to interview with Lincoln, Jan. ,
1863; believed Lincoln "ignored moral forces
as having anything to do with the govern
ment of the world," I: 249.
Birney, Mr. 
[Probably son of James G.].
See appendix to Vol. I.
Birney, Mrs. 
[Probably widow of James G.], I: 209.'
Bismarck, Otto Edouard Leopold, Prince
Ton,
II : 34 ; policy characterized by Baroness
Gripenberg, 250.
Blackwell, Alice Stone
Mother's solicitude, II : 189 ; 228 ; message to
her mother through E. B. C, 295; advises
joint protest by men and women, 320.
Blackwell, Mrs. Antoinette Brown
Sole signer with Lucy Stone to W. R.
petition, I: 290.
Blackwell, Henry B.
II: 180; 188; relations to his wife, 220;
speaks at Abby Kelley Foster's funeral, 229 ;
+ ; sends message to wife through E. B. C,
295.Blaine, James G.
H: 190.
Blair, Montgomery
Advocates colonization, I: 244.
Blaisdell, F. D.
Supt. R. I. State Farm, sends details of
State Farm management to E. B. C, II: 71-2.
Blavatsky, Madame
[Helena Petrovna Hahn-Hahn] , described
and discredited by M. D. Conway, II: 207.
Bolles, Mrs. Ellen K.
II: 305.

Boodry, 
Tyrannical overseer, I: 41.
Booth, Edwin
In Boston, I: 344.
Borden, Nathaniel B.
Delegate to A. S. Conv., I: 48; on the
right side, 49 ; goes with Arnold Buffum
among colored people, 58 ; " beloved co
worker," 64; keeper of station on under
ground R. R., II: 265.
Borden, Sarah Gould [Buffum]
[Wife of Nath'l B.], death of, effect upon
Chace family, 1 : 129 ; early friend of Doug
lass, II : 139 ; keeper of station on under
ground R. R., 265.
See Buffum, Sarah G.
Bos well, James
L. B. C. reads his Life of Johnson, 1 : 203.
Botume. Elizabeth
Relates experience among colored people,
II : 209-10.
Bourne, Augustus O.
Nominee for Gov. of R. I., 1883, asked for
views on W. S., II: 174.
Bowdltch, Dr. Henry I.
II: 180.
Bowditch, William I.
II : 191.
Bowen, Abm.
Delegate to A. S. Conv., I: 48.
Boyden, Rev. John
Vice-Pres. R. I. Woman Suffrage Assn.
(1868), I: 311.
Bradford, William
Quaker painter of arctic scenery, takes E.
B. C.'s sons to Labrador, I: 275-6; visits
Marquis of Lome, receives invitation to Duke
of Argyle's castle ; entertains Henry M.
Stanley, II : 24 ; takes E. B. C. to hear
Spurgeon ; Langham Studio, Labrador paint
ings, 48.
Bradley, Judge C. S.
Interested in starting a woman's college in
connection with Brown University, II: 166.
Breed, Daniel
Acknowledges gift for freedmen, anecdote,
comments on Pres. Johnson (1866), I: 287.
Bremer, Fredrika
Character and appearance, I: 114, 150, 151.
Brigham, Mrs. Dora
[Dau. Father Taylor], I: 297; 298.
Bright, Jacob
[Brother of John], II: 29; 190; E. B. C.'s
book recalls his acquaintance with A. S,
movement, approves of W. R. movement, 276.

[335 ]

Bright, John
1 : 244 ; 345 ; bust of, II : 182.
Bronson, A,
Delegate to A. S. Conv., 1 : 48 ; adopts im
mediate emancipation principle, 49.
Brooks, Phillips
Quoted, II: 291.
Brooks, Preston S.
II : 25 ; door by which he entered to as
sault Sumner shown E. B. C. ; +, 133.
Brown, Annie
[Dau. of John]. See appendix. Vol. I.
Brown, Caroline Bartlett
[Wife of Isaac], characterizes the Buffum
family, I: 6; cousin of E. B. C, friendship
with, 126-7 ; II : 28.
Brown, Elizabeth
II: 238.
Brown, Frederick
[Brother of John], visits E. B. C, tribute
to Mrs. John Brown, admires Mrs. Spring,
anecdote, 1 : 207 ; to speak at Pawtucket,
212. See appendix, Vol. I.
Brow^n, Jason
[Son of. John], pioneer Kansas settler, lov
ing tribute from his father, "on the right
side of things in general," I: 209.
Brown, John
Day of execution (Dec. 2, 1859), I: 200;
his approaching doom, mentioned in E. B.
C.'s Reminiscences, incidents on Dec. 2, 206—7 ;
unselfishness of his men, his plans somewhat
known by Phillips, 208 ; sings hymns in
prison, loving tribute to his son Jason, ex
tract from letter to Mrs. Spring, 209—10 ;
"John Brown Year," 245. See appendix.
Vol. I ; his biography by R. D. Webb, II : 6 ;
his funeral sermon preached by Joshua Young,
256 ; 272.
Brown, Dr. John
Author of "Rab and His Friends," anecdote,
II: 23.
Brown, Mary E. [Day]
[Wife of John] , tribute from Frederick
Brown, 1 : 207. See appendix. Vol. I.
Brown, Rebecca Bartlett
[Widow of John D.]j cousin of E. B. C,
1 : 126—7 ; mentioned for appointment on
Board of Lady Visitors to institutions where
women and children were confined, 333 ;
writes about E. B. C.'s book, II: 278.
Brown, Sarah
[Dau. of John]. See appendix. Vol. I.
Brown, Theophilus
Friend of J. 0. W., II: 4.

Brown, William Wells
Delegate to Peace Congress, visits E. B. C,
racial intermarriage question, raises colored
recruits, I: 142-3; work in R. I., consults
E. B. C. about lecture dates, goes to Ohio,
agent of Am. A. S. Soc, 172-4; 175.
Browns [The, of East Greenwich], A. S. workers,
II: 238.
Browning, Robert
II: 11.
Bruce, Thomas
[Eng. Home Sec'y], received ceremoniously
at Prison Cong,, II: 14.
Bryce, Eliza
A. S. worker, 1 : 87.
Bucklin, Ben
Kindness during Samuel O. Chace's last ill
ness, I: 296.
Bucklin, Mrs. 
Mentioned for appointment on Board of Lady
Visitors to institutions where women and
children are confined, 1 : 333.
Bucklin, Sarah
Represents Goddess of Liberty in tableaux,
I: 117.
See Mann, Sarah B.
Bufflngton, Susan
Marries Oliver Chace, goes to housekeeping
in the carpenter shop; +, I: 22.
See Chace, Susan B.
Buffum, Anne Vernon
Goes to Europe with E. B. C, II: 3; 22;
27; 74; 201.
Buffum, Arnold
[B. Smithfield, R. I., 1782, d. Perth Amboy,
N. J., March, 1859], marries Rebecca Gould,
his ancestry, 1 : 3—5 ; brothers and sisters ;
brings wife home ; birth of dau. Elizabeth ;
Buffum characteristics, 6 ; a Federalist ; an
inventor, his patents bear autograph signa
ture of Thos. Jefferson ; business ; other in
terests, 7 ; moves to Smithfield ; +, 9 ; fails
in business; +,10; moves to Conn.; teaches
Non- Conformity to his children, 13 ; indignant
at harsh treatment of pauper; -|-, 15.
A lover of books, his library ; reads novel,
15—17 ; will not take Elizabeth to the theater,
17 - 18 ; 20 ; business trips to Europe ; ac
quaintance with Amelia Opie and Lafayette ;
establishes "infant schools" in Fall River,
21 ; ^ 23 ; consents to Elizabeth's engagement to
Samuel B. Chace, 24 ; in Paris at time of
wedding, celebrates afar off ; +, 25.
Lecturing agent and first Pres. of N. E. A.

[336

S. Soc. ; active in temperance work ; busi
ness in Phila. ; tries to invent rotary steam
engine ; + ; lives on 75c. per week ; estab
lishes a home, 30 ; care for his wife ; so
licitude about E. B. C, 34; one of twelve
men to organize N. E. A. S. Soc; +, 44;
spealts at Uxbridge; +, 46; with fugitive
slaves, 50 ; addresses A. S. meeting, 54.
Social relations with colored people, 58 ;
goes to see J. Q. Adams ; evades pro-slavery
postal regulations ; vital interests ; a stimu
lus to E. B. C, 60-1 ; 69 ; 74 ; agent of A. S.
Soc. , 78 ; joins voting Abolitionists, holds
peace principles, 85 ; compliments his wife,
takes her with him on lecture trips ; experi
ences ; + , 85-6, 88-92; edits Protectionist,
his politics opposed by E. B. C, 87-8; asks
E. B. C. for poem for paper, 91.
Reads Combe on " The Constitution of Man,"
91 ; pities the suffering of one who had
wronged him, 92 ; 100 ; held in high estima
tion by Mr, Chace, 118 ; goes into Liberty
Party, to Garrison's regret ; held in grateful
remembrance by Garrison, 137 ; tells of ex
traordinary ideas about the colored race ;
contrasts Quaker meeting with colored Meth
odist meeting, 150 ; interest in Spiritualism,
151 ; attitude towards churches, 152.
Health and tranquillity, 153 ; lives at Rari-
tan Bay Union, visit frpm E. B. C, 155, 157;
religious feeling ; tribute to Geo. Fox, 158-9 ;
illness ; affectionate tribute from Garrison,
159; tribute from E. B. C, 161; associa
tion with Peleg Clark, 198 ; death of, 198,
199 ; tribute frora J. Swain, 308.
II: 21; 27; in Conn., 89; grandfather of
L. B. C, 100; mentioned by AV. P. Garrison,
223-4 ; A. S. anecdotes of childhood, 260-1 ;
becomes an Immediate Emancipationist, 261—2 ;
visits Valley Falls, faints while speaking at
political meeting, 269-70 ; 272 ; honored by
Mrs. Nichol, 276 ; A. S. labors remembered,
295 ; his newspaper writings, 331.
Buffum, Benjamin
I: 255-6.
Buffum, David
Abominates slavery, but feels A. S. speakers
too harsh in tone ; anecdote showing himself
an Immediate Emancipationist ; feeling about
Nebraska bill ; anecdote of father, 1 : 167, 168 ;
sends money to E. B. C. for A. S. work, 176.
Buffum, Edward Gould
J : 7 ; interest in Roman Catholicism, 70 ;
92 ; 93 ; reminiscence, 100 ; brings birds from

California ; becomes Paris correspondent of
N. Y. Herald, 203 ; in Germany, 288 ; II : 27.
Buffum, Elizabeth
[B. Prov., R. I., Dec, 9, 1806, marries Sam
uel B. Chace, June, 1828, d. Dec. 12, 1899] ;
birth, ancestry, 1 : 1—4 ; unites qualities of
Lydia Arnold and Margaret Osborne, 5 ; Buffum
harvest feast ; general influences surrounding
her childhood, 5-7 ; earliest remembrance,
7-8 ; attends school ; Quaker dress ; childish
experiences, 8-9 ; religious ideas ; hopes for
miracle through prayer, 8—12 ; meets Wm.
Ellery Channing, D,D,, his kindness, 12-13.
Removes to Conn. ; school experiences be
cause of Non-Conformity principles ; stanch
belief in Quakerism, 13-14 ; specimen of her
literary style and exalted sentiments at 15 ;
temperament ; intimacy with sister Sarah ;
^'isits Leicester relatives ; reading opportuni
ties and restrictions, 14—16, 17,
Sympathy with Geo. D, Prentice's romance ;
wants to see Mathews act (in later life
goes to theater) ; association with boy
cousins ; her composition published in Manu
facturer's Journal, 16-18; youthful admirers;
takes care of Grandmother Buffum ; goes to
Friends' Sch, in Prov. ; makes acquaintance
with Chace family, 18.
Moral reflections ; family incidents, 19 ; re
moves to Fall River, occupations, 20 ; teaches
school, +, 21; engaged to Samuel Buffing-
ton Chace, 24 ; wedding preparations ; mar
ried when 21 ; personal appearance, 25,
See Chace, Elizabeth Buffum.
Buffum. Horace
Helps E. B. to her first publication, 1 : 17,
Buffum, James N.
Guesf of Jacob Bright, II: 276.
Buffuni, Joseph
First settler of the family in R. I., I: 3;
4; 6.
Buffum, Lucy
[Dau, of Arnold], I: 7; II: 252,
See Lovell, Lucy B.
Buffum, Lydia
[Dau, of Arnold], younger sister of E. B.,
I ; 7 ; helps E, B. C, keep house, 28 ; 40 ;
teaches school of white and colored children,
48; suggests petition against "Patton's reso
lution," 49 ; prominent in A. S. work, 51 ;
interest in fugitive slave girl, 61 ; 71 ; enjoys
lecture in N, Y., 88; hears Douglass, 143-4.
See Read, Lydia Buffum,
Buffum, Lydia Arnold
[Wife of Wm,], character, anecdotes, I: 4-5;

[337]

household, 6 ; E. B, her favorite grandchild,
7 ; takes E. B. home ; First Day hospitality ;
anecdote, 10-11 ; 18 ; 151 ; II : 162 ; 285.
Buffum, Maria
I: 209.
Buffum, Marian
[Wife of Wm. Arnold], II: 27,
Buffum, Margaret Osborne
[Wife of Joseph], dominant character,
mother of fourteen children, brings up others,
adopts Quakerism, 1 : 3-4 ; contrasted with
Lydia Arnold Buffum, 5 ; 6.
Buffum, Mary Lee
II: 74; comments on E. B. C's nature, 316.
Buffum, Patience
Marries Pliny Earle, I: 6.
Buffum, Rebecca
[Dau. of Arnold], I: 7; 23; 35; teaches in
Uxbridge, interest in fugitive slave Susan,
44-7 ; sweetness of character ; moral and
intellectual courage, 47.
See Spring, Rebecca Buffum.
Buffum, Rebecca Gould
[Wife of Arnold], I: 6; 8; truthful charac
ter, 9 ; 19 ; beauty in age, 21 ; unable to
meet exposure in winter, 34 ; accompanies
husband on A, S. lecturing trips ; anecdotes ;
fortitude, arouses her husband's admiration,
85-6 ; traveling experiences, 88-9 ; husband's
devotion ; illness, learns to be philosophical,
-h, 90-91 ; 110 ; daughter's reminiscence, 148 ;
health, 153; at R. B. U,, 155; 161; remem
bered by Garrison, 260 ; 288 ; message frora
the Garrisons, 337 ; II : 269,
Buffum, Sarah Gould
[Dau. of Arnold], E. B.'s intiraate sister,
1 : 7 ; 8 ; 15 ; 16 ; love affairs, 18 ; neglect
of E. B., +, 19; Quaker milliner, 20; A. S.
worker, 48, 49, 51-2 ; 60 ; anecdote, II : 263.
See Borden, Sarah Gould.
Buffum, Thomas
Refuses promotion to a higher court, I: 5.
Buffum, William
[Grandfather of E. B, C], proprietor Buffum
Homestead ; character ; anecdotes, 1 : 4-6 ;
8 ; hospitality, 11 ; industries, constructs
aqueduct, 12 ; likes Mr. Chace, 24-5 ; A. S.
record, II: 260; disliked Englishmen, 321.
Buffum, William, Jr.
I: 5; favorite uncle of E. B,, 6; marries
into an English family, II: 321,
Buffum, William Arnold
[Son of Arnold], I: 7; infancy, 19 ; taught
by E, B., 21; joins father in Phila,, 30;

Universalisra, 69 ; 70 ; 100 ; in Paris, II : 27 ;
affection for E. B. C, "too busy to be ill,"
213.Burgess Sisters
Of Little Compton, II: 238.
Burleigh, Celia
[Wife of Wm, Henry], accepts Mrs. Davis'
idea that Sorosis should hold a Congress,
I: 314.
Burleigh, Charles C.
Interest in slave cases, 1 : 58—9 ; descrip-
don ; anecdotes, 138-9 ; consults E. B. C.
about lectures at Valley Falls, 165 ; 172 ;
tireless lecturer, 173, 178, 179, 180, 181,
186, 199.
Burleigh, Cyrus M.
I: 100; influences E. B. C.'s theology, 103;
requests assistance from Mr. Chace and E. B.
C. for Penn. A. S. fair, 164.
Burleigh, George S.
Reads Wordsworth to L. B. C, I: 202.
Burleigh, Margaret
[Widow of Cyrus M.], I: 346.
Burns, Anthony
Fugitive slave given up to Virginia claimant
(May, 1854), important incident in arousing
A. S. feeling, 1 : 117 ; 166 ; 171 ; II : 268.
Burnside, Gen. Ambrose Everett
His proclaraation condemned by Pillsbury,
1 : 229 ; candidate for U. S. Senatorship,
characterization, II: 54; assists Col. Higgin
son, 62.
Burrage, Julia S.
[Wife of Edward], E. B. C.'s book recalls
A. S. raeraories, II: 277,
Butler, Gen. Benjamin Franklin
Quoted, 1 : 216 ; holds theory of state sui
cide, 239 ; Garrison doubts whether he agrees
with Phillips about amnesty message, 269 ;
childish comment. 262 ; appendix, Vol. I ;
his yacht America, II: oS : 131; defends
Mrs. Eddy's will in court, 169.
Butler, Josephine
[Wife of Canon Butler], leader in English
fight against white slavery ; her book, II : 215.
Cameron, Simon
Sec'y of War in Lincoln's Cabinet, his rec
ommendation to arm the slaves, I: 227.
Campbell, 3Irs. 
II: 78; 170.
Campbell. Hon. Dudley
Speaks at reception to Col. Higginson, II : 10.
Campbell, Mrs. Helen
II: 200.

[338

Campbell, Thomas
His verse recited by Arnold Buffum's daugh
ters, I: 16.
Capron, Hon. Adin B.
Forwards E. B. C.'s letter to Pres. McKinley,
II : 324.
Capron, Effingham Ii.
I: 162.
Carey, William
II: 289.
Carlyle, Thomas
H: 11.
Carnarvon, Earl of
Chairman of Prison Cong., II: 12.
Carnegie, Andrew
II: 1-2: 8; takes E. B. C.'s party to
Evans' supper room ; +, 9 ; 74 ; his use of
money, suffers from labor troubles, 288.
Carnegie,  — ¦
[Wife of Andrew], II: 288.
Carnegie, Mrs. Margaret
Strong minded, II : 1 ; chaperons C. M.
Holmes, 8 ; 9 ; at the Homestead, 74.
Carpenter, Elizabeth Buffum
Namesake of E. B. C, I: 69.
Carpenter, Mary
Presides over woman's work section in Prison
Cong., II: 17; reports its action to E. B. C,
18-19. Carpenter, Mary Arnold
[Wife of Seba], friendship with E. B. C,
I: 69.
Carpenter, Seba
I: 69.
Carr, Emma
Appointed cottage matron of State Home and
Sch. (1889) ; character ; reports cruelties at
the Sch. to E. B. C, H: 243; assisted by
E. B. C, 292-3.
Cartland, Gertrude Whittier
[Wife of Joseph], cousin of J. G. Whittier,
11 : 279-80.
Cartland, Joseph
II: 279-80.
Caswell, Dr. Alexis
[Pres. Brown Univ., 1868], feels he cannot
unite in call for VV. S. Conv., I: 310-11.
Chace, Abby
[Wife of George I.], I: 194; plans visit to
State Farm with E. B. C, 342; furnishes
material for "The Child of the State," II: 88.
Chace, Adelia Bartlett
[Second child of S. B. and E. B. C], birth,
her mother's memory of, 1 : 33 ; anecdotes,
37-8; 70.

Chace, Anna Earle
[Wife of Harvey], hesitates between Gur-
neyites and Wilburites, I: 104-5.
Chace, Arnold Buffum
[B, Valley Falls, R. I., Nov. 11, 1845;
seventh child of S. B. and E. B. C], I: 34;
99 ; taken to meeting with his father, 109 ;
takes part in A. S. dialogue written by his
mother, 117 ; 122 ; has few intimate friends ;
social needs not understood by mother, 125 ;
early education with governess; -f, 130-1;
contest with mother, 132-3 ; naturally sympa
thetic to his mother ; devotion to his brother
Sam, 133 ; goes to boarding school at Hope-
dale, brings home new notions, 133-4.
At Eagleswood (Raritan Bay Union) with
mother, incidents, 155-7 ; tutored by Mr.
Magill, 202 ; enters Brown University ; choice
of reading, 203 ; home life and tasks, 204 ;
affectionate letter from mother while at Hope-
dale Sch., 210-12.
Announces village preparations for war, 213 ;
219 ; walk with Garrison ; -|-, 223 ; 227 ; 241 ;
252 ; goes to Labrador with Wm. Bradford,
urged by mother to send letters to the papers,
275 ; invested with responsibility to the pub
lic, 276.
Temperance work, 289 ; 290 ; college success,
294 ; missed by his brother Sam, 295 ; Sam's
admiration of, 296 ; remembered by Lucy
Stone, 303 ; gets up Sunday lecture courses
in Prov., 305; gives temperance lectures,
313 ; 324 ; interchange of courtesies with
Garrison, 339 ; receives congratulations on
his approaching raarriage, 347-8 ; marries
Eliza Chace Greene; +, 349.
II : 5 ; cap and gown, 6 ; 31 ; 32 ; 45 ; helps
form Prov. Free Religious Soc. (1873-74), 51;
141 ; changes in residence, devotion to mother,
trip to Europe, 162 ; 166 ; 181 ; 188 ; men
tioned with his family, 195 ; 198 ; 203 ; 238 ;
256; makes flag, 270; E. B. C.'s favorite com
panion, 299 ; 302 ; 311 ; silver wedding, 315,
Chace, Arnold Buffum, Jr.
[B. Aug, 14, 1872], II: 26; 27-8; his nam
ing, 31 ; 32 ; 34 ; 53 ; 187.
Chace, Asenath
I: 36; 68.
Chace, Camilla H.
II: 48.
Chace, Edward Gould
[B. Valley Falls, R. I., March 17, 1849, d.
Valley Falls, April 23, 1871 ; ninth child of
S. B. and E. B. C], I: 34; anecdote, 104;

[339 ]

seems to have mediumistic powers, 106—7 ;
mother's teaching about fairies and spirits,
107; birth, delicate infancy, 116; 131-2;
home tasks, +, 204; 227; 286; hears Ristori,
289 ; works in machine shop, 291 ; home as
sociations, 296.
Tries to take Sam's place, 297 ; at Long-
wood meetings with mother, 303 ; remembered
by Lucy Stone, 303 ; trip to Centre Harbor ;
confidential relations with Sam, 306 ; account
of a Radical Club meeting, its effect on him,
306; helps father in business; -f, 307.
Comments on W. S. Conv., 311; joked by
Douglass, 312 ; absorption in work ; recrea
tion ; chat about family aflfairs, 313 ; affec
tionate tribute to father, 316 ; reminiscences,
317-18 ; discusses child labor, 321 ; home
incidents, 325 ; coming-of-age party ; engaged
to C. M. Holmes, 336 ; brief illness ; mother's
devoted care; death of; +,842; Garrison
and Rev, C. A. Bartol speak at funeral, 342 ;
mother's memories of, 343 ; tribute from
Frank Garrison, 344 ; June 1, 1871, to havt
been his wedding day, 345.
His dog, II : 34 ; 45-6 ; spoken of by James
Whipple, 54 ; reminiscence of, 198 ; com
parison with his nephew Malcolm, 199 ; makes
flag, 270; effect of his death on E. B. C,
313 ; 316.
Chace, Edward Gould, 2d, "Ward"
Anecdotes of childhood, II: 198.
Chace, Eliza Greene
[Wife of Arnold B.], II: 3; 31; 32; 103 ;
141 ; 162 ; silver wedding, 315.
Chace, Elizabeth
[Dau. of Oliver], I: 18; 23; illness, 26;
medical treatment, 28.
Chace, Elizabeth
[Wife of Jonathan], characterization, I: 128.
Chace, Elizabeth Buffum
[Wife of Samuel B. Chace; dau. of Arnold
Buffum and Rebecca Gould ; b. at Prov.,
R. I., Dec. 9, 1806 ; m. Samuel B. Chace,
June, 1828; d. Central Falls, R. I., Dec 12
1899. ]
Relates Quaker customs, 1 : 13 ; dress and
personal appearance, 25-6 ; in Prov. with
another Elizabeth, 26-8; early housekeep
ing, a cousin's account of it, 28-9 ; wife
hood ; motherhood ; character ; early tend
encies, later development ; prejudices ; loss
of children, 30-3; later children; long ill-
ness (1834), 34.
Sightseeing in Phila., 35-6; stories about

the children and of Susan's last illness (ex
tracts from journal) , 36-9 ; relations with
the Hal\ersens ; on immigration, 39—40 ;
hope and belief in God : interest in mill
workers ; admires J. Q. Adams, 40—1 ; 43.
Vast amount of obscure A. S. work, 1832-39,
4i ; connection with fugitive slave, Susan ;
moral courage, 46-7 ; WTites of Lydia Buf
fum's school, 48 ; practical evidences of A. S.
interest, 48-60 ; prominent in Ladies' A. S.
Soc. of Fall River, offers resolutions ; Vice-
Pres. 1836. Pies. 1837 and 1839 ; committee
work, 51—4.
Acquaintance with Maria AVeston Chapman,
anecdotes, 66—8, 62 ; friends and fellow-work
ers ; varied interests ; powerful stimulus of
father's letters, 58—61 ; consults Oliver John
son as to best use of story of destruction of
Pennsylvania Hall by pro-slavery mob, 61—2 ;
ranked by Mrs. Chapman with Lucretia Mott
and Harriet Martineau ; not daunted by
obstacles, 62-3.
Assurances of co-operation of the colored
people ; fragments of unpublished manu
scripts ; discusses Slavery and Non-Resist'
ance with " dearest Eliza," 64-6 ; disap
pointments and difficulties in A. S. efforts
+ , 66—7 ; reduced circumstances, anecdote, 68
intimacy with cousin Mary Arnold Carpenter
other friends ; anxiety for brothers, 69—70
friendship for fugitive slave, story of James
Curry, 70-1.
Moves in 1840 to Valley Falls ; wins a
child's heart, 71 ; friendship with Dorcas
Harmon ; environment and social conditions
in Valley Falls ; feeling about formal cour
tesies, anecdotes, 72-5 ; loses two sons, 75-7.
Criticizes management of A. S. Soc. in R. I. ;
champions Garrison, 78-9 ; ^considers voting
like taking oath of allegiance, 81 j  becomes
Garrlsonian ; +, 85; 86; obscure channels of
work : regrets voting policj- of father's paper,
the Protectionist; +, 87-8; 89; mother's
illness, 90 ; father wants poem for paper, 91 ;
asks legal status of runaway slaves; +,92;
knowledge of Fourierism ; feels call to speak
for A. S., greatly troubled, 93-5 ; leaves Soc.
of Friends, reasons for this decision, condemns
course of N. E. Quakers, warns them against
indifference, 9:3— S.
Goes to Flatbush for medical treatment ; in
terest in home matters, — and in Harriet
Cro\vninshield, 99-100 ; urges Garrison and
Phillips to speak in R. I., 101 ; entertains
Phillips ; conflict with Quaker discipline ;

[340 ]

-|-, 102-3; changing theological ideas; talks
with Theodore Parker, 103-4 ; Wilburite di
vision, 104-5, talks with Mrs. Fessenden, 106 ;
¦opposes capital punishment ; attracted by
Spiritualism, 106-8 ; general religious atti
tude, 108-9.
Dietetic notions ; visit to Eagleswood, 109—
11 ; household reforras, 111—12 ; wears bloomer
costume, 113 ; gives it up, 114 ; family cares,
115 ; village work and interests ; opinion
of public schools ; writes dialogue on Anthony
Burns for the boys to speak, 115-17 ; "Arnold
Buffum's daughter," 118 ; affection for Paul
ina Wright, asks confidences as to Mr. Davis,
reproaches P, for lack of candor ; broaden
ing influences through this friendship, 119-20.
Jlember of AV. R. Conv. at Worcester, Oct.,
1850 ; spelling of Chace name, 121 ; friend
ship for Joanna Ballou, 121-2 ; Mrs. Sophia
Little a frequent visitor, her influence, 122-3 ;
feeling towards village criminal, 122-3.
Struggles with French, 1-23 ; recommends
Rasselas, 124 ; accepts perhaps unnecessary
social ostracism ; lacks tact and comprehen
sion of her children's social needs ; (could
this have been different?) 124-6.
Relations with Bartlett cousins, 126—7 ; ap
preciates anecdotes and wit ; -f ; friend
ship with Adam Anthony, recommends Con
suelo to him, unforeseen results, 127-8 ; help
ful to Elizabeth Chace of Mannville ; -|-, 128 ;
stunned by death of sister Sarah, 129.
Home interior ; friendship with the Magills ;
childj^enjeducat^d at home ;_ direct^ their read
ing ; -j-, 129-31 ; experience with Arnold,
132—3 ; relation with sons, 133 ; adopts new
customs ; interest in building Homestead ;
landscape gardening ; tells about husband's
financial management, 134—5.
A. S. friendships with the Garrisons, the
Hutchinson family, Chas. C. Burleigh, the
, Fosters, Chas. Lenox Remond, Henry Clarke
¦ Wright, the Grirak^ sisters, Sallie Holley,
Lucy Stone, Sojourner Truth, Wm. Wells
Brown, Fred'k Douglass, Parker Pillsbury,
Capt. Drayton, of the Pearl (see p. 145),
Wendell Phillips ; with illustrative anecdotes,
Vt,_J3622l47; tireless efforts to develop A. S.
principles, 148.
Recollections of childhood, 148 ; kinship of
spirit with sister Lydia, 149 ; delights to
fill her house with A. S. guests ; strong de
sire for Geo. Thompson to speak at Valley
Falls, 149-50 ; enjoys hearing Henry Ward
Beecher ; estimate of Fredrika Bremer, 150-1 ;
continued interest in Spiritualism, 151 ; tells

story of distant relatives and asks family
aid for suiTiving daughter, -f-, 151—2; would
have Pillsbury lecture on French Revolution,
153; is asked for "material aid" to set
Pillsbury "on his way rejoicing" ; -f, 153-4.
Visits Raritan Bay Union with older sons ;
+ ; stories and comments on community
life ; maternal fondness ; haps and mishaps,
155-7; +,158; +,159; + ; hostess of A. S.
"elect"; Lucy Stone asks co-operation in
getting up W, R, Conv, in Prov. (1857), 160;
meets Geo. D. Prentice, early friendship re
called, earnest effort to interest him in A. S.
cause, 161—2 ; cautious about expressing un
usual opinions; views on marriage; +,
162-3. A. S. Correspondence and Work, 1850-60,
Called upon to solicit donations for Penn.
A. S. Fair; arranges for A. S, meetings and
speakers ; +, 164—5 ; warned against im
postors claiming to be fugitive slaves ; +,
166-7; "Why, Cousin David, I do not believe
thee to be an Abolitionist!" +, 168; tender
ness to Mrs. Tobey ; tries to arouse active A.
S. sentiments in a mother's heart ; admits
hardship in espousing an unpopular cause,
168—70 ; 9,dvised by John Osborne not to. have
A. S. lectures in R. I., 170-1 ; obstacles to
getting up A. S. Conv. ; constant effort and
disappointraents ; continually consulted by Mr.
May and others about arrangeraents for meet
ings and appointments for speakers; "a
patient woman who never faltered and never
failed," ^1-200,
Desires to celebrate Aug. 1st in R. I., 177 ;
hears of Moncure D. Conway, 183—4 ; on exclu
sion of colored children frora public schools,
193-4 ; refuses to join Mt. Vernon Assoc,
194. Nonconformity principles ; inability to un
derstand religious observances, anecdote ;
friendship with Baptist rainister, 201-2 ; lit
erary intimacy with Magill faraily ; children
learn poetry ; directs their reading ; reads
aloud Coorabe's "Constitution of Man," and
Higginson's translation of " Epictetus," 202-
3 ; interest in natural sciences ; encourages
love of pets ; indulgent to her children,
203-4, Home surroundings ; hospitality ; enjoys
dramatic entertainments ; home games ; neigh
borhood festivities; +, 205-6; visits the
Harrises in the John Brown period, anecdote ;
estimate of John Brown, 206 ; puts crape on
door, Dec. 2, 1859 ; entertains John Brown's
brother Frederick; +, 207.

[341 ]

Entertains Phillips, drive to Lonsdale lecture
hall with hira, significant conversation about
John Brown, 207—8 ; asked to get subscrip
tions to help John Brown's sons, 209—10 ; re
ligious faith ; feeling about prayer, 210—12 ;
prefers the Homestead to Cumberland House ;
loving thought for her sons, 212 ; visits the
Garrisons in May, 1860 ; meets Mattie Grif
fith ; appointed Vice-Pies. N. E. A. S. Conv. ;
+ , 213; plans to hear Phillips, 214-15.
Believes war will end slavery, 215, 216 ;
goes through Valley Falls mob, 215—16 ; scru
ples against army service, 216-17 ; probably
agreed with Phillips as to legal situation,
219 ; unwilling for her sons to act according
to principles which were not her own ; pecul
iar love for Sam ; will not let him enlist,
anecdote, 219-20 ; feels Lincoln to be only a
tool in the hands of intriguing politicians,
221. Visit from Mr. and Mrs. Garrison and Fanny ;
amusing incidents of visit; +, 221—3; ef
forts to get signers to Abolition petitions ;
sends her children frora house to house ; + ;
forwards petitions to Sumner, 223-5 ; ranked
among Lincoln's critics, 226-7, 228, 248 ; ef
forts for A, S. Conv. in Prov. (1862), refuses
to use Valley Falls meeting house on given
conditions, 229-33.
Visit from Anna Dickinson, anecdotes ;
shows motherly interest in her, 234-7, 240 ;
understands Pillsbury's hardly yet known
difference with Garrison (April, 1862), proof
of her sympathy ; reverence for Garrison,
237-8 ; hears stormy debates ; general com
parison of her views with those of Phillips,
238; Vice-Pres, N. E. A. S. Conv, (Boston,
May, 1862), 239,
Visit from Moncure D. Conway, 240-1 ; ad
vice from Garrison about non-resistants and
the draft, 241-2; +, 243; sends for A. S.
tracts for "an anxious inquirer" ; rejoices in
bust of Phillips, wants one of Garrison, 245 ;
confidence from Pillsbury in serious A. S,
crisis, 246-7 ; her opinions compared with
cited authorities, 250-1 ; sympathy for Parker
Pillsbury, 251-2,
Trip to White Mts. with her children ;
meets Anna Dickinson ; begiiis-(a863L)_to_dis-
card distinctively Quaker forms ; +, 252 ;
effect" of draft riots; aske"d~ to help "Quaker
conscripts liable to be sentenced to death,
252-4 ; protests against non-recognition of
women in Alumni meeting of Friends' Sch,,
withdraws from membership ; considers her

self unfitted for public speaking ; sensitive to
what people think of her, 255-6.
Has Lincoln's portrait ; tells daughter how
it impressed Phillips, 256 ; begs Phillips not
to let unkind feelings arise (Mass. A. S, meet
ings, 1864), 258 ; sends mayflowers to the
Garrisons, 259, 260.
Visits Niagara Falls, her companions ; in
cidents, 264 ; call on Frederick Douglass, re
markable interview, meets Mrs. Douglass,
265-6 ; meeting with Phillips in A. S. office,
asks what he is going to dg in coraing elec
tion carapaign (1864), 267—8; her choice be
tween Garrison and Phillips a reraarkable one,
yet in accord with her whole A. S. method,
268 ; turns more and more to governmental
channels of work, 269.
Temperance interests; +, 272; present at
N.^T7~A. 37 meetings ^whenT Garrison tried to
dissolve the Am. A. 'S. Soc, 273-4; begins
to hold offices in Am. A. S. Soc. (Vice-Pres,
for R. I. 1865 to 1870 ; Vice-Pres. N. E. A. S.
Soc. 1867 ; becoraes manager of Subscription
Festivals in 1865, retains that office until 1870),
274. Urges upon her sons the duties of good citi
zenship ;" ideas on negro suffrage; distressed
that Quakers are so slow to befriend colored
people ; appeals to Dr. Tobey to get colored
children admitted to Friends' Sch. ; loves
Quakerism ; believes Dio Lewis to be "the
true Quaker,". 275—8 ; tribute from Mr. May
and confidential discussion of Am. A. S. Soc.
workers and methods; +, 278—82; continued
activity in Am. A. S. Soc, 283.
Attempts to provide educational opportuni
ties and innocent recreation for working peo
ple, failure through mistaken raethods, 283-4 ;
other atterapts successful, 284, 289 ; over-
anxiety about L. B. C.'s plans, 284-5; is told
that Freedmen's Bureau is administered with
harshness and lack of sympathy, 285-6 ; ap
peal from Pillsbury in behalf of the Standard,
286-7 ; glad Ara. A. S. Soc. is not dissolved ;
gets up Peace meetings in Valley Falls
(1866) ; co-operation in national Peace move
ment, 287-8 ; + ; + ; Lucy Stone asks
aid to start W. R, Journal, 288-9!
Goes with her boys to hear Ristori ; chat
about home friends ; interest in L, B. C's
social plans, 289-90 ; help in W. S. activity
asked by Lucy Stone, 290-2 ; takes up Total
Abstinence work ; use of Woman's Crusade
methods ; Sunday Temperance meetings ; writes
memorial address from the woraen of Valley

[342 ]

Falls to the Mayor and Aldermen of Prov.
(1867), protesting against liquor licenses,
292—3, + , 294 ; close companionship with
Sam during last weeks of his life, 294, 296 ;
wants Mr. Garrison at funeral ; ^seeks solace
in Spiritualism, resultant fellowship with Geo.
ThJompson, +, 297-8 ; sympathy from Phillips
at Sam's death, 299 ; remarkable tribute to
Sam, received 20 years later from an old
soldier, 300-1.
Visit to Progressive Friends (1867) ; meetings
at Longwood, 302 ; sympathy from Lucy Stone,
and reports of W. S. achievements in Kansas,
303-4 ; Pillsbury asks counsel, 304-5 ; Rev.
John Weiss frequent visitor, +, 305 ; joins Rad
ical Club, 306 ; talks of Free Religion to Phil
lips, fails to interest him, 307 ; in New York,
hears Phillips lecture on O'Connell, 307 ;
wishes to hear Frothingham preach ; + , 308 ;
understands Phillips' sadness at alienation of
old fellow- workers, 308.
Vice-Pres. of Am. Equal Rights Assn., 308;
pefsonaL work and official connection with
R. I. Woraan Suffrage Assn. in its first 30
years, succeeds Mrs. Davis in the presidency,
309-12 ; influence valued by Lucy Stone, 312 ;
313 ; consulted by Mrs. Davis, 314 ; urged by
Mrs. Stanton to attend N. Y. Conv. of Nat'l
W. S. Assn. (1869), 315; writes for Advocate,
316 ; consulted by Lucy Stone about forraation
of Am. W. S. Assn., 318.; Mrs. Davis tries to
win her to Mrs. Stanton's view of 15th
Amendment ; almost persuaded, but, having
earlier worked with Phillips for 15th Amend
ment as A. S. measure, could not conscien
tiously oppose it now as W. Suffragist, 319"^
20; +; adheres to Am. Assn. view "of
marriage and divorce question, 321 ; con
sulted by Mrs. Elizabeth K. Churchill about
answering article in Prov. Journal charging
W. R. people with advocating free love,
322-3 ; urged to attend Conv. at Cleveland
(1869) ; could not go, 323-4.
Sends to Prov. for piano, +, 325; begins ef
forts to have women placed on Boards of In
spection and Manageraent of Institutions for
State Charities and Corrections ; Prison and
Reform Sch. investigations ; signs memorial
adopted bj: . R. I. Woraan Suffrage Assn.
(1870), .325-31 ;¦> willing to take charge of girl
offender ; + , 332 ; passage of bill creating
Board of Lady Visitors for penal and correc
tional institutions where women and children
were inmates ; accepts position on this board ;
confidential comment from Mrs. Davis, 333—5 ;
Gov. Padelford seeks interview ; officially in

vited to meet Reform Sdh. Trustees, 335 ;
attends W. R. Conv. at Worcester, 335-6.
Unremitting care for her_ husband in his last
illness, his death, sympsithy from Garrison^
336-7 ; receives manuscript of Phillips' memo
rial article, 339 ; writes brief account of her
husband's career, 340-1; gift, "Essay on
Peace," from Wm. Fi Channing, from his
father's library; +, S41.
Consulted on Stat6 Farm matters, 342 ;
watches with her dying son, Edward ; pa
thetic in her berdavement at his death ;
lives for a time in loving memory of him ;
anecdote ; rejoices in after years to see his
likeness in her grandson, 342-3 ; expressions
of sympathy frorfi Mr. Phillips, Mrs. Little*
and F. J. Garrisbn, 343-4.
Uneasiness over daughter's plans, 344 ; at
tends May Anniversary (1871) ; passes June 1
with her cousin, Mrs. Newhall, 345 ; talka
with Col. Higginson on W. S. matters ; con
sulted by i/Lrs. Severance about Universal
Peace movement, 345 ; friendship with John
Bright's sister, 345-6.
Summer at Sandwich, N. H., and at Clark's-
Island, ft^ith congenial friends, 346 ; Western
trip ; (n Chicago on eve of great fire, hears
wondei'ful sermon from Robert Collyer ; +,
346-7 ; + ; subtle contrast between her be
lief that the thing that is right is always
safe to do, and Rowland G. Hazard's opinion
that expediency should be considered, 348-9 ;
brief trip to Quebec after Arnold's marriage ;
friendship with the Higginsons, 349.
See Appendix.
Plans trip to England ; congratulations
from Phillips ; the Carnegies help in mak
ing plans, II : 1—2 ; credentials for London
Meeting of International Congress on PrC'
vention and Repression of Crime (July, 1872)
2 ; letters of introduction from Garrison and
from F. J. Garrison, 2-3, 20 ; her party,
steamer companions, incidents of passage,
3-4 ; traveling directions for Ireland with
coraraents and invitation from Richard D,
Webb, 3, 5 ; + ; value of European experi
ence ; influenced by belief that she was
establishing a home for her descendants
+ , 4-5.
In Killarney, studies condition of Irish poor,
5 ; meets Richard D. Webb ; sees academic
ceremony in Dublin, comments on caps and
gowns, 6 ; at Carnarvon Castle ; feels Eng.
sacred as ancestral home, 6-7 ; describes
pass of Llanberis ; impressed by sincerity
of Methodist "love feast"; visits Man-

[343 ]

¦Chester cotton factories, 7-8 ; in London,
entertained by the Conways, 8 ; discusses
Cireeley and Grant, 8, 24, 30 ; Greeley's
death, 33 ; longs for home details and home
food, 8—9 ; taken by Mr. Carnegie to
"Evans' supper and music rooms"; in
spects London slums ; attends meeting of
Anglo-Am. Soc. in honor of Col. Higginson,
meets Thomas Hughes, 9-10 ; resigns from
Board of Lady Visitors, resignation not ac
cepted, 10-11 ; courtesies from Thos. Hughes ;
acquaintance with Wm. Allingham ; goes
to House of Parliament, anecdotes, hears
Gladstone, 11-12.
Delegate to Prison Congress, describes
meetings, impressed by character of Euro
pean delegates, stirred by exciting debates ;
anecdote of foreign delegates, 12-13 ; ob
tains chance for ilrs. Howe to speak at
Prison Congress, 13-14 ; describes Home
Secretary's entry to the Congress ; too
American to like Eng. deference to rank, 14—
15 ; attends party at Mrs. Duncan McLaren's ;
anecdotes, 15-16 ; prepares paper on the need
of women on Boards of Inspection, difficulty
in getting chance to present it properly ;
her ideas approved, 16-18, and endorsed, 18-
19 ; tea at Justin McCarthy's ; anecdote ;
forms lasting opinions of Gladstone and
Home Rule, 18 ; relation to Peace Congress
in London ; an evening at P. A. Taylor's,
19 ; declines dinner to foreign delegates ;
affection for Mrs. Lucas, 19 ; goes to Leeds,
letters of introduction open doors to her,
19-20 ; calls on Robert Collyer's mother ;
pleasure in meeting George Thompson again,
20 ; explores Holy-rood ; incidents ; + ;
comment on English attitude towards Amer
icans ; loies Scotland, poetry and romance
of her youth recalled, 21; "in the heart of
the Highlands," 22-3 ; calls on Mrs. Nichol,
meets author of "Rab and His Friends,"
anecdote, 23 ; returns to London, meets AVm.
Bradford; interest in British and Am. poli
tics, 24-5; faith in Phillips' statesmanship,
deference for Garrison, feeling for Sumner,
25 ; goes to Boulogne ; first grandchild, 26,
27-S, feeling about naming the baby, 31;
grandmotherly solicitude, 32.
In France; visit to James Wells Champ
ney at Ecouen, calls with him on M. Edouard
Frere ; joins her brother in Paris ; + ;
pilgrimage to PSre la Chaise, 26-7; inner
mood ; on wine drinking, 28, and beer drink
ing, 32 ; Swiss mountain experiences, 28-9 ;

invitation from Mrs. Lucas, 29 ; at Stras
bourg ; sees traces of the siege and talks
with a native about it ; meets the Villards,
29—30 ; impressed by the Jungfrau, 30 ; in
Dresden, goes to opera and circus, 31, 32, 34 ;
sees Sistine Madonna, 32 ; watches Golden
Wedding parade of the King of Saxony ; +,
32—3 ; thinks German theater a good thing,
u'ould like temperance and labor reform lec
tures thrown in, 33—4 ; love for pet dog, 34 ;
Sunday at Nuremberg, hears Die Meister-
singer ; has remarkable courier ; illness at
Innsbrutk, 34.
Rome at last ! impressions, 34 ; attends
Carni^¦al ball, theory as to why women are
masked and men not ; believes Carnival ex
cesses degrading, incidents ; anecdote, 35-6 ;
wishes never to travel without young ladies,
36 ; Southern Italy ; glad to turn towards
home, 36-7 ; interest in an Italian love af
fair, 37 ; sympathy with young couple gives
insight into Italian life and ideas, 39-41 ;
acquaintance with Edmonia Lewis ; enter
tained by the Howitts, 37-8 ; regrets leaving
Rome ; last sightseeing there, dislikes paint
ings of Martyrdoms, 38-9 ; Florence ; Uffizi
and Pitti galleries, 41—2 ; visits Parker's
grave ; goes to Pisa, 42 ; tea with Sarah
Remond, impressions of her, 42 ; meets Ed
ward and Margaret Clifford, beginning of re
markable friendship ; +, 43—4; a cotton man
ufacturer's view of the labor question in 1873,
44. Detained in Nice by Mary's illness, change
of attitude towards medical science, thinks
"Sam and Eddie" might have li^ed, change
in dietetic views, 45-6 ; in London, goes with
Mr. Clifford to see paintings, and through
London slums, 46, 47—8 ; hears Spurgeon ;
sees play "New Magdalen," considers it a
sermon ; has learned to know good pictures,
is ; last weeks in London ; enchanting even
ings in Wm. Bradford's studio ; entertained
by the Conways, meets young Hindus, 48 ;
sails for home Sept. 13, 1873 ; Joseph Lupton
comes to see her off ; meets Wilkie Collins ;
last farewell to George Thompson, 49.
Newspaper letters ; pleased with Mary's be
trothal, 50 ; reform work, helps colored stu
dents, 51 ; interest in Free Religious move
ment antedated trip to Europe, after her re
turn associates hei'self with movement to form
Free Religious Society in Prov. ; elected Vice-
Pres. of Nat'l Free Religious Assn. in May,
1881 ; friendship with F. A. Hinckley ; +,

[344 ]

51-2 ; gets bill to appoint women on State
Board of Charities before the Legislature ;
+ , 52 ; playful messages from L. B. C,
53 ; advocates Col. Higginson's nomination
to U. S. Senate, 53—4 ; carriage trip to
Winthrop ; incidents illustrating caste dis
tinctions, 54—6 ; summoned to Marcus Spring's
funeral, 56 ; asked to write a paper on
Crime and Reform for 2d Congress of A.
A. W. in Chicago (1874) ; elected A'ice-Pres.
for R, I., 56 ; attends Shakespeare Club ;
+ ; mentions charming letter from Phillips ;
W. S. work in 1874, 57 ; celebrates New
Year's Eve at the Homestead, feels lonely af
terwards ; F. R. and W. S. meetings, 58.
At Appledore (1875) ; enjoys chaperoning
girls ; views on yacht racing, 58—9 ; meets
congenial people ; hears grave discussions ;
happiness with Whittier, 59-60 ; invitation
from the Garrisons, 60 ; co-operates with Col.
Higginson in aiding "Roswell," 60-2; urged
by Mrs. Howe to attend A. A. W. Congress
(1875) or to help Mrs. Churchill to go, 62-3 ;
congratulations from Garrison on successful
W. S. Anniversary, 63 ; self- revelations, 63-4 ;
in Boston because of ill health ; renews ac
quaintance with Mr, Conway, 64 ; asks about
desired changes at Prov. Reform Sch,, espe
cially whether parents are still allowed to
board their chijdren there, 64—5 ; believes
powerless Board of AVomen Visitors does more
harm than good, resigns from Board, per
suaded to serve another year, final resigna
tion, 65-6, 67 ; writes John Weiss on tem
perance, his reply, 67—70.
Appeal for appointment of police matrons,
endorsed by Temperance Union in petition,
70—1 ; returns to Women's Board, consulted
by Gov. Lippitt on make-up of Board, 71,
72 ; interest in State Farm matters, gifts to
inmates, 71—2 ; urged by Mrs. Howe to help
form a new Peace Assn., 72—3; attends Cen
tennial at Phila. (1876), returns to Valley
Falls to entertain Madame Carnegie, called
back to Phila. by Horace Cheney's illness,
74 ; affectionate sympathy from Phillips, 75 ;
ill and growing old ; continued demands
upon her ; + , 75 ; Gov. Lippitt asks what
powers Lady Board of Visitors should have,
her reply urges Legislative action ; recom
mends establishment of Industrial Sch., 76-7,
bill passes Senate, is killed in House, 78 ;
supports kindergarten, 77-8 ; asked by Mr.
Colt to cite case ,of abuse as result of a
certain law; +, 78; respects conscientious

beliefs ; advocates social intermingling of
races ; shocked to see lifelong Abolitionists
show color prejudice, 79—80 ; resigns from
Prov. Woman's Club because color line is
drawn, 81 ; friendship with Wm. C. Gannett ;
lack of sympathy with D wight L. Moody and'
his methods, 81—3.
Suraraer driving tour through R. I. ; goes
to Wianno; +, 83; consulted by Gov.
Van Zandt, 83 ; on pigeon shooting and cock
fighting, 84 ; on prevention of pauperism
and crime, outlines general plan, 84-6 ; her
ideas endorsed by matron of Orphans' Home,
87 ; dissatisfied with management of Prov.
Reform Sch. ; gives graphic accounts of life
there, and is pleased when L. B, C. writes
"The Child of the State," urges its speedy
publication to meet some crisis in Prov. Re
form Sch. raanageraent, 87—8 ; Garrison and'
son and J. C. Wyman her guests, 88 ; dis
cusses Sunday observances ; story of a Sun
day drive in her childhood ; plea for open-
air resorts, 89—90 ; fears lest a jesting prom
ise may inconvenience Col. Higginson, 90 ;
takes L. B. C. to Phila- for treatment ; +,
91 ; attends W. S. Conv. in Wash. ; + ; an
inspiration to Mrs. Doyle, feels Prov. Journal
to be a letter from her own larger family of
the State, 92 ; how she and the Woman's
Board came to see the need of State Home
and Sch., 93-5; gives reasons why it should
not be located on or near State Farm ; proves
that it is considered a disgrace to have been
an inmate of the Reform Sch., 95—7 ; com
mended by Prov. Journal, 97.
Returns to Valley Falls ; confidential rela
tions with L. B. C, 98; invitation from
R. I. Woman's Club refused because of club's
attitude towards colored women ; refers tO'
essay read by colored woman before A, A. W.
in Chicago (1876), 98-9; suggested by Garri
son as Vice-Pres. of Chisolm Monument As
soc, 100; spends summer at Wianno (1878),
forms especial friendship with Garrison's
son William ; gains devoted son-in-law, 100 ;
affection between herself and Capt. Wyman,
100-1, 103 ; continued labor for State Home
and Sch., addresses Joint Special Com. of
the General Assembly ; tells illustrative story,
101-2 ; approves plan to take Chapin Farm for
State Sch. ; makes public appeal for home
less boys who have been sentenced to Reform
Sch., beneficent result, 102-3; her nervous
fears, delicate comprehension and tender ridi
cule from J. C. W. ; personal traits, 103-4 ;

[345 ]

on purifipation of the drama, 104 ; visits the
Wymans in N. Y, ; hears Felix Adler, re
views his ideas, 104-5 ; attends reception to
Sojourner Truth, describes and quotes her,
105 ; hears arguments against State regula
tion of vice, 105-6 ; visits the Isaac T, Hop
per Home and the Torabs, indignant at fea
tures of Court of Special Sessions, 106-8 ; at
tends lecture by Dr. John Lord ; hears Anna
Dickinson lecture, 108.
Appreciates value of public kindergartens,
advocates their establishraent in R. I., 108
urges citizenship be given R. I. Indians
takes up case of homeless boy; +, 109
visited occasionally by Frederick Douglass,
110 ; answers cynical editorial on W. S. by
request ; writes W. S. paper for Prov.
Journal, 110-11 ; in Boston for Anniversary
Week (1879) ; rejoices that Mass. has school
suffrage, later change of mind, 111—12, 124 ;
attends Garrison's funeral, describes Phillips
as he bent over the coffin, rejoices that if
Garrison must go Phillips should speak his
eulogy, 112—13 ; calls Prov. Journal to ac
count ; makes journey of inquiry as to mak
ing darkened lives brighter, 113 ; cordiality
to James P. Tolman on his engagement to her
dau. Mary, +, 114; asked to write R. I.
chapter foi" History of W. S., and to be one
of several judges of what should go into pub
lished volumes, refuses both requests ; +,
115—16 ; memorial to Senate and House of
Representatives of the General Assembly of
R. I. in behalf of all children dependent on
legal charity, 117-22 ; thanks Gov, Van Zandt
for recommending school suffrage in message
to Legislature, 122 ; asked to give informal
talk on helps in life and work; +, 122;
happy in dau, Mary's marriage ; complimented
on easy grace in her hospitality ; +, 123.
Her interest in Quaker martyr Mary Dyer,
writes historical sketch and reads it at R. I.
Woman Suffrage Assn. (April, 1880), paper
commended, 124—5 ; opposes effort to obtain
partial suffrage for woraen, reason for and
against this position, 124-5; rehearses in
Prov. Journal course of legal action in R. I.
since 1637 towards religious sects, draws con
clusion, 125 ; advocates Woman's Exchange
in Prov,, 126; protests against unwise and
hasty legislation about Reform Sch., her rea
sons and opinions, protest endorsed by Thos.
A. Doyle and E. M. Snow, 126-9 ; agrees with
T. R. Hazard in protest against certain cus
toms in criminal trials, 129-30 ; asked to

write an approval of editorial by Lucy Stone,
130-1 ; annual W. S. address (1880) ; remi
niscence with a moral, 131-2 ; objects to
property qualification as a requisite to the
ballot, 132 ; attends 11th Annual Conv. of
Am. W. S. Assn. in Wash. ; especially ad-
raires Mrs, Hayes ; brief sketches of places
and people ; conderans color line in kinder
gartens, anecdotes ; calls on Frederick Doug
lass ; interview with woman of white skin
and mixed blood ; believes national policy
should be to let races blend naturally to
gether, 133—7 ; renewal of correspondence
with Samuel May. 137-8 ; grateful letter
from Douglass, 139-40.
Her kindergarten ; + ; addresses com. of
State Senate on W, S., states grievances,
140; interest in L. B. C. W.'s Wash, ex
periences ; attends various entertainments
in Boston, 140^1 ; reviews reports of State
Boards for 1879, 142—3 ; mistaken idea of
the Critic and Ballot Box, 144 ; on color
question, 144-6 ; writes article on factory
women for A. A. W. Congress (1881) , read
also before R. I. Woman Suffrage Assn., 146—
59, congratulations from K. G. Wells, 159 ;
letters from factory workers, 160—2 ; appointed
on A. A. W. Cora, on Reforms and Statistics,
elected Vice-Pres. A. A. W., 159; gives ad
dress at W. S. Conv. in "V^oonsocket, illus
trates by incidents of her childhood, de
scribes character of the generation preceding
her own; +, 162; protests against all forms
of gambling, 163 ; writes about an abused
child, appeal in behalf of all such children,
163-4; on "Legislative smiles" over W. S.
memorial, 165 ; on the exertion of social in
fiuence for political ends by women ; W. S.
articles in Prov. papers, 165 ; writes of mal
practice and a recent victim, 165-6.
Hopes to aid in opening Brown Univ. to
women, 166 ; sketches valuable work done by
R. I. Woman Suffrage Assn. and appeals to
Gov. Littlefield to favor granting use of Rep
resentatives' Hall for W. S. Conv. (1882), re
fused on a technicality, 166-8 ; interested in
wills of Francis Jackson and Mrs. Eddy, 169,
170 ; asked to reply to Col. Higginson, 169-
70, 171; asked for loan for W. S. work in
Nebraska, 170, 173 ; ilhiess, sympathy from
Lucy Stone, 170-1 ; helps to furnish musical
instruments for boys in Reforra Sch., 172;
receives acknowledgment of gift to Mr. Cor
rell of Nebraska, 173 ; urged to set forth
reasons for formation Ara. W. S. Assn., asked

[346]

also for W. S. political articles, 173-4 ; asks
A. O. Bourne, candidate for governor, how
he stands on W. S. question ; + , 174 ; dis
covers that by R. I. statute males could be
arrested as legally as females for misde
meanors, 175.
Visits dau. in West Newton ; attends May
Anniversary meetings (1883), 175; writes of
W. S. in Eng. ; receives urgent invitation to
reception from K. G. Wells ; gives Sunday
afternoon lecture before F. R. Soc ; +,
175-6; makes annual W. S. address; +,
176 ; meeting of Shakespeare Club at Home
stead ; acquaintance with Edgar Worthing
ton, 176—7 ; addresses Judiciary Com. on pro
posed State Home and Sch. , answers edi
torial objections, later describes manner of
passage of bill, realizes mistake in placing
Home and Sch. in charge of Board of Edu
cation, 178-9 ; visit from Frederick Doug
lass and his second wife, 179, receives frora
Lucy Stone account of Meraorial Service for
Phillips; +, 180; on use of intoxicating
liquors in cooking, 180—1 ; rejoices in S. B.
C.'s engineeri^g skill ; regrets Gov. Van
Zandt's attitude, renews warning against
placing Home and Sch. on State Farm, 181.
Account of one day's doings, 181—3 ; can
not understand treatment of W. S. Memorial
by Com. on Constitutional Changes, 183 ;
Anniversary Week in Boston (1884), attends
W. S. and F. R. meetings, 183 ; distinctive
note of her writings, 183-4 ; tribute from
Hon. E. L. Freeman ; granted use of Legis
lative Hall, 184; "Save the Children,"
184-5 ; asked by Miss Anthony to write
reminiscences for R. I. chapter of proposed
history of W. S. ; +, 185; attends Whittier
Day at Friends' Sch. (1884), notices changes
in customs there, 186—7 ; renews acquaintance
with Edward Clifford, incidents of his visits
to her, 187-8 ; courtesy shown to her by
Prov. Journal, 188 ; illness, 189 ; affection
ately remembered by Frederick Douglass, con
gratulations from Hon. R. G. Hazard and
Mrs. Lucas ; consulted by Miss Anthony,
189—91 ; presides at Annual Conv. of W. S.
Assn.; +, 191; interest in Pillsbury's re
production of Foster's " Brotherhood of
Thieves" ; +, 191-2.
Sumraers at Wianno, Sabbatia Cottage, love
for scenery and flowers of that region, 193—4,
206 ; social relations ; habits changing with
age ; household arrangements, family cus
toms, entertainment of guests, anecdotes and

incidents, 194—8 ; with her grandchildren,
198-200 ; takes up water color painting at
80, attains some proficiency, 200 ; keeps open
house for callers ; call from three Garrisons,
200—1 ; holds evening receptions ; courtesies
paid her, 202 ; Sunday evening speakers and
topics, 201-4, 205-10 ; Wm, L, Garrison like
a son beloved ; friendship with Mr. and Mrs.
F. A. Hinckley, 204—5 ; visits an old house in
Cotuit, anecdote, 205; "My Rhode Island";
sees no intoxication on Cape Cod, 208 ; meets
Booker Washington, 209 ; acquaintance with
the Russell Marston family ; intimacy with
Mr, and Mrs. J. H. Morse, talks with them
about the State Home and Sch,, 210; drives
away from Sabbatia Cottage for the last
time, 211.
Her co-operation sought by leaders of Nat'l
W. S. Assn. ; +, 212 ; likeness to her
brother ; + ; urged by Miss Anthony to
try to influence Senators from R. I., 213-14 ;
addresses the special com. of the R. I.
House of Representatives on W. S., 214 ;
compliment frora Edward Clifford ; objects
to Orthodox phrase in Rev. W. C. Gannett's
Sunday Sch. Lessons, receives reply attribut
ing her feeling to her Quakerisra, 215-16 ;
her religion becoraes object of Edward Clif
ford's solicitude, 216 ; she asks aid for Cal
vin Fairbank, 216-17 ; sends circular letter
with W. S. petition to each R. I. postmaster ;
appears again before State Legislature to
raake W. S. plea, 217 ; sees State Home and
Sch. established, pleased with location, be
lieves arrangements satisfactory, raises money
for a piano for the school, 218 ; finds repose
in illness ; rejoices in passage of W, S,
Amendraent by R, I. Legislature (1886), 219;
reunion of old A. S. friends at Lucy Stone's ;
+ , 219—20; congratulations frora Whittier;
+ , 221; serious illness prevents celebration
of her birthday, friendly messages and let
ters, 222—4 ; poetical tribute from Rev. W.
C. Gannett, 224-6.
Remembered by Samuel May and Lucy Stone
in connection with Abby Kelley Foster's
death, 227-9 ; work in the campaign for
W. S. Amendment in R. I., 230; tells how
she thinks she would feel if she knew that
she were to die soon ; writes Edward Clifford
about her painting, advises him about his
mission to India, 230-3, her letter appreci
ated, 233 ; has not yet discovered abuses at
State Home and Sch. (June, 1887), 233; re
fers disapprovingly to the recent sentence of

[347]

a little boy to the Reforra Sch., wishes State
Home and Sch. to be like a respectable board
ing school, 234 ; announces full payraent of
expenses in recent W, S. carapaign ; +, 234 ;
tribute to her personality; +, 234; writes
raemorial of Abby Kelley Foster, 235, 236,
281—3 ; her opinion of Dr. Morgan's address
on duties of teachers, 235-6 ; makes open
ing address at W. S. Assn. (March, 1888) ;
+ , 236; compliments from Robert Collyer,
237 ; addresses Oct. meeting R. I. Woraan
Suffrage Assn., at April (1889) meeting re
sponds to toast, speaks at Oct. meeting,
237-8. Her letters console and strengthen, 239 ;
asks a child to tell its inner experience; +,
240 ; has interested Edward Clifford in doubt
of rightfulness of corporal punishment, 241 ;
friendship with Mrs. Doyle, writes obituary
notice after her death; 241-2 ; her im
pressions of John Fiske's "The Beginnings of
New England," 242 ; learns that State Home
and Sch. is badly managed, her experiences
as a visitor, demands investigation, her cour
age, gives testimony at investigation and
makes an address, newspaper tributes and
comment, suras up results, advice frora Felix
Adler, 242-8 ; entertains Baroness Gripenberg
and forms lasting friendship, 249-50 ; ap
proves organization of W. S. Leagues, raakes
1891 address before W. S. Assn., 250-1 ;
Douglass' friendship, 251; birthday recep
tion, letters and incidents, 252-8.
Prints A. S, Reminiscences, its dedication,
extracts, how the book was received, 259-81 ;
her attitude towards Lincoln reviewed, 278 ;
effort towards Presidential Suffrage in R, I.
(1892), 284; visits Mrs, Morse, raeets Mary
E, Wilkins; +, 284; relatives and ancestry;
her use of "thee" and "you," 285; raessage
from Mary Wilkins; +, her sympathy helps
a penitent, 286 ; offers a prize for collegiate
essays against the use of tobacco, 286-7 ; in
vitation to A, S. gathering at Danvers (1893),
her reply, 287-8; a request denied by Car
negie; +, 288; plan for her to meet Mr.
Chapin, 288-9 ; her presence missed by Mrs.
Morse ; her manner as presiding officer, 290 ;
birthday greeting from F, J. Garrison, 290-1.
Last summer at Wianno, 291 ; writes on
public questions in spite of illness ; contin
ued interest in Emma Carr, 292 ; critically
ill, letters called out by this illness, 292-9 ;
message to Mr, May, 296; partial recovery,
household conditions ; with her grandchil

dren ; takes up painting again ; holds W. S,
com, meetings in her room ; +, 299 ; her
flower painting admired, 300 ; sends raeraorial
to R. I. Legislature for last time, 300-2 ;
personal and home details, 302 ; resigns presi
dency of R. I. Woman Suffrage Assn., 302-3;
Mrs. Morse's affection for her, 303 ; her ab
sence from Wianno regretted, 304 ; the W. S.
Conv. of Oct., 1895, celebrates the twenty-fifth
anniversarj' of her election to the presidency,
expressions of appreciation of her life and
work, re-elected president, decision of the
society, 304-6.
Her verses printed in Ye Odde Number,
306—8 ; continued correspondence with Mr.
May ; + , 309-11 ; goes to luncheon at Jona
than Chace's, assembles friends to hear Judge
Rogers's paper on Mary Dyer, 311 ; finds en
joyment in painting and knitting, 311—12 ;
interest in municipal reform ; congratulated
on obtaining the State House for W, S, raeet-
ing, 312 ; writes two W. S. articles, 313 ;
affectionate interest in young men, 313—14 ;
makes appeal in behalf of girls and boys ;
prepares annual W. S, address, 314 ; is taken
in wheeled chair to her son's silver wedding
reception and reads verses which she had
written for the occasion, 315—16 ; syrapathy
for a dau,; +, 316; visit from Mrs.
Aldrich ; + ; her illness prevents a pro
posed celebration of her ninetieth birthday,
messages and letters, 317-20 ; visit from Mr.
Douglass, 320 ; protest against abuse of
women in India by British soldiers, 320 ; pub
lication of her Reminiscences in New Eng
land Magazine; later writes and publishes
"In Quaker Days," 320-1; "green gloves";
+ , 321-2; greeting from Edward Clifford;
Mrs. Morse is sure of her interest in a "Life"
of Abby Hopper Gibbons ; iraperfect draft of
letter to Pres. McKinley, 322-4.
Becoraes entirely bedridden, but continues to
send letters to the Prov. Journal; +, 324 ;
constant testiraony to the weight and value
of her life work; +, 325-8; interest in
Finnish politics; +, 328-9; "a wee bit of
a love letter," 330; a last penciled note,
330. Afterwards, 331-2.
Chace, Elizabeth Buflfum
[B. Dec. 10, 1847, m. John Crawford Wyman
Oct, 29, 1878; eighth child of S. B. and
E. B. C], "Lillie," "L. B. C, W."

[348 ]

Chace, George Arnold
[First child of S. B. and E. B. C], I: 30;
birth, 33 ; 35 ; interest in colored child,
taught to be respectful to colored people, 36—7 ;
anecdotes, 37—8 ; death of, his mother's verses,
41-3; 70; his dog, 203.
Chace, Prof. Georgre I.
Interest in Sockanosset Sch., II: 172.
Chace, Harvey
Marries Hannah Wood, 1 : 18 ; anecdote, 22 ;
his brother's partner, 24 ; would help fugitive
slave Susan, 46 ; renewed partnership with
S. B. C, honorably discharged in bankruptcy,
fifteen years later pays up the debt, 68 ; 74 ;
joins Wilburites, 104 ; 144 ; his home, 204 ;
205. Chace, H. and S. B.
Firm operating mill in Valley Falls, R. I.,
pays creditors, 1 : 68 ; village environment,
73-4; II: 54.
Chace, James Harvey
Beauty, 1 : 18 ; A. S. sympathies, 223 ; in
London, II ; 48 ; donor of bust of John Bright
to Friends' Sch., 182.
Chace, John Gould
[Fourth child of S. B. and E. B. C], I: 33;
70 ; 71 ; verses to, 75-7 ; childish loveliness
a lasting influence, II: 252—3.
Chace, Jonathan
Beauty of, I: 18; 128; escorts E. B. C.
and sons across N. Y. City, 155 ; elected to
Town Council, his political career, II : 33 ; in
U. S. Senate, quotes tradition; +, 213; his
family entertains E. B. C. at lunch, 302, 311 ;
he and his family especially attentive to E.
B. C, 311.
Chace, liamira
Her type, contempt for men, 1 : 29 ; A. S.
mention, 54.
Chace, Hiucretia Gifford
[Wife of James H.], I: 223; in London,
II: 48.
Chace, liuther & Co.
I: 24; failure of (1837), 68.
Chace, IJydia B.
Teaches freedmen, I: 124.
Chace^ Malcolm Greene
[Son of Arnold B.], I: 343; recalls memory
of Ned Chace ; his tennis playing, II : 198—9.
Chace, Marg:aret Ijillie I" Daisy"]
[Dau. of Arnold B.], sketch of, II: 200; in
Georgia, 238.
Chace, Martha
Teaches freedmen, 1 : 124.

Chace, Mary
[B. Jan. 4, 1852; tenth child of S. B. and
E. B. C], 1: 34; 111; 116; 132; 204; 275;
283 ; 284 ; 287 ; 289 ; 290 ; 291 ; 295 ; 298 ; 307 ;
goes to hear Phillips lecture and see Booth,
344 ; 346 ; anecdote, II : 4 ; her interpreta
tion of the Homestead furnishings, 5 ; 8 ; 11 ;
22 ; 23, 27 ; goes to Pisa, 42 ; recites Whit
tier's verses, 43 ; serious illness in Nice,
moved to Paris, 45 ; betrothed to H. E.
Cheney (1874), 52; 322.
See Cheney, Mary C.
Chace, Oliver
Cotton manufacturer, 1 : 18 ; history and oc
cupations, 21—2 ; m. Susan Buffington, educa
tion of their children, '22-3 ; objects to E.
B. C.'s curls, 25 ; assists his sons in business,
68 ; leaves a moderate fortune, 108.
Chace, Oliver
[Fifth child of S. B. and E. B. C], his
death left parents childless, 1 : 34 ; death of,
verses to, 77-8.
Chace, Samuel
[Brother of Lamira], quotes Shakespeare,
I: 29.
Chace, Samuel Bufflngton
[B. near Fall River, Mass., March, 1800, d.
Valley Palls, B. I., Dec, 1870], anecdote,
1 : 18 ; ancestry ; birth, early training, 21-2 ;
education, character, 23 ; personal beauty ;
goes into business with his brother Harvey ;
engaged to Elizabeth Buflum ; accepted by
her family, anecdote ; marries E. B., June,
1828 ; considers her the prettiest of Arnold
Buffum's daughters, 24-6 ; receives home
sick letter from wife; evidences of mutual
devotion ; reads Amelia Opie, 26-8.
Early housekeeping, his helpfulness; his
financial management approved by Ellen
Barker ; called by Christian name, 28-30 ;
corresponds with Arnold Buffum, 30 ; busi
ness characteristics ; relation to home affairs ;
devotion to his wife, 33, 34-5 ; reads Bible at
table, 38; little daughter's confidence in his
affection, 39 ; 40 ; needed at home to manage
factory squabble, 41.
A. S. meetings at his house, 62, 54 ; gift to
C. C. Burleigh, 58 ; 61 ; 63 ; signs A. S.
petition, 67 ; fails in business, honorably
discharged from indebtedness, renews partner
ship with his brother to operate a mill in
Valley Falls ; 16 years later pays creditors of
1837 in full, 68 ; goes to Pawtucket to live,
69 ; moves to Valley Falls, builds Cumber-

[349 ]

land House, 71 ; remoteness from railroad ;
environment ; +, 73—4.
Becomes a Garrlsonian, 85 ; Quaker scruples,
94; his wife's devotion; +,99; 100; cor
dial message from Garrison, 101 ; remains a
Quaker ; joins Wilburites, 104 ; his simple
creed, 105 ; not quite a Spiritualist, 107 ;
uses Quaker language in business ; wears
Quaker garb ; continued interest in Quaker
meetings and customs, 108—9.
Dietetic abstinence, 110 ; permits wife to
dress as she pleases, 113 ; enthusiastic about
Giddings, anecdote, 118 ; friendship with
Mrs. Greene,. 123-4.
Family isolation, 125-6 ; friendship with
Adam Anthony, 127 ; 128 ; grief at death of
E. B, C.'s sister Sarah, 129; conservatism;
builds Homestead ; anecdote of financial
methods, 134—5 ; friendship with Frederick
Douglass, 144 ; + ; host of Wendell Phillips,
146; kindness to Parker Pillsbury; +, 154-5;
155; E, B. C.'s comment on his letter, 156;
157. Asked to make donation to Penn. A. S. Fair,
164 ; an indulgent father ; unconventional
theories about bringing up children, 203-4 ;
a home lover, 205 ; 212 ; business threatened ;
loyal to A. S. principles, 215 ; coraraent on
E. B. C.'s love for Sam, 219 ; tribute from
Sallie Holley, 227 ; joins E. B. C. in refusal
to use Valley Falls meeting house, 232-3.
Messages of remembrance from Garrison, 242,
260 ; cautious about coraraent on draft riots ;
visit from Aaron M. Powell, 252—3 ; business
losses, 272 ; helps furnish Village Reading
Room, 283 ; goes to the seashore ; Sallie
Holley solicitous about his health, 288 ; 290 ;
takes Sam into his office, 294.
Breaking in health, 297 ; 300 ; tired and
over busy, 302-3 ; on horseback up Red Hill,
serious results to health, 305 ; relieved in
business cares by his son Edward; +, 307;
influence valued by Lucy Stone, 312 ; amused
by newspaper coraraent on Arnold, 313.
Increasing ill health, 313, 314, 317 ; no fear
of death, 315 ; 324 ; 329 ; long illness ; con-
' stant companionship of his wife ; incidents ;
happy in visit from Clara Holmes, 335-6 ;
death of, 336 ; incidents in connection with
funeral ; loving service of Joe Collet ; funeral
address by Garrison; +, 337-9; meraorial
by Phillips, 339-40 ; sketch of career by E.
B. C, 340-1.
Built wonderful dam, II: 181; his quiet
friendship, 252 ; 253 ; keeper of station on

underground R. R., 256, 265, 269; accepts
A. S. principles, 261 ; anecdote about color
line, 262-3 ; rebuked for A. S. principles by
omission in Friends' certificate of removal,
263-4 ; 274 ; 287.
Chace, Samuel Oliver
[B. Valley Falls, R. I., Oct. 19, 1843, d.
Valley Falls, March, 1867; sixth child of
S. B, and E. B. C], the special child of his
mother's heart, 1 : 34 ; 99 ; takes part in
A, S. dialogue, 117 ; 125 ; early education
with governess, 130-1 ; 132 ; helps his
brother, character, devotion to brother ; goes
to boarding school in Hopedale, Mass., where
white and colored pupils were received, 133 ;
brings home school notions, 134 ; at Eagles
wood with mother, incidents and accidents,
155-7. Tutored by Mr. Magill; +, 202; enters
Brown University ; +, 203 ; home indul
gences and discipline, 203-4 ; 210 ; 212 ; wishes
to go to war, mother's opposition, passive
obedience, 216-17, 219-20 ; 224 ; 227 ; of age
to be drafted, 241-2 ; 252 ; goes to Labrador
with Wm. Bradford, his mother wishes hira
to write to the newspapers; +, 275; 288;
Temperance work, 289, 294 ; mission work in
Sunday Sch,, 294,
Personal beauty and characteristics, enters
his father's office ; illness, constant compan
ionship of his mother, 294 ; loving letter to
sister Mary, 295-6 ; devotion of friends ;
death of, 296 ; funeral addresses by Garrison
and Geo, Thompson, 297 ; effect of death, 297 ;
298 ; letter from Phillips, 299 ; story about
him told twenty years after his death, 300-1 ;
remembered by Lucy Stone, 303 ; confidential
nearness to his brother Edward, 305 ; his
mother's sorrowful thought, II : 45-6 ; makes
flag, 270,
Chace, Susan B.
[Wife of Oliver], I: 22, 36.
Chace, Susan Elizabeth
[Third child of S. B, and E. B. C], birth,
1 : 33 ; anecdotes ; illness ; 38-9 ; 40,
Chace, William
Original colonist, follower of Anne Hutchin
son, I: 21,
Chace, William
[Grandfather of Eliza Greene Chace] , 1 : 119 ;
II: 31; 238.
Chace, William
[Son of Wm.], I:

119.

[350]

Chadwick, John W.
Tells anecdote of E. B. C. and Wm. Ellery
Channing, 1 : 12.
Champney, Elizabeth Williams
[Wife of James Wells] , II : 256.
Champney, James Wells
I: 289; entertains E. B. C.'s party at
Ecouen, takes them to studios ; favorite of
M. Frfere ; anecdote ; II : 26-7 ; birthday
congratulations to E. B, C, 256.
Chandler, Mr. 
Delegate to Prison Cong., II: 21.
Channing, Eva
II: 199.
Channing, Grace Ellery
II : 278.
Channing, William Ellery, D.O.
Advises E. B. in her childhood, 1 : 12 ; a
great soul, 114 ; 124 ; inscriptions in his copy
of Essay on Peace, 341.
Channing, Dr. William Francis
Kindness during Sam's last illness, I: 296;
on first Exec. Com. R. I. Woman Suffrage
Assn. (1868), 311; sends E. B. C. book from
his father's library, 341 ; helps form Prov.
Free Religious Soc. (1873-4); +, II: 51;
"chamelion diet," 52; 53; on universal
suffrage, 110-11 ; 116 ; approves Nat'l W. S.
Conv. ; thinks that leaders of Nat'l Soc. are
not responsible for some objectionable utter
ances, 143-4= ; 278.
Channing, William Henry
Editor of The Spirit of the Age, friend of the
Springs, I: 114.
Chapin, Rev. William H.
Founder of small home for wayward boys ;
+ , II: 288-9.
Chapman, Henry
[Son of Maria Weston], anecdote, I: 57.
Chapman, Henry Grafton
[Husband of Maria Weston], related to
Ann T. Greene. I: 55.
Chapman, Maria Weston
Author of "Right and Wrong," editor of H.
Martineau's Life ; said to have influenced
Phillips ; " Stand by the Liberator/' 1 : 55-6 ;
E. B. C.'s recollections of, 56—8; readiness to
help in A. S. work, 62; affection for E. B. C,
62—3 ; discourages holding A. S. Festivals
after war has begun, 226 ; evenings at her
house, II: 20.
Chase, Charles A.
II: 272; wishes E. B. C.'s book given to
libraries, 278.

Chase, Lucy
Appendix, Vol. I.
Chase> Salmon F,
[Chief Justice U. S.], introduced Douglass,
+ ; II : 137-8.
Chase, Sarah
Appendix, Vol. I.
Chase, Thomas, Ph.D.
Opinion of A. S. movement, II : 272.
Clieever, Dr. George B.
"Producing a moral earthquake," I: 189.
Cheney, *Daisy
[Dau. Ednah D.], II: 59.
Cheney, Mrs. Ednah D.
Discusses origin of evil at Appledore, II : 59 ;
serves on Com. fw Sunday meetings of Wom
an's Protective Union, asks E. B. C. to give
a talk on her own life, 122 ; 159 ; acceptance
of bereavement, 173.
Cheney, Elizabeth C. ["Bessie"]
II: 74; 83; 123; 181; character, 199-200;
311 ; 330.
Cheney, Horace Rundlett
I: 289; joins E. B. C.'s party at Clark's
Island, 346 ; II : 24 ; 25 ; in Paris and London
with E. B. C.'s party, 45, 48; betrothed to
Mary Chace, 50 ; marriage. May 5th, 1874,
52; at Winthrop, Mass., 54, 56; counsel for
Phillips' prot^g^, 57 ; illness, death ; tribute
frora Phillips, 74—5 ; daughter's musical abil
ity inherited from his family, 200.
Cheney, Mary Chace
[Wife of Horace R.], II: 54; 57; 58; liv
ing in Boston, 64 ; exhausted, message from
Phillips, 74-5 ; resigns from Prov. Woman's
Club, 81 ; 83 ; returning from N. Y. ; +,
103 ; becomes engaged to James P. Tolman,
welcomed by his family, 114 ; 116 ; marriage
122-3. See Tolman, Mary C.
Cheney, Orrin B., D.D.
[Pres. of Bates College], Maine Abolitionist,
I: 346.
Child, Lydia Maria
Hesitates about non-resistance, 1 : 57—8 ; her
"Progress of Religious Ideas" in schoolroom,
131 ; unwilling to provide comforts for sol
diers except those in the Kansas contingent,
217 ; author of tract, 245.
Chisolm, Judge 
[Name probably incorrect in text] victim
of political murder, II : 133.
Chisolm, - ' ¦¦¦^
[Wife of Judge C], II: 133-4.

[351]

Chisolm, Cornelia
Victim of political murder, II: 133.
Chisolm, John
Victim of political murder, II: 133.
Choate, Joseph
II: 328.
Churchill, Mrs. Elizabeth K.
On first Exec. Com. R. I. Woman Suffrage
Assn. (1868), I: 311; submits to E. B. C.
her reply to an editorial, 321—2 ; her help
valued by Mrs. Howe, II : 62 ; opposes E.
B. C. on the race question, 79-80 ;' 124.
Clapp, Henry Austin
Lectures at Sabbatia Cottage, II: 202, 207.
Clarke, George Ii.
Kindness during Sam's last illness, I: 296.
Clarke, Frances Alice
[Wife of George L.], I: 124.
Clarke, Rev. James Freeman
Misstates Gariisonianism, I: 80.
Clarke, Peleg
Former association with A. S. work, 1 : 197 ;
reminiscence of Arnold Buffum, 198.
Cleveland, Grover
Question about his personal fitness for the
presidency, II : 186 ; 189 ; 190.
Clifford, Edward
Story of early acquaintance with E. B. C.'s
party, II: 43—4; his paintings, attentions to
E. B. C.'s party, 46, 47 ; 48 ; renews acquaint
ance with E. B. C, visits at the Horaestead ;
mission to Father Damien, 187-8 ; sympathy
with Stead's effort to expose white slavery in
London ; his painting ; affection for E. B. C,
215 ; memories of visit to Valley Falls ; trou
bled about E. B. C.'s religion, 216 ; 230 ;
advised by E. B. C. about proposed work in
India, 232 ; longs for Valley Falls, 233 ; tells
of sister Margaret and her family, 240 ; his
portraits of Father Damien, speaks of Amanda
Smith; interest in corporal punishment in
schools ; his enjoyment of life, 241 ; ac
knowledges E. B. C.'s book, 280 ; 281 ; greet
ings to E. B. C, 322, 325; absorbed in
Church Army work, 325.
Clifford, Margaret
[Sister of Edward] , II : 43 ; 44 ; shows herself
to be a typical, serious English girl of the
period, 46-7.
See Williams, Margaret Clifford.
Clifford. Mary
[Sister of Edward], II: 215; interest in
corporal punishment, 241.

Cloug:h, Simon
Opposed to A. S. discussion, I: 49.
Clongh, Mrs. S 
Prepares and circulates petition suggested by
E. B. C.'s appeal for appointment of police
matrons, II : 70.
Coffin, L,evi
[B. New Garden, N. C, Oct. 28, 1798, d.
Avondale, O., Sept., 1877. Known as Pres.
of Underground R. E.], I: 49.
Coggeshall, James
A slaveholder, II: 260.
Coggeshall, John
First Pres. of the Aquidneck Colony, 1:1;
II: 167.
Coleridge, John Duke, Baron Coleridge
An English jurist, II: 177.
Collet, Joe
Drove S. B. C. during illness, requests per
mission to drive the hearse at the funeral,
I: 337; II: 65.
Collins, James C.
W. R. advocate, II : 57.
Collins, William Wilkie
His play a sermon, II : 48 ; meets the Chace
party, 49.
Collyer, Mrs. Harriet
[Mother of Robert], II: SO.
Collyer, Rev. Robert
Preaches wonderful sermon the morning of
the Chicago fire, 1 : 347 ; II : 20 ; regrets
inability to be present at W. S. meeting, 237 ;
affectionate reminiscences, 255.
Colt, Hon. Samuel P.
Values E. B. C.'s opinion on legislation per
taining to women and children, II: 78.
Combe, George
His views please Arnold Buflum, 1 : 91 ; read
to the Chace children, 202.
Conklin, Mr. 
I: 200.
Conroy, Mary
[Afterwards Mrs, Stephen Jenks], protigi of
E. B. C, I: 106.
Conway, Fllen Dana
[Wife of Moncure D.], entertains E. B. C.'s
party, II : 8, 48 ; 203 ; pilgrimage to Brook
Farm, 223 ; 294.
Conway, Mildred
[Dau. of Moncure D.], pilgrimage to Brook
Farm, passion for Concord, II : 223 ; visits
the Sawyers at Lake George, 297-8.

[352]

Conway, Rev. Moncure Daniel
In demand as A. S. speaker, 1 : 183 ; per
sonality, 184 ; his book, 240 ; conducts father's
slaves to freedom ; lectures at Pawtucket ;
E. B. C.'s guest, anecdote; +, 240—1; re
ports interview with Lincoln, Jan. 25, 1863,
248-9; entertains E. B. C.'s party, II: 8;
takes E. B, C. through London slums ; at
reception given to Col. Higginson, 9 ; 11 ;
quoted ; +, 19 ; courtesies to E. B. C.'s
party, 48 ; returns to America, 64 ; remi
niscence of Wianno, 201—2 ; prominent in
Sabbatia Cottage assemblies, 203, gives sev
eral addresses, 204, an address on his change
from pro- to anti-slavery, 206—7, on Life and
Character in India, 207, on Woman's place
in history, 208 ; congratulates E. B. C. on
her influence on W. S. movement, 222 ; pil
grimage to Brook Farm, enthusiasm for Con
cord, call from Dr. Holmes, 223 ; birthday
greeting to E. B. C. ; writing life of Thomas
Paine, 257—8 ; returns from Eng. to Wianno,
laments changes ; to take part in a demon
stration against lynching, 297—8.
Copeland, John A.
[One of John Brown's men], letters to
Liberator, I: 210.
Corregio,  .
His Holy Night, I: 129; II: 4L
Correll, Erasmus M.
Gratitude for gift, II: 173.
Cowper, William
His verse recited by Arnold Buffum's daugh
ters, 1 : 16 ; S. B, Chace buys copy of poems,
23; 129.
Cozzens, Phoebe
Said to oppose the 15th amendment, I: 316.
Craddock, Nannie
II: 200.
Crane, Amanda M.
Writes about the State Farm, I: 342.
Cranston, Edward C.
Unable to arrange A. S. meetings, I: 168;
active in A. S. work, 186.
Crawford, Thomas
II: 14L
Crowninshield, Harriet
Character, engaged to E. G. Buffum, death,
I: 100.
Cuffie Child of fugitive slave, II: 261.
Curry, James
[Fugitive slave] , E, B. C.'s interest in,
1 : 70-1 ; his arrival in Fall River, II : 264.

Curtis, George William
Woman Suffragist, I : "304 ; II : 278 ; grati
tude for E. B. C.'s book, 279,
Curtises [The Boston], family of many lawyers, 1 : 47.
Cushing, Elizabeth [Baldwin]
[Wife of Thomas], kindness to E. B. C.'s
party, II: 31, 38, 39.
Cushing, Dr. Ernest
Friend of Barbieri, II : 37 ; 39 ; advises
Barbieri, 40.
Cushing, Herbert
Kindness to E. B. C.'s party, II: 31;
masked ball, 35 ; 36.
Damien de Veuster, Father Joseph
A Roman Catholic missionary who devoted
his life to the lepers, II : 188 ; 241.
Dana, Kichard Henry
Characterization, his opinion of the feeling
in Washington about Lincoln in March, 1863,
I: 249-50.
Darnley, Lord Henry Stuart
II: 21.
Davidson, Thomas
[Scottish- American philosopher and writer;
b. Aberdeen, 1840, d. Montreal, 1900] , his raem-
orable visit to Wianno, personality, II : 201—2 ;
always ready to discourse at Sabbatia Cot
tage, 204 ; gives three lectures and recites
Scotch poetry, 207.
Davies, Mrs. Rose
Nurse in Georgia, II : 239.
Davis, Andrew Jackson
Spiritualist writer, I: 107.
Davis, Eliza Chace
[First wife of Thomas], I: 124.
Davis, Garrett
Opposes A. S. bill, I: 234.
Davis, Jefi'erson
I: 304.
Davis, Maria Mott
[Wife of Edward M.], visited by S. B.
Anthony, II: 319.
Davis, Paulina Wright
[Wife of Thomas], social position in Prov.,
I: 120; interest in W. R., 121; 151; 160;
helps E. B. C. get up R. I. Woman Suffrage
Assn., 309, elected Pres. of Assn., 309, 311;
makes confidant of E. B. C, conflicting duties,
314 ; opposes 15th Amendment, 316, tries to win
over E. B. C. , 319 ; determined to prevent
R. I. Woman Suffrage Assn. from affiliating
with new movement, 324 ; 333 ; suspicious of

[353 ]

governor's sincerity in making appointments
to new Board of Lady Visitors, 334—5 ; should
have due praise for efforts, II : 115 ; early
W. R. work, 185; 24L
Davis, Thomas
[Of noble Irish parentage, came to America],
becomes member of Cong., I: 119; marries
Paulina Wright, 120; 289; one of the vice-
presidents of R. I. Woman Suffrage Assn.
(1868), 311; 314.
Day, Mary E.
Appendix, Vol. I.
See Brown, Mary Day.
Del Sarto, Andrea
II; 42.
De Trompe, Julie
[A Danish Countess], romance of, II: 37,
40-1.De Trompe, Sophie
[A Danish Countess], II: 37.
Diaz, Abby Morton
At Sandwich, N. H., I: 346; II: 124.
Dickens, Charles
His books recomraended to the Chace chil
dren, I: 202; II: IL
Dickinson, Anna Elizabeth
[A. S. and W. R. speaker], I: 233; +;
visits E. B. C, youth, brilliant personality,
anecdotes, 234-5 ; careful plans for her lec
ture trip, 236 ; nervous excitement ; speaks
before Theodore Parker's congregation, 237 ;
aspirations, 240 ; 252 ; distrust of Lincoln,
regrets Garrison's attitude, admires Phillips,
263 ; 264 ; 289 ; reports Western enthusiasm,
315; E. B. C. hears her lecture in N. Y.,
II : 108 ; her coraraent on Susan B. Anthonj',
213.Dietrick, Ellen Batelle
[Wife of William Albert], II: 201; speaks
at Sabbatia Cottage, 204.
Dingley, Nelson, Jr.
[ex-Gov. of Maine], quoted in reference to
child labor law, II: 150.
Dix, Dorothea
Assists Charles Sumner in procuring pardon
for Drayton and Sayres, I: 145.
Dodge, aiiss — —
[Principal of Codman Hill School, Dorches
ter], comment on the Phillips-Thompson dis
agreement, I: 261—2.
Dore, Paul Gustave
II: 48.
Douglas, Mrs. 
Dublin boarding-house keeper, II : 6.

Douglas, Stephen Arnold
II: 277; 278.
Douglass, Anna
[First wife of Fred'k], husband's courtesy
to, 1 : 266 ; happy in Washington, II : 110 ;
134; 135; 139; 179.
Douglass, Frederick
Break with Garrison, 1 : 136—7 ; marvelous
personality ; friendship with E. B. C. ; re
cruits colored soldiers, 143 ; early oratory ;
tribute from Phillips ; brief sketch ; E. B.
C. like a sister, 143—4 ; claims folUes and
crimes of negro so like those of whites as
to establish identity, 167 ; 185 ; debate with
Remond, 189 ; visited by E. B. C. and party,
reraarkable interview, 265—6 ; graceful cour
tesy towards his wife, 266 ; present at W. S.
Conv., 311; anecdote, 312; comes occasion
ally to the Homestead, II; 110; his Wash
ington home, 134—6 ; Chief Justice Chase's
estimate of, 137—8; appreciation of E. B. C.'s
Washington letter ; feeling for old Abolition
ists ; attends memorial meeting for Lucretia
Mott; +, 139—40; 175; second marriage;
comes to New England; attends Phillips'
funeral, 179 ; expects to attend R. I. Woman
Suffrage Conv. in Prov. [1884] ; affection for
E. B. C, 189; 191; call to Hayti prevents
him from making visits to N. E. friends, 251 ;
strength and endurance of his friendship with
E. B. C. ; reminiscence of the time when he
was merely "Frederick," 253—4; one time
guest of Jacob Bright, 276 ; talking of E. B.
C. when her book is delivered to him, 280 ;
feels high and reverent honor for E. B. 0.
and Parker Pillsbury ; appeal for fair treat
ment, 296; loving remembrance of E. B. C,
298-9 ; visits E. B. C. during her illness, 32a
Douglass, Helen Pitts
[Second wife of Fred'k], visits New Eng
land, II: 179; a Woman Suffragist, 189;
message to E. B. C, 251; 253; 280; joins
husband in loving sentiments for E. B. C.,
299.
Downing, Andrew J.
Entertains Fredrika Bremer, I: 114.
Downing. George T.
Regrets that he and his wife cannot be pres
ent at E. B. C.'s birthday party, II: 254-5;
golden wedding, 255-6.
Doyle, Louis J.
II: 241.
Doyle, Sarah E.
Invites E. B. C. to attend a meeting of R. I.
Woman's Club ; +, II: 98-9.

[354]

Doyle, Sarah E. H.
[Wife of Jjouis J.], rejoices that the act
establishing Board of Lady Visitors has been
passed, I: 333; 334; II: 72; inspired to
work by E. B. C, 92 ; friendship with E. B.
C. ; death, obituary tribute by E. B. C,
241-2.Doyle, Thomas A.
[Chairman of Board of State Charities and
Corrections, later the most distinguished
Mayor of Prov., re-elected many times], rec
ommends appointment of women on Boards of
Inspection of the State Prison and the State
Farm, I: 330; resigns from Board of C. and
C. ; indifferent to slurs by Journal; +,
332-3; quoted and criticized by E. B. C,
II : 96 ; agrees with E. B. C. concerning
location of Reform Sch., 128-9.
Drayton, Capt. Daniel
Unsuccessful attempt to help slaves escape in
his vessel; visits E. B. C, I; 145.
Dresser, Bev. Amos
Abolitionist, I: 39.
Dyer, Mary
Quaker martyr, II : 124, 311.
Earle, Eliza
[Dau. of Patience Buffum and Pliny Earle],
special friend of E. B., later marries William
Hacker, I: 6; confidant of E. B., 14; sends
sentimental letters, 15 ; cannot accept no-
gov^rnment theory, 65.
Earle, Patience Buffuni
[Wife of Pliny], I: 6; II: 272.
Earle, Pliny
Marries dau. of William Buffum, I: 6.
Earle, Dr. Pliny
[Well-known alienist] , 1 : 6 ; a. fascinating
boy, 15.
Earle, William B.
Uncompromising Abolitionist, II: 274.
Eastman, Mary F.
II: 159; 191.
Eaton, Amasa M.
Effort to get women appointed on State
Board of Charities, II : 52 ; discusses Sena
torial candidates, 53—4.
Eddy, Mrs. Eliza Francis
[Dau. of Francis Jackson], friend of Phillips,
1 : 308 ; her will, talk with Phillips, II ; 169,
170.Eddy, Sarah J.
II: 319.
Eichbergr, Julius
At Appledore, II: 59.

Eldredge, W. D.
Supt. of Reform Sch., II: 102-3, urges larger
accommodations at Sch., 109.
Eliot, George
11: 38.
Eliot, John
William Chace member of his church, 1 : 21.
Elliott, Maud Howe
[Wife of John], at Mrs. Tudor's reception,
II: 141.
Emerson, Ralph Waldo
His Brahma, I: 202; urges W. S., 304; first
member of Free Religious Assn. (1867),
II : 51 ; his Town and Coimtry Club, 114 ;
beloved teacher, 223.
Estlin, Mary A.
Meets E. B. C, II : 23, impressed by ac
count of pro-slavery action of American
Friends, 279.
Executive Committees
Of the American A. S. Soc. for 1864 and 1865,
I: 282-3.
Fairbank, Bev. Calvin
Slave rescuer, sufferings, II : 216—17 ; con
tributions for, 217 ; message to E. B. C, 325.
Fairbanks, Anna
[Wife of Asa], II: 238.
Fairbanks, Asa
Arranges A. S. Conv. details, 1 : 172, 175 ;
not interested in formation of State A. S. so
cieties, 175, 185 ; wishes to continue Prov.
• A. S. lectures, 187 ; 192.
Fairbanks, Bhoda Anna
First Secretary R. I. Woman Suffrage Assn.
(1868), I: 311.
Farnum, B. M.
Reminiscence of a Phila. pro-slavery mob,
II: 272.
Fessenden, Benjamin
[Unitarian minister and Harvard graduate],
1 : 74 ; description of, joins Baptist Church,
105. Fessenden, Mary Wilkinson
[Wife of Benjamin], description of, anec
dote, I: 105-6.
Fielde, Adele M.
Lectures at Sabbatia Cottage, II : 206.
Fillmore, MMIard
[Pres. U. S., who signed the Fugitive Slave
Bill], I: 122; pardons Drayton and Sayres,
145; 229.
Fiske, John
E. B. C.'s feeling about his book "The Be
ginnings of New England," II : 242.

[355 ]

Fitts. Elizabeth
Engaged to teach children, II : 182-3.
Fletcher, Alice
II: 56.
Forbes, John Murray
Quoted, +.1: 267.
Ford, Sophia
Governess in Chace family, I: 130-1; mes
sages from E. B. C, 156, 157.
Foss, Bev. Andew T.
A. S. speaker, I: 181, 196, 199.
Foster, Abby Kelley
[Wife of Stephen Symonds], I: 119; hero
ism of, 139, 141; 165; 166; 167; solicitor
of funds to aid A. S. cause, 168 ; 172 ; 190 ;
229 ; fears new compromises, 240 ; criticized,
280-1; 283; 310; 335; II: 180; enthusiasm
for work, 185 ; criticizes Col. Higginson for
supporting Cleveland, 186 ; 219 ; at Lucy
Stone's reunion, 220 ; illness and death,
227-9; 235; E. B. C.'s tribute to, 236 ; "Our
Joan of Arc," 274; extracts frora E. B. C.'s
published tribute to, 282-3.
Foster, Alia Wright
[Dau. Stephen S. and Abby Kelley Foster],
II : 58 ; 228-9 ; mother's devotion to duty,
283. Foster, Fannie
Criticizes Phillips and Thompson, I: 261-2.
Foster, Horatio W.
Colored man of Prov., I: 185.
Foster, Stephen Symonds
1 : 119 ; 141 ; feels A. S. principles have
freed him from fear of death, 163 ; plans to
hold A. S. raeeting at Valley Falls, 165 ; de
ceived by impostor, 166 ; offended Slaterville
Influence, 168; A. S. lecturer, 172, 174, 175,
176, 184—5 ; his vehemence of speech con
deraned, 176-7 ; disapproves Garrison's with
drawal frora political life, would form an A.
S. political party, 188-9, 190-1 ; 229 ; 276 ;
criticized by Mr. May, 280-1 ; advises E. B. C,
310; overworked, II: 185; his book "The
American Church a Brotherhood of Thieves,"
republished, its effect on readers, 191—2 ; wife
writes biographical sketch of, 228 ; 282 ; 283.
Fox, George
Founder of Quakerisra, 1:1; attends Daniel
Gould's wedding in R. I. (1651), 2; great
progressionist, 159 ; 253.
Fox, Gustavus V.
Asst. Sec'y of Navy in 1883, memorandum
about Lincoln, I: 266—7.

Frederick William, Crown Prince of
Germany
II: 33.
Freeman, Hon. Edward Ii.
Disclaims title to especial gratitude for
service, II: 184.
Fremont, John Charles
Criticized by Garrison, defended by Phillips,
1 : 258-9 ; nominated to Presidency by Cleve
land Conv., 260 ; childish comment on nom
ination, 262, 264; II: 269.
French, Alice
[Octave Thanet], II: 200.
French, Richard C
A. S. discussion, 1 : 49 ; hears from fugi
tive slave, 70.
Frfere, Edouard
[Teacher of James Wells Champney], re
ceives E. B. C. 's party at his home and
studio, II: 26-7.
Frfere, Madame
Pride in her husband, II: 26.
FretweU, John
II: 73.
Frothingham, Bev. Octavius Brooks
1 : 308 ; first Pres. Free Religioxis Assn.,
II: 51.
Fuller, Margaret
Visits E. B. C, I: 100; news of her mar
riage and motherhood, 115.
See Ossoli, Margaret Fuller.
Gage, Mrs. Martha Joslyn
II : 116 ; comment on her suggestion that
women might be justified in using bribery,
144. Gannett, Mary I^ewis
[Wife of William C], II: 176; 318.
Gannett, Rev. William Channing
Answers criticism of Moody by E. B. C,
II: 81-3; replies to E. B. C.'s objection to
his use of old religious phraseology, 215—16 ;
sends birthday verses to E. B. C, 224 ; birth
day message to E. B. C, 318.
Garfield, James A.
II: 139.
Garlin, Anna
II : 78. See Spencer, Anna Garlin.
Garrison, Ellen Wright
[Wife of Wm. Lloyd the Second], II: 185;
message to E. B. C, 223.
Garrison, Francis Jackson
[Youngest son of William Lloyd], I: 289;
tribute to Edward Gould Chace, 344; 348;

[356]

sends letters of introduction to E. B. C. ; +,
II : 2, value of these letters, 20 ; opinion of
Greeley, 24 ; takes manuscript of " The Child
of the State" to HoweUs; +,88; gives re
ception for the Villards, 124 ; -|- ; calls on
E. B. C, her comment, 201; 220; 223; at
Abby Kelley Foster's funeral, 228 ; helps dis
tribute E. B. C.'s book in England and Scot
land, 279 ; congratulates E. B. C. on her
eighty-seventh birthday ; W. S. tea party ;
quotes Phillips Brooks, 290-1 ; his thought-
fulness, 296 ; 298 ; rejoices because the R. I.
Legislature responded to E. B. C.'s appeal,
312 : entertains Alfred Webb and wife,
312-13; 314; message to E. B. C, 326; letter
from, -f, 331.
Garrison, George Thompson
[Oldest son of William Lloyd] , 1 : 63 ; not
a Non-Eesistant, 241-2 ; II : 220 ; 275.
Garrison, Helen Eliza
[Wife of William Lloyd], I: 63, 136, 146;
asks donations for A. S. Festival, 213 ; her
hospitality ; mentions A. S. workers, 214—15 ;
visits Valley Falls, 221-3 ; 226 ; saddened
by slavery and the war, 227 ; invalidism ;
love of flowers, 259—60 ; disapproves Phillips'
course, 264 ; 337 ; message to E. B. C,
II: 2; 60; 223; anecdote of early married
life, 237; 273.
Garrison, Helen Frances ["Fanny"]
[Dau. of William Lloyd], visits E. B. C.
with parents, incidents, reads Aurora Leigh
with L. B. C, I: 222-3 ; lively letter to Miss
Holley, 226 ; 264 ; preparing for marriage
with Henry Villard, 284; 285.
See Villard, Fanny Garrison.
Garrison, Lloyd McKim
[Son of Wendell P.], his college ode,
II: 221-2.
Garrison, Mary Pratt
[Wife of Francis J.], gives reception for the
Villards, II : 124 ; 193 ; 201.
Garrison, Wendell Phillips
[Third son of William Lloyd], would not
go to war if drafted, 1 : 241—2 ; calls on
E. B. C, her comment, II: 201; 220; re
calls old A. S. alliance of Buffum and Gar
rison, 223-4.
Garrison, William L,loyd
[B. Newburyport, Mass., Dec. 10, 1805 ; d.
New York City, May 24, 1879], one of twelve
men to organize N. E. A. S. Soc. ; becomes
corresponding secretary of that body, 1 : 44 ;

relation to Liberator; holds obnoxious opin
ions, determined to express them ; political
convictions ; theory about voting, 54-5 ; 61 ;
domestic situation ; worldly circumstances ;
A. S. lectures, 63 ; Non-Resistance principles,
65 ; tribute from E. B. C. ; R. I. workers
try to discredit him, 78—9 ; disbelief in
earthly government, 80.
Opposes formation of political A. S. party ;
would have Abolitionists free to maintain the
attitude of moral critics ; considers whether
the U. S. Constitution was susceptible of
A. S. interpretation ; votes in early life ;
advances slowly to voting and disunion issues ;
definite decision on these questions, 81—3 ;
constantly applied to for lectures, especially on
slavery, "multitudinous engagements," 101;
127 ; portrait, with text, 129.
Connection with E. B. C. through marriage
to Helen Benson, 136; E. B. C.'s exalted
opinion of ; difficulty with N. P. Rogers ;
break with Douglass, 136 ; anecdotes ; rela
tion with Arnold Buffum ; avoids A. S. meet
ings in Prov. ; +, 137 ; brings comfort in
bereavement; -|-, 138; 141; 146; reverenced
by E. B. C, 147, 149-50 ; gratitude and af
fection towards Arnold Buffum ; feeling about
speaking in Prov., 159-60; tribute to Daniel
Mitchell, 165.
Favors postponement of Conv., 171—2; ill
ness; + , 172; "unfaltering faith," 176;
necessary at A. S. meetings, 177; "must be
excused," will speak later if able ; glad to
publish A. S. notices in Liberator; +, 181—2
183 ; accepts invitation to Valley Falls, 185
"an admirable example;" -4-, 186—7; polit
ical views, 188 ; delighted at success of A. S,
meetings in Prov., will lecture there, 192
"ready to go whenever Phillips does," 196
199 ; affectionate mention of Arnold Buffum
appreciation of E. B. C.'s labors, 199-200
visited by E. B. C. and children; +, 213
ill health, 215 ; considers the Union an arti
ficial bond, and the Constitution a covenant
with death, 216 ; opinion of the legal situa
tion (Sept., 1862) ; divergence from Phillips
becoming apparent, 218—19.
Visits E. B. C. at Valley Falls with wife
and daughtei' ; personal presence, dignified
beauty, easily entertained ; anecdotes of visit,
intimate acquaintance with James Russell
Lowell ; +, 221-3 ; makes change in Liber
ator heading, 225-6; "rich in his children;"
receives fair play from the I-ndepende-nt, 226 ;
editorial approved by Pillsbury, 229.

[357]

Cannot fulfill engagements ; inclined to dis
courage A. S. meetings in spring of 1862;
holds aloof from Phillips ; -f, 230-1 ; cannot
go to Prov., 236; controversy with Pillsbury;
+ , 237; divergence from Pliillips ; +, 238;
opinion of possible drafting of Non-Eesist-
ants, 241-2.
Editorial in Liberator coincident with 1st
Emancipation Proclamation, 243 ; 245 ; ig
nores Pillsbury's work, 246 ; offers as amend
ment to a resolution (Jan., 1864) "the gov
ernment is in danger of sacrificing," etc. ;
differs from Phillips, heated discussion ensues,
doubts Butler ; anecdotes, girlish comment
on the Garrison-Phillips controversy, 257-9.
Pleased with flowers from E. B. C, 259-60 ;
doubts advisability of giving ballot immedi
ately to freedmen, attitude towards Lincoln ;
unites with George Thompson to prove Phillips
inconsistent, 260-1 ; 262 ; criticized by Anna
Dickinson ; endorsement of Lincoln ; differs
from Phillips, 263-4; attitude of Douglass
towards him, 266.
Estimates of his attitude in the Reconstruc
tion Period ; -f, 268-9 ; his Non-Resistance
and No-government Perfectionism theories ;
important debate with Phillips ; opposing
resolutions offered and discussed at A. S.
meeting (Jan., 1866), 269-70, what these
resolutions imply ; considers precedent as
authoritative ; opposed by Sumner and
Phillips, 271.
At the May meeting in 1865 urges immediate
dissolution of Am. A. S. Soc. ; resolutions
defeated ; refuses renomination to the presi
dency ; succeeded by Phillips, 273 ; defended
by S. May, Jr., 279, 281; 282; 285; im
possible to obtain a hall in Washington to
speak in, 287 ; 289 ; no longer interested in
A. S. Soc, 291.
Speaks at Samuel O. Chace's funeral, 297 ;
hopes to attend W. S. Conv. in Prov., 311 ;
320 ; asked to help W. S. cause ; influence in
the West, 323 ; sympathy for E. B. C. in the
death of her husband, makes principal address
at the funeral, 336-7, extracts from address,
337—9 ; regrets Phillips' absence from the
funeral, 339 ; speaks at Edward Chace's funeral,
342 ; invited to speak at B. I. Woman Suf
frage Assn. ; under engagement to visit
Mr. May, 347.
II : 2 ; letters introducing B. B. C, 2-3 ;
value of his letters, 20 ; at Mrs. Chapman's
in 1851, 20 ; 21 ; reference to articles on
Presidential campaign (1872), 26; 60; cor

dial invitation to E. B. C. ; trip to Jaffrey,
60; prefers to speak only for Woman Suf
frage, 63 ; visit at Homestead, 88 ; lasi:
visit to E. B. C. (Oct. 29, 1878), 100; death,
funeral services at Roxbury, eulogy by
Phillips, 112-18 ; 186 ; 220 ; Arnold Buffum's
friendship for, 223-4; "Boston Mob," 237;
240 ; convinces Arnold Buffum, 262 ; 270 ; 272 ;
guest at Phcebe Jackson's home, 273 ; enter
tained by Jacob Bright, 276 ; 291.
Garrison, William Lloyd the Second
[Second son of Wm. Lloyd], I: 63; would
not go to war if drafted, 241-2 ; II : 60 ;
friendship with E. B. C, 100; 185; 191;
calls on E. B. C, her comment, 201 ; gives
addresses at Sabbatia Cottage, 204, 205, 208;
at Lucy Stone's reunion, 220; message to
E. B. C, 223; speaks at Abby Kelley
Foster's funeral, 228-9 ; laments E. B. C.'s
absence from Wianno, 294, 304 ; reads paper
on Immigration, 312 ; orator at Pillsbury's
funeral, 326; sends verses to E. B. C, 330;
331. Garvin, Dr. Ijucins F. C.
Helps form Prov. Free Religious Soc. ;
+ , II: 51.
Gibbons, Abby Hopper
[Dau. of Isaac T. Hopper, Pres. Woman's
Prison Assn.], accompanies E. B. C. to
prisons and refuges in N. Y., II : 106—7 ;
210 ; 289 ; 323.
Gibbons, James S.
Author of "We're Coming, Father Abra
ham," II; 210.
Giddings, Joshua Reed
Lectures at Valley Falls, Mr. Chace intro
duces himself and daughter, I: 117—18.
Gladstone, William Ewart
A glimpse of, II : 12 ; E. B. C.'s admiration
for, 18; 233.
Goldsmith, Oliver
Quotation from, II: 208.
Gooding:, Joseph
In opposition, I: 49.
Gorman, Mrs. Margaret B.
Commended by E. B. C. for protest against
taxation, II: 292.
Gould, Daniel
Settles on Aquidneck Island, goes to Boston,
is whipped for his Quakerism, marries in 1651
the daughter of John Coggeshall, I: 1-2.
Gould, Hannah
Saintliness, 1 : 2.
Gould, Jeremiah
Founds R. I. family in 1637, I: 1.

[358 ]

Gould, John
Character, family, I: 2.
Gould, Rebecca
[1781-1872], descent, childhood, marries
Arnold Buffum, I: 3. See Buffum, Rebecca G.
Gould, Sarah Cogsesball
[Wife of John], grandmother of E. B. C,
anecdote, II : 250-1 ; 260.
Gould, Susanna
1 : 148 ; anecdote of Revolutionary times,
II: 250—1. See Lawton, Susanna Gould.
Gould, Walter
I: 2.
Grant, Gen. Ulysses Simpson
II: 8; criticized, 24; 25; 29; 30.
Greeley, Horace
1 : 217 ; gives W. S. space in Tribu-ne, 303 ;
censured for bailing Jefferson Davis, 304 ; 323 ;
presidential candidate, comment by Smalley,
II: 8; E. B. C.'s question, other comments,
24 ; . E. B. C. ceases to believe in, 30 ; death,
33. Gregory, 
II : 289.
Greene, Abbie S.
I: 261-2.
Greene, Ann Terry
[1813-1886] Marries Wendell Phillips, 1837,
I: 55. See Phillips, Ann Terry.
Greene, Christopher Albert
[Nephew of Gen. Nath'l], gifted young sol
dier turned Transcendentalist, 1 : 124 ; mar
riage of daughter, 349.
Greene, Eliza Chace
[Dau. of Christopher Albert], marries Arnold
B. Chace, I: 349. See Chace, Eliza Greene.
Greene, Sarah A.
[Dau. of Wm. Chace, Prov. Abolitionist,
widow of Christopher A.], school in Prov.,
sisters, personality, 1 : 124 ; 126 ; marriage
of daughter, 349.
Greene, Col. William B.
At Appledore, II: 59.
Grew, Mary
[Early Abolitionist, delegate to World's A. S.
Conv. in London], I: 36; at Sandwich, N. H.,
346. Griinng, Josephine
Indignant at pro-slavery spirit in Freed
men's Bureau, labors for legislation for fam
ilies of freedmen, I: 285-6.
Griffith, Mattie
Frees her slaves in Kentucky, I: 213. Later
marries Albert G. Brown.

Grimk€, Angelina Emily
I: 63; 59; 66; 87; 141; II: 273.
See Weld, Angelina G.
Grimk€, Sarah M.
I: 63; 66; 87; 141; II: 273.
Gripenberg, Baroness Alexandra
[Finnish author, sociological student and re
former], visits E. B. C, forms strong friend
ship for her, attitude toward Lutheranism ancJ
Russia, II : 249-50 ; aversion to Russia, poli
tics, personal details, 326-7, 328-9.
Griswold, Mrs. 
Gives John Williams a chance, II: 102.
Guruey, Joseph John
[English Quaker], influences American Quak
erism, 1 : 104.
Haclier, William
Pliiladelphia Quaker, I: 6.
Hale, Rev. Edward Everett
His church in Washington, II: 133.
Hall, John
Early Abolitionist and religious thinker ; H-,
II: 252.
Hall, Martha liOvell
[Wife of John] , reminiscence of early friend
ship with E. B. C. and others, II : 252.
Hallowell, Richard P.
Charged with refusing to work for Jan. Sub
scription Festival, and later using funds thus-
raised, 1 : 280-1 ; lectures in Sabbatia Cot
tage, II : 206 ; 228.
Halverson, Canute
I: 39-40.
Hamilton, Rev. John W.
[Afterwards Bishop], speaks at Sabbatia
Cottage, II: 204.
Harmon, Dorcas
Friendship with E. B. C, characterization,
marriage, 1 : 72 ; 116.
Harris, Abbie
[Wife of Edward], A. S. worker, circulates
petitions, 1 : 225.
Harris, Amy [Eddy]
[Wife of Dr. Edward], II: 319.
Harris, Edward
I: 187; 200; visit from E. B. C. and
daughter during Jolm Brown period, 206;
II: 257.
Harris, Joseph
[Son of Edward], personal appearance, John
Brown anecdote, I: 206.
Harris, Susan B. or R.
[Wife of Dunbar], on 1st Exec. Com. R. I.
Woman Suffrage Assn., I: 311; U: 238.

[359]

Hart, Catherine W.
[Wife of Charles], Vice-Pres. in first year of
H. I. Woman Suffrage Assn., I: 311; H: 62.
Hastings, 
Helps E. B. C, II: 17.
Hatch, Rnfus
His party on the Resolute, II : 58-9.
Hathaway, Thomas M.
Impressed by A. S. speakers, consults E.
B. C,. I: 189; obstacles in way of A. S.
work and danger of "isras," dependence on
Phillips' help, 194-5.
Hayes, Lucy Wehh
[Wife of Pres. Hayes], receives Suffragists
at White House, her charm, II : 132 ; 140.
Hayes, Rutherford Birchard
[Nineteenth Pres. of U. S.], distrust of his
policy, II: 92.
Hayward, William S.
His boarding sch. in Hopedale open to white
and colored children, 1 : 133-4.
Hazard, Hon. Rowland Gihson
[Author of Hazard on the Will], a Vice-Pres.
•of R. I. Woman Suffrage Assn., I: 311;
323; on W. S., 348-9; anecdote, II: 23; en
couraged by result of recent political cam
paign, 190.
Hazard, Mrs. — —
Declines to serve on Board of Lady Visitors,
1 : 334.
Hazard, Thomas R.
His protest against practise of pleading not
guilty indorsed by E. B. C, II: 129.
Healy, Martin F.
Supt. of State Home and Sch., II : 233 ; 243 ;
his conduct under investigation, final removal,
¦244-8. '
Healy, Mrs. 
[Wife of Martin] , II : 233 ; 248.
Hedge, Dr. Frederick H., D.D.
At Appledore, II : 59 ; precej)t and exaraple,
69. Heindman, Mrs. 
II: 191.
Hemenway, Mrs. Mary A.
II: 205.
Heywood, Fzra H,
Interest in A. S. petitions and education of
colored children, I: 188; goes to R. I., 196-8;
confers with E. B. C, 199 ; desires A. S.
meetings in Prov., 230 ; on drafting of
Quakers, 263-4.

Higginson, Mary Channing
[Wife of Thos. W.], I: 345; 349.
Higginson, Mary Thacher
[Second wife of Thos. W.], II: 114; 141.
Higginson, Col. Thomas Wentworth
Admires Quaker dress, 1 : 21 ; 127 ; 128 ; de
ceived by impostor, 166 ; ardent politician ;
speaks at Prov. ; + ; 182 ; 193 ; 198 ; his
translation of Epictetus read aloud by E.
B. C, 202; decides to enter the array, 217;
interest in W. S., 304; on Exec. Com. R. I.
Woman Suffrage Assn. , 311 ; effort to form
Am. W. S. Assn., 318 ; supports 15th Amend
ment ; +, 323-4 ; delegate to Cleveland, 345 ;
349 ; II : 4 ; reception by Anglo-American
Soc; -|-, 9—10; possible nominee for U. S.
Senate, 53—4 ; interest in boy soldier, 60—2 ;
anecdote, 90 ; congratulations to the Chace
family; +,114; 116; recent editorial, 130 ;
141; writes of W. S., 169; 170; 171; 175;
criticized for support of Cleveland, 186 ; letter
from, 331.
Higginson, 
[Brother of Thos. W.], II: 4.
Hill, Mrs. 
Interest in fugitive slave Susan, 1 : 45.
Hinckley, Rev. Frederic A.
Settled over Prov. Free Religious Soc. ; labor
reformer; -{-, II: 52; 125; 185; 191; speaks
at Sabbatia Cottage, 204 ; with his wife at
Barnstable, 205; tribute to E. B. C, 305-6.
Hodges, Rev. Charles F.
Disunion Abolitionist, 1 : 181 ; 182 ; 183 ; 185.
Holley, Sallie
A. S. speaker, 1 : 141 ; 175 ; popular speaker ;
enthusiasm over Phillips and others, 176-8 ;
successful meetings on Cape Cod, plans to
hear Sumner, then go to R. I., 184; com
passion for Miss Putnam, 193 ; wishes to
speak in R. I. but not in Prov., 198; 213;
214 ; rejoices at fair treatment of Garrison
by the Independent, 226 ; appreciation of
Mr. Chace, 227 ; hears Phillips' Aug. 1st
speech, 241 ; caretaker at Homestead, 288 ;
shy about going alone to hotels, 291.
HoUingsworth, Mrs. 
[Wife of Mark], II: 257.
Holmes, Clara Mulford
1 : 289-90 ; 298 ; 305 ; 306 ; visitor at the
Homestead, 336 ; 344 ; accompanies E. B. C.
to Europe, H : 3 ; at the Ascot races, 8 ;
11; 22; 32; in Venice, 43; Newport, 53;
74 ; visits the Wymans, 101 ; 103 ; interest
in the race question, 275 ; 316.

[360 ]

Holmes, Margiaret Ii.
[Wife of Wm. H.], visited by E. B. C,
I: 346.
Holmes, Oliver Wendell
II: 38; 223.
Holmes, William H.
1 : 308 ; visited by E. B. C, 346 ; favors
Greeley, II : 24 ; assisted runaway slaves, 276 ;
316. Hooper, Dr. 
A. S. discussion, 1 : 49.
Hopper, Isaae Tatem
[Quaker advocate for fugitive slaves in
Phila., b. 1771, d. 1862], home named for,
II: 106; 210.
Hopper, John
[Son of Isaac T.], II: 328.
Hoppin, liouise C.
Believes God will free slaves in His own good
time, I: 224-6.
Houghton, liord
[Richard Monckton Milnes], speaks at re
ception to Col. Higginson, II: 10.
Hougrhton, 
II: 289.
Hovey, Charles Fox
Hovey Fund, I: 246.
Hovey, Richard
Reads paper at Sabbatia Cottage, II: 204.
Howard, Gen. Oliver O.
Chief of Bureau of Freedmen, 1 : 281 ;
quoted, 286.
Howe, Julia Ward
[Wife of Samuel Gridley], effort to form
Am. Woman Suffrage Assn., I: 318; at re
ception to Col. Higginson, II : 9 ; speech at
Prison Cong., 13 ; reminiscences quoted ;
-|-, 14; 15; speaks on Peace, 16; 17;
Peace Cong, in London ; -^-, 19 ; 21 ; A.
A. W., 56; desires E. B. C.'s help, 62-3;
criticizes Love's management of Peace Conv.,
hopes to organize an International Peace
Assn., 72-3; literary and social demands on,
115; 116; 141; 175; 180; urges a W. S.
Conv. in Newport, 220; friendship and ad
miration for E. B. C, 294-5; subject of ad
dress in Prov. praised, 309 ; letter from, 332.
Howe, Maud
[Dau. of Samuel G. and Julia Ward],
II: 115. See Elliott, Maud Howe.
Howe, Dr. Samuel Gridley
Critical of Lincoln's attitude towards Eman
cipation, believes defeat would be morally
better for the North, 1 : 227-8 ; radical dele
gate to Jan. 26th interview with Lincoln, 249.

HoweUs, William Dean
Editor of the Atlantic, accepts "The Clrildi
of the State," II: 88; 275; at Mrs. Morse's,
289-90, 328.
Howitt, Mrs. Mary
Letter of introduction to Fredrika Bremer,
I: 114.
Howitt, William and Mary
Entertain E. B. C, II: 38; 43.
Howland, Joseph A.
A. S. speaker in R. I., I: 181, 199; speaks
at A. K. Foster's funeral, II: 229.
Hughes, Rev. John
Disapproved of by Marcus Spring, I: 253.
Hughes, Thomas
Presides at reception to Col. Higginson,
II : 9-10 ; courtesies to E. B. C.'s party ;
-f, 11, 12.
Humbert, Prince
[Son of Victor Emmanuel], II: 36.
Hunter, Gen. David
Issues Emancipation proclamation which is
nullified by Lincoln, I: 217; 247.
Hutchinson, Adoniram Judson
Anecdote of, I: 138.
Hutchinson, Anne
I: 21.
Hutchinson Family
I: 117, 138.
Ingersoll, C. M.
Sec'y of Chisolm Monument Assn., invites-
E. B. C. to become Vice-Pres. from R. I.,
II: 100.
Ingersoll, Mrs. Robert
II: 140.
Irving:, Sir Henry
II: 176.
Isabel II: 64-6.
Jackson, Andrew
I: 7, 61.
Jackson, Francis
Serious illness, I: 215; "of blessed mem
ory," 291 ; would understand Phillips, 308 ;
unsuccessful in attempt to will money to-
W. R. movement, II: 169.
Jackson, Phebe
Accompanies E. B. 0. on tour of investiga
tion, 1 : 326 ; 333 ; ostracized by Prov. pro-
slavery society, II: 273.
Jackson, 
Opens his house to colored as well as white-
people, II: 273.
Janes, 
His shop, I: 180.

[361]

¦Janes, Marcus T.
First Treas. R. I. Woman Suffrage Assn.,
I: 311.
Janes, Mrs. Sophia L.
II : 238 ; first saw Garrison, 272.
¦Jefferson, Joseph
II : 200 ; with his wife at Mrs. Morse's,
^89-90. Jefferson, Thomas
Signature on Arnold Buffum's patent paper ;
+ , I: 7.
Jenny, — -
II : 56.
.John Nepomuk Maria Joseph, King of
Saxony
Procession in honor of his Golden Wedding,
+, II: 32-3.
Johnson, Andrew
I: 272; 273; opposes Negro suffrage, 276;
charged with "Tylering up"; +,281; foe
•of the Negro, 286, 287 ; Pillsbury's comment
on, 305.
Johnson, XJzra R.
A. S. worker, 1 : 64.
Johnson, Oliver
A. S. worker, advises E. B. C, I: 61-2;
message from E. B. C, 287; tribute from
Pillsbury, II: 240.
Johnson, Dr. Samuel
Quoted by Phillips, I: 85.
J^ohnson, Rev. Samuel
Vows himself a Disunionist, I: 193. •
¦Jones, Augustine
[Principal of Friends' Sch.], escorts E. B. C.
¦over the school, II : 182.
-Jones, Ella
Victim of cruel treatment, II: 163.
Joy, liilla
I: 134.
¦Joy, Miss 
Guest of Douglass, II: 280.
Julien, George W.
Will sign W. R. appeal, I: 304.
Tteene, Dr. Willtam W.
Reads paper at Sabbatia Cottage, II: 204.
Kelley, Abby
First A. S. address, 1 : 61 ; costume criti-
¦cized, 113 ; supported herself during A. S.
labors, 122 ; made only one lecturing cam
paign without a traveling companion, 141 ;
¦disowned by Uxbridge Quakers, II: 264.
See Foster, Abby Kelley.
Kendall, Amos
[Postmaster General, 1835], tries to prevent
transmission of A. S. publications, I: 60.

Kenmare, Lord
Irish landlord, II: 5.
Kenyon, Mrs. Isaac
Holds Valley Falls mob at bay, 1 : 216.
Kenyon, Susan
Signs petition, II: 182.
Kenyons, the
A. S. family of Pawtucket, 1 : 141.
King, Abby
Sues overseer, 1 : 41.
Knight, William
[ Prof, of Philosophy at St. Andrews] ,
II : 201-2.
Knowles, C. C.
A. S. worker, I: 234.
Kossuth, Louis
I: 154.
Ladd, Gov. Herbert W.
Approves bill authorizing the appointment
of special board of management for State
Home and Sch., II: 248.
Lafayette, Marquis de (Marie Jean Paul
Roch Yves Gilbert-Mo tier)
I: 21; 305.
Lai>ham, L.
Takes part in A. S. discussion, I: 49.
Lawton, James
Cousin of E. B. C, I: 148; discusses polit
ical situation in the West, Morgan's raid, in
dorses Lincoln, 254-5 ; A. S. reminiscences,
II: 109-10.
Lawton, Jesse
I: 254.
Lawton, Susanna Gould
A pioneer, 1 : 148.
Leland, Dr. P. W.
I: 49.
Lewis, Dr. Dio
Interest in temperance and politics, 1 : 272-3 ;
"the true Quaker," 277; organizes The
Woman's Crusade, 292.
Lewis, Edmonia
II: 37-8.
Lewis, Enoch [Mr. and Mrs.]
II : 74.
Lewis, Mary
II : 176. See Gannett, Mary Lewis.
Lincoln, Abraham
Reference to slavery in inaugural address,
1 : 213-14 ; attitude towards slavery, 216, 217 ;
in a difficult position, 221 ; reasons why he
was criticized, 226-9 ; 247—50 ; largest slave
holder in U. S., 234; 236; Phillips' opinion
of, 239 ; first Emancipation Proclamation,
244, 247, 248, 254 ; interview with Boston

[362 ]

Radicals, Jan. 25th, 1863, impression on dele
gates, 248-9; 255; anecdote; effect of Am
nesty Message, 256-7 ; difference in Phillips'
and Garrison's attitudes towards, 260, 261,
262, 263, 264 ; characterization by Fox, 266-7 ;
267 ; 268 ; his theory of Reconstruction, com
pensated emancipation, 271-2 ; Mr. May's
opinion of his critics, 280 ; II : 34 ; 92 ;
criticized by Pillsbury, 277-8.
Ijippitt, Gov. Henry
II: 65; 71; 72; 76; interest in State
Home and Sch., 78-9.
Xjittle, Mrs. Sophia
[Dau. of Asshur Robbins], anecdote, I: 122;
123; 173; 344; 345; II: 217; 275.
liittlefleld, Gov. Alfred H.
II: 166-8.
Xiivermore, Rev. Daniel
II: 221.
Livermore, Mary A.
[Wife of Daniel], I: 56; II: 13; does not
care to speak in R. I., 221 ; 253 ; 296-7.
Lloyd, Henry Demorest
II: 203-4.
liockwood, A. D.
II: 64.
liOng, Hon. John D.
II: 169.
liongrf ellow, Henry W.
I: 202.
IJongrfellow, Rev. Samuel
I: 241; 284.
Lord, Dr. John
II : 108.
Lome, Marquis of
II: 24.
Lorraine, Claude
II: 47.
Loring, !Ellis Gray
[A. S. lawyer in Boston], I: 92.
Louise, Princess
[Dau. of Queen Victoria, wife of the Mar
quis of Lome], II: 24.
L'Ouverture, Toussaint
1 : 88 ; II : 272.
Love, Alfred H.
1 : 288 ; II : 72-3.
Lovejoy, Rev. ^Elijah Parish
[B. Albion, Me., 1802; murdered at Alton,
111., 1837], I: 54.
Lovell, Lucy Buffum
[Wife of Nehemiah], I: 91; 206; II: 28;
262. Lovell, Lucy F.
1 : 222 ; 258-9, 262-4, 264, 267-8.

Lovell, Martiia B.
I: 67. See Hall, Martha B.
Lovell, Nehemiah
II : 262.
Lowell, James Russell
1 : 55 ; 202 ; apparent lapse from A. S. move
ment, 222.
Lucas, Margaret Bright
[Widow of Samuel] , I ; 345 ; 346 ; II : 13 ; 16 ;
17 ; 19 ; like an American, 21 ; 29 ; 189.
Lupton, Joseph
II: 20; 49.
Luther, 
Of Chace, Luther & Co., I: 24.
Magill, Edward H.
1 : 129-30 ; 160 ; 178 ; friendship with Chace
family, 202 ; 289 ; II : 200 ; 206 ; his thought
of life and death, 318-19 ; 331.
Magill, Helen
[Dau. of Edward H. ; later wife of Andrew
D. White], II: 206.
Magill, Sarah
[Wife of Edward H.], I: 160; 289; II: 20O.
Malcolm, Rev. Charles Howard
1 : 188 ; 311.
Mann, Dr. Augustine A.
II: 293.
Mann, Sarah Bucklin
(Wife of Augustine A.], I: 205; II: 306.
Manning, Cardinal [Henry Edward]
H: 14.
Margaret 
II: 120.
Marguerite, Princess
[Wife of Prince Humbert], II: 36.
Marston, Russell [Mr. and Mrs.]
II : 194 ; 210 ; 281.
Martineau, Harriet
1 : 55 ; 62.
Mary, Queen of Scots
II: 20-1.
Mathews, Charles M.
I: 17.
May, Abby
II: 159.
May, Elizabeth
[Dau. of Samuel], II: 309-10.
May, Rev. Samuel, Jr.
[B. 1810, marries Sarah Russell 1836, Sec'y
of Mass. A. S. Soc. 1847-65. Gen'I agent for
Mass. A. S. Soc. and N. E. A. S. Com., and
to some extent for Am. A. S. Soc], I: 164;
work for A. S. cause, reliance on E. B. C.'s
judgment ; cautions E. B. C. against col
ored impostors, 166-7 ; 171-3 ; desires to re-

[363 ]

organize the R. 1. A. S. Soc, consults E.
B. C. about lectures and a B. I. Conv., 174-6 ;
gives E. B. C. pecuniary and other details
of A. S. work, 177—79 ; rejoices in reports
from R. I., 180-1 ; discusses A. S. speak
ers, 181-8; calls E. B. C.'s attention to
Foster's divergence from Garrisonianism ;
-[-, 189 ; condemns the constant demand for
Phillips, 196 ; efforts to hold meetings, dis
appointments in regard to speakers, 192—200.
Advises cautious but constant A. S. speech,
230-1, R. I. Conv. should be postponed, 233
Prov. too fastidious, 235 ; comment on Pills
bury, careful plans for Anna Dickinson, 236—7
245 ; arraigns some members of the Exec.
Com. of the Am. A. S. Soc, 278-82 ; recom
mends The Nation to E. B. C, 282; 283; 347
Interest in E. B. C.'s Washington letters
II : 137-8 ; 180 ; 192 ; 219 ; 220 ; messages
to E. B. C, 222; account of Abby Kelley
Foster's illness and death, 227-9 ; 264 ; pleas
ure in E. B. C.'s book, 273; tributes to Wra.
B. Earle and A. K. Foster ; not able to write
history of the "One Hundred A. S. Conven
tions," 274—6 ; message from E. B. C. ; remi
niscences, 296; 300; failing health, 309-10;
331.May, Rev. Samuel Joseph
A. S. work in Fall River, 1 : 48-9 ; talk with
Mrs. Child, 57-8; 82; 106; 347; II: 275.
May, Sarah Bnssell
[Wife of Samuel] , II : 275 ; love of flowers,
300 ; illness and death, 310.
McCarthy, Justin
II: 18.
McCarthy, Mrs. Justin
II: 16; 18.
McConnell, 
II: 7.
McDowell, Gen. Irwin
1 : 217.
McKinley, William
II: 323, 324.
McLaren, Mrs. Duncan
II: 15-16.
Macnamara, Henry T.
I : 341.
Metcalf, Mrs. I. Harris
II : 257.
Metcalf, Jesse
I: 330.
Miller, Hugh
I: 203.
Milton, John
II: 42.

Mitchell, Daniel
1 : 163 ; death, tribute from Garrison, 165 ;
176. Mitchell, Dr. S. Weir
II: 91.
Montgomery, James
I: 16.
Moody, Captain
II: 2.
Moody, Dwight Lyman
II: 81-3.
Moore, Mrs. Nina
I: 311; II: 141.
More, Hannah
I: 16.
Morgan, Dr.
[Principal of State Normal Sch.], II: 235-6.
Morgan, Gen. John Hunt
1 : 254.
Morier, 
A slave in James Coggeshall's family, II : 260.
Morse, James Herbert
II: 200; 210; 284; 303.
Morse, Lucy Gibbo'ns
[Wife of James Herbert] , II : 200 ; 210 ; 284 ;
289 ; affection for E. B. C. ; anecdote of
Miss Anthony ; preparation for a Midsummer
Jubilee, 303-4; 323; 328; testimonial from
colored women, 329-30; 331.
Morse, Sidney H.
II: 24.
Morton, Jennie Johnson
[Wife of Lloyd], II: 257.
Morton, Johnson
II: 257.
Morton, Dr. Lloyd
Anecdote, II : 257 : 293.
Mosher, Mrs. Matilda Anthony
II: 319.
Mott, James
I: 303.
Mott, Lucretia
[Wife of James], I: 62; 303; 310; appen
dix. Vol. I ; presides at Peace Conv.,
II : 72—3 ; memorial meeting for, 139-40 ;
319. Mowry, Eliza A.
II: 272-3.
Mumford, Rev. Thomas J.
I: 284-5.
Napoleon II: 27; 33.
Navy, George
II: 246.

[364 ]

Nevin, Jennie D.
II : 165.
Newby, Dangerfleld
One of John Brown's men, 1 : 210.
Newhall, Mrs. Elizabeth R.
I: 345.
Newman, Francis W.
[Professor in University Coll., London],
I: 260-1.
Nichol, Mrs. Elizabeth Pease
[English Abolitionist, name incorrect in
text] , II : 21, 23 ; memories of Arnold
Buffum, 276.
Nicholas II, Czar of Russia
[Son of Alexander III], a Finnish view of
his peace manifestation, II : 327, 328-9.
Nicolay and Hay
Authorities for statement of Lincoln's plan
for compensated emancipation, 1 : 272 ; II : 277.
Niles, Professor
II: 207.
Nilsson, Christine
II: 2.
Noble, Mrs. Rdmund
II : 202.
Nowell, Anna Cornelia
II: 141.
O'Connell, Daniel
1 : 307.
Opie, Amelia Alderson
I: 21; 28.
Osborne, Charles
I: 86.
Osborne, John
Warns E. B. C. against abolition excite
ment, I: 170-L
Osborne, Margaret
Marries Joseph Buffum, comes to Sraithfield,
1 : 3 ; 4. See Buffum, Margaret Osborne.
Ossian, 
I: 202.
Ossoli, Margaret Fuller
News of her marriage and motherhood,
1 : 115.
Ossoli, Marquis
I: 115.
Padelford, Gov. Seth
His appointments on the Board of Lady Visi
tors, I: 333, 334, 335, reappoints E. B. C,
refuses to accept her resignation, II: 10-11.
Paine, Amarancy
1 : 165 ; II : 238.
Paine, Thomas
1:7; anticipated Garrison's call for imme
diate emancipation, II: 258.

Palmer, Mrs. Fannie Purdie
Thinks races should not mingle, II : 79-80 :
admires E. B. C.'s paper on Quakerism, 125.
Farepa-Rosa, Madame [Fuphrosyne
Parepa]
II: 4.
Parke, Alice
Principal in a normal school in Washington,
has no color prejudice, II: 136-7, 138.
Parker, Theodore
Anecdote of, 1 : 104 ; 105 ; indicted for at
tempt to rescue Anthony Burns, 171 ; 237 ; in
terest in Progressive Friends Soc, 302; II: 42.
Fatton, John Mercer
Author of Patton's resolution, I: 49.
Fayne, Hon. Abraham
II: 191.
Peabody, Elizabeth Falmer
I: 124.
Fears. Fdwin
II: 2.
Pease, Elizabeth
Friend of Phillips and Garrison, II : 21.
See Nichol, Elizabeth P.
Feck, Elisha
Never had a fair chance, II : 102.
Pedro 
Fugitive slave, II : 161.
Feet, Jeanie Spring
Describes her father, Marcus Spring, II : 56.
Perry, Charles
I: 198.
Phillips, Ann Terry [Greene]
[Wife of Wendell], I: 6G; 102; 146; 207-8;
II: 21.
Phillips, Wendell
[B. Boston, Nov. 29, 1811, marries Ann Terry
Greene Oct. 12th, 1837; d. Boston Feb. 2,
1884] , leadership, 1 : 44 ; attitude towards the
"non- voting ethic," 55; influenced by Mrs.
Chapman, 55—6 ; supposed to be wealthy, 63 ;
rejects non-resistance principles, 65 ; devotion
to his wife, 66 ; believes voting equivalent to
taking the oath of allegiance, 81.
Admitted to the Suffolk bar in 1834, signs
necessary oath reluctantly, gives up practice
in 1841, 82; declares in 1844 his full ad
herence to the non-voting principle, 83, ad
mits it means revolution, quotations from
" The Philosophy of the Abolition Move
ment" and "Simms Anniversary," 84—5; his
wife's health prevents lecture engagements ;
anecdote, 101-2 ; comment on Douglass, 144.
Visits the Chaces at Fall River, begins or
ganizing A. S. societies ; anecdotes, 146 ;

[365]

E. B. C.'s feeling towards, 146—7; personal
appearance, 147—8 ; hopes for triumph of
Woman's Rights, 158 ; indicted on charge of
treasonable conduct, l7l ; his presence de
sired for Prov. A. S. Conv., 175; his "angelic
eloquence," 176 ; ill health, 177—8 ; declines
all but necessary speaking, 181 ; 182.
Home cares, 183 ; promises to speak in Prov.,
184-5 ; . cannot attend Conv. of March, 1857,
188; "outdid himself," 189; a '"sine qua
non" at A. S. Conventions, 192, 195.; 196;
198 ; 199 ; will not speak in public on day
of John Brown's execution, 200.
Guest at the Homestead in 1860 ; anecdotes ;
his knowledge of John Brown's raoveraents,
207—8 ; unable to fill Boston engageraent ; at
the Garrisons', 214—15; calls the Union "a
huddle of states," 216; analysis of Lincoln's
motives (1862), 217 ; the oath to a pro-
slavery Constitution still a bar to service for
the Union, 217—18 ; beginning of differences
with Garrison, 219.
Lecturing tour in the West, experiences,
230—1 ; magnificent speech in Boston ; over
worked, 233, 235-6 ; leader of new party in
divergence frora Garrison, carries raajority
with hira, 238 ; urges confiscation of rebels'
lands, 238-9 ; opinions of Lincoln, 239 ; 241 ;
245 ; 246 ; delegate to conference with
Lincoln, 248-9.
Comes to Homestead, anecdote in relation to
Lincoln, 256 ; doubts Lincoln's fitness for re
election, considers Amnesty Message unsound,
256—7 ; Emancipation Proclamation could be
set aside ; offers resolution at Jan. meeting
of Mass. A. S. Soc. (1864), significant amend
ment by Garrison, heated debate, 257-8.
Opposed to Lincoln's re-election, claims to
Itnow his own country better than Thompson
can ; calls for an amendment to the Consti
tution prohibiting slavery ; position on recon
struction, alienation frora Garrison, 260—1
anecdotes of the Phillips— Thorapson debate,
261—2 ; distrust of Lincoln ; praise frora
Anna Dickinson, 263 ; supports Fremont, 264
consistent in his opposition to Lincoln, 267—8.
His course in the Reconstruction Period
continued divergence from Garrison, 268-9
debates and opposing resolutions at A. S,
meetings, Jan., 1865, 269-71 ; in harmony
with Sumner, does not follow Garrison, 271-2
belief in Andrew Johnson, 273.
Elected Pres. Am. A. S. Soc. May, 1865, 273
criticized by Mr. May in reference to Sub
scription Festival, Jan., 1865, 280-1; on Exec,

Com. Ara. A. S. Soc. in 1864 and 1865, 282-3 ;
syrapathy for E. B. C. and family in bereave
ment, 298-300; 304; too busy with Recon
struction issues to take part in Free Reli
gious raovement ; -|- ; 307.
Saddened by alienation from old friends,
308 ; charged with injustice to W. S. cause,
316 ; the Standard his personal organ, 317 ;
opposes introduction of divorce question into
Woman's Rights meetings, 319 ; E. B. C.'s
loyalty to, 320 ; tribute to Mr. Chace, 339-40 ;
message of s3Tnpathy to E. B. C. after Ned's
death, 343-4 ; 344.
Enthusiasm over European travel, II : 1 ;
supports Grant, 8 ; 10 ; at Mrs. Chapman's
in 1851, 20 ; 21 ; E. B. C.'s faith in his states
manship, 25 ; 57 ; 60 ; appreciation of Horace
R. Cheney, 75 ; pronounces eulogy at Gar
rison's funeral, impression on his hearers,
112-13 ; 124 ; 141 ; draws up Mrs. Eddy's
will, 169 ; 170 ; death, funeral, and memorial
raeeting Feb., 1884, 179—80 ; his grave ; long
friendship with E. B. C, 184; 185; 240;
quoted, 254 ; rerainiscence of Phila. mob
which threatened his life, 272 ; 278 ; 304.
Fierce, Edward L.
[Biographer of Sumner], quoted, I: 227, 234,
on Lincoln's Reconstruction purposes, 271—2.
Pillsbury, Parker
Eloquent A. S. speaker, anecdotes, 1 : 144-5 :
ready to lecture at small recompense ; ill
health, appeals to E. B. C. for aid, grateful
acloiowledgment, 153-5 ; 164 ; physical weak
ness, 180-1 ; 186 ; 187 ; 189 ; speaks " like
one inspired"; +, 192; 199; his feeling
about the Garrison faraily, 226 ; differences
with A. S. leaders, 229 ; 233 ; criticized by
Mr. May ; faithful worker, controversy with
Garrison, 236-7 ; follows Phillips, 238 ; dis
heartened by antagonisra of the Garrison fac
tion ; wishes E. B. C. to understand his
position, 246-7 ; difference with co-workers
not pei-sonal, ill health, 251-2 ; charged with
bad faith by Mr. May, 280-1 ; editor of the
Standard, appeals to E. B. C. for co-operation,
286 ; resigns editorial post, reconsiders, 287 ;
continued work in the late 60's for the col
ored people and W. S., takes counsel with
E. B. C, 304-5 ; scoffs at honors paid to
Andrew Johnson, 305.
Republishes Fo'^teVs book, "The American
Church a Brotherhood of Thieves," II: 191-2;
birthday raessages to E. B. C, 224, 254, 298;
assists in preparing biographical sketch of
Foster, 228 : tribute to Oliver Johnson, 240 ;

[366 ]

praises E. B. C.'s book, recalls old criticisms
of Lincoln, 277-8 ; on Cape Cod ; sends E.
B. C. copy of one of his lectures, 281 ; 296 ;
313 ; 319 ; 325.
Pillsbury, Sarah
[Wife of Parker], I: 154.
Pitman, Harriet Minot
[Wife of Isaac ; friend of Garrison and
Whittier], friendship with Chace family,
I: 346.
Pitman, Mrs. Henry
I: 333.
Flumly, Benjamin Rush
I: 139.
Pollock, 
[Son of Sir Francis], II: 10.
Pope, Alexander
I: 16.
Porter, Delia W.
[Wife of Emory], experience at the Down-
ing's Golden Wedding, II: 255-6.
Porter, Rev. Emory
II: 256.
I'orter, Maria G.
II: 319.
Post, Isaac and Amy
Quaker Abolitionists. Take E. B. C. and
party to call on Douglass, 1 : 264-5.
Potter, Rev. William J.
II: 215; 256.
Powell, Aaron M.
Leaves N. Y. because of the draft riots,
1 : 253 ; criticized by Lucy Stone, 316 ; editor
of the Standard, 317 ; objects to raeeting the
Prince of Wales, II: 15; 18; editor of the
Philanthropist, 327.
Powell, Anna Rice
[AVife of A.aron M.], interest in the Philan
thropist^ II: 327-8.
Pratt, E. W.
Delegate to A. S. Conv. (1835), I: 48.
Pratt, 31ary
II : 193. See Garrison, Mary P.
Prentice, George D.
Graduate of Brown Univ., teaches school,
pro\ides reading for his pupils ; his love af
fair, 1 : 16-17 ; renewed acquaintance with
E. B. C, her desire to help him, 161-2.
Purvis, Robert
II: 254.
Purvis, Tasie
[Second wife of Robert], II: 254.
Putnam, Caroline F.
Miss Holley's companion, I: 141, 176 ; shrinks
from publicity of A. S. work but does not
falter, 193 ; 198 ; 214.

Putnam, Mrs. Caroline R.
Entertains E. B. C. in Florence, II : 42.
Quincy, Edmund
A Non-Resistant, 1 : 65 ; on Exec. Com. of
Am. A. S. Soc. (1864), 282.
Quincy, Josiah
II: 230.
ISaddles, Rosanna
\'ictim of ignorance and brutal instincts,
II: 140.
Rathbone, Mary
Letter to the FaU River Soc, I: 59-60.
Read, Clement O.
At Eagleswood, I: 155.
Read, Lydia Buffum
[Wife of Clement O.], I: 149; 150; 155;
II: 28; 213; 216.
Read, Mary
I: 344.
Read, Sarah B.
I: 307.
Rein, 
[An artist exhibiting in Prov.], II: 52.
Remond, Charles Eenox
Description ; anecdotes, 1 : 139-40 ; recruits
colored soldiers, 143 ; A. S. lecturer, 172, 185,
to debate -with Douglass, 189 ; 195, 196 ;
probably mentioned, 283; II: 263; excites
Prov. society, 273.
Remond, Sarah
[Sister of Charles L.], pleasing A. S. speaker,
1 : 189, 196 ; position in Florence, II : 42.
Richardson, Erastus
Anecdotes of his childhood, I: 71-2; writes
E. B. C. of Sam's kindness, 300-1 ; a remi-
ni>cence of his childhood, affection for John
Gould Chace and E. B. C, II: 252-3.
Richardson, Rev. 
1 : 199 ; 202.
Richmond, William E.
His hall used for A. S. meetings, I: 187.
Ripley, Dr. George
[Of Brook Farm], I: 93.
Ristori, Adelaide
E. B. C. sees her act, I: 289.
Robbins, Miss 
I: 93.
Robinson, AVilliam
Quaker martyr, 1 : 1.
Robinson, Ezekiel Gilman
[Pres. of Brown Univ.], II: 229.
Rockman, Ray
II: 200.
Rockwood, Mrs. 
Spiritualistic medium, I: 297-8.

[367]

Rodman, Samuel
Anecdote of color line, 1 : 262-3.
Rogers, Judge Horatio
II: 3n.
Rogers, Nathaniel P.
Editor of Herald of Freedom, I: 86; 127;
his difficulty with Garrison, 136.
Rosa, Carl
[Husband of Parepa- Rosa], II: 4.
Rosetta, Mrs. ¦
[Dau. of Douglass], II: 134.
Rosmini-Serbati, Antonio
[Italian philosopher, 1797-1855], II: 20L
Roswell, 
Fictitious name for boy soldier helped by
E. B. C. and Col. Higginson, II: 60-2.
Roswell, Mrs. 
II: 60-2.
Russell, Sol Smith [Mr. and Mrs.]
II: 289-90.
Rutledge, Ann
[Said to have been engaged to Lincoln],
I: 256.
Sanborn, Franklin B.
Co-editor of The Commonwealth, 1 : 241 ;
appendix, A'ol. 1.
Sand, George
I: 128.
Sappho 
II: 207.
Sargent, Christine
II : 42.
Sargent. Rev. John T.
[A. S. writer and speaker], I: 182; on
Exec. Com. Ara. A. S. Soc, 283; Radical
Club, 306.
Sargent, Mary E.
[Wife of John T.]. real head of Radical
Club, I: 306; II: 57; 141.
Savin, Mrs. 
I: 287.
Sawyer, Mr. and Mrs.
II: 29t.
.Sa\v>'er, Philip
II: 297-S.
Sayres, Edward
Mate of the Peart, 1 : 145.
Schenck, 
A <:erman artist, II: 27.
Schofteld, George
A homeless boy, II: 109.
Scliurz, Carl
Criticizes Lincoln's biographers, II: 277.
Scott, Dred
II: 277.

Scott, Sir Walter
I: 16, 131, 202.
Sears, Amanda
[Wife of John L.], friend of Douglass' child
hood, II; 135.
Sedgwick, Charles B.
Beli.eves Lincoln will be re-elected by. un
willing voters, I: 267.
Sennott, George
Counsel for some of John Brown's raen,
1 : 208-y.
Severance, Mrs. Caroline M.
[A founder of Women's Clubs], as A. S.
speaker, I: 186, 187, 311; effort to form
¦\\'. S. Assn., 318; interest in Cleveland W. S.
Conv., 323; interest in Peace movement, 345.
Sewall, Samuel E.
II: 180, 220.
Seward, William Henry
[Sec'y of State in 1863], distrusted by Abo
litionists, 1 : 247 ; 268.
Shane, 
An English Republican, II: 15, 16, 19.
Shaw, Rev. Anna
II : 294 ; 318 ; 319.
Shaw, Robert Gould
Colonel of colored regiment, 1 : 146.
Sheffield, Hon. William P.
Will draw up a bill permitting women to
assume certain duties, 1 : 331 ; II : 57.
Sheldon, Anne [Vernon]
Marries Wm. Buffum, Jr., II: 321.
Sherman, Mary A.
[Wife of William], quoted, I: 111.
Sherman, William
Faces Valley Falls raob, I: 216.
Shipley, Thomas
II: 258.
Shove, Azariah
Delegate to A. -S. Conv. (1835), I: 48.
Shove, Hannah
Cousin of E. B. C, anecdote of A. S. sym
pathies, 1 : 65 ; II : 238.
Sliove, Samuel
Marries a daughter of William Buffura, I: 6.
Sinimous, Franklin
A R. I. sculptor, II: 42.
Sisson, Dr. B. B.
1 : 49 ; 54.
Sisson, Susan
Anecdotes, 1 : 127.
Sisson Sisters
II: 238.
Smalley, George W.
Prefers Greeley to Grant, II: S; 10.

[368 ]

Smalley, Phoebe Garnaut
[Wife of Geo. W., adopted dau. of Wendell
Philhps], II: 20L
Smiley, Albert K,
[Principal of Friends' Sch. in Prov.], un
certain about admission of colored children to
school, 1 : 276-7, 278.
Smith, Amanda
II: 241.
Snnith, Ann
[Wife of Gerrit], I: 209.
Smith, Gerrit
Helps to call a Christian Conv., I: 152.
Smith, Gideon
Pawtucket Quaker, 1 : 69.
Smith, James McCune
A colored physician in N. Y., I: 88.
Smith, Joshua B.
A colored man of Boston who wished to
place his daughter in a Prov. school, 1 : 276-8.
Smith, Julia
A Conn. W. S. worker, II: 219.
Smith, 
R. I. A. S. lecturer, I: 173.
Snow, Edwin M.
[Sec'y R. I. Board of State Charities and
Corrections], interest in a State Farra girl,
I: 332; 335; indignant at action of Gen'I
Assembly, II: 129.
Southwick, Sarah
II: 219-20.
Spencer, Rev. Anna Garlin
[Wife of Williara H.], account of the Flor
ence kindergarten and a Christmas celebra
tion, II : 177 ; presides at W. S. meeting,
306. Spencer ' -
Blacksmith in Clean Spring, entertains
Arnold Buffum, I: 89.
Spooner, Bourne
On Exec Com. Ara. A. S. Soc, 1865, I: 283.
Spott, Ferdinand
Remarkable courier, II: 34.
Spring, Edward Adoli)hus
1 : 289 ; II : 56.
Spring, Jeanie
I: 289. See Peet, Jeanie Spring.
Spring, Marcus
Cares for fugitive slaves, 1 : 50 ; interest in
Brook Farm, 92-3 ; 100 ; lends pictures to
E. B. C, 129 ; owner of Eagleswood, visit
from E. B. C. and sons, 155 ; talks with
laboring men, 253; 289; appendix, • Vol. I;
friend of the McCarthys, II : 18 ; 27 ; 38 ;
death in 1874 ; characterization, 56.

Spring, Marcus Herbert
II : 27.
Spring, Rebecca Buffum
[Wife of Marcus], discreet confidante, 1 : 23 ;
91 ; 100 ; 110 ; tries to influence Fredrika
Bremer; +> ^^^> pleased with Margaret
Fuller's marriage, 115 ; 129 ; 149 ; interest in
Fredrika Bremer, 150-1 ; at Eagleswood, 155 ;
visits John Brown in prison, 206 ; de
scribed to Frederick Brown by E. B. C, 207 ;
raises money for some of John Brown's men,
asks help for Jason Brown, 208—10 ; appen
dix. Vol. I ; II : 18 ; 27 ; 28 ; 38 ; death of her
husband, 56.
Spurgeon, Rev. Charles Haddon
II: 48.
Stanley, Edward
Antagonizes North Carolinian Abolitionists,
1 : 248.
Stanley, Henry Morton
[Original name John Rowlands], II: 24.
Stanton, EUzabeth Cady
[Wife of Henry B.], I: 59; 119; 287;
prominent in Nat'l W. S. Ass'n, 310 ; urges
E. B. C. to attend its Conv. in N. Y., 315 ;
opposed to 15th Amendment, 316, 318-19 ;
edits The Revolution, 317 ; introduces the
divorce question into a W. S. Conv. (1860),
318—19 ; accused of upholding the doctrine
of free love, her unwise utterances feared by
W. S. advocates, 322-3 ; her plan for a
History of Woman Suffrage, II : 115-16 ; 190 ;
exchanges birthday congratulations with E.
B. C. ; W. S. activity, 234-5 ; 253 ; 318 ; 319 ;
asks E. B. C.'s opinion of her speeches, 330.
Stanton, Henry B.
A. S. speaker, 1 : 59.
Stead, William T.
Efforts to expose white slavery in London,
II: 215.
Stearns, Frank Preston
[Son of Geo. L.], with Whittier, II: 60.
Stearns, Maj. George E.
Radical delegate to interview with Lincoln,
1 : 249 ; belief in Andrew Johnson, 273 ; ac
cused of bad faith, 280-1 ; on Exec Com. Am.
A. S. Soc (1865), 283.
Stephens, Aaron D.
One of John Brown's men, I: 208, 209, 210.
Stephenson, J. H.
Radical delegate to interview with Lincoln,
1 : 249.
Stevenson, Col. T. G.
Conderaned by Pillsbury, 1 : 247.

[369 ]

Stewart, Alvan
Gives A. S. interpretation to U. S. Consti
tution, 1 : 82.
Stockton, Frank R. [Mr. and Mrs.]
II : 290 ; 328.
Stockwell, T. B.
[Commissioner of Public Schools], interview
with E. B. C, II: 181-2; recommends Miss
Carr, 243.
Stone, Eucy
[B. West Brookfield, Mass., 1818, marries
Henry B. Blackwell, 1855, d. 1893], wears
bloomer costume, I: 114; 141; asks E. B. C.'s
aid in getting up a W. R. Conv., 160 ; keeps on
the wing, 187 ; consults E. B. C. about starting
W. R. Journal, 288-9 ; urges her to send
W. S. petition to legislature, 290—1 ; asks
permission to use E. B. C.'s contribution as
seems wisest, receives W. S. appeal from Kan
sas, 291—2; interest in E. B. C.'s children,
reports W. S. activity, 303—4 ; 311 ; urges
E. B. C. to answer an editorial, 312 ; la
ments misrepresentation of the Woman's
movement in relation to the 15th Amendment,
316-17. Attempt to form The Am. W. S. Assn.,
318 ; 322 ; urges the appointment of dele
gates from Prov. for Cleveland Conv., 323,
324 ; her article on Armed Neutrality, II : 131 ;
residuary legatee in Mrs. Eddy's will, 169 ;
disagrees with Col. Higginson ; appeals for
aid for Mrs. Campbell, 169-70 ; sympathy
for E. B. C, 170-1 ; asks E. B. C. for a
paper, 173—4 ; account of Phillips' Memorial
service, 180.
Domestic and political solicitude, 188-9 ;
191 ; iUness ; plans for a reunion of A. S.
friends, 218-19 ; the reunion ; use of her
own name, 220 ; in relation to Abby Kelley
Foster ; W. S. activity, 228-30 ; a reminis-
cence, 256 ; belief about iramortality, 291,
293 ; messages to her through E. B. C.
from her daughter and husband, 275 ; 296 ;
309 ; 320.
Story, William Wetmore
II: 39.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher
[AVife of Calvin Ellis], her temperance prin
ciples, II : 91.
Studley, Mrs. 
Imprisoned for murder, 1 : 122 ; pardoned,
123. Sumner, Charles
Procures pardon for Drayton and Sayres,
1 : 145 ; 184 ; receives A. S. petitions, 224 ;

regrets Lincoln's pro-slavery action, 227,
urges him to sig^ the bill to abolish slavery
in Dist. of Columbia, 234 ; holds state sui
cide theory, 239 ; condemns Lincoln's delay,
244 ; advocates Col. Stevenson's promotion, 247 ;
position on admission of new states ; oppo
sition to Lincoln's Reconstruction methods
justified ; believes A. S. societies should not
dissolve, 271-2 ; faith in Johnson, 273 ; 276 ;
290 ; regarded as a living martyr ; II : 25 ; 29 ;
his seat in the old senate chamber, 133 ; his
furniture, 137.
Sutherland, Duke of
II: 325.
Swain, J
Influenced by Arnold Buffum, I: 308.
Susan 
A fugitive slave, 1 : 45—7.
Taft, Hon. Royal C.
Interrogated by E. B. C. II: 183; fugi
tive slaves in Uxbridge, 275.
Talbot, Mrs. 
Addresses Reform Sch. children, I: 327-8.
Talcott, James M.
Supt. Prov. Reforra Sch., I: 327-8; wishes
to meet Ladies' Board of Visitors, 335 ; dis
missed from Reforra Sch., II: 88.
Taney, Roger Brooke
[Chief Justice of U. S.], contrast of his
conduct with that of Chief Justice Chase,
II: 138; 277.
Taylor, Father
1 : 297.
Taylor, P. A.
E. B. C.'s party at his home, his opinion of
royalty, II: 19.
Taylor, Gen. Zachary
I: 229.
Temple, Hon. Cowper
II: 46.
Tennyson, Alfred
II : 11 ; 177.
Terry, Daisy
[Niece of Julia Ward Howe], II: 141.
Terry, Ellen
II: 176.
Terry, Eonlsa Ward
[Wife of Luther], II: 14L
Terry, Luther
II : 14L
Thackeray, William Makepeace
II: 9.
Thaxter, Celia
[AVifeof Levi], II: 60.

[370]

Thaxter, Levi
II : 69.
Thomas, Edith
Helps Mrs. Morse, II: 303-4.
Thompson, Mrs. Elizabeth
II: 116.
Thompson, George
E. B. 0. wishes to have hira speak in Valley
Falls, 1 : 149-50 ; opposes Phillips, 260 ; inci
dents, 261-2 ; in the A. S. office, 267 ; spealts
at Samuel 0. Chace's funeral ; interest in
Spiritualism, 297—8 ; meets E. B. C.'s party
in Leeds, anecdote, II : 20 ; bids E. B. C.
good-by for the last time, 49.
Thompson, Mrs. George
II: 20.
Tiiompson, James Li.
Underground railroad, II : 280.
Thoreau, Henry D.
1 : 131.
Tillinghast, Mary B.
Tribute to Samuel 0. Chace, 1 : 294 ; II : 293.
Tilton, Theodore
[Ass't editor of The Independent], I: 304.
Tobey, Dr. Samuel
1 : 193 ; 253 ; action about opening the
Friends' Sch. to colored children, 277-8.
Tobey, Sarah
[Wife of Samuel], I: 168-70.
Tolman, Edward Chace
II : 311.
Tolman, Elizabeth M. S.
[Wife of James] , pleased with her son's en
gagement, II: 114; 123.
Tolman, Harriet S.
II : 83 ; 123 ; 193 ; reads papers at Sabbatia
Cottage, 204; 221-2.
Tolman, James
Associate of Boston reformers, II: 114.
Tolman, James Pilce
II : 83 ; his engagement, 114 ; married, 122 ;
123 ; 141 ; 193 ; 196 ; presides at the Sunday
evening meetings, 203, his diary, 204 ; 299,
311; 312.
Tolman, Mary Chace
[Wife of James Pike], quoted, II: 5; 140;
141; 170; 176; 181, +, 195; excels in
flower painting, 200 ; 219 ; 221 ; encourages
E. B. C. to begin painting flowers, 231 ; 234 ;
245 ; reception for E. B. C, 262, 256 ; 267 ;
291 ; spends summer in Valley Falls, 292-3,
295 ; devotion to E. B. O., 299 ; 311, 312, 319 ;
message from E. B. 0., 330; 331.
Tolman, Richard Chace
Anecdote, II : 198 ; 203 ; 311.

Tomlinson, William Penn
I: 817.
Torrey, 
Experience in Freedman's Bureau, I: 286.
Train, George Francis
Characterization, I: 317.
Trueblood, E. Hicks
Underground railroad, II : 280.
Trueblood, William J.
Underground railroad, II : 280.
Truth, Sojourner
["The African Sibyl"], anecdote, I: 142;
reception, II : 106.
Tuclter, Abraham
I: 91-2.
Tudor, Mrs. Fenno
Reception, II : 141.
Turner, Anna
Visits L. B. C. W. in Boston, II : 123 ; 124 ;
141. Turner, Joseph Mallord William
II: 47.
Tyng, Dr. Annie E.
1 : 333, 334.
Vallandigham, Clement L.
A source of danger to the Union, 1 : 254 ;
called the arch traitor, 264.
Valley Falls Co., the
II: 64.
Van Buren, Martin
I: 61.
Van Zandt, Gov. Charles C.
II: 83; Sch. Suffrage, 122; State Home
and Sch., 181.
Vibbert, George H.
I: 318.
Victor Emmanuel
II : 36 ; his religion, 41.
Victoria, Queen of England
II: 24.
Villard, Fanny Garrison
[Wife of Henry], II: 30; 124; 223.
Villard, Henry
I: 284; II: 30.
Voltz, 
An artist, II: 48.
Wade, Benjamin F.
Belief in Andrew Johnson, 1 : 273 ; II : 304.
Walker, Amasa
Received Garrison's vote in 1834, I: 82.
Wallcut, Annie
[Dau. of Robert P.], a true Abolitionist,
I: 160.

[371 ]

Wallcut, Robert F.
Grateful for kindness to his daughter, 1 : 160 ;
200; asked by E. B. C. for A. S. literature,
245 ; name misspelt in text, 267-8 ; un
able to attend Phillips Memorial service,
II: 180.
Wardwell, 
Supt. at State Farm, I: 342.
Warren, William B.
Friend of Davidson, II : 201
Washington, Booker T.
Visits Wianno, II : 209.
Washington, George
I: 305.
Wasson, Bev. David A.
1 : 183 ; anecdote, II : 69.
Waterman, Ellen
II: 273.
Watkins, Mrs. Frances Ellen
I : 141.
Watts, Dr. Isaac
Quoted, II: 294.
Webb, Alfred
Much moved by E. B. C.'s book, II : 279 ;
with his wife visits E. B. C, 302, also F. J.
Garrison and Parker Pillsbury, 312-13.
Webb, Richard Davis
[Irish Garrlsonian Abolitionist], ignores
Pillsbury, 1 : 246 ; II : 8 ; 5 ; appearance ;
biographer of John Brown ; not an ardent
Home Euler, 6; 302.
Webb, Thomas
[Brother of Richard D.], attentions to E.
B. C.'s party, II: 6.
Webster, Daniel
Quoted, II: 263; wearied by "rub-a-dub
agitation," 274.
Weiss, Rev. John
Frequent visitor at the Homestead, intro
duces E. B. C. and family to the Radical
Club, 1 : 306-6 ; II : 4 ; Shakespearean lec
turer, 52 ; discusses origin of evil at Apple
dore, 69 ; wine drinking, anecdote, 67-70.
Weld, Angelina Grimkfi
[Wife of Theodore D,], I: 69; address in
Pennsylvania Hall, 61 ; 87 ; 289.
Weld, Theodore Dwight
A. S. speaker, marries Angelina Grimk6,
1 : 59 ; argues about U. S. Constitution, 82 ;
his school, 168 ; lecture engagements, 245 ;
286 ; 289 ; II : 180 ; 219 ; 220 ; message
to E. B. C, 223.
Wellington, Lydia
[Wife of Henry] , describes E. B. C.'s pre
siding, II: 290; 304.

Wells, Kate Gannett
[Wife of Samuel], speaks at Radical Club,
1 : 306 ; gives reception, II, 124 ; 169 ; in
vites E. B. C. to reception, 175.
Wendte, Rev. C. W.
II: 191.
Weston, Anne Warren
On Exec. Com. Am. A. S. Soc, 1864, I: 282.
Wetmore, Gov. George Peabody
II: 218.
Wheeler, S. W.
A. S. worker, 1 : 171 ; 172.
Whipple, Charles King
1 : 240 ; on Exec. Com. Am. A. S. Soc,
1864, 283 ; sends Convention appeal to E. B.
C, 323-4.
Whipple, James
Characterization ; anecdotes, II : 64-6 ; at
E. B. C.'s birthday reception, 267.
White, Armenia S.
II: 319.
Whiting, Mrs. —
II: 279.
Whitman, Mrs. Sarah Helen
[A Prov. poet, who at one time was engaged
to Edgar Allan Poe ; author of " Poe and His
Critics"), Vice-Pres. R. I. Woman Suffrage
Assn., 1868, I: 311.
Whitney, Edwin H.
Contributor to Calvin Fairbank fund, II : 217.
Whitson, Thomas
His last words, II : 256.
Whittier, Dr. E. N.
II: 239.
Whittier, John Greenleaf
[1807-92], I: 130; 202; invited to New
port, H : 53 ; at Appledore, anecdotes, 60 ;
Atlantic Monthly dinner to, 91 ; celebration
of his life and works at Friends' Sch., 186;
192; message to E. B. C, 221; 223; inter
est in E. B. C.'s book, 279.
Wigham, Eliza
English Abolitionist, II: 331.
Wightman, Mr. 
[Overseer of the Poor in Prov.], on pauper
ism, II: 119-20.
Wilbur. Hannah
Discusses A. S. differences and Quakerism,
I: 86-7.
Wilbur, John
[Rhode Island Quaker, leader of the party
named for himself which opposed Joseph John
Gurney], I: 104.
Wilkins, Mary E.
II : 284 ; 286.

[372 ]

Wilkinson, Mary
See Fessenden, Mary W.
Willetts, George [Mr. and Mrs.]
At Niagara Falls with E. B. C, I: 864;
they call on Douglass, 265-6.
Willetts, Georgiana
Nurse in Union army, 1 : 264 ; 267,
Willetts, Margarita
1 : 264 ; 267.
William I, German Emperor and King
of Prussia
II: 32-3.
Williams, Alfred M.
[Editor of Prov. Journal], his idea of a
ne-wsp&^er, II : 188.
Williams, John
Homeless boy, II: 102-3.
Williams, Margaret Clifford
Wife of an Anglican missionary to India,
II: 187; 233; 240; pleased with E. B. C.'s
book, opium trade, -f, 281 ; 325.
Wilson, Henry
I: 305.
Winch, William J.
In England, II: 176; 202.
Winch, Mrs. WiUiam J.
II: 234; 257.
Wines, Dr. E. C.
Sends E. B. C. her Prison Congress creden
tials, II : 2 ; temporary chairman of the
Cong., 13, his plan for delegates to meet the
Prince of Wales, 15 ; 21.
Winsor, Walter
Youthful criminal, II: 129-30.
Winthrop, John
I: 21.
Winthrop, Theodore
Identified with John Brent, I: 240.
Wise, Henry A.
His opinion of the legal situation after the
war not unlike Garrison's, I: 271.
Wolcott, Bev. 
I: 199, 200.
Wood, Bmma
Gives a costume party, I: 290.
Wood, Hannah
Her loveliness, marries Harvey Chace, I: 18.
Woodbury, Rev. Augustus
Signer of petition, I: 329-30; II: 2 ; 51 ;

tribute to E. B. C. as Pres. of R. I. Woman
Suffrage Assn., 304-5.
Wooster, Emma
I: 290.
AVordsworth, William
I; 202.
Worthington, Edgar
An English visitor at the Homestead,
II: 176-7.
Wright, Elizur
Radical delegate to interview with Lincoln,
1 : 249 ; II : 180.
Wright, Henry Clark
1 : 130 ; description of ; intimate with
Garrison ; +, 140-1 ; regard for the rights
of children, 167—8 ; characterized by Mr.
May; +, 186-7; subjects of two lectures at
Valley Falls, 215-16; on Exec. Com. of Am.
A. S. Soc, 1864, 283 ; entertained by Phebe
Jackson, II : 273 ; guest of Jacob Bright,
276. Wright, Mrs. Paulina
[N& Ramsdell], lectures in Prov., attracts
E. B. C, I: 119; marries Thomas Davis, 120.
See Davis, Paulina Wright.
Wjatt, Mary E.
I: 261-2.
Wyman, Arthur Crawford
Anecdote, II : 198 ; 203 ; anecdotes, 238-40.
Wyman, Capt. John Crawford
[1822-1900], I: 110; 266; II: 3-4; 8;
5S ; 91; connection -with the Atlantic Monthly.
views on the excise law in N. Y., 91 ; 92
98 ; 100 ; 100-1 ; 103—4 ; accompanies E,
B. C. on "journey of enquiry," 113; 114
123 ; 1-24 ; 139 ; 141 ; moves to Valley Falls,
162 ; 187 ; 189 ; 191 ; 195 ; 196 ; 212 ; 238-9
254 ; 289 ; 290 ; 291 ; 296 ; 299 ; 300 ; 310
314 ; 320 ; 322 ; 328.
Young, Edward
E. B. C.'s love for his poetry, 1 : 16.
Young, Rev. Joshua
[Unitarian minister at Burlington], indig
nation aroused by return of Anthony
Burns to slavery, 1 : 166 ; congratulations to
E. B. C, brief account of his A. S. work,
II : 256 ; keeper of station of underground
railroad, 26u.
Zerrahn, Carl • '
II: 20L

[373 ]

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