t^JTvlS^ YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Bought with the income ofthe ALFRED E. PERKINS FUND THE SOLOMON ISLANDS t03i. ifti?onca>V i'Malcita I. -f- Z..l^° (J ITiaua. or Conlrariete I. 250 (jiLarh Shoal %Thre& Sisters 7f ^^^Pocklingtbn RT .p^^^^^^^^S an Christ o-ral I. 1^8 i^a aie London: S'wan Sonaenscliein & C? THE SOLOMON ISLANDS Their Natives. BY H. B. GUPPY, M.B., F.G.S. LATE SUEGBON, R.N. LONDON: SWAN SONNENSCHEIN, LOWEEY & CO., PATERNOSTEE SQUAEE, 18S7. S. Cowan broke the surf unceasingly, sending its whitened spray high into the air, and joining its hoarse bass with the hum of insect life ffom the neighbouring wood. During the greater portion of our sojourn in the Solomon Islands, I had a sraall Rob Roy canoe made for me by Mr. Oliver, boat-builder of Auckland, N.Z. It was built of kauri pine, and measured 8J feet in length and 3 feet in beam, being intended to combine compactness with stability. This little craft turned out a great success and was extremely handy, as I could haul it up on the beach with ease, and its stowage capability was something surpris ing. Numerous and varied were my experiences in this sraall canoe, but the raost enjoyable were those when in the loveliest of weather I paddled gently along from one coral islet to another, adrairing the Tariety in form and colour of the groves of coral over which my little craft smoothly glided. At other times in the sleepy hours of the afternoon I would tie up ray canoe to the overhanging branch of a tree, and would land to enjoy a cocoa-nut, a pipe, and perhaps a nap. When lazy, I would get a tow from my native companions in their larger canoe ; and in this manner I was towed for more than a mile up one of the large streams that empty into Choiseul Bay. I used to penetrate into all kinds of solitary inlets, now dis turbing the siesta of some unsuspecting crocodile as I paddled through the dismal tract of the mangrove swamp, or surprising a turtle in the shallow water of the lagoons inside the coral-reefs. In the deeper water I have passed t'.irough a shoal of clumsj^ porpoises, sorae of which I could have touched with ray paddle ; whilst occa sionally sorae huge shark, twice the length of my canoe, would come almost within reach, and then, after satisfying its curiosity, dive down into the depths again. Now and then my little craft would be borne on the shoulders of natives to some inland lakelet which I was anxious to explore. In its lightness I found this great advan tage, that I could sometimes considerably shorten my journey by what I may describe as terrestrial navigation. On more than one occasion I have crossed the weather edge of a coral-reef, watching for my chance between the breakers, and keeping warily clear of the numerous coral nobs, any one of wbich would have upset the canoe and its contents ; but these are experiments which I .should not care to repeat. I was only twice upset, and on both occasions my canoe displayed two other serviceable qualities, shipping but little water and losing none of its contents although bottom upwards. One of 10 NEAELY DEOWNED. these upsets was rather ludicrous. I was crossing Aiu harbour in .tow of a large native canoe, setting out on a two days' excursion with all rjy stores on board, when my scientific zeal induced me to lean over to pick up a piece of floating pumice. At that moment the large canoe gave a sudden tug and I found myself in the water -with iny canoe bqttom upwards beside rae. The men in the other canoe turned her over on her keel, and I got in over the bow, finding very little water inside, but quite sufficient to soak our store of biscuit. However, nothing was lost, although my watcii stopped half-an-hour afterwards and refused duty during the rest of the seasqp, and my aneroid was never of any use again, both these articles having boen carried in my belt. On the weather coasts of clift'-girt islands exposed to the continu ous trade-swell, much caution is needed in skirting the shore, as every ten minutes or more a huge roller suddenly rushes in, exposing rocks covered usually by three or four fathoms of water, and rising up the face of the cliffs to a height twice as high as the usual level reached by the breakers. From my foolhardy disregard of this circumstance, I very nearly lost my life in July, 1884, on the weather coast of Stirling Island. Having stood for some moments on the edge of the cliff adrairing the magnificent' breakers that broke at the foot, there having been a strong south-easterly gale during the two pre ceding days, I commenced to clamber down the face of the cliff to i-each a ledge that rose about twenty feet above the usual level of the breakers. Whilst I wa,3 pausing in the descent to exaraine the nuraerous embedded corals in the cliff-face, a huge wave rose over the ledge, swept up the face of the cliff" over my head, and carried rae off as if I had been a fS&ther. I thought my last moments had come, knowing that if swept off the ledge into the breakers below, I .should be dashed by the next roller against the base of the cliff. Asi was being carried off, I clutched a projecting point of coral- rock with all my energy, and in a few moments the wave had left me lying flat on my face on the ledge within two yards of its brink. The next roller was fortunately of much smaller size, and in less than a minute I had clambered up the face of the cliflf atrain to a j)osition of safety, pretty well bruised and scratched about the arms and legs, but otherwise none the worse. My compass and other things had fallen out of the pouches in my belt, showing that I had described a somersault during the immersion. Whilst waitino- to NAUTICAL SUEVEYING. 11 dry my clothes in the sun, I noticed that another ten minutes elapsed before a breaker of sirailar size rolled in. I will conclude this chapter with some observations on the nature of the work performed by the officers of the survey. The usual experiences of a nautical surveyor, when detached ' from his ship for periods varying from a few days to a fortnight or more, are little known outside the circle of those more imraediately interested in the work of the Hydrogiaphic Department of the Admiralty. Tbey would afford, as I have often thought, materials for an interesting volume, the perusal of which would give the general reader some idea of what nautical survejdng really is. It is a work often hazardous and tedious to those engaged in the boats, .and frequently full of anxiety for the commander who has to direct the survey. The work in the Solomon Islands had its peculiar, and none the less trying, features. To be detached in a boat for a week off a coast, on which it -was not considered prudent to land, except on particular points selected for the establishraent of theodolite-stations, was a net uncoramon experience with the surveying parties. Tho alternation of heaVy rain and scorching heat served to vary the experience, but not to increase the comfort of those employed frora sunrise to sunset in raapping the intricacies of an unsurveyed coast;, and the kindheartedness of the surveying officer was often sorely tried, when, after a tedious day's work under these conditions, he had to tell off his raen to keep a look-out for canoSs, and a sharp ¦eye on the land, to see that the boat did not drag. There were, of couise, other occasions when the detached parties were engaged in surveying islands, the natives of which were friendly disposed ; and then, if the weather favoured them, the week's absence frora the ship partook almost of the nature of a pleasant picnic. In the Solomon Islands, however, a considerable experience of the inhabitants of an island is required before a boat can be sent away with the certain assurance that its occupants will meet with no mishap. The unfortunate massacre of Lieutenant Bower of H.M.S. " Sandfly," and of most of his boat's crew in 1880, whilst employed in the survey of the Florida Islands in this group, is but an example of the uncertainty that there always will be in dealino- with these races. Although similar disasters have been recently almost of monthly occurrence in these islands, during our intercourse of 21 months with the natives we did not fire a single 12 ANXIOUS NAVIGATION. shot in anger, and in our turn we never witnessed a spear hurled or an arrow discharged except in sport. The navigation of a sailing ship, such as H.M.S. "Lark," whilst engaged in the survey of a passage dotted with unknown, sunken coral-reefs, and skirted by islands inhabited bj' a race of savages who have obtained a notorious reputation on account of the ferocity they display to the white man, cannot but tax to the uttermost the capacity and nerve of the oflficer in command. I can recall more than one anxious moraent, and probably there were others known only to those concerned in the navigation of the ship, when on our suddenly getting soundings in the middle of the night in a place where we expected to find " a hundred fathoms and no bottom," I set about putting my journals together in order not to lose what I had been at so rauch pains to obtain. Towards the completion of the survey, however, it was ascertained by Lieutenant Oldham that the ship might have sailed without danger over any of the isolated reefs which weie not indicated at the surface by either a sand-key or an islet ; but this was a character. of the reefs that was only ascertained by a process more pleasing to talk about than to undergo. Before quitting this subject, I should refer to an apparent injustice which exists in the apportioning of no extra paj' to the raen employed in detached boat-work in the surveying service. With the exception of an issue of clothing, gratis, the boats' crews receive little or nothing in the form of a reward. I am strongly inclined to- believe that the recognition, even in a slight degree, of the arduous character of their work, which is of quite an exceptional character as compared with the routine-employment on board the ordinary man- of-war, would do much towards increasing the interest usually displayed by the men employed in such a service. CHAPTER II. GOVERNMENT — HEAD-HUNTING —SLAVERY —CANNIBALISM. rriHE following anthropological notes are the result of my own J- personal observation and research, and are necessarily of a somewhat fragmentary character. I had no intention when I first visited these islands of making any special observations on the habits and manners of their inhabitants. When, however, I saw the apparent want of interest di.splayed by those who had it in their power to enrich the world with their accumulated experiences, I determined to jot down in my diary the things which came in ray way during my intercourse with the natives. I cannot of course lay claim to the accuracy and more intimate knowledge such as missionaries and traders resident in the group raust possess ; and it is to be deplored that such valuable sources of raaterials for a cora prehensive work on the anthropology of this region should be allowed to lie fallow. My lengthened intercourse with the natives of certain parts of the group reraoved to sorae extent the disadvan tages under which lhe traveller raust always labour when not actually resident araong thera. My field of observation, however, was limited to but a small area of the whole region: and the greater part has yet to be explored and described. Commencing my remarks by referring to the system of govern raent usually adopted in these island.^, it should be observed that the forra of hereditary chieftainship, which prevails throughout tbe Pacific, here predominates. Every island that supports a number of natives may possess as raany distinct chiefs — each elairaing inde pendence of the others — as there are villages in the island ; and this stateraent holds equally good whether applied to a large island like St. Christoval or to those of sraall size as Santa Anna and Ugi. Yet there is not unfrequently to be raet a chief who, by the power of U GOVEENMENT. his wealth or by the nuraber of his fighting men, assumes a degree of suzerainty over the less powerful chiefs in his vicinity. Thus, the infiuence of Gorai, the Shortland chief, is not only dominant over the i.slands of Bougainville Straits, but extends to the adjacent coast of the large islands of Bougainville and Choiseul, and reaches even to Bouka, more than a hundred miles away. The small island of Sirabo or Eddystone, the Narovo of the natives, is under the sway of a powerful chief who resides, together with nearly all his fighting men, on an islet bordering its south-east side. His influence extends to the neighbouring larger islands, and is probably as des potic as that of any of the numerous chiefs with whora I was brought into contact. I raight raention otber instances in tbis group where a comparatively small island becoraes the political centre of a large district. Similar instances are farailiar araongst the other Pacific archipelagos, and notably in the case of Bau in Fiji; and they may all be attributed to the fact that the coast-tribes are of more robust physique and of raore enterprising character than the in habitants of the interior of the larger island, or " bushmen " as they are often termed. The large islaiid of St. Christoval is divided amongst numerous tribes between which there are constant feuds, each tribe having its own chief. A v/ide distinction exists between the inhabitants of the interior and those of the coast ; and an unceasing hostility pre vails between the one and the other. Tbe distinction often extends to language, a circumstance which points to a long continuation of these feuds ; and from it we may infer that the isolation has con tinued during a considerable period. The bush-tribes find their best protection' on the summits of the high hills and on the crests of the mountain-ridges which traverse the interior of the island. I passed one night in the bush -viUage of Lawa, which is situated on a hill-top about 1,400 feet above the sea near the north coast of St. ChristovaLN^ As I was in a locality where probably no white man had been before, the novelty of my .situation kept me awake the greater part of the night ; and very early the next morning t rose up from my mat in the tambu-house to view, undisturbed, the interior region of the island. It was a gloomy morning. Thin lines of mist were still encircling the loftier summits or lingering in the valleys below. Here and there on the crest of some distant hill a cluster of cocoa-nut palms marked the home of a bush-tribe eflfecta- ally isolated by deep intervening valleys from the neighbouring HEAD-HUNTING. 15 tribes. I gazed upon a region which had for ages worn the sarae aspect, inhabited by the same savage races, the signs of whose exis tence played such an insignificant part in the panorama laid out before me. Standing alone on this hill-top, I refiected on the deeds of barbarity which these silent mountains raust have witnessed " in the days of other years," deeds.which are only too frequent in our own day when the hand of every tribo is against its neighbour, and when the butchery of some unsuspecting haralet too often supplies the captors with the materials for the cannibal feast. By the unusual success of their treachery' and cunning — the two weapons most essential to savage warfare, in St. Christoval as well as in the other islands — some chiefs have acquired a predominance over the neighbouring villages, and their narae inspires terror throughout the island. Amongst them, I may mention Taki, the chief of the large village of Wano on the north coast of this island. He has obtained the double reputation of being a friend to the white man and of being the most accomplished head-hunter in St. Christoval ; and, as may be readily imagined, the efforts of the Melane.sian Mission, by whom a station has been for many years established in this village,^ have been greatly retarded by the indifference of this powerfnl chief. The resident teacher in the village was his own son, who had been selected by Bishop Selwyn and had undergone the usual training of teachers in Norfolk Island. I regret to write that he greatly lapsed during our stay in the group, that he appears to have accompanied his father on a head hunting foray, and that he finally met with an untimely fate, being so severely wounded by a shark when fishing on tbe reef that he died a few houis afterwards. Taki, although not a Christian con vert, was fond of displaying his connection with the Mission. He showed me a certificate which he received from Bishop Patteson in July, 18G6 ; and in fact he is always ready to do the honours of his village to the white man. Of his head-hunting propensities. Captain Macdonald, an Ameiican trader resident in Santa Anna, told us the following tale : Not long before the arrival of H.M.S. " Lark " in the Solomon Islands, he was sailing along the St. Chris toval coast,, when he met Taki in his war-canoe proceeding on one of these expeditions. He endeavoured to place hindrances in the cbief'.s way by telling him that he had native-traders living at the ' The Eev. J. Atkin was resident at Wano in 1871, shortly before he met his deatli witb Rishop Patteson in Santa Cruz. 16 GOVEENMENT. difl'erent places on the coast where he intended to land. But it was to no purpose. Taki saw the ruse, and taking it in good part re marked to Captain Macdonald that he had apparently a large number of natives trading for him. Waiting patiently until some unfortunate bushmen ventured down on the reefs to fish, the Wano chief surprised them, slaughtered many and carried the living and the dead in triumph to his village. When Mr. Brenchley visited this village in H.M.S. "Curacoa" in 1865, he saw evidence of a head hunting foray, in which probably Taki had taken part in his youth ful days. The skulls of 25 bushmen were observed hanging up under the roof of the tambu-house, all showing the marks of the tomahawk.1 In our time, this chief conducted his forays less openly, and I saw no evidence of his work in the tarabu-houses of hia village. The practice of head-hunting, above referred to, prevails over a large extent of the Soloraon Group. The chiefs of New Georgia or Rubiana extend their raids to Isabel, Florida, and Guadalcanar ; and thus perforra voyages over a hundred railes in length. Within the l-adius of these raids no native can be said to enjoy the security of his own existence for a single day. In the villages of Rubiana may be seen heaps of skulls testifying to the success of previous expedi tions. Captain Cheyne, when visiting Simbo or Eddystone Island in 1844, found that the natives had just returned from a successful expedition, bringing with thera 93 heads of raen, woraen, and children. In these expeditions, he says, they sometimes reached as far as Murray Island which lies about 135 miles to the eastward.^ Their reputation, however, had extended yet further, since D'Urville, who visited Thousand Ships Baj'^ in 1838, tells us that the Isabel natives knew the land of Simbo and pointed to the west to indicate its direction.^ The Rev. Dr. Codrington, in referring to these head hunting raids,* remarks that the people of the south-west part of Isabel have suflfered very much from attacks made on them year after year by the inhabitants of the further coast of the same island and of neighbouring islands, the object of these attacks being to ob tain heads, either for the honour of a dead or living chief or for the inanguration of new canoes. He observes that a new war canoe is not invested with due mana, %.e., supematural power, until 1 " Cruise of H.M.S. ' Curacoa ' " (p. 267) ; by J. L. Brenchley, M.A. 2 " A Deacription of Islands in the Western Pacific Ocean " (p. 66), by Andrew Cheyne, London, 1852. s " Voyage au Pole Sud," Paris, 1843 ; tom. v., p. 31. * Journal of Anthropological Institute, vol. x. , p. 201. HEAD-HUNTING. 17 some man has been killed by those on board her ; and any un fortunate voyagers are hunted down for the purpose on the first trip or afterwards. The Rubiana natives are said to have introduced head-hunting and human sacrifices into the neighbouring islands. They carry off not onlj' heads but living prisoners, whom they are believed to keep, till on the death of a chief, or launching of a canoe, or some great sacrifice, their lives are taken. White raen have sometimes been the victims of these head hunting expeditions. As is well known. Lieutenant Bower, of H.M.S. " Sandfly," met his death, together with the greater number- of his boat's crew, on the islet of Mandoleana, in 1880, at the hands of a similar expedition undertaken by the Florida natives. Kali- kona, the most influential chief of the Florida Islands, was freed from implication in this tragedy mainly through the efforts of Bishop Selwyn, to whose influence the subsequent surrender ofthe five natives concerned in the raid was chiefly due. More often than not, these head-hunting forays are unconnected with can nibalism, the raere possession of skulls being the principal object of the expedition. In sorae islands, there is a rude idea of justice perceptible in this practice. It is the custora in the eastern islands of the group to place out head-money for the head of any man who may have rendered himself obnoxious to any particular village. The money — a considerable amount of native shell-money — may be off'ered by the friends of a murdered man for the head of the murderer. Months, sometimes years, may elapse before the deed is accomplished and the money paid. The task is generally under taken by a professional head-hunter, such as we met in the person of Mai, the second chief of the village of Sapuna, in the island of Santa Anna. To make a thorough examination of the home and surroundings of his victim, and to insinuate himself into that intim acy which friendship alone can give him, are necessary initiatory steps which only the cunning head-hunter can know how to carry to a successful issue. Time is of no moment. The means employed are slow, but the end is none the less secure ; and when the opportunity arrives, it is the friend of months, if not of years, who gives the fatal blow. In the above description of the head-hunter, I have had before ray mind some of the reminiscences of Captain Macdonald, to whom I have before alluded. By his judicious treatment of the natives in the eastern islands, he has acquired a powerful influence for good 18 ¦ GOVEENMENT. amongst thera ; and it is to his past discretion that many a white man, myself among the number, has owed his safety when landing on St. Christoval. When this island was being survej-ed by the oflficers of H.M.S. ^' Lark," in 1882, we learned that there was head-money out for a white raan's head in a district on the north side and nearly opposite Ugi. It appeared that about a year before a fatal accident had occurred on board a trading- vessel through a revolver going oflP unexpectedly and killing a native belonging to the district. It was the current opinion of resident traders that sooner or later the required head would be obtained. As characteristic of a trader's experience in these islands, I may add that on one occasion when visiting Mr. Bateman, a trader residing then on the north coast of Ugi, I was told by hira that about a month before a friendly Malaita chief had arrived in a large canoe at Ugi with the information that head-money had been offered by another Malaita chief for, the head of a white man. The chief who brought the news advised Mr. Bateman to remove his residence to the interior of the island ; and the natives in his vicinity were very solicitous that the waming .should be heeded. I learned from Mr. Stephens, who has resided on Ugi for several years, that on one occasion when he was resident on Guadalcanar, on returning frora an excursion up the bed of one of the streams, a message was received from the chief of a village in the interior warning him not to make any raore sirailar excursions or he would take his life. The chief of the village, under whose pro tection Er. Stephens was residing, took up the raatter as an insult to hiraself; and sent a reply to the effect that if the neighbouring chief wished to remain on terms of amity with him, he should at once send a head in atonement for the threats directed against the white man. A day or two afterwards, Mr. Stephens saw the head, which had been dul}'^ sent. The little island of Santa Anna, although but 2^ miles in length, supports tvvo principal villages, Otagara and Sapuna, which are as often as not at war with each other, although only separated by the breadth of the island. Such was the state of affairs durino- one of our visits to Port Marj'- in this island ; and the fact that the natives of the two villages were connected by inter-marriages did not act as a deterrent in the matter. (Through the re.stless spirit of Mai, the head-hunter before referred to, some old grievance had been dug up. MAL 19 the murder, I believe, some years before of the brother of Mai by the Otagara natives. The outcome of it was that in the middle of the night all the fighting men of Sapuna assembled at the tambu- house of Mai, and started off* along the coast to pounce upon their fellow islanders on the other side. The utmost that could have hap pened would have been the slaughter of some unsuspecting raan or woraan on the skirts of the village : but, as it chanced, a thunder storm with heavy rain overtook the party when near their destina tion ; and thus dampened their courage to .such a degree that they retumed to their own village with the excuse that the rain, by running down their faces, would have hindered them in throwing their spears and avoiding those of their opponents. On the follow ing day, Mai led a party of Sapuna men to raake another attack, and on returning in the afternoon from one of my excursions into the interior of the island, I leamed that the partjy had returned triumphant, having killed one of their neighbour's large pigs, an act which is regarded as a " casus belli " in native politics. In the person of Mai, we have a typical exaraple of a Soloraon Island head-hunter. The cunning and ferocity which marked his dealings, were sufSciently indicated in his countenance and his mien. He had established for himself the position of war-chief in his village of Sapuna, the reigning chief being of a more peaceable disposition. During one of our visits to this island we found that this war-chief had been very recently displaying his heroisra in the raost approved native fashion. He had led a war-party across to Fanarite on the opposite coast of St. Christoval, to avenge the death of a fugitive from a labour vessel who, having escaped at Santa Anna, subse quently found his way to Fanarite where he was killed. The excuse, although somewhat circuitous, was quite suflficient for Mai, who in his disinterestedness thought more of this chance of gaining new laurels than of the untimely end of the native whose death he was so eager to avenge. Having reached the part of the coast where this man had been killed, the war-party lay in arabush and slaugh tered a chief and two women as thej'- were returning from their yam patches ; whilst they severely wounded another woman who escaped into the bush with a spear through her back. Having dipped their weapons in the gore of their vigtiras, Mai and his party returned to Santa Anna. I was sorry to leam that a native, named Pukka- pukka, who had served in the "Lark" as an interpreter during the previous year, had taken an active part in this expedition. It 20 GOVEENMENT. appeared that the chief had aimed at him, but his musket missed fire, when Pukka-pukka shot hira through the back with his snider. The scene of the tragedy was familiar to rae, as I had landed there the year before. Pukka-pukka, who is a sensible young man and of by no means a bloodthirsty disposition, did not like my taking him to task for the part he took in this raid ; and he protested more than once in a somewhat injured tone that his people did not fight with out good cause. In his case, I felt confident that he was not tempted by the mere love of bloodshedding, the truth being that through the able tutorship of Mai, all old feuds are kept alive in the minds ofthe young men of the village, who, in their desire to distinguish them selves, corae to regard such grievances as fair grounds for -war. We soon learned that the Fanarite natives would seize the first oppor tunity to retaliate ; and that head-raoney to a large amount had been offered for the head of a native of Santa Anna, and particularly for the head of Pukka-pukka. The chiefs of the islands of Bougainville Straits possess far greater power over their peoples than that which is wielded by most of the chiefs we encountered at the St. Christoval end of the group. At Santa Anna and at Ugi, the position of the chief is almost an empty honour ; and some man of spirit, though not of principle, such as Mai in the former island and Rora at Ugi, usurps by his fighting prowess a large share of the power. On the St. Christoval coast I met several such chiefs, who possess no influence beyond their o-wn district, and often very little in that. Occasionally,(as I have before observed, a chief is found who, like Taki at Wano, exercises a powerful influence over the less pretentious chiefs of neighbouring islands and districts. Some of the Guadalcanar chiefs are very powerful ; but with them I had no personal intercourse ; and I prefer to confine my reraarks to those portions of the group with which I becarae acquainted. Returning, then, to the chiefs of the islands of Bougainville Straits, I may enuraerate them in their order of importance— Gorai in the Shortland Islands, Mule at Treasury, Kurra-kurra and Toraimas in Faro or Fauro, and Krepas at Choiseul Bay. There is constant communication between the natives of these islands, more particularly between those of Treasury, the Shortlands, and Faro, the distances between the islands varying between 15 and 25 miles. Intermarriages are frequent between the natives of these islands. They all speak the same language ; and not uncommonly a man shifts his horae from one island to another I. Gorai, his principal Wife, and his Son Ferguson. 2. Four or the Wives of Mule. {To face page 2?. GOEAI. 21 The chiefs are all connected either by blood-relationship or by marriage, and together form as powerful an alliance as might be found in the whole group. Visits of condolence are exchanged in times of bereavement between the chiefs ; and presents are conveyed from one to another. On one occasion we carried a present of sago from Mule to Gorai ; and I have on more than one occasion during our passages between these islands been made the bearer of a message from chief to chief. Gorai, the well-known Aiu chief, Aiu being the name of his principal island, exercises a kind of suzerainty over the neighbour ing chiefs. But his reputation and influence extend far beyond the islands directly or indirectly under his rule. From Treasury north ward and eastward, throughout the Shortlands, across the straits to Choiseul Bay, through Faro, and along the coast of Bougainville, extending even to Bouka, his influence is predominant. Masters of vessels, recruiting labour on the coast of Bougainville, have a suflficient guarantee for the good behaviour of the natives of the places the^J- visit, if they have been fortunate enough to secure the presence on board of one of the sons of Gorai. This chief has been the trusted friend of the white man for many years. On our first visit to Aiu we were therefore prepared to think favourably of him. We found him on the beach, surrounded by a considerable number df his people. Shaking hands with us, he told us in his imperfect English that he was a friend of the white man. Rather beyond middle age, and somewhat shorter than the average native, he has an honest, good-humoured expression of countenance, which at once prepossessed us in his favour. Whilst seated in the dingy interior of one of his houses, surrounded by several of his wives, Gorai related to us the story — well known to all acquainted with the Solomon Group — of his reprisal a few years before on the natives of Nouraa-nouraa, a village on the east coast of Bougainville, for the murder of Captain Ferguson of the trading stearaer " Ripple." The master of the " Ripple " was an old friend of Gorai, and traded ex tensively with hira. On hearing- the nev/s, the chief mustered his men and despatched them in canoes, under the command of his eldest son, to the scene of the raassacre, about a hundred railes away. The natives of the oflfending village Avere surprised, and about twenty of them were killed, including men, woraen, and children — " all same raan-of-war," as Gorai too truthfully observed. One of the chief's sons has received the narae of the unfortunate master of 2'2 GOVEENMEXT. the "Ripple;" and I may here refer to the good name which Captain Ferguson has left behind him, not only amongst the natives of the Solomon Islands, but^also amongst his fellow-traders in those seas. The inhabitants of the Shortiand Islands, Gorai's immediate rule, live in great awe of their chief ; and the number of natives who gathered round us when we first met the chief showed us by their manner that in the friendship of the chief the white man possessed the goodwill of his subjects. We were unable to see very much of the mode of exercising his power ; but I suspect that Gorai, hke other chiefs, places but Httle value on the lives of his people. Punishment is summarily dealt by the spear or the tomahawk ; and I learned from natives of the adjoining islands that the oflfence may be of a very trivial nature. On one occasion, Gorai took me in his war-canoe ou a geological excursion to the north-west side of Aiu. During our return, the sun set when we were about twelve railes from the ship, and left us to pursue our way in the darkness. Seated alongside the chief on the secoud bow thwart of the canoe, I could not help reflecting how many times he must have occupied the same seat in his war-canoes when engaged in those expeditions which have made his influence dominant on this part of the group. On our way we skirted the beach of an islet on which were squatting a party of Aiu natives who had gone there to fish. Although we passed a few yards from these men, not a word of recognition was exchanged. The sight of a large war-canoe with Gorai and a white man in the bow passing them in the dusk of evening must have been a novel one to them, yet neither they nor our men exchanged a word. There they sat squat ting motionless on tho beach, and we passed them in silence. Gorai subsequently explained to me that the reason of this was that the men were " too much fright," or rather awed, by the presence of their chief. The chief of the Shortland Islands has two or more elderl}' men who act as his ministers. Many years ago he was living at Treasury, of which island he was chief ; but being unwilling to take part in the hostility displayed by the Treasury natives towards the white men, he left the island under the chieftainship of Mule, the present chief, who still reraained in some degree under the rule of Gorai. The Aiu chief takes a pleasure in asserting that he is " all same white man," at the same time deprecating the inferior position of his race with the remark, "White man, he savez too much. Poor black man ! He no savez nothing-." MULE. 2S I now come to Mule, the Treasury chief, who numbers amongst his wives a sister of Gorai, Bita by name ; whilst the Aiu chief has returned the compliment bj' making Mule's sister, Kai-ka, the principal amongst his hundred wives. Mule, ais > known as Mule- kopa, has rather the appearance and build of a chief of one of the more eastern Pacific groups. He has a sedate expression of coun tenance, a prominent chin, and strongly marked coarse features. A large bushy head of hair adds to the dignity of his appearance ; and his powerful hmbs, depth of chest, breadth of shoulders, and greater height distinguish him pre-erainently frora his people. His rule is as despotic in Treasury as that of Gorai in the Shortlands ; and he maintains his sway rather by the fear he inspires than by possess ing any feeling of respect on the part of his subjects. On more than one occasion I have heard the natives use threatening language towards their chief, when he had made some arbitrary exercise of his power. He had a habit of sending away to the bush any native who from his superior knowledge of English seemed to be sup planting hira in the intercourse with "the ships that visited the harbour. Even his right-hand man, who . prided himself on his name of BiUy, experienced his wrath on one occasion in this manner. Like other chiefs, Mule is grasping and covetous, short comings which are rather those of the race than of the individual. . Although ofthe chiefs of Bougainville Straits I liked hira the least, the contrast was rather due to the exceptionally good estiraate we had formed of his fellow chiefs. The visits of H.M.S. " Lark " to this island have been the means- of removing the very bad reputa tion which the natives had deservedly possessed : and I would especially invite the attention of my readers to the historj'- of this change in the attitude of these natives towards- the white man. Captain C. H. Simpson, who visited this island in H.M.S. " Blanche " in 1872, described its people in his report to the Admir alty,^ as being "the most treacherous and blood-thirsty of any known savages ; " and the officers employed in making a sketch of the harbour had ample evidence of their ferocity. About seven years before, the natives had cut out a barque and had raurdered her crew of 33 men. Previously they had captured several boats of whalers visiting the islands, and had massacred the crews. The Treasury natives were always veiy reticent to us when we tried to leam something more of the fate of the barque ; but we learned 1 " Hydrographio Notices, Pacific Ocean," 1856 to 1873 (p. 106). 24 GOVEENMENT. httie except that she was American, and was named " Superior." The captain, whose name the natives pronounced "Hoody," was carried away into the interior of the island and killed, and the scene of his raurder was once pointed out to Lieutenant Oldham when crossing the island. As Captain Simpson charges the natives with cannibalism, there can be littie doubt of the ultimate fate of the crew of the American barque. In the interval between the occurrence of this event and the arrival of the " Blanche," no vessel had anchored in the harbour, the ships always heaving-to oflF the north coast, where the natives resided when Captain Simpson visited the island. Treasury retained its bad reputation up to the date of cur Adsit; and but few traders had much knowledge of the place, as they generally gave the island a wide berth. We met but one man who spoke well of these natives, and he was Captain Walsch of the trading schooner " Venture." All others gave thera the worst of characters : and led rae to believe that my acquaintance with Treasury would not extend beyond the deck of H.M.S. " Lark." When Lieutenant Oldham first visited this island in May, 1882, he had every reason to place but little confidence in the natives ; and iu truth we all thought that the appearance and behaviour of the natives justified the treacherous reputation which they had obtained. Only two days were spent there, but no land ing was efi'ected : the chief made no response to the invitations to visit the ship ; and we left the harbour without much feeling of regret. In June of the following year we again visited this island ; and if the same procedure had been followed we should have been a very long tirae in gaining the confidence of the natives. Lieu tenant Oldham, however, paid an oflficial visit to the chief, accom panied by Lieutenant Malan and myself. Mule and one of his sons returned the visit within a couple of hours. Presents were ex changed ; and the foundation of mutual confidence was thus laid. The result raay be briefiy stated. In a few days I was rambUng all over the island, usually accompanied by a lively gathering of men and boys. An intimacy -was established with the natives, which lasted until we bade farewell to the group in the following year ; and the return of the " Lark " frora her cruises was always a cause of rejoicing amongst the natives. The men of the ship were known by name to raost of the people of the island : whilst Mr. Isabell our leading-stoker, made a deep impression upon tbem by his readiness to erajiloy his mechanical skill for their various wants, so much so THE CHIEF OF SINASOEO. 25 ihat Mule oflTered, if he would remain, to make hira a chief with the usual perquisite as to the nuraber of his wives. For ray own part, I reaped the full benefit of our araicable relations -with the natives ; and for the proof of this statement I must refer the reader to the remarks on ray intercourse with them, and to my observations on the geology, botany, and other characteristics of the island. Coming now to the chiefs of Faro or Fauro Island, I raust mention raore particularly Kurra-kurra the chief of Toma, and Toraiinas the chief of Sinasoro, Toraa and Sinasoro being the two principal villages of the island. Kurra-kurra is, I believe, a half- brother of Gorai. He has not, however, the sarae dignity of raanner, and has resigned most of his power into the hands of his son Gorishwa, a fine strapping young raan. Both father and son a,re friends of the white man. Toraimas, the Sinasoro chief, also related to Gorai, is somewhat taciturn even with his own people, but a chief to be thoroughly trusted. On one occasion whilst as sisting Lieutenant Heming and myself in demolishing our dinners in a tambu-house at his village, Toraimas broke a long .silence by informing us through a native interpreter that the men of Sinasoro were very good people, that they did not kill white men, and that their chief was like Gorai. It is needless to Avrite that we appreci ated the good intention, though hardly the elegance of the chief's solitary remark. In the following year, when I was returning from a botanical excursion to the peak of Faro, I received an invitation irom Toraimas to visit him on the side of the harbour opposite to the -village. The chief, who awaited rae on the beach, received me cordially, telling me through one of the natives, who could speak a little English, that he had collected for rae the fi-uits and leaves of the " anumi " — a tree of the genus Cerbera — which he had heard I had been anxious to find. The kindly manner of the old chief attracted me towards hira, and I sat down, as he wished me, by his side on the log of a tree, having first presented him with a large knife which greatly pleased him. Close by, stood his four wives, to whom he introduced me, pointing out to me the mother of his eldest son Kopana, an intelligent young man of about twenty-two. A bunch of ripe bananas was laid beside me, of which I was bidden to partake. This was followed in a- short time by a savoury vegetable broth, which the chief brought with his own hands in a cooking-pot. It was especially prepared for me on their learning that I had found the plant (an aroid, Schizmatoglottis) in my excursions. There was 2S GOVEENMENT. the spirit of true politeness displayed in the manner of the chief and his wives, as they endeavoured to show that in the exercise of their siraple hospitality they were receiving, instead of conferring, an honour. I felt that I was iu the presence of good breeding, although sitting attired in a dirty flannel suit in the raidst of a number of almost naked savages. My own party of Sinasoro natives, who had been fasting for raany hours, politely asked me to partake of their meal which the generosity of the chief had pre pared, before they thought of touching it themselves. I of course complied with their request by tasting a cooked banana, when, this piece of etiquette having been duly observed, they attacked the victuals without ceremony. Such was my pleasing experience of this Faro chief. During the survey of this island, the natives showed every disposition to be friendly towards us. In my numerous excursions I always met with civility, and frequently with unexpected acts of kindness ; and I soon became known to them by the name given to me by the Treasury natives, " Rokus " or " Dokus." The principal chief of the district, iraraediately north of Choiseul Bay, is naraed " Krepas." Several years before he had been living at Faro, which he left on account of the death of all his wives. When we first visited Choiseul Bay in September, 1883, we found the natives very coy in approaching us, on account of the reprisal of H.M.S. " Emerald," two years before, on the people of the neigh bouring village of Kangopassa for the cutting out of the trading- vessel " Zephyr," and the murder of a portion of her crew. After two days, however. Lieutenant Oldham succeeded in removing their suspicions, and the chief came on board. Si^bsequently Krepas and his son, Kiliusi, accompanied me in a canoe during my ascent of one of the rivers that empty themselves into this bay. I found the- chief and his son very useful guides, and was prepossessed in their favour. On our return to Treasury, I was surprised to learn from Billy, Mule's prime minister, as we termed him, that Krepas was a practised cannibal, and would not think much of killing a white man. Billy was deeply impressed by the circurastance of my having shared my lunch with the chief of Choiseitl Bay, about two miles up one of the rivers. It was in this bay that the French navigator, Bougainville, intended to anchor his ships in 1768, being opposed by the hostility of the natives. The boats, which had been sent in to find an anchorage, were attacked by 150 men in ten CHOISEUL BAY. 27 canoes, who were only routed after the second discharge of fire-arms. Two canoes were captured, in one of which was found the jaw of a man half-broiled. The number of shoals, and the irregularity of the currents prevented the ships coming up to the anchorage before night fell ; and Bougainville, abandoning his design, continued his course through the Straits.^ The description which the French navigator gave of these natives in 1768, apphes equally well to those of the present day. When H.M.S. " Lark " revisited Choiseul Bay in October, 1884, not a single native was seen; so that it would behove future visitors to be very cautious in their dealings with these natives. Whilst off' the coast north of this bay, a fishing-party of half-a-dozen men came oflf to the ship from the village of Kan- delai; but they showed great suspicion of us. They would not corae alongside for some tirae ; and when a present of calico was flung to them at the end of a line, they were divided araongst themselves whether to come and take it, some paddling one way and some another. At length they took the present and carae alongside, but did not stay long, and soon paddled towards the .shore, their suspicions by no means allayed. What had happened to cause this change of attitude, we could not learn. Evidently,. the good impression which we had left behind us a year before, had borne no fruit. Probably, some inconsiderate action on the part of the crew of a trading- vessel had undone our work. The professional head-hunter of the eastern islands of the group does not appear to be represented amongst the islands of Bougain ville Straits. Raids are occasionally made on the villages of the adjoining Bougainville coast, but more, I believe, for the purpose of procuring slaves, than from the mere desire of fighting. There is, however, frequent friendly communication between the natives of the islands of the Straits and those of certain Bougainville villages, the forraer usually exchanging articles of trade for spears and tor toise-shell, and acting as middle-men in the traffic with the white men. It is however singular that the natives of the Straits trade with different villages onthe Bougainville coast; and that, although on usually such friendly terms with each other, they are often on terms of hostility with the particular Bougainville village with which their neighbours trade. Thus, Mule, the Treasury chief, trades . with the people of the village of Suwai, over which his brother Kopana is chief. Gorai, the Aiu chief, on the other hand, is 1 " Voyage autour du Monde," 2nd edit. augm. vol. II., Paiis, 1772. i>8 GOVEENMENT. at war with the natives of Suwai, but maintains friendly communi-^ cation with Daku, the chief of the village of Takura, and with Magasa the chief of the harbour of Tonab. Whilst spending a night &t Sinasoro with Lieutenant Heming and his party, I with the rest had to share the tambu-house with a party of ten natives from Takura. They had come across for pigs and taro. The natives of the adjoining coast of Bougainville, possessing a different language, are not able to make theraselves understood by the peopie of the Straits except by interpreters. I have seen one of these natives just as httle able to raake hiraself understood by the natives of Faro, as if he had been suddenly removed to some very distant country instead of only 30 miles away. I have previously referred to the close friendship which usually prevails between the inhabitants of the islands of Bougainville Straits, linked together as they are by inter-marriages and by the possession of a common language. But in the calmest seas there are occasional storms ; and I will proceed to relate an extraordinary €hain of events wbich came more or less under our observation whilst in this portion of the group. Shortly before our return to Treasury in April, 1884, there had been a terrible domestic tragedy, which at one time threatened to embroil all the chiefs of the .Straits in actual war. It appeared that Kopana,. the eldest son of Gorai had, in a fit of teraporary madness, shot one of his wives dead with his rifle, the unfortunate woman being a daughter of Mule, the Treasury chief. On hearing the news, Mule at once crossed over to Aiu to exact vengeance on Kopana ; but Gorai would not permit hira to harra his son ; and it was arranged between the two chiefs that Mule should be allowed to shoot one of the other wives of Kopana, as the price of blood. Early one raorning the Treasury chief, armed with his snider rifle, took his way in a canoe up a passage I had often traversed in my Rob Roy, and surprising his selected victim at work in a taro patch, he shot her dead. At the same time he wounded her male attendant, an elderly native named Malakolo, the bullet passing through the left shoulder-joint from behind. When I saw this man six or seven weeks afterwards, he was fast recovering from the injury, although with a useless limb. Kopana, who is a headstrong son and beyond his father's control, naturally resented this act bf Mule, and appears to have raeditated a descent on Treasury. Collecting his followers and the remainder of his -wives, he disappeared on what was given out as a tortoise- HOSTILITIES. 29' shell expedition. We found the Treasury people in a great dread of the daily arrival of Kopana ; and I had sorae difficulty in getting natives to accompany me in my excursions about the island. They did not care to leave the vicinity of the village ; and I found many of the bush-paths familiar to me in the previous year partly over grown. Apparently through a sense of shame. Mule and his natives avoided telling us anything about the act of retaliation ; they werCj however, loud in their endeavours to cast aspersions on Kopana, On our arrival at Aiu, we learned the truth from Gorai to whom Mule had, sent a native, who took a passage with us, asking him not to be too communicative in case we made inquiries. As it happened,. however, the Treasury native was kept on board, and Lieutenant Oldham, on landing, learned the part Mule had played. Kopana was apparently quite conscious ofhis own responsibility in the raatter, as he had left a present with Gorai to be given to the captain of any man-of-war who should come to punish hira. Thus closed the first scene of this tragedy. Whilst we lay at anchor off Gorai's village, it was evident that there was trouble brewing. The natives accompanying rae in my geological excursions carried arms contrary to their usual practice. On the same day the two principal villages were found deserted ; and Gorai shifted his residence to another islet. Rumours became rife that the Treasury and Shortland natives had met with blood shed; but the men we questioned made so many wilful raisstatements that it was impossible to learn what had really happened. At length the truth came out. Being in Gorai's house one morning, I was told by the chief that his son had been attacked five days be fore by the Treasury natives on the islet of Tuluba, off' the west coast of Aiu, that Kopana's canoe had returned without his master, bringing a raan and a woraan badly wounded, and that he shortly ex pected the return of two large war-canoes which he had sent to the scene of the encounter. These two canoes returned whilst I was talkino- to the chief on the beach, bringing a few more survivors but without Kopana. The old chief then took it for granted that his eldest son was dead, and in telling me so showed no emotion whatever. In the evening, however, we leamed, to our astonish ment, that Kopana had returned, having not been engaged in the fray. It seemed that at the time of the encounter he was on a neighbouring islet. After some difficulty, I was able to get an ac count of the affair. 30 GOVEENMENT. Two Ti-easury war-canoes, it appears, atterapted to iand at Tuluba Islet one evening, where the crews were going to encamp for the night. Ostensibly the Treasury men were on their way to Bougainville to buy spears ; but since they were led by Olega, the brother of Mule and the fighting-chief of the island, it is probable that they were intending a descent on Aiu from this islet of Tuluba. When the Treasury men discovered Kopana's party were already there, the fighting at once began. During the conflict, for which the Aiu natives were ill-prepared, seeing that they were largely ¦coraposed of Kopana's wives, one of the Treasury canoes was dashed to pieces on a reef and all the occupants were thrown into the water. In this unequal contest, the Aiu natives had a man and a woman killed and a man and a woman wounded, both the women being wives of Kopana. In addition four other of Kopana's wives were captured by the Treasury raen, who returned to their own island in the reraaining canoe with a loss of four men wounded, of whom one subsequently died. The unfortunate wives of Kopana had indeed borne the brunt from the very beginning. Within two months, three of them had suffered violent death, one of them was wounded apparently beyond recovery, and four had been carried oflf prisoners to Treasury. 'The singular feature of this breach between the Treasury and Aiu natives, was that the animosity of the former was directed against Gorai's eldest son and not against the old chief, his father, who did not think it incumbent on him to interfere except for the purpose -of pacifying the two parties. I visited the two wounded brought back to Aiu. Five days had already elapsed since the fight, and I found the wounds of both in -a horrible condition. The wife of Kopana had a severe tomahawk wound of the thigh just above the knee, smashing the bone and im- phcating the joint. The man had a rifle-bullet wound through the fleshy part of the thigh and a pistol-bullet wound in the opposite groin. Nothing had been done in either case, and after the lapse of five days in a tropical chmate, the condition of the wounds could be scarcely described. I was allowed to do but Httle, and considered recovery in either case most iraprobable. Both, however, recovered to my great astonishment. I found afterwards, on visiting the wounded at Treasury, that one man had been shot through thp -elbow-joint by one of his own party. The subsequent events in connection with this outbreak of THE BEIGHTEE SIDE 31 hostilities in the Straits may be soon i-elated Although there was now open war between Aiu and Treasury, it assumed a ])assive character, each side awaiting or expecting an attack from the other. Gorai was much concerned at this turn of events, seeing that, as he told me, he thought he had come to an amicable arrangement with Mule when he allowed him to take the life of one of his son's wives. The canoe-houses at Aiu were usually filled during the day by a number of natives, all carrying their tomahawks and debating on the topic of the day. In the raidst of them I once found Gorai talking in his quiet way to an attentive circle of armed natives. In the meanwhile the Treasury natives held a feast in celebration of their success ; and the four wives of Kopana were distributed about the village, but they experienced no ill treatment. In a few weeks the animosity displayed between the peoples of the two islands began to cool down ; and it soon became evident that the war was one only in narae. At length peace was once more restored. In the beginning of October a number of Treasury natives came over to the west coast of Aiu where Gorai was then residing, bring ing with them Mule's principal wife, Bita, the sister of the Aiu chief, together with a large present of bananas, taro, and other vegetables; and lastly, what was the most significant act of all, they brought with them the four wives of Kopana who had been cap tured on the islet of Tuluba. Gorai told me that araity was now perfectly restored, and that he was going to exchange visits with the Treasury chief to confirm the compact. Fortunately for the happiness of the natives of Bougainville Straits, war rarely disturbs the peaceful atmosphere in which they live. I cannot doubt that, in the lives of the natives of these .straiLs, we have the brighter side of the existence of the Solomon Islander > and this result raay, I think, be attributed in the main to the influence of Gorai, the Aiu chief, who in his intercourse with white men, not always the best fitted to represent their colour, as I need scarcely remark, has learned some lessons in his own crude way which he could hardly have learned under any other conditions. Natives of the islands of the Straits can count with some confidence on the tenure of their lives, but this is simply due to the influence of the name of the Aiu chief. And yet, however secure the sur roundings of a native may be, he will never be entirely off' his guard. Suspici'on is a quality inherent in his mind, and it shows itself in raost of ^he actions of his life. Even of those natives, who, in the 32 GOVEENMENT. capacity of interpreters, lived on board the ship for weeks together, one was always keeping watch, over his corarades during the long hours of the night whenever we were at any anchorage away from their own island ; and I have been told by the officers in charge of the detached surveying parties, that even after a hard day's work in the boat, they have found their natives keeping a self-imposed watch during the night. I pass on now to the subject of the power of the "tambu," or " taboo " as it is more usually termed. The tambu ban constitutes the real authority of a petty chief in times of peace. In the eastern islands, the tambu sign is often two sticks crossed and placed in the ground. In such a manner, the St. Christoval native secures his patch of ground from intrusion. In the islands of Bougainville Straits, posts six to eight feet in height, rudely carved in the form of the head and face, are erected facing sea- ward on the beach of a -village to keep off enemies and sickness. Similar posts are erected on the skirts of a plantation of cocoa-nut pahns to warn off intruders. On one occasion, whilst ascending the higher part of a stream in Treasury, my natives unexpectedly came upon the faint footprint of a bushman ; and my sheath-knife was at once borrowed by the chief's eldest son, who happened to be one of the party, to cut out a face in the soft rock as a tambu mark for the bushman, or in other words to preserve the streara. I have only touched on the exercise of the right of tarabu in its narrowest sense. Scattered about in the pages of this v;ork will be found nuraerous allusions to customs which would be comprised under this head in its widest meaning : for the power of the tambu is but the power of a code which usually prohibits and rarely coraraands ; and in enuraerating its restrictions and defining its limits, one would be in reality describing a negative system of public and private etiquette. It is worthy of note, that the terra " tambu " is not included in the vocabulary of the language of the natives of Bougainville Straits, its equivalent being " olatu." It may be here apposite to make some observations on the slavery which is practised in connection with the buish-tribes of these islands. As already remarked, a wide distinction usually prevails in the Solomon Group between the inhabitants of the coast and those of the interior ; and although this distinction is most evident in the case of the larger islands, it also prevails, but to a less degree, in those of smaller size. It is a noteworthy fact that the bushmen are SLAVEEY. 33 always looked down upon by their brethren ofthe coast. "Man- bush" is with the latter a term of reproach, implying stupidity and ci-ass ignorance. I have frequently heard this epithet applied to natives who handled their canoes in an awkward manner or who stumbled in their walk whilst accompanying me in ray excursions. On one occasion, when trying to obtain stone axes from the natives of Aiu, I was referred with a sraile to the busbmen of the neigh bouring island of Bougainville, who still employ these tools. In the larger islands the bush-tribes and the coast natives wage an un ceasing warfare, in which the latter are usually the aggressors and the victors — the bushmen captured during these raids either afford ing materials for the cannibal feast or being- detained in servitude by their captors. , But there prevails in the group a recognized systera of slave-traffic, in which a huraan being becomes a market able commodity — the equivalent being represented in goods either of native or of foreign manufacture. This custora which carae under the notice of the officers of Surville's expedition, _ during their visit to Port Praslin in Isabel, in 1769,^ obtains under the same con ditions at the present tirae. These natives were in the habit of making voyages of ten and twelve days' duration -with the object of exchanging men for "fine cloths covered with designs," articles which were manufactured by a race of people much fairer than their own, who were in all probability the inhabitants of Ontong Java. The servitude to which the victims of this traffic are doomed is not usually an arduous one. But there is one grave contingency attached to his thraldora which raust be always before the raind of the captive, however lightly his chains of service raay lie upon him. When a head is required to satisfy the offended honour of a neigh bouring- chief, or when a life has to be sacrificed on the corapletion of a tambu-house or at the launching of a new war-canoe, the victim chosen is usually the man who is not a free-born native of the village. He may have been bought as a child and have lived araongst them frora his boyhood up, a slave only in name, and en joying all the rights of his fellow natives. But no feelings of com passion can save him from his doom ; and the only consideration which he receives at the hands of those with whora he may have lived on terms of equality for raany years is to be found in the cir curastance that he gets no warning of his fate 1 " Discoveries to the south-east of New Guinea," by M. Fleurieu, p. 143, Eng. edit. 0 3-1 SLAVEEY. There are in Treasury several men and women who, originally bought as slaves fronaythe people of Bouka and Bougainville, now enjoy apparently the same privileges and freedom of action as their fellow islanders. It is sometimes not a matter of rauch difficulty to .single out the slaves araongst a crowd of natives. On one occasion I engaged a canoe of Faro men to take me to a distant part of their isjland : and very soon after we started I became aware from the cowed and sullen condition of one of the crew that he was a slave. On inquiry I leamed that this man had been captured when a boy in the island of Bougainville, and I was informed that if he was to return to his native place — a bush village named Kiata — he would undoubtedly be killed. Although in fact a slave, I concluded frorn the bearing of the other raen towards hira that his bondage was not a very hard one ; and he evidently appeared to enjoy raost of the rights of a native of the common class. Su kai, however, for such was his name, had to make himself generally useful in the course of the day ; and when at the close of the excursion we were seated inside the house of a man who provided us with a meal of boiled taro, sweet potatoes, and bananas, he was served with his repast on the beach outside. Mule, the Treasury chief, had adopted a little Bougainville bush- boy, naraed Sapeku, who was purchased when very young from his friends. In 1883 he was six or seven years old, and was the con stant corapanion of the sons of the chief He was a fat chubby little urchin, with woolly hair, and was known on board under the name of " Tubby." His wild excitable disposition full of suspicion showed to great contrast with the calraer and more confident demeanour of his corapanions. He was, however, a general favourite with us, although I should add he did not possess half the pluck of his asso ciates. Mule also possessed, at the tirae of our visit, a young girl, twelve or thirteen years old, who had been not long before pur chased frora the Bougainville natives. I have previously referred to the existence of bushmen on some ofthe smaller islands. In the interior of Treasury tiiere are a few haralets containing each two or three faraibes of bushmen, who live quite apart from the other natives of the island. On more than one, occasion I experienced tiie hospitality of these bush families, who in matters, of dress are even less observant than the harbour natives. They are probably the remnants of the original bushmen who occu pied this island. Over our pipes, I used freauentiv to converse with CANNIBALISM. 3.3 the natives on the subject ofthe past history of their island; and I gleaned from them that the enterprising race at present dominant in the Bougainville Straits came originally from the islands imraedi ately to the eastward, using Treasury as a stepping-stone to the Shortlands and Faro, and ousting or exterminating the bushmen they found in the possession of these islands. I will turn for a raoment to the subject of slavery in the eastern islands of the group. In L^gi it is the practice of infanticide which has given rise to a slave-coraraerce regularly conducted with the natives of the interior of St. Christoval. Three-fourths of the men of this island were originally bought as youths to supply the place of the natural offspring killed in infancy. But such natives when they attain manhood virtually acquire their independence, and their original purchaser has but little control over them. On page 42, I have made further reference to this subject. Connected in the manner above shown with the subject of slavery is the practice of cannibalism. The completion of a new tambu- house is frequently celebrated among the St. Christoval natives by a cannibal feast. Residents in that part of the group tell me that if the victim is not procured in a raid amongst the neighbouring tribes of the interior, some man is usually selected from those men in the village who were originally purchased by the chief. The doomed man is not enlightened as to the fate which awaits hira, and may, perhaps, have been engaged inthe erection of the very building at the completion of which his life is forfeited. The late Mr. Louis Nixon,^ one of those traders whose name should not be forgotten amongst the pioneers who, in working for themselves, have worked indirectly for the good of their successors in the Solomon Group, once recounted to me a tragical incident of this kind on the island of Guadalcanar, of which he was an unwilling spectator. Whilst look ing out of the window of his house one afternoon, he observed a native walk up to another standing close to the window and engage him in conversation. A man then stole up unperceived, and raising his heavy club above his head, struck the intended victim lifeless to the ground. Knowing too well the nature and purpose of the deed, Mr. Nixon tumed away quite sickened by the sight. The natives of the small island of Santa Anna enjoy the reputa tion of being abstainers from human fiesh : but, inasmuch, as Mai the war-chief has acquired a considerable fortune, in a native's point of 1 Mr. Nixon died at Santa Anna in the end of 1882. 36 CANNIBALISM. view, by following ohe profitable calling of purveyor of human flesh tothe man-eaters of the adjacent coasts of St. Christoval — a trade in which he is ably assisted by those who accompany him on his forag ing expeditions — we can hardly preserve this nice distinction between the parts taken by the contractor and his customers in this extraordinary traffic. I learned from Captain Macdonald that in their abstinence frora human flesh, the Santa Anna natives are not actuated by any dislike of anthropophagy in itself; but that the cus tom has fallen into abeyance since the chief laid the tambu-ban on human flesh several years ago, on account of a severe epidemic of sickness having followed a cannibal feast. On one occasion through the instrumentality of this resident. Lieutenant Oldham had the satisfaction of rescuing two St. Christoval natives whom Mai was carefully keeping in anticipation of the wants of the man-eaters of Cape Surville. As the result of an interview held with this chief, the two prisoners were sent on board the " Lark ; " but Mai gave them up with a very bad grace, protesting that he was being robbed of his own property. It is difficult to speculate on the reflections of the victim as he lives on from day to day in constant expectation of his fate. I am told that there is a faint gleam of tender feeling shown in the case of a man who, by long residence in the village, has almost come to be looked upon as one of theraselves. He is allowed to remain in ignorance of the dreaded moraent until the last : and, perhaps, he may be standing on the beach assisting in the launching of the very canoe in which he is destined to take his final journey, when suddenly he is laid hold of, and in a few moments raore he is being ferried across to the man-eaters of the opposite coast. All persons whora I have met that have had a lengthened experience of the St. Christoval natives confirm these cannibal practices. They may sometiraes be observed with all the horrible preliminaries which have been described in the cases of other Pacific groups ; whilst, on the other hand, it may be the habit to purchase and partake of human flesh as an extra dainty in the daily fare. Captain Redhch, master of the schooner " Franz," who visited Makira on the south side of St. Christoval in 1872, states that he found a dead body in a war-canoe dressed and cooked whole. He was informed by Mr. Perry, a resident, that he had seen as many as twenty bodies lying on the beach dressed and cooked.^ In 1865, Mr. Brenchley noticed at Wano, on the north , coast of this island, the 1 Journal of the Koyal Geographical Society for 1874 (toI. 44), p. 31. CANNIBALISM. 37 skulls of twenty-five bushmen hanging up under the roof of tho tambu-house, aU of which showed the eflfects of the tomahawk and all had been eaten.^ At the present time it is not an easy matter for axi-y person cot resident in the group to obtain ocular e-vidence of cannibabsm, since the natives have become aware of the white man's avereion to the custom. I have, however, frequently seen the arm and leg bones of the -victim consumed at the opening of a new tambu-house, as they are usually hung up over the entrance or in some other part of the building. The natives, however, are gener ally reluctant to talk much about these matters ; and I believe the residents, in such mattere, prefer to trust more to the testimony of their o-wn eyes than to the statements of the natives. I have previously referred to the death of the son of Taki the Wano chief, who was attacked bv a shark whilst fishino- on the St Christoval reefs. When we arrived at Ugi in April, 1883, shortly after this event, we leamed that his death would probably lead to a further sacrifice of hfe, and that a human -victim from sorae neigh bouring hill-tribe would be required to remove the tambu-ban, or in other words to propitiate the shark-god. At the completion of the time of mourning, a gathering of the tribes of the district known as a bea was to be held at Wano ; and I obtained frora Mr. Stephens of Ugi the foUo-wing particulars of this singular custom. From a raised staging some fifteen feet in height, each of the warriors of any reno-wn addresses in tum the assembled people. The gathering is composed not only of his o-wn tribesmen but also of paities of fight ing men from all the neighbouring -villages, each party standing aloof from the others. The orator, declaiming on the vaJonr of his o-wn people and on his indi-vidual prowess, soon works himseK into a condition of excitement, and should any tribe be there represented with whom there may have been some recent cause of ill-feeling, it is probably made the object of the taunts of the speaker. The as sembled natives, who are all armed, soon participate in the excite ment. The people of the -village support their champion, and openly display their ill -will against those at whom the diatribes of the orator have been directed. The suspected strangers retum the taunts; and the feehng of irritation reaches its acme when a threatening gesture or the throwing of a spear sets ablaze the sup pressed passions. Every man darts into the bush and the -village is emptv in a moment A desultory contest then ensues in which the ' " Cruise of H.M.S. Curacoa,' " by J. L. Brenchley. £8 CANNIBALISM. people of the village, who have generally the best of it, pursue their visitors to the outskirts of their district ; and from henceforth a long period of hostility begins. Such is not an uncommon -sequence of a Ua, dnd I am told that the natives of the district, in which such a gathering is to be held, look forward to it with considerable apprehension. A human body is usually procured for these occasions ; and the payment of the persons who procured it is made from contributions collected at thp bia. Each leading chief endeavours to surpass his rival in the sum he gives ; and fiinging his string of shell money down from the stage on which he stands, he looks contemptuously at his rival's par°y. The body is apportioned out after the gathering is over; and if no contention has arisen, all asserabled partake of the feast. Taki told Mr. Stephens that in order to obtain a body for his son's bea, he would have to start on another raan-hunting expedition. A bia was also soon to be held in Ugi by Rora, the fighting chief of the village of Ete-ete, on behalf of his brother who had died about two years before. Cannibahsra is however dying out in Ugi; and in this case a pig was to supply the place of a huraan body. Whilst the ship was anchored at Sulagina Bay on the north coast of St. Christoval, I visited the viUage of that name and saw the chief who is named Toro. He received me civilly and shook hands. Outside the front of his house five skulls were hanging which belonged to some unfortunate bushmen who had fallen at his hands. On inquiring of a native who spoke a little English, I ascer tained that their bodies had been " kaied-kaied," i,e., eaten, although it was with a bttle hesitation that he admitted the fact Numerons spears were thrust in araong the pole overhead which supported the roof, one or two of thera being broken at the point with some suspicious-looking dried-up substance still adherent. The same native explained to me, in a raatter-of-fact way, that the points had broken oflf in the bellies of the victiras. Cannibalism is rarely if ever practised at the present day in the islands of Bougainville Straits. The people of the western extremity of Choiseul Island in the vicinity of Choiseul Bay are reputed by the Treasury Islanders to be still cannibals. During our stay in this bay we had no opportunity of satisfying ourselves in this matter. Bougainville, however, who visited this bay in 1768, re cords, as I have pi'eviously observed, that a human jaw, half-broiled, was found in one of the canoes which had been deserted by the CANNIBALISM. 3[> natives after the repulse of their attack upon the French boats.^ The Shortland natives accredit the Bougainville people who live around the active volcano of Bagana with the regular practice of cannibalism ; and there can be little doubt that this custora is ex tensively practised amongst the scarcely known bush-tribes in the interior of this lai-ge island. Of the natives of New Georgia or Rubiana, Captain Cheyne avers that human flesh forms their chief tu'ticle of diet ; they were in his opinion, when he visited this part of the group in 1844, the most treacherous and bloodthirsty race in the Western Pacific- These natives have of late years come more under the direct influence of the traders and probably would merit now a better name. I wUl close this chapter with a short account, to some extent recapitulative, of the history of three natives of St Christoval after they were recruited by the boats of the Fiji labour-vessel " Red coat'' in 1882. It will serve to illustrate some points already alluded to. Amongst the occupants of a tambu-house in which I slept on one occasion in the village of Lawa, in the interior of St. Christoval, were five men who were intending to offer themselves as recruits to the government-agent of the " Redcoat." Three of these men, one of whom was the chief's son, carae under ray observation again not many weeks after they had been received on board the labour- vessel. ' They escaped from the ship at Santa Anna, and seiz ing a canoe reached the adjoining coast of St. Christoval. Here they were pursued by Mai, in his capacity of purveyor of huraan flesh to the Cape Surville natives. Two of thera were captured; but the third, who was the chief s son, had died at the hands of a local chief, who, -wishing to remove the tambu-ban arising frora the recent death of liis wife, had effected his object by spearing his guest Mai retumed to Santa Anna with his two captives, and immediately became imbued with the idea that he had been insulted by the chief who, in successfully removing the tambu-ban from the shade of his departed spouse, had deprived him of one of his victims. Then the raid was earried out, which I have already described, as having re sulted in the slaughter of three women and the chief of Fanarite. Mai now devoted his attention to preparing his two prisoners for the market on the opposite coast, and was thus employed when H.M.S. "Lark"' arrived at Port Mary and rescued the prisoners 1 " Voyage autour du Monde " ; 2nd edit, augment ; vol. ii., Paris, 1772. -- "A Description of Islands in the AVestern Pacific Ocean," by A. Cheyne (London, 1852). •iO CANNIBALISM.. When these two natives were brought on board, I at once recognised my tambu-house companions in the village of Lawa ; and I leamed to my regret that the chief's son, who had been killed, was the sprightlj' young native who had on one occasion carried my geolo gical bag. It is but just to remark that under Mai's care the con dition of the two prisoners had considerably improved since I last saw them. However, their troubles were not all over. They were landed at Ugi ; but the older of the two, on hearing that his life would be probably required by the people of his own village to atone for the death of the chief's son, preferred to remain at Ugi A report reached me in the following year, whether true or not I was unable to ascertain, that he had been killed on returning to his village. CHAPTER IIL THE FEMALE SEX — POLYGAMY — MODES OF BURIAL, ETC. THE position of the female sex amongst the natives of the eastern islands of the Solomon Group would appear to diflfer but little from the position which it holds amongst races in a similar savage state. The women are without doubt the drudges of the men, and pitiable examples of this often carae under ray observation. On one occasion, when I was returning to the coast from an excursion into the interior of St. Christoval, I was accompanied by some half-a- dozen natives of both sexes who were bringing down yams to sell to the traders on the beach. The men were content with carrying their tomahawks ; whilst the women followed up with heavy loads of yams on their heads. When a feast is in preparation, it is the work of the women to bring in the yams and taro from the "patches," which raay be one or two miles away. In my excursions, I fre quently used to see at work in their " patches " these poor creatures, whom drudgery had prematurely deprived of all their comeliness. Women are excluded from the tambu-house. They are not per mitted to remain in the presence of a chief at his meal ; and even the wife after preparing her husband's meal leaves her lord alone, returning to partake of what remains after he has finished his repast. In the island of Santa Catalina we found that we had temporarily received the rank of chief when a bevy of young girls, who had been following us all the morning, walked solemnly away as we began our lunch ; but no sooner had we lit our pipes than back came the little troop with srailing faces. In Ugi, a man will never, if he can help it, pass under a tree that has fallen across the path, for the reason that a, woman may have stepped over it before him. On one occasion, in the village of Sapuna, in Santa Anna, I saw a man, whilst lighting his pipe, throw the piece of smouldering wood cou- 42 THE FEMALE SEX. temptuously on the ground, when a woraan, in order to bght her own pipe, stretched out her hand to take it from him. The custom of infanticide throws a shade over not a few of these islands. During my frequent walks over the island of Ugi, where one may pass through a village without seeing a single child in arms, I often experienced a feeling of rehef in leaving behind such a village , where the prattle of children is but rarely heard. In Ugi, infanticide is the prevailing custom. When a man needs assistance in his declining years, his props are not his own sons but youths obtained by purchase from the St. Christoval natives, who, ag they attain to manhood, acquire a virtual independence, passing almost beyond the control of their original owner. It is from this cause that but a small proportion of the Ugi natives have been born on the island, three-fourths of them having been brought as youths to supply the ^ place of offspring kiUed in infancy. Yet some bright experiences, brighter, perhaps, in the contrast, recur to my mind. In the small island of Orika (Santa Catalina) the visitor will be followed about by a little train of children, of both sexes, with smibng, intelligent faces, and clad only in the garb whicii nature gave thera. Whilst having an evening pipe in front of the house of Haununo, the young chief, Mr. W. Macdonald and I were surrounded by a varied throng of the natives of the village, both old and young. Numerous young children, from babes in arms to those three or four years old, formed no inconsiderable proportion of the number around us. Bright- looking lads, eight or nine years of age, stood smoking their pipes as gravely as Haununo himself; and even the smallest babe in its father's arms caught hold of his pipe and began to suck instinctively. The chief's son, a little shapeless mass of flesh, a few months^ old, was handed about from man to man with as much care as if he had been V composed of soraething brittle. It would have taken raany ship loads of " trade," as Mr. Macdonald remarked to me, to have pur chased the hopeful heir of the chief of Orika. But to return to the subject of the position held by the women. When away with a recruiting party from the labour-ship " Redcoat," on the St Christoval coast, I was present at the parting on the beach of sis natives, who had elected to proceed to Fiji to work for a term of three years on the plantations. But bttle regret was observable in the faces of those whose friends were leaving thera. Son parted with father, and brother with brother with apparently as littie con cern as if they were merely parting for the hour. The mother or FE.NLILE VIETUE. 43 sister played no part in this scene, a characteristic negative feature of the social Hfe of these natives. However, amongst the six natives was an elderly woman who was foUo-wing her husband to Fiji ; and her departure wais evidently keenly felt by a small knot of female companions on the beach. One poor creature stood at the edge of the water, looking wistfuUy towards the boat as it was being puUed away, and crying more after the manner of a fretful child. It was the bond of a true affection that knit together the heart of these poor women. In this episode I saw, to employ those beautiful lines of Milton, "The sable cloud Tum forth her silver lining on the night." In it was e-vinced the only sign of the tenderer feelings which was displayed in the whole of that day's proceedings. It is necessary for me to touch lightly on a subject, which, although less pleasing, is none the less essential to the short sketch which I have presented to my readers of the domestic relations of the natives in the eastern islands. Female chastity is a virtue that would sound strangely in the ear of the native. Amongst then- many customs which when narrated strike with such a discordant note on the ears of the European reader, the inhabitants of St. Christoval and the adjacent islands have a usage which sufficiently enlightens us as to the unrestrained character of their code of morality. For two or three years after a giid has become eligible for mamage, she distributes her favours amongst all the young men of the -viUage. Should she be unwilling to accept the addresses of anyone, it is but necessary for her admirer to raake her parents some present. Fathers ofifer their daughters to the white man in the hope of a re munerative return ; and the white men, sometimes less scrupidous in their advances, provoke the hostility of the natives, and not un frequently a laraentable massacre results. Conjugal fidelity is usually preserved in the hmits of the same community ; but the men of Santa Anna, when they exchange their wives for those of tbe men ofthe adjoining St. Christoval coast, see in such a transaction no loosenintr of the marriage-tie, and restore their -wives to their oritnnal position on their retum to their homes. In considering the domestic relations of the inhabitants of Bougainville Straits, we enter upon a more agreeable topic. The white man on first visiting these islands is struck with the shyness 44 THE FEMALE SEX. of the women as compared with those of St. Christoval and its adjacent islands. The unmarried girls are rarely seen ; whilst, on the other hand, in Santa Anna and Santa Catalina there appears to be no restriction placed on their movements. The following incident in the island of Faro will serve to illustrate this shyness. Whilst following a path in the interior of the island, unattended by anj' companion, I suddenly surprised a woman sitting on a log with a child in her lap. She bolted away into the wood leaving the child, a little boy three or four years of age, on the ground in the middle of the path. The little urchin at once set up a terrific yell ; but a present of a gilt necklace softened the tone of his distress, although it did not remove his fears. However, I passed along and soon had the satisfaction of hearing the mother returning to her child. This fear of the white man is soon dispelled by kindly treatment When I first visited Treasury Island my entrance into the village was the signal for every woman to rush into her house, and I could only catch a glirapse of their retreating figures. This shyness soon wore away during the lengthened visits of the " Lark ; " and in a short tirae when I walked through the village I was surrounded hy a troop of young boys shouting out my name of " Dokus " or "Rokasy," at the top of their voices. This was the signal for all who were indoors to turn out to greet me. The old people would hobble out to the door ; and the married women with their babes in their arms would walk up to me caUing me by name and holding up their little ones for me to see, as if only too proud to show me the confidence the visit of the " Lark " had inspired. The females in these islands of the Straits perform most of the work in the " patches " or plantations. Towards the evening, they raay usually be seen returning in tiieir canoes from the more distant " patches " bringing home a goodly quantity of taro, bananas, and other vegetables. There is generally a man in the stern who steers with a paddle ; whilst the crew of eight or ten women, sitting in pairs, paddle briskly along with their light paddles. The powerful chiefs ofthe islands of Bougainville Straits usually possess a large number of wives of whom only tiie few that retain their youth and comeliness enjoy much of the society of their lord. The majority, having been supplanted in the esteem of their common husband, have sunk into a condition of drudgery, finding their em ployment and their livelihood in toiling for the master whose aff'ections they once possessed. I learned from Gorai, the Shortland POLYGAMY. 45 chief, who has between eighty and a hundred wives, that the main objection he has against missionaries settling on his islands is, that they would insist on his giving up nearly all his wives, thereby de priving him of those by whose labour his plantations are cultivated and his household supplied v/ith food. A great chief, he remarked, required a large staff of workers to cultivate his extensive lands; or, in other words, numerous women to work in his plantations and to bring the produce horae. Such a plea for polygaray is in this con dition of society somewhat plausible. The domestic establishment of such a chief may be compared in its internal economy to a social community of bees. The head of the society is, in this case, a male who, whilst living on the fat produce of his lands and increasing his species, performs no active office for the good of the community. The workers consist of his numerous cast-off wives, who ha-s'ing been supplanted in their lord's affections as their personal attractions- dirainished in the course of year,?, have at length subsided into the position of drudges to procure food for the king and his progenj'. Mule's marital establishraent is on a smaller scale than that of the more powerful Shortland chief. This Treasury chief possesses between twenty-five and thirty wives, and has numerous young sons who were my frequent companions during my excursions in this island. In both establishments there is a favourite wife who exer cises sorae authority over the others, and is known araong white men as the queen. The principal wives are generally distinguished from the others by a raore dignified deportment, a slim graceful figure, and more delicate features. The coarser features, bigger limbs, and more ungainly persons of many of the wives at once mark the women of raore coraraon origin. The chief secures the fidelity of his wives by the summary punishment of death, suspicion being tantamount to proof, and an unwary action being held pre suraptive of guilt Many of their wives are obtained by purchase from the Bougainville natives ; whilst others represent the tribute owed by some of the- sraaller chiefs. The majority of the Treasury men have two wives who are usually widely separated by age. They are originally obtained by making a handsome present to the parents. Each wife in working on her husband's land has her own patch allotted to her to which she- confines her labours. My association with the natives of Treasury o-ave me some insight into their social life, in which, I should add, the women occupyasomewhatbetterpositionthanin the islands we visited. 46 THE FEMALE SEX. to the eastward. Men have introduced me to their wives with an air of politeness which supplied an index of the social status of their helpmates : and to show that the position of authority may be re versed — although from the abSence of clothing one cannot employ the expressive phrase applied to those women who rule their husbands in raore civilized lands — I may here observe that on one occasion an able-bodied man coraplained to rae that his wife chastised him on the previous night I had one vei-y pleasing experience of the domestic establishment of the Treasury chief. Having informed Mule that I was desirous to witness the manufacture of the cooking-pots employed by the natives, he despatched four of his wives into the interior of the island to get the clay ; and in due time I was suraraoned to his house where I found myself in the midst of a dozen of his wives who were already hard at work, for the women are the potters here as in other parts of " savagedom." Mule's wives received me with much polite ness, and made me sit down on a mat to watch the proceedings, being evidently rauch pleased with the idea of exhibiting their skiU. For about five minutes there was but little work done as my curios ity led me to look more closely into the different steps of the process, a proceeding which caused much hilarity and elicited frequent excla mations of " tion drakono," often preceded by " Dokus," which im plied that the doctor was a very good man. At last, after I had smiled on them to the best of my ability, and had gained their further approbation by taking on my knee a little well-scrubbed urchin that could hardly toddle, who in the most matter-of-fact manner made a vigorous onslaught on my chin and then went tooth- and-nail at my shirt-cuflf, all in the best of humour and seemingly in an absent-minded kind of fashion as though its , little mind was already occu]-)ied by far weightier matters — after all this, the more serious part of the entertainment became fairly under way. At its conclusion, 1 gave the principal wife a quantity of beads and a number of jews-harps to be distributed araong her companions. The marital establishraent of Toraimas, one of the principal Faro chiefs, is small as compared with those of Gorai and Mule. He has only four wives who are named respectively, Doiuari, Duia, Bose, and Omakau, the first being the mother of the chief's eldest son, Kopana, an intelligent young man about twenty-two years of age. In connection with the names of the women of Bougainville ..Straits, I should observe that there was always sorae reluctance on KAIKA. 47 the part of the men to give rae such naraes ; and that when they did so, they usually uttered thera in a low tone as though it was not the proper thing to speak of the women bj- narae to others. This is especially noticeable when a man of the comraon class is asked the name of one of the chief's wives. On more than one occasion, when referring by name to the chief's principal wife in the course of a conversation with a native, I learned from the look of surprise, which the mention of the name elicited, that I had, unwit tingly, been guilty of a breach of etiquette. During the surveying season of 1883, which we passed among the islands of Bougainville Straits, we were witnesses of the mourning ceremonials that were observed in connection with the death of Kaika, the principal wife of the Shortland chief, or the queen as Gorai was pleased to call her. It was in the beginning of July that I first made the acquaintance of Kaika, Gorai having asked rae to visit her as she was suffering from some indisposition. A month passed away before I again saw ray royal patient, and on this occasion the chief accompanied me to his house. Here I found Kaika quite recovered from her iUness, a result which she attributed to some medicine which I had given her. She was reclining in a broken down easy-chair, the gift of a trader, engaged in working an armlet of beads, and clad only in the usual " sulu " or waist-handker chief In age Kaika was probably between 25 and SO, her general appearance being that of a woman superior in caste to most of her fellow-wives. For a native, her features were good and regular, her figure slira but weU proportioned, her carriage graceful. Her clean skin and bushy head of hair, dyed a magenta hue bj'- the use of red ochreous earth, added to the general eflfect of her appearance. Whilst sitting down be.side Gorai and his spouse, the latter showed me her little boy who was nearly blind. I was much struck with the tendemess, displayed in the manner of both the parents towards their little son, who, seated on his mother's lap, placed his hand in that of his father, when he was directed to raise his eyes towards the light for my inspection. The work of the ship took us away from Aiu ; and when we returned after an absence of five weeks, we learned that Kaika was dyino-. Landing on tbe ensuing day to see if I could be of any ser vice, I was told that Kaika was dead; and as I stepped out of ray' Rob Roy, I received a message from Gorai to corae and visit hira. I found the old chief seated on the ground in front of his house. 48 MOUENING CEEEMONIALS. looking very dismal. Near by, there were nine or ten of his wives all well past the prime of life, withered and haggish, with heads shaven and faces plastered with lime as a token of mourning. They were squatting on the ground, and were engaged in droning out a dismal chant, reminding rae of a group of witches. Accompanying Gorai into his house, I found there a numerous gathering of his wives all with their faces plastered with lime ; their dead- white features, peering strangely at us through the gloom of the building, gave the whole scene quite an uncanny look. The old chief appeared to feel the loss of his favourite wife and broke down more than once when talking to me of her. He told me that the end came when we dropped our anchor in the bay, and he excused hiraself on account of his grief frora coraing off to the ship — " too much cry," as he re marked of hiraself to me. When I was leaving him, he asked me ' on the arrival of the ship at Treasury to inform Mule of his loss, Kaika being the sister of the Treasury chief, and to request that his own sister, Bita, who was Mule's principal wife, should come and visit him. Returning to my canoe I passed some of Gorai's head men who had plastered their foreheads and a part of their cheeks with lirae, an observance, however, which was not followed by either the chief or his sons. The next raorning most of the men of the viUage were engaged in fishing on the reef to obtain material for a great funeral feast that was to be held in the afternoon. When I landed with Lieutenant Leeper in the latter part of the day, we found ourselves on the beach in the midst of about a hundred raen carrying their toraahawks, and assembled together on the occasion of the queen's demise. On enter ing the chief's grounds, which are tabooed to all the men of the village except those on the staff of the chief, we came upon about eighty women performing a funeral dance. Some of them were Gorai's wives ; whilst others were the principal women of the neigh bouring villages. With their faces white .with lime they formed a large circle, in the centre of which were four posts placed erect in the ground, each about ten feet high, charred on one side and rudely carved in imitation of the human head, two of them painted red and two white. Enclosed in the ring and grouped around the posts were six women bearing in their hands the personal belongings of tbe deceased, such as her basket, cushion, &c. To the slow and mea sured time of the beats of a wooden drum, a hollowed log struck by a man outside the circle, the dancers of the ring adapted their move THE FUNEEAL DAN'CE. 49 ments, which consisted merely in raising the feet in turns and gently stamping on the ground. The central group of women danced around the posts, partly skipping, partly hopping, each woman holding up before her the article she bore, and regulating her steps to the beats of the drum. Now and then the raan at the drum quickened his tirae, and the moveinents of the women of the ring becarae more spirited ; whUst the central group of dancers skipped more actively around, the foremost woman sprinkling at each bound handfuls of lirae over the dancers of the ring. As the weather was rainy, many of the women — aU of whom wore a " sulu '' reaching down to the knees — had their shoulders covered by their mats of pandanus leaves. This dance was repeated on the foUowing day but with a smaUer number of dancers. I was anxious to ascertain the manner in which the body had been disposed ; but beyond the fact that interraent had taken place in the ground sorae distance away, I could learn but little. It is, however, very probable that the body was first burned between the charred posts, around which the dance was performed, which would have served as supports for the funeral pyre. Further reference to this custom will be found on page 51. In making inquiries as to the obsequies paid to the dead queen, I was nmch struck with the reluctance of the natives to refer to the event They mentioned the narae of the deceased in a low subdued tone as if it were wrong to utter the names of the dead. This mysterious dread which is associated with the mention of the names of the dead is found, as Dr. Tylor points out in his " Early History of Mankind'' (3rd edit, p. 143), amongst many races of men. The example of the Australian native who refuses to utter thera raay be here cited as an extreme instance of this superstition. Three days after the death of Kaika, all the men of Aiu, with the exception of the chief and his sons, cut off' their hair close to the scalp as a symbol of mourning for the deceased, an observance which produced a surprising change in the appearance of men whom I had been familiar with as the owners of luxuriant bushy periwigs. A similar custom of either shaving the scalp or of cutting the hair close prevailed in other islands of the group which we visited, as at Simbo and Ugi. In the latter island the shaving is restricted to the posterior half of the scalp. With this digression I will continue my account of che mourning ceremonials observed atthe death of Kaika. The news of the death of the principal wife of the Aiu chief was 50 MOUENING CEEEMONIALS. soon carried to the other islands of Bougainville Straits. Visits of condolence were paid to Gorai by Toraimas and Kurra-kurra, the two Faro chiefs ; and parties of the women of Faro went to display in person their sympathy with the Aiu chief on the occasion of his bereavement We were the first to convey the news to Treasury ; and as Mule stepped on deck shortly after the ship had come to an anchor in Blanche Harbour, I informed him of his sister's death and of Gorai's request that his own sister Bita should go and visit him at Aiu. The news of Kaika's death was received by her brother with much coraposure. Several weeks passed away before Bita could accoraplish the long canoe voyage to her brother's island, as it is only practicable for a canoe in settled weather. There was a .sudden deraand for pairs of scissors in Treasury when the news of the death of Gorai's wife became generaUy known. Mule, his sons, and several of the raen of the island showed their regard for the deceased by neatly trimming their bush/ periwigs, not cropping their hair close as in the case of the Aiu natives ; and in accordance with custom the wives of the chief plastered their faces with lime. A week after our arrival at Treasury feasts were prepared as oflferings to the Evil Spirit — the nito paitena of the natives — to appease the wrath of that deity. For to his anger, as I was informed by an intelligent native naraed Erosini, the death of Kaika was at tributed. Whilst walking through the village one evening, I came upon the " remains " of one of these feasts. The essence of the viands had doubtless been extracted by this direful spirit, inasrauch as I learned on the authority of Erosini that the " devUo," as he terraed him, had already satiated his appetite ; but to the eyes of ordinary mortals like myself, the dishes had not been touched. However, it was not long before numerous natives were helping themselves freely to the roasted opossums, boiled fish, taro, bananas, etc., which formed the feast Although pressed to join in the banquet, I did not take to the idea of eating a vicarious mea! for his infernal majesty ; and I resisted the persuasion of one of my would- be hosts who, having scooped up with his hands a mixture of mashed taro and cocoa-nut scrapings, licked his fingers well and reraarked it was very good " kai-kai." On the following day an old rudely carved tarabu-post that had been erected on the beach was used as a target, at which, frora a distance of about fifteen paces, the natives fired their muskets and discharged their arrows. This proceeding, so we MODES OF BUEIAL. 51 learned, was to intimidate the " devilo " in case the feasts of the previous day had not propitiated him. The raode of burial employed by the natives of the islands of Bougainville Straits varies according to the position of the deceased. The bodies of the chiefs and of any merabers of their farailies are usually burned ; and the ashes are deposited together with the skull and soraetiraes the thigh-bones in a cairn on some sacred islet, or are placed in charge of the reigning chief The natives were always reticent on this subject, a circumstance which prevented my ascer taining how the skull and thigh-bones were preserved from the flames. In the village of Treasury there are some memorials of de parted chiefs, one of which is shown in the accompanying engraving. The one in best condition is that of the late chief, whose skull and thigh-bones were deposited on one of the islets in the harbour. They evidently mark the site of the funeral pyres. A wooden f i-arae of the diraeusions of a large coffin is placed on the ground and con tains sorae young plants and the club of the deceased chief. Four posts charred on their inner sides and decorated on their outer sides with patterns in red, white, and black, are placed one at each corner of the frame. They are rudely carved at the top in the form of a face, and in all respects reserable those around which the funeral dance was performed at Aiu, as described on page 49. A sprouting cocoa-nut is placed at one end of the frame, and a club is placed erect in the ground at the other end. In the vicinity of Gorai's house, I noticed three small enclosures, apparently graves, two of them round and one oblong, and all fenced in by a paling of sticks. Lying on the ground within each enclosure were .such articles as strings of trade-beads, clay-pipes, betel-nuts long since dried up, and dishes of palm leaves such as the natives use for serving up their food. A comraunicative old raan informed rae that a few months before a woman and a girl belonging to tiie chief's household had died, and that their bodies had been tirst burned between four posts and the ashes had been placed in the oblong enclosure. They bore, so he told me, the pretty names of lilv^nu and Siali. On my asking the reason of placing articles such as beads and betel-nuts on the grave, he told me that in addition cocoa-nuts and other food had been placed there previously in accor dance with the native custom, which the old man endeavoured to explain by pointing his fingers towards the skies. I should here mention that on the spot, where the body of Kaika had been burned 52 MODES OF BUEIAL. some months before, there was placed a wooden fiamework in the form of a long box, the materials being obtained from a ship's fittings. Inside it were placed some beads and coloured calico. The custora of depositing skulls in cairns on the points of islands, which is prevalent in the eastern portion of the Solomon Group, is not generally practised amongst the islands of Bougainville Straits : and I rarely came upon them in my excursions. However, on an islet in Choiseul Bay, I found two cairns, one of which was tenanted only by herrait-crabs with their cast-off shells, and the other con tained two skulls that had apparently lain for years in their resting- jjlace to whicii they were attached by the tendrils of creeping plants. On the surarait of Oima, I came upon a heap of stones under which -was supposed to be the reraains of a Bougainville native killed in a fight, but I failed to find any of his bones after examining the heap. The sea is generally chosen as the last resting-place for the natives below the rank of chief in the islands of Bougainville Straits. Lieutenant Malan, whilst engaged in sounding at the entrance of the Aiu anchorage, passed two large canoes in one of which were being conveyed, for burial in deep water, the remains of a woman who had died during the previous night. The relatives of the deceased accompanied the corpse, but took no share in the paddling, being employed in wailing and bemoaning their loss after the conventional manner of the Chinese. A peculiar style of paddling was adopted by the funeral party ; each raan, pausing after every stroke, partially arrested the raotion of the canoe by a back water movement of his paddle. In Sirabo or Eddystone Island, the bodies of the dead are some times placed amongst the large masses of rock which lie at the base of Middle Hill on the west coast of the island. My attention was first attracted to this custora by the stench that came from this spot as I passed it in a canoe. Sorae human bones were observed on the reef which lies off the anchorage. In the eastern islands the dead are often buried at sea. In Ugi and in Florida the skulls are sometimes preserved in a cairn of stones built on the edge of a sea cliff, or at the extreraity of a point, or in some remote islet. A dwarf cocoa-nut, which attains a height of from eight to twelve feet, frequently marks the grave of the chief in the island of Ugi. In one of the villages of this island I was shown the shrine of a chief, a sraall house in which suspended from the roof in a basket were the skulls of the chief and his wife concealed from view by a screen of palm leaves. Some EELIGIOUS BELIEFS. 63 articles of food, including a portion of an opossum, together with a large wooden bowl, were hung up before the screen. The burial place for men in the village of Sapuna in Santa Anna is an oblong enclosure in the midst of the village which measures 24 by 18 feet, and is .surrounded by a low wall of fragments of coral limestone. In this space all the bodies are buried at a depth of five or six feet ; and after sorae time the skulls are exhumed and placed inside the wooden figure of a shark about three feet in length, which is deposited in the tambu-house. One of these wooden fish, which lay on the surface of the burial ground at the tirae of my visit, had recently been removed from the tambu-house on account of its being rotten through age, and the skull was to be re-interred. The body of a chief is placed at once in the tambu-house in a wooden shark of sufficient size. Woraen are buried in another ground, and the wooden sharks containing their skulls are deposited in a sraall house by the side of the tambu-house. Into the subject of the superstitions and religious beliefs which are held by the natives of the Solomon Islands I shall barely enter, as only those who have becorae farailiar with the natives by long residence araong thera, and who have acquired an intiraate know ledge of their language, can hope to avoid the nuraerous pitfalls into which the unwary observer is so likely to fall. I would, therefore, refer the reader for information on this subject to a paper by the Rev. R. H. Codrington, entitled " Religious Beliefs and Practices in Melanesia," which was published in the Journal of the Anthropo logical Institute (vol. x.,p. 261). Through Lieutenant Malan's know ledge of the Fijian tongue, a language understood by the men who had served their term on the Fiji plantations, I learned that the natives of Treasury and the Shortlands believe in a Good Spirit (nito clrel'Oiia) who lives in a pleasant land whither all men who have lived good lives go after death, and that all the bad men are trans ported to the crater of Bagana, the burning volcano of Bougainville, which is the home of the Evil Spirit (nito paitena) and his cora panion spirits. That the natives of the Shortlands really beUeve in some future state is shown in the following singular superstition which came under my notice at Aiu. I was returning one night in Gorai's war canoe from one of my excursions, when I noticed that the chief and his men were looking towards the coral island of Balalai which lies a few miles distant from the anchorage. They told me they were looking for a bright light which was sometimes to be 54 EELIGIOUS BELIEFS. seen shining at night in this island in the winter months of the year. This Ught they believed to be the spirit of Captain Ferguson of the "Ripple," who had been kiUed some years before by the natives of Nouma-nouma on the Bougainville coast I suggested that it might be the watch-fire of a party of the Faro natives who had gone there to fish, or to hunt turtie ; but my suggestion was pooh-poohed Balalai was evidently a haunted island in the minds of ray com panions, and I desisted from making any further remarks whicb would be likely to disabuse them of this idea. Often and often when we were anchored within sight of this island I remembered the story, but never saw the light. The natives of Ugi beUeve that the souls of the dead pass into fireflies : and should one of these insects enter a house, those inside quickly leave it The spirits of the dead in human shape are be lieved to frequent certain islets in Treasury Harbour, where they are occasionally seen by the woraen. Certain spirits, who are usuaUy accredited with the power of sending sickness or other calamities, are said to take up their abodes in particular districts. Such a spirit haunts the picturesque glen of Tetabau on the northern slope of the surarait of Treasury, if we raay accept the statement of one of the islanders ; and any native who is bold enough to enter this glen will, according to the general belief, provoke the anger of its invisible occupant The party of natives who accompanied me to the summit of Tarawei Hill in the island of Faro refused to go further than the brink of the hill, because, as they said, there dwelt on the top sorae evil spirits who would send sickness and death on any intruder. I had therefore to walk along the crest of the hill alone. The echoes which the shouts of ray men awakened as we descended the steep slopes to the west were, as I was told, but the voices of the spirits who haunted the sumrait of the hill. In the island of Ugi the superstition of " ill-wishing " is very prevalent. When a man cuts off his hair, as in mourning, he buries it unobserved so that it may not fall into the hands of Einy one who may by sorcery bring sickness or some other calamity upon him ; and he adopts the sarae precaution with reference to the husks of betel-nuts and sirailar i-efuse. Whilst I was obtaining some samples of hair from the natives of this island, I was told that if in the immediate future any sickness should befall those who had parted with their hair, they would assign the cause to me ; yet, native-like, thev aUowed rae to take a sample with their free consent, for it is THE SOECEEEE. 55 their custom never to refuse to each other anything that is asked. The professions of the sorcerer and raedicine-man are usually com bined in the same individual. These men in the Shortlands have a great reputation in the minds of the natives, being accredited by them with a knowledge almost universal ; and the precincts of their dweUings are tabooed even to the chief. One of them named Kikila, a sinister-looking individual with but one eye, had obtained much repute in the practice of his profession. When on one occasion Lieutenant Oldhara complained to the chief that sorae of the calico had been removed by the natives from the surveying-marks, the services of Kikila were eraployed to bring about the death of the unknown culprit. The sorcerer was not himself aware who the raan was ; but we were told that for one of so rauch repute this was (-[uite unnecessary. We never learned the result of his incantation ; but in all probability they^effected their purpose soon enough by working on the fears of the unfortunate offender. How it was to be done we could not satisfactorily ascertain ; but there was no doubt as to the efficacy of the raeans employed in the minds of the natives. Amongst the powers of the sorcerers are those of influencing the weather. But such powers are not confined to men of this class alone. In Ugi, different natives are accredited with being able to bring wind and rain ; and I knew one man who had earned for himself a considerable reputation as a " wind-prophet" These powers are claimed by Mule, the Treasury chief, amongst his other jirerogatives. As far as I could ascer-tain, these natives keep no record, even in the memory, of the lapse of years. Nor are they acquainted with their own age. More than once when trying to obtain the date of ]]articular events, I received the wildest replies. The safest raethod to employ in making .such inquiries is to get the native to refer a recent event to some epoch in his own Ufe, or in the case of earlier occurrences to associate thera with his boyhood, manhood, or mar riage. When he asserts that a certain event occurred whilst his father was a child, he is probably to be trusted ; but when he goes back to the time ofhis grandfather, no further reliance can be placed on his statements, except as implying an indefinite number of years. I have observed elsewhere (page 76) that a grandfather is deemed a personage of such a high antiquity that these islanders, when re ferring to past events, seldom care to go beyond. * 56 METHOD OF BECKONING TIME. The only raethod of reckoning that came under my notice was in the instance of a Treasury native, who, whilst serving as interpreter on board the "Lai-k," kept a register of the time he was away from his island by tying a knot daily on a cord and marking Sunday by a piece of paper, the knots being about an inch apart. I learned from a Faro man that this is the method of recording days which is commonly employed by the inhabitants of Bougainville Straits, the " moons " or months being alone distinguished by a piece of native tobacco tied in the knot. Such a practice, however, would appear to be followed only during the temporary absences from their islands, as when they are away on canoe expeditions. A native, captured in 1769 by Surville, whilst at Port Praslin, in Isabel, kept count of the days of absence from his country by tying knots in a " Iacet." ^ It is scarcely necessary for me to point out that in the " knotted cord " of the Solomon Islanders we have the elementary form of the " quipu " ofthe Incas. Amongst the constellations, the Pleiades and Orion's Belt seem to be those which are most farailiar to the natives of Bougainville Straits. The former, which they speak of as possessing six stars, they name " Vuhu ; " the latter, " Matatala." They have also names for a few other stars. As in the case of many other savage races, the Pleiades is a consteUation of great significance with the inhabi tants of these straits. The Treasury Islanders hold a great feast to wards the end of October, to celebrate, as far as I could learn, the approaching appearance of this constellation above the eastern horizon soon after sunset. Probably, as in raanjr of the Pacific Islands, this event raarks the beginning of their year. I learned frora Mr. Stephens that, in Ugi, where of all the constellations the Pleiades alone receives a name, the natives are guided by it in selecting the times for planting and taking up their yams. 1 From an extract of this voyage given in "Voyage de Marion." Paris, 1783: p. 274, eircd. Village of Suenna in Ugi. \.To Jac€ page 57. CHAPTER IV. DWELLINGS — TAMBU-HOUSES — WEAPONS — TOOLS. THE villages in the eastern islands of the group vary much in size. They usuaUy contain between 25 and 40 houses, and between one and two hundred inhabitants. There are however some much larger, as in the case of Wano on the north coast of St. Christo val, which probably does not possess a population much under five himdred. In the larger villages the houses are generally built in double rows with a comraon thoroughfare between ; and the tarabu- house occupies usually a central position. In the village of Suenna, as shown in the engraving, which is one of the larcest villages in Ugi, the houses are built around a large open space free of buildings. The usual diraeusions of the dwelling-houses are as follows : length 25 to 30 feet, breadth 15 to 20 feet, height 8 to 10 feet. The gable- roof, which is raade of a framework of baraboos thatched with the leaves of pandanus trees, or of cocoa-nut or areca palms, is supported on a central row of posts. The sides are low and made of the same materials as the roof The only entrance is by an oblong aperture in the front of the building, which is reraoved 21 to 3 feet above the ground, so that one has literally to dive into the interior, which frora the absence of any other openings, is kept very dark. Such are the diraeusions and mode of structure of an ordinary dwelling- house in the eastern islands. The chiefs, however, have larger buildings, which in some instances, as in those of the more powerful chiefs, rival in size and in style the tambu-houses themselves. Many houses have a staging in front, which is on a level with the lower edge of the aperture that serves as the entrance. On this staging, protected by the projecting roof, the inmates are wont to sit and lie about during the day ; and the men occasionally pass the night there. In the houses of the chiefs and principal men, there are generally spaces partitioned off for sleeping and containing 58 DWELLINGS. a raised stage for the mats ; but in the dwelling-house of an ordinary man no such partitions usually occur. Single men sleep on the ground on a mat, which may be nothing more than the leaves of two branches of the cocoa-nut palra rudely plaited together. Each raan lays his raat bythe side ofa little smouldering wood-fire, which he endeavours to keep up during the night, and for this purpose he gets up at all hours to fan it into a flame. There is but little atterapt raade to please the eye in the way of external or intemal decoration in the ordinary dwelling-house of a native in the eastern islands. Rows of the lower jaws of pigs with the skeletons of fishes and the dried skins of the flying-fox are to be seen suspended frora the roof over the entrance ; whilst the spears, clubs, and fishing implements are either thrust between the bamboos of the roof or slung in a bundle over the entrance. Of furniture there is but little except the large cooking-bowls, the mats, and a circle of cooking-stones forming a rude hearth in the centre of the fioor. I have seen in temporary sheds or " lean-tos," erected by fishing parties on the southern island of the " Three SLsters," fire-places formed of a circle two to three feet across of medium-sized Tridacna shells, the enclosed space being strewn with small stones. The houses of the chiefs usually display more decoration. Amongst others I recall to my mind the brightly-coloured front of the residence of Haununo, the intelUgent young chief of Santa Cata lina. I ara not aware how long a native house will last. The white residents, however, tell me that houses built for their own use, which are raore substantial than the ordinary native dwellings,. will stand some five or six years ; and that, notwithstanding the heavy rainfall of this region, the thatch remains admirably waterproof. I now come to the description of the houses in the islands of Bougainville Straits. In the villages of Treasury and the Short- lands, the houses are arranged in a long straggling row; and although close to the beach they are for the most part concealed by the tree." from the view of those on board the ships in the anchorage. In the materials used, in their style, and in their general size, these houses resemble those of St Christoval and the adjacent sraaller islands. A thatch made of the leaves of the sago-palm or of the pandanus, covers the gable-roof and the framework of the walls. The usual dimensions of a dwelling-house, are : length 25 to 30 feet, breadth DWELLIN(iS. 59- 12 to 15 feet, height 10 to 12 feet Since there are no means of ad mitting light except by the door, the interiors are very dark, insomuch that on entering one of these houses from the brifrht sunlight the eyes require some time before they can see at all. In the out-lying hamlets in the intei-ior of these islands, the houses are often smaller and more rudely constructed ; and the owner supplies the place of a door by placing a couple of large plantain leaves or a branch of a cocoa-nut palm before the entrance. Many of these small hamlets are only occupied during the plant ing season. There is a far greater difference in size between the dweUings of the chiefs and those of the ordinary natives than exists in the eastern islands of the group, a distinction which might have been expected op account of the greater power of the chiefs of Bougain- viUe Straits. Gorai, the powerful Shortland chief, has appropriated to himself more than an acre of ground on which stand the several buildings required for the accommodation of his numerous wives, children, and dependents. Its precincts are tabooed to the ordinary native ; but the old chief is always ready to extend to the white man a privilege which he denies to his own people. His own residence when we first met hira, had no great pretensions in size or appear ance, raeasuring 40 by 20 feet in length and breadth, and possessing a very dingy interior frora the absence of any opening except the entrance to adrait light Thero was, however, a larger and better constructed building- situated near his own for the accoraraodation of his feraale establishraent. It measured 60 by 30 by 20 feet in length, breadth, and height ; and was subsequently appropriated by the chief for his own use. The residence of Mule, the Treasury chief, was one of the largest native edifices that I saw in the Soloraon Group. It is a gable- roofed building, measuring about 80 feet in length, 50 feet in breadth, and 25 to 30 feet in height. The front of the house, which is at one of the ends of the building, has a singular appear ance from the central part or body of the building, being advanced several feet beyond the sides, a style which is imitated in some of the smaller houses of the village. Its interior is very im perfectly lighted by small apertures in the walls. I should here refer to the large and neatiy built house of the powerful chief of Sirabo, who, contrary to the usual practice, prefers light to dark ness in his residence. 60 DWELLINGS. In the two principal villages of Faro or Fauro which are named Toraa and Sinasoro, a number of the houses are built on piles and raised from 5 to 8 feet above the ground, as shown in the accompany ing plate. But this custom is by no means universal in the same vUlage, and depends, as far as I could learn, on the personal fancy of the owner. Both these viUages are situated on low level tracts bordering the sea; but their sites are free frora moist and swampy ground, to the existence of which one might have attributed this practice. The houses built on the ground are about 30 feet long, 20 feet wide, and 12 or 13 feet high; whilst those raised on piles are con.siderably sraaUer, raeasurmg 22 by 15 feet in length and breadth, the building itself being supported on a fraraework of stout poles lashed on the tops of the piles by broad stripes of rattan. These pile-dwellings are ¦ reached by rudely constructed steps made after the style of our own ladders. The roofs of the houses in these villages have a higher pitch than I have observed in houses of the other islands of the Straits. Their eaves project consider ably beyond the waUs, and the roof is often prolonged at the front end of the building forraing a kind of portico. A neat thatch of the leaves of the sago palm covers the sides and roof of each building. After remarking that the houses in the Florida Islands are often similarly built on piles not only at the coast, but also on the hill- slopes some distance from the sea, I pass on to briefiy refer to the purpose of these pile-dwellings on land. It seemed to me probable that in previous years, when the natives of Faro were not on such friendly terms with their neighbours, the houses were built on piles for purposes of defence against a surprise ; and that when com parative peace and order reigned, some persons preferred the more coraraodious house on a ground site to the smaller and less convenient building on piles. Various explanations have been advanced with reference to this custora of building pile-dwellings on dry land, some of which I will enumerate. It is held by some that this custom is but the survival of " the once purposeful habit of building them in the water." The exclusion of pigs and goats and the protection against wild animals have been suggested as probable objects of this practice ; whilst by others it is urged that the purpose of these pile- dwellings is to obviate the effects ef excessive rain and to guard against damp exhalations from a tropical soil. Whatever may be the cause or causes of this custom, it is one which is widely spread. PiLE-DWELLINGS IN FaURO ISLAND. [To face page do. MATS. 61 being found in New Guinea, in tbe Philippines, amongst the tribes on the north-eastern frontier of India, and in Guiana.'- With regard to the internal arrangements of the houses in this part of the Solomon Group, but little remains to be said. In many houses a portion of a space is partitioned off for sleeping purposes, usually one of the corners ; in others, again, the interior is divided into two halves by a cross-partition. More attention is here paid to the corafort of repose than in the eastern islands. In the place of the single raat laid on the ground, they have low couches, raised a foot to eighteen inches above the floor, on which thej"- lay their mats ; whilst a round cylinder of wood serves them as a pillow. These couches, which the natives can improvise in the bush in a few minutes, are usually nothing more than a layer of stout poles, such as the slender trunks of the areca palras, resting at their ends on tv/o logs. Mat-making is one of the occupations of the women of the Straits, the material eraployed being the thick leaves of a species of Pandanus which is known by the natives as the pota. The leaves are flrst deprived of their thin polished epidermis by being rubbed over with the leaves of a plant, named sansuti, which have a rough surface giving a sensation like that caused by fine emery paper when passed over the skin. The pandanus leaves are then dried in the sun, when they become whitened and leathery, and are then sewn together into mats. These mats are not only used to Ue upon, but are also worn by the women over their shoulders as a protection in wet weather. They are especially useful, as I have myself found, when sleeping out in the open in wet weather. They are sufficiently long to cover the whole length of a native ; and when he is sleeping out in the bush, he lies down on his couch formed, as above described, frora the slender trunks of areca palras ready at his hand, and covering himself cora pletely with his mat, he raay sleep through a deluge of rain without being touched by the wet. The mat has a crease along the raiddle of its length, so that when placed over the body it resembles a " tente d'abri ; " and the rain runs off as from the roof of a house. To intending travellers in these islands, I strongly recoraraend this form of couch. A native mat and a blanket are all he requires tO' carry. Almost anywhere in the bush he can find the areca palras, 1 Those of my readers who desire further information on this subject should refer to the works of Tylor, Mosely, etc., and to " Nature " for the last few years. •62 POTTEEY MANUFACTUEE. the slender trunks of which, when placed as a layer of poles on two logs, will sei-ve him as an excellent couch. With regard to the domestic utensils in use amongst the natives of Bougainville Straits, I should observe that cocoa-nut shells pierced by a hole of about the size of a fiorin, are employed as drinking-vessels. The outer surface of the shell is usually coated over with a kind of red cement forraed of a raixture of red ochreous earth and the resinous material, obtained from the fruit of the " tita" (Parinarium laurinum), which is employed for caulking the seams of the canoes. The exterior of these vessels is frequently ornamented by double chevron-lines of native sheU-beads. Sometimes a tube of bamboo is fitted into the orifice of the vessel to form a neck, the whole being plastered over with the red cement and looking like some antique earthen jar. Both of these kinds of drinking-vessels are shown in the accompanying plate. Drinking water is always kept at hand in a house in a number of these cocoa-nut shells which, being hung up overhead, keep the water pleasantly cool, a plug of leaves being used as a stopper. The native, in drinking, never puts the vessel to his mouth, but throwing his head w^ell back, he holds the vessel a few inches above his lips and allows the water to run into his mouth. The milk of the cocoa-nut is drunk in the same manner. The scoops or scrapers used in eating the white kernels of the cocoa-nuts are generally either of bone or of pearl-shell. Some times for this puipose a large Cardium shell is lashed to a handle, a small hole being raade in the shell for this purpose Wooden hooks of clurasy size, though showing some skill in their design and workmanship, are employed as hanging-pegs in the houses. The cooking-vessels in use in the islands of Bougainville Straits are circular pots of a rough clay ware, usuaUy raeasuring about nine inches in depth and breadth, but soraetiraes more than double this size. Cleansing these vessels out between the raeals is deemed an unnecessary refinement These cooking-pots, one of which is shown in the accompanying plate, are raade by the women in the following manner : A handful of the clay, which is dark-reddish in colour and would make a good brick-clay, is first worked to gether in the hands into a plastic lump ; and this is fashioned rudely into a kind of saucer to form the bottom of the vessel by basting the mass against a fiat smooth pebble, three or four inches .across, held in the left hand, with a kind of wooden trowel or beater I. Model Canoe made by a St. Christoval Native. 2. Pan-pipes. Cocoanut Drinking Vessels. Cooking-pot with Cushion and Trowel. Fan. (All these Articles are from Treasury Island.) [To fact page 63. POTTEEY MANUFACTUEE. 63 held in the right hand. (One of these wooden trowels is figured in the plate.) Whilst one woraan is thus engaged, a couple of her cora panions are occupied in flattening out, by raeans of a flat-sided stick, strips of the clay six to twelve inches in length and an inch in breadth, their length increasing as the raaking of the vessel pro- gre.sses. One of these strips is then placed around the upper edge of the saucer ; and the potter welds or batters it into position, em ploying the same tools in a sirailar manner, the pebble being held inside. The cooking vessel is thus built up strip by strip ; and to enable the worker to give symmetry to the upper part of the pot, a fillet of broad grass is tied around as a guide. An even edge is given to the lip by drawing along the rim a fibre from the cocoa-nut husk , and the interior and neck are finished off by the fingers well mois tened. Whilst being made, the cooking-pot is rested on a ring- cushion of palm leaves, as shown in the sarae engraving. The time occupied in making one of the ordinary sized pots is about three- quarters of an hour. Thus made, they ai'e kept in the . shade for three or four days to become firm ; and they are finally hardened by being placed in a wood-fire. No glaze appears to be used, and the vessels themselves show no signs of its employment. Their outer surfaces are indistinctly marked by odd-looking patterns in relief, reminding one somewhat of hieroglyphics, which are produced by the sarae patterns cut into one of the surfaces of the wooden beater (as shown in the engraving) for the purpose of giving the tool a better hold on the clay. Sorae cooking-pots, as in the case of the one iUustrated, are ornamented with a chevron-line in relief below the neck and partly surrounding the vessel.^ This ware compares but poorly with the finish and variety of design displayed by the glazed pottery of Fiji. The Fijian women, however, employ sirailar tools and accessories, naraely, a fiat raallet, a sraall round flat stone, and a ring-like cushion of palm leaves ; but they do not appear from the . accounts given of the process by Commodore Wilkes,^ Messrs. Williams and Calvert,^ and Miss Gordon Cumraing,* to fashion the' clay in the first place into strips. I may here refer the reader to the iUustration, given by Comraodore WUkes in his narrative (vol. iii. p. ^ Specimens of the pots, the implements, the clay, and the other accessories, have been placed in the Ethnographical Collection of the British Museum. - "Narrative of the U.S. Explor. Exped. : " vol. iii., p. 348. 3 "Fiji and the Fijians : " Srd edit., 1870, p. 60. ^ " A Lady's Cruise in a French Man-of-War : " London, 1882, p. 247. 64 POTTEEY MANUFACTUEE. 3-tS), of pottery-making in Fiji, as it exactly suits my description of pottery-making in these islands of Bougainville Straits. It will be interesting, perhaps, to briefly notice some of the grada tions in the art of pottery manufacture amongst the savage races in this quarter of the globe. A very simple method, as recorded by Captain Forrest ^ more than a century ago, was employed by the -women of Dory Hai-bour, New Guinea. They forraed " pieces of clay into earthen pots ; with a pebble in one hand to put into it, whilst they held in the other hand, also a pebble, with which they knocked, to enlarge and smooth it." The natives of the Andaman Islands ^ advance another step in the process. We learn from Mr. Man that the only implements employed are, an Aj-ca shell, a short pointed stick, and a board. The clay is rolled out into strips with the hand. One of these strips is twisted to form the cup-like base ; and the pot is then built up strip by strip. The method employed by the natives of Bougainville Straits in the Solomon Group, raay be considered to be an improvement on the plan adopted by the Anda man Islanders. As already described, they also fashion the cjay into strips and build up the vessel in a similar manner, but in the eraployraent of a special implement as the wooden beater, in the use of the ring-cushion, and probably in the more artistic details of the process, they make a nearer approach than do the Andaman Islanders to the pottery-making ofthe Fijians. Then we come in the ascending scale to the method eraployed by the woraen of the Motu tribe around Port Moresby, New Guinea. By the Eev. Dr. W. Turner,* we are informed that they use a round smooth stone and a wooden beater but no cushion, the vessel being made without the aid of strips of clay into two pieces, the body and the mouth, which are moulded together. This method, as eraployed by the Motu women, may not be superior to that followed araongst the women of Bou gainville Straits ; but inasmuch as the former manufacture three kinds of vessels, one for holding water, another for cooking, and a third to be used as a plate, whilst the latter conflne their art to the cooking- pot, I have assigned the first place to the former. * From 1 " A Voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas," by Captain T. Forrest ; London, 1^79, p. 96. - Journal of the Anthropological Institute : vol. xii. , p. 69. 3 Ibid: vol. vii., p. 470. ¦• In the Ethnological Collection of the British Museum there are specimens from this quarter of New Guinea of the wooden beaters employed in the pottery making. They are highly carved and much more finished than those of Bougainville Straits, being labelled "blocks " in the collection, as if their chief use was for imprinting patterns on the olay. It METHOD OF PEODUCING FIEE. 65 the work of the Motu women to the pottery of the Fijians, and between the different processes employed, there is a considerable advance in the art of pottery manufacture, as already deseribed in the case of Fiji. There, a glaze is for the first time eraployed ; whilst in their finish, their comparative elegance of design, in their multiplicity of pattern, and in the various purposes for which they are employed from the cooking-pot up to the ornamental jar, these Fijian vessels are greatly superior to all I have referred to, whether the work of a woman of Port Dory, of an Andaman Islander, of a woman of Bougainville Sti-aits, or of a woman of the Motu tribe in New Guinea.^ The Polynesian plan of producing fire, which is known as the " stick -and-groove " method, was that which was occasionally em ployed by my native guides during ray excursions in St Christoval and in the island of Simbo. At the risk of being charged with un due prolixity, I will briefly describe it as I saw it performed. A dry piece of wood is first taken, and one side of it is sliced so as to form a flat surface. A sraall bit of the same wood is then pointed at one end and worked briskly along a groove which it soon forms in the flat surface. The friction in some three or four rainutes produces sraoke ; and finally a fine powder, which has been collecting in a small heap at the end of the groove, begins to smoulder. After being carefully nursed by the breath of the operator, the tiny fiarae is transferred to a piece of touch-wood, and the object is attained. In most native houses in districts not often visited by the trader, pieces of the wood used for this purpose are left lying about on the floor. Wax matches, however, form an important item in the large quan tities of trade-articles which pass into the hands of the natives of sorae of the islands ; and in such islands any other method of pro ducing fire is not generally eraployed. In most cases, when I had omitted to take matches with me in my excursions, my natives, although very desirous of getting a light for their pipes, were too lazy to obtain it by making use of the raore laborious method of the " stick-and-groove." When making their own joumeys in the bush, they carry along with thera a piece of smouldering wood, a pre- Beems to me, however, that their principal purpose is as beaters, the simply cut patterns of the beater of Bougainville Straits, which serve to give the tool a better hold on the clay, being elaborated in the case of the New Guinea beater into ornamental patterns which have the same purpose. 1 Two kinds of earthen pots from the Admiralty Islands are figured in the official narrative of the cruise of the "Challenger " (figs. 242 and 243). They differ in shape from those of Bougainville Straits and are probably made in a different manner. E 66 TOECHES AND FANS, caution which I used to encourage thera to adopt when accorapanying me, in order to save myself being pestered every few rainutes for a light for their pipes. Burning-glasses are in coraraon use araongst the natives of some of tiie islands, as at Simbo. The reason of their being not always favourite articles of trade in other islands, I was at a loss to under stand. The numerous fumaroles varying in temperature between 160° and 200° Fahr. which pierce the hill-sides ofthe volcanic island of Simbo, are eraployed by the natives for the purposes of, cooking, as I have elsewhere observed (p. 86 ). Fans serve the double purpose of nursing a fire and of cooling the person. Those in use in Treasury are made of the extremities of two branches of the cocoa-nut palm, the midribs forming the handle, whilst the long "pinn£e " are neatly plaited together to form the fan. One of these fans is figured in the pottery engraving. Although more coarsely made, they are of a pattern similar to the fans of Fiji and Samoa. The shape appears to have originated from- the nature of the materials employed; and I suspect that in Fiji and Samoa, where different raaterials are used, the original shape which de pended on the plaiting of the cocoa-nut leaves has been retained, whilst the material itself has been discarded. The natives of Bougainville Straits burn torches during their fishing excursions at night and during festivals. For this purpose they use resins obtained from the " anoga," ^ probably a species of Canariwm, and the "katari," a .species of Galophyllum, two tall trees which rank araong the giants of the forest in this region. Th§ resin of the '' anoga " should be more properly described as a resinous balsam. It is white, is easily pulverised, and has a powerful odour, as if of camphor and sandal- wood combined. It concretes in mass inside the bark and in tears on the outer surface of the tree, and is usually obtained by cUmbing up and knocking it off the bark ; but sometimes the tree is ringed at a height of four feet from the ground, a process which drains it of its resin but causes its death. The torch of this material is simply prepared by wrapping up compactly the powdered resin in a palm-leaf, which although outside answers the purpose of a wick. . . . The "katari" resin, which is less frequently used, is a dark-coloured material that burns with a tarry ^ From Surville's description of his visit to Port Praslin in Isabel in 1769, it would appear that the natives burned torches made of this resin. ("Voyage de Marion." Paris, 1783 ; p. 274.) TAMBU-HOUSES. 67 and somewhat fragrant odour. Other resins and gums are yielded by the trees, one of which somewhat resembles the " kauri " gum of New Zealand, and occurs in a similar situation beneath the soil ; but I was unable to flnd the tree. In the tambu-houses of St. Christoval and the adjoining islands we have a style of building on which all the mechanical skill of which the natives are possessed has been brought to bear. These sacred buUdings have many and varied uses. Women are forbidden to enter their walls ; and in some coast villages, as at Sapuna in the island of Santa Anna, where the tambu-house overlooks the beach, woraen are not even permitted to cross the beach in front The tambu-houses of the coast villages are employed chiefly for keeping the war-canoes, each chief being allowed, as an honourable raark of his position, the privilege of there placing his own war-canoe ; ^ but in the inland villages, these buildings are of course no longer em ployed for this purpose. Another use to which these buildings may be put is described on page 53, in connection with the tambu-house of Sapuna in Santa Anna, in which are deposited, enclosed in the wooden figure of a shark, the skulls of ordinary men and the entire bodies of the chiefs. The front of the tambu-house in his native village is, for the Soloraon Islander, a common place of resort, more especially towards the close of the afternoon. There he meets his fellows and listens to the news of his own little world ; and it is to this spot that any native who may be a stranger to the village first directs his steps, and on arriving states his errand or particular business. In my numerous excursions, when thirsty or tired, I always used to follow the native custom in this raatter, being always treated hospitably and never with any rudeness. The interior of these buildings is free to any man to lie down in and sleep. On one occasion, when passing a night in an island village of St. Christoval, I slept in the tambu- house, the only white man amongst a dozen natives. Bloodshed, I believe, rarely occurs in these buildings ; and they are for this reason viewed somewhat in the light of a sanctuary. The completion of a new tambu-house is always an occasion of a festival in a village. The festival is often accompanied by the sacrifice of a human life ; and the leg and arm bones of the victim 1 Mr. 0. F. Wood, in his " Yachting in the Sbuth Seas " (London, 1875), gives, as the frontispiece of his book, an autotype photograph of the tambu-house of Makira in" St, Christoval, in which the war-canoes are well shown. 68 TAMBU-HOUSES. may be sometimes seen suspended to the roof overhead. In the tambu-house of the viUage of Makia, on the east coast of Ugi, I observed hanging from the roof the two temporal bones, the right femur, and the left humerus of the victim who had been killed and eaten at the opening of the building ; and similarly suspended in the tambu-house of the hill-village of Lawa on the north side of St Christoval, in which I passed the night, I noticed over my head as I lay on my mat the left femur, tibia, and fibula, and the left humerus of the unfortunate man who had been killed and eaten on the com pletion of the buUding twelve months before. At these feasts there is a great slaughter of pigs that have been confined for some pre vious time in an enclosure of strong wooden stakes, which may be aMowed to reraain long after the occasion for its use has passed away. After the feast, the lower jaws of all the pigs consuraed are hung in rows frora the roof of the building. In one tambu-house I remember counting as many as sixty jaws thus strung up. The style of building and the size and relative diraeusions of the tarabu-houses are very sirailar in all the coast-villages of the eastern islands, a correspondence which may be explained frora the necessity of the structure being long enough to hold the large war-canoes. As a type of these buildings, I will describe somewhat in detail the tambu-house of the large village of Wano, on the north coast of St Christoval. Its length is about 60 feet and its breadth between 20 and 25 feet. The gable roof is supported by five rows of posts, tbe height of th« central row being sorae 14 or 15 feet frora the ground ; whilst on account of its high pitch the two outer lateral rows of posts are only 3 or 4 feet high. The principal weight of the roof is borne by the central and two next rows, each of which supports a long, bulky ridge-pole. The two outer lateral rows of posts are much smaUer and support rauch lighter ridge-poles. In each row there are four posts, two in the raiddle and one at each gable-end. These posts, more particularly those of the central row, are grotesquely carved, and evidently by no unskilled hand, the lower part repre senting the body of a shark with its head upwards and mouth agape, supporting in various postures a rude imitation of the human figure which formed the upper part of the post. In one instance, a man was represented seated on the upper lip or snout of the shark, witli his legs dangling in its mouth, and wearing a hat on his head, the crown of which supported the ridge-pole. In another case the man was inverted ; and whilst the soles of his feet supported the ridge- TAMBU-HOUSES. 69 pole, his head and chest were resting in the mouth of the shark.^ Long after the tambu-house has disappeared, the carved posts remain in their position and form a not uncommon feature in a -village scene as shown in the engraving of a village in Ugi. . . . The roof of the Wano tambu-house is formed of a frame work of bamboo poles covered with palm-leif thatch, the poles being of equal size, whether serving as rafters or cross-battens, the latter affording attachment for the thatch. The same raaterials are used in tbe sides of the building With reference to tambu-houses generaUy in this part of the group, I should remark that they are open at both ends, with usually a staging at the front end raised about four feet from the gr jund, which may be aptly termed " the viUage lounge." The tambu-house of the interesting little island of Santa Cata lina or Orika — the Yoriki of the Admiralty chart — is worthy of a few special remarks. Its dimensions are similar to those of like buildings in this part of the group, the length being between 60 and 70 feet. Placed in front of each of its ends are three circles of large wooden posts driven into the earth, each circle of ]-)osts being 4 or 5 feet in height and enclosing a space of ground a few feet across, into which are thrown cocoa-nuts and other articles of food to appease the hunger of the presiding deity or devil-god. The ridge-poles and posts are painted with nuraerous grotesque representations in out line of war-canoes and fishing-parties, of natives in full fighting equipraent, of sharks, and of the devil-god himself, with a long, lank body and a tail besides. On a ridge-pole there was drawn in paint the outline of some waggon or other vehicle with tbe horses in the shafts': whether this was a reminiscence of some native who had been to the colonies, or was merely a copy from a picture, I did not learn. Some of the representations on the ridge-poles were of au obscene character. The central row of posts were defaced by chipping, whicii I was informed was a token of mourning for the late chief of the island, who had died not many months before. Mr. C. F. Wood met with a similar custom in 1873 in the case of a native of a village at the west end of St Christoval, who on the death of his son broke and damaged the carved figures of birds and fish in his house.^ I ara inclined to think that this house was a ' Mr. Brenchley, who visited Wano, or Wanga as he names it, in 1865, refers briefiy in his " Cruise of H.M.S. ' Curacoa ' " to these carved posts (p. 267). 2 "A Yachting Cruise in the South Seas : " London, 1875 (p. 133). 70 TAMBU-HOUSES, sacred building of some kind Mr. William Macdonald, through whose kindness I had the opportunity of visiting this island, pointed out to me that two or three of the posts of the build ing had been carved into the figures of women, an innovation in the interior of a tambu-house which I observed in no other building of this kind. The tarabu-house of the vUlage of Sapuna in Santa Anna, which is shown in the accorapanying plate, is higher, broader, and raore massive in structure than the other buildings which I have visited in the adjacent islands. As in other tambu-houses, the forras of the shark and of the human figure are given to parts of the posts ; and in the hollow cavities of wooden representations of the shark on the sides of the interior of the building are enclosed the entire bodies of departed chiefs and the skulls of ordinary men. The carved central post, which is seen in the accompanying engraving, affords a superior specimen of native workinanship. It was originally brought, as I was inforraed by one of the natives of Santa Anna, from Guadal canar. The walls of this building are made more rain-proof by long slabs, measuring 36 by 6 by 2 inches, which are cut out from the dense matted growth of fibres and rootlets that invests the base of the bole of the cocoa-nut palm. The principal tarabu-house in the village of Ete-ete, on the west side of Ugi, is between 60 and 70 feet in length, from 25 to 30 feet broad, and 11 or 12 feet in height. Here also the sculptured posts represent the body of a shark with its head uppermost and sup porting in the gape of its mouth the figure of a man, on whose head rests the ridge-pole of the roof The front of the building is decorated with red and black bands, sorae straight, some wa-vy, and others of the chevron pattern. Mr. Brenchley in his account of the " Cruise of the ' Curacoa ' " gives a sketch of this tarabu-house, which he visited in 1865 (p. 258). Forming the frontispiece of his work is a chromo-lithograph showing the two sides of an ornaraental tie- beara frora the roof of a " public hall " at Ugi, which he presented to the Maidstone Museum. It represents on one side sharks, bonitos, and sea-birds supposed to be frigate-birds, and cn the other side four canoes with sharks attacking the crew of one of them, which is bottora upwards. The deification of the shark appears to arise from the superstitious dread which this fish inspires. Its good-will may be obtained by leaving offerings of food on the rocks before undertaking a long Tambu-House in the Island of Santa Anna, (Preparations for a Feast.) TAMBU-HOUSES. 71 journey in a canoe. Tbe natives of the neighbouring island of Ulaua, or Ulawa, propitiate the shark with offerings of their ovvn shell- money and of porpoise teeth, which they prize even more than money ; and, if a sacred shark has attempted to seize a man who has been able to finally escape from its jaws, they are so much afraid that they will throw him back into the sea to be devoured.^ We learn from Mr. EUis^ and from Messrs. Tyerman and Bennet,** that in the Society Islands sharks were deified, that temples were erected for their worship in which the fisherman propitiated tho favour of the shark -god, and that almost every faraily had its particular shark as its tutelary deity to which it bowed and made oblations. At Aiu and Treasury in Bougainville Straits, the tambu-house, which is such a prorainent feature in the villages of the eastern islands, is represented by a mere open canoe-shed, for the most part destitute of ornament, and apparently held in but little veneration Rows of the lower jaws of pigs, which are strung up inside the build ings, signify, as in the eastward islands, the number of animals slaughtered for the feast that Avas held to celebrate the completion of the canoe-shed. In the island of Faro, the canoe-houses are only temporary sheds built over the large war-canoes, and can have no sacred character in the mind of the native, the tambu-houses in the two principal villages of Toraa and Sinasoro having no connection with the war-canoes. The tarabu-house of the village of Toraa is a neat-looking building about 18 feet high, 45 feet long, and 25 feet broad. It is open at the ends and partly open at the sides, and is built of much the sarae materials as the dwelling-houses. The roo<, which is neatly thatched with the leaves of the sago-palm, is sup ported on stout ridge-poles by a central and two lateral rows of posts. There is no carving and but little decoration about the build ing ; and from the circumstance of its being sometiraes converted into a temporary drying-house for copra, we may draw some infer- eiice as to the degree of sanctity in which such a building is held. The weapons in coramon use in these islands are spears, clubs, bows and arrows, and tomahawks. An indication of the disposition of the natives raay be usuaUy obtained by observing whether arms 1" Eeligious Beliefs and Practices in Melanesia," bythe Eev. E. H. Codrington, M.A. "Journal of the Anthropological Institute.'' Vol. x. 2 " Polynesian Besearches : " London, 1853. Vol. i., pp. 167, 329. s " Voyages and Travels of the Eev. D. Tyerman and George Bennet, Esq. : " London, 1831. Vol. i., p. 247. 72 WEAPONS. are habitually carried. In islands where the men go unarmed, the white man, from the absence of intertribal conflicts, has an additional guarantee for his own safety. On the other hand, araongst natives who never leave the vicinity of their villages without a spear or a club, he will requiro to be very cautious in all that concerns his safety. The spears are usuaUy 8 to 9 feet in length, with no foreshaft, and are raade of a hard palm wood. Those of the natives of Bougain ville Straits are \ery formidable weapons. They are armed with long points or barbs of bone, sorae of them 4 or 5 inches in length, and they are coloured white and red, are curiously carved, and are ornamented with bands of the same plaited raaterial of which the armlets are made. The barbs and bands are imitated in the colour ing of the head of the spear. These spears are raade by the natives of Bougainville, and are exchanged with the people of the Straits for European articles of trade. I have seen them in the hands of the men of Simbo. In St. Christoval and the adjacent islands at the other end of the group, the spears are of dark wood, with carved heads and blunt wooden points and are uncoloured. As compared with those of Bougainville Straits, they are not very formidable weapons. They are only armed with blunt barbs cut out of the wood, which are rather more ornamental than useful. In throwing a spear, the men of Bougainville Straits, whilst poising the weapon, extend the left arm in the direction of the object and often point the forefinger as well. None of the contrivances fot assisting the flight of the spear, such as the throwing-stick or the amentura, were employed by the natives of the islands we visited. These weapons are used both as hand-weapons and as missiles. The natives of St Christoval spear their victims through the abdomen, and as a mark of their prowess they often aUow the gore to dry on the point of the weapon. A raan in this island usuaUy keeps his spears slung in a bundle under tbe projecting eaves of the roof in front of the entrance to his house. Bows and arrows are rauch raore coraraonly eraployed by the natives of Bougainville Straits than by the St. Christoval natives. The bows are stoutly made, and are from 6 to 7 feet in length. The string is of a strong cord. The arrows used in the first-mentioned locality are usually 4| to 4f feet in length. They have a long reed shaft, with a pointed foreshaft of a hard heavy palm wood inserted into the end. and measuring about one-fourth the length of the arrow WEAPONS. 73 Although most of the arrows have simple pointed foreshafts, desti tute of barbs, a few terminate in arrow-heads carved out of tlie hard wood. A kind of dart, rauch shorter than the arrow and armed with points of bone, is also used. About nine out of every ten arrows are notched for the bowstring. Feathers are not used ; but the hinder shaft of each arrow is decorated with etchings as if in imitation of jdumes. These arrows are essentially Melanesian in character, and much resemble those in the British Museum CoUection from New Guinea and the New Hebrides.^ At short distances of 25 or 30 yards, the natives make good shooting with the bow and arrow ; but on account of the length of the arrow it is not to be depended on at greater ranges. For shooting fish and pigeons, the natives of these Straits sometimes employ sraall arrows fashioned out of the large leaf of a kind of reed. The midrib serves as the shaft, and a narrow strip of the blade of the leaf, which is left attached on each side of the shaft, serves the purpose of the plurae. The end is pointed and hardened by fire. Such arrows are easily made, and are not generally sought for after they have been shot away.^ On one occasion I ob served a boy of Aiu shooting a pigeon with an arrow terminating in fine points Uke a miniature fish-spear. Poisoned spears and arrows are rarely employed by the natives of the Solomon Group. They did not corae under our observation in any of tiie islands that we visited. In the island of Savo, how ever, the natives are said to poison their spears and arrows by thrusting them into a decomposing corpse, where they are allowed to remain for some days. The clubs vary in form in different parts of the group. In St. Christoval, they have flat recurved blades cut out of the fiange-like buttresses of a tree having very hard wood which bears a polish Uke that of mahogany. In other islands, as in those of Florida, thej'^ ^ To those who have never had their interest specially engaged in the subject of savage weapons, the above detailed description of these arrows may seem unnecessary ; but, as Colonel Lane Fox originally pointed out, it is iu the absence or presence of the feather and notch, in the length and formation of the shaft and its point, and in other characters, that the arrows of different races are distinguished from each other. Thus, in many parts of New Guinea in Melanesia agenerally, and throughout the Pacific, the arrows are destitute of feathers; while those from Europe and Asia are always feathered. (P'ide "Catalogue of the original Lane Fox Collection," pp. 87-95 ; also, paper on " Primitive Warfare." " Journ. Unit. Ser. Inst.," 1867-68, for a general treatment of the subject.) Prof. Morse has shown that in the different methods of releasing the arrow from the bow, important race-distinctions are to be found. An abstract of his interesting paper is given in " Nature," Nov. 4th, 1886. 2 Mr. Mosely in his "Notes by a Naturalist," p. 381, describes and figures very similar arrows which are used by the Ke Islanders for the same purposes. 74 WEAPONS. have flattened oval blades like that of a paddle. Otiier clubs againi like those of Guadalcanar, are moro cylindrical, and have their ends but slighty enlarged ; they ai-e often ornamented with the so-called " dyed grass." No weapons of the character of maces came under my observation. Most clubs are pointed at tho butt-end to enable them to be stuck upright in the ground. These weapons are rarely seen in the hands of the natives of Bougainville Straits, if I may except an ornamental club which is carried at the dances.^ Tho St. Christoval club is also a defensive weapon. Its flat recurved blade is used to turn aside a spear or an arrow just as the bat is employed to slip a cricket-ball. Some have considered that these weapons are merely paddles. I never saw them put to this uso, and I should add that they are most unsuited for such a purpose, being very heavy and sinking in water. I havo frequently met natives, when away from the coast, carrying them on their shoulder ; and I often learned from thera of the true character of the weapon. Traders, who had been years in this part of the group, spoke of them to ma as war-clubs. Together with their spears, the St Christoval natives carry thera during their hostile incursions against the bushmen- A singular W pattern that occurs on the flat blades of these St. Christoval clubs was for a long time a puzzle to me. However a very probable explanation of its origin has been given by Major- General Pitt-Rivers.^ It is ono which goes to show that theso curved flat-bladed clubs originated as paddles, and that in proportion as they came to be employed also for purposes of defence, their form and material were in tirae changed, until thoir original use was either lost or forgotten. In the early forms of this paddle-club, tho swell of the blade suggested the shape of the body of a fish ; and the profile of a fish's head with the jaws agape was added to com plete the resemblance. In course of time the blade lost its fish-liko form, but the outline of the snout with jaws agape was still retained as an ornament. In this manner the W pattern of the present clubs originated. The steps in the production of this pattern may bo illustrated in a series of clubs from those with most marked fish-liko form to those where the profile of the fish's snout in tho form of a W alone remains ; and this again by the omission of the mouth is often replaced by a triangular nob. 1 These ornamental clubs exactly losemblc, both in form and decoration, somo dubs fvom New Ireland in the British Museum. 2 " Naturo," July 14th, 1881. I differ from the writer in considering these articles na clubs, not paddlcu. Fish-Spear.Spears from Bougainville Straits. St. Christoval Spears. Head of a Florida Club. St. Christoval Clubs. Dance-Club of Treasury. 7. Canoe-Ornament, placed on the prow. 8. Hanging-Hook (Treasury I.). 9. Fish-Float. 10. Canoe-God, lashed to the stem. i'fo face page 74. SHIELDS. 75 Toraahawks and muskets, which have been introduced by the trader, are frequently possessed by natives of the coast. The owner of the tomahawk fits it with a long straight handle which he ofteii decorates with inlaid pearl-shell. It is a formidable weapon in the hands of a native, and it is one which he usually eraploys very effectively, whether against his fellow islanders or against the whito man. The muskets are often of little use on account of the lack of percussion caps and powder. The defensive arm carried by these islanders is usually a narrow shield measuring 3 feet in length by 9 or 10 inches in breadth. W ith the exception apparently of St Christoval, these shields are to be observed amongst the natives of most of the larsrer islands of the group. They appear usually to be made of a layer of light reeds or canes lashed together by rattan. In some islands, as in Florida and in Guadalcanar, they are worked over with fine wicker-work, and are ornamented with beads in the case of a chief In other islands, as in Isabel and Choiseul, they are often more rudely constructed and have no wicker-work. In the two last islands they are rectangular in forra. In Florida and Guadalcanar they are raore oval and are slightly contracted in the raiddle. Mr. Brenchley figures one of tho Florida shields in his " Cruise of H.M.S. 'Curacoa,' " (p. 281) ; whilst a sketch of a shield of the Port Praslin (Isabel) natives is to be found in the narrative of Surville's visit to this group.^ The Port Praslin shield is deeply notched at one end. I did not observe these shields amongst the inhabitants of St. Chris toval and the adjacent islands, a circumstance which may be explained by the fact that spears, and not hows and arrows, are the offensive weapons usually carried by these islanders. Yet we learn that three centuries ago it was with their bows and arrows that the St Christoval natives usually assailed the Spaniards (vide pages 228, 231. It should be remembered that the flat-bladed curved clubs of these natives also serve the purpose of a defensive weapon. The tactics employed in war are those which treachery and cunning suggest. Very rarely, I beUeve, does a fair, open fight occur. In their sham fights, one of which we witnessed on the beach at Santa Anna, two parties confront each other in open and irregular order and hurl their spears with aU the excitement of a real contest. Every man keeps constantly on the move as in dancing a jig, in order to be able to more easily avoid the missUes hurled at him. 1 Fleurieu's " Discoveries of the French in 1768 and 1769." 76 POLISHED STONE IMPLEMENTS. The boys of Treasury soraetiraes amuse theraselves with a game of the same character, when they use as their weapons the stalk and bulb of the large taro. I was on one occasion much surprised at their skill in aiming apparently at one boy and hitting the one next to him. The polished stone impleraents of their fathers have been to a large extent discarded by the natives of the coasts ; but the natives of the interiors of the large i.slands, such as Bougainville, who may have been rarely, if ever, in communication with the trader, are said to be still in a large degree dependent on their stone axes and adzes. On account of the extensive introduction of trade axes, adzes, and knives, it was often difiieult to obtain the polished stone implements from the people of a coast village, and natives were wont to express their surprise at my wanting such inefficient and old-fashioned tools. My inquiries as to when these stone implements were used usually received some such reply as the following : " Father, belong father, belong rae, he all sarae " — the purport of which was that they were in use a long tirae ago, the native's grandfather being deemed a person of so high antiquity, that in referring to past events he seldom cares to go beyond. These stone axes and adzes are generally made of the hard volcanic rocks of this region. A few are fashioned out of the thick portion of the shell of Tridacna gigas. The upper surface of a large raushroora-coral (Fungidm), serves as an effective rasp for scraping canoes ; and the large shell of a Cyre-na and the sharper edge of a boar's tusk are similarly used for scraping spears and bows, which are ultimately rubbed smooth with powdered pumice. The " bow-drill," armed with a steel point, was employed by Mule, the Treasury chief, in piercing the holes for the rattan-hke thongs in the planks of his canoes. This was the only " bow-drill" that came under my notice, and I could not tempt its owner to part with it In the British Museum Collection, however, there are two smaUer tools of this kind from other islands of the group. Without describing it, I may remark that a similar '" bow-drill" is figured in Commodore Wilkes' account of the Bowditch Islanders,^ by Dr. G. Turner^ in his account of the Samoans, and by Signor D'Albertis in his book on New Guinea.^ The history of the "bow-drill," as we ' "Narr. TJ. S. Expl. Exped.," vol. v., p. 17. 2 "Ninteen years iu Polynesia," p. 273. 8 Vol. ii., p. 378. GEINDING STONES. 77 learn from Dr. Tylor,^ is an interesting one. It originated with the " fire-drill," which is simply a pointed piece of wood that is twirled between the hands. This vvas then made more efiicacious by wind ing a cord around it, when it became a " cord-driU." By substituting for the cord a bow with a loose string, a still more useful tool was obtained : and frora this simple form of " bow-drill" the Pacific islanders have obtained the iraproved boring-tool they now employ. I should here allude to the round stones, rather larger than a cricket-ball, which are employed as " cooking-stones" and for crack ing the hard kanary-nuts. They are to be seen in the raajority of the dweUings in the eastern islands ; and they often mark the sites of old villages and the temporary homes of fishing-parties. The grinding slabs and blocks of rock, which were used for rubbing down the stone axes, are still to be seen in the coast villages, their surfaces being sometimes worn into a hollow. At present these blocks are used for grinding down the shell bead-money and for sharpening the iron tools. I have soraetiraes corae upon them marking the position of an old village, the site of which had been long concealed by the growth of trees and scrub. In some islands where it is not possible to obtain stones of a sutficient hardness, these blocks have been transported from considerable distances. A large block of a crystalline trap-rock, more than a third of a ton in weight, vvhich now lies on the reef-fiat in the vicinity of the village of Vanatoga on the east side of Santa Anna, was originally brought down from the summit of the island to be used as a grinding block. Slabs of a quartz-diorite, wbich is found in the north-west part of Aiu, and which is much valued for its hardness, have been transported in canoes to Treasury Island more than twenty railes away and to the other islands of the Straits. From their size, they would weigh usually five or six hundredweight. Araongst the interesting discoveries which I have raade in the Soloraon Group, I should refer to that of the occurrence of worked flints, which are coraraonly found in the soil when it is disturbed for purposes of cultivation, and are frequently exposed after heavy rains. My attention was first directed to this raatter on noticing a specimen of flint in the posses.sion of Mr. Howard at Ugi, and I soon obtained a number of specimens from this island, and from the adjacent large island of St Christoval. The majority of them were of common flint, but fragments of chalcedony and cornelian were 1 " Early History of Mankind : " pp. 237-246. 78 WOEKED FLINTS. frequent, and a jasper also occurred. The largest specimen, which was nearly 4 lbs. in weight, clearly showed traces of artificial working, and, as I am informed by Professor Liversidge, was evidently a large, stone axe or tomahawk. Of the rest, some were cores, others were flakes, resembling in their form, and often in their white colour, the flakes of the post-tertiary gravels ; whilst one specimen possessed the shape of an arrow-head.y Some of these flints presented the appearance of having been re-fashioned after lying disused for ages. In such speciraens, there were two sets of facets or fractured surfaces, the one whitened by weathering or exposure, the other displajdng the natural colour of recently broken flint All were, in fact, of the palceolithic type. The specimens, that I obtained in the islands of Treasury and Aiu in Bougainville Straits, were usually of chalcedonic flint, and possessed tbe forra of hammer-stones, scrapers, etc. Worked flints will probably be found in most of the islands of the Soloraon Group, except, perhaps, in those of purely volcanic forma tion (vide page 80). They are said to occur in Santa Anna, and I had a specimen given to me from Ulaua. There are two interesting circurastances in connection with these flints to which I should allude. In the first place, the inhabitants of these islands are ignorant of their nature and their source. I was gravely informed by the natives of Treasury Island, that the hints which the}'^ brought me from the disturbed soil of their ] ilantations had tumbled from the sky, a superstition which reminds one of a similar belief prevalent in sorae rural districts of our own country as to tbe origin of the polished stone implements or celts. In a similar way the men of the Shortland Islands explained to me the occurrence beneath the soil of lumps of gum, which, hke the masses of the kauri gum of New Zealand, mark the original position of the trees from which they were derived. Concerning these flint implements, we may fitly ask : Who were the race of men that formed and used thera ? How long a period has elapsed since these raen inhabited this region ? Whence did they corae ? Where are their descendants to be sought ? Are they to be found amongst the present inhabitants of this group, who, having discarded the rude flint implements for polished stone tools of volcanic rock, regard, with ignorant contempt, the handiwork of their ancestors ? To these queries we may with some confidence reply that the original inhabitants of these islands belonged to the once widely spread Negrito race, of which we find the remnants in WORKED FLINTS. 79 our own day in the aborigines of the Andaman and Philippine Islands, and that their characters, both physical and hnguistic, have been fused with those of other races which have reached the Solomon Islands both from the Malay Archipelago to the west, and from the islands of Micronesia and Polynesia to the east. The present natives of this group may, in truth, be considered as the result of the fusion of the Negrito aborigines with the Malayan, Micronesian, and Polynesian intruders. The second interesting point with reference to these ancient dint irapleraents is concerned with their original source. Professor Liversidge, in drawing attention to ray speciraens, which he ex hibited at a raeeting of the Royal Society of New South Wales in Deceraber, 1883, remarked that this discovery of flints in these regions afforded a very strong proof of the probable presence of true chalk of cretaceous age in the South Sea Islands, and he alluded to a soft white Umestone undistinguishable from chalk, which had been previously brought from New Ireland by Mr. Brown, the Wesleyan missionary.^ Chalk-rocks carae under my observation in the Soloraon Islands ; but in no case was I able to find embedded flints (vide Trans. Roy. Soc. Edin., Vol. 32, Part 3). I think it, however, highly probable that when the interior of one of the large islands such as Guadalcanar has been explored, older chalk formations containing flints will be discovered. The island of Ulaua, which I was unable to visit, would probably afford some clue as to the source of these flints. Although in all likeUhood this island possesses the general geological structure of the neighbouring island of Ugi, which is described on page vu. yet it possesses one peculiar feature. Mr. Brenchley,^ when landing on the beach of this island of Ulaua in 1865, picked up a great raany pieces of flint scattered about among the broken-up coral, and he wondered where they came from. Captain Macdonald, a resident trader in this part of the group, informed me that flints are abundant on the beaches of this island, together with fragments of a white chalk-like rock.^ ^"Journal of the Royal Society of New South Wales:" vol. xvii., p. 223; inde aXso "Geolog. Mag." Dec, 1877. Mr. H. B. Brady is at present engaged in working out the Foraminifera of this New Ireland rock. Its age, though still sub judice, is probably compara tively recent. ^ " Cruise of the ' Curacoa, ' " p. 2.j.iJ. 2 Should any of my readers iu the Western Pacific ha,ve the opportunity of visiting the iiland of Ulaua, it would be well worth their while to pay careful attention to the mode of occurrence of these flints. I am of the opinion that imbedded flints will be found in the ncent rocks of this island. 80 WORKED FLINTS. In the island of Faro, which is entirely of volcanic formation, flints are not known to the natives, and it would be interesting to ascertain whether they are similarly absent from other islands of the same character. When in search of the source of these flints, I was more than once led off on a false scent. It was on one such occasion, when accompanying Gorai, the Shortland chief, on an ex cursion in his war-canoe to the north-west part of the island of Aiu, that I experienced a great disappointraent. Learning from the chief that he could direct me to the place where the flints ("kilifela") were found, I was in great hope of at last finding thera imbedded. The locality, however, proved to be of volcanic formation, and a pit or cave in which the flints were to be found, successfully eluded our efforts to discover it. I would, however, recomraend future visitors to endeavour to find this pit which lies a little way in from the beach and close to the north-west point of Aiu. Its examination might throw some fresh light on the aborigines of these regions. The occurrence of fiints on the south-east coast of New Guinea has been recorded by Mr. Stone.^ He tells us that the sraall island of Tatana at the head of Port Moresby is " strewn with pieces of a cornelian-coloured flint, called by the natives vesika and used for boring holes through shell, bone, or other hard substances." In 1767, Captain Carteret found spears and arrows pointed with flint in use amongst the natives of the Santa Cruz Group and of Gower Island, one of the Solomon Islands.^ M. Surville, when anchored in Port Praslin in the Solomon Group in 1769, observed that the natives employed " a sort of flint " as knives and razors and for ob taining fire.^ In ray own intercourse with these islanders I did not find fiints in use araong them ; but it is very probable that in some islands the ancient flint implements are occasionally employed for cutting purposes.* 1 " A few months in New Guinea," by O. 0. Stone. London, 1880, p. 72. 2 Hawkesworth's " Voyages" : vol. i., pp, 296, 297. 3 Fleurieu's " Discoveries of the French in 1768 and 1769," etc : p. 144. ^ In Raffles' " History of Java " (1830 ; vol i., pp. 25, 33) it is stated that common flints, hornstone, chalcedony, jasper, cornelian, etc., are frequently found in the beds of the streams of this island. If not already inquired into, furtucr information should be sought concern ing the shape and the eource of these flints CHAPTER V. CULTIVATION — FOOD, ETC. THE inhabitants of the islands of Bougainville Straits display far more interest in the cultivation of the soil than do those of St Christoval and its adjacent islands. Whether this circurastance raay be attributed to the greater powers wielded by the chiefs of these islands, and to the consequent tranquillity which their peoples enjoy, or whether it is due to the comparatively isolated position of these islands of the Straits which has secured to their inhabitants a free dom from the attacks of neighbouring tribes, I can scarcely distin guish. It is, however, probable that the explanation of the extensive cultivated tracts with the consequent abundance of food in the one region, and of the raeagre patches of cultivation with the resulting dearth of food in the other, lies raore in the surroundings than in the individual character of the natives. In the island of Treasury acres and acres of taro and banana plantations lie in the immediate vicinity of the village; and I passed through similarly cultivated tracts in the east and west districts ot the island. The wide and level region, which constitutes the margin of the island, is covered with a deep productive soil. Cultivation is not confined, however, to the raore level districts. Large cultivated patches lie on the hill-slopes behind the village ; and in other places fire and the axe are constantly eraployed in the preliminary work of clearing the hill-side. The islands of the Shortlands exhibit a corresponding degree of industry on the part of their inhabitants. When crossing the eastern part of the island of Morgusaia, I traversed for nearly a mile one continuous tract of cultivation. In the midst of the taro and banana plantations stood groves of the stately sago palm and clumps of the betel-nut palra. An occasional bread-fruit tree towered over all ; and now and then a hme tree was pointed out by my guides. This extensive tract belonged to the chief 82 CULTIVATION. Sorae of the cultivated patches in the Shoi'tlands are marked out by lines of poles laid flat on the ground into long, narrow divisions, about twenty feet in width, each wife of the owner of the patch con fining her labours to her own division. On the east side of the island of Fauro, the interval between the villages of Toma and Sinasoro is to a great extent under cultivation, and is occupied chiefly by banana and taro plantations. Similar indications of the prosperity of the inhabitants are displayed in the number of cocoa-nut palms .and bread-fruit trees, with here and there a grove of sago palras, which occupy the low tract of land on which the village of Toma stands. In the planting season natives of the Straits spend weeks in their distant plantations in the interior of their islands ; and in the instance of Fauro Island, many of them possess other plantations in the small outlying uninhabite'd islands which they visit in parties at the regular periods. ; In the islands of Bougainville Straits, the banana, taro, and the sweet potato are the vegetables which are grown in greatest quantity. The yara does not appear to be such a fa-v'ourite article of food as in the eastern islands. I observed in Treasury that the natives protect, the short stems of the large taro against the depradations of the large frugivorous bats {Pteropidce) by lashing them round with, sticks. ¦ ' .Here, as in the eastern islands, the following method of climbing the cocoa-nut palm and other trees prevailed. A lashing or thong around' the ankles supports much of the weight of the body, and serves as a fulcrum for each effort of the climber towards the top. When the cocoa-nut palm is rather inclined to one side, I have seen a native adopt the mode of the West Indian negro, and walking up the trunk on all fours, after the style of monkeys It is a singular circumstance, as residents in the group inforra rae, that natives never sefein tobe struck by a falling cocoa-nut, notwithstand ing that they raust be frequently exposed to injury from this cause. I have often, when sitting amongst a group of natives in a viUage under the .shade of the cocoa-nut trees, been warned by those around. rae that the nuts might fall on us. On two occasions I have had heavy cocoa-nuts fall to the ground within reach of mj' arm, which, if they had struck my head with the momentum imparted by a drop of some fifty feet, would undoubtedly have stunned me\ I may here refer to the sago palm, wdiich is grown in far greater numbers in, the islands of Bougainville Straits than in St Christoval THE SAGO PALM. 83 and its vicinity. It furnishes not only the vegetable-ivory nut of these islands and the sago, which is an important item in the native dietar^^ but its leaves supply the thatch for the roofs and sides of the houses. Althoilgh belonging to the same genus, Sagus, it is evidently distinct in species from the sago palra of Fiji (Sagus vitiensis), which, according to Mr. Home, grows on the low-lying swampy land, and attains a height of about 35 feet^ In the Soloraon Islands, the height of full-grown sago palms varies between 60 and 70 feet ; whilst the situations in which they are usually fouud, lie on the hill-slopes and in the drier districts of the islands. In the islands of Fauro and Treasury groves of sago palms occur both on the lower slopes and in the higher districts. They occur on the summit of Treasury at a height of a thousand feet above the sea ; and I observed a few at Fauro at a height of 1400 feet I found them in the middle of the breadth of St. Christoval, between Wano and Makira The sago palm in these islands is the finest specimen ofthe Palmaceos. I often used to admire its heavy bole terminating above in its handsome crown of massive branches.* In the extraction and preparation of the sago, the natives of Bougainville Straits employ the following raethod. After the palra has been felled and all the pith reraoved, either by scooping it out or sphtting the trunk, the pith is then torn up into sraall pieces and placed in a trough extemporised from the broad sheathing base of one of the branches of the felled tree. The trough is then tilted up and is kejjt filled with water, which running away at the lower end passes through a kind of strainer, made of a fold of the vegetable mattino; that invests the bases of the branches of the cocoa-nut tree, and is then received in another trough of sirailar material. The fibrous portion of the pith is thus left behind, and the sago is de posited as a sediment in the lower trough. When this trough is full of sago, the superfluous water is poured off, and the whole is placed over a fire so as to get rid of the remaining raoisture. This method of sao'o-vvashing is similar to that which is employed in the islands of the Malay Archipelago. The sago is now fit for consumption, and is wrapped up in the leaves in the form of cylindrical packages 1 J to 2 feet in length. For the convenience of the water-supply, sago- washino- is carried out usually on the side of a streara. The refuse 1 "A Year in Fiji," by John Home, F.L.S. London, 1881, p. 68. - Althouo-h this palm, when full grown, has the appearance of great .age and durability, it docs not live for more than 20 years, when it flowers, bears, and dies. 84 FOOD. is afterwards aUowed to decay on the banks, and the water of the streara is contaminated for a long time after, whilst the air in the vicinity is impregnated with the unpleasant sour odour of the de caying debris. The diet of these islanders is essentially a vegetable one, and most of the comraon articles of food have already been referred to. Yaras, svveet potatoes, two kinds of taro,^ cocoa-nuts, plantains, and sugar-cane forra the staple substances of their diet In St Christoval and the adjacent islands the yam is more extensively cultivated ; \v-hilst in the islands of Bougainville Straits the taro and the sago- palm are more usually grown and the yam is less preferred. The bread-fruit appears to be but an occasional article of food ; and it was only now and then, as in the vicinity of the village of Toma in Fauro Island, that I observed the tree in any nurabers. In Bou gainville Straits there appears to be but one variety of the bread fruit tree (Arfocarpus iricisa) which ripens in August. Its leaves are deepl}'- lobed (pinnatisect) and have an even surface ; and the fruit are stalked, seedless, rough, and of a somewhat oval shape. In Santa Anna there is another variety of the Artocarpus incisa, the fruit of which has seeds and ripens in October. In the plantations of Treasury Island I came upon a tree which is apparently a variety of the Jack-fruit tree (Artocarpus integrifolia) ; it is known to the natives as the " tafati," whilst the bread-fruit tree is known in this part of the group as the " balia." Two cucurbitaceous fruits are coraraonly grown in the i.slands of Bougainville Straits. One is a large pumpkin, and tbe other is an oval " pepo," about six inches long, known to the natives as the " kusiwura ; " it is a variety of Cuciimis melo, and is a very good substitute for the ordinary cucum ber. Araongst other vegetables grown in the cultivated patches of this region are two varieties of a species of Solaniim, probably repandum, which are known to the natives as "kobureki" and " kirkarai;" and a second species of yam, Dioscorea sativa ("alapa").* Amongst the fruit-trees grown hy the natives of BougainvUle Straits in their plantations are the Papaw-tree {Carica Papatia)'. a ^ The small tai-o, which also grows wild on the sides ot the streams and is called " koko " in Bougainville Straits, is apparently Colocasia esculenta. The large taro, which grows to a height ot 7 or 8 feet, and is known as the "kiilafai," maybe the same as the "via kana" of Fiji {Cyrtosperma edulis). I cannot, however, speak with any authority on this subject, ns I collected no specimens. 2 Traders occasionally introduce foreign vegetables. Gorai, the Shortland chief, grows a litt'e maize in one of his plantations. THE KANARY-NUT. y.3 species of Lime -v Rua Sura Islets, off north coast of Giiadaleaner 74-1 Ugi Island. 74-5 Port Adam, .Malaita. 75-5 ^ Ugi Island. 80-0 ( 80-0 j 84-9 Kwahkwahru, Malaita. Measurements of Women. — I was only able to obtain measurements of six women, all of them from the small islands of Ugi and Santa Anna, oif the St. Christoval coast. Span of Arms. Intermembral Distance between middle Height. (Stature— IUO.) Index. finger and patella. 4 ft. 8 in. 100-S 65 31 in. ^ JJ ^ JJ 102-1 68 3|- 4 JJ n „ 104-3 68 4' 4 „ 10 ,. 104-7 71 — •5 J, 0 „ 106-9 — Average, H 5 JJ 3 „ A^ 108-3 Average ,68 •age, 4 ft. 1 0^ in. rerage, 104-5 Arm and Height Leg and Height Cephalic Index. Index. Index. 32-5 48-5 71 33 48-5 75 33 50 76-8 33-5 51-5 76-8 34-535-5 79-G 82-1 Average, 49-6 Average, 33-7 Considering the paucity of the observations, the average indices ofthe limb-raeasureraents agree closelj'' with those obtained for the raen. The average height of the woraen would appear from these few measurements to be that which they ought to possess as cora pared with the height ofthe raen. This conclusion is based on the rule given by Topinard in his " Anthropology " that for a race of this stature 7 per cent, of the raan's height raust be subtracted to obtain the proportional height of the woraan. 27ie Features. The facial angle taken was that between a line dropt frora the forehead to the alveolar border of the upper jaw, and another line drawn frora the external auditory meatus through the central axis of the oi-bit, the angle bein taken with a goniometer. Amongst 116 PHYSICAL CHARACTERS. eighty natives froni different part^ of the group, the angle varied between 87° and 98°. Seventy-five of the natives had facial angles between 90° and 95° ; and the average of the whole nuraber of angles was 93°. On apyilying the method for obtaining the facial angle of Cloquet to two large photographs of the faces in profile of two typical natives, I find the angles to he 63° and 67° respectively. The common characters of the features may be thus described : face rather angular, with often a beetle-browed aspect from the ¦deeply sunk orbits and projecting brows ; forehead of raoderate height and breadth, and somewhat flattened ; middle of face rather prominent on account of the chin receding ; moderate .subnasal pro- gnathisni as indicated by Cloquet's facial angles of 63° and C7°; lips rather thick and often projecting ; nose usually coarse, short, straight, and much depressed at the root, with broad nostrils and extended alse ; in about one man out of five the nose is arched in a regular curve, giving a Jewish cast to the face. Tlie Hair, Colour of Skin, Powers of Vision, &c. Amongst the natives of the Soloinon Group, there are four common styles of wearing the hair, which I may term the woolly, the mop-like, the partially bushy, and the corapletely bushy : these prevail with both sexes, the fashion varying in different islands. Frora frequent observations of the different modes of wearing the hair, I am of the opinion that their variety is to be attributed more to individual caprice than to any difference in the character of the hair. According to his taste, a raan may prefer to wear his hair close and uncombed, when the short matted curls with small spiral give it a woolly appearance,^ somewhat reserabling that of the hair of the African negro. Should he allow his hair to grow, making but little use of his comb, the hair will hanir in narrow ringlets three to eight inches in length, a mode which is more common araongst the natives of the eastern islands of the group, and which is best described as the " raop-headed " style. More often, from a raoderate araount of combing, the locks are loosely entangled, and the hair-mass assuraes a soraewhat bushy appearance, the arrange ment into locks being stUl discernible, and the surface of the hair presenting a tufted aspect^ The majority of natives, however, pro- 1 With the bushmen of the interior, the hair appears to be permanently woolly [vide p. 121). = My experience, however, goos to prove that of Miklouho-Maclay that the hair grows uniformly over the scalp and not in little tufts separated by bald patches as described by Topinard. THE HAIR. ¦ 117 duce by constant combing a large bushy periwig in which all the hairs are entangled independently into a loose frizzled mass, the separate locks being no longer discernible. Of these four styles of wearing the hair, I am inclined to view the " mop-headed " style as the result of the natural mode of growth, it being the one which the hair would assume if aUowed to grow uncombed and uncut. The native of these i.slands unfortunately makes such a constant use of his corah that one rarely sees his hair as nature intended it to grow. When, however, a man with bushy hair has been di-ving for sorae time, the hairs, disentangling themselves to a great extent, gather together into long narrow ringlets, nature's " coiffure " of thfe Solomon Islander. I was pleased to find that Mr. Eari^ and Dr. Barnard Davis,^ in writing on the subject of the hair of the Papuans, also consider that the hairs would naturally arrange themselves in long narrow ringlets if left uncombed, and that the bushy frizzled periwig is produced by teasing out the locks by raeans of the corab' This bushy frizzled mass of hair is soraetiraes referred to, as if it were one of the natural characters of the Papuans : but since it is also characteristic of other dark races of Africa and South Araerica, and raay be produced in Europeans, it has but little distinguishing value.^ Mr. Prichard in his " Physical History of Mankind " (vol. V. p. 215), expresses hiraself to be in doubt whether the bushy frizzled hair affords any racial distinction, but he seems to have lost the point of the remarks of Mr. Earl (to whom he refers) concerning the natural mode of growth of the hair in long narrow ringlets. The terra "raop-headed" is often applied to the Papuan with' a bushy frizzled periwig : but since a mop is neither bushy nor frizzly, the term is more appropriately eraployed as I have used it,' and as I see Dr. Barnard Davis uses it, in connection with thdf/ style' in which the hair hangs in long drawn-out ringlets. ' The tend-ency of the hair to roll itself into a spiral of small diameter is attributed to the thin flattened form of the hair in section. : According to Dr. Pruner-Bey, the hair in the Papuan is implanted perpendicularly and not obliquely, as in the great majority of the races of nian.^ 1 '" The Papuans " by G. W. Earl (page 2). London, 1853. ' 2 Vide a paper by Dr. J. Barnard Da-vis iu vol ii. (p. 95), of Journ. of Anthrop. Inst. 3 These bushy periwigs are found also among the Kafiirs in Africa and among the Cafusos of South America. Dr. Pruner-Bey, who appears to view these bushy periwigs as resulting fvom the natural growth of the hair, remarks that he has met in Europe three individuals ¦whose hair had the same aspect. I have seen a characteristic Papuan periwig produced in England in the case of a fair-haired girl. (Anthropological Eeview : Feb. 1864.) ^ The Anthropological Eeview for February 1§"4 (p. 6). 118 PHYSICAL CHARACTERS. The hue of the hair in adults varies usuaUy in accordance with the changes in the colour of the skin. Amongst the St Christoval natives it agrees with the nurabers 35 and 42 of the colour-types of M. Broca ; whilst araongst the darker-hued natives of the islands of Bougainville Straits the hair is of a deeper hue, corresponding with the colour-types 34 and 49. The average thickness of eleven samples of hair from the former locaUty is frora ^hs ^o 'why ^^ ^^ inch ; whilst in the latter locaUty, where the hair is of a darker hue, the hairs are individually coarser, ten samples giving an aver- ao-e thickness of J^^ to jrhr «f an inch. The diaraeter of the spiral, when raeasurable, varies between 5 and 10 millimetres,^ its usual range throughout the group ; but on account of the practice of comb ing, it is often difficult to measure it with any degree of accuracj^ These measureraents, however, are double the size of the curl (2 to 4 ram.) which Miklouho-Maclay ^ has determined to be characteristic of the Papuan. The difference may be due to the greater inter raingling of the eastern Polynesian eleraent araongst the Solomon Lslanders. The natives of the eastern islands of this group frequently stain their hair a light-brown hue by the use of lime, a practice which frees the hair of vermin. The passing visitor raight easily carry away with hira the impression that such light-brown hair was a permanent character ; but on examining adults, he would usuaUy find that the hair is much darker at the roots. The natives (women and boys) of the islands of Bougainville Straits, and according to Labillardiere,* those of the adjacent island of Bouka, stain the hair by the use of a red ochreous earth, the colour of which, blended with the deep colour of the hair, produces a striking raagenta hue. "With regard to the araount of hair on the face, lirabs, and trunk, great diversity is observed even amongst natives of the same -village. Epilation is commonly employed, a bivalve shell being used as a pair of pincers ; but there can be no doubt that the development of the hair varies quite independently of such a custom. Out of ten men taken promiscuously from one of the villages on the north coast of St. Christoval, perhaps, five would have smooth ' In young boys in difterent parts of the group, the hair sometimes grows in larger flat spirals having a diameter of from 12 to 15 millimetres. 2 "Nature." Dec. 21st, 1882. 3 Labillardi6re's " Voyage in search of La Perouse," vol. i. p. 248. London 1800. THE HAIR 119 faces ; three would possess a small growth of hair on the chin and upper lip ; the ninth would possess a beard, a moustache, and whiskers of moderate growth ; whilst the tenth would present a shaggy beard, and a hairy visage. With the majority of the Solo mon Islanders, the surfaces of the body and limbs are coraparatively free frora hair ; but hairy men are to be found in raost villages, and in rare and exceptional cases, the hairy-bodied, hairy-visaged men are the rule. It would appear that in this group, the qualities of treachery and ferocity are possessed in a greater degree by those communities in which hairy men prevail. Hairy-visaged raen are commonly found araongst the natives of the Florida Islands. In Bougainville Straits, the great raajority of the raen keep their faces and chins free from hair, which the chiefs and the older men usuaUy perrait to grow. With age the hair generally assumes an iron-grey hue, as if the decoloration was incomplete. In one old man, however, who was the patriarch of Treasury Island, the hair was completely grey. Baldness usually commences over the fore-head ; and is not uncom monly observed beginning araongst middle-aged men. The old women apparently regard hair as an unnecessary encumbrance, the Uttle that remains in later life being generally removed. I have not yet referred to an almost straight-haired eleraent which has been infused araongst the inhabitants of Bougainville Straits. The individuals, thus characterised, have very dark skins, the hair being even darker, and corresponding in hue with the colour-types 34 and 49. With such natives the face is flatter, and the nose is more ecrase than usual. Th.e hair may be almost straight : and, if not very long, it is often erect, giving the person a shock-headed appearance ; whilst in some cases it tends to gather into curls of a large spiral. Other natives possess hair which com bines the straight and frizzly characters, giving the whole mass, when combed out, an appearance partly wavy and partly bushy. Small boys in this part of the group have frequently curly heads of hair with large flattened spirals. Traders tell rae that straight- liaired individuals are found araongst the hill-tribes of St Christoval at the opposite end of the group. I have seen two such natives, one a woman, and the other a man whom I met near Cape Keibeck on the north coast of the island. A few remarks with reference to the prevailing hues of the skin may be here interesting.^ It would seera to be a general rule 120 PHYSICAL CHARACTERS. that the darker-skinned natives occur in the western islands of the group, such as New Georgia, Bougainville Straits, and BougainviUe; whilst the lighter-coloured natives are raore restricted to the eastern islands such as St. Christoval, Guadalcanar, &c. In different parts of the Solomon Group, the colour of the skin, as may have been already inferred, varies considerably in shade frora a very deep brown, exeraplified by colour-type 42 of M. Broca, to a copperish hue, best typefied by colour-type 29. The prevailing darker hue of the western islands is represented by type 42, and the prevailing lighter hue of the eastern islands by type 35. Where there is no means of comparison, the darker hues of the skin might be called black. The lightest hues, such as would appear to characterise natives in isolated localities, as in Santa Catalina, and on the north coast of Guadalcanar opposite the Rua Sura Islets, would be best exeraplified by colour-type 28. The elderly natives are, as a rule, raore dark-skinned than those of younger years, the difference in shade being attributable partly to a longer exposure by reason of their age to the influence of sun and weather, and partly to those structural changes in the skin which accorapany advancing years. The colour is usuaUy fairly uniforra over the person, but in the case of the Malaita natives, before referred to, the colour of the face and chest was of a lighter hue than that of the lirabs and body, as exeraplified by contrasting the colour-types 28 and 35.^ I would draw attention to the circurastance that ray observa tions were confined to the coast tribes of these islands. The larger islands, which raay be compared in size to the county of Cornwall, are but thinly populated in their interior by tribes of raore puny physique and less enterprising character, who are ill-suited to cope with their more robust and raore war-like feUow-islanders of the coast These " bushraen," as they are called, are accredited by the coast- natives with inferior raental capabilities as corapared with their own. To call a raan of the coast a " bushman " is equivalent to caUing him a stupid or a fool, a taunt which is commonly employed amongst the coast-natives. The. stone adzes and axes, which have been discarded by the inhabitants of the coast, are said to be stiU employed by the bushraen. I was unable to make any measure ments of these natives ; but those I saw were usually of short stature and of a more excitable and suspicious teraperaraent The 1 Vide page for remarks onthe effect of the prevailing skin-disease, an inveterate form ot body-iingworm, on the colour of the skin. POWERS OF VISION. 121 hair is worn in the wooUy style, is short like that of the African Negro, and its surface has often a peculiar appearance frora the hairs arranging themselves in little knobs. I believe that these bushmen, and at the present time I am recalling to ray raind those of the interior of Bougainville, have naturally shorter hair than those of the coast, and that the peculiar character of the hair just described is a perraanent one.^ These bushmen probably represent the original Negrito stock of these islands, which, at the coast, often loses many of its characters on account of the intermingling with Eastern Polynesian and Malayan intruders. With the object of testing the powers of vision possessed by the natives of these islands, I exarained the sight of twenty-two indivi duals who were in all eases either young adults or of an age not rauch beyond thirty. For this purpose I eraployed the square test- dots which are used in exaraining the sight of recruits for the British array, and I obtained the following results. Two natives could distinguish the dots clearly at 70 feet, one at 67 feet, two at 65 feet, three at 62 feet, four at 60 feet, two at 55 feet, three at 52 feet, four at 50 feet, and one at 35 feet I roughly placed the average distance at which a native could count the dots at about 60 feet, which is a little beyond the standard distance for testing the normal vision of recruits, viz., 57 feet ; but I laid no stress on this difference, and briefly noted in my journal that these natives possessed the normal powers of vision. The quickness of the natives in perceiving distant objects, such as ships at sea, was a matter of daily observation to us ; and I was often, much surprised by their facUity in picking out pigeons and opossums, which were almost concealed in the dense foliage of the trees sorae 60 or 70 feet overhead. I was therefore irapressed with the greater discrirainat ing power possessed by these savages ; but the results of ray observations on their far-seeing powers were not such as would justify the conclusion that they excelled us very greatly in this respect Having read an interesting correspondence in " Nature " during February and Mareh, 1885, on the subject of " civilisation and eye sight,'' I forwarded the results of ray observations to that journal {vide, April 2nd). A fortnight afterwards there appeared a com munication from Mr. Charles Roberts, in which he added greatly to 1 Mr. Earl, who well describes this knobby appearance of the surface of the hair of some Papuan tribes, also believes that these tribes may sometimes have naturally short hair. (" Papuans,'' p. 2.) 122 POWERS OF VISION. the value of my observations by comparing them with results obtained by the use of the army test-dots in the case of English agricultural and out-door labourers, results which were extracted from the Report for 1881 of the Anthropometric Comraittee of the British Association. After raaking this comparison Mr. Roberts remarked that the figures gave no support to the belief that savages possess better sight than civilised peoples ; and he pointed out that my average of 60 feet, which, however, I had only roughly estimated, was soniewhat excessive and should have been 57-5 feet, which is only half a foot more than the distance at which Professor Longraore has deterrained these test-dots ought to be seen by a recruit with normal powers of vision. My observations were com paratively few, but, as above shown, they give no support to the view that savages possess superior powers of vision as compared with civilised races. In the correspondence in " Nature," above referred to, Mr. Brudenell Carter supported the " commonly received view " that the savage possesses greater acuteness of vision ; but .Lord Rayleigh held that it would be inconsistent with optical laws to hold that the eyes of savages, considered raerely as optical instruraents, are greatly superior to our own ; and he observed that it appeared to him that the superiority of the savage is a question of attention and practice in the interpretation of minute indications. The same opinion was expressed by Mr. Roberts, when he referred to the comraon mistake of travellers in confounding acuteness of vision with the results of special training or education of the faculty of seeing, results which, as he reraarked, are quite as rauch dependent on mental training as on the use of the eyes. There is a circurastance which raay influence the powers of vision possessed by these islanders; and it is this. With the object, I believe, of excluding flies and other insects from their dwellings, the natives keep the interiors dark, the door being usually the only aperture admitting light. Coraing in frora the direct sunUght, I have often had to wait a minute or two before my eyes became accustomed to the change ; but the natives do not experience this inconvenience. Some hours of the day they coraraonly spend in their houses ; whUst at night they use no artificial light except the fitful glare of a wood fire. It would seem probable that the influ ence of the opposite conditions presented by the darkness of their dweUings and the bright sunlight, would be found in the increased POWERS OF VISION. 123 rapidity of the contraction and dilation of the pupil with the enlargement, perhaps, of the retinal receiving area. It is, howevei\ a noteworthy circumstance that these natives are able to pass frora the bright tropical glare outside their dwellings to the dark in teriors, and vice versd, without showing that temporary derangement of vision which the white man experiences whilst the iris is adapting itself to the new condition. My attention was not attracted by the size of tbe pupils ; but I paid no especial attention to this point. Mr. J. Rand Capron in the correspondence in " Nature," above alluded to, refers to the circum stance that the pupil varies in size in individual cases ; and he instances the case of one of his assistants possessing unusually large pupils who had a singularly " sharp " eye for picking up companions to double stars, smaU satellites, &c., and who could read fine print with a light much less bright than is usually required. "The pecuUarity affecting my assistant's eyes," as Mr. Capron writes, " may be more common with the savages than with us." I am in clined myself to believe that, on a careful coraparison being raade, the pupils of the savage will be generally found to be larger. If such should be the case, we shall have a ready explanation of his better discrirainating powers of vision. The eyes of these natives have usually a soft, fawn-like appear ance ' with but little expression. Of the twenty-two individuals whose sight I examined, I came upon only one whose powers of vision seemed at all defective. In this instance — that of a raan about thirty years old — the nature of the cause was sufficiently indicated by the prominence of the eyes and the nipping of the lids, especially when the sight was strained by trying to count the test- dots at a distance. The limit of distance at which this raan could count the test-dots was 35 feet. The question which presented itself to my mind in this case was, whether a white man, who could count the dots at the same limit of distance, would exhibit to the same degree the external signs of myopia. I also made some observations on the colour-sense of the in habitants of Bougainville Straits. Although able to match the seven colours of the spectrum, viz., red, orange, yellow, green, Pru.ssian blue, indigo, and violet, they have only, as far as I could ascertain, distinctive names for white, red, yellow, and sometimes blue ; whilst all the other colours, including black, indigo, dark blue, violet, green, &c., are included under one or more general names for 124 COLOUR SENSE. dark hues, as shown in the list below. Some of the naraes of thg colours have been suggested by the colours of objects with which the natives are farailiar. Thus, one of the naraes of dark hues is evidently taken from that of charcoal (sibi). Again, one of the names for red is but the native term for blood, (masini) ; whilst the coraraonest word for yellow (temuli) is also the narae of a scitamineous plant, the bulbous root of which possesses a yellow juice. YeUow must be a farailiar colour to these natives, as they soraetiraes decorate their persons with the yellow juice that exudes from incisions into the fruits of Thespesia populnea, one of the coramonest of littorai trees. They possess also the Morinda citrifolia, the roots of which supply a bright yellow dye that is employed in other Polynesian groups, such as in the Society Islands, for staining purposes. The circumstance that different inen often appUed different naraes to the same test-colour, shows that they have no recognised list of colour- names ; and it would appear probable that all the names are of a suggestive nature, or in other words that they are derived from the names of objects with the conspicuous hues of which the natives are familiar. NATIVE NAMES FOR COLOURS. White, Anaa; Ana-anaa. Red, Oeange, Alec; Masi-masini '; Loto. Yellow, Temuli; Samoi ; Latili. Blub, Totono. Black, Indigo, Violet, Gbebn (dark). Blue (dark), Soipa; Kia; Sivi-sivi; Malai. The pigments employed in decorating the posts of houses, canoe- ornaments, carved clubs, &c., are white, red, and black. Blue is a favourite colour with the natives of BougainviUe Straits when choosing beads and other articles of trade ; and, in fact, blue is th^ favourite colour for beads in most of the islands. Tn the eastern islands, pigments of white, red, and black are also those which are commonly eraployed for decorative purposes. In the island of Ugi, as Mr. Stephens inforined rae, the sarae word is used to indicate all the dark colours. A native of this island cannot distinguish the different cblours in the rainbow : and it should be here remarked that he views the appearance of a bow with a large arc as a waming of the approach of hostUe canoes, and he retires accordingly to his house. The foUowing notes on tlie gestures and the expressions of the GESTURES. 125 eraotions of the Solomon Islanders, which I was led to make after a perusal of Mr. Darwin's weU-known work on these subjects, occur scattered about the pages of my journals ; and I must crave the indulgence of ray reader if they are, from this reason, of a somewhat disconnected character. The natives of Bougainville Straits and of other parts of the group beekon with the hand, in a manner almost the reverse of our own. Instead of holding out the hand with the palra uppermost and motioning with the forefinger, they beckon with the palm downwards, and motion with all the fingers. On several occa sions, when motioning a native to approach by means of our own gesture, I have had to adopt his own raode of beckoning before he could understand me Clapping the hands is a common means of evincing astonishment and delight, the hands being usually held up before the face as in the attitude of prayer, but little noise being made. Mule, the Treasury chief, clapped his hands before his face, when Lieutenant Leeper showed him some of his paintings ; and surprise was exhibited in a similar manner by the men of Aiu, -Whilst I was taking a sample of hair from the head of one of their number. Some young lads of Fauro clapped their hands noiselessly during their laughter when I gave them a tune on the Jews-harp : whUst a party of Treasury boys, who accompanied me on one of my rambles, thus evinced their pleasure when sorae matches for lighting our pipes were unexpectedly found in my bag. The following mode of signifying hunger was often adopted by my youthful native companions in my excursions, when the sun "vvas near its raeridian altitude, in order to remind me of the biscuit I generally carried for them ; and the little imps used to repeat the gesture in an exaggerated form for my amusement. The belly is drawn in to a surprising degree by the powerful contraction of the abdominal rhuscles; and,assuming a dismal expression of countenance, the hungry individual points with his finger to this unmistakeable sign of the apparently empty condition of his storaach, and says " kai-kai, rauru " (food for stomach). Labillardiere tells us that the natives of New Caledonia signified their hunger in a sirailar manner by pointing to their bellies, and contracting the abdominal rauscles as much as they could.^ .... The natives of Bougainville Straits raake use ofthe exclaraation, " Agai," to indicate pain and suffering. This cry often rang pitifully in ray ears when, frora the prejudices 1 " Voyage in search of La Perouse" (Eng. edit. ; London 1800) vol. ii., p. 213. 126 GESTURES. of the natives, I was unable to render much surgical aid in the case of the severe gunshot injuries, which resulted from the conflicts between the Treasury and Shortland islanders. Elevation of the eyebrows with a slight throwing backward of the head is the gesture of assent. A native sometimes raises his eyebrows slightly to indicate caution or reticence under circumstances in which we should employ a cough or a wink ; and, by the same sign, a question raay be asked, and as silently answered by a similar movement of the eyebrows, accompanied by a throwing up of the head. A native of Simbo, on one occasion, because I -would not give him tobacco, signified his contempt for me by spitting on the srround. A woman of Aiu informed me that she was the mother of two girls standing near, by first pointing to her daughters, and then touching her breasts. When puzzled, a native sometimes adopts our sign of perplexity by frowning, and scratching his head. On one occasion, I was much araused by the behaviour of some of the Treasury boys, lively young imps who used frequently to accorapany rae on ray excursions. One of their number had been offended by his companions, who iraraediately began to caper round hira, distorting their faces in a peculiar raanner by drawing the eyes and raouth towards each other with their fingers, and producing an appearance reminding me of the human faces on the dancer-clubs ¦of Bougainville Straits and New Ireland. Sometiraes they would only go through the motions by scraping their fingers down their cheeks. The object was evidently to create terror, but only in a miraic fashion. But little gesticulation is used in ordinary conversation. A. native of Cape Keibeck, on the north coast of St. Christoval, who went through the raotions of throwing a spear in time of battle, assumed a hideous expression of countenance with eyes starting and knitted brows, much as Mr. Mosely describes in the instance of a native of Humboldt Bay, New Guinea.^ A native, who is planning the perforraance of an act of treachery, usually exhibits during his ¦conversation an Excited, restless manner, with a slight trembling of the limbs and a partial loss of control over the facial muscles. It is in this raanner that white men, resident in the group, when ap proaching a village with which they are unacquainted, often find an indication ofthe hostility or friendliness of the inhabitants by ob- -serving the unconscious bearing of the first men they meet. ^ "Naturalist on the Challenger,'' p, 441. DISPOSITION. 127 These islanders converse in a low, monotonous voice ; and are unaccustomed to loud, stentorian tones, such as those in which words of coraraand are given. I was told a story of a white man who had engaged some natives to take hira out in a canoe to tho site ofa sunken rock, which he intended to blow up with dynaraite as it obstructed the channel. Iraraediately on dropping tho charge, he shouted out to his crew to paddle away as quickly as possible and at the same time gesticulated wildly. The men opened their eyes wide and stared at hira with astonishment, but never moved ; and before they could recover theraselves, off went the charge, and the canoe and its occupants were blown into the air. However, but little damage was caused except to the canoe. My informant told me that if the men had been told quietly to paddle away, the accident would never have happened. I now corae to the subject of the disposition of these islanders. There is a generosity between raan and raan, which I often admired, although it was easy to perceive that there was a singular relation between the giver and the recipient. A native rarely refuses any thing that is asked ; but, on the other hand, he is not accustoraed to offer anything spontaneously except when he expects an equiva lent in return. His generosity is, in truth, constrained by the know ledge of the fact that by a refusal he v/ill incur the enmity of the person who has made the lequest. Often when during ray excur sions I have come upon some raan who was preparing a raeal for hiraself and his family, I have been surprised at the open-handed way in which he dispensed the food to my party of hungry natives. No gratitude was shown towards the giver, who apparently expected none, and only raildly reraonstrarted when ray raen were unusually voracious. I was often amused at noticing how a native's friends would gather around when there Avas a sago palm to be felled. But there is one occasion when the existence of friends raust be very trying to a Solomon Islander, and that is when he returns to his island after his terra of service in the plantations of Fiji or Queensland has expired. He brings with him his earnings of three years in the shape of a musket a couple of American axes, and a large box filled with calico, coloured handkerchiefs, tobacco, pipes, knives, beads, &c. On landing at the beach, he is greeted by tho greater portion of the village. The chief at once appropriates the musket, as his way of welcoming the M'anderer on his return. His father selects, with due deliberation, the best tempered of the axes. 128 DISPOSITION. The chief's son relieves hira of one of the largest knives. His numerous relations and friends assist themselves to some of the raore valuable articles in the box ; whilst the calico and beads are evenly appropriated by the different ladies of the village, as their manner of e-vincing their pleasure at his safe return. The unhappy man dares not refuse, and he finally leaves the beach for his own house with a very light box and a heavy heart. But his friends in the neighbourhood think it their duty to convey their congratulations in person ; and in a few days the box alone remains, which it is very hkely that the chief has already secured " in prospectu." The fore going is by no means an exaggerated account of the reception which awaits a Solomon Islander when he returns from his terra of service in the colonies. The natives of this group have obtained for theraselves the reputation of being the most treacherous and bloodthirsty of the Pacific Islanders. Here, however, as in other groups, the inhabi tants have been judged according to the circumstances attending the visit of the navigator. If he has come into collision with them, he paints their conduct in the darkest colours ; but if, as has rarely been the case, there has been nothing to interrupt the harmony of his intercourse, he is apt, in his description of the peaceful character of the natives, to reflect on the want of humanity which marked the dealings ofhis predecessors. But for us a middle course would seem preferable ; and in approving the mild measures of the one, we must not forget that the harsh treatment of the other may have arisen in circumstances over which he had little control. The early inter course between civilized and savage peoples must of necessity be fraught with peril, until the latter cease to look upon every stranger as a probable foe. It is not often that we have the pleasure of reading such accounts as are given by Kotzebue and Chamisso of their intercourse with the Radack Islanders ; yet we raust remember that the humane principles of La Perouse led, unfortunately, to the massacre of M. de Langle and eleven others in the Navigator Islands. Here again the middle course is to be followed ; and the traveller raost successful in his dealings with these races will be he who obtains for hiraself their fear as well as their affection. The early intercourse of the Soloraon Islanders with the Spaniards, and with the first French navigators, was too often marked by bloodshed to enable us to form a correct estimation of the disposition of these natives. We therefore turn without regret DISPOSITION. 129 to the more pleasing experience of a later voyager in these seas. In his account of his intercourse with the natives of Isabel in 1838, D'Urville thus refers to these islanders : " Nous sommes les premiers k inscrire dans I'histoire des habitants de ces ties, une page en favour de leur caractere : ils auraient pu, presque sans dangers, massacrer ceux de nos officiers qui sont all^s chercher I'hospitalite aux villages d'Opihi et Toitoi, et j'aime a croire qu'ils n'auraient pas r^sist^ h la tentation, si dans leur caractfere il n'y avait pas eu quelques senti ments d'affect'ion ou de probite."^ In recalling my own experiences, I can scarcely remember a single instance in which I was aught but kindly treated by a race of savages who have been so often characterised as the raost treacher ous and bloodthirsty in the Pacific. I was constantly in their power, since, in my excursions, I very rarely had any other com panions. I will, therefore, frame my estimate of their character in the words of the French navigator, that they would not have heen able to resist the temptation of harming me, if there was not in their disposition something of the sense of honour and affection. 1 " Voyage au Polfl Sud," eto. Vol. V., p. 106. CHAPTER VIL DRESS — TATTOOING — SONGS, ETC. THE dress wom by the men of these islands is generally of the scantiest description. A narrow band of cloth, worn like a T bandage, often constitutes their only garraent. In some islands visited by traders, waist-cloths are wom. Often, however, and especially amongst the bush tribes, the Solomon Islander presents hiraself as guiltless of clothing as did our original parents. The dress of the woraen varies considerably in different islands of the group. The raarried women of St. Christoval and the adjacent small islands wear the scantiest of fringes, whicii cannot be digni fied by the name of dress : whilst the unmarried girls dispense with clothing altogether. In the Florida Islands, the women are more decorously clad, and wear a longer fringe. In the eastern islands, however, the influence of the raissionary and the trader have caused a more general employment by the women of the " sulu " (a large coloured handkerchief), which is fastened around the waist, and is very becoming. The woraen of the islands of Bougainville Straits commonly wear the " sulu ; " but they frequently discard it for a time, as when they are wading on the reefs, and then they are con tent with an improvised apron of long leaves (" bassa "), the stalks of which are passed under a narrow waist-band. On one occasion at Aiu, when arriving at the beach after one of my excursions into the interior of the island, I carae upon a party of woraen who were bathing in the sea. They at once carae out of the -water, and began to interrogate ray guides, having first provided theraselves in the most unabashed manner with temporary aprons of fern fronds and the leaves of trees. They then gathered round me to learn where I had been, and what I had been doing ; and after I had satisfied their curiosity, I sent them away, highly pleased with some tobacco and beads. DRESS. 131 The men of these islands are always very anxious to becorae the possessors of European articles of clothing, such as shirts, coats, hats, etc. ; but the happy owners seldora don them except during the visit of a ship, when they strut about clad in some solitary garraent, such as a shirt or a waistcoat, or often only a hat I had often some difficulty in preserving my gravity when I met sorae sedate individual, as naked as on the day when he was born, wear ing a round hat on his head, and carrying his shirt on his arra. The fortunate possessor of a shirt usually regards it as a kind of light overcoat, to be worn on especial occasions ; and in sorae islands the possessors seem to prefer carrying their shirts on their arms wherever they go. A few men, who have these articles of clothing, never take them off after they have begun to wear them. Such a practice, however, is quite opposed to the usual cleanly habits of these islanders. Whilst we were in Bougainville Straits, three natives were employed on board as interpreters, who were dubbed by the men. Jacket, Waistcoat, and Trousers, as they used to wear a suit between them. On one occasion, when I had induced some Faro men to take me in their canoe to an island some distance away I was amused at the appearance of my crew, to whora I had pre viously given shirts. We were, for all the world, Uke a party of nigger-minstrels. Following the waggish advice of the quarter master, the natives tumed 'up their large collars. Off we started, and the sight of their serious countenances, half buried in their collars, was too much for ray gravity : but when we landed, and ray men proceeded in a dignified manner to disembark, they looked so ludicrously sedate in their long-tailed shirts, that I roared with laughter. The most picturesque of the jjersonal ornaments of the natives of the eastern islands is a frontlet of the handsorae white cowries (Ovulum ovum). About a dozen of these shells, rather small in size, are strung together, and bound across the forehead. A single shell is sometimes worn on the front of the leg just below the knee Many men possess large crescent-shaped plates of the pearl shell found in these seas, and whicli they wear on the breast. Resident traders, such as Captain Macdonald at Santa Anna, have largely supplied the natives with these ornaments. Necklaces raade of the teeth of dogs, porpoises, fruit-bats, and phalangers (Cuscus), are commonly worn. The seeds of the Goix Lachryraa are also em ployed for this purpose. Various articles are used as necklace- V32 PERSONAL ORNAMENTS. pendants, such as Bulla shells, the pretty Natica mamilla, beans, the hard palate of a fish (probably a ray), and other things. One native was very proud of a fragment of a willow-pattern plate, which he had smoothed off and ground down to a convenient size for his necklace. Shell armlets^ are in general use, and their number and size frequently denote the rank of their owner. Those most prized are fashioned out of the thickest part of the shell of Tridacna gigas towards the hinge. On one occasion, in the island of Simbo, I had an opportunity of observing the tedious process of making these • Tridacna armlets. A hole is first bored through the solid thickness of the shell, and in it is insertsd a piece of hoop iron, with one edge roughly jagged, after the fashion of a saw. This is worked with the hands, and after much labour the ring is sawn out of the shell. It is then rubbed down and polished with sand. On account of the tedious nature of the process of raaking them, these Tridacna armlets are much prized by their possessors. Araongst the numer ous articles employed in trading with these natives is a very good imitation of this armlet made of tough white porcelain, and valued at about half a dollar. Smaller armlets are also cut out of large shells belonging to the genera Trochus and Turho. The sheU arm lets of these islanders are often first placed on during youth, or at the first attainraent of raanhood ; and, as the wearer grows older these ornaments become too sraall to pass over the elbow, and are peiinanently worn. Armlets are also made of native shell-money worked into patterns. Sometimes a couple of curved boar's-tusks are joined together for this purpose. Excluding the shell armlets, those most 1 requently worn are raade of what is coraraonly known as "dyed grass." This material, however, consists, for the most part, of the strips of the vascular tissue of ferns, belonging to Gleichenia and other genera, which are neatly plaited together in patterns (vide page281) The prettiest specimens of this work are to be obtained at Savo. The same plaited armlets are worn by the Admiralty Islanders.^ In some parts of New Guinea, strips of rattan are worked in with this material.* ... In the Solomon Islands, armlets are usually worn on the left arra. The native ' By " armlet," I mean an ornament encircling the arm above the elbo-w. 2 There is a ohromodithograph of these ornaments in the " Narrative of the Cruise of the 'Challenger.'" 3 Specimens in British Museum collection. PERSONAL ORNAMENTS. 133 usually'- carries his jiipe or his tobacco tucked inside them, They are often worn verj^ tight, especially in the case of the plaited arm lets, which actually constrict the lirab. Nose ornaments are not commonly worn in the eastern islands, though the nasal septum is generally pierced by a hole for the: appendage which may be of tortoise-shell, bone, shells, &c. Youths keep the hole patent by retaining in it a sraall piece of wood of the thickness of a lead pencil, and between one and two inches in length. The tip of the nose is frequentlj'^ pierced by a small hole about half an inch deep, in which a small peg of wood is sometimes placed which projects beyond the nose and gives the face an odd appear ance. The lobes of the ears are perforated by holes, which by continual distension become of the size of a crown-piece and often larger. In some islands, as in Santa Anna, a disc of M'hite wood 1^ to 2 inches in diameter is placed in these holes. Sometiraes they are kept in shape by the insertion of a shaving of wood rolled into a spiral; but raore frequently they are left erapty. Singular uses are raade of these holes in the lobes of the ear, pipes and matchboxes being sometimes placed in thera. On one occasion, Taki, the Wano chief, came on board with a heavy bunch of native shell-money hanging from each ear, a sign of mourning, as he informed us, for a recently deceased wife. In some instances, more particularly araongst the elder men, the pendulous loop formed by the distended hole in the lobe becomes severed and hangs in two pieces. I ara told that when these loops break, the two parts are readily joined by paring the torn surfaces obliquely and binding them together. The natives of the islands of Bougainville Straits pay less atten tion to personal decoration than do those of St, Christoval and the adjacent islands. The large Tridacna armlets are not often worn, the small shell armlets being those generally preferred, and as in the case of those worn in the eastern islands, their nuraber indicates the rank and wealth of the wearer. The plaited arra-bands described on page 132 are frequently worn. Arralets made of trade beads are favourite ornaments of the woraen : when visiting the houses of the chiefs, I have sometiraes found their wives eraployed in this kind of fancy-work, sraall red, blue, and white beads being tastefully worked together in the coramon zig-zag pattern. Here, as in the eastern islands, the septum of the nose is pierced by a hole, but I rarely saw any omament suspended from it The women of Treasurj' Island, 134 PERSONAL ORNAMENTS. however, sometimes wear in this aperture a tusk-like orna-ment, 1| to 2 inches long, which is made from the shell of the giant clam. OccasionaUy I have observed clay pipes carried in this perforation in the nasal septum. Here, also, the lobes of the ears are pierceiby large holes, and in the older men they hang in loops 2 to 3 inches in length. The men of Sirabo (Narovo Island) streak their countenances with lirae, whilst the boys of Treasury Islands soraetiraes paint their faces around the eyes with the red ochreous earth that they eraploy for staining the hair. The young lads of Faro occasionally adorn their faces with silvery strips of a fish's swiraming-bladder which they plaster on their cheeks. In the matter of personal decoration I should observe that the men usually wear the pluraes, not that the women dislike decora tions, but because they do not often have the opportunity of wearing them. If a trade necklace or some similar ornament is given to a woman, it will very soon be observed adorning the person of her husband. An incident of this sort particularly annoyed me on one occasion in the island of St. Christoval ; but I might as well have tried to persuade a pig that it was a glutton as have attempted to convince a native that such a transaction was ungallant In some islands it is the custora for the husband on the occasion of a festival to load his favourite wife with all his worldly wealth in the form of the native bead raoney ; and, as at Santa Anna, the wives of the headmen parade about the viUage thus heavily attired and presenting suoh a picture of " portable property " as would have gladdened the heart of Mr. Wemraick himself. This shell-money, to which I have frequently referred in this work, and which is so often employed in personal decoration, consists of small pieces of shells of different colours shaped and strung together like beads. In the eastern islands, this money is largely derived from the natives of Malaita. Six fathoras of it are said to be sufficient for the purchase of a pig. The sarae kind of money is used by the inhabitants of the Admiralty Islands, New Ireland, New Guinea, and the New Hebrides. In the last two localities it is worked into armlets.^ The men of the Solomon Islands are very fond of placing in their hair a brightly-coloured flower such as that of Hibiscus tiliaceus, or a pretty sprig, or the frond of a fem. My native companions in my ' The natives of the Solomon Islands also occasionally employ as money the teeth of fisli, porpoises, fruit-eating bats (Pteropida), and of other animals. TATTOOING. , 135 excursions rarely passed a pretty flower without plucking it and placing it in their bushy hair ; and they were fond of decorating ray helmet in a similar fashion. Sometimes one individual would adorn himself to such an extent with flowers, ferns, and scented leaves, that a botanist might have made an instructive capture in seizing his person. In addition to the flowers placed in his bushy raass of blackish-brown hair, he would tuck under his necklace and armlets sprigs and leaves of numerous scented plants, such as Evodia hortensis and Ocymum sanctum. He wOuld take rauch pleasure in pointing out to rae the plants whose scented leaves are eraployed in the native perfumery, most of which are of the labiate order, and are to be coraraonly found in the waste ground of the plantations. The women seldora decorate theraselves in this manner. Those of Bou gainville Straits make their scanty aprons of the leaves of a scita mineous plant named "bassa" which, when crushed in the fingers have a pleasant scent. The fondness for decorating the person with flowers and scented herbs has been frequently referred to by travellers in their accounts of the natives of other parts of the Western Pacific. Mr. George Forster tells us that the people of Tanna and Mallicolo in the New Hebrides place inside their shell arralets bunches of the odoriferous plant, Evodia hortensis, together with the leaves of crotons and other plants.^ We learn from Mr. MacgUlivray,^ and from Mr. Stone,* that the natives of the south-east part of New Guinea are similarly fond of decorating themselves with flowers and scented leaves which they place in the hair and inside their armlets and necklaces. Tattooing is practised amongst both sexes in many islands ; but the process differs frora that ordinarily employed in the circurastance that the pigment is frequently omitted, and for this reason tho marks are often faint and only visible on a close inspection. In this manner the natives of St. Christoval and the adjacent islands have their cheeks marked by a number of shallow grooves arranged in a series of chevron-lines, and differing but little if at all frora the general colour of the skin. On the trunk the lines are of a faint blue hue, and here a pigraent is more frequently used. The process, as employed in the island of Santa Anna, consists in deeply abrading 1 "A Voyage round tho World," by George Forster, London, 1777 ; (page 276.) 2 "-Voyage of H.M.S. 'Rattlesnake,'" by John Maogillivray ; London, 1852. s " A fe-w months in Ne-w- Guinea," by O. C. Stone ; London, 1880. 13G TATTOOING. the skin vnth such instruments as a piece of a shell, the flinty edge of the bamboo, the tooth of a large fruit-eating bat (Pteropidae), or even by the long finger-nails. The older lads have to submit them selves to this operation before they obtain the rights of manhood; and I was inforraed that during its progress they are kept isolated in a house and fed on the blood of a certain fish (?) After it is completed, they are at liberty to marry, and they are aUowed to take part in the fighting and in the fishing expeditions. Tattooing is not generally practised amongst the people of the islands of BougainviUe Straits. I only observed it in a few instances, more particularly amongst the women, when it resembles that which has been above described. A party of men. from the viUage of Takura on the coast of Bougainville, whom I met on one occasion, had their faces marked with shallow linear grooves of much the sarae colour as the skin, which commenced at the " alse nostri.' and, curving over the cheek-bones, terminated above the eyebrows. These lines were more distinct than those which raark the faces of the natives in the eastward islands, although they were probably produced in a similar raanner. Another pattern of tattooing, which may be described as a branching coil, is to be found in the repre sentation of the head of a native of Isabel Island, which was obtained from a mould taken in D'Urville's expedition in 1838.^ Some men of the districts of the Uta Pass and Urasi on the north coast of Malaita, whom I met on one occasion, had their faces raarked with a double or a single row of blueish dots commencing on the cheek bones and meeting on the forehead. In the place of tattooing, the inhabitants of the islands of Bou gainville Straits ornament their bodies with rows of circular and somewhat raised cicatrices which are usually about the size of a fourpenny piece and about a third of an inch apart In the case of the men, the shoulders, upper arms, and chest are thus marked : a double row of cicatrices commences on the shoulder-blade of either side, and crossing the upper arms near the apex of the insertion of the deltoid muscle these rows arch over the armpits and meet at the lower part of the sternum. The chiefs and their sons often have an additional row of these marks. Although this is the common fashion, one sometiraes raeets men who have the cicatrices confined to the chest or to the shoulders, or to only one side of the body. Amongst the women, the shoulders, upper arras, and breasts are 1 Plate vi. : Atlas Anthropologie ; " Voya;;e au Pole Sud et dans I'Oceanie." CICATRICES 137 similarly marked as shown in the engraving here given, and in addition they have these rows of cicatrices across the inside of the thigh. A triple row across the left breast distinguished tho prin cipal wife of the chief of Treasury Lsland. This method of orna menting the body with raised cicatrices, which I also observed in the case of the party of Takura natives above referred to, would appear to be a sign of manhood and womanhood, as it is not to be found amongst the younger of either sex. With regard to the mode of producing these marks, I could only ascertain that they .Avere made by placing the powdered dust of touchwood on the skin and then igniting it To produce such a permanent and indelible cica trix, I should think it probable that means were employed to con vert the burn into a festering sore. The light colour of these scars would appear to indicate that no pigraent is used in the process. I should reraark that this custom of raising the skin in cicatrices, es pecially on the shoulders, breasts, and thighs, is very prevalent among the Papuans of the south and south-west coasts of New Guinea.' Mr. Mosely describes the same method of ornamenting the body as he observed it amongst the men of the Admiralty Islands.^ It may be here noticed, that tho practice of circumcision is apparently not to be met with in these islands, except, as observed by Dr. Codrington, in the pure Polynesian settlements,* with which, however, I did not come into contact. I have previously described the raodes of wearing and of decorat ing the hair (pages 116, 134), and can only raake a few reraarks hero. In sorae islands, as at Ugi, the young boys have the entire scalp shaven with the exception of two tufts on the top of the head. Then ascain, at the other extrerae of life, it is often the custora for old woraen to assist the natural falling-off of the hair and reraove it altogether. As a sign of mourning, the hair may be trimmed, cut close, or shaved off. The Soloraon Islander often carries his corab stuck in his bushy hair. As shown in the figure in this work, the comb in common use throughout this group reserables very much in pattern and mode of workmanship that which is in use in parts of New Giunea, the Admiralty Islands, the Tonga Group, and other islands of the 1 " Papuans " by G. W. Earl ; (p. 5.) - Journ. Anthroi). Inst. vol. vi., p. 379. sihid.. voL x: v. 261. 138 COMBS. Western Pacifie. The combs of different islands may vary some what in details, but they belong all to this pattern, being usually made of a hard dark wood, the teeth consisting of separate pieces either bound tightly or glued together by a kind of resin. The handles and upper parts are often prettily decorated with the plaited " dyed gi-ass," so-called (vide, page 132). An excellent coloured illustration of an Admiralty Island corab is to be found in the official narrative of the cruise of the " Challenger." In the islands of Bou gainviUe Straits, the native often carries in his hair an instrument three prongs rudely fashioned out of bamboo, as shown in one of the figures. It is used as much for scratching the head as for combing the hair. Head-coverings are rarely to be found in this group, except in BougainviUe and Bouka. A native of Treasury showed me a singu lar conical hat which he had brought frora Bouka. It really was a double hat, one inside the other, the inner hat being made of the leaf of the " kiari," a species of Heliconia, and the outer of the fan- shaped leaf of the " firo," a palm of the genus Licuala. A band of the so-called plaited " dyed grass " encircles the base and keeps the hat on the head. A sirailariy shaped hat but smaller and shorter, and made of the leaf of the " kiari," was worn by sorae Bougainville natives frora the village of Takura, whora I met in Fauro Island. It was placed towards the back of the head ; and as it covered only a small portion of the crown, it was evidently more ornamen tal than useful. In addition, these natives wore a little bunch of feathers on each temjile. Their appearance in this grotesque head dress was rather ludicrous. It is a reraarkable circurastance that although the Solomon Islanders, as a rule, wear no protective covering for the head, the carved figures of their tarabu-posts are usually represented with very European-looking hats. These carved tarabu-posts have vari ous uses (vide, page 32). In a sirailar raanner in Bougainville Straits, the hat is to be noticed in the case of the little wooden figures which are fastened on the stems of canoes as protective deities Where these islanders first obtained their idea of a hat of this shape is a matter for speculation. It may have been originally suggested by the hats of the Spanish soldiers three centuries ago, who by"nieans of their musketry seldom failed to make a lasting impression of their visit during the six months spent by the expedition in the group. DECORATIVE PATTERNS. 139 Sunshades in the forra of a peak of plaited grass bound to the forehead and projecting over the eyes are occasionally worn by the natives of Bougainville Straits, whilst flshing in canoes, in order to protect their eyes frora the sun's glare on the water. In Ugi, these sunshades are soraetiraes worn on gala days. They did not, how ever, appear to be in constant use in any part of the group which we visited. The coranon decorative pattern employed by the natives of the islands that we visited was the chevron line. It is the pattern used in tattooing the face in the eastern islands ; and it is represented in alternating hues of red, white, and black, on the fronts of tambu- houses. It is rudely cut on the outer border of the sraall shell armlets of St. Christoval, and ornaments the cooking-pots and drinking-vessels of Bougainville Straits. (See Illustration!) In some of the shell arralets a continuous lozenge or diamond-shaped design is produced by the arrangement of the chevron lines as shown in the woodcut. The advance frora this design to the dis connected lozenge pattern is then but an easy gradation. These chevron lines, are often curiously transformed. The Z pattern of inlaid mother-of-pearl, which is shown in the illustration of the canoe-god, is apparently but a broken chevron line. On the heads of the Treasury spears fantastic patterns are cut out in which the chevron design is adapted to the human skeleton (See illustratioji). I raay here add that the baraboo boxes used for the betel lirae are ornaraented with rectilinear patterns (scratched on their surfaces) which reserable those used in ornaraenting the simUar lime boxes of New Guinea, Borneo, and Sumatra.^ The ornaraental dance-clubs of Bougainville Straits exactly reserable the clubs from New Ireland and possess those singular distorted representations of the human face which characterise New Ireland ornaraentation. Caution is required in studying the Inodes of ornaraentation of these islanders. The reraark made by the Rev. Mr. Lawes, in reference to the woraen of the Motu tribe in New Guinea,^ that they are glad to get new tattooing patterns from the printed calicoes, is equally applicable to sorae of the Solomon Island natives. On one occasion I was gravely informed by a native, as a fact likely to add to their interest, that some designs I was copying had this origin. The Solomon Island songs, although often monotonous to the 1 Exhibited in the British Museura Ethnological collection. a Journ. Authrop. Inst. vol. VIIL, p. 369. MO SONGS ' ' ¦ cultivated ear, appeared to mc to be in consonan.ce with the wild character of these islander.s Often when I have stopped to rest and enjoy a pipe in the raidst of my e.xcur.sions, it may have been beside a streara in the wood or on the edge of a tall cliff overlooking the sea, ray native corapanions have sat down and coramenced their monotonous chanting, which, discordant as it may have sometimes seemed to me, appeared to bc in unison witb my surroundingsy Now raised to a high key, now sinking to a. low, subdued drone, now hurried, now slow and measured, these rude not,es recalled to ray mind rather the sounds of the inanimate world around me, such as the siffhiuff of the wind ainong the trees or the shrill whistle of the gale, the noise of tbe surf on the reef or the rippUng of the waves on the beach, the rushing of a mountain torrent or the mur muring of a rivulet in its bed. My thoughts at such times recurred to those unpoUshed ages in the history of nations when the bard attuned his raelody to the voices of the waves, the strearas, and the wind, and found in the raist or in the cloud his expression for the shadowy unknown. At no time have the poeras of Ossian appeared to my raind to be invested with greater beauty than when I have been standing in solitude in sorae inland dell or on sorae lofty hill top in these regions. The song of the bard of Selraa, despite its ruggedness, on such occasions, appealed more powerfully to my imagination than raany more finished verses, and seemed more in keeping with scenes that owed to man nothing, remaining as they had been for ages. Nature's handiwork. Frequently whilst descending sorae steep hill-slope or whilst following the downward course of a ravine, my natives were wont to make the woods echo with their shouts and their wild songs. The natural impulse to make use of the vocal organs whilst descend ing a raountain is worth a moment's remark. Often I found my self involuntarily shouting with my savage corapanions, when their loud peals of laughter attracted my attention. Some years ago, when visiting the Si-shan Mountains which lie behind the city of Kiukiang on the south bank of the Yang-tse, I remeraber Ustening to the cries of the Chinese wood-cutters as they returned in the. evening down the narrow gorges that led to their homes. As their shouts died away in the higher parts of the raountain, the echo was caught by the wood-cutters below, and was answered back in such a manner that the raen further down the gorges took up the cry. The training of natives of these islands by the- Melanesian SONGS. 141 Mission at Norfolk Island has shown that the corapass of theii- voices and their ear for rausic are capable of rauch cultivation. When staying with Bishop Selwyn at Gaeta in the Florida Islands, I heard faraUiar hyran-tunes sang with as true an appreciation of harmony as would be found in the Sunday School of an English village, and sung by a congregation of natives of both sexes, who, with the exception of their teachers, had never left their island. During our lengthened sojoum in Bougainville Straits, we became very familiar with the popular tunes of the natives ; and- through the exerticns of Mr. Isabell, I have been able to reproduce in this work three of the commonest airs.^ The songs are usuall}' sung in chorus, and a droning accorapaniraent is often introduced by some of the men which is especially well given in the second tune. There appear to be four or five comraon airs. All are short and most of them have refrains which are repeated over and over again. The first tune is a cannibal song and is sung at the war dances. Its words, as I learned from Gorai, the Shortland chief, are the address of a man to his eneray, in whicii he inforras hira of his intention to kill and eat hira. The second tune, though not possessing words, is often sung or rather chanted by the men. When sung by a number of persons, its wild music is to an imagin ative mind very suggestive of the savage Ufe. I have heard it sung by about forty men whilst passing the night with thera in the village of Sinasoro in Faro Island. The tambu-house, in which we were, was dimly lighted, and the natives were squatting around a wood-fire chanting their wild song in chorus, and terrainating it in a fashion that sounded very abrupt to the white raan's ear. The third tune is a pretty air which the men of the " Lark " used to play with the concertina in waltz time. The words, accompanying it, have a music of their own. I learned frora the natives of Treasury Island that this tune was brought from Meoko (Duke of York Islands) not long since. The Pandean pipe is the rausical instrument in coraraon use araongst the natives of the Islands of Bougainville Straits. I did not notice it in St Christoval and the adjacent islands at the otber end of the group, where it is either not known or but rarely used. The distribution of this instrument in the Pacific is interesting. It is figured by D'Albertis in his work on New Guinea, and there are specimens in the British Museum Collection from Brumer 's Island 1 Mr. Isabell was indebted for assistance to Mr. Tremaine of jVuckland, N.Z. 142 PANDEAN PIPES. off this coast, as well as from the Admiralty Islands, the New Hebrides, the Tonga Group, and New Zealand. The instruments from all these localities are distinguished from the Solomon Island pan-pipe by the reeds being arranged in a single row and being of a much sraaller size. They are also more neatly madeJ Those used by the Treasury and Shortland natives are coraposed of a double row of from 6 to 8 reeds, the second row being merely added to give support to the instruraent. The longest reed is usually a foot in length and three quarters of an inch in bore ; whilst the shortest reed is about 5 inches long and rather less than half an inch in bore. Sorae natives prefer instruraents having twice this length. The Pandean pipes, played at the public dances of Aiu, are of very large size, the length of the longest reed of one which I measured being between 3J and 4 feet. At such perform ances, the air is given by the smaller pipes ; whilst the bass notes of the larger pipes form a droning but harmonious accompaniment The music of these instruraents, being in the usual contracted compass, is of a soraewhat raonotonous character. Those of Treasury Island are said to be only adapted for playing one tune, which is the second air given on the page. I learn frora Mr. Isabell, who was interested in this raatter, that the natives vary the nuraber of reeds in the instruraent according to the air it is intended to play. The musician accompanies his melody with a nodding of the head and a swaying of the body on the hips, movements which are anything but expressive and are in fact rather ludicrous. Jew's harps of foreign manufacture are much in deraand amongst persons of both sexes and all ages throughout the Solomon Group. In the eastem islands they fashion thera of baraboo, as in the New Hebrides and New Guinea;^ but I did not observe any native- made instruraents araongst the people of Bougainville Straits?) The women of Treasury Island produce a similar though softer kind of music by playing,, somewhat after the fashion of a Jew's harp, on a lightly made fine-stringed bow about 15 inches long. This is held to the lips and the string is gently struck with the fingers, the cavity of the mouth serving as a resonator. . . . That school-boy's delight, the " paper-and-comb instruraent," finds its counterpart in these islands. On one occasion, when I was enjoying a pipe and watching the surf on the south coast of StirUno- Island, 1 Mr. Mosely in his " Notes by a NaturaUst " gives an illustratiou of a Jew's harp from the New Hebrides. DANCES. 143 a young lad, who accompanied me, amused himself with, sorae rude music by holding in front of his lips, as he hummed a native air, a thick leaf in which he had made a hole about half an inch wide, leaving the thin transparent epidermis intact on one side ; the vib ration of this thin merabrane gave a peculiar twang to his voice. The drura in common use in the different islands we visited was made of a portion of the trunk of a tree, 8 to 10 feet long, hollowed out in its interior and possessing a slit in the middle. It is placed lengthways on the ground, and is struck by two short sticks. Sirailar druras are eraployed by the inhabitants of the New Hebrides^ and the Adrairalty Islands.^ This pattern may therefore be described as the Melanesian drum. A kind of sounding-board, placed in a pit in the ground and struck by the feet of the dancers, is described in my account of the dances of these islanders (vide page 144). As conches, the two large shells, Triton and Cassis are commonly used. For this purpose, a hole is pierced for the lips on the side of the spire. Dancing is perforraed on very different occasions in these islands. Besides the war, funeral, and festal dances, there are others which partake of a lascivious character both in the words of the accom- jianying chant and in the movements of the hands and body. Whilst visiting the small island of Santa Catalina, I saw one of these dances performed by young girls from 10 to 14 years of age. An explanation of their reluctance to commence, which at first from my ignorance of what was to follow I was at a loss to understand, soon offered itself in the character of the dance, and evidently arose from a natural sense of modesty that appeared strange when associated with their subsequent performance. There are, however, other (lances, purely sportive in their nature. Of such a kind were sorae which were performed for my benefit at the village of Gaeta in the Florida Islands. About twenty lads, having formed a ring around a group of their companions squatting in the centre, began to walk slowly round, tapping the ground with their left feet at every other step, and keeping time with a dismal drone chanted by the central group of boys. Every now and then the boys of the ring bent for ward on one knee towards those in the raiddle, while at the same 1 " A year in the New Hebrides " by F. A Campbell, p. 108. The druras are placed erect in the earth. -^ Mosely's "Notes by a Naturalist on the ' Challenger,' " p. 471. 144 DANCES. time they clapped their hands and made a pecuUar noise between a hiss and a sneeze : the chant then became more enlivening and the dancing more spirited. On the following day the women of the vUlage took part in a dance which was very similar to that of the boys, except that there was no central group, and that they wore bunches of large beans around the left ankle which made a rattling noise when they tapped the ground at every other step with tbe left foot Bishop Selwyn, to whom I was indebted for the oppor tunity of witnessing these dances in the viUage of Gaeta, informed rae that in the Florida Islands, dancing is often more or less of a profession, troupes of dancers raaking lengthened tours through the different islands of this sub-group. During a great feast that was held in the island of Treasury, the following dance was performed. Between thirty and forty women and girls stood in a ring around a semi-circular pit, 5 feet across, which was sunk about 4 feet in the ground. A board, which was flxed in the pit about half way down, covered it in with the exception of a notch at its border. On this board stood two women, and as they danced they stamped with their feet, producing a dull hollow sound, to which the woraen of the circle timed their dancing, which consisted in bending their bodies slightly forward, gently swaying frora side to side, and raising their feet alternately. All the while, the dancers sang in a spirited style different native airs. Now and then, a pair of women would dance slowly round outside the circle, holding before thera their folded pandanus mats which all the performers carried.^ I was present at a dance given on one occasion at Aiu, prepara tory to a great feast which was about to be held. Soon after sunset the natives began to asserable on the beach, and when Gorai, the ' The employment of a hole in the ground as a resonator does not appear to be coramon. Mr. Mosely in his " Notes by a Naturalist," p. 309, refers to a somewhat similar use of holes in the ground by the Fijians who plaoe a log-drum of light wood over three holes and strike it with a wooden mallet. DANCES. 145 chief, arrived on the scene, between thirty and forty men arranged themselves in a circle, each carrying his pan-pipe. They began by playing an air in slow time, accompanying the rausic by a slight swaying motion of the body, and by alternately raising each foot. Then the notes becarae more lively and the raovements of the dancers more brisk. The larger pipes took the part of the bass in a rude but harmonious syraphony, whUst the raonotonous air was repeated without rauch vai-iation in the higher key of the smaller instruments. At times one of the younger men stopped in the centre of the ring, tomahawk in hand, and whilst he assumed a half -stooping posture, with his face looking upwards, the rausicians dwelt on the same note which became gradually quicker and louder. whilst the_dancing became more brisk, until, when the tip-toe of expectation was apparently reached, and one was beginning to feel that something ought to happen, the man in the centre who had been hitherto motionless, swung back a leg, stuck his tomahawk ua the ground, and one's feelings m ere relieved by the dull monotone suddenly breaking off into a Uvely native air. . . On another occa- .sion, I was present at a funeral or mourning dance, which was held in connection with the death of the principal wife of the Aiu chief. It will be found described on page 48. I will conclude this chapter by alluding to a favourite game of the Treasury boys which rerainded me somewhat of our English 2-ame of peg-tops. An oval pebble about two inches long is placed on a leaf on the ground. Each boy then takes a similar pebble, around which a piece of twine is wound ; and standing abont eight feet away, he endeavours in the foUo-wing manner to throw it so as to fall on the pebble on the ground. The end of the twine is hcM between his fingers ; and as the twine uncoils, he jerks it backward.- and brings his pebble with considerable force on to]3 of the other. CHAPTER VIIL CANOES — FISHING — HUNTING. IN the eastern islands of the Soloraon Group there is a considerable uniformity in the construction of the canoe. " Dug-out " canoes are rarely to be seen, except in tbe sheltered waters of some such harbour as that of Makira, when they are provided with outriggers. In the case of the built canoes, outriggers are not employed, and, in truth, the general absence of outriggers is characteristic of this group. The small-sized canoe, which is in coramon use araongst the natives of St Christoval and the adjacent islands, raeasures fifteen or sixteen feet in length and carries three raen. The side is built of two planks ; whilst two narrower planks form the rounded bottom. Both stera and stem are prolonged upwards into beaks which are rudely carved ; whilst the gunwale towards either end is ornamented with representations both of fishes, such as sharks and bonitos, and of sea-birds. The planks are sewn together, and the seams are covered over with a resinous substance that is obtained from the fruit of the Parinarium laurinum which is a coraraon tree tbroughout the group. This resinous raaterial takes some weeks to dry, when it becomes dark and hard. Of the larger canoes, which are similarly constructed, I will take a.s the type the war-canoe. Its length is usually from 35 to 40 feet : its sides are of three planks ; and the keel is flat, the stem and stern being continued upwards in the form of beaks. Native decorative talent is brought into play in the decoration of the war-canoe. Its .sides are inlaid with pieces, usuallj'^ triangular in forra, of the pearl- shell of commerce (Meleagrina margaritifera) ; and the small and large opercula belonging to shells of the Turhirtidai with flat spiral discs produced by grinding' down orriinary Cone- shells (Conidce) are similarly eraployed. Along the stera an the Parinarium laurinum of the botanist.^ The natives of Bougainville Straits do not decorate their -canoes to any great extent ; and in this they differ from those of St Christoval, who, as I have remarked, ornament the prows and gun- 1 " Life of Bishop Patteson," p. 126 (S.P.C.K. pub.). 2 The resin of this fruit is used for the same purpose in Isabel and probably throughout the group. It is similarly used in the Admiralty Islands. Narrative of the "Challenger," page 719. J- CANOES. 149 wales with carvings of fish and sea-birds, and inlay the sides with jiearl-shell. The steras and sterns of the large canoes of Faro and of Choiseul Bay are continued up in the form of high beaks, which rise 12 to 15 feet above the water. I was at first at a loss to find the explanation of these high beaks, which give the canoes of Bougainville Straits such a singular appearance. In the narratives of the voyages of Bougainville and Surville who observed those high-beaked canoes, the former at Choiseul Bay in 1768,^ and lhe latter at Port Praslin, in Isabel, in 1769,^ we find the explanation required, which is, that these high prows, when the canoe is turned end on to the enemy, afford shelter against arrows and other missiles. For sea-passages, greater stability is soraetiraes given to the large canoes ofthe Straits, by teraporarily fitting thera with an outrigger on each side, in the forra of a bundle of stout baraboos lashed to the projecting ends of three baraboo poles placed across the gunwales of the canoe. The large canoes, in crossing from one island to the other in the Straits, emploj^ often a couple of sraall lug-sails which are made from calico or light canvas obtained from the traders. I never saw any sails of native material : but it was worthy of remark that in 1792, when Dontrecasteaux approached close to the west coast of the Shortland Islands, he noticed " large canoes under sail," which, to quote directly from the narrative, " annonqoient une na-vigation active dans cet archipel d'iles extreniement petites."" Why the natives of these Straits no longer employ sails of their own raanufacture, it is difficult to say. The very recent introduction of trade calico cannot have caused thera to be set aside for those of the new material, since when a native wants to have a sail, and has no calico, he has no recourse to sails of his own manufacture. Rather, it would appear, that the canoes under sail, which navigated these Straits a century ago, belonged to a people more enterprising than the present inhabitants of these islands. To the stera of the canoe, just above the water-line, is sometimes attached a small misshapen wooden figure, which is the little tutelar deity that sees the hidden rock, and gives warning of an approaching foe. One ofthese figures is shown inthe accompan)dng illustration. ^ " Voyage autour du Moude : " 2nd edit, augment. Paris, 1772; Vol. II., p. 187. In this work there is an engraving of one of these canoes. -"Discoveries of the French to the South-East of New Guinea," by M. F eurieu. London, 1791 (p. 139). ' ' " Voyage de Dontrecasteaux," redigo par. M. de Bossel, Paris, 1808 : tom, 1, p. 117. 150 CANOES. They are sirailariy employed by the natives of the adjacent island of Sirabo, and of other islands in this part of the group. Often they are double-headed, so that the little deity raay keep a watchful look out astern as well as ahead ; and then they are placed on the tops of the high beaks of the Faro canoes. Probably the Chinese custom of painting eyes on the sides of the bows of the junks, and the similar practice of the Maltese, in the case of their boats, may date back to the little gods of wood that were attached to the bows and stems of the canoes of their barbarous predecessors. The origin of the figure heads of our ships raay perhaps be traced back to tiraes of savagery when a similar superstitious practice prevailed. " Dug-out" canoes are only to be found in the sheltered waters of Treasury Harbour. They are from 16 to 18 feet long, are provided with an outrigger, and are so narrow that the occupant sits on a board placed on the gunwales with only his feet and legs inside the canoe. In the quiet waters of the anchorage at Simbo, the natives make use of a raft of poles lashed together somewhat after the manner of a catamaran, such as I have seen on the coast of Formosa. A few remarks on the mode of paddling, and on the paddles eraployed, raay be here fitting. The long tapering blade,^ which is in common use in the eastward islands, gives place in BougainviUe Straits to the oval and sub-circular blades. All the paddles which I saw had cross-handles. Those used by the woraen of the Straits are unusually light, raore finished, and are sometiraes decorated with patterns in red and black. According to the length of the journey, one or other of two styles of progression is adopted. In short distances, they often proceed by a succession of spurts with a stroke of 60 and raore to the rainute, each spurt lasting a few minutes, and being followed by a short interval of rest In longer distances they employ a slo-wer stroke of from 40 to 50 to the minute, which is varied by occasional spurts. On one occasion when taking a journey of 12 miles in a war canoe, I was much struck with the different kinds of strokes by which my crew of eighteen men varied their exertions. They usuaUy paddled along easily at about 50 strokes to the minute : but every ten or fifteen minutes they began a series of spurts, each spurt beginning with a short sharp stroke of about 60 to the minute, and passing into a slow strong stroke of about 28 to the minute. After a succession of these spurts, which occupied. altogether about five minutes, they settled down again into their ^ See illustration. CANOES. 151 previous easy stroke of 50 to the minute. Frequent stoppages occur during the course of a long journey, either for enjoying a chew of the betel-nut or for smoking a pipe ; and the average speed, from this reason, would not exceed three miles an hour, whilst a day's run, between daylight and dusk, in fine weather would be from 25 to 30 railes. When a corpse is- being transported in a canoe to its last resting- place in the sea by the natives of the Shortlands, they adopt a funeral stroke, pausing between each stroke of the paddle, and by a slight back-water raoveraent partly arresting the progress of the canoe. I remeraber on one occasion, whilst watching a large canoe starting from Ugi to the opposite coast of St. Christoval, remarking their singular style of paddling. At every other stroke each man raised his arm and paddle much higher in the air, and gave a. vigorous dig into the water, a very effective style as regards speed, and one likely to irapress a tiraid eneray with fear. . . . Before leaving this subject, I should refer to the paddling-posture of these natives. All of them in the different islands we visited squat down with their legs crossed, facing the bow. The New Guinea practice of standing up to paddle a canoe did not come under my observation except in the case of outrigger canoes, and in such canoes it was not the rule. I should infer that the posture of sitting or standing to paddle a canoe varies in accordance with the use of or non-eraploy- raent of an outrigger. If, as in the case of the Solomon Island canoes, outriggers are rarely used, then the sitting posture will be found to be the one adopted, since the unaided stability of the canoe does not perrait of the standing posture. If, on the other hand, out riggers are usually employed, it follows that, as in certain parts of New Guinea, the raore effective posture of standing is preferred. As fish form a staple diet'of a large proportion of these islanders, much ingenuity is shown in the methods devised for catching them. In the eastern part of the archipelago, kite-fishing is commonly em ployed. A kite ^ is flown in the air from the end of a canoe, and to it a fishing-line is attached in place of the usual tail. Whilst the man in the canoe paddles slowly ahead, the movement of the kite whisks the bait about on the surface of the water ; and when the fish bites, the kite goes down. Instead of a hook and bait, the natives usually employ for this mode of fishing some stout spider- ^ Some of these kites, which I saw, had a form rudely representing a bird with expanded -wings. Others had a squarish form and were made of palm leaf. 152 FISHING. web, which gets entangled around the teeth and snout of the fi.«h, and can be used several tiraes. The explanation of this plan of catching fish is probably as follows. The kite swaying in the air offers some resemblance to an aquatic bird hovering over the water where a shoal of sraall fish occurs. It thus attracts the larger fish> who are said to follow the raovements of these birds, and are thus guided in the pursuit of the smaller fry. It is with this object that the natives of the Society Group tie bunches of feathers to the ex treraities of the long-curved poles which, projecting frora the fore part of the canoe, support the lines.^ As bearing on this subject, I may remark that it is not uncommon in these seas to observe por poises, large fish, and sea-birds joining together in the pursuit of small fry. On one occasion, when in my Rob Roy canoe, I got into the thick of the fray. A large nuraber of sea-birds were hoverinc over the water, which was alive with fish, about a foot in leno-th, which, in pursuit of sraall fry, were themselves pursued by a shoal of porpoises, and were pecked at by the birds as, in their endeavour to escape, they leapt out of the water. It was a lively spectacle. The fish jumped out of the water aU around rae, whilst the birds hovering within reach of raj- paddle swooped down on them ; and the huge porpoises, joining lazily in the sport, rose quietly to the .surface within a few feet of the canoe, showed their dorsal fin.s, and dived again in pursuit of their prey. I stupidly fired three shots with my revolver into the hovering flock of birds ; but it was not until after the third report that they temporarily suspended the chase. . . . Another comraon method of fishing in the eastern islands, which resembles in its idea that of the kite-fishing, consists in the use of a float of wood about three. feet in length and rather bigger than a walking-stick. It is weighted by a stone at one end, so that it floats upright in the water, a fishing-line with tbe spider-web bait being attached to its lower end. The upper end of the float, which is out of the water, is rudely cut in imitation of a wad ing- bird ; and here we have the same idea exhibited which I have described above in the case of kite-fishing, the figure of the bird being supposed to attract the larger fish. There is, however, this difference. A glance at one of these floats, one of which is figured else w here, wiU convince anyone that a fish is not likely to be deceived by such a sorry repre sentation of a bird. Doubtless we have here an instauce of the sur vival of a more effective method of fishing, in which tho idea has 1 E lis's "Polynesian Researches," Vol. I., p. 149-50. 1 EISH I. NO. 153 been retained, but the utiUty has been lost. This plan is in fact nothing more than the eraployment of a float, which is thrown into the water by the fisherman, who follows it up in his canoe a.nd looks out for its bob. In the eastern islands the fishing spear is frequently eraployed. With this weapon in his hand, the native wades in the shallow water on the flats of the reefs, and hurls it at any passing fish. The night time is often chosen for this mode of fishing. A party of natives provided with torches, spread themselves along the edge of the reof and stand ready to throw their spears as the fish dart by them. During the day, when the reef-flats at low-tide are covered only by a small depth of water, the fishermen advance in a semicircle until a flsh is observed, when the two wings close in, and the fish is sur- lounded. The kind of flsh-spear which they use much reserables that which Mr. Ellis describes in his account of the Society Islands. As shown in the engraving (p. 155), the head of the fish-spear is com posed of five fore-shafts of hard wood, notched at their sides, and ar ranged around a similar fore-shaft These are bound together, and the whole is fitted into the end of a stout bamboo, giving the weapon a total length of about seven feet .... The fish-spear does not appear to be so commonly used - by the natives of Bougainville Straits. There, its place is often taken by the bow and arrow, which are weapons that are not in use amongst the natives of St. Christoval and the adjacent islands at the eastern end of the group. I should here remark that, when fishing on the reefs, natives are sometimes struck by the gar-fish with such force that they die from the wound. The possibility of this occurrence has recently been doubted. But that such is the case, we incidentally learned from the natives of the Shortlands. The people of Wano, on the north coast of St. Christoval, believe that the ghosts which haunt the sea, cause the flying-fish and the gar-fish to dart out of the water and to strike men in the canoes ; and they hold that any man thus struck will die.^ This superstitious belief could only have arisen frora the circumstance of natives having met their death in this manner ; and it is probable that in this respect the larger flying- fish would be quite as much to be feared as the gar-fish. Mr. 1 " Polynesian Eesearches,'' vol. I,, j). 143. ' "Eeligious Beliefs and Practices in Melanesia," by the Rev. E. H, Codrington, M.A. Journal of Anthropological Institute, vol. X, 154 FISHING. Moseley, in his "Notes by a Naturali.st," p. 480, refers to such an event as not of uncommon occurrence in some of the Pacific Islands.^ The material, from which the natives of Bougainville Straits manufacture the twine for their fishing-nets and lines, is usually suppUed by the deUcate fibres lining the bark of the young branches of a stout climber, which is known to the natives as the " awi-sulu." This climber, which is probably a species of Lyonsia, has a main stem of the size of a man's leg, which embraces a tree, whilst it sends its offishoots for a distance of some 40 or 50 feet along the ground. It is the delicate fibres lining the inside of the skin of the young procumbent branches that the native selects for his purpose. By scraping the thin bark or skin with the edge of a pearl-shell, the fibres are first cleared of other material : they are then dried in the sun ; and when dry, they are arranged in small strands, threeof which are twisted together into a fine line by rolling them with the palra of the hand on the thigh. The natives soraetiraes obtain the raaterial for their nets and lines frora the coramon littoral tree, the Hibiscus tiliaceus, which they name " dakatako." In making their nets, our coramon netting-stitch i^ employed, the needle being of plain wood, 18 inches long, and forked at each end ; whilst the mesh eraployed is a piece of tortoise-shell, having for a width of an inch a length of 2^ inches. The method of netting farailiar to ourselves appears to be generally employed amonest the native races of this portion of the globe. We learn from the Rev. George Turner that in Samoa the same stitch and the sarae form of needle are eraployed which are in use in Europe.^ The natives of Port Moresby, in New Guinea, net " so precisely in our mode that the seamen of H.M.S. " Basilisk " took up their shuttles and went on with their work." * 'The needle employed at Rcdscar Bay, on the coast of the same island, is more like our own, the mesh being oi tortoise-shell, two to three inches long.* When Captain Bowen, of the ship " Albemarle," was visited in 1791 by some natives of the Soloraon Islands who carae off to him in their canoes, he thought he had found in the apparently European workmanship of their nets a 1 Vide&\so " Nature," index ot vol. XXVIII., for sorae further correspondence on this subject. 2 " Nineteen Years in Polynesia " (London, 1861), p. 272. 8 Moresby's " New Guinea " (1876), p. 156. * These specimens are in the British Museum Ethnological collection. FISHING. 155 clue to the fate of La Perouse, a very pardonable error which receives its explanation from the above facts.^ Fishing on the reef-flats with large hand-nets is a comraon occu pation of the raen in the islands of BougainviUe Straits. Sorae five or six men form a party, each raan carrying a pair of long hand- nets in which the netting is stretched on a long bamboo some 20 feet in length and bent like a bow, as shown in the accorapanying figure. The fishing party wade about on the flat near the edge of the reef, each raan being about 20 paces apart, and dragging behind him a pair of these clumsy-looking nets, one in each hand. When a fish is perceived they close round ; and every raan spreads out his nets, one on each side like a pair of wings, thus covering an extent of sorae 40 feet. By skilfuUy dropping his nets, when it raakes a rush in his direction, the native secures the flsh, which, dashing bead first against one of the nets, gets its snout caught in the raeshes ; and a couple of blows on the head complete the capture. I bave seen flsh of the size of an ordinary bass caught in this manner. Smaller nets, 4 to 6 feet in length, with a flner mesh, are used for catching fish of less size. The large hand-net is known as the " sorau," and the small hand-net as the " saiaili." Such is one of the coraraonest raethods of fishing in the Straits. For this purpose, fishing parties often visit the uninhabited sraall islands and coral islets that lie off the coasts. There they erect teraporary sheds and ] eraain for one or two weeks. In the nuraerous uninhabited islets and small islands which I visited, I frequently carae on the tem- ]iorary habitations erected by fishing parties ; whilst propped up against the trees were the long bamboo poles on which the nets are stretched. The natives of St. Christoval and the adjacent islands eraploy a similar method in fishing on the reef -flats. Fishing parties often spend a -week or two on the small islands and reefs which lie 1 Dillon's " Discovery of the Fate of La Perouse " (1829), vol I., p. Ixix. 136 FISHING. off the St Christoval coast ; thus the men of Wano visit for this purpose the islet of Maoraha, about 12 miles down the eoast; whilst those of Sulagina cross over to the Three Sisters, which are about the same distance away. Dip-nets, such as I have seen in common use on the banks of the Chinese rivers, are bere employed, though on a smaller scale, for catching sraall fish. They are usually 7 or 8 feet across, and are stretched on two cro.ssed baraboos. (Seine-nets, rauch prized by the natives on account of the labour expended in making them, and buoyed up with floats of the square fruits of the Barringtonia speciosa, are commonly eraployed. There are other raodes of net- fishing, ofwhich I am ignorant, some of which probably came under the notice of the officers of the survey : and I hope that in reading these reraarks they raay be induced to supplement them with addi tional information. The fish-hooks eraployed vai-y in form and workmanship in different parts of the group. In the sheltered harbour of Makira, the natives whiff in small outrigger-canoes for a small fish of the size of a smelt, using very fine lines and small delicately made hooks of mother-of-pearl. During our stay at the island of Simbo or Eddystone, one of the principal articles of exchange between the natives and ourselves was a somewhat clumsy kind of fish-hook used for catching large fish. The shank is of pearl-shell cut in the shape of the body of a .small fish, 2 to 2| inches long, and rather less than half an inch wide. The hook itself, which is destitute of barbs and is made of tortoise-shell, is bound by strong twine to the tail- end of the shank. Considerable labour raust be expended in making one of these hooks : but so eager were the natives for tobacco, that we were able to obtain thera for sraall pieces of this article whicii could not have been worth raore than half a farthing. It is worthy of note that in the island of Treasury, about 80 raUes to the north west, these hooks are not raade by the natives, who were anxious to obtain frora us those which we had brought from Sirabo. Very similar, though larger, hooks are used by the natives of other Pacific groups; amongst them I may refer to those employed by the Society Islanders' for catching dolphins, albicores, and bonitas. These hooks, wherever they are used, as I need scarcely add, answer the purpose of both hook and bait. The fish-hooks of European manufacture, which are one of the articles used in trading with the ^ Ellis's " Polynesian Researches," vol. I. p. 146. FISHING. 157 natives, are in demand in many islands, though not in all. In some islands, in fact, the native fish-hook is preferred. The various ingenious methods of ensnaring and decoying fish, which are employed by the natives of this archipelago, would alone afford, to a true enthusiast in tlie sport of fishing, materials for a small volurae. A plan which I saw eraployed at Ugi consisted in tying a living fish to the end of a bamboo float and using it as a decoy for other :^sh. The fisherraan repairs to the reef when it is covered by a depth of between 2 and 3 feet of water. Placing the fish and bamboo float in the water-, he foUows them up either in his canoe or on foot The fish swims along, drawing the bamboo float after it : it soons decoys some other fish frora its retreat, when the fisherman watches his opportunity and catches his flsh, in a hand- net which he carries with him. A singular mode of fishing, whicb Mr. Stephens of Ugi described to me as being sometimes employed in that part of the group, may be here alluded to. A rock, where fish resoit, which lies 3 or 4 feet below the surface, is first selected. On the surface of the water is placed a ring of some supple stem so as to include within its circum ference the rock beneath. No fish on the rock will pass under this ring, which is gradually contracted in size until the fish become crowded together, when thoy are scooped up with a hand-net The following ingenious snare was employed on one occasion by my natives in Treasury, when I was anxious to obtain for Dr. Gunther sorae small fish that frequented one of the streams on the north side of the island. I was very desirous to have sorae of these fish, and ray natives were equally anxious to display their ingenuity in catching them. They first bent a pliant switch into an oval hoop, about a foot in length, over which they spread a covering of a stout spider-web which was found in the wood hard by. Having placed this hoop on the surface of the water, buoying it up on two light sticks, they shook over it a portion of a nest of ants, which forraed a large kind of tumour on the trunk of a neighbouring tree, thus covering the web with a number of the struggling young insects. This snare was then aUowed to float down the streara, when the little fish, which were between 2 and 3 inches long, commenced jumping up at the white bodies of the ants from underneath the hoop, apparently not seeing the intervening web on which they lay, as it appeared nearly transparent in the water. In a short time one of the sraall fish succeeded in getting its snout and gills en- 158 FISHING. tangled in the web, when a native at once waded in, and placing his hand under the entangled fish secured the prize. With two of these web-hoops we caught nine or ten of these little fish in a quarter of an hour. As in other Pacific groups, the natives sometimes catch fish by throwing small bits of some poisonous fruit on the water, when in a short time the fi.sh rise dead to the surface. The crushed kernels of the fruits of the coraraon littoral Barringtonia (B. speciosa) are thus employed by the natives. I tried them on one occasion in a fresh water lake in Stirling Island, which abounded with fish, but after the lapse of two or three hours, no dead fish appeared at the surface. The use of dynamite for destroying fish, by white men in the group, has led to its occasional employraent for a sirailar purpose by the natives, whenever white men have been thoughtless enough to give them this substance. In August, 1882, I visited a village in the Bauro district on the north coast of St Christoval, which had lost its chief, a few days before, frora an injury to the hand, resulting from an accidental explosion of dynamite whilst fishing. Such occurrences must not be uncomraon in these and other islands. In the previous April, we raet with a native teacher at Mboli Harbour who had lost one of his hands from a sirailar cause.^ At the end of May, 1884, I reraoved the left hand of Captain Sraith, the master of the labour-schooner " Lavina,'' who had received a very serious injury of the hand whilst fishing with dynamite on the coast of Malaita. Some of the fresh- water fish which I sent to Dr. Gunther were obtained in this way through the kindness of Mr. Curzon- Howe, the Government agent of the '' Lavina ; " and as I witnessed the operation, I am in a position to pronounce on the hazardous nature of the mode in which the dynamite was employed With reference to the natives, there are two very obvious reasons why this explosive substance should not be perraitted to get into their hands, even if we disregard the hazard that would attend its use. In the first place, they raight eraploy it against white men and against their fellows; and in the next place, its eraployment for obtaining fish would tend to encourage the already too indolent habits of these islanders. I pass on now to the subject of pig-hunting in these islands. 1 Since writing the above, I have learned from my friend, Dr. Luther, late of H.M.S Dart," that he Iiad to amputate on two occasions in the cases of natives who had sustained severe injuries of the hand whilst fishing with dynamite. PIG-HUNTING. 159 Wild pigs occurred in raost, if not all, of the islands whicii we visited. I was frequently warned \>y the natives, when undertaking a solitary excursion, to look out for the boars, who attain a ferocity which, on aecount of their powerful curved tusks, it would be dangerous to provoke unarraed. On more than one occasion when alone, I came unexpectedly in the bush on one of these boars, who are in appearance by no raeans despicable antagonists. When they stand their ground, it is necessary to be prepared for their onset ; but as a rule they only indicate their presence bj'- the noise which thej' raake when scarapering away. In the islands of Bougainville Straits, where there are numerous plantations of sago palms, the wild pigs are very fond of the fruit of this palra before the alburaen of the seed attains its stony hardness. They often select as their retreats the hollow trunks of the palms which have been felled and emptied of the sago. Their habit of frequenting the plantations of sago palms, and of feasting on the reraains of the pahns that have been lately cut down and the pith reraoved, was observed by Captain Thomas Forrest in the island of Gilolo, in the Indian Archipelago. '^ On the approach of any .special occasion of feasting, ]iig-hunting be coraes a necessary sport with the natives ; but in addition, they frequently take to it for the sake of replenishing their larders. With his spear and a couple of dogs, a man is usually successful in getting his pig. The dogs bring the animal to bay, when he is speared by the hunter, who, if alone, at once sets to work to quarter and roast his quarry, and thus considerably lightens the weight he has to carry back. During my excursions, my natives used to frequently leave me when their dogs had roused a pig in the bush ; and on one occasion, when, rauch to ray indignation, they had been absent for an hour, they carae back triuraphantly with two large boars. Captain Forrest, in his account of his voyage to New Guinea, gives an illustration of " Papua men in their canoes hunting wild hogs " ^ off the island of Morty, near the large island of Gilolo. These men are represented with the spear, bow, and arrovsr, and a dog. Such a method of hunting pigs never came under my notice in the Solomon Islands and must necessarily be rarely employed. Wild dogs are numerous in the bush in the interior of Aiu. They never attack the natives or the pigs and, as they alwaj^s slink away when alarmed, they are not often seen. They subsist ou the 1 "A Voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas." London, 1779 (p. 39). - Foid. , I'late XI. of book of plates. 160 OPOSSUM HUNTING. opossums (Cuscus), waiting to catch them at the foot of the trunks of the trees as they descend to the ground at nightfall. When I was away on an excursion with Gorai the Aiu chief, the native dogs that were with us ran down a wild dog and worried it to death. I came in at the death, and was not very much pleased with the spectacle which afforded much amusement to Gorai and his men. The unfortunate dog was apparently of the native breed. How these animals have come to prefer this mode of life I could not learn. My native companions during my excursions rarely returned to their homes without bringing back an opossum (Cuscus). Usually this animal was caught without much trouble, as it slumbers during the day and may be then surprised amongst the foUage of the tree where it finds its home. Soraetiraes, however, when the keen eyes of ray natives discovered an opossum amongst the leafy branches overhead, we were enlivened by an exciting hunt. On such occa sions, one raan climbs the tree in which the animal is esconced whilst three or four other men climb the trees immediately around. By dint of .shouting and shaking the branches, the opossum is started from its retreat, and then the sport comraences. This clumsy looking creature displays great agility in springing from branch to branch, and even frora tree to tree. Suspended by its prehensile tail to the branch above, the Cuscus first tests the firmness of the branch next below, before it finally intrusts its weight to its support. It runs up and down the stouter limbs of the tree like a squirrel ; but its activity and cunning are most displayed in passing from the branches of one tree to those of another. At length, scai-ed by the shaking of the branches, and by the cries of the natives who have clambered out on the limbs as far as they can get with safety, the opossura runs out towards the extreraity of the lirab, proceeding cautiously to the very terminal branchlets, until the weight of its body bends down the slender extremities of the branch, and it hangs suspended by its tail in mid-air about ten feet below. The gentle swaying of the branches in the wind, aided probably by its own movements, swings the opossum to and fro, until it approaches within grasp of the foliage of the adjoining tree. Then the clever creature, having first ascertained the strength of its new support, uncoils its tail. Up goes the branch with a swish when relieved of its weight ; and in a similar manner the opossum swings by its tail from the slender branches of the tree to which it has now trans- THE CUSCUS. 161 ferred its weight. Finally the opossura reaches the ground, where its awkward movements render it an easy capture. It is then tied to a stick and carried home alive on the shoulder of a native. The Cuscus is a common article of food with these islanders ; and in some islands, as in Sirabo or Eddystone, it is kept as a pet by the natives. Out of seven opossuras that were kept as pets on board the " Lark," all died within a few weeks, being apparently unable to withstand capti-vity. Most of them, however, were j-oung. The cause of the death of one of them was rather singular. Iramediately after its death the skin of the animal was literally covered with small ticks about the size of a pin's head and distended with blood, whilst the body presented the blanched appearance of an aniraal bled to death. It had beenaiUng for a day or two before and was incessantly drinking all liquids it could get, even its own urine : but the ticks had not been sufficiently nuraerous to be observed ; and in fact they appeared to have covered the animal in the course of a single night. As I was informed by the natives of Simbo, these aniraals subsist on the shoots and young leaves of the trees : on board the " Lark " they cared for httle else than bananas. They raake a curious clicking- noise when eating, and often hold the substance in their fore-paws. When taken out in the day-tirae from their boxes they were half asleep, and at once tried to get out of the bright Ught into the shade. In the night-time they were very restless in their prisons, raaking continual efforts to escape be tween the bars, and as soon as they were let out they moved about with much activity. The older animals are sometimes rather flerce. One of them which belonged to the men used to spend a consider able portion of its time up aloft ; and, when in want of food, it would descend the rigging and go down to the lower deck. Their naked tails have a cold clamm}- feeling ; and with them they were in the habit of swinging themselves from any object When the Cuscus was about to be taken up by its master, it moored itself to the nearest object by means of its tail. It alwa.ys descended a rope head first, but kept its tail twined round the rope during its descent so as to be able to withdraw itself at once if necessary, the taU supporting the greater portion of its weight. Although the natives, who accompanied me in my various ex cursions, usually displayed then- skiU in following a straight course through a pathless wood where they could only see a few yards on either side of them, yet on raore than one occasion they were, to use 162 PATH-FINDING. a nautical phrase, completely out in their reckoning, and I had to bring my corapass into use and becorae the guide rayself in order to avoid passing the night in the bush. When in the interior of the north-west part of Aiu accorapanied by Gorai, the chief, and a nuraber of his men, I was astonished at the readiness with which, in the absence ofany tracks, tliey found their way to the coast. Gorai led the way ; and on my asking him how he managed to know the right direction in a thick forest with neither sun nor trade-wind to guide hira, he merely remarked that he " saveyed bush," and point ing with his hand in a particular direction, he informed me that " Mono stopped there," Mono being the native name for Treasury. There was a little uncertainty among the natives as to whether the old chief was guiding us aright ; but there was no hesitation on the part of Gorai, whose course as tested by ray compass was always in the same direction ; he, however, disdained the use of the compass and ultimately brought us back to the coast When passing through a district with which he is but little acquainted, the native frequently bends the branches of the bushes as he passes, in order to strike the same path on the way back. He must be frequently guided in his course through the forest by noticing the bearing of the sun and the swaying of the upper branches of the trees in the trade-wind, guides which were often eraployed by rayself when alone in the bush : but when, as not uncoramonly happens, there i.s such a dense screen of foliage overhead, that neither the sun nor the upper branches of the trees can be seen, he must employ other means of guidance. Rude tracks, usually traversed the least fre quented districts of the islands which we visited; and their per sistence appeared to be sometimes due to the fact that they were used by the wild pigs. FaUen trees commonly obstruct the most frequented paths in the vicinity of villages : and there they remain until decay removes them, for the native has no idea of doing an act for the public weal : with him, in such and kindred raatters, what is everybody's business is nobody's. Captain Macdonald, in his capacity as a chief in Santa Anna, adopted the serviceable method of employing natives, who had coraraitted petty offences, in making good walks in the vicinity of the houses of the white residents. The exaraple however was not followed by the natives for the approaches to their own viUage of Sapuna. Being quite content with their narrow foot paths, they probably could not understand that whatever contributed to the public good was also to the advantage of the individual. CHAPTER IX. PREVALENT DISEASES. T HAVE previously remarked that in these islands the duties of -L the sorcerer and the medicine-raan are frequently combined. The sarae man, who can remove a disease by exorcism and by ill- wishing can bring sickness and death upon any obnoxious individual, may also be able in the estimation of the people to procure a fair ¦wind for an intended voyage, or to bring about rain in a season of drought. I had raore than one opportunity of satisfying myself of the fact that the medicine-raan often trades upon the creduUty of his patients, and that he is hiraself aware that all his charms and incantations are mere trickery. In Santa Anna his services are often employed to procure the recovery of a sick raan, and by some form of incantation he pretends to appease the anger of the offended spirit to whom the illness is attributed. Captain Macdonald, who has long resided in this island, informed me that when on one occasion he had relieved by medicine the sufferings of a native who had in vain employed the exorcisms of the village physician to effect his cure, the success of his treatraent did not detract in any way from the reputation of the raedicine-raan, who, having informed hiraself of the progress of the patient, after Captain Macdonald had given his reraedy, foretold his recovery and took to himself the whole credit of the cure. In the island of Ugi chunam (burnt lime) is one of the domestic remedies eraployed in sickness, being rubbed into the skin of the patient by his friends. The chunara of some men is supposed to be more efficacious than that of others, and messengers may be sent from one end of the island to the other to procure it One of our Treasury natives, who was employed on board, had a reputation as medicine-man. His raethod of treatment in the case of one of his own comrades consisted in tying a particular le&f around the limbs 164 DISEASES. and joints to localize the pain, and in striking the affected part with the sarae leaf. On one occasion this raan was himself laid up with a large abscess in the buttock, which he attempted to cure by tying a strip of the leaf around the thigh and by placing another for a few raoraents over the sea.t of the abscess. He would not let rae do much for hira ; and frora absorption of the purulent matter into the blood, a nuraber of abscesses began to forra in other parts of the body which brought him into a serious hectic condition. 'The poor fellow's cries of "Agai" "Agai," corresponding to our exclaraations of pain, made me feel acutely for him ; but he placed little faith in our offices, his great desire, as intiraated by his frequent cries of " Fell " (Fire), was to be placed beside a large wood fire. He was sent on shore and given in charge of his wife on our arrival off" Treasury. When I landed to see him a few hours after, I found him with his wish at last gratified ; there he lay beside a roasting fire, the very last condition that seeraed likely to promote his recovery. However he slowly regained his health, and I did what I could for hira in buying sago and other articles of food from his own people who were not very ready with their supplies for the sick raan. This brings me to the subject of the indifference often displayed towards the sick_and invalids. The natives view these things in a verj"- matter-of-fact way. On more than one occasion when in the house of sickness, the son or the brother of the sick man has reraarked to rae, in the coolest manner, '' Him too much sick. I think by-and-by finish ; " and it is astonishing to hear of the manner in which they allow the sick to shift for theraselves. In the islands of Bougainville Straits the very aged, who are unable to get about or to be of any service to themselves, are placed in a house in which thejr are left alone although supplied with food ; and there they reinain until they die. Two old and decrepit men, who were both fast hastening to their ends, being the subjects of chronic lung affections, were placed together in a house in Treasury where they were supplied with food but rarely if ever visited. They were placed there to die as the relations inforraed us ; and there they remained day after day untU the end arrived. Mr. Stephens told me that in his island of Ugi, if a cocoa-nult is placed by the side of the sick man, his friends consider they have done all in their power. No atterapt is raade to alleviate pain, or to soothe by companionship the tedious hours of the sick. He lies deserted on his roughly RECOVEEY PROM SEVERE INJURIES. 165 plaited mat of palm-leaves, in his wretched horae where the sunlight rarely enters ; and there he awaits, perhaps without regret, his a])- proaching death. When consciousness leaves him, his friends regard hira as already dead, attributing the spasmodic breathing and the convulsive efforts of the dying man to the agency of sorae evil spirit. The influence of superstition probably explains. the indifference which i^revails as to the welfare of the sick and aged. Those afflicted with such an infirmity as blindness are kindly treated by their fellows. I wa,s particularly struck, whilst looking on at a feast in the village of Treasury, by the attention that was paid to the wants of a young blind man who sat aloof frora the rest. , He was blind frora his birth, and I particularly pleased hira by sitting down beside hira and giving hira a stick of tobacco. In the case of those who have received some severe injury, such as a gunshot wound, considerable care is shown by the friends in their welfare. I saw much of the natives who were wounded during- the hostilities carried on between the natives of Treasury and the Shortlands, and was astonished at the ease with which they recovered from apparently hopeless injuries. My experience goes to support the opinion laid down by Professor Waitz in his " Anthropology of Primitive Peoples," ^ that the healing power of nature is greater araong savage than araong civilized races. The principle of non-interference was literally carried out in defiance of the laws of hygiene and of the experience of raodern surgery. After the unfortunate conflict on the islet of Tuluba, off the west coast of Aiu, I visited the wounded man and woman who had been brought back to their homes. I found the woman lying in a dingy little house in which I had to stand still for a few minutes before I could see my patient Five days had elapsed since the fight ; and the condition of a wound, which has been left alone for this period in a tropical climate, may be well iraagined. She had received a severe toraahawk wound just aboye the right knee, smashing the bone and implicating the joint. The parts were rauch swollen and there was profuse suppuration. ' No attempt had been made to wash the wound, and in consequence it stunk horribly. A few pieces of split bamboo, less than a foot in length, were lashed in a slack fashion around the joint by means of rattan ; but they could have given little or no support Under the couch, which was merely a laj-er of poles raised about a foot from the ground, 1 English edition : translated by J. F. CoUingwood : London, J.863 : p. 126. 166 DISEASES. -were placed hot stones wrapped up in leaves, from which the warmth ascended to the injured limb which was left uncovered and exposed to the flies and other insects. The poor woman was moaning terribty; and her cries of "Agai" were painful to' listen toi especially as I was permitted to do but little. They would neither wash nor cover the wound, and persisted in keeping up the hot air treatment by means of the hot stones wrapped in leaves, which were placed under the couch. I pronounced her recovery as hopeless ; and was after a time obliged to discontinue ray visits, upon being told by one of the raedicine-raen that as he could raake her well, my presence was not required. I never saw the woraan again, but sometime after I leamed that she was nearly well. The raan who was wounded at the same time had received a rifle- bullet through the thigh without injuring the bone, and another through the groin. I found his wounds in the same horrible condi tion, with the wound of exit in the thigh as large as my fist. Nothing whatever had been done except placing hot .stones in leaves under the limb on the ground beneath ; and nothing more was done. There the man lay for several weeks with his wounds unwa-shed and exposed to the air. In course of time he recovered. One of the Treasury natives had been shot by one of his own party> the rifle-buUet passing through fhe right elbow from behind, and apparently disorganising the joint. I saw him a month after he had received the injury, lying in a very emaciated condition on his couch, with th© wounded limb stretched out beside him quite un protected and displaying an extensive flesh-wound in front of the joint. The hot-stone treatment had been the only one employed. In another month or five weeks he was up and about, but of course with a useless elbow. One of the Aiu natives, who had been .shot through the left shoulder from behind by the Treasury chief, had nearly recovered when I saw Iiim six or seven weeks after, although the arm- was useless. Reflecting on the hot-stone treatraent which the natives em ployed for these Severe injuries, I- carae to think that it was really efficacious. They said themselves that the hot air eased the pain, and this was- probably effected, as I hold, by the warmth relaxing the parts after Suppuration had begun and thus assisting the escape of the purulent discharges. The surgeon of our own time may take a hint froM this practice of the Solomon Islander. It would cer tainly scarcely accord with the principles of modern surgery if a HOME-SICKNESS. 167 gunshot injury of one of the larger joints was to be treated in one of our general hospitals by being constantly kept in a current of heated air, uncovered and even unwashed. The experiment, how ever, would be worth a trial in cases where amputation is unpractic able and where death is the probable result. It is a common saying amongst white men who have had to deal with these natives, that when a man makes up his raind to die he assuredly will, even although apparently in robust health. Such cases are not unusual on board labour-ships on their way to the Queensland and Fiji plantations, and they raay be- regarded as of the nature of nostalgic melancholy or home-sickne.ss. It is in truth hard to imagine the train of thoughts which must pass through the simple mind of a native when his island-home disappears below the horizon, and he is borne away to a strange land from which, it may be, some of his acquaintances have never returned. Even the attractions of the box of trade tliat his servitude will earn may be insufficient to keep down the undefined apprehensions which fill his breast; and the knowledge of the irapos-sibility of seeking his friends or his island again for what must appear to hira an indefinite period raay only serve to strengthen his longing for home. Here we have that disease with which the army surgeons of Europe were farailiar, and which has been most recently exhibited amongst the Italian troops stationed at Masowah on the coast of the Red Sea. It is that " strange disease " which Dr. Livingstone so pathetically describes in his " Last Journals," as affecting the victiras of the slave-trade in the lake region of Africa. I reraember on one occa sion, when visiting a labour-vessel that had arrived in Treasury Harbour, my attention was drawn by the mate to a native of New Ireland who had eaten little for sorae days and was looking over the side of the ship towards the shore in a depressed and moody manner. I saw that the thoughts of the poor fellow were in reality far away ; and I passed on to see some of the other sick men. The next morning this New Ireland native was missing, and in the evening his body was found washed up on the beach. ... I would refer my readers to some interesting remarks on this subject from the pen of Mr. Romilly,^ whose official experience in the Western Pacific enables him to write with authority. The Solomon Islanders, according to this author, are less affected by this disease than those of other groups ; whilst the New Hebrides natives 1 " The Western Pacific and New Guinea." London, 1886 : pp. 16, 177. 168 DISEASES. appear to be most subject to it Not only do natives often die of nostalgia before they are landed, but many die from this cause after their arrival in Fiji ; and the only way to cure those affected is the one least likely to be followed, that is, " to send them bonje." In the eastern part of the Soloraon Group, one coraraonly meets natives limping along with large ulcerous sores on the soles of the feet, seated usually near the base of the toes. They are often caused by stepping on the sharp corals when fishing on the reefs, or by splinters of wood piercing the skin of the soles of the feet when walking in the bush. As a rule, the native pays no attention to these sores, and from neglect the ulceration extends both on the surface and to the deeper tis.sues, exposing the tendons and , the metatarsal bones. Ultiraately some or all the toes may be lost, and an unshapely clubbed foot arises from the subsequent contraction of the cicatrised surface. At other times, where the ulceration has been superficial but has extended between the toes, adhesion and perfect union of the lateral surfaces of the toes ensue, and a continu ous covering of skin bridges over the intervening spaces. Mr. Nisbet, the governraent agent of the labour-scooner " Redcoat" from Fiji, showed me a Solomon Island native with a foot of perfect form but with apparently no toes. A continuous covering of skin covered the whole foot like a thin sock, and the toes were only recognisable by the touch. The man appeared to be but little incoraraoded by this obliteration of the toes. Among the natives of New Britain, as we learn frora Mr. Romilly,' " the toes are not unfrequently joined together by a tough membrane," a defect which does " not seem to impair their activity." This evidently results from superficial ulceration in the manner I have above described. These ulcerous sores, if left exposed to the irritation of sand, dirt, and flies, raay last for years and raay ultimately cause death. Dr. Livingstone in his "Last Journals" (vol. ii. chaps. 2, and 3) speaks of the ulcers of the feet from which many of the slaves die in the region west of Tanganyika. They eat through everything^ muscle, tendon, and bone, and often lame permanently. "The wailing of slaves tortured with these sores is one of the night sounds of a slave carap." These ulcers, however, as they affect the Solomon Islanders, have a natural tendency to heal. vWhen staying with Bishop Selwyn at Gaeta in Florida, I accompanied him on his moming round of visits to his patients, most of them being the sub- 1 " The Western Pacific and New Guinea. " London, 1886, p. 21. TOKELAU RINGWORM. 169 jects of these large ulcerous- sores on the feet and legs. He tells me that with rest and cleanliness they soon take on a healing action. Carbolic oil was the application he used, and it seemed well suited for these discharging, loathsorae sores. Several of the raen of the " Lark " were laid up with these ulcers of the feet for raany weeks. The ulcers in their ca.se assuraed a circular form with raised callous edges and an irritable inflaraed surface, being attended by much pain in the surrounding parts. The free application of lunar caustic every two or three daj'-s followed by poulticing, I found to be the most effectual treatraent. Dr. Livingstone, who was himself laid up with these sores for eighty days in the interior of Africa, found the best of all topical applications to be malachite rubbed down with water on a stone and applied with a feather. The natives of Treasury Island in the Solomon Group use an application prepared by pounding the fruit of the Cycas circinalis, which grows near the edge of the cliffs on the south coast of the adjacent StirUng Island. There is a loathsome skin disease very prevalent amongst the inhabitants of this group, which is generally known as the Solomon Island or Tokelau ringworm. I should estimate that two-flfths of the total population of these islands are thus affected. We found it more prevalent in sorae islands than in others. In Treasury, for instance, four-flfths of the people are the subjects of this disease, and half of the chief's wives who nuraber about thirty are almost covered with it In the southern large island of the Florida Islands, it ap pears to affect quite one half of the population. It ranges from one end of the group to the other, neither sex nor age affording any imraunity. The chiefs and their families, however, seem to be less liable to this disease. The skin of every man does not appear to afford a suitable nidus for the growth of the fungus which is the cause of the eruption ; and this is evident frora the circumstance that one parent may be covered with the disease while the other is entirely free from it. This skin-eruption, although so repulsive in appearance in the eyes of the European when he first visits the group, is not viewed with any feelings of disgust by the natives ; and even the European after spending some tirae in thb group learns to disregard its repulsiveness. Those affected show no anxiety to be quit of it and evince great indifference when any offer is raade to 'thera to cure it. It is to thera only an inconvenience ; and appar ently causes no irritation except when the skin is hot and perspiring, as after exertion. 170 DISEASES. When this disease first came under my notice in the early part of 1882, I was unacquainted with what had been previously written on the subject. I accordingly made a microscopical exaraination of the affected skin and arrived at the conclusion, previously formed Dy those far more competent to express an opinion than myself, that the eruption was an inveterate form of body-ringworm. As it is to be seen affecting the skin of young children in the form of liraited circular patches, which usually commence on the belly, it dis plays all the essential characters of Tinea cireinata or body-ringworm. Spreading all over the trunk and limbs, the eruption assumes a chronic character and its typical characters become obscured. The whole skin, with the exception of that of the face and scalp which are not attacked by the disease, is covered by a great number of wavy desquamating lines partly concentric in their arrangement ; and on account of the intervals between the lines being of a paler hue, the whole skin obtains a singular marbled appearance. To such a degree is the skin implicated in some cases of the disease that the rapid desiccation and desquamation of the epidermal ceUs lead to a partial decoloration of the deeper parts of the cuticle, as though the rate of the production of pigment was less rapid than the rate of its removal in the desquamati-ve proces.?. This disease, in other words, tends to decolorize the skin. From this cause, one occasionally meets with a native whose skin as corapared with that of his fellows is of a pale sickly hue. The tendency to produce a lighter colour by the too rapid destruction of the pigment is especially noticeable in those cases where the body is only partially covered with the eruption, there being a raarked contrast between the paleness ofrthe affected surfaces and the dark hue of the healthy skin. The influence of this cutaneous disease on the colour was re marked by Commodore Wilkes araongst the natives of the Depeyster Islands in the Ellice Group. He refers to the skin of those affected as much lighter than in any Polynesian race he had hitherto met with.' The same effect of this disease was noticed hv Mr. Wilfred Powell amongst the natives of New Britain.^ I have entered somewhat at length into the subject ofthe partial decoloration produced by this eruption, because it has a bearing on that " quaestio vexata," the causes of race-colour. Pathology, in fact, affords more than one instance of changes, almost of a perma- ^ " Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition," London, 1345 ; vol. V. p. 40. 2 "Three years amongst the Cannibals ot New Britain," London, 1883, p. 86. TOKELAU RINGWORM 171 nent character, produced in the colour of the skin through the influence of abnormal action. Dr. Tylor in one of his lectures ^ alludes to " the morbid appearance of race-character '' produced by the bronzing of the skin in Addison's disease, which is shown to be immediately due to a deposit of pigment in the rete mucosum closely resembling that of the negro. " The importance of the comparison," he says, " lies in its bridging over the physiological differences of race, by showing that morbid action may bring about in one race results raore or less analogous to the norraal type in another." To the partial decoloration of the skin in Tokelau ringworm and to the bronzing of the skin in Addison's disease, these remarks equally apply. This disease has been variously spoken of by different authors and travellers as Leprosy, Icthyosis, Psoriasis, Pityriasis versicoloi-, and Tokelau Ringworm, of which it is needless to remark that the last is the t)nly name which is correct. The medical officers of the United States Exploring Expedition, under Coraraodore Wilkes in 1841, were the first to recognise the nature of the eruption in the case of the inhabitants of the Depeyster Islands in the Ellice Group.^ In 187-4 Dr. Tilbury Fox, after having exarained some scrapings of the skin which had been sent to him frora Saraoa, published in the "Lancet" (August 29th) a paper on "Tokelau Ringworm and its Fungus," in which he established the true character of the disease, and disposed of a view held by the Rev. Dr. G. Turner of the Samoan Medical Mission and by Dr. Mullen, R.N. of H. M. S. "Cameleon," that its origin may have been connected with the occurrence of numerous dipterous insects found in scrapings of the skin after the use of sulphur ointment. This last he showed to be only an accidental feature of the eruption. Two years afterwards. Dr. Fox in connection with Dr. Farquhar wrote an account of " Certain Endemic Skin and other Diseases in India and Hot Climates generally " (London 1876), in which further reference was raade to this disease. It was there shown that Tokelau ringworra, Burmese ringworm, Chinese ringworm, and the Indian ringworms known farailiarly as " dhobie itch," " washerman's itch," "Malabar itch,'' etc., are all of them forms of Tinea cireinata tropica variously modified by such circumstances as the personal habits, the nature of the 1 Delivered at Oxford on Feb. 15th, 1883: ("Nature" vol. xxviii., p. 9). Vide also Topinard's " Elements d' Anthropologie generale : " Paris 1885, p. .325. 2 " Narrative of the XI. S. Explor. Exped." : vol. v., p. 40. 172 DISEASES. apparel, and the character of the cliraate. A proof of the correctness of this conclusion carae under ray observation in the Solomon Islands, where the white men in taking this disease from the natives suffer from it frequently in the forra of " dhobie itch." The parasitic disease Tinea cireinata tropica to which, as above sho-wn, aU tropical ringworras should be referred is, as Dr. Fox reraarks in his work on " Skin Diseases " (3rd edit, 1873, p. 451), " nothing more or less than ordinary ringworra of the body (tinea cireinata), such as we have in Europe, deterrained in its occurrence to certain parts of the body by peculiar circumstances, and assuming characters soraewhat different from those observed in the disease as it exists in colder climates, in consequence of the greater luxuriance of the parasite consequent upon the presence in one case of a greater amount of heat and moisture, which are favourable to the develop ment and speed the growth of fungi." The particular forra of the disease to which the narae Tokelau Ringworra should be applied has a very wide distribution. Mr. G. W. Earl in his work on "The Papuans" (London, 1853; p. 37) speaks of this disease under the narae of "icthyosis " as being very prevalent amongst all the coast tribes of the Indian Archipelago: but I gather from some references made by Mr. WaUace to this affection in his account of the Malay Archipelago (3rd edit, 1872, p. 449) that it is not to be found so rauch araongst the pure Malays as amongst the tribes of raixed origin. Mr. Mai-sden in his "History of Sumatra" (London 1811, p. 190) refers to it as being very com raon arhons-st the inhabitants of Pulo Nias an island which lies off the west coast of Sumatra. His description of the disease leaves, no doubt as to its true character, but he hiraself is uncertain as to whether it is an " impetigo " indicating a mild type of leprosy, or, whether it is not ordinary " shingles " or a confirmed stage of ring worm. The sarae disease was recently observed by Mr. H. 0. Forbes amongst the natives of Tiinor-laut and of the island of Buru, islands which lie at the opposite end of the Indian Archipelago.^ Two centuries since. Dam pier well described this disease in the case of the inhabitants of Mindanao in the Philippines and of those of Guam in the Ladrones.^ Coraing to New Guinea, I find that this disease prevails g,ll along its coasts and in many of the off-lying islands, such as the Ki and 1 "A Naturalist's Wanderings in the Eastern Archipelago;" pp, 331, 402; London, 1885. 2 " Voyage round the World." London 1729, vol. i., p. 334. TOKELAU RINGWORM. 173 Aru Islands, Teste Island, Woodlark Island, etc. The authorities on which I have founded this general statement are numerous and include, Modera, Bruijn Kops, Wallace, Mosely, Miklouho-Maclay, Corarie, W. Turner, Chalraers, Wyatt GiU, Romilly, Lyne, and others, whose descriptions, though they often did not recognise the true character of the eruption, leave no reasonable doubt on tlie matter. This disease was observed by Mr. Wilfred Powell to be very frequent amongst the natives of New Britain and the Duke of Vork Islands, where it is called "buckwar."^ Dr. Comrie, R.N., when serving in H.M.S. " Dido," found it to be very frequent amongst the natives of New Ireland.^ Through the islands of the Soloraon Group it is widely spread, as I have already shown : and frora thera it has extended to the different groups to the eastward, reaching the Gilbert, Ellice, Tonga and Samoa Groups. In the Western Pacific we are able in some instances to trace the eastward extension of this disease during the last half century. Dr. G. Turner in his annual report of the Samoan Medical Mission, dated October, 1869, refers to the recent introduction ofthe Tokelau Ringworra araongst the Samoan Islanders as the introduction of a new disease. It was brought to Samoa from Bowditch or Tokelau Island where it had been also unknown until about ten years before, when it was introduced by a native of the GUbert Group who had been landed by a whaler. The Gilbert or Kingsmill Islanders, according to the narrative of Comraodore Wilkes, beUeved that the disease came frora the south-west, and called it the " south-west gune," the nearest islands in that direction being those of the Soloraon and Santa Cruz groups, between SOO and 900 railes away. Coraraodore Wilkes, however, was of opinion that this disease had reached the Kingsmill Group from the Depeyster Islands in the Ellice Group to the south-south-east ; and he refers to the circura stance that the disease was raost prevalent in the southern islands of the Kingsraill Group, being apparently absent from Makin the northernmost island ;^ but this distribution of the disease may be also urged in support of the more probable view of the natives that it carae from the south-west. We are thus able to trace one pro bable track of this disease from the Soloraon Islands, or one of the 1 "Three years among the Cannibals in New Britain," London, 1883, p. 54. 2 Journal of the Anthropological Institute, vol. vi. p. 102. 3 " Narrative of the U. S. Explor. Exped." vol. v. p. 105. 174 DISEASES. groups immediately adjacent to them, across a wide tract of sea to the Gilbert and EUice Groups, and from there to Tokelau Island, and thence to Samoa. The French navigator, Dentrecasteaux,^ found the same disease to be very prevalent amongst the inhabitants of the Tonga Islands towards the end of last century ; and it seems strange that it did not reach the Samoa Group until about seventy years after. The Tonga natives, however, maj'- have derived it by another and raore direct course frora the westward, namely through the New Hebrides and the Fiji Groups. I may appear to have entered with unnecessary detail into this subject, but it is apparent that this fungoid skin disease, dissemin ated as it is by personal contact and other similar agencies, would have reached these sub-central Pacific Groups long ago if they had been occupied through ages by their present inhabitants. The same evidence, therefore, which can be brought forward to prove the recent appearance of this disease amongst the natives of these groups may also be advanced in support of the recent occupation of these islands by the eastern Polynesians. From the previous remarks on the distribution of Tokelau Ringworm it may be inferred that in New Guinea and in the islands of the MalajJ- Archipelago we have the home of the disease. From this region it has spread eastward towards the centre of the Pacific ; and we may also infer that this eastward extension of the disease has occurred within the last three hundred years, since in the accounts which Gallego and Quiros give of the natives of the Soloraon, Santa Cruz, and New Hebrides Groups at the tirae of their first discovery by the Spaniards, there is no refer ence to the prevalence of any cutaneous disease, which, if it had •existed, would raost certainly have attracted the notice of these early navigators. I only had one opportunity of treating this affection, and that was in the person of a native of Guadalcanar, who -v^as shipped on board as an interpreter, and who had been the subject of the disease for about five raonths. Partly from its obstinacy, and partly from the difficulty of ensuring that the remedies were regularly and thoroughly employed, my experience was not very satisfactory. Sulphur ointraent, mercurial ointment, tincture of iodine, and a lotion of hyposulphite of soda (1 in 12) were severally used, and .after about three weeks the skin was alraost clean. Some weeks ' "Voyage de Dentrecasteaux,'' par M. de Eossel, tom. I. p. Z2^, Paris 1808. PUSTULAR ERUPTION OP CHILDREN. 175 afterwards, the eruption re-appeared on the forearms in the forra of tbe characteristic sraall circurascribed patches of body-ringworra. The local reraedy, which I found most rapid in its effect as a para siticide in the treatraent of this case, was tho tincture of iodine of which two applications corapletely removed the disease frora the fore-arms. The lotion of the hyposulphite of soda and the mercurial ointment had apparently but Uttle influence on the disease. The sulphur ointment, however, had a gradual curative action. To many of the vessels which leave Queensland and Fiji to recruit labour in the Solomon and New Hebrides groups, sulphur ointment is supplied ; and the government-agents are instructed to use it in all cases of this disease amongst the natives recruited. I leamed from sorae of these gentlemen that, when the remedy is applied thoroughly, and under superintendence, they usually succeed in thoroughly cleansing the skin from the eruption before the ships return to the colonies. A pustular eruptive disease peculiar to children, which has been referred to by various authors as prevalent in the New Hebrides, Fiji, Tonga, and Samoa groups, affects many of the young children of the Soloraon Islands, usually occurring about the age of flve. A nuraber of large papules, twice the size of a split pea, which sub sequently becorae filled with a pustular fluid, appear on the face. These pustules by rupturing tend to unite and form unhealthy- looking sores of the size of a florin. ,The disease pursues a regular course of papule, pustule, and sore ; and is said never to recur. As far as I could learn, the natives interfere but little with its progress ; and, as in Fiji where it is known as coJco,^ they regard the disease as having a salutary influence on the future health of the child. That peculiar spinal disease, which produces so many hunch backs in the Society and Samoan groups, and which is so well described by Mr. Ellis in his "Polynesian Researches" (2nd edit, 1831, vol. iii. pp. 39, 40), does not prevail among the Soloraon Island ers. I can only recall one instance of spinal deformity which came under my observation. It was in the person of a little hoy about ten- or eleven years old, who was the subject of lateral and posterior curvature of the spine. The little fellow, who was a native of Simbo, apparently experienced no inconvenience from the deformity, since a flrm ankylosis had occurred. He was able to accorapany rae 1 " Fiji and the Fijians," by Messi-s T. Williams and J. Calvert. 3rd edit. 1870, p. 151. 176 DISEASES. in ray ascents to the summit of his island, which is elevated about 1,100 feet above the sea. An epidemic catarrhal disease, which is allied to influenza, is very prevalent amongst the natives of these islands. It is com monly followed by lung-complications, which not infrequently cause the death of the sufferer. Such an epidemic in running through a village sometimes carries off several of the inhabitants. The elderly natives are, in fadJ, very liable to pulmonary affections ; such dis- y eases usuallj'- terminate their lives. From the occurrence of an epideraic of this catarrhal disease, a village often obtains an unhealthyreputation; and the natives abandon it for some other situation, which is selected rather for the convenience of its position than for its freedom from unhealthy influences. A generation ago, one of the principal villages in the island of Ugi was situated on the level sumrait of a hill overlooking Selwyn Bay on the west coast, a site which would have at once been chosen both for its salubrity and for its capability of defence. However, a nuraber of deaths occurred in the village from epidemic catarrhal disease ; and the inhabitants shifted their homes to the low-lying unhealthy situation where the village of Ete-ete now stands. Epidemics of mumps occur occasionaUj^ araongst these islanders. In October, 1882, whilst we were taking to Ugi the crew of the "Pioneer," a schooner which had been wrecked off the coast of Guadalcanar, sorae cases of this disease appeared among the natives belonging to that ship, affecting ten out of the twenty on board, and pursuing its usual course. It was evident that the disease had been originally brought from Brisbane, as the ship which was engaged in returning natives from the Queensland plan tations, had had three cases previously, the first having occurred on her arrival at Makira harbour, just a week after she left Brisbane- That mumps is sometiraes a fatal disease amongst these races, there is no reason to doubt. Mr. Stephens of Ugi informed me that a few years since, some natives of Lord Howe Islands, whom he was eraploying on his preraises, rapidly succumbed to this disease. Men who were the subjects of Elephantiasis arabum were, occasion ally seen in the different islands we visited. Instances of " lymph- scrotum " most frequently typify this disease, but now and then cases of " swollen leg " occur. In the island of Faro or Fauro in Bougainville Straits, the natives attribute this disease to the water of narticular streams. There is a stream on the west side of the DEFORMITIES. I77 island, the water of which when drunk is said to produce " swollen legs." For this reason the water is never employed ; and the ban is even extended to the cocoa-nut trees on its banks. Natives, who are the subjects of such congenital deformities as " hare-lip," are rarely seen. Very probably in such cases life is de stroyed by the parents soon after birth. I only observed one instance of " hare-lip " which occurred in the case of a man of Simbo. This malformation, which was of the single character, was associated with abnormal development of crisp hair on the body and more par ticularly on the back As an instance of another kind of congenital deformity, which however came but rarely under my observation, I may refer to a raan of Ugi who had six perfect toes on the right foot, both 'fifth and sixth toes being provided with nails and apparently arising from a common metatarsal bone. None of his family had the same deformity, which in his case was probably inconvenient in more ways than one, as the print of his foot was familiar to every native in the island.^ Strabismus is not uncommon amongst the natives of these islands, and appears to occur with the same relative frequency as amongst more civilised people. Venereal diseases, both constitutional and local, are said by traders to be very frequent in certain islands, as in Ugi, which have had most intercourse with the outer world. I rarely however came upon unequivocal evidence of the constitutional form of these diseases, those cases which carae under my iraraediate observation being of the non-constitutional types which, as in other tropical regions, are often of a rapidly destructive character. The natives of Ugi assert that these diseases have not been introduced within the raemory of any living man, and no tradition prevails with reference to their origin. I shall scarcely enter into the question of the in troduction of these diseases into the more central groups of the Pacific, a subject which is discussed in most of the narratives of the early expeditions to those regions, but in a spirit of unfairness and mutual recrimination which goes far to invalidate the conclusions arrived at Negative evidence, however, must be of a ver}' exhaus tive character before it would warrant the inference that to the licence, so freely permitted to the crews of the English and French expeditions during the latter half of the last century, must be at- i Mr. EomUly, in the -wort referred to on page 168, alludes to the strange prevalence ot these congenital deformities of the hands and feet In New Britain. M 178 ' DISEASES. tributed the presence of these diseases among the Polynesian racesi M. Rollin, who, as surgeon of the frigate " Boussole," accompanied La Pdrouse on his ill-fated voyage, adduces evidence to show the probability of these diseases having existed in the Pacific before the discoveries of the French and English navigators in that region ; ^ and La Perouse himself approaches very near the truth when he sug gests that the free intercourse, which prevailed between the natives and the crews during those expeditions, may have increased the ac tivity and destructive tendency of the pre-existing diseases.^ For, not only has M. Parrot of Paris demonstrated from an examination of the skulls of some South American aborigines the existence of SyphiUs in the New World before Colurabus set foot on its shores, but he affirms without hesitation, after examining three fragments of infant skulls from a dolmen in central France, that this disease existed in prehistoric times ("Lancet," May 10th, 1879). We are not therefore surprised at finding references to venereal diseases in the ancient literature of China, India, Arabia, Greece and Rome {Aitken's "Medicine," 6th edit, 1872, vol i. p. 859); and having re gard to the ethnological past of the Pacific, we can with some confi dence assurae that the original stock, derived in the first place from the Asiatic continent, brought with thera these diseases. The susceptibility of these islanders to comparatively small falls of temperature is an element in their predisposition to disease which should not be disregarded. This susceptibility was strikingly shown to me on one occasion, at the end of August 1882, when I was following up the course of a stream at Sulagina on the north coast of St Christoval, Accorapanied by a party of natives, I was wading up the stream for several hours, the water often reaching the waist, whilst a steady deluge of rain completed the wetting. Although the air was merely comparatively cool for this latitude (10° 30' S.), the thermometer in the shade standing at 80° Fahr, my nativfes were shivering with the cold ; whilst I myself felt only the inconvenience of haying been soaked through for so many hours. As soon as we returned to the coast, all my party huddled themselves together around their wood-fires in a little hut and warmed their hands and feet as eagerly as we should in winter-time at home. As I stood in the hut looking comfortably on at my naked companions who, ^ " Voyage round the World, by La Perouse," edit, by Milet-Mureau : London : vol. iii., p: 180. ^ Ibid. vol. ii. p. 52. INSANITY. 179 shivering and with their teeth chattering, were endeavouring to warm themselves around the fires, I recalled to my mind an incident which Mr. Darwin relates in his " Journal of the Beagle " (p. 220), which although analogous, illustrates the converse of these conditions. " A small family of Fuegians " — he writes — " soon joined our party round a blazing fire. We were well clothed, and though sitting close to the fire were far from too warm ; yet these naked savages, though further off, were observed, to our great surprise, to be streaming with perspiration at undergoing such a roasting." Instances of mental weakness or of insanity amongst the natives of these islands rarely came under my notice. However, more than one of the chiefs whom we met had a half-witted individual on his staff, who made himself generaUy useful to his master. The chief's fool, as we called him, was frequently my guide in the island of Santa Anna. He was the general butt of the village ; and I was told the girls would sometiraes seize hold of him and roll him about in the sand. Insanity would appear to be of uncommon occurrence amongst these islanders ; but I suspect that such individuals are not perraitted to Uve. Whilst the " Lark " was engaged in the sur vey of Faro Island in Bougain-ville Straits, I learned that there was a madman, who was partially dumb, living in the bush in the in terior of the island. Having murdered his wife about five months before our visit, he had taken to the forest where he led a solitary life at enmity with his fellow-islanders, who would have killed him as they told me, if they found him. He frequently used to steal from the plantations ; and during our stay in the island he was ob served by a woman near one of the yam patches. The chief's son came up to me one afternoon, after I had returned to the coast from an ascent of one of the principal summits, to advise me to shoot this unfortunate being if ever I saw him ; and he added that if this mad man should see me, unobserved, he would either run away or take his opportunity of killing me. However, I made several excursions into the interior afterwards ; but I never fell in with him. CHAPTER X. VOGABULAET of the • ISLANDS OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS— TREA SURY ISLAND, THE SHORTLAND ISLANDS, FARO OR FAURO ISLAND, WITH CHOISEUL BAY. THIS vocabulary -was formed in great part by Lieutenant A. Leeper, to -whom I raay take this opportunity of expressing my thanks for his, kindness, in thus placing it at my disposal. I have supplemented this list from smaller vocabularies made by Lieutenant C. F. de M. Malan and by myself. If is to be regretted that, o-wing to Lieutenant Malan taking up a Colonial appointment in Fiji during the last year of the commission, we were unable to avail ourselves in a fui-ther degree of his knowledge of the Fijian tongue, and of his general acquaintance with the construction of the Polynesian languages. We are, however, especially indebted to him for the recognition of the pronominal suffixes. The spelling follows to a great extent the mode adopted in the missionary alphabet bf Professor Max'Miiller, as given on page 116 of the Anthropological Notes and Queries drawn up at the request of the British Association. The vowels and dipthongs are pro nounced as in the following examples ; — a as a in father, e as a in fate, i as i in marine, o as o in note, M as oo in moon, ai as ai in aisle, au as ou in proud. Where there has been an evident want of agree ment in the three vocabulariess, I have given the different words or the different spellings, as the case may have occurred. We have thus been, in some degree, " checks " to each other : and I hope we have avoided, in this manner, many of those errors into which the unassisted framer of a vocabulary is so liable to fall. The accented syllable is thus indicated (') in most instances where it is needed, the accent being usually placed on the penultimate. VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. 181 Miscellaneous Words Afraid Fulau. Angry , Fangolu. Gafolu. Armlet Pago. Arrow Iliu. Ashes Oafu. Awl Nila. Axe Libba-libba. Levo- levo. Back , Aro. Bad Paitdna. Bag Ko-isa. Basket Koko. Besa. Beat (to) Lapu. Before Gaga. Behind Arogu. Big YoluUa. Kana-kana. Blood Masini. Blow Ifu. Bow Lili. Boy Taui. Break (to) Taposha. Bring Gal6mi. Brother Manai-ina. Bury (to) Nafu. Buy Funa-aili. Calico Bauro. Canoe Obuna. Cap So-so. Capsize (to) Igomo. Charcoal Sibi. Chew Tatau. Chief Ldlaf a. Yol6na. Chiefs eldest sonNatuna. Clean Lapu. Sapolu. Club Peko. Club (dancing)..Toko. Toku. Cold Lulu-gulu. Comb Supi. Cut Ausi. Dance Gatu. Dark Lali. Day Boi. Dead Mate. Imati. Deaf Kipau. Devil (t,e., bad spirit) Nito pait^ua. Dig (to) Eli. Dirty Mati. Drift (to) Ali. Drink (to) Atali aoa. Drinking-vessel (a cocoanut). with neck of bamboc.Dogo. without neck....Droo. Dry Diigga-diigga. Earthquake Nono. Eat (to) A-am. Egg : 1-au. Empty Golu. Enough Sumdna. Fall Kappa. Fan Etif. Far. De-apfna. Fat ...Hatutu. Father Apa. Few Alua-tapoina. Fight Tala. Finish (end) Egdfulu. Finished Sumd,na Fire.. Feh Fish-hook.. A-ili Flint Kilifela Fly (to) Lofu Food Dor6mi. Dardmi. , , (cooked) . . . Selo-selo. Full Forna. Gift .Teletafala. God (i.e., good .spirit) .... Nito dr^kona. Good Dr^kona ; Dekona. Great YoluUa; Kana-kana, Half Koputi. Heaven ..Lavia. Heavy Mamma. Hot Posella. House Numa ; Fale-fale. „ (tambu)... Olatu. Hungry Belu. Inside Uni ; Fakoria. Jew's harp Mako-mako. Jump (to) Subolosa. Kick (to) Savulu. Kill (to) So-orti. Kneel (to) Fasiliki. Knife Papalana. Know (to) Atai. 182 VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. Lick (to) Damiti. Lift (to) Ikoti. Light (in weight) Dugga-dugga, Live (to) Peoka. Long. Deapa. Mad Kipau. Man Kdniga ; Tium ; Kd- niga-tium. Many Tap6ina. Mat Sararang; Pota. (The names of the two pan danus trees, from the leaves of which the mats are made.) Match Sararang (vide pre ceding). Moon llala; Ilella. Mother Unka. Naked Ampea-paiia. Net (fishing) ....Sorau (large). Sai-aili (smaU). Awi-sulu. (The plant supplying the fibre is named awi-sulu, probably a species of "Lyonsia.") New Faolu. Night Lali. No Api;Apea. Noise So-orli. None Ausaka. Now Ivai. Old Purafalu. Open Kapeta. Outside Ampapaluna. Paddle (noun and verb) . . . Pay Path Pearl Pestle and mor tar (wooden), used for pound ing food Plane (a) Plenty Pot (cooking).... Present (a) Eose. Fosi Aili.Poa. Bor-otulu Tagero. Ketuma. Tap6ina. Kore.Teletafala. Quarter Totoli. Queen Mamaifi. Quick Fakare. Rain Laiti. Resin f An6ga, for torches. „ I Ti ta, for canoe seama Rope Fili. Run Gdgona, Same Umbilua. Sea Keno ; Kelo, Short Papa. Shut Dakopi. Sick Mate; Sali. Sing (to) Gatu. Sister Fafini. Sit Ahotu. Sky Abu; Avu. Sleep Su^li. Small Kaidakina. Smoke Tula. Speak Arei ; Selli-selli. Spear Portulu. Spirit Nito;Nitu. Star Bito-bito. Stone Patu. Stop Aru. Sun Feo ; Isang. Swim (to) Usu. Tail Aukuna. Tambu (forbid den)... Olatu. Tear Igati. Thin Morsu. Thirsty Fana-oa. To-day Ibai. To-morrow Boi wa Town Famaca. Tray Kisu; Kishu. (The name of the palm supply ing the material for making the trays is also " kisu.") Tree Au ; Ava. Waist-cloth Malioto. Wait Au. Walk (to) Dagona. Wash (to) Sisi. Water Ateli (fresh). „ Kelo ; Keno (salt). Wet Pu-un. What? Afana? When? Lefila? ^ These are also the native names of the trees supplying the resins, the anoga being pro bably a species of "Ganarium,"the tita, "Parinarium laurinum." VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. 183 Whistle (to) Faso. Wife Ewa. Wind Oa. Woman Batafa ; Bataha ; Talai-ina. Wood Au. Work Karre. Worn Tualina. Yes 0-0. Yesterday Lafi. Numerals. One Ilia; Kala. Two Elua. Three ^^pisa; Ebisha. Four Efdte; Efatsi. Five Lima. Six Onomo ; Onoma. Seven Fito ; Pit Eight Aiu. Nine Ulia. Ten Ldfulu. Eleven Ldf ulu kala. Twelve Ldfulu 61ua. Thirteen Ldfulu 6pisa Fourteen Ldfulu efdte Fifteen Ldf ulu lima. Sixteen L4f ulu 6nomo. Seventeen Ldfulu fito. Eighteen Ldfulu aiu. Nineteen Ldfulu lilia. Twenty Tanuge; Tana oge. Thirty Pisa-vulu. Forty Fatia-vulu. Fifty Lima-hulu. Sixty Nomo-fulu. Seventy Fitua-fulu. Eighty Alua-fulu. Ninety Tia-f ulu ; Sia-f ulu Hundred Latu ; Latu-u. Parts of Body. Ankle Sapolu. Arm Pagolo. Beard Polu. Cheek Papala. Chest Ate. Chin Ali. Ear Tana. Elbow Tau. Eye Mata; Shoi. Eyebrow Metapolissi. Faoe Laia. Finger Kim. Fist Gogumu. Foot Toto. Hair Tawo ; Uutu. Hand Imai ; Ime. Head Alapatu ; To-o. Leg Tatabua ; Nanabu ; Lip Ulu. [Tato. Mouth Uruguru. Neck Lua. Nose Leo; Le-u. Shoulder Fall. Stomach Muru. Thumb Gagata. Toe Kuri-kurisi. Tongue Miata. Tooth Nifo; Nifa. Trank Tia. Waist Bull. Geographical and Nautical. Cape Manavo. Drift Ali. Hill Soma. Island Nua-nua ; Pete. Land Mesola. Mountain Olo. Passage Ai. Eain Laiti. Reef Aru-oshe ; Butulu. River. Ateli;Atele; Sallile. Eock P ushai. Sand Mesola-lanun Sea Keno; Kelo. Shallow Seala. Sky Abu. Steep (to) Suele. Stream. . , Ateli;Atele; Sallile. Tide Tofala. Wind Oa. fPull Fosi. Rowing •< Back.... Palma. ( Stop Atti-horsi. 184 VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. Animal Kingdom. Ant Dbiu. Bat (Pteropidse). . .Dramo. Bird Maraka ; Maruka. Butterfly :..Bebe. Cockatoo. Anau. Crocodile Umau, Dog Au-au. Eel ....Tolo. Fire-fly Bito-bito. Fish lanna ; lenna. Fly Lau-au. Fowl Kokole. Frog Appa-appa. HornbiU '....Po-po. Lizard Kiirru-ruptt. Opossum (Cuscus). Mali. Osprey..' Manuella. Parrot :..Karro. Pig Boa. Pigeon Ba61o. Rat Kudki. Shark... Bao. Snake Nifii. Turtle Paliisi. Turtle-shell Purai. Pronouns. My Gu, as a suffix, e.g.. Toto-gu, my foot. Your ; Ng, asasuffix, e.g. Toto-ng, your foot. You Maito. Him Ealai. These Ea. Those Oa. Names of Natives. Men. — Gorai ; Mule ; K6pana ; Krepas; Kurra-kurra; Erosini; Tutu; Lawi; Sage; FaUh; Kiliusi; G^gora; Nito ; fimara ; Olega ; Malakolo ; Butiu ; Igeti ; Ki'kila ; Totono ; G^lesi ; Diikutau ; Alisa ; Iri-isa ; Sahi; Oisi; Karubo; Devi; Dansi j Kamo ; Fulagi ; Pilaisi ; Maluka ; Tokura; Misiki; Levo; Tunu;-Bira. , Women. — Kaika ; Bito ; Siali ; Evenu; Bose; Omakau; Domari; Duia. Banana Toitoi. Wild Plantain Kalula. Breadfruit Balia. Betel-nut Olega. Cocoa-nut Niu. Vegetables, Fruits,^ &c. Sago Nami; Bia. Taro (small) Koko. Taro (large) Karafai. Tobacco Brubush. Short Sentences and Phrases. Where have you come from?.. .Tiga fina ?, I come from Alu..Tiga Aiu. I -want it Ai peko. I do not want it... Abu ai peko. I give you PanteUao. Give me '. Tellao. Will you give me ?. Tellao fa ? I do not give you.Abu hanatellao. Do I go this way ?.Fina fanato ? Whatdoyouwant?Ahana pe-"una? Ahampeo ?. What do you do ?.Ahana wussa 1 What is this? Mai-ito ahampeo 1 : Igo Falalau. Go away Fato. He goes Onalau. Let me see Fanaroro. Take it Na. I take it ^...Nto.^ 1 The native names of most ot the coriim'on plants will be fouud in the list given on pagea 2D4-204. Vide also remarks on page 280. '- This is an expression of acknowledgment rather than of thanks. VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. 185 In a recent work on the Melanesian languages, the Rev. Dr. Codrington^ deals -with the languages of the islands of the Solomon Group which lie east of New Georgia. Some of them, as he ob serves, fall naturally into two di-visions : those which belong to Ulaua, Malaita, Ugi, San Cristoval, and the part of Guadalcanar adjacent ; and those of Florida, the parts of Guadalcanar opposite. and the nearest extremity of Ysabel. In the first region, the language of Fagani on the north coast of San Cristoval, is somewhat distinct ; and in the second, that of Savo is strangely different in some respects.^ The languages of the large islands of Choiseul; BougainviUe, and Bouka and of the numerous sraaller islands in their vicinity, or, in other words, the languages of the western portion of the Solomon Group have hitherto scarcely come within the ' cognizance of the philologist, and are therefore riot referi-ed to by Dr. Codrington in his comprehensive work. It is probable that that of the islands of Bougainville Straits may form the centre of another group of the Solomon Island languages, as it is spoken by a dominaint, tribe of natives who have extended their raids to the island of Bouka. Yet, it is a singular circumstance that the natives of Takura, a village on the adjoining coast of Bougainville, cannot understand, the lan guage spoken by the inhabitants of , the islands of Bougainville Straits. I met twelve of the Takura men visiting the island of Faro, who were only able to make theraselves understood by the Faro people througli the medium of an interpreter. Little communication appears to take place between the natives of the Straits and those of the islands of Vella-la-vella, Ronongo, and Simbo (Narovo) to the eastward ; and judging from a vocabulary obtained by Captain Cheyne^ in 1844 from the inhabitants of Simbo, or Eddystone Island as it is also called, a native of this island would be scarcely able to make himself understood by the people of Treasury Island nearly eighty miles away. As shown in the foot note * where the numerals up to ten are compared, all the Simbo ^ "The Melanesian Languages, "by R. H. Codrington, D.D. Clarendon Press, 1885. ^ For instance, the Savo notation forms an exception to the decimal system of counting which prevails in the Solomon Islands. > 8 "A Description of Islands in the Western Pacific Ocean." London 1852. * One . Two Three Four. Five Six Seven Eight Nine Ten, Simbo Kamee Karu Kuay Mantee Leema Wouama Weetu Kalu Seang Manosa. Treasury \ Ji'*. Blua Episa Efate Lima . Onomo Fito , Aiu Ulia Lafulu. Sun Moon Fire Sleep Spear Bad Star. Simbo... Gawaso ' Popu Bku Puta Opuree Ekarenah Keenda. Treasury ff^" ^ Ilella FeU Sueli Portulu Paitena Bito-bito. 186 VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. numbers with the exception of those signifying five, seven, and eight are apparently distinct. Many of the common terms are equally different ; so that it would appear that the inhabitants of this island speak a language referable to a distinct group of the Solomon Island languages, probably to be classed with those spoken by the natives of Ronongo, VeUa-la-vella, Kulambangra, and perhaps New Georgia. I forbear from making many remarks on the general affinities of the language of the islands of Bougainville Straits, and prefer to leave such a coraparison to those qualified to pronounce on the sub ject. There are, however, certain points to which I will briefly refer. Professor Keane, to whom I sent a portion of this vocabulary, informs me that -whUst the structure of the language and most of the words are distinctly Papuan, the numerals and several terms are Polynesian. However, whilst I was engaged in collecting plants and making general botanical notes in this locality, it occurred to me that by coraparing the names of the common littoral trees with those of the same trees in other Pacific groups and in the Indian or Malay Archipelago, I might obtain some important additional clues as to the sources of the language. In so doing I have ob tained some interesting results, to which I have briefly alluded on a previous page, and which go to show that the peoples who originaUy migrated from the Indian Archipelago to the various Pacific groups carried with them the names of several of their common littoral trees, some of which may still be found in the intermediate groups of islands, such as the Solomon Islands, which have served as stepping-stones or halting places along the line of migration. On page 101 I have taken " Barringtonia speciosa " as an illustration. I will now refer to some other instances. After examming the pages of Crawfurd's Malay Dictionary, together with the extensive list of the native names of plants obtained by G. J. Filet, I have ascertamed that the foUowing names of pandanus-trees belonging to languages of the Indian Archipelago may be traced across the South Pacific to the Austral Islands, viz., Harassas, Haragh-hagh, Pudah, Putih.^^ In the 1 Pudalc (Pandanus inermis), Pandan-pudak (P. mosohatus), Pandan-putih (P. leuoaoan- thus). Vide Crawfurd's Malay Dictionary. 2 Hara-hagh (Pandanus mosohatus) Sundaneesoh, Harassas leutiek (P. humilis) Sunda- neesch, Barrassas gedeh (P. caricosus) Sundaneesch. Vide "Do Inlandsohe Plantennamen," hy G. J. Filet, published in " Natuurkundig Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indie." Dee xix. vierdo serie, deel v. Batavia, 1859. Another list by J. C. M. Radermacher occurs in "Bataviasch Genootschap," deel i. p. 87. VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. 187 islands of Bougainville Straits the four common pandanus-trees are known as Darashi, Sararang, Pota, and Samala. In the Sikyana or Stewart Islands off the eastern end of the Solomon Group, the pandanus is named Dawa} The Fijians name the "Pandanus odoratissimus " Balawa.^ In the Hervey Group and in the surround ing islands, as we learn from Mr. Wyatt GiU,* the " Pandanus odoratissimus" is the Ara of the natives, whilst the "Pandanus utiUs " is the Rauara ; the first being the Thatch-tree, and the last the Mat-tree. In the Austral Islands further to the eastward, the names of the pandanus-trees were ascertained by Dr. G. Bennett to be Hoshoa, Sahang, and Pauhuf (" Pandanus odoratissimus.") * Indian Archipelago Haragh-hagh . . . Harrassas . . . Pudak, Putih. Bougainville Straits Sararang Darashi Pota. Sikyana Islauds Dawa. Fiji Group Balawa. Hervey Group, and vicinity... Rauara, Ara. Austral Islands Sahang Hoshoa Pauhuf. By arranging these naraes as in the above list, the iraportant bearings of such a comparison are at once seen ; and I may here re raark that I have attached no weight to the non-retention of the same native name for the same species of " Pandanus " in different localities, since as in the instance of " P. odoratissimus," there is no evidence that would lead us to expect such a close agreement. Most of the comraon pandanus-trees have a very similar appearance, and there is often a general name given to them in addition to their distinctive names. Thus the natives of the Bougainville Straits often designate all the species by the term Sararang. In the Indian Archipelago, the general names are Pandan, Haragh-hagh, Harassas, Pudak, Rampai, &c. These are the names which would be applied to any new kind of pandanus-tree during the migration eastward of the races of this archipelago ; and it is raanifest that as the separate Pacific groups of islands came to be occupied by different offshoots of the main migration, the same tree might have received a different general name. Therefore, in investigating the nomen clature of the pandanus-trees throughout the Pacific, we should concern ourselves not with a comparison of the names of identical ^ Soherzer's "Voyage of the Novara," vol. ii. p. 617. London, 1861-63. 2 Seemann's "Mission to Viti." London, .1862. 3 " Jottings from the Pacific," pp. 183, 188. London, 1885. * " Gatherings of a Naturalist in Australasia," p. 389. London, 1859. 188 VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. species in different groups, but with the general names for the whole genus of "Pandanus." We desire, in fact, to find the equivalent of such terms as the Ara of the Hervey Group, arid the Sararang of BougainviUe Straits. That the names of trees possessing such conspicuous character^ as those of the genus "Pandanus," can be traced from the Indian Archipelago eastward through the Solomon Islands, and across the Central Pacific to the Austral Islands, is a circumstance of consider able interest to the philologist and anthropologist. We have already seen (page 101) that in the instance of " Barringtonia speciosa," the name may be similarly traced from the Indian Archipelago across the Pacific to the Society Islands. Another example is to be found in the case of " Morinda citrifolia," the Indian mulberry, a common littoral tree in the Indian and Pacific regions ; it supplies a yellow dye extensively used by the inhabitants. It is the Bangkudv, or Mangkudu of the Indian Archipelago and the Wongkudu or Kudu of Java in particular.^ In BougainviUe Straits it is known as the Urati; in Fiji as the .E^wra ; ^ and in Tahiti as the Aari;^ names -which are evidently different forms of the same word, probably the Kudu of the Indian Archipelago. Another tree, "Fagrsea Berteriana," the sacred tree of the South Central Pacific groups, is tho Bubulata of Bougainville Straits, the Bua of Fiji,* and the Pua or Bua of the Hervey and Society Groups.^ I have not yet found the original of this name in the Indian Archipelago, the oni}!- .suggestive word being Biia or Buwah, the Malay word for fruit. Before proceeding further I should observe that an inquiry into the names of the coraraon littoral trees, such as " Barringtonia speciosa," " Morinda citrifolia," and the species of " Pandanus," which are yet preserved in the languages of the islands of the Indian Ocean, raight be productive of important results. Being unable to follow up this branch of the subject, I would recommend it to some of my readers. As an encouragement, I would point out that there appears to be a resemblance between the names for the pandanus-tree in northern Madagascar, and in the Pacific ^ Crawfurd's Malay Dictionary. Raffles' "History of Java." 2 Seemann's "Mission to Viti." 3 Bennett's " Gatherings of a NaturaUst,'' p. 399. ¦* Seemann. (Ibid.) 5 Wyatt Gill's "Life in the Southern Isles " (p. 275), and "Jottings from the Pacific," VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. 189 Islands. Thus the Hoshoa of the Austral Islands, the Darashi of Bougainville Straits, the Harrassas of the Indian Archipelago, and the Vua-tchiriS ^ of North Madagascar, may be the same compound word in different forras. Vua, it should be reraarked, is a prefix attached to many trees and plants in this part of Madagascar. With this digression, I wUl now proceed. Amongst the native names of trees in the Indian or Malay Archi pelago which are to be found in an altered form in the islands of Bougainville Straits, I may refer to Kanari, which is the common appeUation of " Canarium commune," in the former region.^ The kemels of the fruits of this tree furnish a frequent source of food to' the Malay races and also to the inhabitants of the Maclay coast of New Guinea, where the tree is known by the similar name of Kengar.^ In;the islands of Bougainville Straits, where the same or an allied species of " Canarium " is found, the fruits of which form a staple article of food, the Malay name of Kanari and the New Guinea name of Kengar have been contracted to Ka-i. . . . The sago-palm (" Sagus," sp.) affords another instance. It is, according to Crawfurd, the Rdmhiya of the Indian Archipelago.* Earl informs us that in Kisa, one of the islands of the Sarawati group in the Banda Sea, it is kno-wn as the Pihir.^ On the Maclay coast of New Guinea it is the Buam.^ In Bougaijiville Straits it receives two names, Bia and Nami, the foi-mer (I think) being applied to the tree and the latter to the sago. . . . Then again, the two sirailar naraes, the Katari of Bougainville Straits and the Gutur of the Maclay coast,^ are applied in both regions to resin-yielding trees which belong, however, to different genera, the Katari being a species of " Calophyllum," and the Gutur a species of " Canarium." In both localities the name is alsp given to the resin itself, which is employed by the natives for various purposes. But the important point is that these two words are merely sUghtly altered forms of Gdtah, which is the general name for gums and resins in the Indian Archipelago -^ and I need scarcely add that gutta-percha is but the gdtah of the Pdrcha tree, 1 Roohon's "Voyage a Madagascar et aux Indes Orientales." Paris, 1791, p. 319. 2 In the numerous works referring to the Indian Archipelago, this word is sometimes written kanary or kanarie. ' Miklouho-Maclay in Proc. Lin. Soc, N.S.W. VqL X., p. 349. * Crawfurd's "Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language." B "Journal of the Indian Archipelago." VoL' 1L, p. 695 (1848). 6 Miklouho-Maclay Proc. Lin. Soc, N.S.W. Vol. X., p. 349. ' Miklouho-Maclay (Ibid., p. 353, 357). * Crawfurd's " Malay Dictionary." 190 VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. the familiar " Isonandra gutta " of this region.^ .... Some of the names of trees in BougainviUe Straits I have been unable to trace further westward than New Guinea. Thus, tho breadfruit-tree (" Artocarpus incisa ") is the Balia of Bougainville Straits and the Boli of the Maclay coast of New Guinea.^ The term Uri, which is applied in a slightly altered form to different fruits in the Melanesian Islands, would seem to be derive'l from the Indian Archipelago. Proceeding westward from the Banks Group where Ur is the name of the fruit of " Spondias dulcis," we find that in New Georgia in the Solomon Islands Ure is a designa tion for fruit. In the neighbouring islands of Bougainville Straits, several species of " Ficus " and their fruits receive the narae of Uri. To the westward of the Soloraon Lslands we come upon the same term in the Mafoor of New Guinea, where the breadfruit is known as Ur. Lastly, in the island of Coram in the Indian Archipelago, the fruit of the banana is called Uri.^ On this unequivocal evidence of one of the sources of the lan guages of the islands of BougainviUe Straits it is unnecessary to dilate. It should, however, be remembered that other words are distinctly Polynesian in their origin, and must be sought for in the languages of the Pacific groups. Thus, whilst nuina, the word for " house," finds its counterpart in the Malay rumah and the Javanese uma, fale-fale, which also signifies a house, is the vale of the New Hebrides (Lepers Island and Aurora Island), the vale of Fiji, the fale of Samoa and Tonga, and the whare of the Maori. According to Dr. Codrington, these two words signifying a house, /afe and ruma, with their various forms, have an interesting distribution. The first belongs to the eastern Pacific, and the second to the western Pacific ; but they overlap in the intermediate districts as in the New Hebrides and the Solomon Islands. It is, however, significant that both these words should be included in the language of Bou gainville Straits. I will conclude ray reraarks on this vocabulary with a reference to the imitative character of the names of some of the animals. In Bougainville Straits, the frog is known as appa-appa in imitation of iBy an easy transition from gdlah through katari to kauri we have the probable origin of the native name of the resin-yielding " Dammara australis " (Kauri Pine) of New Zealand. 2 Miklouho-Maclay in Proc. Lin. Soc, N.S.W. Vol. X., p. 348. 2 I am mainly indebted to Dr. Codrington's " Melanesian Languages " for the distribution ¦vi this term. VOCABULARY OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. 191 its cry. For a similar reason it is known in New Britain as rok-rok^ in Australia as twonk} and in the Malay Archipelago as codac} The lizard is named Imrru-rupu by the natives of these straits, an appel lation which is suggested by its cry ; in the Malay Archipelago it is known as kikia.* The hornbiU is called po-po by the natives of Bougainville Straits in iraitation of the rushing sound that it raakes during its fiight, which has been aptly compared by travellers to the noise of a locomotive. For this reason the natives of New Britain term it hanga-banga -^ whilst at Redscar Bay, New Guinea, it is called pawporo.^ In a like manner the native dog of these straits is named au-au, and the bush-hen (Megapod) kokole ; there is, how ever, no necessity to supplement these more famiUar imitative names from the numerous examples in the languages of neighbouring regions. The native names, which the frog and the hornbiU have received in the localities aUuded to, will serve to show how varied may be the form of the narae which has been suggested by the noise or cry of the aniraal. There would, thus, appear at first sight to be but little connection between the naraes po-po and langa-banga ; yet those persons who have been farailiar with the noise made by the hornbiU during its fiight will recognise these terras as distinctly imitative of such a sound. Again, few would guess that such diffe rent sounding names, as appa-appa, rok-rok, twonlc, and codac, have been very naturaUy suggested by the cry of the frog. 1 Wilfred Powell's " Wanderings in a Wild Country," &c. ^ Tyler's "Primitive Culture." 3 Labillardi&e's " Voyage in search of La Perouse." (Vocabularies in Vol. II.) * Labillardiere. Ibid. » Wilfred PoweU. Ibid. « Macgillivray's "Voyage of H.M.S. 'Rattlesnake.'" CHAPTER XL THE JOURNAL OF GALLEGO — PREFATORY REMARKS. A CONSIDERABLE interest was aroused in the minds of geo- -^- graphers, rather more than a century ago, by the recent dis coveries of French and English navigators in that portion of the Western Pacific in which the Solomon Islands are now known to lie. M. M. Buache and Fleurieu (pages 263-265.) endeavoured to show that the islands there discovered were none other than the mysterious Islands of Solomon discovered two centuries before by the Spaniards, the existence of which had been long treated as a myth, and in fact, had almost been forgotten. This view was opposed by Mr. Dalrymple, one of the foremost of the English geographers ; and it laboured under the serious disadvantage that the only existing narrative of this Spanish voyage, on which such a conclusion could be based, was a very brief and iraperfect account incorporated by Dr. Figueroa^ in a work that was published at Madrid nearly half a century after the return of the voyagers to Peru. There were some reasons for believing that Hernando Gallego, the chief pilot of the expedition, had kept a journal of the voyage ; " but the geographical writers of the close of last century failed to have access to such an account, and its existence was doubted by some of them. The only other account, worthy of the name, that was known to these writers was one included by Herrera in his " Descripcion de las Indias Oceidentales," a work which was published at Madrid about the year 1601, or more than thirty years after the Spanish voyagers had returned to Peru. But this account was a somewhat vague, general description of the Solomon Islands, 1 Heches de Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Quarto Marques de Canete ; por el Doctor Christoval Suarez de Figueroa. Madrid, 1613. Vide Note I. of the Geographical Appendix. 2 A M S. journal of Gallego was referred to by Penelo as occurring in the Barcia Library. (Dalrymple's Hist. Coll. Voy. aud Disc : p. 96.) JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 193 which, although it contained a few additional particulars, was of little service to the cartographer. It appears to have been only in the second quarter of the present century that the existence of a journal written by Gallego became known to geographers. It may seem at first sight difficult to explain the reason of this narrative being so long unknown ; but its author tells us in his prologue that it was through fear he did not pubUsh it ; and from other circumstances, referred to in the succeeding pages, it may be inferred that pressure was brought to bear on him, and that the journal was intentionally -withheld in order to keep Drake, who had recently appeared in the South Sea, in ignorance of the position of these islands, The jour nal has for this reason always remained in raanuscript. The original manuscript was a few years since in the possession of Mr. Amhurst. There is a copy in the library of the British Museum, which was purchased of M. Fr. Michelena y Roiss in 1848;^ and it is a transla tion of this copy that is given in great part in the following pages. In undertaking this translation, I have been greatly assisted by my .acquaintance with these islands; and I have thus been able to avoid the pitfalls into which the somewhat careless copyist might have led me. If M. M. Buache and Fleurieu could have had access to this journal of Gallego, they would have been sa^jed much ¦ laborious criticism, both on their own part and on the part of others. That they were able to employ the scanty data, furnished by Figueroa, for the identification of the lost Isles of Solomon with the recent discoveries of their own da.y, is an accoraplishraent concerning which any adulation on ray part would be both unnecessary and unbe coming. Even with the comparative wealth of materials which the journal of Gallego affords, as contrasted with the account of Figueroa, all that remained to be done was to fill in the rude out line originally sketched by the French geographers. The story of the gradual identification of the Isles of Solomon forms an interesting and instructive episode in the history of geo graphical discovery. In the sketch which I have given, I have, so to speak, raked up the ashes of a controversy which burnt itself out some generations ago ; but the labour expended in its prepara- 1 The British Museum Reference number is 17,623 ; and the title is as follows : " Des- cubrmiiento.de las Islas Salomon en el Mar del Sur : 1566," by Hernando Gallego, native of Corunna. N 194 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. tion will not have been unprofitable, if I have been successful in placing before ray readers a clear and connected account of how the Isles of Solomon were discovered, lost, and found. THE JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. We find in the prologue, with which Gallego coramences his account of this voyage, an explanation not only of the principal object of the expedition, but also of the motive which led the Spanish navigator to draw up his narrative. It was for the pro pagation of the Christian faith araongst the peoples of the unknown islands of the West that this expedition was dispatched from the shores of Peru ; and it was to guide the missionary to the field of his labour that the chief pilot drew up his relation of the voyage. " I understand it to be incumbent '' — thus Gallego writes — " on the men who follow the nautical profession, and have had the good fortune, in some degree, to take precedence of their fellows, to give an account of their success. And there are many reasons why it is necessary that from the ignorant these things should not be con cealed. But for me. Christian piety affords the principal induce raent ; and especially since it raoved the mind of that most Christian and most Catholic monarch, Don Philip, to write to his Governor, the most illustrious Lope Garcia de Castro, that he .should convert every infidel to Christ. Imbued with this feeling, I have made it my first object, by means of this relation and of the additions made by rae to the sea-chart, to enable the missionaries, who are to guide the infidels into the vineyard of the Lord, to know where these places will be found and to learn how to navigate these seas exposed to the fury of the winds, and how all dangers and enemies may be avoided. This is my design, unless I ara otherwise convinced. Let the curious accept this brief discourse. It is from fear that its author has not wished to print it. This is my object : such is my desire. Receive, reader, this token of esteera, and be steadfast in God. FareweU ! " Before proceeding with the journal of Gallego, it is necessary for me to remark that I have relegated to an appendix much of that which is of interest to the geographical student. The reason is an obvious one and needs no further reference, since the narrative often takes the character of a sea-log, and the geographical and critical points involved are necessarily only of special interest. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 19.5 The Governor, Lope Garcia de Castro, gave orders for the equip ment of two ships of the fleet for the discovery of certain islands and a continent (tierra firme) concerning which His Catholic Majesty D. Philip II. had summoned a number of persons versed in mathe matics in order to deliberate on the plan to be followed. After selecting the vessels, he nominated as Generalin coramand of the expedition his nephew, Alvaro de Mendana; as Comraander of the troops (maestro de carapo), Pedro de Ortega Valencia ; as the Royal Ensign, D. Fernando Enriquez ; and lastly, as Chief-Pilot — to quote the words of the journal — "rayself, the said Hernando GaUego." The number of all that embarked on this voyage, including, besides the soldiers and sailors, four Franciscan friars and the servants, was a hundred. The preparations were raade with such alacrity and -willingness that the ships were fitted out with a dis patch that seeraed scarcely credible ; and on the 19th day of Nov., 1 566,^ being Wednesday, the day of St. Isabel, the two ships saUed from CaUao, the port of the City of Kings, which is situated, as Gallego remarks, in 12j-° S. lat. Shaping their course to the south west, they had not to allow for the variation of the compass, since the needle pointed direct to the pole ; and reference is here made in the journal to the circurastance that in Spain, raore particularly in the city of Seville, the needle varied one point to the north-west. Steering in the sarae southerly and westerly direction until the 27th ofthe same month, they reached the latitude of 15|-°, being by their reckoning 57 leagues^ due west from the "morro de Uacaxique," which was in the sarae latitude.^ They now shaped their course west, following along the parallel of 15f°, because " the Lord Presi dent had said that in the latitude of 15°, at a distance of 600 leagues from Peru, there were raany rich islands." With the wind "a long time in the south-east," they accomplished a usual daily run of frora 20 to 30 leagues. By the third of Deceraber, they were by their reckoning in the raeridian of the bay of Fego,* which is stated by GaUego to be situated in 16° north of the equinoctial and 546 leagues due north of their position. On the 7th of the same month, the Chief-Pilot recorded his observation that the needle 1 Vide In ote IL of Geographical Appendix. 2 Spanish leagues, 17J to a degree, all through the narrative. ' I have not been able to fin 1 this name in any maps or charts. ' In the maps I have examined there is no bay of this name given. 196 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. showed no variation frora the pole and that it neither dipped nor tilted up. " At this tirae," he writes, " I inquired of the pilots as to our position ; but I only provoked their obstinacy : and we went on our voyage sailing across the ocean to discover land. We noticed the flight of the birds that passed us in the morning and evening, and whence they came, and whither they went towards the setting sun.. All this was no certain guide, as sorae flew north and others soutli ; and there was nothing to justify our pursuing the fiying-fish which abounded in those seas." It is right that I should here allude to the iraportance attached by the voyagers of this period to the flight of birds which had often guided thera to the discovery of new lands. It was for this reason, it will be i-eraerabered, that Columbus swerved from his westerly course when approaching the Araerican Continent Gallego soon began to lose confidence in the opinion of the Lord President, because pursuing their course along the sarae parallel of 15f° they failed to observe any signs of land. On the 12th of December, heing in the meridian of the harbour of La Navidad (a port on the Pacific coast of Mexico, in lat. 19° 12' N., long. 104° 40' W.), there was a consultation between Gallego and the other pilots, when their latitudes were found to agree, but the dead reckoning of the pilots was greater. At length, on the 16th of the month, it was resolved by the Chief-Pilot to leave this parallel and head more to the northward, as they were now 620 leagues rather raore than less irom Peru and there were no signs of their approaching land. Accordingly the course was altered ; and for four days they ran west-by-north reaching the latitude of 13f°, and accomplishing 166 leagues. During the 20th and 21st of December they steered north west for 65 leagues, keeping a good look-out for land, but to no pur pose. On the 22nd, after steering to the north-west-by-west for 30 leagues, they reached the parallel of 11°. They. then coursed north west until the 26th, which was St. Stephen's Day, having gone by their reckoning 95 leagues and attaining, as their observations showed, a latitude rather under nine degrees (nueve grades escasos). It is worthy of note that in the daily record, which was at this time kept by GaUego of the course and distance and of the latitude obtained by observation, it usually happens tbat the computed lati tude is considerably less than that observed.^- In this journal, how ever, the latitudes are all those of observation except where it is ' This circumstance was, probably, due to a strong southerly drift. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 197 otherwise mentioned. During the 27th and 28th of Deceraber they stood to the west-north-west for 60 leagues ; and on the two foUow ing days they steered west -by-north for 62 leagues, reaching the latitude ot 6j°. It is here recorded that the needle -was deflected a third cf a point to the north-west. On the last day of the year they sailed 30 leagues to the west, experiencing strong currents. Hitherto no signs of land had been observed, and, in consequence, symptoras of uneasiness showed theraselves araongst the crews. As they sailed along, the}- were led in their imaginations to believe that they were always on the point of raaking the land ; but no land appeared. " The pilots told rae," writes GaUego in his journal, " that I was the only person who was not disheartened after having sailed so many leagues without seeing land : and when I told them that they would suffer no ill and that, with the favour of God, they would see the land at the end of January, they all kept silent andi made no reply." The 1st of January, 1567, found the Spanish voyagers steering west along the parallel of 6J° ; and in accordance with the opinions of his fellow pilots, GaUego kept this course until the 7th, traversing in the tirae about 125 leagues.^ They now experienced unsettled weather, the wind shifting to the north and subsequently to the north-east. Although steering west-by-south, they did not change their latitude as rauch as they expected; and, on the 10th, after accomplishing 30 leagues on this course during the past three days they found their latitude in 6^°. During the llth and 12th witli a very favourable wind they sailed 55 leagues to the west on the sarae parallel. Heavy rain-squalls here overtook thera ; and they ran along under easy sail. " On this day," writes GaUego, " they signalled from the " Alrair- anta" (the general's ship) to ask where the land should be. I I'eplied that it lay, in my opinion, 300 leagues away ; and that at all events we should not sight it until the end of the month. At this time some of the people began to doubt whether we should ever see the land. But I always told thera that, if God was with them, it would be His pleasure that they should not suffer ill." During the 13th they steered west 25 leagues and found themselves in the paraUel of 6°. On tbe foUowing day they ran in the same ' For one day, Saturday the Srd, there is no record in the Journal of the distance run. To allow for this omission, I have taken 18 leagues aa being the average daily run during this week. 198 JOURNA.L OF GALLEGO. direction for 30 leagues, experiencing much rain and varying winds. Their water supply was faiUng, and the minds of many were the more depressed ; for these reasons they ran on with eased sheets and did not shorten sail. But the long-expected land was near, and I will perrait Gallego for the time to tell his own story. " On the Thursday the 15th of January, we had heavy showers of rain and such thunder and lightning as we had not seen in all the voyage. We were distant from the land of Peru, on the course which we had steered, 1450 leagues. In the following^ raorning we ran with a light wind 15 leagues south-west-by-west, and were in the latitude of 6|-°. A searaan went to the top and discovered land in the shape of a small island, which appeared on the port hand to the south-west-by-west. We were about six leagues from it, because being a low island it could not be seen at a greater distance. Keeping away, we reached it at sunset. This island is low and level. It has many reefs around it, and has quite a bay of the sea in the middle of it. After we had arrived, I found the latitude to be 6f°. We were eager to send a boat in ; but, however, it was thought best to await the arrival ofthe -Almiranta' which was much behind us. " In the meantirae seven canoes full of people started from the island. Sorae turned back to the shore and the remainder came off to the ship. But when they saw so raany persons, they returned to the beach and raade great bonfires. That night they put up flags, seemingly for the protection of the island. We were not able to determine whether they were mats of palra-leaves or of cotton, they were bbached so white.^ The people in the canoes were naked and of a tawny hue. When the 'Almiranta' arrived, we .agreed that no boats should land until tho next day, as it was then evening. And when it dawnerl, it blew so strong from the north west that we drifted a quarter of a league to leeward of the island. I wi.shed to reach it, but could not, as the wind was so strong that we could carry no sails. I advised that, if we beat up to reach the island with the wind so strong and contrary, the ships might be broken in pieces (on the reefs) ; that it would not be wise to run the risk of losing all our lives for an island so small ; and that seeing that the island was inhabited, the rest could not be faraway. ' The word "following " has been added by me, since from the subsequent remarks of Gallego, it is evident that this land was sighted on the 16th. 2 Mats of very fine quality are manufactured in many of the Pacific islands. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 199 Although being so near to this island, we could not get bottom with 200 fathoms." The decision of Gallego naturally caused rauch discontent amongst the crews. " The soldiers murraured " — thus the Journal continues — " because they were unwilling to leave this island, not withstanding that they would run the chance of losing their lives. Being weary of the voyage, they took no pains to conceal their displeasure. But I cheered tbera and consoled thera with the assurance that they would meet with no raisfortune, and that with the grace of God, I would give them more land than they would be able to people ; for this island (as I pointed out to thera) V/'as not more than five or six leagues in size. I gave it the narae of the Isle of Jesus, because we arrived at it on the day after that which we accounted the 15th of January." ^ As the Spanish voyagers were now approaching the scene of their future discoveries, their course becoraes of peculiar interest to the historical geographer.^ Continuing their voyage on the 17th of January, they had before thera a long and tedious passage, having to contend with contrary winds and being swept north and south in turns by the currents. On the 23rd, they were in the latitude of 6°, and on the 28th in 5^°. At length on Sunday the 1st of February, when they were according to their reckoning 165 leagues from the Isle of Jesus, they discovered two leagues away ^ sorae banks of reefs with sorae islets in the raiddle of them. " These , shoals " — as described by Gallego — " ran obliquely from north-east to south-west. We were not able" — so he writes — "to get their extremity within our range of sight ; but as far as we could see them they extended more than fifteen leagues. We gave them the name of 'Los Bajos de la Candelaria,' because we saw thera on Candlemas Eve : and I took the latitude near them, when we lay east and west with their centre, and found it to be 6J°." On refer ring to the present Adrairalty charts, it will be noticed that the name " Candelaria Reef," is applied to an atoll lying about eighty miles to the north of the large island of Isabel -in the Soloraon Group and named " El Roncador " by Maurelle the Spanish navi- ^ It is scarcely possible to identify this island with any of the islands marked in the latest Admiralty charts, l^ide Note III. of the Geographical Appendix. ^ I would direct the nautical reader to Note V. of the Geographical Appendix which refers to Gallego's observations of latitude in this group. He will thus be saved some con fusion in comparing the Spanish latitudes with those of the present charts. ^ Thus the distance of these shoals from the Isle of Jesus would be probably about 167 leagues in all. Figueroa gives the distance as 160 leagues. 200 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. gator in 1781. Now, seeing that this atoll is not more than six miles across, it cannot possiblmbe identical with the extensive reefs which are above described by Gallego under the narae of the Candelaria Shoals. As shown in the appendix,^ it is highly pro bable that these shoals are the same with those which lie about 35 railes to the north of the Roncador Reef, where they constitute an atoll fifty railes in width which was discovered by the Dutch navigators Le Maire and Schouten in 1616, and was named "Ontong Java " by Tasman in 1643. Leaving these shoals, they steered south-west, expecting to sight land, which could not have been, in the opinion of Gallego, more than fifty leagues distant. During the night, however, they had to heave-to on account of the heavy weather ; and on the following day, which was the day of our Lady of Candlemas, they experienced the same weather and were obliged to take in all sail During the next day, which was the 4th of Februarj', the weather improved ; and steering at first west-by-north tbey subsequently stood to the south-west ; and as night approached they shortened sail, in the event of there being other reefs and shoals such as those they had already passed. The prevailing winds had been north west ; but on the following day the -wind went round to the west and fell very light. For four days they had been unable to take observations on account of the thick weather. On the 5th,^ their latitude was found in 7° 8', from which Gallego inferred that in those four days they had drifted fifteen leagues to the south-by-west. They now raade sail and headed north.* (?) " This day," writes Gallego, " was Saturday, the 7th of February, and the 80th day since we set out frora Callao, the port of the City of the Kings. In the raorning I ordered a seaman to go aloft to the top and scan the south for land, because there seeraed to me to be in that quarter an elevated raass ; and the seaman reported land. The land soon became visible to us ; and a signal of our discovery was made to the ' Almiranta ' which was half a league from the ' Capitana ' (Gallego's vessel). Every one received the news with feelings of great joy and gratitude for the favour which God had granted them through the intercession of the Blessed Virgin, the ^ Vide Note IV. ot the Geographical Appendix. ^ There is apparently an error in the journal with reference to this date, since the 6th is omitted altogether. 2 The subsequent remarks relative to the conrse show that there is here an error in the M.S., or in the original journal. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 201 Glorious Mother of God, whora we aU believed to be our mediator ; and the ' Te Deum laudamus ' was sung." They were distant frora the land, when they first saw it, about 15 leagues. It is described in the journal as "very high." Turning the ships' heads in that direction, after they had gone 3 or 4 leagues, they discovered much more land belonging to the same island which appeared to be a continent. They did not get up to it untU the evening of the next day, which was Sunday the 8th of February. " Shortly after we arrived," continues GaUego in his narrative, "many large and small canoes came off to see us, displaying signs of amity. But they did not dare to corae alongside the vessels ; and as we approached the land, they kept away. However the General threw thera sorae coloured caps, and being thus assured they carae alongside the ship. The boat was launched, and in it went Juan Enriquez with eight rausketeers and target-raen (rodoleros) to see if they could find a port to anchor in, and also to search for the place whence the canoes had come. The rest of the -natives became more confident, and some of them came on board the ship. As they behaved well, we gave thera things to eat and drink ; and they remained on board until it began to grow dark, when they got into their canoes and went ashore. And those who had gone away in the boat, seeing that it was getting dusk, returned without having found any port. As soon as it was dark we stood out to sea, and the natives in the canoes returned to their homes. They told us that for the sake of friendship we should have gone with tliem, and that they would have entertained us and given us plenty to eat. " We stood to windward that night with a light wind ; and the currents carried us more than three leagues to the west-north-west, bringing us over sorae reefs on whicii we raight have been lost as the sea was breaking around thera. Finding ourselves in seven fathoms of water, we at once made course to stand clear of them. We remained under easy canvas until it dawned, when we saw that the currents had carried us right upon the shoals ; and as the sea broke around us, we made more sail. I hailed the ' Almiranta ' to make the best of her way out of her position among the shoals ; and we accordingly stood away until we found a sufficient depth." Juan Enriquez was now dispatched in the boat to find a harbour for the ships ; but he was deterred by the sight of all the reefs and returned to the ship. He was ordered by the General to go back 202 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. again and carry out his search, and " I told him " — adds Gallego — ¦ " that it was necessary for the safety of the ships that he should find a port without delay." The position of the Spanish vessels was a truly critical one ; and only those who have been similarly situated in a sailing ship in unsurveyed waters, studded with unknown coral reefs, can realise how anxious the raoment was. "Coraraitting ourselves to God " — thus Gallego writes — " I sent a raan aloft to the fore-top, and placed another on the bowsprit, and I told them to notice where the shoals were white. The sounding- lead was kept in hand ; and in the event of our having to go about or to anchor, we stood by the sheets and bowlines and had the anchor cleared. I steered for the place where we found seven fathoms of water, as it seemed to me that we should not find a less depth. The boat had not yet reached the shore, so I deterrained to sound and I got twelve fathoms with, a clear bottom ; and farther on it was deeper and also clear of rocks. Although it was mid-day, a star appearbd to us over the entrance of the reef. Taking it as a guide and as a good omen, we were cheered in spirit and became raore hopeful. As we proceeded, the water deepened little by little : and I inforraed the General that we were already clear ofthe reefs . . . I signalled to the ' Almiranta ' to follow us. As we neared the harbour where the boat had gone, they signalled to us that they had found a good anchorage. Presently we entered the harbour with the star over the bow, and we anchored, the ' Almiranta ' entering shortly afterwards. At the entrance of the port is a rock (or islet), in size larger than the ship. " It was the day of Santa Polonia, the 9th of February. The harbour, which is in the latitude of 7° 50", we named the port of Santa Isabel del Estrella ; and we named the island, Santa Isabel. The Indians called the island Camba ; and their cacique is named Billebanarra. This harbour lies nearly in the middle of the north coast ofthe island, and is 26 leagues north-east and south-west from the reefs.^ Having disembarked with the other captains, I took possession of the island in the narae of His Majesty. A cross was erected : and I chose a convenient place for building a brigantine." On the following day, Gallego landed with the carpenters ; and they began with all diligence to fell the trees and to saw the planks 1 The reefs, here referred to, are evidently the Candelaria Shoals. This bearing of the harbour with these shoals does not warrant the position which has been assigned to Estrella Bay in the present Admiralty Chart, its position there being due south of these reefs. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 203 for the construction of the brigantine. Meanwhile the General had sent Pedro Sarraiento with thirty raen into the interior. They penetrated about five leagues, and raet with some Indians, one of whom they took as a hostage. This native was treated kindly by the General ; and he was set at liberty in order that he raight carry a favourable account to the other natives of the island. During this incursion, a soldier had been struck by an arrow, but received no hurt. Shortly afterwards, a larger force was dispatched under Pedro de Ortega to explore the interior. The expedition included 52 persons, and coraprised 35 soldiers, with sorae seamen and . negroes. They were absent seven days frora the ship ; and frora the account of Gallego, we raay infer that but little discretion was employed in their dealings with the natives. They burned " many temples dedicated to the worship of snakes, toads, and other insects ; " and, as the result of such proceedings, two soldiers were wounded, one of whom subsequently died of tetanus. His name was Alonzo Martin, and he bore the character of a good soldier. "These people," writes the Chief Pilot, "are tawny and have crisp hair. They go naked, wearing only short aprons of palm leaves. They have as food sorae maizes or roots which they call betiaus and plenty of fish. They are, in my opinion, a clean race, and I am certain that they eat human flesh." On the 15th of March, whilst the Spaniards were at mass on shore, a fleet of four teen canoes arrived at the place where the brigantine was being built. The cacique, who was in comraand, sent the General a present of a quarter of a boy, including the arra and hand, together with sorae roots (benaus), which he requested hira to accept. In order that the natives should understand that the Spaniards did not eat human flesh, the General ordered it to be buried in their presence, at which they were abashed and hung their heads, and returned to an islet which was situated at the entrance of the harbour. This cacique, who is terraed in the Journal the Taurique Meta, lived at a place fifteen leagues from the harbour to the west- by-north. Pedro de Ortega, with the two pilots, Pedro Roanges and Juan Enriquez, were sent with thirty soldiers and four Indians to vi-sit the place where this taurique lived. They were absent four days, and effected nothing except the capture of four Indians, two of whom they retained as hostages in order to compel the natives to bring thera pro-visions. On the 4th of AprU, the brigantine was launched, and the 204 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. rigging was set up. It having been resolved that she should pro ceed on a voyage to discover the other islands and harbours, Gallego, Ortega, with 18 soldiers^ and 12 sailors, embarked on board; and on the 7th of April they left the port. Following the coast along to the south-east, they came to two islets, lying six leagues away from the port of Santa Isabel de la Estrella, and situated, according to an observation of Gallego, exactly in the latitude of 8°. On these i,slets were many palms which were deemed to be palmettos and cocoa-nut trees. " This land," as the Chief PUot remarks, " trends south-east and north-west. The needle stood a point to the north-east and there remained. Proceeding on our cruise, we saw many islets in the same direction .... * 5 leagues from where we had started ; and we anchored at an islet in which we found a canoe and three houses. We landed 7 soldiers ; and they went up towards the houses in search of the Indians, who, however, carried off their canoe. On reaching the houses, the soldiers found a quantity of provisions, which they brought on board the brigan tine. Continuing our voyage along the coast, 17 canoes came out to us. In thera carae an exceedingly daring Indian, who, calling himself the cacique Babalay, held his bow towards u.s, and signified to us that we should go with him, and that, if we should not wish to go, he would carry us by force and would kill us. On account of his audacity, the " maestro de carapo " ordered them to fire and knocked him down with a shot ; and when those in the canoes saw hira fall, they all fled to the shore. Shortly afterwards^, I tacked towards the shore in order to make a port, as the wind was strong. In a little tirae we carae to an anchor, and I found by observation that the latitude was 8^° . . . . ^" Leaving this anchorage, they stood out to sea, with the wind in the north-north-west; and in a short tirae they kept away and followed the coast along to the south-east-by-east. " And as we sailed on," continues Gallego, " the mast sprung and nearty fell on us. Seeing what had happened, I ordered the sails to be secured and the tackle to be brought to the weather side, and in 1 According to the MS. in this passage, only 10 soldiers embarked ; but on one occasion during the cruise it is stated that 18 soldiers were landed {indep. 207), a number whichagrees with that given by Figueroa, " The words omitted here are iu the Spanish : "hasta la provincia de Vallas," 2 Reference is here made to the tact that the coast ran north-west-by-west -with the island of Meta, which was seven (?) leagues, distant. This island of Meta was probably a small coast island on which the chief of that name lived; JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 205 this raanner the mast was " stayed.'' When the night overtook us v/e were without knowledge of anj'^ port, having much thick weather with wind and rain. Guided by the phosphorescence of the sea we skirted the reefs ; and when I saw that the reefs did not make the sea phosphorescent, I weathered the point and entered a good har bour at the fourth hour of the night, where, much to our ease, we passed (the remainder of) the night.' This port is 6 leagues from where we set out, and is in a great bay. It is capacious and has 7 or 8 inhabited islands. The next day I disembarked the people to get water and wood ; and we saw coraing to the beach more than a hundred Indians, carrying their bows and arrows and clubs with which they are accustomed to fight. The ' maestre de campo ' ordered those on shore to embark, fearing sorae arabuscade. Soon the Indians arrived but they did nothing, and a canoe carae. See ing that they raade no attack, the 'raaestre de campo' ordered four soldiers to go ashore and fire three or four shots to frighten them ; and when this was done and the Indians saw it, they shot their arrows and took to flight. Thus passed the 12th of April. " WbUst in this bay we saw to seaward a very large island whicii lies east and west -with this bay. This island is called in the language of those Indians, Malaita. The west extreme of this island lies east and west with the point of Meta.^ 'Ihis island lies with the shoals of Candelaria north-west-by-west and south-east-by-east 52 leagues;^ and the extremity of this island of Malaita is in 8° ; it is distant irom the island of Santa Isabel 14 leagues; it has 5 or 6 islets at the extremity, which are, each of them, 2 leagues in circuit. There are two islets in the raiddle, between the two large islands. The name of the Isle of Ramos suggested itself for this Island of 1 To find in a dark night and in thick weather au opening in a line of coral-reef on an unkno-wn coast, is an undertaking fraught with the greatest hazard, even for a ship possess ing steam power. The only available guide is that which was foUowed by this clear-headed navigator ; but it is one which, as it depends on the luminosity of the sea, can only be of occasional service. When the sea has been unusually phosphorescent, each roller, as it breaks on the weather-edge of the reef, is marked by a disconnected line of light, reminding one ot the straggling fire of a line of musketry. I once saw this phenomenon splendidly exhibited on the coast of Japan, the sea-surface being crowded -with myriads of "NoctUucae.'' 2 The point of Meta is probably near the place where the chief of that name lived. Vide page 203. 3 "Nomeste sueste quarta de leste hueste " is the bearing given in the MS. The distance of 52 leagues very closely corresponds with the distance indicated on the present chart be tween the west end of Malaita and Ontong Java. (Vide appendix : note iv.) 206 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. Malaita, because it was discovered on Palm Sunday (Domingo de Ramos).' " Coasting further along from this bay, we saw a fleet of more than seven large canoes making for the shore where there were fisheries. The canoes carae on -with us ; and many Indians shot their arrows at us with great shouting. The ' maestre de campo,' on seeing their daring, ordered some muskets to be fired ; and one Indian was kiUed and the rest took to flight. On the following day, which we made the 14th of April, running further along the coast to the east-south-east (?) we sailed nearly 6 leagues. Here the Indians carae out to us in a friendly manner, bringing cocoa- nut and other things which we needed. Here we saw a hog, which was the flrst we had seem The next day we went further out in quest of the point and extremity of this island, running to the south-east. From the bay to the point of the island, the coast ran north-west and south-east. There are some islets near this point! and from this point to the bay is 14 leagues. I took the latitude and found it to be barely 9°. At this point, two canoes came out to us with fighting-raen, in order to question an Indian whom we had on board, one of the two we took frora Meta. They shot their arrows at us ; and when we fired a musket to frighten them, they fled. "On the following day, which we reckoned the 16th of the month, being at the extremity of this island, we named it Cape Pueto ; ^ and from here we discovered sorae islands to the south east,^ which are 9 leagues frora this cape. Some lie north-by-west and south-bj'-east ; * and others north-west and south-east. And we approached them this day with a fair wind, sailing to the south east. We arrived at ten o'clock in the night at an island which was a league and a half in circuit ; and there we anchored. It is ^ Through an unconscious error in the translations by Mr. Dalrymple and Capt. Burney ot the account given by Figueroa, the namo " Isle of Eamos " has been applied in modern charts to an islet nearly in the middle of the passage between Isabel and Malaita. For further particulars consult Note VI. of appendix. 2 The narae of this cape is spelt in three difEerent ways in this MS., viz., Puerto, Pueto, and Prieto. The latter is that adopted in Figueroa's accourt. Puerto seems to be the correct name as no reason is given in the journal for using the epithet of " black " (prieto) ; but the last is employed in the present chart. ^ In the account of Figueroa this bearin? is given as south-west, whioh, as pointed out by Pingrfe, Fleurieu, and Burney, is in contradiction to the other bearings, and was by all three authors replaced by that of " south-east." ^ Norte sur quarta del norueste sueste." JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 207 low and beset with reefs. We sailed around it. It has many palras, is inhabited ; and it was there we passed the night. When it dawned, we were desirous to land but could not on account of the numerous shoals and reefs. It was named ' La Galera.' Here a canoe came off to us carrying 50 raen whora we perceived to be ready for battle. . . .^ It preceded us to another large island which was a league distant. It was soon joined by raany canoes both sraall and large ; and in (one of) thera came a leading taurique. He came and approached us in a friendly manner, and gave us beads (chaquiza), of the kind they wear, which resemble those that are found in Puerto-viejo.^ The ' maestre de campo ' gave him a good reception ; and in token of peace presented him with sorae things which we had on board. Soon the taurique coraraanded the raen in the canoes to take the brigantine in tow and bring us into the harbour, which they did. After we were inside, the ' raaestre de campo' landed with 18 soldiers ; and I remained with 12 on board the brigantine. The Indians soon took up their weapons, and hurled stones at us, and jeered at us because we asked for provisions. Seeing their insolence, some shots were fired at them, and two Indians were killed. Thereupon they fled, leaving their houses defenceless. This island is called in the language of the Indians, Pela.* And there is a chain of five islands, which lie east and west one with another. The first of these, which we carae to, was at the east end, for we were pursuing our discoveries frora East to West; it Ues with the Cape Prieto north-west and south-east, 9 leagues frora the said cape. It will be in circuit 12 leagues. It is well peopled by natives and has raany -huts and towns and. . . * To this island we gave the name of Buena Vista from its appear ance ; it seeraed to be very fertile, and was well-peopled ; and the rest are as above inentioned. They go naked, without any covering whatever, and have their faces patterned (tattooed).^ There are many inhabited islands around. I took the latitude ' As the meaning is obscure, I have here omitted the following : " and coming close to us" which is followed in the Spanish by "no nos dijo eosa nise mavieron contra nosotros," which I have left untranslated. ^ A town in the province of Quito, in the kingdom of Peru. ' Gela is the present native name of the Florida Islands. (Codrington's " Melanesian Languages," p. 522, circd). Consult Note VTI. of the geographical appendix. * "Lugares forraados y juntos.'' These words, whioh I have not translated, are to be found unaltered in Figueroa's account, and have been rendered thus by Dalrymple -'places cultivated and enclosed." ° "Las caraslabradas." 208 .JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. here, and found it to be 9|° south of the equinoctial. It runs east and west. " On Good Friday of this same year we went from this island to another a league distant. We found in it abundance of cocoa- nuts ; and we placed a quantity on board the brigantine for our sustenance. Whilst we were at this island, a canoe came off to us with three Indians ; they left us to go from there to the large island ; and they offered us hogs, but we did not want them. " On arriving at the large island, the ' maestre de campo ' landed and carae to a town which was on high-ground. ^ Here they gave hira two hogs, which he brought off with him to the ship, having met with no bad treatment ; and we returned to pass the night at the islet (?). This day was Holy Saturday. On the foUewing day, which was the Feast of the Resurrection, we skirted the south coast of the island ; and frora here we went to another island, which is a league from it. On our arrival, there came off to us more than 20 canoes of fighting-men, who planned taking us to their town and capturing us, and displayed much delight araongst themselves. I ordered the anchor to be weighed that we might get to a better place, because we were almost touching the shoals. When the Indians saw that we were about to shift our position, they got into their canoes in a great hurry with their bows and arrows, and clubs, and many stones ; and in a very fierce manner they began to shoot their arrows and stones at us. Seeing their daring, we replied with the rauskets ; and many Indians were killed, and the whole were repulsed; and they ralUed and came on to the attack with greater fury ; but this tiine they suffered even more, and for the second tirae they were repulsed and routed. There were more than 700 Indians. We took three canoes ; but afterwards we abandoned two and kept the other. Deserting their towns, they went off -with many howls and cries to the higher land in the interior. Soon the ' maestre de campo ' landed with 20 men : and he endeavoured to bring off sorae provisions to the brigantine, and to restore friend ship with the natives ; but frora their dread of the muskets they would never approach ; and they kept much in advance of them caUing to each other by conch-shells and with drums. Seeing that there was no help for it, we set fire to a house, after having taken possession of the island in the name of His Majesty, as in the case of the other islands ; and we gave it the name of ' La Florida.' This island is in latitude 9-|° and lies east and west with the island of JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 209 Buena vista. It is 25 leagues in circuit, and is a fine island in ap pearance, with many inhabitants, who are also naked as in the other islands ; and they redden their hair, eat human fie-sh, and have their towns built over the water as in Mexico.^ " This day we went on to other islands which are further to the east in the same latitude. The first has a circuit of 25 leagues. We had not resistance from them (the Indians) ; because they had already come to know that they could not overcome us, if we were prepared for them. To this island, we gave the narae of San Dimas. We did not go to the reraaining islands that we might not hinder ourselves. We named the one San German, and the other the Island of Guadalupe." (Vide Note VII. of the Geographical Appendix.) " The next morning we went to another very large island which is on the south side of the five islands. In the middle of the way, or half-way between tbem, is an island which we named Sesarga. It is 8 leagues in circuit. This island is high and round and well- peopled ; with plenty of food, mames and panales^ and roots and hogs [which have no grain to eat ?]. In the middle of this island there is a volcano, which is continually emitting great sraoke. It has a white streak which resembles a road descending from the higher parts down to the sea. This island is in latitude 9|°. With the island of Buenavista it lies north-west and south-east (?).* Five leagues frora this island, there carae out 5 canoes ; and they gave us a fish, telling us by signs that we should go with thera to their island, and that they would give us hogs. The Indians went away ; and we slept this night at sea. " On the next day, which was the 19th of April, we arrived at the great island, which we had seen, and came upon a town of the Indians. There is a large river here ; and there came out canoes to ' In the present day the natives of Florida built their houses on piles. See p. 60, of this work. '' Figueroa gives for mames, ynanimes; and for panales, panays. In the first instance, " yams " are probably meant ; whilst, in the second case, Burney suggests that hj panays the "breadfruit " may be referred to. Fleurieu hints that it may be the application of the name of the " parsnip " to some other vegetable. The "taro " is evidently here alluded to. s In Note VII. ot the Geographical Appendix, I have treated of the question relating to the identification of the islands whioh lie between Cape Prieto and the north coast of Guadalcanar, with the Spanish discoveries. In so doing, I have re-opened a discussion that excited considerable interest a century ago, but which has since, notwithstanding the efforts of Burney and Krusenstem, boen almost forgotten. Those acquainted with these islands will recognise iu Sesarga the present Savo. O -210 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. the brigantine, and sorae Indians who were swimming, and some woraen and boys. They gave us a rope, and towing us, carried us to the shore. When we were close to the beach, they began to throw stones at us, saying, ' Mate,' ' Mate,' raeaning that they were going to kill us.' Sorae shots were fired, which kiUed two of them; and imraediately they left us and fled. The ' maestre de campo ' landed with 20 men, and took possession as in the case of the other islands. In the town was found, in small baskets, a large quantity of pro visions, of roots, and ginger wbich is plentiful in this island. We put on board the brigantine what we could, including a hog. The same evening, -we erabarked ; and we gave this island the name of Guadalcanal and to the river that of Ortega. I took the latitude, and found it to be in 10|-°. With the higher part of Buenavista, it lies north and south 9 leagues, and with that of Sesarga north-west and south-east. Frora here we determined to return to where we had left the ships. We, therefore, started on the return voyage. Running back to the island of Santa Isabel, we passed by the island of Sesarga, which is called in the language of the Indians 'Gua li.' Pursuing our way, we came close to Cape Prieto. We sailed along the south coast and arrived at an island, 7 leagues from Cape Prieto, which lies with the island of Sesarga north-by-west^ 15 leagues. The taurique of this island, Beneboneja by narae, called it the island of Veru. It is a league from, that of Santa Isabel. The passage (entrada), which is on the south-east side of the island of Beru {Veru), has a fine harbour that is able to hold a thousand ships : it is 6 leagues in length, has a depth of 12 to 8 fathoms, is very clear (of shoals), and has an outlet to the north-west a league in length.^ This channel* runs west-north-west to the cape of this island, where there is a large town which has more than 300 houses. The Indians received us in a friendly manner, giving us a hog : and because they would not give us raore than a hog, we seized three canoes ; and when they saw that we had taken these canoes, they ransomed thera, giving for two canoes two hogs. We saw in this island some pearls that the Indians brought, which they did not hold in 1 There is here a strange coincidence. The natives in using the word " mate " — a widely spread Polynesian word for "dead" — were unconsciously making a correct use of the Spanish verb " matar," to kill. 2 Norueste quarta del norueste (?). ' This fine harbour is at present known as Thousand Ships Bay. It was visited by D'Urville, in 1838, who named his anchorage Astrolabe Harbour. ¦• The outlet to the northwest has been named Ortega Channel. It was explored by the officers of D'Urville's expedition. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 211 much esteem. They also brought us sorae tusks' that seemed to belong to some large animal, of which they have many : and they told us that we should take them and give them back their canoe. I considered that we should restore canoe their and accept these tu.sks: but the 'maestre de carapo' was not wiUing to do so This island is in latitude 9^°. We named ifc the island of Jorge.^ " We continued our return joumey, sailing to the west-by-north around the said island of Santa Isabel. When we were a third part from the south-south-east portion of this island, we saw two large islands. We did not go to them, because we had not reached the extremity of the island which we should have to round,^ and also because the coast is beset with many reefs and shoals which we Could scarcely pass through in the brigantine, it being impossible to sail through thera in ships. These islands would be 6 leagues from Santa Isabel ; they are in latitude 9J° S., as they lie east and west with the island of Veru 10 leagues. These islands, which we passed, bear east and west one with the other. The land runs much further to the west-by-north. The needle declined to the N.W.* I observed the sun near the river and found myself in 9° full (9 grados targos). In this island we saw many bats (murcie- lagos) of such a size tbat the wings from tip to tip measured 5 feet in expanse. This island has a breadth of 20 leagues ; for I took the sun on the north side, where the ships lay, and now on the south side ; and in this last I found the latitude to be 9° full (largos), whilst on the north side the latitude is 8° rainus 8 rainutes, lying north-north-east and south-south-west 20 leagues. To the two large islands, which we saw, we gave the following naraes, to the one San Nicolas, and to the other, which lies more to the west, the Isle of Arracises (Reefs), because there are so many reefs to pass through that it is irapracticable to sail round the island.^ " After running for four days, but not through the nights, we ' Probably boar's tusks. ' The St. George's Island of the present chart. ^ Tho general sense of this passage italicized is here given. ¦* For N.W. read N.E. There is evidently a mistake in the MS., as Gallego previously found the needle to vary one jjoint to the north-east, when a few leagues from Estrella Harbour (see p. 204). " These two islands were probably, from their bearing with the island of Veru or St. George, the two mountainous islands in the south-east part of New Georgia, which, as observed by GaUego, runs much further to the westward. Their distance, however, from Veru, is more than double that jvhich Gallego gives. 212 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. could scarcely sail along,i on account of the raany reefs ; and we entered a passage a quarter of a league further on, but seeing that there was no outlet we had to return by the aid of the oars.^ At this time many Indians came out against us, from among the reefs, with their bows and arrows. We raade sail, and as we were pro-- ceeding in the same direction, 18 canoes full of fishermen, in each canoe 30 Indians, with their bows and arrows, came to shoot at us. We fired some shots, and so they went away and left us. " On the 26th of April, we reached some reefs and grounded on them . . .^ Some Indians came out at this time with bows and arrows ; and we fired some shots, but because the Indians did not leave us, we did not repeat this. There are many islets near, both inhabited and uninhabited. The island became narrower as we arrived at a point of this island which is from the extremity 6 leagues north-west to south-east. We entered a passage separating the island from the other islets around, which are many and in habited. This is the west part of the island ; and I took the sun at its extremity and found myself in 7^°. This island is 95 leagues in length, and in circuit more than 200.* As we sailed on, some canoes came out to us ; and on our firing sorae shots, they left us, because . . . (por que nos aflirian). " Issuing frora the passage, we saw, towards the east-by-south,^ 6 leagues away, a large island. We did not go to it, so as not to de lay ourselves. We gave it the name of San Marcos.® It is in lati tude 7f°. This island Ues with that of Santa Isabel west-by-north and east-by-south. AU this people, which we have hitherto seen, are naked, and are as the Moors of Barbary, and do not confess the Lord. " Sailing on to the 28th of the month, there carae out to us 34 canoes in line of battle, in order to stop us. Three large canoes, which passed astern, foUowed us for more than 2 leagues. When we saw their determination to overhaul us (que trahian), we fired ^ Lit " we were unable to sail along." 2 This blind passage may be the one indicated in the present chart in the vicinity ot Nairn Island, an off -lying islet. 5 The following sentence, being unintelligible to me, has not been translated, "porque ea esta isla hay muchos suefios que llaman fueuos forzado volver atras para salir." * These dimensions are very greatly in excess. 5 This bearing is evidently an error ; the correct bearing is given a few lines below. " The island of San Marcos is evidently the Choiseul Island of the present chart, as named by Bougainville in 1768 ; and the passage through whioh the brigantine had just passed, is that known as Manning Strait between Choiseul and Isabel. ' ' JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 213 at them with a small cannon and sorae rauskets. At this, they took to flight . . . (mas que de paieia). Although we had been away from the ships a long tirae ancl were endeavouring to return, we were delayed in arriving at them, as we were opposed by the east winds. " Being anchored on Sunday' at a small uninhabited island, we determined to send before us a canoe with nine soldiers, a sailor, and an Indian who bad always accompanied us. Whilst they were coasting along, not daring to stand out to sea, they got on some reefs. Through their negligence, the canoe was broken in pieces ; and bj' God's raercy, the people escaped with the loss of what they carried, their muskets and aramunition being wetted. When they were all collected together, they resolved to return to the brigan tine ; and the Indian ran away from thera, although he did not belong to that land. Having walked all that night over the stones and rocks along the coast, for fear of raeeting the Indians, they came to a point where they found a cross which they had put up when they passed by there ; and they worshipped it, and deter mined to await there the arrival of the brigantine. They put up a flag which loas seen by us as we came along . . .^ We went to receive thera and found them in a sorry plight (maltratados). Con tinuing our voyage, we came to where they had been wrecked amongst some reefs close to an islet, in which they had left two hogs that they carried with thera. A canoe was sent for thera (the hogs) and they were taken. Near here we anchored, because there was much wind. As the weather was flne and the wind was off the land, we went inside the reefs, looking out for our ships all that day and part of the night. We made sail the next day at dawn, and arrived at the port of Santa Isabel de la Estrella, where we found the ships, to the no small satisfaction of both those on board and of ourselves.^ " The same day on which we arrived at Santa Isabel de la Estrella, I told the General that it was necessary to refit the ships, and that soon afterwards we should proceed further on to follow up what we had begun. Accordingly, on the Sth of the said month, ^ " Visto por losque en el veniamos soy echamos lo que podia ser. " 2 From the context it may be inferred that the brigantine completed the circuit of the island of Isabel. Figueroa, in his narrative, expressly states that the brigantine turned the west end of the island, and encountered head easterly winds in her return to the ships. Figueroa also tells us that during the absence of the brigantine some of the men iu the ships had died of sickness ; but Gallego does not refer to this circumstance. 214 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. we left the port of Santa Isabel de la Estrella, on our way out, pas sing by sorae reefs which are at the entrance of the . harbour. We sailed on until the end of two days. The brigantine, being unable to keep up with the ships, drifted towards the land, so rauch so that at dawn she -was nearly out of sight, although there carae in her the pilot Gregorio Gonzalez with some of the soldiers and sailors who had (previously) gone in her. Being afraid of losing her, I made signals to her to go about and make a reach to seaward. I deemed that unless one of the ships turned back to take her in tow, we should lose her. Seeing that, on account of the many reefs, she was so essential to us for the exploration of those islands, and had been built by us after so rauch labour and through ray diligence, I left the ' Almiranta ' to go on, and turned back in the ' Capitana ' to get her. We kept the sounding-lead in hand for fear of the reefs ; and about 6 leagues out to sea (seis leguas de la mar) I found rayself in 6 fathoras. I went about imraediately, and it pleased God that we found deeper water. We found the brigantine in the hours of the night ; and we took her in tow with no little labour, going after the ' Almiranta ' which had followed the course I had advised in order to avoid the many reefs existing here, and leaving behind in her course the islands of Veru and Flores,^ and many others which were discovered in the brigantine, without touching at thera. At the end of four days, we saw the ' Almiranta ' right ahead of us, not having j^et found a port. "On Tuesday, the 12th of May, we arrived at a port in the island of Guadalcanal, to which we had gone frora Santa Isabel; but we were not able to arrive at the river of Ortega which lay two leagues to windward of where we were. This day, the wind blew so hard from the east that our cable parted and we lost an anchor. On the foUowing morning I went in a boat to find a good anchor age, for we were anchored on an (open) coast ; and I went a league from here to the rear of an islet which was close to this island of Guadalcanal ; and having sounded everywhere I found that it was clear (of shoals) and afforded a good anchorage for the ships, since it had a large river which was named by us Rio GaUego. It is itt latitude 10° 8'. Frora here I returned to the ships, and brought thera to this port which we named Puerto de la Cruz.^ 1 The island of Florida is probably thus referred to. ''The position of this harbour is shown on the present chart ; but it is placed too muoh to the eastward ; since, from the narrative, it is apxmrent that it lies near Sesarga, whioh is the present Savo. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 215 "This sarae day, the General landed with all the soldiers aud self; and he took possession of this island in the narae of His Majesty as in the case of the other islands. A cross was erected on a little erainence that was there ; and we all paid our adoration. Some Indians, who stood near to look on, comraenced to discharge their arrows ; and sorae shots were fired at them, by which two Indians were killed ; and so they left us and fled, and we embarked for-that night. " On the following morning, when we intended to land to say mass, we noticed that the Indians had pulled up the cross and had carried it off. On account oftheir audacity, the General ordered the soldiers to get themselves ready to go in search of the cross and to put it in its place : and whilst they were going ashore in the boat, we saw the Indians return and endeavour to set it up. When it was in its place, they went away ; but it appeared that they had not thrust it in sufficiently, and it fell. Presently, the same men at tempted to erect it; but, frora fear of us, they did not stop to set it up quite straight and fled; and herewith our people reached the shore and disembarked. The General sent Pedro Sarmiento with some soldiers to look at the cross ; whilst he himself reraained on the beach with the rest of the people. On reaching there, they found that the cross was not upright: and thej'- placed it as it was at first. Pedro Sarraiento then returned, and they all embarked and came back to the ships. " In order not to lose time, I gave the order to repair the brigan tine, as she was very leaky. She was repaired accordingly ; and then it was deterrained that Don Fernando Henriquez, the chief- ensign (alferez general), and I, the said Hernan Gallego, should go in the brigantine with 30 soldiers and sailors to discover the re maining lands ofthe same island of Guadalcanal. On the 19th of May, we sailed in the brigantine along the coast of the said island which is naraed, in the language of the natives, Sabo.^ And on the same day, the General sent Andres Nunez with 30 soldiers to see what the land possessed, and to endeavour to make a search in cracks or broken ground, because the miners, who understood it, said that it was a land for gold. And so they carried out this ' The name of Savo is at the present day given to the volcanic island, named by the Spaniards, Sesarga, which lies off the north-west coast of Guadalcanar : Savuli is the name of a viUage at the west eud of Guadalcanar {vide map in Dr. Codrington's "Melanesian Languages " ). 216 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. object in an excursion of 7 days. Whilst they were endeavouring to make a trial of the ground in a large river, so many natives crowded around them that they bad to give it up, because they would not suffer them to do it. By a sign which they gave, they said that there was gold. They have . . . .^ ; and here were found the first hens of Castile. They brought back two young hens and a cock, which they all received with much satisfaction, understanding that they would discover better land." (These birds were evideUtly the " bush-hens," Megapodida, of these islands.) " Those in the brigantine, as they sailed along the coast of this island from the south-east to the north-west,^ saw many viUages near a river that was nigh to the ships. We passed a league further on, and after another league carae to the river of Ortega. All this coast is full of villages ; yet we did not stop to have seen raore of it. Going further along the coast, we came to a river and anchored in it ; and we resolved to land to see the people who were there. More than 200 Indians came out to meet us in a friendly manner, with their bows in their hands and the clubs with which they fight. They gave us some plantains (platanos) which abound here. After we had seen this, the people embarked ; however, they threw some stones at us as we were erabarking. We were frora the ships 12 leagues. Proceeding on our course to the south-east, we saw in another river a large population of natives, and we named it Rio de San Bernardino because it was that same day. It is in the latitude of 101°, and bears . . . .^ There is a very high round hill here. This river is 4 leagues from where we started from, as I have said.* " We continued coasting along this same island ; and two leagues from this river, we came to a great village on the bank of a small river. Don Fernando landed, and took a canoe which he found m the river, and also some roots, that they call "maraes" (yams) and others, " names," which they found in cases. We told the natives to give us some hogs, and they should have their canoe back They said that they would give them to us with the intention of detaining us whilst they collected their numbers. Thereupon they began to play their instruments for the battle. By the time we were em- 1 " muohas guacanaras en este entrada." 2 A perplexing error. Eead instead, N.W. to S.E. Figueroa gives the course as E.S.E. 3 " Nor norueste suhueste " (an impossible bearing). * The sense of this sentence is not intelligible to me. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 217 barked, more than 600 ruffians (gandules) had assembled. Coming to the beach with their bows and arrows, and clubs, and stones, they began to shoot ; but no rausket was fired at thera, although they did not cease frora shooting at us. Some took to the water and swara off to the brigantine endeavouring to cajole us with fair words, asking us for the canoe and promising us a hog. They tried to take it frora astern : and when we observed this, we threatened thera and they went ashore. " The Indians then brought on a pole a bundle of dry grass in inutation of a hog ; and they placed it on the beach. Sorae carae off to the brigantine and said that there was the hog, that we should go for it, and should give back the canoe. We saw the deceit that they intended ; and when they perceived that we understood what it was and did not go for it, they threw stones at us and rushed into the sea, swimming with their weapons in their hands. Withal, we did not wish to harm them until we saw their boldness, and that they were coming to the brigantine to shoot at us with their arrows. To frighten them, sorae shots were fired high in the air, which did not wound any one ; and so we went further along the coast, whilst they returned to the shore and followed us until we arrived off an other large river, with raany people as nuraerous as theraselves, whom they joined. " On the 22nd of May, we naraed this river Santa Elena. There is much level ground here whicii is covered with palms and cocoa- nut trees. This island has a very lofty cordUlera in its interior and many ravines frora which these rivers issue ; whilst between the mountains and the sea there are eight leagues of level country. In the mouth ofthe river there are many sandbanks; but we did not anchor there, ancl sailed a long way from the coast to double a point of reefs, where we anchored. The wind blew so strong from the south-east that we ran rauch risk when seeking shelter to leeward of the shoals that run out from the river. Here I anchored, and although there was much wind, it was fine weather at sea. " The Indians, who were more than a thousand in nuraber, swam out to us with their bows and arrows ; and they dived and plunged beneath the water to lay hold of our anchor and carry the brigantine ashore. Seeing their determined perseverance, we fired some shots, and having killed some, we ceased firing ; and they raade for the shore, where they raised some mounds of sand for their protection. As we were short of water, we were compeUed to get more ; and 218 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. when we headed towards the shore, a great number of the natives assembled together to menace us lest we should take up a position in the rear of their works, from which they defended themselves. We loaded a small cannon with sraall shot, and discharged it against their mound-works, by which some were wounded and one killed Seeing that they could not hold the works, they left the beach and withdrew to the mountain slope. " And we found a place to get water in the canoe that we had ; but it was brackish ; and I told them that unless they brought sweeter water they should not come on board the brigantine. The Indians said that they would fetch it in the earthen jars which were given thera for it ; and taking thera, the Indians went and brought it sweet and put it on board the brigantine. Soon they all came on board, and they did not follow us any raore. Continuing our voyage along the same coast for another 6 leagues, we anchored off a great town, which was more than three leagues in extent (mas de tres leguas de poblacion), whence there came; out to us more than 3,000(1) Indians, who gave us a hog and many cocoa-nuts ; and they filled the earthen jars with water and brought it off in their canoes, and they came on board the brigantine to visit us without arms. Close to the shore there are two inhabited islets lying about half a league to sea ; and further on to the north-west of these two islets, there is another islet of sand. Soon we steered our course to the south-east, following the trend of the coast for two leagues. There are two other islets, and another of sand, near them, which were not in habited. " On the 24th of May we sailed further along ; and there came off to us 18 canoes, which accompanied us until sunset. When they were about to go, they menaced us with their bows ; and on some shots being fired to disperse thera, they quickly left us. Accord ingly, we kept our course until the extreraity of this island, which runs frora north-west to south-east. We went to look for a port for the ships in case it should be needed ; and we found at the point of this promontory many islets with shoals between them. Among them is a large island with a good port. We were in want of water, and two canoes that accompanied us showed us where to get it, with the intention of luring us there and killing us ; for they came with their weapons. They were joined by 30 other canoes, one of them carrying 30 Indian warriors. Arriving whilst we were watering, they landed, and having got plenty of stones and arrows and spears. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 2l9 some went to attack the brigantine, whilst the others went to attack those who were getting water on shore. When we saw their deter mined daring, shots were fired by which some were killed and raany wounded ; and so they fled, leaving behind two canoes erapty, and carrying off the rest. The large canoe was rauch injured, and in their precipitation they threw themselves into the sea ; but we took the canoe with four Indians, two wounded and two unharraed. We landed thera, and treating thera well, gave tiiera their liberty and restored their canoe. And so they went away ; and I kept a boy that I took here. I found the latitude to be in 10f°. On the south- south-east .side of the point, the coast trends frora north-east to south-west, but frora this point we could not see the end of it. The port is 40 leagues frora where we left the ships.^ " We left this port with sorae difficulty as it lies among the reefs. We saw to the south-east-by-east an island 7 leagues away;^ but we did not go to it, as we were going to the island of Malaita, as the Indians name it, which lies with the island of Guadalcanal, and with the point where we had been, north-east-by-east. We sailed to the north-east-by-east for 16 leagues, and arrived at a good har bour which has many reefs at the entrance. There came out 25 canoes with warriors who discharged their arrows. Some shots were fired at them, which killed some and wounded others. This port, which is on the south-south-west coast, is in the latitude of 10^° ; and the name, Escondido, was given to it, because it is almost enclosed by reefs.* In this island we found apples of sorae size, oranges, a metal that seemed to be a base kind of gold, and, besides, pearl-shell, with which they inlay the club they use in battle, being the one they usually carry. These natives, like the rest, go com pletely naked. In the name of His Majesty we took possession of this island, to which we gave the name of the Isle of Ramos." ( Vide Note VL, Geographical Appendix.) " Leaving this port, we sailed to the south-east for four leagues, and discovered an entrance to a harbour resembling a river dividing 1 The description of this part, its .situation, and relative position to the adjoining coasts of Malaita and St. Christoval, as stated below, all point to its identity with Maran Sound. In the Geographical Appendix reference is made to the discrepancies in the distances and latitudes of Gallego. ^ This island is evidently St. Christoval. 2 Future visitors to the southern portion ot Malaita will doubtless be able to identify this port -with some anchorage on the west coast to the northward of the Maramasiki Passage. In so doing they should not forget the usual error of Gallego's latitudes (Note V. of the Geo graphical Appendix). 220 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. the lands from each other.^ We could not see the end of it ; and on account of the strong current we were unable to enter. We accordingly passed on another four leagues, where we found a good port : and in it I took the latitude, and found it to be 10^° south of the equinoctial. It has an islet at the entrance which should be left close on the starboard hand in entering the port. Two hundred Indians carae out and attacked us. To this port we gave the name of La Asuncion, because we entered it on that day.^ This day we sailed out and proceeded further along the coast to the south-east. Close to the extremity of the island, we put into a small bay^ where they discharged some arrows at us, and on our firing some shots they left us. Quitting the small bay, we sailed as far as the end of the island which is in \0\°.* It lies north-east and south-east with the isle of Jesus, which is the first island we saw, and Ues in 7°. [With the other end of Malaita, which is to the north-east, and lies east and west with Meta in 8°, it is 85 leagues. There is another point in 7°, with wliich the Isle of Jesus lies north-east-by-north 135 leagues.^] "This island of Malaita has a length of 114 leagues. We did not go to the north side, and for that reason we cannot say what is its breadth. The island of Guadalcanal is very large. I do not estiraate its size, because it is a great land and half a j^ear is needed to sail along its shores.^ That we sailed along its length on the north side for 130 leagues and did not reach tbe end, shows its great size. Moreover, on the east^ side ofthe extremity, the coast trended to the west, where I saw a great number of fine towns.' " Frora the extremity of this island of Malaita we saw another island, which lies east and west from this cape 8 leagues, to which we went, arriving in the night. We anchored in front of a town on ' This is -without a doubt the Maramasiki Passage which cuts through the south-eastern portion of Malaita. 2 Port Asuncion may, perhaps, be the large bay of Su Paina. ' Caleta in the Spanish. This anchorage may, perhaps, be identified with Su Oroha or with oue of the inlets or coves nearer to Cape Zelfie, such as Te Oroha or Te Waina. ("Pacific Islands: "voh I.; " Western Groups : " p. 01, 62; "Admiralty publication," 1885.) ^This latitude is not consistent with that given above for the port of Escondido, which, according to the journal, lies more than half a degree to the north-west. " I have endeavoured unsuccessfully to get at the meaning of the two sentences enclosed in brackets. *" Para andaJlce es menestcr medio anno." 'This should be "west." * See Note VIII. in Geographical Appendix for remarks on th eexaggerated ideas as to the size of this island. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 221 the coast, which has a small river ; and whilst we were anchoring, two canoes came off to see Us, but they soon returned. At dawn we sent the people on shore to get water : and the natives came out peacefully with their women and their sons. They are all naked hke the others. The women carry in their hands some things like fans, which they sometimes place before them. When the water was procured, we asked for a hog, and they brought it ; and placing it so that we should see it, they returned and carried it off. But we did not injure them in any way ; and accordingly embarked and proceeded out to sail round the island. When the natives saw that we were going, most of them came out in their canoes with their bows and arrows in pursuit of us. The first man who was about to aim, we knocked over with a shot. At this, they turned and fied ; and we pursued them as far as the port, capturing some canoes that had intended to take us. A friendly Indian, whom we carried with us, climbed a palm tree and saw how the Indians came in regular bodies bearing their shields. We went to arms, and sent three soldiers to see in what force the people were. They carae in their canoes in two or three divisions to attack the brigantine : and we began to bring our musketry into action, killing two Indians and an Indian woman. They soon retired ; and our men who vvere on the shore having embarked in the brigantine, we went on in pursuit of our quest. The island is named Uraba^ in the language of the Indians. We gave it the name of La Ti-eguada because they led us into a treacherous truce.^ This island is in latitude 10J°. It is well peopled, and has plenty of provisions of their kind. Although small, it has an area of 25 leagues. There is communication with the neighbouring islands, and with a cape that lies to the north-west. It trends north-west and south-east until the middle of the island, where we found these 10°, and the other (milad) trends north-north-west until the end of the island. " To the south-by-west of the point of the island there are low islands, with raany shoals around thera, which are three leagues dis- ^The reader wiU have already inferred that the island of Uraba is the Ulaua of thfe present chart, and wiU have noticed that the name of the island has remained the same during the last three centuries. It is the Ulawa of the present natives, and the Contrariete of Surville. 2 One must judge Gallego in the spirit of his times. Humane as he really was, we cannot free him from his share in this unfortunate conflict with the natives ot Ulaua : and the name of La Treguada had been better never bestowed. The next navigator who visited this island was Surville in 1769 ; who, following up his previous proceedings at Port Praslin in Isabel, repelled its inhabitants with grape shot. 222 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. tant from this island of La Treguada, to which we went and obtained water. They are inhabited; and we gave them the name of Las Tres Marias, . They trend west-by-north and east- by-south.i " There is another island which lies three leagues from Las Tres Marias. It is low, and the inhabitants are like those around. We named it the island of San Juan, and found in it a good harbour. We took possession of it in the narae of His Majesty, as in the case of the other islands. It is 6 leagues in circuit ; and is in latitude 10f°.2 " We went thence to another great island,^ which lies north and south with it, 2 leagues away. Before we arrived, 93 canoes with warriors carae out to us and * We took an Indian chief and placed hira below the deck. He seized a sword, and defending hiraself attemped to escape, until at last the sword was taken from liim and he was bound. We sent the people on shore, intending to take possession ; but so many natives attacked thera that we were not able to do so, and. we returned to the island of San Juan. I offered to Don Fernando to take possession of it before dawn; and it was done. In the island of San Juan, they ransomed the Indian, and gave us for him three hogs, to which he added some beads. As a sign of friendliness, Don Fernando Henriquez em braced him. " On the following day, which was the 2nd of June, we arrived at dawn off the island of Santiago.^ More than 50 canoes came out ^ These three islands are without doubt identical with the three small islands whioh are named the Three Sisters in the present chart. SurviUe, the French navigator, who saw them in 1769, gave them the name of Les Trois Soeurs, which they still retain. At the present day they are uninhabited, and any water that couldbe obtained would be of a very doubtful quality. Fleurieu hints at the identity of Les Trois Sceurs and Las Tres Marias. 2 The San Juan ot Gallego is evidently the island now known as Ugi. There is no apparent reference in this journal to the small adjacent island ot Eiu. 2 Apparently this is the island named Santiago below. It is without doubt St. Christovah ^ " y tuvimos gran guasavara." 5 The reader will now require to use some caution in following this part of the narrative, since Gallego seems to have fallen into mnch conf usion respecting the island ot St. Chi-istoval. The name of Santiago was evidently applied by him to the north side ot the island west of the prominent headlong of Cape Keibeck, which he might easily have taken for the ex tremity of the island. The name of San Urban was in aU probability given to the peninsula ot Cape Surville, whioh, as Ihave myself remarked while offi the St. Christoval coast,, has the appearance of a detached island when first seen, in approaching it from the northwaril and westward. This deceptive appearance, when viewed from a distance, is due to the ¦circumstance that the neck, of the peninsula ot Cape Surville is raised but a few feet above the level of the sea, and is in consequence below the horizon when this cape is first sighted. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 223 to us ; and they planned to carry us off to their towns. It was necessary to fire some shots in order that they should quit us ; and they left us and returned. Possession was taken of this island in the name of His Majest3'- ; and we did no injury to the people. This island is 40 leagues in length on its north side : and it is narrow, and in part mountainous, and is well peopled. The Indians of this island go naked and eat huraan fiesh. Its eastern extreraity is in latitude 10f°; and lies north-west and south-east with the island of Treguada 12 leagues. The south-east extremity lies north-west and south-east 18 leagues with the island of Malaita. " When we were all embarked to proceed further on, a violent north-east wind overtook us, and drove us to the extreraity of Santiago, whence we saw a large island to the south-east that trended westward. It was 18 leagues distant. It is in latitude 10 J° south of the equinoctial; and is 4 leagues distant frora the island of Guadalcanal. We gave it the name of the island of San Urban. " On account of tho sickness of mj'self and of sorae of the soldiers, we did not proceed further : and, keeping away to leeward, we arrived at the island of Guadalcanal. We landed at a town where the Indians gave us ^ when we intended to get water, and where we set free the three Indians in the canoe ; and they gave us a hog and panales. But they were in great fear of us, and leaving us they returned to the town. Beads were given to thera as a sign of friendship. Leaving there, we continued our cruise to return to the ships, and touched at some places where we had been before, the natives receiving us in a friendly manner, and giving us what they had, because they wore much afraid of the rauskets we carried. We sailed further on to a port, where, during- our previous stay, we had been received peacefully. We got water there ; and they gave us a hog and alraost filled the brigantine with panoes^ which is the food they eat. It is a very good harbour for the ships, and lies under the shelter of an island. There are raany inhabitants. "We continued our return cruise, intending to explore a river where we had been before. Sailing into the port to obtain provisions. The distance of San Urban from Guadalcanal, as given above, is inconsistent with the rest of the journal ; and for i leagues, 40 leagues was evidently intended, the omission of the cipher being probably a clerical error. The name of St. Christoval was subsequently given, Bs shown further on in the narrative, when the Sjianish ships visited the south coast of this island. ' "La Guacauara." 224 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. we arrived close off a town which the Indians abandoned when they saw us. We found there, many ^amoes and names (yaras) with which we loaded the brigantine. I tried to catch a tame white parrot, which the Indians had together with many others of various hues. When the Indians saw that we did no harm, they all assembled, and came and gave us a hog to induce us to go. Pre sently we sailed on to another river, on the bank of which there is a large town ; we anchored in it. The Indians began to make fires, and to cast the fire in the air ;^ it was a thing we had not seen in any other part. "On the next day, which was the 6th of June, the Feast of the Holy Ghost, we reached the ships, and found them all vei-y sad. It appeared that on the Day of the Ascension, the steward with four soldiers and five negroes were sent on shore for water. As on previous occasions, they were sent because the cacique of that tribe was a friend and used to corae off to the ships to give us cocoa-nut's, whilst his men used to fetch the water in the earthen jars, and because we trusted them for the friendly raanner in which they behaved in their dealings with u,s. This day, however, when they were gone for the water, it seemed that the boat got aground because they had not taken care to keep her afloat as she was being filled. At this moraent, the Indians rushed out from ambush with their weapons and were upon them ; and they did not leave a single soul alive except a negro of raine who escaped. All the rest they hewed to pieces, cutting off their heads, and arms, and legs, tearing out their tongues, and supping up their brains^ with great ferocity. The negro who escaped took to the water to swim ofl" to an islet that was near. However, they swam in pursuit, and with a cutlass, whicii he carried in his hand, he defended himself from them in such a manner that they left him, and he reached the islet. Frora there he began to make signs, and to shout out to those in the ships, which they perceived ; and as quickly as ' possible the General went ashore to see what had happened. When he reached there, the ill tidings were told. The Indians retired to the hills. In a short time, the dead Christians were recovered ; and they buried thera in the place where they used to say mass, the soldiers 1 " hechar por lo alto.'' 2 Tho New Ireland cannibals of the present day are fond of a composition of sago, cocoa-nut, and human brains. ("The Western Pacific and New Guinea." London 1886: p. 58 : by H. H. Komilly.) JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 225 in one grave, and the negroes in another. Of the negroes, one belonged to the King, two to ourselves, and one to the boatswain. It was a thing to hear their shouting, and the noise that the Indians made with their drums. It appeared to be a general assembling daywith them, because more than 40,000 Indians^'had gathered together for this purpose. When our people had buried the dead, they embarked in the ships, being in great grief with what had occurred. " As I understand, the cause of the Indians coming to attack us was this. The cacique carae off to the ' Capitana ' to entreat that our people would give hira back a boy belonging to his tribe, whom they had taken. He offered a hog for him ; but they would not give hira up. On the following day, the cacique brought a hog off to the ship, and said that, if they gave him the boy who was a kinsman of his, he would give thera the hog. But they would not give him up, and took the hog by force. When the cacique saw how he had been treated, he went away and did not return to the ships again. In a few days, the disaster happened. " On the day after this unfortunate event, the General ordered Pedro Sarmiento to land with as many men as he could muster to inflict punishraent. He burned raany towns, and killed more than 20 Indians. Then he returned to give account of what he had done. Each day that they landed they endeavoured' to punish them the more. On a subsequent occasion, because no more Indians were seen whom they could punish, the General ordered Pedro Sarmiento to proceed to a point that lay to the south-east a league and a half from the ships. For he considered that all the Indians had been concerned in the treachery and in the death of the Christians. Having embarked 50 soldiers in two boats, Pedro Sarmiento went there, but he found no Indians as they had fled to the hills. After he had burned all the buildings and habitations that he could find, he turned back on his way to the ships. Some Indians, who came out from a point, followed hirn slowly ; and our people lay in ambush and killed three or four Indians, the rest escaping in flight. They then returned to the boats, and embarking carae back to the ships. An Indian, whom we took, informed us of those who vvere concerned in the death of our men. He said that the leader was a taurique, named Nobolo, who lived on the bank of the river that lay a league to the east of the Rio Gallego ; and tbat with him there iThis is either au exaggerated statement, or it is an error in transcribing. P 226 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. were many others who had collected together for that object and with the said result. "On Wednesday, the 9th of June, the men of the 'Almiranta' were engaged in making a top-mast on the islet close to where the ships were anchored. Some musketeers and targeteers (rodeleros), who were eight in number, were in guard of the carpenter's party. As it happened, the Indians were then preparing for another attack; and more than 300 of them lay in ambush, ready for the assault. About 10 Indians crossed over to the islet with bows and arrows concealed ; and they brought a hog, intending to beguile our men by occupying their attention in talking, whilst the other Indian warriors should be arriving. When I saw the Indians crossing over and this canoe heading for the islet where our people were making the top-mast, I ordered some musketeers into the boat; and accompanied by Pedro Sarmiento, we steered so that the islet con cealed us from those in the canoe. Approaching the islet, we passed between it and the raain island and carae close up with the canoe which had only one Indian on board, the others having thrown themselves into the sea. The canoe was captured together with the hog which they had brought to deceive us. When we had joined the party who were making the top-mast, we returned to the ships after having killed those who carae in the canoe. This was the most effective attack that was made, for the Indians went away much discouraged. " On the 12th of the same month of June, the General took the brigantine and a boat with nearly all the people, in order to inflict further punishraent at a river which lay a league to the east of the place where the ships were anchored ; and I accompanied him. An hour before the dawn we arrived close to the river ; and we were about to conceal ourselves and fall upon the Indians, when we were seen by their sentinels and they went to arms. I remained with four musketeers in charge of the brigantine and the boat in the mouth of the river, so as not to allow any canoe to escape. The General on arriving at the town, which had more than 200 houses, found it deserted. He set fire to it ; and then we returned to the ships. " The next day, which was Sunday the 18th of June, we made sail during the night and proceeded in the ships to follow up the discoveries of the brigantine. When we had sailed about 8 leagues to the south-east, we anchored because the wind was contrary. The JOURNAL OP GALLEGO. 227 General landed here to get some provisions for the sick, of whom there were many. In a short time he returned to the ships, when we made sail with the land-breeze. Now died the pilot. Paladin, an experienced searaan. We lost sight of the brigantine, as she went ahead of us : and we did not see ber until we found her anchored in a port off an islet that lay half a league to windward of where we had anchored in the brigantine during our voyage of discoverj^. There were many inhabitaiits here ; and they came off to us as friends. On account of it being Corpus Christi Day, we remained here all the day. Mass was said at the islet which is close to the anchorage. W^e watered the ships there. The Indians gave us of their own free will two hogs and raany cocoa-nuts and names (yaras). The cacique of this tribe was named Meso, and the town was called Urare. This people is at war with the people of Feday, which is the name of the place where we were anchored ^ " On the 18th of June, we left this port, and proceeded on our voyage, seeking the island of Santiago or San Juan,^ which was the island that we had discovered and named. We beat to windward against a strong head wind in our endeavour to arrive at the island of Santiago ; but on account of this contrary wind and the bois terous weather, we did not fetch it ; and I determined to steer to the south of the island of Santiago, the wind and the contrary currents not allowing us to find a harbour. We coasted along an island, not seen in the brigantine^ and we held on our course for fourteen days, endeavouring to reach the end of the island ; but in the middle of the island, on account of the contrary wind and currents, what we gained one day we lost the next. Accordingly I went to find a port. We named this island San Christoval.* It was our Lord's pleasure that after so much difficulty I should find a very good port for the ships ; and on the following day I returned to the ships. We sailed to windward that night on account of the boisterous weather, which obliged us to shorten sail and lie-to ^ for the night. When it dawned, we found ourselves three leagues to ^ " que nos maron gente." ^ Gallego here seems to have forgotten that he had previously applied these two naraes to different islands, that of Sau Juan to Ugi and that of Santiago to the large island south of it, -viz., the present St. Christoval (see p. 222), * This remark is inconsistent with the previous reference to their steering soutii of Santiago, ^ I should here call attention to the circumstance that the Spaniards were navigating the south coast of this island. Further proof of this is given in succeeding pages, ^ "Sin velas de mar a el traves.' 228 JOURN.VL OF GALLEGO.-, leeward of the port, which we tried in vain to reach ; and since we kept falling to leeward, I was compelled to take the brigantine and go in search of another anchorage, with the understanding that when I had found one, I should signal to the ships to foUow the brigantine. The signal being made, I guided the ships to the brigantine, which lay outside a point of reefs that formed the harbour ; and so we entered it. " It is a good and secure anchorage ; and there is a town there which has eighty houses. The General landed with the captains and the soldiers to obtain provisions and to take possession of the island, in the name of His Majesty, which we did without opposition, for the Indians received us peacefully. The same evening we landed, and went in marching order to see the town, but without doing them any injury ; and we returned to the ships with the agreement that on the foUowing morning we should revisit the town to get provisions, of which we were in need. " On the morning of the 1st of Jul}', we all landed with the deterraination to obtain provisions for our present necessities ; and the General entered one part of the town with the greator number of our people, whilst Pedro Sarraiento with twelve soldiers entered another part. When the Indians saw our deterinination, and that we entered the town in two places, they began to arouse them selves and to take up their weapons, making signs that we should embark. They held a consultation in a small hollow, where Pedro Sarraiento and his party entered. One of the headmen was seen to raake incantations and invocations to the devil, which caused real terror, because it seemed as though his body was possessed of a devil. There wore two other Indians, who, whilst making great contortions with their faces and violently shaking themselves, scraped up the sand with their feet and hands and threw it into the air. They then made towards the boats with loud shouting and yells of rage, and tossed the water in the air. At tliis, our people sounded the trumpets to assemble whore the General was ; for there were all the Indians with their bows and arrows and darts and clubs, which are the weapons with which they fight. They came very close to us, bending their bows and bidding us to depart. It became necessary for us to fire ; and accordingly some were killed and others were wounded. Thereupon they fled and abandoned the town, in which thero was a great quantity of panaes JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 229 and fiames and raany cocoa-nuts and almonds,^ which were sufficient to load a ship. Presently we set about carrying to the boats all that we found, and nothing more was done that day. The Indians did not dare to return to the to-wn again, and that night we embarked. This port is in 11° south latitude. It is in close proximity to the island of Santiago, to the south-east ; it is narrow and mountainous, and the inhabitants are like the rest.^ "After three days had passed, the General ordered that the brigantine should proceed on a voyage of discoverj'^ ; and Francisco Munoz Rico, with ten soldiers, and I, with thirteen seamen, em barked. We left this port on the 4th of July, aud coasted along this island of Paubro, as it is called in the language of the natives, being that which we named San Christobal.* Until the middle of the island,- the coast trends north-west and south-east for 20 leagues and a point nearer east and west ; and the other half trends west- by-north and south-by-east. We entered a harbour, which was the first we discovered in this cruise ; and there we reraained for the day. " On the foUowing moi-ning we left there, and proceeded further along the coast to the east-by-south. We entered a small bay, enclosed by reefs, near which were three towns. We seized two boys here. The officer in comraand of the soldiers went with all our people to reconnoitre the town that was a league away ; and I remained behind in charge of the brigantine with no small risk, for there were only three soldiers left with me to defend it. In a few hours the people returned with two canoes that tbey had taken, and five sucking-pigs, and some panaes, and plantains, with which they embarked. We then made sail to proceed further along the coast. " On the next day a canoe with two Indians came off to us. They were friendly, and one of them carae on board tbe brigantine. We saUed on in order to reach a harbour, and proceeded further along the same coast, on which there were raany towns, and the people of them were, as we exiiected, very turbulent ; for a canoe preceded 1 These almonds were without doubt the almond-like kernels of the fruit of a species of Canarium, a common article of food at the present day. 2 This sentence refers to the island, and not to the port, judging from the context. 8 This reference to the native name of Paubro is interesting, since at the present day St. Christoval is largely known by the native name of Bauro, which is evidently the same. This is also without a doubt the " large country named Pouro " of whioh the natives of Taumaco (Duff Group) informed Quiros about forty years afterwards (vide Geographical Appendix, Note XV.). 230 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. us, giving warning in such a manner that in aU this island we were not able to capture anything. As we approached a promontory (morro), many Indians came out and threw stones at us with much shouting ; and at the extremity of tbis island we discovered two small islands. The end of this island is in 11^° south of the Equinoctial. This island is a hundred leagues in circuit and seven leagues in width, and is well peopled. " From the extremity, we went to one of the small islands which was the sraallest and lay to tbe south side.^ On arriving there we anchored ; and there carae off to us twelve Indians who came on board the brigantine and spent sorae tirae with us. On their being asked by- signs what further land there was in that part, they said that there was none ; but towards the west, whero we pointed, they said that there was much land. We saw it, and because there was no time or opportunity we did not go to it.^ Through the day and night we had much wind. As we were about to disembark, the natives began to throw stones at us ; and when some shots were fired for our own defence, they fled. Accordingly, we landed and went to the town, where we found some hogs and a quantity of almonds and plantains. I ordered a sailor to climb a high palm to see if he could descry land to the south, or south-east, or north west (?)^ but no further land appeared. There carae from that quarter a great swell which was a sign of their being no more land there. This island, we named, Santa Catalina ; in the language of the natives it is called Aguare.* It is 40^ leagues round, and it is low and level. It has many palras and is well peopled. It has ^ This small island was subsequently named Santa Catalina ; and the circumstance of the- Spaniards going to it before they visited the adjacent small island ot Santa Anna, is a proof of their having coasted along the south side of St. Christoval. Then, the description of the trend of the coast (see page 229) applies rather to the south than to the north coast ; and this is further conflrmed by the circumstance that when the Spanish ships were soon afterwards leaving the group on their return voyage to Peru, they weathered or doubled the two islands ot Santa Anna and Santa Catalina. Again, no reference is made to the islands visible off the north coast, which would have been certainly referred to, even although they had pre viously visited them iu the brigantine. I lay stress on this point as it clears up the confusion of the different names applied to St. Christoval. 2 There is some obscurity in this passage, and in rendering it I have been guided by the account of Figueroa. 3 " North-west " is an error, which the context indicates, even excluding other circum stances ; it shonld be "south-west." ^ The present native name is Orika, or Yoiiki of the Admiralty chart. 5 An evident mistake, and one inconsistent with the context. The island is scarcely two. leagues in circuit. JOURNAL OP GALLEGO. 231 many reefs. It is in latitude 11§°, and it lies two leagues south-east from the extremity of San Christobal. "Onthe llth of this raonth, we went from this island to the other island which lies with it north-north-west and south-south- east,i a short league distant frora it.^ It is distant 3 leagues, east- by-south, from the end of San Christobal ; and is in latitude 11° 36'. We named it Santa Anna; it is called Hapa^ in the language of the natives. It is 7 leagues in circuit ; and is a low round island with an eminence in the centre, like a castle ; it is well peopled, having abundant provisions, with pigs and hens of Castile ; and there is a very good port on the east side.* " On arriving there, we landed the people, and the Indians com menced to attack us.^ On an Indian being killed, they began to fly, and deserted the town. Our men entered the houses in search of provisions, but they found only three hogs, as all the rest had been placed in safety. At nightfall we embarked in the brigantine and stood off the land ; and all the night we heard no sound except the crowing of many cocks. The next morning, which was the 13th of July, we landed the people to obtain more provisions to carry back for the sick in the ships ; and when the Indians saw our people landing, they got into ambush. I was left with four soldiers in charge of the brigantine. The Indians, with loud cries, began to attack our men, discharging raany darts and arrows. Their bodies were painted with red stripes, and they had branches on their heads.** They wounded three Spaniards and a negro of mine ; and also the officer in coraraand, Francisco Muiioz, a dart piercing the shield and arra and projecting a hand's breadth on the other side of the shield. RaUying our raen, we attacked them valiantly, killing some Indians and wounding many others, so that they abandoned the place and fled. We burned the town, and took water. From the higher ground near by we tried to discover any appearance of ^ This bearing is only approximate, the magnetic bearing being nearly north and south. ' This distauce agrees nearly with that on the chart whioh is about two miles. Figueroa, in his account, gives- the distance as three leagues. s The village, situated on the shores ot Port Mary on the west coast of the island, is at preseut called Sapuna by its inhabitants. Allowing for the variation in the spelling of native names, we can here recognise the Hapa of the Spaniards. Oo-ah or Oa, is the name of the island. ^ This is a good description of the appearance of this island. The port is, however, on the west side ; and the circumference of the island is not half this amount. 5 " A dar nos guacanara. '' What " guacauara '' raeans, I can only guess at. 8 1 oannot gather the meaning of this latter part of the sentence and have rendered it literally. The same expression occurs in the account of Figueroa. 232 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. Jand ; but as we saw none, we erabarked on our return voyage to the ships. "Sailing all this day with a fair wind, we arrived at the island of San Christobal; and that night we entered a port because there was a threatening appearance in the weather. We landed in a town that was there, and the Indians fled, discharging sorae arrows. A soldier was wounded in the throat, but not seriously, and lie was able to swallow sorae food. As we wished to leave the port with the ris ing moon, we embarked ; and we naraed the port La Palraa. " We continued our voyage back to the ships; and when we had sailed about 4 leagues from the port, a canoe came off to look at us and to learn what people we were. As we had need of Indians for their language, we endeavoured to take the canoe; and so we coaxed them on, and of four which carae in the canoe we took three alive, and one died whilst defending hiraself. In the evening, we arrived at the Puerto de la Visitacion de Nuestra Senora, where the ships lay.^ I found that, on account of bad treatraent, all the Indians -whom we had taken in the islands had gone. "I. gave a report to the General of what we had seen and accom plished in the expedition, telling him that there was no appear.ance of land further (in that direction), but that all the mass of the land, which was endless, lay to the west ; and. that, frora this, he would perceive what ought to be done. A council of the captains and pilots was held to determine what steps should be followed in the prosecution of the voyage ; and it was decided to refit the ships for this purpose ; this, therefore, was the result of the general consulta tion. The ships were accordingly refitted ; ^ but on Saturday, the 7th of August, in the same year of 1568, all mustered together and made a protestation to the General and the captains with reference to the plan to be pursued. I told thera briefiy that because the ships were getting worm-eaten and rotten, and the rigging and cordage were not of much good, we should be determined to com plete, without delay, tbe object for which we had come. The General, in reply, said that it would be well that the brigantine should go in search of more provisions, of which we were in want; but I pointed out that this should not be done, because all the 1 From the short description of this harbour given on page 228, it is probably not Makira Harbour on the south coast of St. Christoval; although from the time occupied by the brigantine in her return voyage along this south coast from Santa Anna to the ships, it muat be in its vicinity, 2 Figueroa refers to the ships being heaved down in this harbour. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. :233 "islands that we had visited were aroused, and the provisions hidden. They asked for my opinion as to returning to Peru, whence we had come ; and I told them that we should not sail to the soutii of the Equinoctial, as we should be lost, on account of there being many people, scanty pi-ovisions, aud but little water. I also said thatif we were to direct our course to positions in latitudes which we should have time to reach, we should not have tirae to find land to the south-south-west and south, which would be a work of diffi culty ; and that such a new navigation, with 1,700 leagues of sea to , cross on our return voyage, did not seera prudent. I therefore gave it as my opinion that we should steer north to reach the latitude of the first land we ibund, because it would be necessary, in order to shape a course from Peru, to go beyond the south tropic for thirty degrees and more ; and I also said that when they should venture to make the return voyage, they should carry an abundance of water and provisions, because, otherwise, they would run the risk of all perishing. And so the pilots carae to ray view, which satisfied the protest that had been made ; and I gave my opinion in the presence of a clerk who was Antonio de Cieza. Concerning the idea of my asking to found a settlement in these islands, I said that in that matter I did not know what the General intended to do, since the instructions concerning it were in his keeping. To this opinion they all came, and were of one mind without one that did not assent.^ "At midnight on the following Monday, when all were asleep, the General ordered Gabriel Munoz and myself to go with some soldiers and make an entrance into a town in order to seize some Indians.for interpreters (para lenguas). We went with 30 raen, and took an Indian with his wife and young son ; and all the rest of the Indians fled. We then returned to the ships ; and straightway we made preparations for prosecuting our voyage. " On the llth of August of the sarae year, we left the Puerto de Nuestra Senora, which is in 11° south of the Equinoctial, in order to follow our voyage to Peru. Sailing to windward, at the end of 7 days after we had left the port, we weathered the island of San Christobal with the two islands of Santa Catalina and Santa ¦¦ The impression, which this interesting passage leaves on my mind, is that the Chief- Pilot prefers in his narrative to gloss over an incident which must have been full of disap pointment to himself. Further on in the narrative, he writes more freely on the subject (page r37). In Note IX. of the Geographical Appendix, I have given some further remarks on this passage. 234 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. Anna. On the Tuesday evening, having shortened sail, we had reached the islands of Santa Catalina and Santa Anna, which lay three leagues to the north-north-west. Looking around we did not see any more land, and here a strong south-east wind overtook us ; and we shaped our course to the north-east-by-east." In this manner the Spaniards left behind them the Isles of Salo mon after a sojourn of six months in these islands ; and, perhaps, a few reflections on their discoveries in this group, and on their deal ings with the inhabitants, may be here apposite. They seem to have landed on, and to have taken formal possession of, almost every island of any size from Isabel eastward ; they naraed all the large islands in the group with the exception of Bougainville ; and the raajority of the sraaller islands also received tbeir naraes. In the Geographical Appendix, I have given a list of the islands named by the Spaniards, which do not at present bear the naraes given them by their original discoverers.^ It would be a graceful compUment to the memory of the gallant Gallego, who was the central flgure of this expedition, if, after the lapse of more than three centuries, the Spanish names should be associated with these islands in the Ad miralty charts. The reason why" such islands as Choiseul, Contra- ridtd, Les Trois Soeurs, and the He du Golfe (Ugi), at present bear the names given to them by the French navigators, Bougainville and Surville, rather raore than a century ago, is to be found, not in any intended act of injustice to the Spanish discoverers, but in the cir cumstance that the iraperfect account of Figueroa,^ which omiti many of the discoveries made in the brigantine, has been the only source of inforraation available in the construction of the Admiralty charts. Those who have written most on the history of geographical discovery in these regions, Pingr^, Dalrymple, Buache, and Fleurieu a century ago, and Burney in the early part of the present century, had only the account of Figueroa at their disposal.* The Journal of Hernan Gallego, the existence of which was doubted, would have been invaluable to them ; and although a non-professional writer, I may be pardoned when I express my admiration at the manner in 1 Vide Note X. * Translated in great part from the original in the works of Pingrd, Dalrymple, Fleurieu, and Burney. (Heches de Don G. H. de Mendoza : par Dr. 0. S. de Figueroa.) s Pingre's ' ' Memoire sur le choix et I'etat des lieux du le passage de Venus du 3 Juui, 1769;'' Dalrymple's "Historical Collection ot Voyages;" Fleurieu's "Decouvertes des Francois ou 1768 and 1769 dans le sud-est de la NouveUe Guinfee " (also Eng. edit.); Burney's " Chronological History of Voyages and Discoveries," &c. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 235 which M, M. Buacbe and Fleurieu arrived at such correct inferences, based as they were on such scanty premises. One or two raistakes have arisen in the noraenclature of the present chart, which are due to misconceptions in the English translations of the account given by Figueroa, to wit, I raay cite the instance of the Isle of Raraos. . . .... The additional names -which the Journal of Gallego enables us to identify with existing islands are, in truth, to be found in the general description of the Salomon Islands, which Herrera incor porated in his " Descripcion de les Indias Oceidentales," which was published about 1601. But this description was, as just remarked, of a general character, and beyond confirming the suspicion that there were other accounts of Mendana's discoveries besides the rela tion of Figueroa, it was but of little service to the nautical geo grapher. I come now to a less pleasant task, that of re-vdewing the char acter of the intercourse that prevailed between the Spaniards and the natives. It has been remarked by Commander Markhara in his spirited sketch of the discoveries of Mendana, that the conduct of the Spaniards, in their intercourse with the islanders, was not other wise than huraane ;^ but I feel assured that a different opinion would have been expressed, if the writer had extended his inquiries further into the narrative of Gallego. During their six raonths' sojourn in this group, the loss of the Spaniards was but trifiing in comparison with the losses they infiicted on the natives. In these numerous conflicts the natives must have lost not less than a hun dred kiUed, whilst the Spaniards lost ten of their number ; but a large proportion of these unfortunate islanders fell victiras to the lamentable succession of reprisals for the massacre of the watering- party at the Puerto de la Cruz, an act of retribution which the Spaniards had entirely brought upon themselves. In the great majority of instances the natives assumed the aggressive, but not in aU ; and although the Spaniards were often justifiably compelled to employ force in obtaining provisions, yet there was often nothing to excuse them in seizing the canoes, in cajoling natives alongside in order to capture them, or in carrying off with them from the group an unfortunate native with his wife and child. The natives kept on board the ships escaped on account of ill-treatment; and, as Gallego also writes, all the islands were aroused to such a degree by the visit of the Spaniards, that they concealed their provisions, and 1 " The Cruise of the 'Eosario,' " 2nd edit., 1873 (p. 8). 236 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. the ships began their return-voyage to Peru with scanty supplies of food and water We raust, however, judge of the conduct of the first discoverers of the Solomon Islands in the spirit of the age to which they belonged. The zeal, which led them to bum the teraples dedicated to the worship of snakes and toads in the interior of Isabel, was appropriate to the spirit of an age in which expedi tions were fitted out for the double purpose of discovering new territories and of reclairaing the infidel. Vet, if we lay aside the religious element, I doubt very much whether the laipse of three centuries has raaterially raised the standard by which our dealings with savage races should be guided. The white man kidnaps ; the savage revenges the outrage on the next comer ; the ship-of-war in its reprisal is of necessity equally indiscriminate ; and thus feuds are re-opened with no single effort at conciliation. We left the Spanish vessels when on the eve of their departure frora the Isles of Saloraon. Little could Mendana or Gallego have then believed that two centuries would pass away before the white raan should again visit the scene of their discovery. The Chief-Pilot kept in his journal an almost daily record of the course and usually of the distance during the first portion of this return voyage ; but as he was not so regular or so precise in noting the distance of each day's run, the latitudes, which he frequentlj' records, enable me to follow this portion of the track with sorae degree of confidence.^ It was on the 18th of August that they bore away to the north-east ward (N.E. by E.) with a strong south-east wind. Experiencing rain- squalls and calras, they kept a little to the north of this course, and on the 23rd they were in latitude 7° (full largos), being, as they computed, 36 leagues W. by N. from the Isle of Jesus.^ It is ap parent from the Journal that Gallego expected to find more land in this vicinity, and that he would wilUngly have gone in search of it. But the expedition had lost heart in the enterprise, and all that they desired was to return to Peru. A look-out was kept for several days, but not a ¦ sign of land was seen ; and thereupon Gallegoj stifiing his own desire, thus records his lament in his journal: "As in the case of the archi])elago of the islands, they did not allow me to explore further where I wished. And I hold for certain that if '' I have only indicated the general course in the return voyage, as a full translation would be tedious to the reader and would occupy too much of my space. , . 2 The bearing was to the southward of west, as the Isle of Jesus, according to Gallego's own observation, was in latitude 6|°. Three days after, when they were in latitude 5J° S.', Gallego gives their distance and bearing from the Isle of Jesus as 45 leagues W. by N. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 237 they had allowed me to go further, I should have brought them to a very prosperous and rich land, which will be discovered at God's pleasure by whomsoever He wiUs. We were not far frora it now, and of its goodness I did not wish to speak, because they were all disheartened and desired to return to Peru." Heading north-eastward with uncertain winds, they were obliged to steer S.E. by E. for six days as the wind shifted to the north-east. Finall}'-, they headed to the northward again, and in the last day of August they passed the 3rd parallel of south latitude. " Between 2° and 4° of south latitude," as Gallego writes, " we raet abundant signs of land, such as pahn-leaf matting, burnt wood, sticks, and rosuras,'^ which the sea derived from the land. From these signs we knew that we were near the land, although we did not discover it. We thought that it was New Guinea,^ because it is not in a gi-eater latitude than 4° south of the Equinoctial." New Guinea, however, lay some 1200 miles away ; and the Spamsh vessels were in the vicinity of the GUbert Group, which lay probably about 300 miles to the eastward. On September 5th, with shifty and contrary -winds, they crossed the Equator at about the 168th meridian of longitude east of Greenwich. The course pur sued, in whicii it would appear the Chief- Pilot had not been con sulted, was the subject of a protest made to the General. Thus writes Gallego : " I said to the pilot, Juan Henriquez, that we ought to petition the General to direct our course to one place or another or to steer for one pole or the other, as we were expending our pro visions and water in beating to windward. Since the General followed his own opinion and showed no desire to consult me, I made this request in the presence of Antonio de Cieza, Clerk, all of which appears more fully in the said petition, which is in the pos session of the said Clerk." Steering to the north and subsequently to the N.E. by E., they reached the 4th parallel of north latitude on September 8th. "This day," writes the Chief-Pilot, " I signified to the ' Almiranta ' that they should keep a good look-out from 6° up to 11°, as we were heading for the land." Altering their course to N.N.W., they ^ Not translated. ^ Gallego here adds: "Inigo Ortez de Eetes discovered it (i.e.. New Guinea), and no other : but Bernardo de la Torre did not see it : uor is there such a Cabo de Cruz (Cape of the Cross) as he says." I have placed this interesting reference to the discovery of New Guinea in a foot-note, as it is suddenly interposed in the narrative. In Note XI. of thp| Geographical Appendix, the reader may learn more, if so desirous. 238 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO, reached the paraUel of 6° on the 14th, the needle showing no declination to the north-east. On the 15th and 16th, they headed north-east, and on the I7th, steering north, they found themselves in 8°, The surraise of Gallego proved correct. In this parallel, they discovered land. " Two hours before dawn," as the Chief-Pilot writes, " we came upon the shoals and i.slands of San Bartolomeo, which trend north west and south-east and are 15 leagues in length. The south-east extreraity is in 8°, and the north-west extremity lies in 8f °. There are two lines of reefs with apparently channels between them. There seems to be another line about half-a-league distant. At the north-west, there are two islets, which lie one with the other east and west one league. The coast is steep-to ; and we did not find any depth to anchor on the west side. There were many houses and much people and villos in these islands. Between the islands, which nuraber raore than 20, a canoe was under sail, but it made for the shore. We launched the boat to go for water. They could only obtain a cock of Castile, which they brought back with them. The people fled, abandoning their houses. They came upon a chisel made from a nail, which appears to have belonged to some ships that had been there, and some pieces of rope. They did not find water, but the cocoa-nut palms were cut which showed how the inhabitants got their water.^ These Indians drink " chicha," ^ which is made frora some fruits like pine-apples ; and on this account there is an infinite number of flies. We beat to windward for three hours trying to find depth to anchor ; but the water was a thousand fathoms (estados) deep. When the boat returned, we continued our voyage." Figueroa, in his scanty account, neither gives the name nor the latitude of this discovery, so that previous writers, who derived their inforraation entirely from this source, were unable to identify these islands with those in the charts. However, with the materials afforded to me by the journal of Gallego, I have been able, after carefuUy following the track of the Spanish ships, to identify this discovery with the Musquillo Islands in the Ralick Chain of the Marshall Group. Having followed their course northward from the vicinity of the Gilbert Group, to which I referred above (page 237), 1 This probably refers to cocoa-nut palms that had been out for making "toddy," a practice to be found amongst the natives of the Line Islauds at the present day. ^ An Indian name for a drink prepared from maize. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 239 it was evident that they were about to pass through the Marshall Islands, and that if they should sight land, I had only to compare the description of Gallego with the present chart of this group, in order to identify this discovery with one of the atolls that there exist. ( Vide Note XII. of the Geographical Appendix.) Continuing their course to the northward, they began to get short of water, and the people sickened and ^ On the 22nd of September, they attained the latitude of 11|°, and running due north along the raeridian, they reached the latitude of 19^° on Octo ber 2nd, when they discovered " a low islet enclosing the sea after the manner of a fishing-net, and surrounded by reefs." " We were hove-to all that night," . . . writes Gallego, ..." beUeving that it was inhabited, and that we should be able to obtain water. But there were only sea-birds living on it ; and its surface was sandy with some patches of bushes. It is probably two leagues in circuit : and is in latitude 19^° north of the Equinoctial. As it was the Day of San Francisco, we named it the Isle of San Francisco." This island of San Francisco has not been identified by previous writers with any island in the present chart, as Figueroa supplied them with the latitude alone, but gave no reliable account frora which they might be able to follow the previous track ; nor, in fact, in the times of Burney and Krusenstem, who were the last to devote any considerable attention to the discoveries of Mendana, was this part of the Pacific sufficiently well known to enable even a confident surmise to be raade. Coraraodore Wilkes, araongst others, has swept more than one phantora-island frora this region. The track of the Spanish ships northward from the Marshall Group brought them, in fact, to a little coral-atoll, named Wake's Island in the present chart, and lying in 19° 10' 54" N. lat. This is the Isle of San Francisco, which is but little altered in appearance in our own day.^ Keeping the same northerly course, they passed the lirait of the tropic of Cancer on October 7th ; and in another week they had reached the latitude of 30°. They now shaped their course north east; and GaUego consulted the other pilots as to the position of the land, and as to the bearing of the Cabo de Fortunas ^ (Cape Fortune). " They told me in reply," .... as the Chief Pilot informs us, ... . " that we were already in the vicinity of land, that this cape lay, in ^ '-'Murierou hartos." To avoid falling into a serious mistake, I have not translated this, more especially as Figueroa refers to no deaths on board during the voyage to Peru. 2 Vide Note XIII. of the Geographical Appendix for further information on this subject. " This cape is evidently referred to as on the Californian coast ; I cannot identify it. 240 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. their opinion, 70 or 80 leagues to the north-by- west, that we were much to leeward of the land, that it was not practicable to reach the cape with this wind as the coast trended north-west and south east, and that we could not Uve unless we fell in with tbe land." Could the Spaniards have known at this time what lay before them, the bravest heart amongst them would have quailed. Instead of being in the neighbourhood of the Californian coast whither they were steering, they had more than 3,000 miles of ocean to traverse and two long dreary months to struggle through, before they were fated to sight the land. They were destined to pass through storms, the like of which Gallego had never witnessed during his 45 years* experience of the sea. , The two ships were to be parted ; and each was to pursue its solitary way in the fear that the missing ship had. foundered. Such was the lot before them with sickness already amongst them, and with a failing store of water and provisions. The Chief-Pilot thus continues his narrative — " On the 14th of this raonth (October), I continued to steer both ships in close com pany to the north-east. In the middle of the night there came a squall with a little rain. We shortened sail ; and at that time the 'Almiranta' was to windward; but she allowed herself to fall to leeward for an hour, and when it dawned we could only see her from the top. Hoping to fall in with her, we carried only the fore sail, and raade no more sail all that day and night. We headed to the north-east until the second hour of the day ; and because we did not see her, we took in all the sails. This was the 16th day of the raonth of October. " Two hours after noon on Sunday the 17th, whilst we were yet hoping, we shortened sail because there was much wind from the south-east. We were driven before the gale ; and as we were lying in the trough ofthe sea without any sails, the wind came upon us with all its fury from the north-east, such as I never beheld during the 45 years that I have been at sea, SO of which I have served as pilot. Such boisterous weather, I have never witnessed, although I have seen storms enough. For a squall to take us when we were without sail, this was what frightened rae. A sea struck us on the port side from the water-line to the middle hatch, which was battened down and caulked as I had ordered. We were deluged with water. Everything went its own way ; and the soldiers and sailors were swimming about inside the ship, as they were trying to launch the boat, which was smashed and full of cables and water. The saUors JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 241 were not able of themselves to do it ; but God and His Blessed Mother willed that it should be done.^ Then I ordered the sailors to unfurl a little of the sail ; but before two gaskets were loosed, the fore-sail went into two thousand pieces, and only the bolt-ropes re mained. For more than half-an-hour the ship was in great peril until the main-mast was cut away.^ And soon I ordered them to make a sail of a frecadaf and of a piece of a bonnet (boneta) ; with this the ship was able to answer her helm * The weather began to clear. We were driven from our course more than 50 leagues, because the storra overtook us in latitude 32^°, and when it began to clear we found ourselves in 30°. When this weather carae upon us we were 70 leagues south-east-by-south ^ frora the Cabo de Fortunas ; and when it began to clear we were 120 leagues, rather more than less. " We headed on our course with only the fore-sails, as we had no other sails, since the sailors had lost the bonnets overboard. On the 21st of October, the wind went round to the opposite quarter, and lasted until the 29th. Coursing north-east with much wind and sea, we sailed close-hauled on one tack or the other, because it was no longer possible to saU free as the sea would engulph us. The ship did not behave well in a beam sea, for soon she shipped seas on either side, and she lost as much way as she made. On the evening of the 29th of October, the wind went round to the south-east, and there was a heavy sea. The wind was so strong that we were un able to make any saUs, as they were carried away. AU that night we lay in the trough of the sea with much wind and thunder and lightning, so that it seemed like the overwhelming of the world.** On the following morning I ordered thera to clear away the sprit- sail and use it as a fore-sail, so that we might steer the ship. Before we had run for a watch to the north-east, the wind went round to the south, and with such force that it carried away the sails and we ^ This reference to the launching of the boat, in order, I infer, to lighten the vessel, is ambiguously expressed. Figueroa, in his account, would appear to imply that the boat was merely relieved from its weight of ropes and water ; but further on in his account, GaUego expressly refers to their being without a boat. 2 Figueroa adds to this account. He says that the General gave the order to cut away the mainmast, and that it carried away a portion of the bulwarks. s Frazada in the account of Figueroa. * "Para atras hechamos el camarote de popa a la mar." ^ I cannot understand this bearing. 'Fieueroa in his account states that there was always a foot and a half of water in the hold. Q 242 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. were left without any sail. We employed las frescadas (blankets?) for sails, and thus we went this day. Soon the wind lessened, and we hoisted the fore-sail and coursed north-east until the next day, which was the last day of October." The " Capitana," to which ship the narrative for a time alone refers, was now in 29° N. lat. A very strong north-east wind, last ing until Noveraber 4th, drove them to the south-east in latitude 26°. These north-easterly winds continued to prevaU ; and being unable to sail close to the wind, the Spaniards could not keep their latitude and were being driven from their course, to the south-east.^ " We were," . . , , as Gallego writes, . . . . " much wearied and suffered frora hunger and thirst, as they did not aUow us more than half a pint of stinking water and eight ounces of biscuit, a few very black beans, and oil ; besides which there was nothing else in the ship. Many of our people were unable from weakness to eat any more food. A soldier, who had gambled with his allowance of water and had lost it, becarae desperate with thirst and cried out all the day. Being without a boat, we could do nothing on approaching a harbour. We resolved to trust that God would send us the raeans of help. He provided for us in His great niercy, and on the day of St. Isabel (November 19th) he gave us a (fair) wind, and we sailed in the lati tude of 28° and up to 30°. This weather lasted until the 26th of Noveraber, and we were 125 leagues further on our voyage." During the first week of December they experienced foul winds and thick weather : but on the 9th the wind went round to the south-south-east ; and they reached the latitude of 31° on the 12th. Signs of the vicinity of land were now observed, such as sea-birds and a goose. A sailor leapt into the sea after a floating piece of a pine, and brought it on board, in order to bring fair weather. Rain fell, and enough water was collected for three days. At length the land was sighted by the watchful eye of Gallego. " It was the eve of our Lady the Virgin " he writes " and whilst standing at the side of the ship, I saw the land. Some of us, who despaired to see it, said that it could not be the land. Sailing through tbe night, two hours before the dawn we found ourselves close to two islets that lay a league from the mainland in latitude 30° north of the Equinoctial.^ " 1 Figueroa iu his account tells us that they rigged a jury-mast, raaking use of a top-mast for this purpose. 2 Gallego here observes that the day before the land was sighted, the needle remained pointing north. JOURNAL OF GALLEGO, 243 At length the Spaniards had reached the coast of Old California; " The mercy of God " — as GaUego writes — " had brought us safely through so many storms and privations that the soldiers had des paired of seeing it. Following along the coast, as it trended to the south-east, we entered a bay which reserables in form a pen for shoeing cattle (corral de herrar ganado). We could not see the out side point on account of its great distance. We found ourselves embayed ; and it was necessary to steer west to weather this point. We were detained three days with calms and north-west winds, as we had to beat to windward to weather this point. We named this bay la bahia de San. tome -. it is in latitude 27|-°. At the point of this bay thei-e are two large islets, named the Isles of Cacones.^ We doubled the point on the 23rd of December. We beached the ship for 12 days between these islets. Having lost our boat at sea, we went ashore on a raft of casks to get water. There we made another raft of rushes and some casks, on which we carried on board 12 casks of water and many fish that we caught." Ha-ving obtained timber for making another boat, they continued their voyage, as the Indians were hostile. A foul wind caused them to pass by the port of Xalosco, and they " tacked to seaward to double the Cabo de Corrientes, which is in 21°, in order to reach the port of Santiago, which is 50 leagues beyond Xalosco." On the 24th^ of January, 1569, they entered the port of Santiago. The Chief -Pilot tells us in his journal that he was well acquainted with this coast and with its people : this port,^ he says, lies six leagues from Port Natividad, and is in latitude 19i-. Before they left Santiago a joyful surprise awaited them. " On the day of St. ' This large bay, which deeply indents the Californian peninsula, is naraed in the present maps the bay ot Sebastian Vizcaino, after the Spaniard who surveyed this coast in 1602. Gallego's name ot San. tome, which may be a contraction foi; San. Bartolomeo, has, there fore, the priority of some 30 years and more. The prominent headland, which they had to double, is at present called Poiut Eugenio. The two large islets off this point are now called Cerros and Natividad Islands. ^This. should be the 22nd of January, as Gallego observes subsequently that the " Almiranta " arriving on the 25th came three days after them. 8 During his passage fi-oin the Californian to the Mexican coast, GaUego seeras from some observatious in his journal to have been puzzled by getting a latitude of 23° 26' before he arrived at the extremity of the Californian Peninsula. He speaks ot Sau Lucas as being ' ' at the end of CaUfornia iu the tropics ; " but this observation apparently did not clear up his doubt on the matter ; and in fact on first touching the Mexican coast, the nuraber of smaU bays made him think that it was still the coast of CaUfornia. The latitude of Cape San Lucas,the extremity of the Californian Peniiisula, is 22° 52' -- it is, therefore, weU within the tropics. 244 JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. Paul's Conversion, three days after our arrival, the '.Almiranta' hove in sight. She was much in want of water and pro visions ; and she carried no boat which, like ourselves, she had cast over in the great storms ; and her main-mast -ft'as cut away. They did not recognize the coast. It was our Lord's good will to bring us together in this port. God knows how glad we were to see each other. In preserving us through such great tempests, our Lord had worked a miracle They told us what had happened during the great storms : and that when they arrived, they had only one vessel (botija) of water reraaining Sama, the alguacil- raayor of the city of Mexico, came with some people of the town of Colima to see who we were, and be talked with the General." The two ships left the port of Santiago on the 10th of March.i Nine days afterwards, they sailed into the port of Atapulco (Acapulco) to obtain news from Peru : but learning nothing, they left in an hour. Gallego adds that this port is the nearest to the city of Mexico, and that it lies in 17°. Proceeding along the Mexican coast, they anchored outside the port of Guatulco (lying according to Gallego in 15|-°); and they sent a boat on shore to learn news of Peru and to get wine and biscuits "All the people of the town," the Chief -Pilot writes " were scared and fied into the interior, because they had heard in Mexico that we were a strange Scotch people " (gente estrangera escoceses). Through a jealousy exhibited by the pilots of the "Almiranta" towards Gallego, the "Capitana " was left behind at this port for a day and a night, for which, says the object of their jealousy, the General was very angry with them. However, the " Capitana " arrived in the port of Caputla nine days before the other ship. Tbe people there were at first much disturbed; but on recognising Gallego, who had been there on previous occasions, they were re assured ; and they carried the news ashore that the voyagers had come from " the discovery of the islands." On the 4th of April the " Capitana " arrived in the port of Realejo on the Nicaraguan coast, and was followed five days after by the " Almiranta " "In this port," continues the Chief-Pilot "we beached the ships and caulked the seams, and set up lower-masts and top masts, of which we had need, in order to be able to lie up for Peru. With all our necessity in this port, neither the officials ofthe govern- ' Gallego refers to an eclipse of the moon at nine in the night ot the 10th of March. "At the end of an hour the moon was clear. " JOURNAL OF GALLEGO. 245 ment nor any other persons would give or lend money to us for the repair of the ships. Perceiving that otherwise the ships would be lost, and that it was indispensable for the service of His Majesty, I lent the General all the money which I had of my own, and I re ceived an acknowledgment for 1400 pesos (dollars), with which the ships were refitted ; and they were victualled for another piece of gold of 400 pesos : all this I lent for the service of His Majesty. " We left this port, which is in latitude 12i,° on the 28tb of May. Sailing to the Cabo de Guion (Cape Guion), we lay up thence for the coast of Peru. On tbe 4th of June we lost sight of the coast of Nicaragua ; and on the 5th we passed to leeward of Mal Pelo Island.^ On the moming of the llth we were off Facames,^ which lies four leagues below the Cabo del San Francisco (Cape San Francisco) on the coast of Peru. On the 14th we anchored in Puerto-viejo ; and on the 19th we reached Point Santa Elena. On Sunday, the 26th of June,^ Don Fernando Henriquez left with the news for Lima or the City of the Kings." IjAus Deo. IThe Malpelo Island of the present charts. 2 This is evidently Atacames, which has the position described. 3 The two last dates are referred to as July. This is apparently a mistake, and I have, therefore, corrected it in the translation. CHAPTER XII THE STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. THE most interesting feature in the history of the discovery of the Soloraon Group is the circumstance that during a period of two hundred years after it was first discovered by the Spaniards it was lost to the world and its very existence doubted. In the belief that I shall be treading on ground new to the general reader, I will at once pass on to relate how this large archipelago was lost and found again. Fancied discoveries of the precious metals in the island of Guadalcanar inflamed the imaginations of the Spaniards : and the reports, which they gave on their return to Peru, in 1568, of tho wealth and fertility of the newly-found lands, cast a glamour of romance over the scene of their discoveries which the lapse of three hundred years has not been able altogether to reraove. To colonize his new discovery and add one more to the vast pos sessions of Spain, becarae the life-long arabition of Mendana. In order to further his great aira, he gave to these islands the name of the " Isles of Salomon," to the end that the Spaniards, supposing them to be the islands whence Solomon obtained his gold for the temple at Jerusalem, might be induced to go and inhabit them. Thus, the narae of the new discovery was itself a " pious fraud," if we raay believe the story of Lopez Vaz,^ a Portuguese, who was cap tured by the English, nearly twenty years afterwards, at the River Plate. This seems to me to be the explanation of the name, which we ought, in fairness, to receive ; since, after reading the narrative of Gallego, it is scarcely crediting the Spaniards with ordinary reasoning faculties to imagine that Mendana and his officers really thought that they had found the Ophir of Solomon. However, many years rolled by ; and Mendana had arrived at i "Purchas, his Pilgrimes," Part IV., Lib. VIL STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 247 an elderly age before any further undertaking was atterapted. The appearance of Drake in the South Sea, sorae years after the return of the expedition to Peru, caused the scherae of colonization to be abandoned. The Spaniards now found a rival in the navigation of that ocean which, under the sanction of a Papal decree, they had hitherto regarded as exclusively their own. The dread that they would be unable to hold the " Isles of Saloraon " against the attacks of the powerful nation now intruding in their doraain, caused thera to relinquish the coveted islands ; and " coraraanderaent was given, that they should not be inhabited, to the end that such Englishraen, and of other Nations as passed the Straits of Magellan to goe to the Malucos (Moluccas), raight have no succour there, but such as they got of the Indian people." ^ To prevent the English obtaining any knowledge of these islands, the publication of the official narrative of Mendana's voyage was purposely delayed. So strong a pressure was brought to bear upon Gallego, the Chief-Pilot of the expedition,^ that he was afraid to publish his journal, which has not only re mained in raanuscript up to the present day, but was not brought to light until the second quarter of the present century. Thus, it happened that for nearly half-a-century after the return of Mendana, there was no account of the expedition -? no chart preserved its dis coveries, it being considered better, as things were then, to let these islands remain unknown.* The popular ignorance of these islands naturaUy increased the mystery that surrounded them ; and their wealth and resources were soon increased ten-fold under the infiuence of the imaginative faculties of the Spaniards. Lopez Vaz, the Portuguese already re ferred to, writing about the year 1586 of the recent American dis coveries, remarked that " the greatest and raost notable discovery that hath beene from those parts now of late, was that of the Isles of Salomon." But romance and fact are strangely mingled in his story. We learn from him, for the first time, that the Spaniards, although " not seeking nor being desirous of gold," brought back with them, from the island of Guadalcanar, 40,000 pezos^ of the precious metal. No reference is made to such a find of gold on the part of the Spaniards in the accounts of Gallego and Figueroa : and 1 " History of Lopez Vaz : Purchas, his Pilgrimes," Part IV., Lib. VII. ^ Vide prologue to " Gallego's Journal," page 194. 3 Ftfe page 192. ' Letter from Quiros to Don Antonio de Morga, Governor of the Philippines. " Dollars. 248 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. it is probable that the reports to this effect may have originally arisen out of the circurastance that, when the ships were being re fitted and provisioned at the port of Realejo, on the Nicaraguan coast, for the corapletion of their voyage to Peru, the necessary expenses, which amounted to 1800 pezos, were defrayed by the Chief-Pilot, GaUego.^ If the English captain, Withrington by name, who eUcited this information frora his Portuguese prisoner, Lopez Vaz, had hoped to have obtained any satisfactory account of the position of these vaunted islands, be raust have been grievously disappointed. He learned frora hira that the Spaniards, having coasted along the island of Guadalcanar untU the parallel of 18° S. latitude without reaching its extreraity, were of the opinion that it formed " part of that con tinent which stretches to the strait of Magalhanes " (Magellan). From this misconception, the idea arose that the Spaniards had dis covered the southern continent and that Gallego was the discoverer,^ and so vague was the inforraation of the extent of the newly-dis covered islands that, when in 1599, an English ship was carried by terapest to 64° S. lat., the captain, on sighting some mountainous land covered with snow, considered that it extended towards the islands of Salomon.^ But to return to the long-deferred project of Mendana. Years of delay seemed only to increase tbe desire of the first discoverer of this group to complete his work. A change occurred in the vice- royalty of Peru ; and under the auspices of the new Viceroy an expedition of four ships was fitted out, on which were embarked sailors, soldiers, and eraigrants to the total nuraber of four hundred. In 1595, raore than a quarter of a century after the return of his first expedition, Mendana, now an elderly raan, sailed from Peru accompanied by his wife. Donna Isabella Baretto. Fernandez de Quiros, who had braved with his leader the perils of the first voyage and had shared with hira in the disheartenings arising from a hope so long deferred, now served under hira as cbief pilot. Their des tination was St. Christoval, the easternmost of the Solomon Group. The imperfect knowledge of the navigator of those days was curiously exhibited during this voyage. With the means at his command, it was a comparatively easy matter to follow along one parallel of ^ Vide page 245. 2 Dalrymple's "Historical Collection of Voyages," &o.. Vol. I., p. 96. 3 "Purchas, his Pjlgriraes," Vol. IV., p. 1391. STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 249 latitude or " to run down his latitude " as the sailor terms it ; but to ascertain with any approach to accuracy his meridian of longitude was scarcely within the power of the Spanish navigator. When only about half-way across the Pacific and about the same distance on their voyage to the Soloraon Group, they discovered a group of islands, which, frora their latitude, they believed to be the object of their quest. Further exploration, however, convinced Mendana of his mistake ; and he named his new discovery Las Marquesas de Mendoza, a narae which this group at present in part retains. On continuing the voyage, the crews were assured that in three or four days they would arrive at the " Isles of Saloraon," which were in point of fact more than three thousand miles away. The three or four days wearily spun themselves out into thirty-three. General discontent became rife ; and murmurs of dissatisfaction arose which might have shortly ended in open revolt. At length, late one night thej'^ were overtaken by one of the rain-storms so coramon in those regions ; and when the clouds lifted, they saw within a league of thera the shores of a large island. The discovery was signalled frora the flag-ship, the " Capitana," to the other three ships : but only two replied. The missing vessel, the " Alrairanta," had been last seen between two and three hours before. No trace was ever found of her. Whither she went, or what fate befell her, are questions which have remained amongst the manj' unsolved mysteries of the sea. There is something tragical in this disappearance of a large ship having probably over a hundred souls on board, men, women, and children, when apparently the goal of the expedition had been attained. The appearance of the natives of this large island at first in duced Mendana to believe that be had at last arrived at the lands he had been so long seeking. Eut his belief was short-lived. The new island was named Santa Cruz; and having abandoned the original object of the expedition to establish a colony on the island of St. Christoval, the Spaniards coraraenced to plant their colony on the shores of a harbour which they naraed Graciosa Bay. Disaster upon disaster fell on the little colony. Disease struck down numbers of the settlers, and the poisoned weapons of the natives ended the lives of raany others. Mutiny broke out ; and the extrerae punish ment of death was inflicted on the conspirators. The foul raurder of the chief who had steadfastly befriended them was punished, it is true, by the execution of the murderers ; but the enmity of the 250 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. natives could not thus be pacified. Broken-hearted and overcome by disease, Mendana sickened and died ; and the heavens themselves must bave seemed to the superstitious Spaniards to have frowned on their design, for a total eclipse of the moon preceded by a few hours the death of their coramander. The brother of Donna Isabel had been selected by Mendana as his successor; but a fortnight afterwards he died from a wound received in an affray with the natives. It was at length resolved to abandon the enterprise ; and rather over two months after they had first sighted the island, the survivors of the expedition re-embarked for Manilla. Hoping to leam something of the missing ship before finally steering north ward, they directed their course westward until they should reach the parallel of 11° of south latitude, when they expected to arrive at St. Christoval whither the "Almiranta" raight have gone. The course^ which they steered under the guidance of Quiros, the pilot, must have soon brought them on this parallel ; and they appear to have followed it with a favourable wind until the second day,^ when seeing no signs of land, they were urged by the increasing sickness and by the scarcity of water and provisions to give up the search, and to this change of plans Quiros gave his consent. In a few hours, if they had continued their course, the mountain-tops of St Christ oval would have appeared above the horizon and the " Isles of Salomon " would have been found. But such was not to be ; and when probably not raore than fifty railes from the original destination of the expedition, the ships were headed N.N.W. for Manilla. Such a course must have brought the Spanish vessels yet closer to the eastern extremity of the group ; but the night fell, and on the following raorning the Solomon Islands were well below the western horizon. Of the three ships, two only reached the Philippines. The "Fragata" lost the company of the other ships and "never more appeared." It was subsequently reported that she had been found driven ashore with all her' sails set and all her people dead and rotten.^ Thus terminated the attempt of the Spaniards to found a colony in the Soloraon Islands ; and the ill fate which it experienced was scarcely calculated to encourage others to undertake a similar ^ The course is differently given, by Quiros as W. by S. and by Figueroa as W.S.W. (Dalrymple's Historical Collection : vol. I., 92.) ^- Figueroa implies the second day ; whilst Quiros speaks of " two days.'' 2 Dalrymple's Historical CoUection of Voyages : vol. I., 58. STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 251 enterprise. Barely half of the four hundred souls who had left Peru under such bright auspices could have reached the Philippines. Among them, however, was Quiros the pilot of Mendana, who, nothing daunted by disaster and ill-success, returned to Peru and endeavoured to re-awaken the spirit of discovery which was losing much of its enthusiasm with the departing glory of the Spanish nation. The Viceroy of Peru referred him to the Court of Spain ; and, after experiencing for several years the effects of those intrigues which seem to have been the accustomed fate of the early navigators, Quiros set sail from Callao at the close of 1605, to search the Southern Ocean once again for the Isles of Salomon and the other unknown lands in that region. He had been supplied with two ships, and was accompanied by Luis Vaez de Torres as second in command. It is unnecessary to enter here into the particulars of the voj'age across the Pacific. It will be sufficient for my purpose to state that Quiros finally sought the paraUel of 10° south, and sailed westward in the direction of Santa Cruz, which he had discovered with Mendana ten years before. Being rather to the northward of the lati tude of Santa Cruz, he struck a small group of islands, the principal of which was called Taumaco by the natives. These islands have been identified with the Duff Group, which lies about 65 railes north-east of Santa Cruz. Nearly two centuries had passed away before these islands were again seen by Europeans, when they were sighted by Captain Wilson of the missionary ship " Duff," in 1797. During the ten days spent by the Spaniards at Taumaco, Quiros obtained inforraation of a number of islands and large tracts of land in the neighbourhood, which seemed to confirra hira in his belief in a vast unknown extent of land in the Southern Ocean. The list of these islands are included in a memorial subsequently presented by Quiros to Philip II. of Spain, which contains many particulars of the discoveries of the expedition in this region. Some of them I have been able to identify with names on existing charts, but referring my reader to Note XIV. of the Geographical Appendix, I will only allude here to the most interesting reference in this memorial, which is to a large country named Pouro, that is without doubt the large island of St. Christoval in the Solomon Group, which lay rather under 300 miles to the westward. The central ' Dalrymple's Hist. CoU. of Voyages : vol. I, p. 145. This memorial is given in the original in Purchas, (His Pilgrimes, Part VI, Lib. VII, Chap. 10.) Vide&lso De Brasses "Histoire des Navigations aux Tenes Australes : " tom. I, p. 341 : Paris 1756. 252 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. portion of St. Christoval is at present called Bauro, and by this name the whole island is often known to the natives of the islands around. Thus, without suspecting it, Quiros had described to him an island of the lost Solomon Group, and the very island which had been more corapletely explored than any other by the expedition of Mendana nearly forty years before. Had he been in possession of Gallego's journal, in which the native name of Paubro is given to St Christoval, he would have at once recognised in this Pouro of the Taumaco natives the Paubro of Mendana's expedition. His inforraant spoke to hira of silver arrows which had been brought from Pouro, but this circumstance did not set him on the right track ; and thus for the second time this enterprising navigator unwittingly let the chance pass by of finding the Isles of Salomon.' The opportunity had gone ; and, for this reason, the remainder of this voyage of Quiros has no interest in connection with the Solomon Group. The information which he had obtained of the numerous islands and tracts of land in the vicinity of Taumaco seems to have banished from his raind all thoughts of the missing group. Steering southward, and passing without seeing the island of Santa Cruz of which he had been in search, he reached the island of Tucopia, of which he had previously obtained information from the natives of Taumaco. Continuing his course, he finally anchored in a large bay which indented the coast of what he believed was the Great Southern Continent. The name Australia del Espiritu Santo was given by him to this new land, when flushed with the success of his discovery. In the hour of his supposed triumph, fortune again frowned on the efforts of the Spanish navigator. A mutiny broke out on board his ship, and Quiros was compelled by his crew to abandon the enterprise. Without being able to acquaint Torres of what had happened, he left the anchorage unperceived in the middle hours of the night, and after making an ineffectual attempt to find Santa Cruz, he sailed for Mexico. Torres, after ascertaining that the supposed southern continent was an island,^ continued his voyage westward, and, passing through the straits which bear his name, ultimately arrived at Manilla. The results of the expeditions in which Quiros had been engaged ' The question of this narae of Pouro is further treated in Note XV. of the Geographical Appendix, since an attemjit has been made by Mr. Hale, the Araerican phUologist, to identify it with the Bouro of the Indian Archipelago. ^ This island is one of the New Hebrides, and still retains its Spanish name of Espiritu Santo. STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 253 could hardly have been looked upon with feelings of great satis faction at the Spanish Court, where the veteran navigator in the true spirit of Columbus now repaired to advocate the colonization of the Australia del Espiritu Santo he had just discovered. The Isles of Salomon had been also discovered, it is true ; but two succeeding expeditions had failed to find them. Santa Cruz had simUarly eluded the efforts of Quiros ; and his last discovery of the supposed southern continent had been proved by his corapanion, Torres, to be an island. Several years had passed away, and Quiros was an old man before his wishes for a new expedition were granted. In furtherance of the exploration of the Isles of Saloraon and the Australia del Espiritu Santo, he is said to have presented no less than fifty memorials to the king ; in one bf which, after painting in the brightest colours the beauty and fertility of his last discovery, he thus addresses his Sovereign : " Acquire, sire, since you can, acquire heaven, eternal fame, and that new world with all its promises." Such appeals coining frora one who raight fitly be called the Columbus of his age could scarcely be rejected by the monarch. In 1614, Quiros, bearing a comraissiou frora the king, departed frora Spain on his way to CaUao, where he intended to fit out another expedition. Death, however, overtook him at Panama on his way to Peru ; and with Quiros died all the grand hopes, which he had fostered, of adding the unknown southern continent to the dorainion of Spain. Had he lived to carry out his project, Australia might have becorae a second Peru. The spirit of enterprise on the part of the Spanish nation never again extended itself into this region of the Western Pacific. During the next century and a half the large island-groups, which the Spaniards had dis covered in these seas, were not visited by any European navigators;^ and it is surprising how few benefits have accrued to geography from these three Spanish expeditions to these regions. Their dis coveries have had to be rediscovered ; and it has been only by a laborious process on the part of the geographer that the navigator has been able to make any use of the imperfect information, which the Spanish navigators have bequeathed to us of their discoveries in these seas. The death of Quiros deepened more than ever the mystery that ' In 1616, the Dutch navigator, Le Maire, when he discovered and named the Home Islands m lat. 14° 56' S. and Hope Island in 16° S. thought that he had found the Solomon Islauds ; but these islands lie more than a thousand miles to the eastward of this group- Dalrymple's Hist. CoU., vol. II., p. 59. 254 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. was thrown over the Isles of Saloraon. Although Herrera^ had published in 1601 a short description of these islands, which he raust have derived from official sources, no account of the first voyage of Mendana was published until nearly half a century after the return of the expedition to Peru, when in 1613 a short narrative appeared in a work written by Dr. Figueroa.^ However, the exaggerated description, such as Lopez Vaz had given, obtained by virtue of prepossession a stronger hold on the raeraories of the sea faring world. The sarae spirit of jealousy against other nations, which had compelled Gallego to suppress his journals, and had so long withheld any account of Mendana's discoveries, now doomed to destruction the several memorials and documents of Quiros; but fortunately the work of destruction was not completed. The con sequence of such proceedings was to greatly heighten the exaggerated misconceptions relating to the Isles of Salomon. We learn from Purchas^ that Richard Hakluyt was informed in London in 1604, by a LLsbon merchant, of an expedition wbich had left Lima in 1600 and had fallen in " with divers rich countries and islands not far frora the islands of Saloraon. One chief place they called Monte de Plata, for the great abundance of silver there is like to be there. For they found two crowns' worth of silver in two hand fuls of dust, and the people gave them for iron as much and more in quantity of silver."* Amongst the misconceptions which prevailed is one which we find in a memorial addressed by Dr. Juan Luis Arias to Philip III. of Spain,^ where he refers to the dis covery of " New Guadalcanal" and "San Christoval" as quite distinct from Mendana's subsequent discovery, as he alleges, of the Isles of Saloraon ; and he alludes to the opinion of some that New Guadal canal was a part of New Guinea. In Peru the actual existence of these islands carae to be doubted ; and successive viceroj^s held it a political raaxira to treat the question of the existence of the Solo raon Islands as a roraance.* The jealous attitude, assumed by Spain towards other nations with reference to these discoveries, succeeded only too well in be- >¦ Vide page 192. 2 Vide page 192. 3 " His PUgrimes," vol. IV., p. 1432. * Geographical writers are not agreed as to whether this allusion refers to one of the voyages of Quiros or not. From the date it would appear probable that it refers to Men dana's second voyage, when Quiros was chief pilot. ^ A translation is given by Mr. Major in his " Barly Voyages to Terra Australis." ^ Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. XIV., p. 12. STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 255 wildering the geographers who endeavoured to ascertain the true position of the Soloraon Islands ; ancl so varied were the opinions on the subject, that the latitude assigned to them varied from 7° to 19° south, and the longitude frora 2400 miles to 7500 railes west of Peru. Acosta, in 1590, ignorant of the materials several years after placed at the disposal of Figueroa, located these islands about 800 leagues ^ west of Peru, and Herrera gives them the sarae position,^ a longitude which Lopez Vaz had previously given them in the account obtained frora him in 1586 by Captain Withrington. The dis coverers themselves, if we raay trust the estimates given in the accounts of Gallego and Figueroa, and in the meraorials of Quiros, considered that the Soloraon Islands were removed about double this distance from the coast of Peru. Their estimates vary between 1500 and 1700 Spanish leagues, whereas the true distance is about 2100 leagues or frora 1500 to 2000 miles west of the position assigned by the discoverers. In his second voyage, Mendana was misled by this sraall estimate when he at first mistook the Marquesas for his previous discovery, the Isles of Salomon. I am inclined to consider that the Spanish navigators purposely under-estimated the distance of these islands from the coast of Peru, and that in so doing they were actuated by two raotives. In the first place, they Avould be desirous to bring their discoveries within the line of demarcation fixed by the Papal Bull after the discovery of Araerica by Columbus, by which the heraisphere west of a raeridian 370 leagues west of the Azores was assigned to Spain, and that to the east of this meridian to Portugal. Thus it was that Spain had had to deliver the Brazils to Portugal ; andin possessing herself of the Moluccas she had appro priated by a geographical fraud lands which should have belonged to that nation.^ Their other raotive is probably to be found in that jealousy of spirit which, in order to prevent Drake and the English from finding their discoveries, caused the suppression of Gallego's journal and the burning of many of the memorials of Quiros. Similar confusion prevailed amongst the early cartographers as to the position which they should assign to the Solomon Islands. As M. Buache* points out, the first charts representing the Isles of ^ Spanish leagues, 17^ to a degree. 2 Herrera at the same time places them 1500 leagues from Lima ! Slam indebted to Mr. Dalrymple (Hist. CoUect. of Voyages, vol. L, p. 51) for this ex planation of the smaU estimates of the Spanish navigators. * "Memoir concerning the existence and situation of Solomon's Islands, " presented to the Eoyal Academy ot Sciences in 1781. (Fleurieu's "Discoveries of the French in 1768 and 1769.") 256 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. Salomon, which were published at the end of the 16th century, made a near approximation to their true position by placing them to the east and at no great distance from New Guinea. Subsequent cartographers, however, were less happy in their guesses at the truth. In the " Arcano del Mare," published by Dudley, in 1646, the Solomon Islands were transported to the position of the Mar quesas, with which they were thought identical. This position was generally received until early in last century, when Delisle adopted a position much nearer to that given in the early maps. M. Dan viUe, however, later on in the century, being unable to reconcile the Spanish discoveries with the more recent discoveries in the South Seas, suppressed altogether the Isles of Salomon in his map of the world ; and his example was followed by several other geographers, wbo were equally anxious to expunge the lost archipelago from their maps and to relegate it to the class of fabulous lands. After the death of Quiros, the Spanish nation ceased to favour any further enterprise in search of the missing archipelagos, which do not appear to have engaged the special attention of any nation. Generations thus passed away, and the Solomon Islands were almost forgotten. But there lingered amongst the sea-faring population in Peru, raeraories of the raissing islands of Mendana and Quiros, which were revived from tirae to tirae by sorae strange story told by men, who had returned to Callao from their voyage across the Pacific to Manilla. Even in the first quarter of last century, the mention of the Isles of Salomon suggested visions of beautiful and fertile lands, abounding in raineral wealth, and populated by a happy race of people who enjoyed a climate of perfect salubrity. This we leam from the narrative of Captain Betagh,^ an Englkshman, who, having been captured by the Spaniards in 1720, was detained a prisoner in Peru. He speaks of the arrival, not long before, of two ships at- Callao, which, though cruising independently in the Pacific, had both been driven out of their course and had raade the Solomon Islands. A sraall ship was despatched to follow up their discovery: but as she was only victualled for two raonths, I need scarcely add that she did not find thera. It is very probable that the islands- made by the two ships were the Marquesas. Not very long after this attempt to find the missing group, Admiral Roggewein,^ the Dutch navigator, in his voyage round the 1 Pinkerton's "Voyages and Travels," vol. XIV., p. 12. ' Dalrymple's "Hist. CoU. of Voyages," vol. II. STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO, 257 world, siglited, in 1722, two large islands or tracts of land in the We.stern Pacific, which he named Tienhoven and Groningen (the Groningue of some writers). Behrens, the narrator of the expedition, considered them to be portions of the Terra Australis. Geographers, however, have differed widely in their atterapts to identify these islands. Dalryraple and Burney held the opinion that these islands were none other than the Solomon Islands ; but the question is of little importance to us, as no coraraunication took place with the natives. In his "Histoire des Navigations aux Terres j^.ustrales," which was published in Paris, in 1756, De Brosses, after referring to the circumstance that geographers differed a thousand leagues in locating this group, inserts, as giving quite another idea of their position, the story of Geinelli Careri, when on his voyage from Manilla to Mexico, in command of the great galleon. It appears that when they were in 34° north lat., a canary flew on board and perched in the rigging. Careri at once inferred that the bird must have flown from the Solomon Islands, which lay, as he learned from the seamen of his vessel, two degrees further south. The source of the Spanish com mander's information raight have suggested some rather odd re flections: however, De Brosses, as if to justify this belief of the sailors of the gaUeon, refers to two islands, Kinsima (Isle of Gold) and Ginsima (Isle of Silver), lying about 300 leagues east of Japan, which, ha-ving been kept secret by the Japanese, had been in effectually sought for by the Dutch in 1639 and 1643.^ De Brosses, it should be reraerabered, was writing when the Isles of Saloraon were in the rainds of raany a myth. That this notion of the seamen of the gaUeon should suggest to him two legendary islands placed east of Japan, islands believed by the Dutch not to belie their names in mineral wealth, sufficiently shows how wild speculation had be come with reference to the position of this mysterious group. In a few years, however, there was a revival of the spirit of geographical enterprise in England, under the enlightened auspices of George III. ; and the time was approaching when, in anticipation of the transit of Venus in 1769, the attention of the English and French astronomers and geographers was more specially directed to the South Pacific, with the purpose of selecting suitable positions for the observation of this phenomenon. M. Pingrd, in his memoir on the selection of a position for observing the transit of Venus, 1 Tome I., p. 177. E -258 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. which was read before the French Academy of Sciences in De cember, 1766, and January, 1767, gave a translation of the account given by Figueroa of Mendana's discovery of the Solomon Islands; but he did not throw rauch new light on their supposed position. Whilst the attention of geographers was thus once more directed towards this part of the Pacific, the two English voyages of circum navigation under Comraodore Byron and Captain Carteret^ supplied thera with inforraation, which pointed to the correctness of the view of the old cartographers that the Solomon Islands lay to tbe east, and not far removed from New Guinea. That Commodore Byron, when sailing in the supposed latitude of these islands in 1765, expected to fall in with them raore towards the centre of the Pacifie, is shown by the circumstance that he at first believed one of the islands of the group, subsequently named the Union Group, to be the Malaita of the Spaniards, an island which actually lay more than 1500 miles to the westward. However, he continued his course in the track of the missing group, until he reached the longi tude of 176° 20' E. in latitude 8° 13' S., a position raore than 800 railes to the eastward of that assigned to the Solomon Islands in his chart. Giving up the search. Commodore Byron steered northward to cross the equator, and ultimately shaped his course for the Ladrones. His remark in reference to his want of success augured ill for the future discovery of the Solomon Group, since he doubted whether the Spaniards had left behind any account by which it might be found by future navigators. In August, 1766, another expedition consisting of two ships, the " Dolphin," and the " Swallow," under the command of Captain Wallis, and Captain Carteret, sailed from Plyraouth with the object of raaking further discoveries in the southern heraisphere. After a stormy passage through the Straits of Magellan, the two ships were separated just as they were entering the South Sea. This accidental circumstance proved fortunate in its results for geographical science, as each vessel steered an independent course. Whilst Captain Wallis in the " Dolphin " was exploring the coasts of Tahiti, Captain Carteret in the " Swallow " followed a track more to the southward, and ultimately brought back to Europe tidings of the long lost lands of Mendana and Quiros. In July, 1767, Captain Carteret being in 167° W. long, and 10° S. lat., kept his course westward in the same parallel " in hopes " — as he remarks — " to have fallen la ' Hawkesworth's Voyages (vol. I.) contains the accounts of these expeditions. STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 259 with some of the islands called Solomon's Islands." After reachint^ the meridian of 177° 30' E. long, in 10° 18' S. lat., a position five degrees to the westward of that assigned to the Soloraon Islands in his chart. Captain Carteret carae to the conclusion " that if there were any such islands their situation was erroneously laid down." He was afterwards destined to discover, unknown to himself, nearly a thousand miles to the westward, the very group whose existence he doubted. Continuing his westerly course, he arrived at a group of islands, the largest of which he recognised as the Santa Cruz of Mendana, which had not been visited by Europeans since the disastrous attempt to found a Spanish Colony there raore than 170 years before. With a crazy ship, and a sickly crew. Captain Carteret desisted from the further prosecution of his discoveries in those regions; and shaping his course W.N.W., he sighted in the evening of the second day a low flat island, one of the outlying islands of the Solomon Group, which, without suspecting the nature of bis discovery, he called Gower Island, a name still preserved in the present chart.^ During the night, the current carried hira to the south, and brought him within .sight of what he thought were two other large islands lying east and west with each other, which he named Sirapson's Island, and Carteret's Island. Captain Carteret communicated with the natives, but did not anchor. These two islands have proved to be the forked northern extreraity of the large island of Malaita. Keeping to the north-west, he subsequently discovered, off the north-west end of the group, a large atoll with nine small islands, which are known as the Nine Islands of Carteret. On the following morning he was fated, without being aware of it, to get another glimpse of the Solomon Islands. A high island, descried by hira to the southward, which is named Winchelsea Island in his text, and Anson Island in bis chart of the voyage, was in all probability the island of Bouka visited nearly a year afterwards by BougainviUe, the French navigator. Thus the missing group was at length found, but without the knowledge of the EngUsh navigator who discovered it. He had, in truth, expected to find it 20° further to the east. It was reserved, however, for the geographer in his study to identify the discoveries of Carteret with the Isles of Salomon of Mendana. At the end of June, 1768, Bougainville the French navigator^^ 1 Captain Carteret communicated with the natives, but did not anchor. 2 " Voyage autour du Monde en 1766-1769 : " second edit, augmentee : Paris 1772. 260 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. coraing northward frora his discovery of tbe Louisiade Archipelago and of the Australia del Espiritu Santo of Quiros, made the west coast of a large island, now known as Choiseul Island, one of the Solomon Islands. When the ships were about twenty miles south of the present Choiseul Bay, boats were sent to look for an anchorage, but they found the coast almost inaccessible. A second attempt was made to find an anchorage in Choiseul Bay, but, night coming on, the number of the shoals and the irregularity of the currents prevented the ships from coming up to the anchorage. In this bay the boats were attacked by about 150 natives in ten canoes who were dispersed and routed by the second discharge of fire-arms. Two canoes were captured, in one of which was found the jaw of a man half broiled. The island was named Choiseul by its discoverer, and a river frora which the natives had issued into the bay was called "la riviere des Guerriers." Passing through the strait which bears his name, the French navigator coasted along the east side of Bougainville Island, and passed off" the island of Bouka. The natives who came off to the ship in their canoes displayed the cocoa-nuts they had brought with them, and constantly repeated the cry, " bouca, bouca, onelld." For this reason, Bougainville naraed the island, Bouca, which is the name it still retains on the chart. It is, however, evident frora the narrative that the French navigator never regarded this name as that by which the island was known to its inhabitants. Wben Dentrecasteaux, during his voyage in search of La Pdrouse, lay off this island in his ships in 1792, the natives who carae off frora the shore, as Labillardifere informs us,^ made use of the same expression of " bouka." This eminent naturalist considered that the word in question was a term in the language of these islanders ; and he refers to it as a Malay expression of negation, except when a pause is made on the first syllable when it signifies " to open." On leaving behind him the island of Bouka, Bougainville quitted the Solomon Group ; bub frora his account it is apparent tbat he had no idea of having found the raissing archipelago. Referring to these islands in the intro duction to his narrative, he writes : — " supposing that the details related of the wealth of these islands are not fabulous, we are in ignorance of their situation, and subsequent atterapts to find them have been in vain. It merely appears that they do not lie between the eighth and twelfth parallels of south latitude." In Bougain- ^ LabUlardiere's " Voyage a la rechprcho de la P jouse : " Paris 1800 : tome I., p. 227, STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 261 ville's plans and charts, these discoveries are referred to as forraing part of the Louisiade Archipelago which he had found to the south ward. In the general chart showing the track of his voyage, the Solomon Islands are placed about 350 railes north-west of the Navigator Islands ; and they are there referred to as " Isles Saloraon dont I'existence et la position sont douteuse." In June ofthe following year, 1769, there sailed frora Pondicherry an expedition coramanded by M. de Surville,^ who was bound on some enterprise with the object of which we are still to a great ex tent unacquainted. It is, however, probable as we learn frora Abbd Rochon,^ that some rumour of an island abounding in wealth and inhabited by Jews, which was reported to have been lately seen by the English seven hundred leagues west of Peru, had led to the fitting out of this expedition. Not unlikely, stories of tho wealth of the missing islands of Mendana had been revived by the arrival in India of somo ship that had come upon thera in her track across the Pacific ; and the reference to their being populated by Jews may be readily understood when I allude to the fact that the form of the nose in one out of every five Solomon Islanders, and in truth in many Papuans, gi\'-es the face quite a Jewish cast. In October, 1769, Surville discovered and named Port Praslin on the north-east coast of Isabel, which was the same island of the Solomon Group that Mendana had first discovered two hundred years before. Here he stayed eigbt days, during which time his watering-parties carae into lamentableconflict with the natives. Sailing eastward frora Port Praslin, he sighted the Gower Island of Carteret, Avhich he named Inattendue Island. Subsequently be reached Ulaua, which he called, on account of the unfavourable weather which he experienced in its vicinity. He de Contrariety. The attenipt to send a boat ashore was the occasion of another unfortunate affray with the natives, who were ultimately dispersed with grape-shot. It will be reraerabered that just two centuries before, the Spaniards in the brigantine carae into conflict with these same islanders, and that they named their island La Treguada in consequence of their supposed treachery (vid.e antea). In the neighbourhood of Contrariety, Surville sighted three smaU islands, which he named Les Trois Soeurs (Las Tres Marias of the Spaniards), and near them another island, which he called Iledu lAu account of this expedition is given in Fleurieu's "Discoveries of the French in 17fiS and 1769 to the south-east of New Guinea : " London, 1791. 2 " Voyages a Madagascar et aux Indes Orientales : " Paris, 1791. 262 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. Golfe, the Ugi or Gulf Island of the present chart. Sailing east ward, he apprehendedfrorathetrendof theneighbouring St. Christoval eoast that he would becorae erabayed ; but his apprehensions were removed when he arrived at the extreraity of this land, which he naraed Cape Oriental, and tbe two off-lying small islands of Santa Anna and Santa Catalina were called lies de la Deliverance in token of the danger from which he had apparently been delivered. In total ignorance of the fact that he had been cruising among.'^t the islands of the lost archipelago of Mendana, SurviUe now directed his course for New Zealand ; and on account of sangu inary conflicts with the natives of Port Praslin and Contrariety, he named his discoveries Terre des Arsacides or Land of the Assassins. In 1781, Maurelle, the Spanish navigator, in comraand ofthe frigate " Princesa," during his voyage frora Manilla to San Bias on the west coast of Mexico,^ came upon the Candelaria Shoals of Mendana, which lie off the north coast of Isabel Island. I have shown on page 200 that these Candelaria Shoals are no other than the Ontong Java of Tasman, which was identified by M. Fleurieu^ with the discovery of Maurelle. To the south-east of these shoals the " Princesa " approached another, which on account of tbe roaring of the sea was naraed El Roncador : this has been erroneously identified with the Candelaria Shoals by M. Fleurieu, and it is so named on the present Admiralty charts. Thus it nearly fell to the lot of the Spanish nation to be amongst the first to find the group they had originally discovered ; but Maurelle was not acquainted with his vicinity to the missing Isles of Salomon, and turning the head of his ship eastward, he proceeded on his voyage. In July, 1788, Lieutenant Shortland, when returning to England from Port Jackson in convoy of a fleet of transports, made the Solomon Group near Cape Sydney on the south coast of St. Chris toval. He skirted tbe south side of the group until he arrived at Bougainville Straits, and received the impression that he was coast ing along an apparently continuous tract of land, to which he gave the name of New Georgia. Passing through BougainvUle Straits, which, in ignorance of the discoveries of the French navigator, he naraed after himself. Lieutenant Shortland continued on his voyage. ^ An account of this voyage is given in " Voyage de la P6rouse autour du Monde,'' par Milet-Mureau: London, 1799: vol. I., p. 201. = " Discoveries of the French iu 1768 and 1769," eto. . pp. 179, IS . STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 263: The names of the numerous headlands ^ onthe south side of the Solomon Group, bear witness in the present chart to the accurate observations of the English navigator : and from hira Mount Lammas, the highest peak of Guadalcanar, received its name. Like Bou gainvUle and Surville, Shortland was not acquainted with the nature of his discoveries.^ It now remained for the geographers to avail themselves of the materials placed at their disposal by the voyages of the French and English navigators. M. Buache in a " Meraoir on the Existence and Situation of Soloraon's Islands,"^ which was presented to the French Academy of Sciences in 1781, deals with the discoveries of Carteret, Bougainville, and Surville. Tho steps by which he arrived at the conclusion that the groups of islands discovered by these navigators were not only one and the sarae group, but that they were the long- lost Isles of Saloraon of Mendana, afford an instructive instance of how a patient and laborious investigator, endowed with that gift of discrimination whicii M. Buache eraployed with such laudable im partiality, may ultimately attain the truth he seeks, invested though it be in clouds of mystery and contradiction. Groping along through a maze of confiicting statements, to which both navigators and geographers had in equal share contributed, M. Buache finally emerged into the light of day, when he asserted in his meraoir that between the extrerae point of New Guinea as fixed by Bougainville and the position of Santa Cruz as determined by Carteret, there was a, space of 12i. degrees of longitude, in which the Islands of Soloraon ought to be found. In this space, as he proceeded to show, lay the large group discovered by Bougainville and Surville which, he with confidence asserted, would prove to be none other than the long-lost islands of the Solomon Group. But such a view of the character of the recent French discoveries in these seas was received by English geographers with that spirit of partiality from which the cause of geographical science has so frequently suffered. Mr. Dalrymple in his " Historical CoUection of Voyages," published in 1770, before he had become acquainted ¦with the discoveries of Carteret, BougainviUe, and Surville, stated his conviction that there was no roora to doubt that what Mendana ^ Capes PhUip, Henslow, Hunter, Satisfaction, etc. 2 Shortland communicated with the natives of Simbo. An account of this voyage is given in the " Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay : " London, 1789. ^ This memoir is given by Fleurieu in the appendix of his work. 264 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. called Salomon Islands in 1567, Darapier afterwards named New Britain in 1700. In the introduction to the narrative of his second voyage round the world, wben he foUowed up Bougainville's explora tion of the Australia del Espiritu Santo of Quiros,^ Captain Cook supported this view. The arguments, however, of M. Buache had no weight with Mr. Dalrymple, who in 1790 re-stated his opinion that the Soloraon Islands of the Spaniards and the New Britain of Dampier were one and the sarae, and he referred to the discoveries of Bougainville and Surville as showing no similitude in forra to the Soloraon Islands of the old raaps.^ But in the minds of French geographers there was little doubt as to the correctness of the views of M. Buache. Amongst the de tailed geographical instructions given by Louis XVI. in 1785 to La Perouse, when he was setting out on his ill-fated expedition, was one which directed the attention of this illustrious navigator to the examination of the numerous islands of the Solomon Group, and especially to those which lay between Guadalcanar and Malaita.^ It was considered almost indubitable, as M. Fleurieu informs us, that the intended exploration by La Perouse of this archipelago would convert probabUity into certainty. But when in the vicinity ofthe islands he was never destined to behold, La Pdrouse experienced that mysterious fate whicii has excited .sympathy throughout the civilised world. On the reef-girt shores of Vanicoro bis ships were wrecked, and the French commander and his men were never seen again by any Europeans. As Carlyle wrote, . . .' " The brave navi gator goes, and returns not ; the seekers search far seas for him in vain, .... and only some mournful mysterious shadow of him hovers long in aU heads and hearts."* The orainous silence that had fallen over the doings of the absent expedition, on account of the non-arrival of the long expected dis patches, must have been, in a double sense, a cause of disappoint ment to M. Fleurieu, who had hoped to demonstrate the correctness of the views of the French geographers by the results of the explo rations of La Perouse. It was with the object of showing that the New Georgia of Shortland was one and the sarae with the Terre des 1 This group, which had been previously named by Bougainville, L'Archipel des grandes Cyclades, was designated The New Hebrides by Cook, a name which it retains on the present charts. ^ "Nautical Memoirs of Alexander Dalrymple.'' 3 " Voyage de la Perouse," redige par M. L. A. Milet-Mureau ; London, 1799. ' Carlyle's "French Eevolution," ch. V., p. 37. STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 265 Arsacides of Surville and the Choiseul of Bougainville, and that the French and English navigators had independently of each other discovered the lost Solomon Group, that M. Fleurieu published in Paris in 1790 his "Decouvertes des Francois en 1768 et 1769 dans le sud-est de la Nouvelle Guinde."^ " The desire of restoring to the French nation its own discoveries, which an emulous and jealous neighbour has endeavoured to appropriate to herself, induced us," thus the author wrote in his preface to his work, " to connect in one view, all those that we have made towards the south-east of New Guinea ; and particularly to prove, that the great land, which Short- land imagined he discovered in 1788, and to which he gave the name of New Georgia, is not a new land, but the southern coast of the Archipelago of the Arsacides, the famous Islands of Soloraon, one part of which was discovered after two centuries by M. de Bou gainviUe in 1768, and another raore considerable by M. de Surville in 1769." I need not refer to the detailed arguraents of this learned geographical writer. Under his arguments, Surville's appellation of Terre des Arsacides and Shortland's of New Georgia,^ finally gave place to the original title given by the Spanish navigator. " It was the work of M. de Fleurieu," thus writes Krusenstem,^ the Russian voyager and hydrographer, " that reraoved once and for all any doubt that might have been held about tho identity of the disco veries of BougainviUe, Surville, and Shortland, with the Solomon Islands." Another illustrious navigator, Dumont D'Urville,* thus alludes to the successful labours of his countrymen, . . . " Le labo- rieux Buache et I'habile Fleurieu travaillferent tour k tour a ^tablir cette identite qui, depuis, est devenue un fait acquis a la science gdographique ; les lies relevdes par Surville et par Bougainville sont r^ellement I'archipel Salomon de Mindana." Thus the lost archi pelago was found, not so much by the fortuitous course of the navigator as by the patient investigations of the geographer in his study. The result is intrinsically of little iraportance to the world at large ; but, as an exaraple of the success of a laborious yet dis criminate research, it raay afford encourageraent to all who endeavour to add something to the sum of knowledge. I will now refer briefly to the voyagers who subsequently visited ^ English translation published in London in 1791. ^ The designation of New Georgia has been retained in the modern charts for that portion of tho group which is known as Eubiana. •' "EecueU de Memoires Hydrographiques," St. Petersburgh, 1824. Part I., p. 157. ^ "Histoire Gfin^rale des Voyages," Paris, 1859; p. 228. 266 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. this group, after its identity had become established. In May 1790,, Lieutenant BalV in the "Supply," when on his voyage to England from Port Jackson via Batavia, made the eastern extremity of the Solomonlslands. He sailed along the north side of the group until opposite the middle of Malaita, when he headed more to the east ward and clear of the land. He correctly surmised that he was sailing along the New Georgia of Shortland, but on the opposite side of it : though he looked upon the islands of Santa Anna, Santa Catalina, and Ulaua as his own discoveries, and he naraed them respectively Sirius's Island, Massey's Island, and Smith's Island. In December 1791, Captain Bowen of the ship " Albemarle," during his voyage frora Port Jackson to Bombay, sailed along the coast of New Georgia, and reported that he had seen the floating wreck of one of the vessels of La Perouse ; but this report was discredited - by Captain Dillon in the narrative of his search after the missing e;ipedition.2 In 1792, Captain Manning,* of the Honourable East India Company's Service, during his voyage from Port Jackson to Batavia in the ship " Pitt," made the south coast of the Solomon Group off Cape Sidney, which was the headland first sighted by Lieutenant Shortland. Sailing westward, he imagined St. Christoval and Guadalcanar were continuous, and he thus delineates their coasts in his track-chart much as Shortland did. The RusseU Islands he naraed Macaulay's Archipelago, a narae which ought to be retained as a corapliraent to their discoverer. He then passed between Rubiana and Isabel, naming the high land of the latter island Keate's Mountains. Passing through the strait between Choiseul and Isabel, which bears his name. Captain Manning proceeded north ward on his voyage. At this time, a French expedition, under Admiral Dentrecasteaux, was cruising in the same part of the Pacific with the object of ascer taining the fate of La Perouse. Araongst the instructions embodied in a "Memoire du Roi," which were given to the French admiral, was the foUowing one referring to the Soloraon Islands : . . " Qu'il s'occupe h, ddtailler cet archipel, dont il est d'autant plus intdressant d'acqudrir une connoissance parfaite, qu'on peut avec raison le re- garder comrae une ddcouverte des FranQois, puisqu'il dtoit restd ignor^ et inconnu pendant les deux si^cles qui s' dtoient ^coul^s 1 Vide " An Historical Journal," &o., by Capt. John Hunter. London, 1793 ; pp. 417-419. 2 " Voyage in search of La P^rouse's Expedition." London, 1829. 3 " Chart of the track and discoveries of the ship 'Pitt,' Capt. Edward Manning, on the western coast of the Solomon Islands in 1792. " STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 267 depuis que les Espagnols en avoient fait la premiere decouverte."^ In July 1792, when on his way frora New Caledonia to Carteret Harbour in New Ireland, in prosecution of his search for the missing expedition, Dentrecasteaux made the Eddystone Rock which had heen thus named by Shortland, and passing by Treasury Island, he skirted the west coast of Bougainville and Bouka. In May of the following year, when on the passage from Santa Cruz to the Louisiade Archipelago, the expedition sailed along the south coast of the Solo mon Islands as far as Rubiana. Passing between St. Christoval and Guadalcanar, Dentrecasteaux sailed close to the island of Contrariete and communicated with the natives. Whilst one of his ships lay off" the north-west part of St. Christoval, the natives of Gulf Island (Ugi) discharged a flight of arrows frora their canoes and wounded one of the crew. It is satisfactory to learn that her coramander contented himself with firing a musket and discharging a rocket at them without effect, and that no other retaliatory raeasures were taken to intercept thera in their flight. Turning back on his course, the French adrairal was alraost terapted to explore the group of islands between Guadalcanar and Malaita, to which the work of Fleurieu had directed his attention, and had he done so, he would have cleared- up the confusion with which the vague description of Figueroa has surrounded these islands ; but his instructions and the object of his voyage led hira along the south coast of Guadalcanar on his way to the Louisiade Archipelago. To the voyagers who visited this group during the first half of the present century, I can only briefly allude. The Soloraon Islands were seldora visited during the early portion of it, except, perhaps, by occasional trading-ships whose experiences have rarely been made known, a loss which raay not be a subject for our regret. However, in March, 1834, there sailed from New York the clipper " Margaret Oakley," bound on a trading and exploring voyage in the South Pacific.2 She was comraanded by Captain MorreU, who was accompanied by a young Araerican, named Jacobs, to whom we are indebted for a very singular narrative of the cruise, which, for jirivate reasons, was not published till 1844. Into the extreraely questionable proceedings of Captain MorreU,^ in his dealings with ^ "Voyage de Dentrecasteaux," redige par M. de Eossel. Paris, 1808 ; tom. i., p. xxxiii. 2 "Scenes, Incidents, and Adventures in the Pacific Ocean." By T. J. Jacobs. Now York, 1844. " 3 When Dumont D'UrviUe was in London, shortly before he started on his last voyage, he was asked his opinion of MorreU with reference to his cruises in the high southern lati- 2-68 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. the natives during his sojournings in the Western Pacific, I need not here enter. It will be sufl&cient for me to remark that they had better have been buried in the oblivion which is most fitting for such deeds of heartless cruelty. Mr. Jacobs, in his atterapt to de scribe the discoveries of the voyage with which we are raore par ticularly concerned, exercises an amusing freedom in dealing with the explorations of the faraous early navigators in this region. In stead of adding to our knowledge of these seas, by his presumption, he has thrown discredit on the whole of his narrative ; and it is only by the insertion in his account of a rude sketch-map of New Guinea and the islands south-east of it that he has rescued his narrative frora utter confusion. There we see, that by Bidera he means New Britain ; by Eraeno, New Ireland ; Bougainville is honoured by the retention of his narae for the large island which he discovered ; whilst the other large land-masses of the Solomon Group would have had their identities hopelessly lost in the narra tive under the appellations of Baropee, Soterimba, and Cambendo, had it not been for the rude raap attached. References to dates are systematicalljr avoided by Mr. Jacobs ; however, it would appear that probably, in 1 835 or 1836, they extended their cruise to the islands of the Soloraon Group. Coasting along the west side of Bougainville Island, they sailed through the straits of that name, and skirting the north coasts of Choiseul (Baropee) and Isabel (S oteriraba), the}' turned Cape Prieto and steered S. b}'- E. Sailing by a singular rock like a ship under sail (the Two Tree Islet of the chart), their course lay through beautiful verdant islands ; and then passing a volcanic island with steara issuing from the crater on its surarait (the Sesarga of the Spaniai'ds and the Savo of the present day), the lofty lands of Cambendo (Guadalcanar) appeared in view. Coasting westward, along the north side of Guadalcanar, they were visited by Tarlaro, the King(?) of Cambendo, who was accompanied by a great number of natives. Gn the following day, they visited a large viUage, where they were friendly received ; and shortly after wards thej- left the group, steering southward and passing RenneU Island. In November, 1838, Dumont D'UrviUe,^ the French navigator, sighted the Soloraon Group, in his passage westward from Santa tudes. His reply was that he was already acquainted with him as "un fabricateur du eoutes." (" Voyage au Pole Sud." 1837-1840. Introduction, p. Ixvii.) ^ " Voyage au Pole Sud et dans I'Oceanie." 1837-40. Paris, 1841. STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 269 Gruz. Coasting along the north side of St. Christoval and the south side of Malaita, he recognised in Surville's Terre des Arsacides the Malaita of the Spaniards. He then set hiraself to work to clear up the difficulty with reference to the position of the islands named by the Spaniards, Galera, Florida, Buena Vista, Sesarga, &c., islands which had never been since explored, but he ultiraately contented himself with viewing these islands frora off the north coast of Buena Vista. After endeavouring imperfectly to identify them with the description of their first discoverers, he anchored in Thousand Ships Bay, which was originallj' discovered by GaUego and Ortega ; and he named his anchorage Astrolabe Harbour, after one of his ships. From the circumstance that the natives, who came off to the ships, made use of such expressions as " veri gout," " captain," " manoa " (man of war), D'Urville concluded that they had recently been visited by other voyagers.^ Leaving Thousand Ships Bay, he sailed along the south coast of Isabel, and passing through Manning Strait, he skirted the north side of Choiseul and BougainviUe Islands and then left the group. Dumont D'UrviUe was the last of the French navigators to whom the re-discovery and exploration of the Soloraon Islands are in the main due. A singular fatality seeras to have attended the careers of nearly all the French coraraanders who visited these seas. With the exception of BougainviUe, who lived to superintend, in 1804, the fitting out of the flotiUa, at Boulogne, for the invasion of England, all died during tbe voyage or shortly after their return. SurviUe was drowned on his arrival at .Peru. La Pdrouse raet with his untiraely fate at Vanikoro, and neither of the two coraraanders of the expedition that was sent in search of hira survived the voyage; Dentrecasteaux died frora scurvy off New Britain, and Huon Kermadec died before the ships left New Caledonia. Lastly, D'Urville was killed in a railway accident at Paris, whilst engaged in the corapletion of the narrative of his expedition. In July, 1840, Captain Sir Edward Belcher.^ whilst on his voyage to New Ireland, in H.M.S. " Sulphur," made the south coast of Guadalcanar ; but after looking in vain for an anchorage, he con tinued his course. In 1844, Capt. Andrew Cheyne, in the trading- schooner "Naiad," visited Sirabo Island and the neighbouring islands. 1 According to his narrative, Jacobs, in the "Margaret Oakley," anchored in the vicinity ot Thousand Ships Bay, two or three years (?) before the visit of D'UrviUe. 2 "Narrative of a Voyage round the World in H. M.S. ' Sulphur : ' " voh II., p. 70. 270 STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. We are indebted to him for much information concerning this part of the group.i About 1847, Monsignor Epalle, a French Roman Catholic Bishop, was landed, with eighteen priests, on the island of Isabel, for the purpose of founding a mission. On first landing, the bishop strayed frora the rest of the party and received his death-blow at the hands of the natives, who are supposed to have been tempted by his dress and ornaments. In April of 1847, three French mission aries, living at Makira, were murdered by the hill-tribes of St. Chris toval ; and in March of the following year, M. Dutaillis,^ in command of the French corvette " L'Ariane," anchored at Makira, and sent an expedition into the interior by which the villages of the murderers were destroyed and raany of the natives killed and wounded. In September, 1851, the ill-fated yacht " Wanderer," ^ with her owner, Mr. Benjamin Boyd, on board, visited the Solomon Group. Cruising along the south coast of St. Christoval, the yacht put into Makira, where she lay at anchor nearly three weeks. Friendly intercourse was established with the inhabitants and frequent shoot ing excursions were made into the interior. Mr. Boyd thought so highly ofthe advantages of Makira and its harbour, that he intended to return there with the intention of entering into a treaty with the principal natives of the locality for the purpose of acquiring it for future coraraercial purposes. However, the careers, both of the yacht and of its owner, were drawing to a close. Frora Makira, they proceeded to Guadalcanar. Leaving his vessel anchored in Wanderer Bay, as it has since been named, Mr. Boyd landed with his gun, accorapanied by a native of Panapa. Neither of them were ever seen again ; and they appear to have met with their deaths at the hands of the natives soon after landing. A great number ofthe natives attacked the yacht, but tbey were repulsed by tho crew of the "Wanderer" with grape-shot and musketry. An ineffectual search was made for Mr. Boyd and his companion : and before the yacht left the locality, round and grape-shot were poured into the viUages, canoes and houses were burned, and probably a large nuraber of natives were killed and injured. The " Wanderer " now left the group ; and in the following raonth she was totally lost on the bar of Port Macquarie on the Australian coast. ^ " A Description of Islands in the Western Pacific Ocean." London, 1852. - " Annales Hydrographiques ;" tome I. 1848-49. "Last Cruise of the 'Wanderer,'" by John Webster, p. 73. '-> " Last Cruise of the ' W&nderer. ' " By John Webster. STORY OF A LOST ARCHIPELAGO. 271 In 1854, there were rumours in Sydney, that Mr. Boyd was still alive and that his initials had been seen carved on trees in Guadal canar. A skull, which had been bought from a chief by the captain of a trading-ship as that of Mr. Boyd, proved, on exaraination, to belong to a Papuan. However, in Deceraber of this year. Captain Denham, in H.M.S. "Herald," visited the scene ofthe tragedy; and after making inquiry into the matter, he came to the opinion that the unfortunate owner of the " Wanderer " had been killed directly after he landed, and that the various stories current respecting his being alive were inventions of the natives. I now bring to a close this short sketch of the history of the Solomon Group since its identity was established by the French geographers towards the end of the last century. During the last thirty years there has been greatly increased intercourse with the natives of these islands ; the Melanesian Mission has firmly estab lished itself; numerous traders have resided in the more friendly districts ; and the -visits of men-of-war and trading-ships have been very frequent. But this increased intercourse with the outer world of savage peoples, who can with difficulty distinguish between a stranger and a foe, has been accompanied, as we might naturally have expected, by many tragic episodes, some of which we can deplore, most of which we can only reflect upon with mingled feelings of shame and regret. The reprisals on the part of men- of-war have not been always satisfactory in their results ; and the effect of the labour-traffic has been to underraine the confidence which the missionary and well-intentioned trader have been long endeavouring to create. The quiet heroism of the raembers of the Melanesian Mission, under circumstances often the most dispiriting •and insecure, it would ill becorae rae to praise. It will be sufficient, however, to remark that it has been the only redeeming feature in the intercourse of the white raan with these islanders during the last twenty-five years. GEOGEAPHICAL APPENDIX. NOTE L The Accounts of Galleso and FiaCBKOA compaebd.— On carefuUy comparing these two accounts, I have no doubt that Figueroa derived almost all his information from the journal of Gallego. He, to a great extent, employs his own phraseology ; but in the descrip tions of the islands and of the natives, the words and expressions employed are often identical, and the mode and order of description are evidently supplied by the journal of Gallego. An indirect proof of the source, whence Figueroa drew bis materials, is to be found in the circumstance that, after the two vessels were separated during the voyage back to Peru, he confines his account to the experiences of the " Capitana," which was Gallego's vessel ; and here his account is substantially a condensed form of Gallego's journal which is occasionally quoted literally. Figueroa, however, does not inform us of the source of his information ; and he has evidently, in some measure, endeavoured to infuse his own method of expression into the account. There are not wanting proofs, however, that he was assisted from other sources, but only in a small degree. For instance, he occasionally intercalates a circumstance to which Gallego does not aUude ; and he varies in the accounts of the conflicts with the natives : thus he refers to s )me of the Spaniards having died at Estrella Harbour, to there being a foot and a half of water in the hold of one of the ships during the retuni voyage, to the ships being heaved-down at St. Christoval, and to a few other similar occurrences unrecorded by Gallego. The account of Figueroa differs in tho date of the year of the voyage. It contains only a bare reference to the cruise of the brigantine to St, Christoval and its adjacent islands, whilst the vesssels lay at the Puerto de la Cruz on the coast of Guadalcanar. It is from this cause that the names of all the islands visited and named during this cruise of the brigantine are not given iu Figueroa's account. Herrera, however, in his short description of these islands, gives a fuU list of the names of tha islands, and, in this respect, his description is superior to that of Figueroa. NOTE II. DiscEEPAKCiES IN THE DATES OF THE Yeaes. — There is a strange discrepancy in the dates of the yeara during whioh this expedition was away from Peru. The year 1.566, is given on the title-page of the British Museum copy of Gallego's Journal ; and the author expressly states that the expedition left Callao on November 19th, 1566 ; he carries this year on, naming the following year, 1567 ; but in August he gives the year as 1568, and makes the return to Peru to be in 1569. It is evident from the narrative that the ships were absent from Peru about nineteen months, from November of one year to June ot the second ensuing year ; and it is highly probable that the year of their departure was 1566, and that of their return 1568. . . . Figueroa differs strangely in the dates he gives.i In the first line of his account he says that the ships were dispatched in 1567 ; and in the succeed ing paragraph he gives January 10, 1568, as the date of their departure from Callao, thus being quite at variance with Gallego, both as regards the day, the month, and the year. The ships reached the coast of Mexico on their return voyage in January 1568, according to Figueroa. From this inconsistency it may be interred, that 1567 was intended as the date of the departure from Peru. . . . Herrera,^ iu his description of these islands, states that they were discovered in 1567, which accords with the narrative of Gallego. . . . Arias' in a ^ " Hechos de Don Garcia H. de Mendoza," por el Doctor Christoval S. de Figueroa. Madrid, 1613. a " Descripcion de las Indias Oceidentales." (Madrid, about 1601.) -. " Early Voyages to Terra Australis," by R. H. Major (p. 1). Hakluyt Society, 1859. GEOGEAPHICAL APPENDIX. 273 oiemorial addressed to Philip III. of Spain, says that Mendana discovered San Christoval in 1505; but his account is both short and confused, and was evidently not derived from original sources. . . . Notwithstanding the conflicting character of the dates, the probable dates would ajipear to be as follows. — The ships left Peru on November 19tli, 15G6, dis- ¦covered the Isles of Salomon on February 7th, 1567, and arrived at Peru on Juno 19th, 1568. NOTE HI. (Page 199.) The Isle of Jesus. — Burney ' estimated the longitude of this island to be 172° 30' Bast of Greenwich ; Krusenstem," on surer grounds, fixed it at 171° 30' ; but both estimates were based on an erroneous longitude of the Candelaria Shoals. . . . 1 have shown irt note iv. that these shoals are probably identical, not with the Honcador Reef as is implied in the present -charts, but with the islands of Ontong Java, to the northward ; however, this correction affects but little the question of longitude. Taking the longitude of the centre ot Ontong Java at about 159° 30' E. (in lat. 5° 25' S.), the longitude of the Isle of Jesus, 107 Spanish leagues to the eastward (in lat. 0° 45' S.), would be about 109° B. The only island shown on ¦tlio present charts in the vicinity of this position is Kennedy Island, also called Motuiti, the existence of whicii is stated to be doubtful. Its position, as determined by the " Nautilus " ill 1801, was 8° 36' S. 167° 50' E.3 However, in 18S3, the German war-vessel " Carola " failed to find it in this position in the chart, and the initals E. D. are there attached to the name. The difficulty may, I think, be explained by the existence in this region ot some atoll of no great size, the position of which has been never correctly determined. It would appear that i similar view is held by Captaiu Wharton, the present Hydrographer, since in the SaiUng Directions for these seas issued ip 1885, the island is still given prominent mention.* Not improbably the missing island wUl be found between the Oth and 7th parallels, and near the position assigned to the Isle of Jesns. Herrera gives the name of another island, "El Nombre de Dios,'' whioh is said by him to lie in 7° S. lat., and to be 50 leagues distant from Santa Anna ; Gallego does not refer to any island with this name ; and since Herrera makes no reference to the Isle of Jesus, ib is possible that this isle may be here aUuded to, as its latitude corresponds somewhat with that of " El Nombre de Dios." M. Fleurieu ^ identifies this island, however, not with the Isle of Jesns, but with an island off the north end of Malaita which was named Gower I. by Captain Carteret in 1767, and Inattendue 1. by M. Surville, iu 1709. NOTE IV. (Page 199,) The Candelaeia Shoals.— The shoals were identified by Fleurieu with the Eoncador Eeef discovered by Maurelle in 1781 ; and Krusenstem subsequently confirraed this opinion. Gallego, however, describes shoals trending N.E. and S.W. for more than fifteen leagues, which cannot possibly be the Eoncador Eeef of the present chart, whicii is not more than ¦six miles across. These Candelaria Shoals, on tlie other hand, correspond in their size with tlie large atoU of Ontong Java lying about 35 miles to the north of the Eoncador Eeef, and being about 50 mUos in width. The apparent difference in latitude between Outong Java, which lies in about 5° 25' S., and the Candelaria Shoals of GaUogo, which were placed by him in 0° 15' S., may be explained by the circumstance that the majority of Gallego's observa tions of latitude in the Solomon Group were about two-thirds of a degree in excess of the true latitude.« By making this correction, the latitude of Ontong Java and of the Can delaria Shoals wiU be found to closely approximate. The bearing and distance of the Can delaria Shoals from the west end of Malaita (as given by Gallego on p. 202) and from Estrella Harbour (as given on p. 205) go to support my view that the Candelaria Shoals of GaUego and the Ontong Java of Tasman are one and the same. 1 " ChroDological History of Vovages and Discoveries in the South Sea." Vol. I. p. 2S9. London, 1803. 2 " Recueil de Memoires Hydrographiques." St. Petersburg, 1821. 3 Findlay's " Directory of the Pacillc Ocean." Part II 999. (London, 1B61.) *" Pacitic Islands." VoL I. ].. 60. (Western Groups.) 1885. ,T™.i.,r, i7tn-i " " Discoveries of the French, I76S-1769, to the S. E. of New Gumea, p. 181. (London, 17J1J. " Firfe Note V. of Geographical Appendix. S 274 GEOGEAPHICAL APPENDIX. NOTE The Latitudes of Gallego in the Solomon Geoup.— On making fourteen comparisons: of the latitudes obtained by Gallego with the latitudes of the same places in the most recent Admiralty charts, places about which there can be no doubt as to their identity, I find that. aU but two are in excess of the true latitude. The excess varies between 11' aud 1° T (about) ; and since seven of the twelve latitudes vary between 38' and 46' iu excess, we may take 40' plus as about the probable and average prevailing error of Gallego's observations of latitude in this group. A constant error points to some constant defect of observation ;. whether it may be instrumental or otherwise, I must leave to the judgment of my nautical readers It may be inferred from his journal that Gallego did not endeavour to- make his latitudes by observation accord with his bearings, as they are so often at variance.. This circumstance should be borne in mind in order to explain the discrepancies that occur. NOTE VI. (Page 206.) The Isle of Eamos and the Island of Malaita. — On referring to the account of Figueroa in the original Spanish, I find that, like Gallego, he applies the name of Eamos to- Malaita. Pingre, who published a translation of Figueroa's account in 1767 at Paris.i asso ciates the two names together. Dalrymple ^ in his translation, published in 1770, laid the- ground for future misconception, by so pointing the sentence that the name of Eamos might be taken as intended for one of the "two islets" in the middle of the passage between Malaita and Isabel. Fleurieu,^ in his translation of Figueroa published iu Paris in 1790,, ajiplies the name of Eamos to Malaita. Burney,-' in his version (1803), apparently apphes this name to one of the islets above referred to. The authority of Dalrymple and Burney would appear to su^iply an explanation of the circumstance that in the present Admiralty charts this name of Eamos is applied to an islet between Malaita and Isabel ; but Dalrymple's version is susceptible of two meanings, and may be urged with equal justice on either side. GaUego and Figueroa both apply the two names to the same island ; so that circumstance alone is sufficient to justify the restoration to Malaita of the Spanish name of "The Isle of Eamos." The original cause of the mistake is to be attributed to the first discoverers, who> gave their own name and were not content with the native name. Herrera^ has fallen into the opposite error, since, in distinguishing betweeu Malaita and Eamos, he gives the atter a circuit of 200 leagues. NOTE VII. (Pages 207-209.) The 1SL.4.NDS between Cape Pkieto and Guadaloanae. — These islands which occu pied the attention of Fleurieu and Burney, and excited the curiosity of Dentrecasteaux, and which D'Urville had intended to have completely explored, have long baffled the efforts of geographical writers, who have endeavoured to identify them with the islands mentioned by Figueroa in his brief account of Mendana's discoveries in this region. His description is evidently derived from that of GaUego, of which it is but an imperfect and erroneous ex tract ; and I will therefore disregard it. The island of Galera is apparently a small island, not named in the present chart, which lies close to the north-west coast of Buena Vista, The neighbouring large island, a leagvie distant, to which Gallego only applies the native- name of Pela,^ is, as I apprehend, the Buena Vista of the present chart : the Buena Vista of the Spaniards is apparently an island, not named in the chart, whioh lies west of the pre sent Sandfly Passage. The remaining four of the five islands may be in the future identified ¦with the inoomijletely surveyed intersected mass of land to which the general name of Florida 1 is applied in the present chart. The island of Sesarga is without doubt the volcanic island of Savo : but I must refer the reader elsewhere for further information on this subject of Sesarga.' 1 " Memoire sur le choix et I'^tat des lieux ou le passage de Venus du, 3 Juin, 1769." (Paris, 1767.)- -2 *' Hist. Coll. of Voy. and Discov.," London, 1770. 3 " Discoveries of the French in 1768 and 1769." 4 " Chronol. Hist. Voy and Discov.," vol. i. s " Descripcion de las Indias Oceidentales." 6 At tliB present day the wliole of tlie Florida sub-group is known to the natives as Gela. (Codring ton's " Melanesian Languages," p. 522.) 7 'lhe evidence is given in my volume of Geological Observations. GEOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 275 NOTE VIII. (Page 220.) The Excessive Dimensions of Guadalcanae.— How could such misconceptions have arisen ? They are totally inconsistent with the rest of the journal ; and to suoh statements must be attributed the exaggerated reports which long prevailed with reference to the size of this island. The lengths of the islands of Isabel, Malaita, and St. Christoval, as given by Gallego, are greatly overstated ; in the case of the two former islands they are at least double the true dimensions, and they completely disagree with the latitudes and bearing, whicii are noted in the journal. NOTE IX. (Page 233.) The Consultation as to the Future Couese of the Expedition. — The ignorance in which Mendana seems to have kept his officeis ¦A'ith regard to the character of his instruc tions considerably hampered the captains and pilots iu their consultation. We learn sub sequently (iiage 237) that it was originally intended to prosecute the voyage westward in order to explore the extensive lands that lay in that direction. However, the iJrotest made by the crews seems to have caused a change of plans. They were to steer northward for the Isle of Jesus, where Gallego apparently expected to find more land, as they provided themselves with natives as interpreters (page 233) before quitting the group. This northerly course found favour, when Gallego pointed out that it was on the track of their return voyage. NOTE X. (Page 234.) Islands in the Solomon Geoup -vvhich do not at Peesent beae the Names given to them by the Spaniards: — Present name. Spanish name. Ugi San Juan Three Sisters Las Tres Maiias Ulaua (Coiitrai-ict-) La Treguada Malaita Eamos (Isle of ) Savo Sesarga Ontong Jav.i Candelaria Shoals Choiseul San Marcos XT r. ¦ I.,. ) San Nicolas New Georgia (.1 < , , r> r -. " * ' I iu-racises (Eeefs). NOTE XI. (Page 237.) ' Inigo Oetez de Eetes and Been,4Edo de la Toeee. — We learn from Galvanos "Discoveries of the World," ^ that in 1545 Captain Inigo Ortez de Eotha was dispatched from Tidore to New Spain. He sailed to the coast of Papua, and not knowing that Saavedra had discovered it in 1528, he assumed the honour of the discovery. Mr. Coutts Trotter in a recent artio e ^ refers to him as Ortiz de Eetez or Eoda, and he informs us elsewhere '^ that Antonio de Abreu was probably the first discoverer of New Guinea iu 1511. According to Galvano (page 234), a Spanish officer named Bernaldo de la Torre started from the PhiU]i- pines in 1543, on a voyage to New Spain. NOTE XII. (Page 238.) The islands of San Baetolomeo.— The Musquillo Islands of the MarshaU Group, with which I have identified this discovery of the Spaniards, were thus named by Captain Bond in 1792.^ They form a double atoU about 38 mUes in length and trending N.W. and ' Hakluyt Society's Publication, 1862, p. 238. 2 Encyelopsedia Britannica (Article on "New Guinea.") 3 Proceedings, Koyal Geographical Fociety, 1884, p. 196 < Purdy's " Oriental Navigator " p. 689 276 GEOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. S.E. The N.W. end is in latitude 8° 10' N„ and the S.E. end is in latitude 7° 46' N. Captain Bond ranged along the coasts of above 20 small islands. At the N.W. ond and solated from the rest are two small islands about three mUes apart. On comparing this ¦description with that given bv GaUego, the reader -wUl have little doubt as to the identity of the Musquillo Islands with the Spanish discovery. It is probable that Gallego con sidered this discovery to be near the position of an island discovered in 1536 in 14 °N lat. by Toribio Alonzo de Salazar,! 328 Spanish leagues from the Mariana Islauds, and naraed by him San Bartolomeo. This discovery of Salazar is marked in Krusenstern's General Atlas of the Pacific. NOTE XIII. (Page 239.) The Isle of San Feancisco.— Wake's Island, with which I have identified the Isle of San Francisco, was discovered in 1796 by the "Prince William Henry." Commodore Wilkes, who fixed its position in 1840 (lat. 19° 10' 54'- N. ; long 166° 31' 30" E. of G), thus describes it. "Wake's Island is a low coral one, of triangular form and eight feet above the surface. It has a large lagoon in the centre, which was well filled with fish of a variety of species ; amongst these were some fine mullet. There is no fresh water on the island, and neither pandanus nor cocoa-nut tree. It has upon it the shrubs, which are usually found on the low Islands of the Pacific, the most abundant of which was Tournefortia. The short-tailed albatross is found here; birds quite tame though not as numerous as in other uninhabited islands. The appearance of the coral blocks and vegetation leads to this conclusion that the island is at times submerged or that at times the sea makes a complete breach over it."^ Wake's Island is about the size of the island described by Gallego. Its latitude, its isolated position, and the close agreement of Wilkes' description with that of Gallego, leave no room to doubt that Wake's Island and the Isle of San Francisco are one and the same . . . Burney refers to a small island named San Francisco which is placed in the chart of the Galleon in Anson's voyage in lat. 19i north and .84° east of the Strait of San Bernardino ; but he ad Js that it is too far to the east to be dentified with the island discovered by Meiidaua.3 NOTE XIV. (Page 251.) The List of Islands inthe Vicinitt of Taumaco which was oet.4.ined bt Quikos in 1606 FEOM ONE OF THE N.4.TIVFS. — They are as follows, Chicayana, Guantopo, or Guaytopo, Taucalo, Pilen, Nupan, Pupam, Fonfono or Fonofono, Mecaraylay, Manieolo, Tucopia, Pouro. More than half of these islands can be identified with certainty, even after an interval of nearly three centuries. Chicayana may be without a doubt identified with Sikyana or Sikai-aua, the present native name ot the Stewart Isles which lie about 250 miles to the north-west of Taumaco, or as the Taumaco people reckoned, four days' sail in their large canoes. In fact, the native from whom Quiros obtained his information was originally from Chicayana, having been carried by contrary winds to Taumaco whilst endeavouring with a number ot his fellow-islanders to reach the island ot Mecaraylay. The Chicayana natives were described to Quiros as being very fair with long loose red hair, some, however, being darker like mulattoes, but with hair neither curled nor quite straight. They possess much the same characters at the present day.^ Guaytopo or Guantopo was a larger island than those of Taumaco and Chicayana. Since it is placed three days' sail (native reckoning) from Taumaco and two days from Chicayana, it raay have been one of the eastern islands of the Solomon Group. The iu- 1 Krusenstern's " Memoires Hydrographiques," St Petersburgh, 1827 : Part II, p. 49. '.' " Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition," vol V. p. 267. 3 " Chronol. History of Voy. and Disc. " vol I. p. 291. ¦i These islands, as far as is known, were not visited by Europeans until nearly two centuries after the visit of Quiros, when Captain Hunter came upon them in 179-.. GEOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 277 habitants were said to havo skins as fair as Europeans and red or blaok hair. They punctured their bellies in a pattern of a circle around the navel ; and painted theip bodies red down to the waist. Tho women were very handsome and were clothed with some light material from head to foot. The natives of Guaytopo, Taumaco, and Chicayana, were on very friendly terms and spoke the same language. The islands of Pilen and Nupan are evidently the PUoni and Nupani of the adjacent Matema or SwaUow Islands, whicii lie to the northward of the large island of Santa Cruz, Fonofono or Fonfono, which is stated to lie near Pilen and Nupan, may perhaps be the Lomlom of the same small group. It was described to Quiros as being " many islands, small and flat," with a good port. The inhabitants were said to be dun-ooloured, and very tall. Tucopia was subsequently visited by the Spanish navigator. In later times it has obtained a melancholy interest in connection with the fate of La Perouse. Mecaraylay is apparently in the vicinity of Guaytopo, but possessing a different language, its inhabitants being noted for the use of tortoise-shell ornaments. Its name suggests that of Makira, onthe south coast of St. Christoval, in the neighbouring Solomon Group. Taucalo may jierhaps be the volcanic island of Tinakula lying off the north coast of Santa Cruz Island. It is stated to be near Taumaco. The " large country " called Manieolo is to be identified with the adjacent large island. named Vanikoro in the present Admiralty charts, which lies about 100 miles to the south ward of Taumaco. It is referred by Captain Cook^ to the Mallicolo of the New Hebrides, lying 4° further south, which he visited in 1774 ; but this view cannot be sustained. In the first place, it is stated to lie two days' sail from Tucopia. The following evidence, however, is sufficient of itself to settle the point. When Captain Dillon^ was on his way to Vanikoro in 1827, to ascertain the fate of La Perouse, he learned from the natives of the neighbouring island of Tucopia that the island he was going to was called Malicolo : but he subsequently ascertained on visiting the island in question, that it should be more correctly called Manni- colo 01 Vannicolo. In his chart of the island, Captain Dillon calls it Mannicolo. The resem blance in name between these two islands in the New Hebrides, and Santa Cruz Groups lias been a frequent cause of misconception in references to the narratives of the early navigators. NOTE XV. (Pages 100, 251.) The Poueo of Quieos. — A native of Chicayana, whom Quiros had captured at Taumaco. told the Spanish navigator that there dwelt in Taumaco "an Indian, agreat pilot," who had brought from " a large conntry, named Pouro," certain arrows, with points, in the form of a knife, which, from the native's description, Quiros concluded were of silver. Pouro, he learned, was very populous, and its inhabitants were dun-complexioned. When I first came upon this reference to Pouro, I at once recognised it as an allusion to the Bauro (St. Christoval) of the Solomon Group, lying rather less than 300 miles to the westward of Taumaco. Mr. Hale,^ the philologist of the United States Exploring Expedi tion, under Commodore Wilkes, endeavours to identify the Pouro of the Taumaco nativc.i with the Bouro in the Malay Archipelago, an island lying more than 2,000 miles further westward : and he refers to the circumstance of the silver arrows that were brought to Tau maco as supporting his view. Eegarding Bouro as the island referred to in the traditions of the Fijians, Tongans, and Samoans, relating to the origin of their race, Mr. Hale finds in the Pouro of the Taumaco natives an aUusion to this sacred island, and in the circumstance of the sUver arrows he finds evidence of communication between these two regions. There cau, however, be little doubt that by this Pouro the Bauro of the Solomon Group was meant. The presence of the silver arrows may be easily explained, when we remember that about forty years before, the Spaniards were exploring this island of Bauro, or Paubro as GaUego gives it (page 229). 1 " Voyage towards the South Pole and round the -fforid," vol. II., p. 146. 2 " Discovery of the fate of La Perouse, ' Landon, 1829 : vol. I., p. 'ii. 3 " Ethnography and Philology of the V. S. Exploring lixijedition, p. 195. 278 GEOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. NOTE XVL The Eddystone Eock and the Simboo of Lieutenant Shoetland. — For a consider able time after the re-discovery of the Solomon Islands by the French and English navi gators, few islands were better known in the group than Eddystone or Simbo Island. In thus naming this ishind, however, there has been a singular misconception ; and since the name of Simbo has been omitted in the latest Admiralty chart (August, 1884) of the group, some explanatory remarks may be of interest. In August, 1788, Lieutenant Shortland, ^ whilst sailing along the south coasts of the Solomon Group on his voyage from Port Jackson to England via Batavia, approached "a rock which had exactly the appearance of a ship under sail, with her top-gallant sails flying; " and so striking was the resemblance that a signal was made to the supposed vessel. The ships did not approach within three or four miles of this rock. It was named the Eddystone and was placed in lat. 8° 12' S., bearing S.S.W. a league from two remarkable hills which were named the Two Brothers. A point running south from these two hills waa named Cape Satisfaction. Whilst the English ships were off the Eddystone, some natives came to them iu their canoes, from whora Shortland learned that they had come from *' Simboo," a place which lay, as they indicated by their gestures, near Cape Satisfaction. In the chart of his discoveries, this officer assigns this name to some land lying east of the Two Brothers near the i50sition of the island at present called Gizo, but it is evident both from his chart and from his narrative that he considered Simboo as the general name for the land to the east of Cape Satisfaction ; and Fleurieu, when remarking on his discoveries, made the suggestion that the Simboo of Shortland might prove to be the Choiseul of BougainviUe.- lu what manner, we may now inquire, have the discoveries of Shortland been identified with the Islands that are laid down in the latest charts of this group ? For half a century and more the name of Eddystone has been attached, not to a rock such as that to which it was originally given, but to the adjacent volcanic island about four miles in length and about 1100 feet in height ; and the name of Cape Satisfaction has been given to the south end of Eonongo which lies ten miles N.N.E. of Eddystone Island. This cape is stated by Short- land to run south from the two remarkable hills which he named the Two Brothers. The is land of Eonongo, however, has alongandlevel sumrait destitute of peaks ; and it is evident that wc must look elsewhere for the Cape Satisfaction of Shortland. In Eddystone Island, there ore two singular conical hills which might very fitly have been named the Two Brothers, and it will be seen from the sequel that it must have been to the south extremity of ihis island that the name of Cape Satisfaction was in the first place given. I shall also point out thnt the original Eddystone rock is represented at the present day by a bare rock which rises out of the sea at a distance of about a third of a mile from the south-west coast of Eddystone Island, and that the Simboo, from which the natives came to visit Shortland, was a diminutive island on the opposite or south-east side of this same island. When, in July 1792, the French expedition under Dentrecasteaux arrived in this locality, the Eddystone rock was at once recognised by the description of Shortland " nous aper^times " — thus wrote Labillardi&e ^ the naturalist of the expedition — " Ie rocher nomm^ Eddystone. De loin nous le primes, comme Shortland, pour un vaisseau t la voile. L'illusion etoit d'autant plus grande, qu'il a S, peu pres la couleur des voiles d'un vaisseau ; quelques arbustes en couronnoient la sommite. " In the Atlas of this voyage (carte 24), this rock is placed off the south-west end of the island at preseut named Eddystone Island, and exactly in the position of the bare rook above alluded to, which will be found marked in the plan of this island raade by the surveying officers of H.M.S. " Lark " in 1882. Lieutenant Malan tells rae that this rook at the time of the survey was quite bare of vegetation. It rises in two conical masses from the water between which a boat can pass in calm weather. Although it has a height of 30 feet, it is frequently washed over by the heavier seas. The 1 The narrative of Lieut. Shortland's voyage is given in " The Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay in 1737 " : London, 1789. 2 " Discoveries of the French, 176S-1769, to the S.E. of New Guinea : " London, 1791 , p. 196. ^ " Voj'age a la recherche De la Perouse," par Labillardiere : Paris, 1800 : tom i, p. 215. GEOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX. 279 change in the appearance ot this rook, since tho viait of Dentrecasteaux in 1792 when it summit was crowned with shrubs, has been probably due to a raovement of subsidence which has affected the adjacent coast of Eddystone Island in recent years (ride below). To such -a change must be attributed the confusion which has arisen with reference to the Eddystone rook ; and cartographers, failing to identify it, have applied its name to the adjacent volcanic island on which they have also bestowed tho name ot Simbo. During his survey of this island in 1882, Lieutenant Oldham ascertained that this name of Simbo actually be longed to a small island bordering its south-east coast with which it was connfected by -coral reefs, The true native name of Eddystone Island, he found to be Narovo, and in the latest Admiralty charts it is thus designated ; the name of Sirabo is there attached to the small adjacent island which is, I have no doubt, the Simboo from which the natives came, who visited Shortland's ships in 1788 as they lay ofl the Eddystone rock. At the present day the larger island of Narovo is but thinly populated, and its inhabitants are under the sway of a powerful chief who resides on the small island of Simbo. There he rules over ¦a warlike and adventurous people who by their head-hunting raids have established the fame of their diminutive island throughout a large portion of the Solomon GrouiJ. [In my volume of Geological Observations I have described the movement of subsidence, ^ which is due the coufusion concerning the original Eddystone rock]. CHAPTER XIII. BOTANICAL NOTES TN BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS. MY botanical collections were made during 1884 in the islands: of Bougainville Straits ; and in order to add to the complete ness of this section of my work, ,1 will briefly refer to the physical character of this locality. The principal i.slands of this sub-group are Treasury Island, the Shortland Islands, and Faro, or Fauro, Island ; whilst around these lie numerous smaller islands and islets. The largest is not more than twelve miles in length, and none of them attain an elevation exceeding 2000 feet. Faro being about 1900 feet. Treasury about 1100, and Aiu, the principal of the Short- land Islands, about 500 feet. In geological character they differ widely, Treasury heing, for the most part, of recent calcareous formations. Faro of volcanic formations, whilst Aiu is formed of rocks of both these classes. Of the numerous smaller islands and islets which dot these straits, some are of volcanic, and others of coral rocks. In my botanical excursions in these islands, I received the greatest assistance from the natives ; and I was particularly struck with the familiar knowledge of their trees and plants which these- islanders possessed. They have names for not only nearly all the trees, but for several of the grasses ; and, in the case of the former, when I was uncertain as to -whether I had come upon any specimen- before, they would obtain its flower, or fruit, or foliage, and point out to me its compai'ative characters. The superior knowledge, which these natives possess of each plant and its uses, has often led me to reflect on the meagre acquaintance with the commonest trees,. shrubs, and herbs, which the ordinary white man can claim. Had my native companions asked me to instruct them in a similar man ner on the vegetation of an English woodland — if such a rapid change of scene were possible — they would probably have regarded BOTANICAL NOTES. 28 li me as a very ignorant and unobservant fellow. They havo names for and display a familiarity with many plants that can be of no- service to them, a somewhat puzzling circumstance, whicli may be perhaps explained by their employing instinctively a method of exclusion in the selection of those plants that are of service to them. For the building of his house, the cultivation of his ground, the construction of his canoe, the manufacture of his spears, clubs, and other weapons, and for his many other wants, the native has to resort to the vegetable kingdom for the requisite materials. An extensive acquaintance with the vegetation of his island-home is- unconsciously acquired by a native who has himself to provide for all his necessities : but his knowledge extends far beyond that limit which mere utility would appear to demand. In a paper published recently in an American serial,^ Mr. Matthews combated the notion that savages are versed only in the knowledge of plants and animals that contribute to their wants. He found that the Indians are in comparably superior to the average white man, or to the white man who has not made zoology or botany a subject of study. In this respect, his experience accords with my, own. The native of the Solomon Islands will point out by name, in some remote inland dell,. an insignificant plant, which, he says, is of no service to him : he ¦names all the weeds of his cultivated patches ; and he is similarly acquainted with all the wild fruits, usually distinguishing them by their edible or injurious qualities. Yet, in arriving at such a con clusion, it behoves one to be wary, as I have sometimes found that the native applies the name of a useful plant to all other useless- plants (usually of the same genus or family) that resemble it in their more conspicuous characters. Then, again, I have often been sur prised at the singular holes and corners in the vegetable world whicii the native ransacks to supply his wants. A fern that clothes the- higher slopes of Faro Island, and which is known to the natives as " sinimi," and to the botanist as a species of Gleichenia, furnishes the material for their plaited armlets. For this purpose they employ narrow strips of the vascular tissue that forms the firm central portion of the stem. I had previously looked upon this fern as of httle use to these islanders, and on learning of the ingenious- purpose for which it was employed, I became veiy careful in the future when pronouncing on the utility or inutility ofany familiar plant. I "Bulietin of the Philosop;.ical Society of Washington," Vol. VIL 282 BOTANICAL NOTES. With these preliminary remarks, I will proceed to describe the -general characters of the vegetation of these islands ; and, in order to ¦connect my observations together, I will treat of them in the form of a series of excursions made in different districts. An ascent of one ofthe larger streams in the Shortland Islands. — In the lower part of its course, the stream follows a circuitous course ¦a.midst the gloom and dismal surroundings of a mangrove swamp. It is diflicult to convey in words a true idea of such a scene. The features most imprinted on my memory are those of " a slow and silent stream " of dark turbid water, traversing a swamp of black, repulsive-looking mud, in which the crocodile finds a congenial home, The light of day is subdued into a depressing gloom by the foliage of the mangrove forest : the air, charged with the miasma of decay ing vegetable life, is impregnated with a sour, unpleasant odour; and the silence that prevails is interrupted only by the fall of a branch, or by the startled cry of some wading-bird disturbed in its haunt. Nipa palms line the banks in places, and occasionally occupy the swamp for some distance on either side of the stream. Overhead, perched high upon the branches of the tall mangroves, occur the two singular epiphytes, Hydnophytum and Myrmeoodia, ¦both of which have been found to be species new to science (H. Guppyanum, Becc. : M. salomonensis, Becc). From the following remarks, my readers will be able to observe the peculiar features of these interesting rubiaceous plants. The large swollen base of the stem, sometimes eighteen inches in length, is occupied by cavities which are usually infested by ants that actively resent any attempts to carry off their home. It has been considered that this swollen mass and its chambers are due to the irritation produced by the ants gnawing at the base of the young growing stem, and that the plant cannot thrive without the ants ; but from observations made by Mr. H. 0. Forbes,! in Java, on the origin of " this curious-galleried struc ture " in a sjiecies of Mynnecodia, it would seem that this swollen mass and its chambers are produced without the presence of ants, and that in their absence the plant raay thrive vigorously. Not unfrequently, I found the ants in scanty numbers, and sometimes they were absent altogether. In the case of Myrmecodia salorrvon- en.ns, and Hydnophytum inervie,^ thej^ are found in considerable numbers. The chambers of H. Guppyanum are usually nearly full ^ " A Naturalist's Wanderings in the Eastern Archipelago,'' p. 81. (1885.) - This species was obtained at Ugi. BOTANICAL NOTES. 283 ¦of dirty rain-water, and contain scarcely any ants, a few cockroaches being generally found in the cavities. Those specimens which I -examined of another species of this genus (//. longistylum, Becc), that occurs on the coast trees, contained a few cockroaches, but no ants ; and, on the outer surface of one of the swollen masses, I found a small crab. From my own cursory notes, it would therefore seem probable that these epiphytes may thrive without the presence of ants With this digression, I return to my description of the ascent of the stream. Leaving behind the .slime and gloom of the swamp, the rising ground is reached, at the base of which the vegetation is of the most luxuriant character, and often have I lingered here in my Rob Roy canoe to admire the luxuriance of plant-growth that surrounded me. For on account of the lowness of the district, it shares the dampness though not the infertilitj'^ of the swamps below. The soft clayey rock, which is exposed in the banks of the stream, affords a rich and even too productive soil. Nature runs riot and becomes prodigal in her profusion ; and thus growth is too often associated with decay to present on all occasions a pleasing picture to the eye. Here the tree-fern, the croton, the wild plantain, and numerous areca palms flourish; but the alpinias, heliconias, and other scitamineous plants form the chief feature of the vegetation on this gently rising ground. Higher up the stream, tall forest trees rise on each side often enveloped partiall-y by a drapery of runners and climbing plants, their leafy branches spreading over the water. Stout lianas hang in festoons across the stream. Partly hidden amongst the greater vegetation may be seen the fan-palm of the district (Licuala, the ^'fii-o'' of the natives), and another pretty little palm kno-s\'n as the "sensisi," Cyrtostachys, together with the handsome foliage of a Plerandra (" fo ") and numerous areca palms. An occasional Bolicholobium ("lowasi") with white flowers distributes its frag rance around. Ferns abound along the banks, varying in size from the small Trichomanes to the tree-fern, twenty feet in height, and the Angiopteris with its magnificent spreading fronds fifteen feet and more in length. If one leaves the stream for a few minutes at the foot of the hills, a moist, low-lying district is tiaversed, the home of the scitamineas and the areca-palms, which latter are distinguished amongst the natives as the " momo," " niga- ¦solu," " niga-torulo," and " au-au." 284 BOTANICAL NOTES. Ascending the hill slopes towards the source of the streaia,. numerous palms rise up oh either side. The Garyota (" eala ") with its branches resembling the fronds of a huge adiantum, the hand some " kisu "^ (probably a species of Drymophloeus) and a tall areca known as the " poamau," are those which frequently meet the eye. Interspersed among them we notice the lesser areca-palms and the fan-palm before alluded to. On the crest of the hill, at a height of' some 200 or 300 feet above the sea, are found tall forest .trees, some- of them of gigantic size and attaining a height of 150 feet and upwards. Amongst them occur the banjj-an (" chim "), other ficoid trees with the flange-like buttresses, and the "katari," a species. of Calophyllum which supplies the natives with a resin for their torches. In the following description of the interior ofthe forest in this region I have referred at some length to the larger trees. The interior of the forest ... To obtain a true idea of the- forest-growth in these islands, it is necessary to traverse one of the more level districts in the interior, which is removed from the vicinity of the cultivated patches of the natives. Entering the con fines of the forest direct from the full glare of the tropical sun, one experiences a peculiar and often oppressive sensation, which may be attributed to the combined influences of the warmth, the humidity,. and the effluvia arising from the decaying vegetation, to the impres sive silence that reigns, and to the subdued light or dusky atmos phere that there prevails. Meeting overhead at a height of some 150 feet from the ground, the foliage and the smaller branches of the lofty trees form a dense leafy screen rooflng over, as it were, a series. of lofty corridors in which the palms and the lesser trees flourish. The gloom that there prevails is rarely lightened by the direct ray,^ of the sun, except here and there through the gap left by the down fall of one of the huge trunks that now lies rotting on the ground. Nor is the silence that reigns often broken, except by the cooing of the fruit-pigeons overhead or by the rushing flight of the hornbiU startled from its repose. Hero the steady blast of the trade is nc^ longer felt and is only perceptible in the movements of the foliage- 6f the tallest trees. Yet there is little in such a scene that would strike the mind of tho merely sesthetic lover of nature. Flowers he- rarely sees : they are only to be found where the sunlight can reach thera in the partially cleared spaces in the raidst of the forest, or on the sides of ravines, or along the coasts. On the other hand, how- BOTANICAL NOTES. 285 ¦ever, he cannot fail to be impressed by the luxuriance and magnifi- ¦cence ofthe vegetation in this conservatory of Nature. Under such conditions the palms flourish. The Garyota, the ¦"kisu" palm, numerous areca-palms, withthe tree-fern, give the character to the lesser vegetation. Huge climbing stems, such as the "droau,'' the "aligesi" (Aleurites?), the " nakia " (Uvarla), the " awi-sulu " (Lyonsia) lie in coils on the ground and rising vertically reach the lower branches of the trees some fifty to a hundred feet overhead. The large purple papilionaceous flowers of the " droau " sometimes strew the ground at the bases of the tallest trees. If the forest be situated on a hill-side, the slope is clothed by Selaginellce which often display in the midst of their dark -green foliage pretty •bleached fronds that form a striking contrast to the prevailing hue. Mosses, small ferns, and fungi, such as the massive expansions of Pohjporus and the more delicate plates of Ilexagona apiaria and others, conceal in some degree the unsightliness of the decaying log. A drapery of lycopods and of trailing and climbing ferns, such as Trichomanes and Lygonia more or less completely invests the lower portions of the trunks of the larger trees. Seventy or eighty feet overhead the wide-spreading fronds of the birds-nest fern (Asplenium nidus) appear half-suspended in mid-air, as they project from their point of attachment to the tree. Lower down the trunk, the handsome aroid Epipremnum may be observed. Epiphytic orchids form no marked feature in this forest-scene, preferring, as they do, those situations where the direct sunlight can reach them, as at the s.'oast and on the sides of ravines. Terrestrial orchids, however, with inconspicuous and sombre-coloured flowers thrive in the gloom and moisture of the forest. The larger trees, to whicii I have not yet referred, often attain a height of 150 feet and over. Here the banyan and more than one species of Canarium including the " ka-i" or Solomon Island Almond tree, together with a Ratonia,, (_ " nekale "), a Vitcv "(fasala"), the " katari " (Calophyllum) before mentioned, and numerous ficoid trees known to the natives as the "uri,' ene "ilirao,"and tho "nie," figure amongst the more conspicuous of the forest trees. Many of them possess at the bas3 of the trunk large buttresses or flanges, which, as ¦in the " tobu," " ilimo," " nie," and " maranato " ( Sapoiacea ? ), may rise twelve to fifteen feet up the trunk and extend some twenty -feet away along the ground. Some of the ficoid trees throw off at a height of from twenty to thirty feet, large flange-like buttresses. 286 BOTANICAL NOTES. which, on reaching the ground, form natural arches. These lofty trees, as I have already remarked, meet together overhead to form a leafy screen, which, whilst it excludes the direct rays of the sun,. admits and confines both the moisture and the heat. This con servatory of nature contains within its own precincts the conditions. for its preservation. Here the young tree grows up, its safety ensured, until at length it becomes a pillar in the edifice in which it was itself reared. The open character of the wood aud the absence of scrub and undergrowth, more especially on level ground, have often been a cause of surprise to me. I have often walked without impediment through the gloomy corridors of such a forest, brushing past the huge trunks of the tallest trees, and winding in and out amongst the palms that number as many years in age as their giant compeers count decades. On first treading in such a forest, the visitor is much impressed by the imposing appearance and size of the banyans and the buttress-trees. With mingled feelings of awe and pity he will per ceive that between these monarchs of the forest there is waged an unequal struggle, in which the huge buttress-tree always succumbs to the rough embraces of its foe. Ho will observe all the stages in the struggle. Here the buttress-tree may be seen in its prime, hut in part embraced at its lower part by the tightly clasping offshoots of the young banyan. Further on, in the midst of the interlacing columns of the banyan, the buttress-tree may be seen partially strangled. Dry rot has attacked its trunk reaching almost to the core, so that a sheath-knife sinks readily up to the handle in its substance; yet, far overhead the wide-spreading branches of this forest potentate are covered with green foliage, and still wave defiantly in. the trade. In the prolonged contest the buttress-tree is dying hard, and in fact it is the stout investing trunks of the banyan that alone hold its victim erect. Near by may be another banyan of larger size and presenting the appearance of a maze of columns whicii may cover an area thirty to forty feet across. Its victim has long since dis appeared, and a hollow in the centre of the maze of stems alone marks the former situation of the huge buttress-tree. What finer or more impressive simile could be employed to illus trate the gradual degeneration and final downfall of a nation under the choking influences of vice, corruption, luxury, and misgovernment? A mighty forest tree is slowly strangled by the caresses of an insidi ous creeper. With advancing decay its tottering stem is alone sup- BOTANICAL NOTES. 28T ported by the tightening grasp of its foe. Yet its higher branches retain their vitality to the last ; and when the end comes, its ashes. add fertility to the soil and vigour to the growth of its destroyer. It is not to be surprised that this battle of the trees should be included in the mythical lore of some of the inhabitants of tho Pacific islands. Dr. George Turner, in his recent work entitled " Samoa, a hundred years ago and long before," gives the following legend of the banyan "A report reached Samoa that the trees of Fiji had fought with the Banian tree, and that it had beatea them all. On this the Tatangia (Acacia laiirifolia) and another tree went off from Samoa in two canoes to fight the Fijian champion. They reached Fiji, went on shore, and there stood the Banian tree. ' Where is the tree,' they inquired, ' which has conquered all tho trees?' 'I am the tree,' said the Banian. Then said the Tatangia,, ' I have come to fight with you.' ' Very Good, let us fight,' replied the Banian. They fought. A branch of the Banian tree fell, but the Tatangia sprung aside and escaped. Another fell — ditto, ditto — ¦ the Tatangia. Then the trunk foil. The Tatangia again darted aside and escaped unhurt. On this the Banian tree ' buried its eyes in the eartii ' and owned itself conquered." An ascent to the .summit of the Faro Island Ln making an ascent to the higher districts of this island, which attains an elevation of about 1900 feet above the sea, a little may be learned perhaps of the vertical distribution of the coast flora in this portion of the Solomon Group. The cycad (Gycas circinalis) grows most. frequently just within the trees that immediately line the beach and may be often observed at all heights up to 400 feet above the sea, but it is not usually found at greater elevations.^ The following large trees commonly occur on tho hill-slopes up to an elevation of a thousand feet, the "fasala" (Vitex), the "toa" (Elwocarpus), the " opi-opi," the " ka-i " (Canarium), the "katari" (Calophyllum), and others ; whilst the palms such as the fan-palm (Licuala), the Caryota (" eala"), the "kisu" (Pinanga) and the areca.s, fill up the intermediate ground, the fan-palm growing in great numbers and often mono- pohsing the slope.^ The smaller trees, of a height usually of sixty 1 At Treasury Island I found a solitary cycad at a height of a thousand feet above the sea. As it was in the vicinity of a plantation of sago palms, it is probable that it had been planted by the natives who employ the fruits for medicinal purposes. 2 This fan-palm, the "firo" of the natives, was in 1884 only represented in Treasury by a. single individual.which had been brought a few years before from BougainviUe, where the> leaves are employed in making a conical hat that is commonly worn. -288 BOTANICAL NOTES. •or seventy feet, which are more frequently observed during the lower Jialf of the ascent, are, a species of Cerbera ("anumi"), the "kunuka'^ (Gnetum), the "palinoromus" (Couihovia), the " poporoko," and others; whilst on the hill-slopes belovv' the elevation of 500 feet the small -conifer Gnetum Gnemon ("meri-«'a") may be commonly seen. In three different localities, at elevations of between 1,000 and 1,100 feet above the sea, I came upon brakes of fine bamboos (Schizosta- ¦chyum?) 35 to 40 feet in length which are employed as fishing-poles by the natives. This bamboo, both in Treasury and Faro Islands, does not ajopear to occur below this height ; whilst in the Shortland Islands, although found at a lower elevation, it selects the higher regions of the island. Above a thousand feet, many of the trees and palms so frequent below become less common or disappear. The fan-palm (Licuala) which grows in such numbers in the lower levels did not come under my notice above this elevation. On account of the absence of large trees near the summit, the lesser vegetation receives more of the sun's rays ; and thus at 1,G00 feet above the sea the alpinias, -«uch as the " vitoko " and the " kokuru ", re-appear, plants which usually abound in the lower levels in all open situations, as on the ¦banks of streams. For the same reason, we find near the summit of the island at elevations of 1,GOO to 1,700 feet the tall com posite shrub, Wedelia bifiora, which is one of the commonest of the plants that grow at the margin of the beach. On account of this absence of large trees, and the consequent increased ex posure to the sun's rays, the smaller trees with conspicuous flowers find a congenial situation at this elevation : here are found the species of Dolicholobium ("lowasi"), which is common on the banks of the streams in the lower levels, the Fagrcea Berteriana ("bubulata") which grows also at the coast, a wild nut-meg tree (Myristica), a species of Ilarpullia (" wawaupoko), the "pakuri" (Eugenia), the "baimoloi" and others. In these higher regions tree-ferns grow to a height of thirty feet; and here the aieca- p,alms, " momo " and " niga-torulo," are also found. Here flourishes the Gleichenia, a fern which docs not usually grow at elevations under 700 feet above the sea, and which is represented by two common species: it is the "sinimi" of the natives who, as, I have already remarked, work the fine strips of its vascular tissue into armlets which they commonly wear. Near the summit and all down the slopes is found a .species of Begonia, a genus, as I BOTANICAL NOTES. 289 am informed by Baron von Mueller, not before recorded from islands ¦east of New Guinea.-^ A dense gro wth of the trailing stems of a Freycinetia and of ferns clothes the rocky sides of the highest peak, which is almost bare of trees. Here however I found a new germs of the Pandanaceoe, which, like some other pandanus trees, is known to the natives as " sararang." It grows to a height of fifty feet, and was only observed by me on the highest peak of the island and for two or three hundred feet below. It has a very oonspicuous white "branching female spadix," three to four feet in length ; and I learn from Professor Oliver that the same or a near ally of it, though not in a condition to describe, was collected by Signor Beccari in Jobi Island off the north-west coast of New Guinea. Jhe coast vegetation of the larger islands. . . . It is in the •coasts of such an island as Treasury or Faro Island, where the strictly littoral and more inland plants become intermingled, that the Solomon Island vegetation in some degree redeems its character. Here the prevailing sombreness and inconspicuous inflorescences give place to bright hues and to a variety of flowers. Here are seen the handsome white flowers of a rubiaceous tree, a species of Biklcia ; the yellowish flowers and bright red fruits of Hai-pullia cupanioides ¦(" koloa ") ; the crimson flowers of an Erythrina (perhaps indica) ; the yellow flowers of Ccesalpinia Nuga ; the large pods of Pongamia glabra ; and the fruits of a wild nutmeg (Myristica, sp.). Hernandia pellata and Clerodendron inerme may also be here found. The con spicuous flowers of Hibiscus tiliaceus, Thespesia populnea, and of other littoral trees such as Cerbera Odollam and Guettarda speciosa, add their brightness to the scene. Amongst the foliage of the trees twine a species of Ipomcea with handsome white flowers, and here are seen the wax-like flowers of more than one species of asclepiad (Hoya, sp). Orchids, some of striking beauty, hang from the trunks of the trees and form a conspicuous feature in the scene. Among them occur species of Dendrobium, Coeloyyne, Gleisosioma, ¦etc. The littoral vegetation, as exhibited in a coralislet. . . . I will take the case ofone of the many wooded islets that have been formed on the coral reefs by the action of the waves. On the weather side of such an islet, which may be termed its growing edge, the vegeta- ^ A species of Ophiorrhiza is in Treasury Island usually associated with this Begoni i and is found at all elevations. T :i90 BOTANICAL NOTES. tion is scanty, and there are but few trees. A binding weed and more than one species of Ipomcea loosely cover a surface composed almost entirely of calca- eous sand, broken shells, coral debris, and pumice pebbles ; and it is on such an unproductive soil that two or more species of Pandanus and Casuarina angustifolia flourish. Here at the margin of the beach may be seen in profusion the tall composite shrub, Wedelia bifiora, and another coramon shrub, Sccevola .Koinigii. Two climbing peas prefer the sandy soil in this situation, one with yellow flowers, Vigna lutea, and the other with pink flowers, Canavalia turgida ; whilst a dense growth of Flagellaria indica often conceals from view any rocky slope overlooking tha beach. Just within the line of vegetation immediately bordering the beach, the following trees commonly occur, Ochrosia parviflora (" pokosola "), Heritiera littoralis (" pipilusu ''), Terminalia catappa (" saori "), Gycas circinalis, and one or raore species of Pandanus.. Here also a species of Grinum (the " papau " of the natives) and the- Tacca pinnatifida (" mamago ") may be usually found. (I hoped to have referred to the ferns of such a coral islet ; but my endeavours to obtain any information of my collection have been unavailing). On the lee side of such an islet, which is the oldest portion of its- surface, the vegetation is much denser and of a different character. Here, the trees form a thick belt, their branches overhanging the rising tide. Those of most frequent occurrence are, Barringtonia speciosa, Calophyllum inophyllum. Hibiscus tiliaceus, Thespesia^ p>opulne:i, Guettarda speciosa, Morinda citrifolia, Cerbera Odollam,. Pongamia glabra, Tournefortia argentea, and other The trunks of the larger trees often lean over the beach or lie partly procumbent on the sand. Amongst the foliage of these coast trees, many of wliich have large conspicuous flowers, climbing asclepiads of the genus Hoya with their equally conspicuous flowers may be frequently observed. Orchids, often of considerable beauty, hang from the reclining trunks of the trees. Here, as in the case of the coasts- of the large islands, we perceive how pleasant is the contrast which the littoral vegetation presents when compared with the gloomy and apparently flowerless forests, where the tallest trees possess but an inconspicuous greenish inflorescence. In the interior of such a coral islet, huge banyans and other trees having wide-spreading buttresses are to be found. Many of them attain a height of 150 feet and upwards, and afford a home to num bers of fruit-eating pigeons which largely subsi.st on their fruits, and BOTANICAL NOTES. 291 through -whose agency the interiors of coral islets are stocked with these large trees. Conspicuous amongst tho trees is a species of Canarium (the "ka-i " of the natives), the disgorged nuts of wiiich frequently strew the ground beneath ; a banyan (Ficus) with large oblong fruits and another species with small spherical fruits ; other ficoid trees with large buttresses, such as the " uri " ; a species nf Eugenia, probably a variety oi Eugenia jambos ; together with seveial other trees. This description of the vegetation of a coral islet brings me to refer to the manner in which such an islet, which is usually of very recent origin, has become stocked with its plants : and in so doing I shall be treating of a very important matter, the oceanic dispersal of plants. Fortunately for me, my notes and collections relating to this subject had an increased value at the tirae of ray arrival in England, and in this respect I have been able to accomplish one of the principal aims of a young traveller, that of supplying trustworthy materials to those engaged in the particular line of research to which his notes and collections relate.^ The picturesquely wooded islets of these seas have been stocked through two principal agencies. Winds and currents drift to their shores the fruits and seeds of the littoral trees which ultimately form the margin of the vegetation ; whilst the fruit pigeons disgorge the seeds or fruits of those often colossal trees which occupy the interior. I will first refer to the former of these agencies. Lines of vege table drift, intermingled with floating pumice, are frequently obser vable whilst cruising among the islands of the Solomon Group. The floating fruits commonly found belong to the most familiar littoral trees of this region, those of Barringtonia speciosa and Galophyllum inophyllum being especially frequent ; and on more than one occasion the solitary fruits of the former were noticed at sea by Lieutenant Oldham and mvself at distances of from 130 to 150 miles to the southward of the group, being probably derived from one of the islands of the New Hebrides to the eastward. Other fruits or seeds occurring fi-equently in the drift are those of Nipa fruticans and of two or more species of Pandanus; numerous ' Mr. Betting Hemsley was on the point of corapleting his report on the oceanic dispersal of plants in connection with the Botany of the " Challenger "Expedition. Such of my collec tions, as referred to his work, were placed at his disposal by Sir Joseph Hooker ; and ray notes were incorporated in volume I. of the Botany of the " Challenger " (Part III, p, 309), ti> which I must refer my readers who are more specially interested in this subject 292 BOTANICAL NOTES. beans (species of Macuna, Canavalia, Dioclea), the long germinated seeds of the mangrove (Rhizophora), an occasional cocoa-nut, the cones of Casuarina equisetifolia, Terminalia catappa, Lumnitzera coccinea, Guettarda speciosa, Ochrosia parviflora, Heritiera littoralis and others.^ The foregoing seeds and seed-vessels with many others may be observed washed up by the waves on the surface of the bare sandy islets or sand-keys, which exhibit the flrst stage in the gi'owth of those picturesquely wooded coral islets that are ultimately formed on the reefs. On such a sand-key, not raore than sorae 25 or 30 yards across, I have counted as raany as 30 different kinds of seeds and fruits, all collected together in the centre, which was only washed over at spring-tides. One of the first trees to establish itself is the mangrove (Rhizophora), which by its reclaiming agency adds to the area of the islet and enables other trees, such as Lum- mtzera coccinea, to take up their abode. Pari passu with the sea ward extension of the reef, the islet increases in size ; and in time the winds and currents bring other fruits and seeds which germi nate and form ultimately the belt of littoral trees bordering the beach. In this manner Barringtonia speciosa, Galophyllum inophyl lum, Thespesia populnea, Hibiscus tiliaceus, Cerbera odollam, Ochrosia parviflora, Heritiera littoralis, Terminalia catappa, different species of Pandanus, Casuarina equisetifolia, and Gycas circinalis with many others referred to on a previous page, becorae established. It is worthy of note that the fruits of the great majority of trees which form the margin of the vegetation, whether on the lee or weather side of such an islet, float in salt water.^ The small cones of the Casuarina however, require a certain amount of drying before they can be transported by the waves. The green fruits of the Gycas usually sink in salt water ; but I found that one out of ten specimens floated, an exceptional circumstance which sufficiently accounts for the occurrence of Cycas circinalis on these coral islets. Whilst through the agency of the winds and currents the waves liave stocked the islet with its marginal vegetation, the fruit pigeons liave been unconsciously stocking its interior with huge trees, that liave sprung from the fruits and seeds they have transported in their crops frora the neighbouring coasts and islets. Perched up in ' other fruits found floating were a second species of Calophyllum, a species of Gon- j'hranda, Ilarpullia sp,, and some SciCaminecc. - The results of some experiments I made are given ou page 305. BOTANICAL NOTES. 29» the branches of the trees, these birds disgorge the seeds they have brought from other localities ; and the rjjected seeds and .'^eed- vessels He strewn on the ground beneath. The soft and often fleshy fruits, on which the fruit pigeons subsist, belong to numerous species of trees. Some of them are as large even as a hen's egg, as in the case of those of the species of Canarium (" ka-i ") which have a pulpy exterior that is alone digested and retrdned by the pigeon. The fruits of the banyans and other ficoid trees, which with the Canarium are amongst the most conspicuous trees in the interior of the coral islets, are apparently preferred by the fruit pigeons, since they occur commonly in their crops. A species of Eugenia cominon in the interior of these islets possesses fruits found in the crops of these bird.s. Amongst other fruits and seeds on which these pigeons sub.sist, and which they must transport from one locality to another, are those of a species of Elceocarpus (" toa "), a species of laurel (Litsea), a nutmeg (Myristica), an ylchras,^ one or more species of Areca, and probably a species of Kentia. There is, however, another bird common on these coral islets, the ground pigeon Geophilus nicobaricus, known commonly as the Nicobar pigeon, which transports seeds in its gizzard cavity that on account of their hardness are not fed upon by the ordinary fruit pigeon (Carpophaga). The peculiar structure of the gizzard, which is de scribed on page 323, enables the Nicobar pigeon to crack seeds that can only be broken by a sharp blow with a stone. I have found inside this organ, the hard red seeds of a leguminous plant, very probably Adenanthera pavonina, of which one seed is occasionally found to be cracked. We may therefore consider that manj^ small hard seeds and seed-vessels, which would be refused by the common fruit pigeon of these islands, are transported from one locality to another in the gizzard cavity of the Nicobar pigeon. From the foregoing remarks it may be inferred that the pigeons in these islands play a very important part in the dispersal of plants, to which, as Mr, Betting Hemsley remarks in his report (page 313), they have perhaps contributed more than any other animal. In the Solomon Lslands the fruit pigeons, as dusk approaches, frequent the islets on the coral reefs in great numbers, and from their unwilling ness to leave their roosts in the trees they fall an easy prey to the sportsman, In one afternoon, on one of the islets of Choiseul Bay, liam indebted to Mr, Charles Moore of Sydney N,S,W., for the identiiication ot this fruit. (Vide also "Journal and Proceedings of .the Boyal Society,, N.S.W,," XVIL, p. 22G.) 294 BOTANICAL NOTES. 57 birds fell to the guns of Lieutenant Heming and Lieutenant Leeper ; and it is to these two officers that I am indebted for my opportunities of collecting the fruits taken from the crops of these pigeons. In drawing my botanical reraarks to a close, it may be fitting to recall the more lasting impressions which I have received of the vegetation of these islands ; and I raay do so in a very few words. The characteristic features of the vegetation are to be found in the number and variety of the areca palms ; in the abundance of the alpinias, heliconias, and other scitamineous plants ; in the imposing size and form of the banyans and the buttress trees ; and in the pro fusion of the ferns. I have not previously dwelt upon the important part which the ferns take in the vegetation of these islands, because I had hoped to have heard something of my collection which I pre sented to the British Museum eighteen months ago ; but, to my great chagrin, I have been unable, after repeated application, to learn anything concerning it. I may here state that ferns abound everywhere; in moist and dry situations ; in sheltered and exposed districts ; now decking the tree-trunks with their draperies, or con cealing the unsightliness of the decaying log ; here covering the bare slopes of some lofty hill-top, or clothing the surface of some treeless tract. The tree-fern and the wide-spreading Angiopteris are to be found on the banks of streams or in some inland dell. The former avoids the coast, and occurs at all elevations up to 2000 feet and over : it flourishes at the heads of valleys. LIST OF PLANTS COLLECTED IN THE ISLANDS OF BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS, SOLOMON GROUP, DURING 1884.1 ANONACEiT!. Uvaria, sp. . . vulgo " Nakia." A stout climber. GUTTlFEEiE. Ochrocai-pus ovalifolius, T. And v. 0 (Calysaccioii) tinctormm. Seem, t vulgo " Kokoilo." A littoral tree about thirty feet high. €alophyllum Inophyllum, L., vulgo " Bogoau." 1 1 am mainly indebted to the kindness of Professor Oliver for the list of the plants col lected by me in the Solomon Islands, most of which were sent to Kew. The ferns are in the British Museum, but I can learn nothing of them. Fortunately, the fungi were not included ; and for a list of them I am indebted to Mr. Baker. Most of the orchids, and some of tho asclepiads, were given bv me to Baron von Mueller, who intends to examine them in connec LIST OF PLANTS. 295 both on the upper and lower surfaces, very faintly margined above at the suture ; last whorl rounded at the periphery, obsoletoly angled near the junction of the outer lip and the least descending in front, so that the faint angulation is visible for a short distance above the sutural line. Aperture somewhat semicircular and oblique, small; peristome shghtly expanded ; um hili cal callosity yellowish or pellucid whitish, defined towards tho base of the columellar margin. Greatest width 4f millim,, smallest 4; height (44) Melania subgradata. (Plate XXXVII. fig. 3, 3 a). Shell elongate, turreted, rather solid, covered with an (olive?) epidermis, and marked with fine longitudinal oblique red lines which extend from suture to suture. Whorls probably about 10, flat or even a little 350 LAND AND FRESH- WATER SHELLS, concave at tbe sides, shouldered above, usually vvith a spiral shallow groove and a few strise near the shoulder, and marked with fine in cremental strise. Suture deep, slightly oblique. Last whorl long, finely transversely striated, most distinotiy at the base. Aperture elongate-pyriform, acute above, effuse at the base. Outer lip thin, sharp, accurate, and prominent at the middle. Columellar margin rather thickly covered with callus, united above to the outer lip. Length of two specimens, oonsistingof five whorls 30 and 25 millim,; diameter 11 and lOi; aperture 14 and 12 long, 6 aud 5 wide. (45) Melania ugiensis. (Plate XXXVII. fig. 4.) Shell subulate, acuminate, beneath the epidermis (which is wanting in the specimens at hand), of a dirty, pale, livid, or purplish tint. Whorls probably about 14 in number ; the eleven remaining are a little convex, rather slowly enlarging, and sculptured -with close-set, obliquish, fine riblets, which are crossed by crowded spiral striae. Last whorl large, with the riblets rather obsolete below the middle, and very close together, much more numerous than those upon the upper whorls. Aperture obliquely pear-shaped. Length 25 millim., diameter 8 ; aperture 8^ long, 4i wide. (46) Melania sanctce annce. (Plate XXXVII. figs. 5, 5 a.) Shell small, acuminately pyramidal, somewhat eroded towards the apex, covered with a yellowish-olive epidermis, and sometimes marked with a few indistinct, reddish, irregular spots, and lines near the middle of the body-whorl. Whorls 5-6 remaining, flattish at the sides, divided by a sligtitly, oblique, distinct suture, all with the exception of the last one or two more or less distinotiy, longitudinally, finely plicate ; the plicEe are more conspicuous in some specimens than in others, being at times entirely eroded. The other sculpture consists of fine lines of growth, and a few rather distant spiral strise, whioh cut across the incremental lines and produce a puckered appearance. Aperture elongate, pyriform, pale bluish witbin. Length of specimen consis- ing of six whorls 13 millim., diameter 5 ; aperture 5 long and 2^ wide. (47) Melatiia guppyi- (Plate XXXVII, figs. 6, 6 a.) Shell slenderly acuminate, covered with an olive-brown epidermis. Whorls about 14, divided by a very oblique, deepish suture, concave above the middle and somewhat convex below it, and then contracted ; orna mented witb a few spiral series of nodules (about five on the upper whorls) and rather 'ndistinct, very oblique and flexuous, longitudinal ridaes, upon whioh the nodules rests, also exhibiting very sloping and flexuous linea of growth ; the most conspicuous rows of granules are near the middle of the whorls. Aperture pyriform. Outer lip thin, remarkably sinuated above towards the suture, and arcuately prominent below. Columellar margin oblique, straightish, covered with a callus, curving^ into the broad basal sinus. Length 31 millim., diameter 7 ; aperture 9 long, 4 wide. This is a very remarkable and distinct species, with a very drawu-out spire, peculiar granuled sculpture, and a deeply sinuated labrum. I have much pleasure in naming it after Mr. Guppy. (66) Unio guppyi. (Plate XXXVII. figs. 8-8 b.) Shell elongate, very inequilateral, usually a little longer than twice the height, com pressed, covered with a blackish-brown epidermis, exhibiting strong lines of growth, and very faint radiating substriation, and marked with fine wrinklings at the eroded beaks, which are small and placed quite near the anterior extremity. Dorsal margin behind the um- LAND AND FRESH-WATER SHELLS. 351 bones almost straight or the least excurved for some distance, then at an obtuse angle becoming oblique before rounding into tbo ex tremity, wbich is a little more sharply curved than the anterior end. Ventral outline either faintly excurved, straight, orthe least concave. Interior bluish-white, most iridescent at the binder extremity, generally stained in parts with olive-brown. Cardinal tooth of the right valve moderately, large, four or five-lobed at the top, situated just in front of umbo. Between it and the outer margin is a short ridge, the space between the tooth and the ridge receiving the single, smaller, roughened, and striated tooth of the left valve. Lateral tooth of the right valve long, obliquely truncate behind, fitting in between two teeth in the opposite valve. Anterior adductor scar deep, posterior superficial, squarish in front. Pedal scar in both valves under the cardinal tooth very deep. Ligament elongate, prominent. Length 80 ram. ; height 38 ; diaraeter 21. „ 70 mm. ; „ 35 ; ,, 18. This species recalls to mind some of the forms from Australia and New Zealand. Its principal features are the elongate compressed form, dark brown colour, wrinkled apices, and coarse incremental lines. It is the only species as yet recorded from the Solomon Islands. ADDITIONAL NOTE. (H. B. GUPPY.) A species of the Litaritinidce (Littarina scabra) is commonly found in this group on the leaves and trunks of mangroves, Barringtonias, and othcr littoral trees, the branches of which overspread the rising tide. These molluscs occur at heights varying from one or two feet to eight or nine feet above the high-water level; and they possess an unusually delicate .iperculum as compared with those of other species of tbe same family. They do not seem to be able to withstand immersion in salt water for any length of time, since out of six individuals kept submerged for twenty-four hours, three died. When first placed in the water, they were evidently very much out of their element, and tried in vain to creep out of the vessel. The delicate character of the operculum indicates a transitional stage be tween marine and terrestrial molluscs ; and the experiment above referred to, throws a little light on this subject, since only tbe younger of the six individuals survived. One would have expected that the younger individ uals would have been less able to withstand immersion in sea-water, but such was not the case, since they recovered from an immersion which killed the older individuals. In explanation of this unexpected result, 1 would infer that, on the theory of tbe inheritance of peculiarities at corresponding ages, the younger individuals would retain more of the marine habits of tiic original parent of the species, because in the first plaoe only the adults of this parent species would have been modified to suit the new condition. CHAPTER XVII. THE CLIMATE OF THE SOLOMON ISLANDS. AMONGST the matters to whicii I devoted some attention in this group of islands, -was the annual rainfall. As far as I know, there have been no continuous observations previously made there ; and the only record of rain-measurement, -which I have been able to find referring to this region, was an observation made on board the Austrian frigate "Novara'' in the middle of October, 1858, whilst to the northward of St. Christoval, -when three inches of rain were registered in five hours.^ I therefore set myself to -work to do what I could in this matter, making rain-guage stations at Santa Anna and Ugi and keeping a register myself on board. Mr. Fred Howard undertook to raake these observations at Ugi, and I sup plied him with a rain-guage for this purpose. His register, which extended over a peiiod of fifteen months from October, 1882, to the end of the following year, was kept with great regularity ; and as I was able to compare his observations -with my own on board for a few clays, I have every confidencs in the accuracy of his observa tions. At Santa Anna, Mr. William Henghan, to whom I had sup plied a guage, undertook at first to keep the record, beginning in the last week of October, 1882 ; but he left the island two months after, when Mr. Charles Sproul voluntarily undertook to measure the rainfall, which he did with great regularity until the end of the following year. I regret to learn that Mr. Sproul has recently died at Sydney. He was one of those men who in a quiet inofi'ensive way have done much towards preparing the way for future settlers in this group, I have the greatest confidence in his observations, since for a few days at Santa Anna we were able to compare our dail}' measurements. Before proceeding to consider the results of these rain-measure- 1 Soherzer's " -Voyage of the 'Novara,'" Eng, edit,, 18G1. CLIMATE. 353 ments, I will endeavour to convey to the mental eye of my readers a general idea of the most striking atmospheric phenomenon in connection with the rainfall of these regions. I refer to the oncom ing of the black squall. A clear and sereno sky at first gives no token of the sudden change that is to quickly follow ; but the stillness of the air and its increased dryness, together with the consequent greater scorching power of the sun's rays and the apparent nearness of surrounding shores, give sufScient warning of the onset of the rain squall to those acquainted with these seas. In a short tirne a low black arch appears above the horizon, often in an unexpected quarter, and rising rapidly it sweeps majestically with great swiftness until it appears to span the heavens. Onward it rushes, quicker far than one imagines ; and now must the navigator beware. Under yonder advancing arch a white line of foam marks its van. There, away towards one of its corners, a waterspout rises in fantastic shape ; sea and cloud meet in mid-air and become intermingled in the whirling- column. Lightning plays about beneath the arch and within its black mass, illuming lor the moment its dark recesses and leaving it in the next far blacker than before. Peals of thunder herald on the advance of the black squall. "Clear lower deck!" "Hands aloft!" "Shorten sail!" Such were the words of command which v/ere almost daily issued during our cruises in these islands. In a few brief minutes, the ship is prepared to meet the squall. The tempera ture falls very perceptibly, and the officer of the watch gives a slight shiver as he dons his oilskins. The wind is freshening, a few large drops of rain fall, the raen crouch under the bul warks, and now the arch is overhead and we are in the thick of the squall. Down comes a deluge of rain which in less than a minute wets all who are unprotected through and through. The ship heels well over, even with her scanty canvas. There is nothing more to be done. We listen to the whistling of the wind in the rigging and patiently wait until the weather clears. In half-an-hour the arch has swept over u.s, and is pursuing its rapid course towards the neighbouring mountain-peaks, perhaps of Bouga.inville or it may be of Guadalcanar. The blue sky begins to show itself ; and in less than an hour all is as before. With reefs shaken out and more sail made, the ship proceeds, plunging cheerily on under a fresh breeze as though glad to shake herself clear of the squaU. The sea losing its 354 CLIMATE. murky colour reflects the bright hue of the sky now serene ; and its -w:hite-topped waves sparkle in the sun. The wizard of the storm has shaken his wand, and the scene is changed, as though by magic. All nature seems invigorated by this short battle of the elements and to be indebted to the bounty of the black squall. Whilst everything before was depressed ancl lowering, all is now bright and cheerful. Nature has in truth had its accustomed shower- bath, and the reaction that ensues does good to all ; makes men the happier and the stronger, elicits a loud chorus from the lower creation in which bird, reptile, and insect, before hushed in the depressing gloom, now combine in strange medley ; and the inani mate world shares in the bright change which has followed the storm. If it be night, the increased luminosity of the sea may be the warning of the arched squall. The ship throws offa bright wave of phosphorescence on either side of the bow, and leaves a luminous track in her wake. Overhead the cloudless star-lit sky conveys its warning ; for the stars shine with increased brilliancy, those of less raagnitude usually invisible with the naked eye are now distinctly seen ; and if the navigator, who has often tried in vain to count the six stars in the Pleiades, can do so now, let him look out for the black squall. Such are the warning.s. Then sweeps along the lowering arched mass with its rain and its waterspouts, its wind and its thunder and lightning. On it comes, looking all the blacker as it spreads athwart the heavens and turns the .star-lit night into a lightless gloom. Overtaken in the night b\^ such a squall, unable to- see more than half a cable's length on either side, and perhaps in the vicinity of sunken reefs the position of which is uncertain, a sailor has need of all his wits. On one occasion, when in this situa tion, we came unexpectedly in soundings, whilst, as we thought, a hundred good fathoms and more lay beneath our keel. The time was anxious, but nothing coulcl be done until the squall was over. When the arch has passed, the stars begin to show themselves, and in a short time they shine out with all their lustre. With this description of the rain-squall, or black-squall, or arched- squall, as it may be also conveniently termed, I return to the con sideration of the rainfall of this region ; and first with regard to the observations at the east end of the Solomon Group. During 1888, 1 25-03 inches of rain were measured at Santa Anna, a small island lying at the extreme eastern limit of these islands. Two- CLIMATE. 355 thirds of the total amount fell in the five months between the beginning of April and the end of August. At Ugi, which lies nearly 60 miles north-east of Santa Anna, 146-24 inches of rain were registered during the same year. About one-third of the total rain for the year fell in the two months of April and July. On compar ing the totals for each month at these two localities, there will be found to be but little agreement, which is due to the circumstance that the daily rainfalls of these two places have little relation one with the other, a heavy fall at one island being often only indicated by a slight fall of rain at the other. It is thus evident that locality has a great influence on the rainfall in this part of the group ; and probably Ugi owes its greater rainfall to the proximity of the high land of St. Christoval. Here, as in other parts of this group, I often had opportunities of observing how the contiguity of land affected the rainfall in a single shower. I might have been in the interior of an island exposed to a deluge of rain for a couple of hours, and have found, as I did once in the Shortland Islands, that there had been very little rain on board. Another time, when in my Rob Roy canoe on the south side of Treasury harbour and not more than a mile from the ship, a rain-squall passed over me leaving scarcely a -drop behind ; but as it swept over the ship and was approaching the steep slopes of the island, a smart shower of ^% of an inch fell on the deck. I cannot gather from the observations made in this eastern part of the group, that one season of the year has a heavier rainfall than another. On comparing the two records for 1883 of Ugi and Santa Anna, it might be thought that the closing months of the year would usually prove to be the driest ; but on referring to the register kept on board the ship in this locality in the latter part of 1882 (page 365), which is one of the heaviest records we had in the Solomon Group, such an inference would be negatived. Nor do I find from these registers of rainfall that there appears to be any relation between the amount of rain and the prevalence or non-prevalence of the south-easterly trade, which usually becomes well established in May and lasts till the end of Noveraber or the beginning of December^ when the north-westerly and westerly winds set in. These observ ations point towards the inference, therefore, that the distribution of rain through the seasons in this part of the group is capricious ; and they do not warrant the conclusion tliat one season is wetter than another. 356 CLIMATE, Perhaps a comparison of the number of rainy days, or days on which not less than -j^^ of an inch of rain were measured, may help us to form a more definite conclusion. It will be seen that at Santa Anna and Ugi there were much the same number of rainy days, 182 in the former island and 178 in the latter, or in round numbers about half the total number of days in the year were rainy.^ At Santa Anna, during the prevalence of the trade wind, there were on the average 15 rainy days per month, and at Ugi 13 per month ; whilst during the months from December to April inclusive, when westerly and variable winds prevailed, there were 18 rainy days per month at Santa Anna, and 19 per month at Ugi ; so that we may infer that in this year of 1883 there were fewer rainy days per month during the prevalence of the south-east trade, i.e., from May to November, than during the period of -westerly and variable winds, i.e., from Decem ber to April. \ I come now to the subject of the greatest daily fall of rain in this eastern end of the group. On the 13th of June, 1883, 7'73 inches were registered at Santa Anna ; whilst at Ugi on the same day only an inch and a half of rain fell, a circumstance showing how confined in their areas some heavy rainfalls may be. At Ugi the heaviest daily fall of 5-75 inches was recorded on the 28th of January of this «ame year ; whilst at Santa Anna only a little more than two inches ell on this day ; and here is another proof of the restricted locality of heavy rainfalls. On the 20th of November, 1882, when H.M.S. " Lark " was off the east end of St. Christoval, 5 •74 inches of rain fell on the ship ; whilst only a small amount of rain was measured at Santa Anna and Ugi With reference to the character of the rain in this part of the Solomon Group, I may remark that ns in other tropical regions it is very heavy. A fall of an inch in an hour is very frequent during a rain-squall; but not uncommonly the rain falls far more heavily. Thus, on one occasion on board H.M.S. " Lark," when in this part of the group, 2-90 inches fell in an hour ; and at another time 1-03 inches i'ell in 25 minutes, and on another occasion an inch fell in half-an-hour. But inasmuch as heavy falls of rain are not peculiar to the tropics, since far greater falls than those above named have occurred in temperate Europe, we can only judge of the character of the ^ From the record of the rainy days during the six months from June to Novemher of the previous year (1882), it appears that at least 110 days were rainy. During the same raouths of the following year, only 84 days were rainy. CLIMATE. 357 rainfall in this region by the total annual fall and by the frequency of heavy falls. Thus we find that at Ugi, in 1883, on 66 days the fall exceeded an inch ; and that at Santa Anna, more than an inch of rain fell on -41 days. At Ugi, the daily records on eighteen occa sions exceeded two inches ; at Santa there was a lesser number of falls of over two inches, viz. 11. If I were to estimate the probable annual rainfall at the coast in this part of the Solomon Group, I should place it at not far under 150 inches. Although only possessing the rain- register for a small portion of 1882, I am of the opinion, from having spent a large part ofthe year in this eastern end of the group, that the fall for 1882 was heavier than the rainfall actually registered for 1883 ;i although this is but a conjecture, it enables me to estimate the probable annual fall with some confidence at about 150 inches at the coast in this eastern end of the group. The observations made on board the ship amongst the islands of Bougainville Straits (Treasury, Shortlands, Faro, etc.) during por tions of the year 1883 and 1884 now claim our notice. As shown on page 365, 60-43 inches of rain fell in the five months from June to October of 1883, this amount being a little under that which fell at Ugi (6o'70 inches) and at Santa Anna (6772 inches) in the same period, the two regions lying towards the opposite ends of the group. During the same period of the following year, we measured 67'G6 inches of rain in Bougainville Straits, an amount a little in excess of that of the previous year. During the same periods, i.e., from June to October inclusive, in 1883 and 188 !•, there were the following number of rainy days, 120 in the one year and 118 in the other. At Santa Anna and Ugi, at the opposite end of the group, the total of rainy days for the same period in 1883, numbered only two-thirds of the amount in Bougainville Straits. During these five months in 1883 there were 16 daily records of over an inch of rain in Bougainville Straits ; at Santa Anna and Ugi, in the same period, there were 23 and 26 daily records exceeding an inch. In the same period of 1884, in Bougainville Straits, there were 22 such daily records, but the total fall was about 7 inches greater than in the previous year. I may now draw sorae inferences from the above observations. In the first place, it is probable that the annual coast rainfall of Bougainville Straits and that of the eastern end of the Solomon ' 'Vide footnote referring to number of rainy days in 1882 on p. 3.';6, 3,58 CLIMATE, Group are rauch about the same, viz,, about 150 inches : the chief difference between the two regions being, that in the former region, there are a greater number of rainy days and fewer heavy falls. The heavy falls, when they do occur, are not easily forgotten ; thus, at Treasury we measured, in July, 1884, 11 incbes of rain in 10 .successive hours ; but the daily record was only 8-09 inches, since the rain began in the evening of one day and lasted well into the following morning. During the heavy rainfalls in these regions the streams swell in an astonishingly quick manner. Rivulets become turbid streams, the whole hill-slope discharges a continuous sheet of water, and the water rushes down the permanent stream-courses with the roar of a mountain-torrent. Large blocks of stone are swept some distance along the lower courses of the streams ; and the trunks of trees are carried by each successive flood further and further towards the moutii of the stream. It should be now remarked that the average rainfall for the year, which I have estimated from observations made in different parts of the Solomon Group at about 150 inches, only applies to the coast. It is probable that this estimate is generally applicable to the coasts of these islands, except on the lee sides of the loftier islands.^ This brings me to the question of the rainfall in the bigber regions. The rainfall will increase with elevation until a certain height is reached, where the clouds attain their maximum density ; at such a level the greatest rainfall will occur. I learn from an in teresting paper by Mr. Bateman on this subject,^ that it may be inferred that in the Lake District of England the greatest rainfall 'occurs at an elevation of 2,000 feet, which is the level of maximum eloud density. In India, an elevation of 4,500 feet represents the level at -which the greatest rainfall occurs. In the Solomon Islands, a greater height will have to be attained before the level of maxi mum cloud density or that of the greatest rainfall will be attained. Probably I shall not greatly err if I assurae it to be between 5,000 and 6,000 feet. I have already observed that the south-east trade, subject to its usual variations, is the prevailing wind in the eastern part of the group for nearly two-thirds of the year. Coming laden with its watery burden, it first strikes the eastern slopes of St. I ^ By the lee sides, I mean those sheltered from the prevailing S.E. trade. ' - Journal of the -Victoria Institute. Vol, X^V, No. 59. CLIMATE. 359 Christoval ; but although the higher regions of this island mu.st cause the rain-clouds to precipitate a large amount of their moisture, the higher peaks do not rise in sufficient mass to a height that would receive the greatest rainfall, the extreme height being 4,100 feet. The rain-clouds, with the bulk of their moisture, would there fore be driven over the higher regions of this island, and would de- posit the greater part of their bui-den on the higher slopes of the mountainous eastern portion of Guadalcanar. Since this island, in its eastern portion, rises in mass to a height of some 5,000 feet and attains a maximum elevation of 8,000 feet, it does not seem pro bable that, during the prevalence of the trade for nearly two-tl.drds of the year, a considerable quantity of rain would be deposited on the western side of the island ; and, that such is the case, is shown in the fact that - the dense forest-growth that clothes the steep eastern and southern slopes of the island gives place, on the lee or west side of the mountains, to a vegetation which gives to the western portion of Guadalcanar, when viewed from seaward, the appearance of a savannah or a prairie. The lof ty mountain-masses of the east end of Guadalcanar, which forms one of the finest specimens of coast-scenery in the world, a,re usually enveloped in rain-clouds at their summits. But occa- ,sionally one of the peaks is visible above the thick cloud-covering, raarking by its elevation, as it were, the line of greatest rainfall lying below. In the same manner the high peaks at the east end ¦of BougainvUle, which have an elevation of between 7,000 and 8,000 feet, raay be seen occasionally to project above the rain-clouds ; but there is, probably, a smaller quantity of rain deposited on the higher slopes of this island than on those of Guadalcanar, because the mountains are more isolated, possess for the most part the tapering volcanic profile, and do not rise " en masse," as in the case of the high lands of Guadalcanar. The greatest rainfall in the Solomon Grou]) takes place on the steep southern and eastern slopes of this island of Guadalcanar. Huge mountain-masses appear to rise directly from the sea to a height of some 5,000 feet, ultimately attaining a height of 8,000 feet. The fall there must be tremend ous, especially when, as is frequently the case, the land of St. Christoval does not interpose itself in the path of the moisture- laden trade-wind. Then, loaded with vapours after its passage across a wide expanse of ocean, and with but a thin tract of inter vening lowland to rob it of its moisture, the trade strikes at once in 360 CLIMATE. upon the precipitous mountain-slopes as against some Cyclopean rampart. There is no ravine or breach in the mountain-mass to ease the tension. There, on those mountain-slopes, a terrific precipitation must occur, which, if the annual rainfall of the coast is 150 inches, will here be three or four times that amount. This is no exaggerated language, but is the opinion I have formed, after having carefully considered the physical geography of these regions. The subjoined rainfalls of a few localities in other parts of the world may be interesting to compare with that of the Solomon Grcmp : ^ England 32 inches. Sing.apore 97 „ Atlantic Doldrums 225 „ Western Ghats 302 „ Cherraponj ee 610 „ Solomon Islands. (a.) at the coast 150 „ (b.) on the higher slopes of Guadalcanar 400 to 500 inches probably. Comparing the rainfall of the Solomon Islands with some results obtained in other parts of the Pacific, I would draw attention to the small rainfall of Port Moresby on the south-east coast of New Guinea, where 34'44 inches were registered at the Mission Station in 1875.^ In Fiji the rainfall appears to vary between 60 and 250 inches per annum, according to the degree of elevation above the sea, and to the position of the station on the lee or weather sides of the islands, the greatest annual falls occuring in the interior of the laige islands,* In Oahu, one of the Sandwich Islands, during 1873, the rainfall at the coast was S7'85 inches; whilst at a distance of 2|- miles in the interior, it was 134-06 inches, the elevation being only 550 feet above the sea.* I will now make a few reraarks on the barometric pressure, temperature, and other features of the meteorology of this group. They are based on the results of the observations made by Lieu tenant Leeper on board the ship, and by Mr. F. Howard at Ugi. (Tables appended.) 1 SomervUle's " Physical Geography," 7th edit, pp, 331-334. - Stone's "A Few Months in New Guinea," p. 143. " Eain-guagers have been numerous in this colony, and their list -would extend beyond the limits of a foot-note. (Vide Horne's " Year in Fiji," &o., &c,) " Mosely's " Naturalist on the ' Challenger,'" p, 497. CLIMATE. 361 As is usual in these regions of the Pacific, the fluctuation of the barometer, whether daily, yearly, or monthly, is very small. Thus, the range during the 22 months we passed in the group, was from 29'83 to 30-18 inches, or about a third of an inch ; whilst the average monthly range was rather under a quarter of an inch, and the usual diurnal variation about -04 of an inch. Whilst endeavouring to compare the temperatures of the different seasons, I have mainly used the Ugi register, since it gives a con tinuous record for more than a year. At Ugi in 1S83, tho portion of the year from June to September inclusive was slightly the coolest, but the difference in the means was not 2° ; and, in truth, taking all the thermometric observations into consideration, the seasons are scarcely distinguished by their temperatures. As Lieutenant Leeper^ remarks in his report, the temperature varies but little all the year round, the monthly mean varying between 80° and 85°. The annual raean temperature may be placed at 82° to 83°, and the range from 75° to 95°. The daily variation is considerably affected by the exposed or protected position of any locality at the coast. Judging, however, from the data at my disposal, it is usually less than 10°, e.g., 79° at night, and 88° at mid-day. From the hygroraetrical observations, it raay be inferred that the climate of these islands is generally very moist. The relative humidity, taking 100 as saturation, ranged at Ugi in 1883 from 54 to 100 ; but the monthly range was usually from 72 to 95, the mean for the year being 83.^ This mean degree of relative humidity is much greater than that of Levuka in Fiji which would seem to average about 70 ;* but in truth there is little necessity for me to remark further on this well-known feature of the climate of these islands. Yet, I should add that this proportion of aqueous vapour would not necessarily be oppressive in a temperate latitude. In a tropical climate, however, any influence that retards the evaporation from the skin of the normally excessive perspiration, is a cause of personal discorafort, such as would not be experienced in a drier 1 Vide Quart. Journ. Eoy. Met, Soc, vol, XL, p, 309. The instruments used on board were previously verified at Kew. From -want of leisure, Lieut. Leeper was unable to do much more than tabulate his observations. I have therefore extracted from them such general facts and inferences as they sustain, = There are no observations for January, but since the mean relative humidity varies with the rainfall, I have approximately estimated that for January to be 83. = Iieut, Lake's observations for 1876 and 1877. (Quart, Journ. llet, Soc.) '362 CLIMATE. locality lying in the same latitude. The effects of this combination of heat and moisture are to be seen inthe rankness of the vegetation, and in the rapid rusting of steel. Although the foregoing remarks may be taken as generally applicable to the group, it should be stated that on the lee side of a mountainous island, such as the western ^nd of Guadalcanar, there is a comparatively dry atmosphere, and the difference is also shown in the character of the vegetation. The raoderate intensity of the sun's rays in these islands is to be ascribed to the presence of aqueous vapour in quantity in the atmosphere. When, however, a thunderstorm and its accompanying rain-squall are portending, the air is unusually dry, and the sun's rays are very fierce. At such tiraes it often hajipens that the sky is overcast ; and thus it comes about that the unwary traveller, by rashty baring his legs and arras, suffers severe sun-burns when he least expects it. Waterton and other travellers have, through ignorance of this fact, been laid up for several days, and even weeks. I was unable to walk any distance for about ten days, after experi encing a severe sun-burn of the legs as the result of baring them during an overcast day. The affection is peculiarly painful, though it often excites but little syrapathy. My reraarks on the meteorology of this group will not be complete without a short reference to the prevailing winds. The South-east Trade Wind and the North-west Monsoon carry on a continual struggle for the mastery in these islands. However, for two-thirds of the year the Trade prevails, viz., from April to November. The appended record of winds, which extends over a considerable period, I have prepared from the observations made on board H.M.S. "Lark " in different parts of the group, and from the registers kept by Mr. Sproul and Mr. Howard at Santa Anna and Ugi. It will be there seen that at the eastern extremity of these islands, viz., in the vicinity of St. Christoval, the Trade announces its onset in April by unsettled weather, and frequent thunderstorms. In May, it becomes established, but, as Lieutenant Leeper remarks, it blows in fits and starts, is interrupted by calms, variable winds, and heavy rain-squalls, and does not blow home as in Fiji and the groups to the eastward. At tbo opposite end of the group, in Bougainville Straits, the Trade appears a month later, and does not becorae established until June. In this locality, however, it is rnore fitful than in tbe eastern islands, blows lighter, and is less to be depended on by the navigator. CLIMATE. 363 It may be generally stated that the north-west and west winds set in about the end of Noveraber or the beginning of Deceraber, and prevail until the end of March. Although heavy gales accom pany the frequent shiftings of the wind, especially when it is from the S.W., these islands are beyond the sweep of the hurricanes whicii in this season of the year occasionally devastate the groups to the eastward. The period of the westerly winds in the Soloraon Islands is also characterised by calms and variable winds. The exhilarating freshness of the Trade then gives place to the enervating influence ofthe Monsoon ; and, in consequence, the period of westerly winds is the sickly season. RAIN-REGISTER AT SANTA ANNA. (Kept by Mr. Charles Sproul ^ between October 25th, 1882, and December 31st, 1883.) The rain-guage used was of the common round funnel pattern (5-7 inches). The observations were made at Port Mary on the west side of the island. The elevation of the guage was somo four or five feet (or less) above the high tide level. 1882, October, 25th— 31st November December 1883. January February March April May June •Tuly August September October November December Total in inches and hundredths. 3 06 7 60 13 96 Total, 24 62 5 23 9 63 4 40 14 96 11 28 26 88 18 61 11 74 4 81 5 68 6 57 5 24 Total, 125-03 Number of rainy 5 15 24 Total, 44 12 20 13 241619 231512 9 11 Total, 182 Greatest daily fall. 1-70 1-972-24 2-032-00 -84 3-22 3-33 7-73 3-452-022-52 1-671-201-68 1 1 am indebted to Mr, William Heughan for commencing this register, 2 By rainy days are meant those days on which not less y?,- of an inch of rain were measured. 364 CLIMATE. Results for l?,?>'i.— Total rainfall for 1883 -, 125-03 inches. Two-thirds. of the total fall, i.e., 83-47 inches, were recorded during the five months from April to August. Greatest daily fall, 7-73 inches. Total number of rainy days 182, i.e., one half of the year. Ou 41 days, more than au inch of rain fell. RAIN-REGISTER AT UGI. (Kept by Mr. Fred Howard betweeu October 1st, 1882, and December 31st, 1883,) The rain-guage used was of the round funnel pattern (about 5-J inches). The observations were made at the residence of Mr. John Stephens at Selwyn Bay on the west side of the island. The elevation of the g-uage was from four to six feet above the high-tide level. MONTH. Total in inches and hundredths. Number of rainy days. Greatest daily £aU. Eelative humidity taking 100 as saturation (see table, p. 367) 1882. October 10-68 10-16 9-57 Total, 30-41 13-4613-8910-02 23-28 6-39 12-83 24-60 15-76 7-36 5-155-308-20 18 16 215516171626 9 12251514 7 1110 178 2-454-60 1-365-75 4-003-003-001-653-702-854-76 1-50 1-751-101-30 (83) 82 8388 83 84 898381767983 December 1883. January March April May Julv September November Total, 146-24 Results. — During the last quarter of 1882, the rainfall was 30-41 inches -, and the number of rainy days was 55. During 1883, the total rainfall was 146-24 inches. The greatest monthly records were those of April and July : during these two months 47-88 inches fell, or about one-third of the total fall for the year. The greatest daily fall was 5-75 inches. The total number of rainy days was 178, or about one half of the number of days in the year. On 56 days. more than an inch of rain fell ; and in 18 days more than two inches fell. RAIN-REGISTER KEPT ON BOARD H.M.S. "LARK," (I am indebted to Lieutenant Leeper for assistance in keeping this register,) The rain-guage was raised about eleven feet above the water-level, I did not commence these observations until towards the close of the first CLIMATE. 365 season; and since, during the two following years, we spent about two- thirds of each year in this region, the record is, in consequence, not con tinuous. (A) OFF THE NORTH COAST OF ST. CHRISTOVAL AND THE NEIGHBOURING ISLANDS IN 1882. Total in inches and Number of rainy Greatest daily 1882. hundredths. days. fall. Sept. (from the Oth), 18-40 15 3-32 October, 10-84 21 2-38 Nov. (to the 21st), 18-31 12 5-74 Total, 47-55 48 Results. — Total Rainfall for this interval of 74 days from Sept. 9th to Nov. 21st, 1882, was 47-55 inches. The greatest daily fall was 5-74 inches. The number of rainy days was 48, or about two-thirds of the whole. On 17 days, more than an inch of rain fell; and on 8 days, more than two inches feU. (B) OFF THE NORTH COAST OF ST. CHRISTOVAL AND THE NEIGHBOURING ISLANDS IN 1883. Total in niches and Number of rainy 1883. hundredths. days. Greatest daily fall. April 13th— 30th, 10-43 15 1-62 (C) BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS IN 1883. Total in inches and Number of rainy 1883. hundredths. days. Greatest daily fall. June, 16-32 26 July, 10-25 24 August, 7-78 23 September. 15-07 22 October, 1101 25 2-23 2-12 1-102-202-10 Total, 60-43 120 Results. — During these 153 days, there fell 60-43 inches of rain. The greatest fall in one day was 2-23 inches. The total number of rainy days was 120, or about four-fifths of the whole. On 14 days, more than an inch of rain fell ; and on 7 days, more than two inches fell. (HJ BOUGAINVILLE STRAITS IN 1884. 1884. AprU (from the Sth), May,June, July, August,September,October, Total, 79-50 137 Total in inches and Number of rainy Greatest dai hundredths. daya. fall. 7-82 12 4-32 4-02 17 1-02 9-22 22 1-58 18-16 19 8-09 11-87 21 2-58 17-46 23 3-76 10-95 23 1-84 366 CLIMATE. Results. — During these 207 days, there fell 79-50 inches of rain. The greatest daily fall was 8-09 inches. The total number of rainy days was 137, or about two-thirds of the whole. On 24 days, more than an inch of rain fell ; and on 7 days, more than two inches fell. OBSERVATIONS' OF THE BAROMETER AND THERMOMETER IN THE SOLOMON GROUP, BY LIEUT. LEEPER, RN. (Taken on board H.M.S. " Lark,") MONTH, 1882. April, May, June, July, August, September, October, Nov. 1st to 22d,,. THEEMOMETEE. Highest. Lowest, ^^l 94 94929094 9289 747877 7575 76 77 78 84-4 30- 84-5 30- 83-7 30- 81-8 30- 81-1 30- 80-9 30- 81-4 30- 81-5 30- BAROMETEE. Highest. In. )-093-09)-18)-14)-16)-14)-18)13 Lowest, In. 29 29 292929 29 2929 888986929693 88 84 Daily Mean. In. 30-04129-99430-01330-05 30-067 30-04130-021 29-981 1883. April 14th to 30th, May, June, July, August, -,., September, October, Nov, 1st to 12th, 92 75 82,1 93 78 81-8 94 75 82-3 92 78 83-6 95 76 82-6 95 75 83-3 90 76 81-5 30-0830-0830-1230-0830-1030-12 30-08 29-86 29-9129-8829-92 29-91 29-8629-91 29-974 29-99 29-9629-992 29-992 29-993 29-982 1884. April 5th to SOth, May, June, July, August, September, October, 90 76 82-2 30-15 29-83 95 78 84-5 30-13 29-86 94 77 82-2 30-14 29-93 87 76 81-5 30-10 29-87 87 76 81-0 30-15 29-85 90 75 82-3 30-15 29-92 96 75 81-1 30-12 29-85 29-98429-99230-02329-98530-009 30-02530-007 ^ The observations were taken at 4 a,m,, 8 a.m,, 4 p,m., and 8 p.m. CLIMATE. 367 Eesults calculated from observations of the temperature in the shade, and of the wet and dry bulb thermometers taken at Ugi at 9 a.m., by Mr, F. Howard,! THEEMOMETEE IN SHADE. HYGEOMETEE.i MONTH. Highest 878484 8685 1882, October November, . December,, 1883, January February,.. March 1 86 AprU ' 83 May i 85 June ' 84 July ! 83 August 84 September . 84 October 85 November, . S6 December.. 84 Lowest, 7678 80 79 79 787678777777 7776 77 79 Mean. Mean Wean Mean Dry Wet Dew Bulb. Bulb. Point. 8'l-'6 78-0 75-6 81-7 i 6't> 76-0 80-1 77-8 76-2 81-6 78-2 75-9 80-6 77-5 75-4 80-2 78-0 76-4 80-3 76-9 74-6 80-9 76-9 74-2 82-0 77-0 73-6 82-0 77-8 74-9 81-4 78-0 75-7 Mean Elastic Force of Aque ous Vapour. 885 898904895 880 912 857 846830817891 Mean Keiutiv,; Humiitity, Saturation IUO. 83 8883 84 8983 81 767983 81-: -ilean for 1883. WIND-RECORD FOR EACH MONTH. Prepared from the observations taken ou board H.M.S, "Lark," and by Messrs, Sproul and Howard, at Santa Anna and Ugi. Janu ry. 1883. At Ugi, S.W. to AV, in first half; variable in latter half; S,E. 1 day. At Santa Anna, X.W. and W,; S,E. 5 days ; occasional squalls. February. 1333. At Ugi and Santa Auna, N.W. to S,"W. ; no S.E. ; latter part, fresh whids and squalls March. 1883. At Ugi and Santa Anna, N.W. to W, in first half, with strong winds and thunderstorms; latter part variable; S,E. 4 days at Ugi, none at Santa Anna. 1 The instruments were suppUed by me. The Thermometerwas by Negretti and Zambra : and the wet and dry bulbs were good reKable instruments. They were a'l flrst compared mth the ship's instruments, which were supplied by the Meteorological Office after beiug verified at Kew. = Calculated from Glaisher's Tables. 588 CLIMATE. April. 1882. Amongst the eastem islands (east of Florida) ; first part, calms and light northerly winds ; latter part, calms and light S.E. winds ; thunderstorms frequent. 1883. At Ugi and Santa Anna, first part, N.W. and S.E. ; latter part, calms and E. to S.E. ; S.E. for 7 days at Ugi ; heavy rain ; squalls in middle of month. 1884. In BougainviUe Straits, light northerly and westerly winds, with calms ; easterly during the last few days. May. 1882. Between Bougainville Straits and west eud of Guadalcanar, numerous calms and light winds from N.W. through S. to S.E. ; thunder storms frequent. 1883 At Ugi and Santa Anna, E. to S.E. ; usually strong. 1884 In Bougainville Straits, light N.E. and easterly winds, with a great deal of calm weather. June. 1882. At the north coast of St. Christoval, Ugi, and Santa Anna ; calms, N.N.E. and easterly winds ; average iorce 2. 1883. At Ugi and Santa Anna. S.E. often strong, with variable winds. In Bougainville Sfraits ; first part light E. and S.E. winds ; latter part, S.E. ; very squally ; frequent thunderstorms. 1884. In Bougainville Straits; first half, light E. and E.S.E. winds; latter half, light S.E. and S,S,E. July. 1882. At the north coast of St. Christoval and Ugi, first part S.E,, witli frequent heavy squalls ; latter part, light S.E. and S.W. winds, though squally. 1883. At Ugi and Santa Anna, E.S.E, to S,E. ; fresh and squally, some times blowing hard, interrupted by calms and varying winds. In Bougainville Straits, light varying winds from N.E. to S.E. 1884. In Bougainville Straits, first part light S.E. winds and calms; latter part fresh easterly winds and bad weather. August. 1882. At the north coast of St. Christoval and Ugi, E.N.E, to S, ; average foroe, 3 to 4 ; frequent rain-squalls, 1883. At Ugi and Santa Anna, S.E. strong ; in latter part heavy squalls, interrupted by calms. In Bougainville Straits, E.NE, to S,E, ; force 2 to 3. 1884. In Bougainvdle Straits, S.S.E. to S. ; thiok weather with rain- squalls in first part. September. 1882. At Ugi and the Three Sisters, S.E. and S.S.E, ; in latter part of month heavy, and accompanied by thick weather and violent squalls. CLIMATE. 369 1883. At Ugi and Santa Anna, E.S.E. to S.E, strong. In Bougainville Straits, calms, and light E. to S.E, winds 1884. Iu BougainviUe Straits, first part hght S.E. winds aud heavy rain- squalls from N.E. ; latter part fresh S.S.E. aud dirty weather, foUowed by light N. to E. winds. October. 1882. At Ugi, Santa Anna, and off the north coast of Guadalcanar ; in first part, strong S.E. ; in latter part, easterly winds with calms. At Ugi, S.E. in first half, variable with calms in latter half 1883. At Ugi and Santa Anna, S.E,, fresb. In Bougainville Straits, first part S.E. to S. ; latter part N.E, to S,E,, squalls and tliunderstorms, 1884. In Bougainville Straits ; first week, light NE. to S.E, winds ; seoond week, S.S,E. to S,, force 2 to 4 ; third week, N,W. to N.N.E., force 3 to 8, rain-squalls and thunderstorms ; last part, variable and E.S.E. winds. November. 1882. At Ugi and Santa Anna; first half, N.W. and S,E, ; latter half, S,E. and variable. 1883, At Ugi and Santa Anna, fresh E.S,E. to S,E ; northerly towards end of month with squalls and thunderstorms. December, 1882. At Ugi and Santa Anna, westerly and variable; S.E. for 6 days: latter part, squally. 1883. At Ugi and Santa Anna ; in first half, E, to S,E. ; in latter half, N,W. to S.W. and squally. THE EFFECTS OF THE CLIMATE ON THE WEIGHT OF THE BODY. During the last two surveying-seasons in these islands, the officers and cjew wero weighed with the object of determining the etfect of service in this climate on tho body-weight. The period spent in this region during eaoh year extended from April to November. After eliminating various sources of error, such as sickness, immaturity, etc., I find that during the surveying-season of 1883, which occupied be tween 64- and 7 months, eighteen out of twenty persons lost weight, the average loss being 6|- Ib.^., and the range of the loss 1 to 1 2 lbs. Of the two exceptions, one gained 3 lbs. and the other experienced no change. On returning to the coloines, we spent between 3 and 4 months in the geniai chmate of northern New Zealand, at the end of which period I fiad that the average gain of weight was about 6|- lbs. In other words, the loss was regained. During the season of 1884, which lasted 7 months, eleven out of the twenty persous weighed in the previous year were alone available for these observations. All of them lost weight, the average loss being 5§ lbs,, and the range 1 to 8 lbs. This diminution in the average loss of weight dur- 2a 370 CLIMATE, ing this season sbould be noted I should add that five individuals, who had not been on bpard in the jprevious year, lost during this season on thiei average 5 lbs, per man, I may therefore conclude that the eff'ect of seven months' service iu this region on the body-weight is, on the average, a loss of from 6 to 7 lbs. Although this loss of weight is mainly attributable to the climate, it is evident that the character of the diet has an important influence in the matter. For the greater part of the time spent in these islands, the crew were on preserved and salt rations, a diet which reduces the weight of the body. One of the results of an elaborate series of observations made by Dr. A, Eattray of H.M,S. " Salamander," whilst serving in the Western Pacific from 1864-07, was to show that salt diet in a tropioal climate is an important factor in reducing weight, aud that other influences, such as that of hard « ork, increase the loss. During various cruises in the tropics, usually lasting about three months, he weighed between 70 and 100 men with the following results. The effect of a tropical climate alone was to reduce the weight of 64 per cent., the average loss being 5 lbs. When the unfavourable conditions of a wet season and salt diet were added, 76 per ¦cent, lost weight, the average loss being 7 lbs. By the further addition of hard work, 91 per cent, lost weight, the average loss beitig about the same. The loss of weight after each cruise was regained in 7 or 8 weeks during the stay in Sydney.^ 1 Proc, Roy. Soc, vol, XIX,, p, 295 (1870-71), In this paper Dr. Eattray treats at length of the effects of a tropical climate on the various organs and functions of the body. GENERAL INDEX, A. AoHKAS, 293. Acosta, 255. Adenanthera pavonina, 293. Agassiz, A.,onscypho-medusse, 335. Agassiz, L., ou scypho-medusaj, 334. Aleurites, 88. AlgiB, edible, 89 ; microscopic, on cliffs, 327. Alpinias, 283, 288, 294. Aiu, see Shortland Islands. Angiopteris, 283, 294. Aimexation in the Western Pacific, remarks upon, xi. Anoga resin, 66. Anson Island, 259. Anumi,. 25. Apes, anthropoid, legends of, 335. Archer, H., 334. Areca palms, their frequency, 294 ; their station, 283, 285, 287; growing tops, edible, 88 ; fruits substitutes for betel-nuts, 95 ; trunks used for beds, 61 ; dis persal of fruits, 293, 305 ; list of palms, 303. Arias, Dr. J. L., 254, Armlets, 132, 133, Arracises Island, 211, 275. Arrowroot, South Sea, 89. Arrows, 72. Asclepiads, 289, 290, 298. Asplenium nidus, 285, 329. Assent, gesture of, 126. Astonishment, gesture of, 125. Atkin, Eev. J., 15. Australia del Espiritu Santo, 252. Awisulu, 154, 285. B. Bagana, volcano of, vii, 39, 53. Baker, J. G., on the fungi, 294. Balalai Island, 53. Baldness, 119. Ball, Lieut,, 266. Bamboos, brakes of, 288. Bananas, see Plantains. Banyans, 284, 285, 286, 290, 293, 294, 301. Barometrical observations, 361, 366, Barringtonia edulis, 85. Barringtonia speciosa, 101, 156, 158, 188, 290, 291, 292, 305. Bateman, Mr., 18. Batrachians, 308; new family of, 315 ; dispersal of, 317. Bats, 82, 211. Bauro, St, Christov.al, 100, 229, 252, 277, Bea 37. Beaumont, Dr., E,N., 114. Beccari, Signor, 289, 295. Beckoning, mode of, 125. Beds, 61. Begonia, 288. Behrens, 257. Belcher, Capt. Sir E,, K,N., 269. Beliefs, religious, 53, Bennet, Mr, G., 71, 319. Bennet, Dr, G,, 187. Bernstein, Dr,, 326, Betagh, Capt,, 256. Betel-chewing, 95. 372 INDEX. Betel palm, 81, 95. Betel-pepper plaut, 95. Bikkia, 289. Bird's-nest, edible, 325. Bird's-nest fem, 285, 329. Birgus latro, 92, 319. Bita, sister of Gorai, 23, 31, 50. Biu Island, 222, Blanche, H.M.S., 23. Boar's tusks, 76. Bond, Captain, 275. Botanical notes, 280. BougainviUe, M., 26, 38, 149, 259, 269. Bougainville Island, vi., 21, 27, 34, 39, 53, 91, 120, 136, 138. Bougainville Straits, Islands of, 38, 56, 94, 123, 124, 139; chiefs, 20, 27 ; position of women, 44 ; modes of burial, 51 ; dweUings, 58 ; pottery, 62 ; tambu-houses, 71; weapons, 72, 74; cultivation, 81, 84; modes of cooking, 86; physical characters of natives, 103, 113, 114, 118-120; dress, ifec, 130, 133; cicatriobs, 136 ; tunes and songs, 141 ; canoes, 147 ; modes of fishing, 155 ; voc abulary, 180 ; botany, 280 ; geo logical characters, vi,, vii,, 280. Bouka Island, 34, 118, 138, 259, 260. Boulenger, Mr., on the reptiles and batrachians, 308, 313, 316. Bouro Island, 100, 277. Bow-driU, 76. Bowen, Captain, 154, 266. Bower, Lieut., K.N., murder of, 11, 17. Bows, 72. Boyd, Mr. B., murder of, 270. Brachycephaly, 111, 114. Brady, Mr. H. B., on tho Solomon Island deposits, ix. ; on the New Ireland chalk, 79. Brains, human, as food, 224. Brandt on scypho-medusEe, 334. Breadfruit trees, 81, 82, 84, 190. Brenchley, J. L,, 16, 36, 70, 75, 79, 344, Broca, M,, 111, 114, 118, 120, Broth, vegetable, 25. Bua tree, 188. Buache, M., 192, 234, 255, 263. Buenavista Island, 207, 274. Bulimus cleryi, 338. Burial, modes of, 51. Burney, 234, 273, 274. Burning-glasses, 66. Bush-hens, 325. Bush-men, 14, 32, 91, 120. Buttress-trees, 285, 286, 290, 294. Byron, Commodore, 258 o. Cabbage, mountain, 88, 90. Cabo de Cruz, 237. Cabo de Fortunas, 239, 241. Cacones, Isles of, 243. Cfesalpinia nuga, 289. Ccdifornia, Old, 243. Calophyllum, 66, 189, 237, 295, 305. Calophyllum inophyllum, 290, 291, , 292, 305. Calvert, Rev. J., 63. Canarium, 85, 87, 189, 285, 287, 291, 293, 295. Canarium commune, 85, 189. Candelaria Shoals, 199, 262, 273, 275. Canna indica, 305. Cannibalism, 35, 260. Canoes, 67, 71, 146 ; cauoe-deitiea, 149. Cap Oriental, 262. Cape Prieto, 206. Cape Satisfaction, 278. Capron, Mr. Rand, on the visual powers of savages, 123. Careri, Gem-Ui, 257. Carter, Mr. Brudenell, on the visual powers of savages, 122, Carteret, Captain, 80, 258. Cartographers, the early, 255. Caryota, palm, 284, 285, 287, 305 ; edible top or cabbage, 88 ; sago- yielding, 91. Casuarina trees, 290, 292. INDEX. 373 Catarrhal diseases, 176. Caulerpa, 89. Cerbera, 25, 288. Cerbera odoUam, 289, 290, 292. Ceratobatrachida), 315. Cetacean, a rare, 335. Chalcedony, 78. Chalk, 79. Chalmers, Rev. J., 325. Chamisso, 90 ; on the Radack Islanders, 128. Chest-girth, 105. Chevrondine pattern, 139. Cheyne, Capt., 16, 39, 185, 269. Choiseul Island, viii, discovery of, 212, 275 ; native shields, 75. Choiseul Bay, visit of Bougainville to, 200 ; physical characters of natives, 103 ; chiefs, 26 ; canni balism, 38. Cicatrices, 136. Circumcision, ] 37. Clerodendron inerme, 289. Climate, si, 352 ; rainfall, 355 ; temperature, 361 ; winds, 362; humidity, 361 ; influence on body-weight, 369. Clothing, 130. Clubs, 73. Cccoa-nut palms, 84, 305, 321 ; mode of cliuibing, 82 ; dwarf trees, 52. Cocoa-nut Cr.ab, 92, 319. Codioeum variegatum, 305. Codrington, Rev, Dr,, 53, 71, 137, 335; on the Solomon Island languages, 185; on head-hunting raids, 16, Coenobita, 330, 333. Coix lachryma, 131, 305. Collocalia, 325, Colours, names of, 124, Colour-sense, 123. Combs, 137. Comrie, Dr., R,N,, on Tokelau ring worm, 173, Conches, 143, Constellations, names ot, 56, Contrariety Island, 221, 261, 275. Cook, Capt, on the supposed posi tion of the Solomon Islands, 264. Cooking, modes of, 86, 92; cooking- stones, 56, 86 ; cooking vessels, 62, 86. Coral islet, vegetation of, 289. Coral reefs, viii. Cord, knotted forrecordingtime, 56, Cornelian, 78. Corucia zebrata, 312, Couches, 61, Crawfurd, Mr,, 88, 189 : onthe in troduction of tobacco, 95. Crinum, 290. Crocodiles, 6, 9 ; habits of, 309 ; captures of, 91, 311 ; impress ions on sand, 309, Cucumis melo, 84, Cultivation, 81, Cumming, Miss Gordon, on Fijian pottery, 63. Curacoa, H.M,S, 16, Cuscus, 91, 92, 311 ; habits, 161 ; hunting, 160, ( !ycas circinalis, station of, 287, 290, 292 ; sago yielding, 90 ; edible top or cabbage, 90 ; fruits edible, 90; medicinal use, 169; dispersal of fruits, 292, 305, Cyrente, 76, 91. Cyrtostachys, 88, 283. D. D'Albertis, Signor, 76, 141, Dalrymple, 192, 234, 263, 274, Dampier, 264, Dances, 48, 143, Danville, 256. Darwin, 179, 319, 331, 339. Davies, Mr. T, on the rocks of St Christoval, vi. Davis, Dr, Barnard, on the hair of Papuans, 117, De Brasses, 257, Decaying flesh, taste for, 92, Deformities, spinal, 175 ; of feet, 177 ; haredip, 177. Delight, gesture of, 1 25, Delisle, 256. 374; INDEX. Delivrance, lies de la, 262. Denham, Capt;, R. N., 271. Dentrecasteaux, 149, 174, 260, 266, 269, 278. Deposits, deep-sea, upraised, viii., ix. DUlon, Capt P., 266. Dioscorea sativa, 84. Diseases, 163; epidemics, 176. Dispersal of plants, 291, 303 ; of batraohians, 317; of luli, 329; of Neritinse, 339. Disposition, 127. Dogs, 159, 191. Dolichocephaly, 111, 114. Dolicholobium, 283, 288. Domestic utensils, 62. Drake, Sir Francis, 247, 244. Dress, 130. Drinking-vessels, 62. Drums, 143. Dudley, 256. Duff' Group, 251. Dugongs, 6. Dug-out canoes, 146, 150. D'Urville, 16, 103, 265, 268, 269; his opinion of the Solomon Islan ders, 129. DutaUlis, M., 270. Dyed Grass, 74, 132, 138. Dynamite, use of, in fishing, 158. E. Ear ornaments, 133, Earl, G. W,, 189 ; on tbe hair of Papuans, 117; ou the prevailing skin eruption, 172, Echoes, superstition concerning, 54, Eddystone Island, see Simbo Island. Elfeocarpus, 287, 293. Elephantiasis, 176. Elevation, see Upheaval. Ellis, 153, 175 ; on the deification of sharks, 71. Emerald, H.M.S,, 26, Emotions, expressions of, 125. Epalle, Monsignor, murder of, 270. Epidemic diseases, 176. Epiphytes, 282, 285, 289. Epilation, 118. Erianthemum variabile, 305. Erosion of freshwater shells, 340. Erythrina, 289. Escondido Harbour, 219. Esjiiritu Santo, 252. Estrella Harbour, 202. Eugenia, 291, 293. Eugenio, Point, 243. Evored, Mr., 106. Evodia hortensis, 135, 305. P. Facial angle, 115. Fagrsea Berteriana, 188, 288. Fanarite, distriot of St. Christoval, 19, Fan-palms, see Licuala. Fans, 66. Faro Island, ,see Fauro Island. Farquhar, Dr., on Tokelau ring worm, 171. Fat, fondness of, 92, Fauro Island, chiefs of, 25, 46 ; viUages, 60, 82 ; tambu-houses, 71 ; canoes, 149; physical char acters of natives, 103, 113; vegetation, 287, 289 ; geology, vii, 280. Feasts, 50, 68, 93. Features, 115. Female sex, their drudgery, 41 ; tbeir chastity, 43; polygamy, 44. Ferguson, Captain, murder of, 21, 54. Ferns, 283, 294 ; edible, 89. Ficus, 190, 301. Figueroa, Dr., 192, 234, 254, 272, 274. INDEX, 375 Figure-heads of ships, probable origin of, 150, Filet, G. J., ou the Malay names of plants, 186. Fire, mode of producing, 65. Fishing, 151 ; nets and lines, 154; hooks, 156 ; snares, 157 ; fish- spear, 153. Flagellaria indica, 290. Fleurieu, M,, 192, 234, 262, 263, 273, 274, 278, Flints, worked, 77, Florida Islands, discovery of, 208, 274; natives, 114, I'lO, 130; head-hunting, 17; dances, 143; pile-dwellings, 60 ; weapons, 73, 75 ; geological structure of, vii. Flotation of fruits and seeds, 292, 305. Flower, Prof., on the varieties of the human species, 98. Flowers, used in decorating the per son, 134; rare in the forests, 284; conspicuous at the coast, 289. Flying-fish, superstitions concern ing, 153 ; wounds caused by, 153. Fonfono Island, 277. Food, vegetable, 84 ; animal, 91. Forbes, H, 0., on ringworm in the Malay Archipelago, 172 ; on Myrmecodia, 282 ; on the Bir gus, 322, Forrest, Captain, on Port Dory pottery, 64 ; on pig-hunting in New Guinea, 159. Forster, J. R., 87. Forster, G,, 135, Fox, Dr, Tilbury, on Tokelau ring worm, 171. Freycinetia, 289. Fries, Mr., on Pachyma, 306. Frogs, 8, 190, 308 ; new famdy of, 3i5 ; development of, 316. Frontlets, 131. Fruits, 84, 87, 89. Fumaroles, vii,, 66, 86. Fungi, 89, 285, 304. G. Galera Island, 207, 274. GaUego, suggested compliment to, 234 ; supposed discoverer of tbe Southern Continent, 248 ; error in latitudes, 274. Gallego's journal, 192; unpub lished, 247 ; compared with Figueroa's account, 272. Galvano, 275. Games, boyish, 76, 145, Gar-fish, superstition conceming, 153; wounds caused by, 153. Gatah, 189. Geological structure of the Solomon Islands, gen eral remarks upon, vi. Gestures, 125. GiU, Rev, Wyatt, 187, 319, 325. Ginsima Island, 257. Gleeocapsa, 327. Gleichenia. 5, 95, 132, 281, 288. Gnetum, 88, 28S. Gnetum gnemon, 89, 2S8. Gomphandra, 295, 305, Gorai, the Shortland chief, 6, 27, 28, 47 ; his power, 14, 21 ; his wives, 44 ; his residence, 59. Goura pigeon, pebbles in gizzard, 325, Gourds for betel-lime, 95. Government, system of, 13, Gower Island, 80, 259, 261, Graves, 51, Green, Mr, J. R,, on edible birds' uests, 327. Grinding-stones, 6, 77. Groningen Island, 25/. Guadiilcanar, di.scovery of, 210, 214, 220 ; reported mineral wealth, 247 ; excessive Spanish estimate of its size, 275 ; characters of natives, 104, 120; weapons, 74, 75 ; head-hunting and cannibal ism, 18, 35; murder of Mr. Boyd, 270; legends of apes, 333; fine coast scenery, 359 : heavy raiufaU, 359 ; probable geologi cal structure, vi. Guadalupe Island, 209. 376 INDEX. Gulf Island, 262,- 267; (Juali, 210 ; see Sesarga. Guantopo (Guaytopo) Island, Island, 276. Gums, see Resins Guettarda speciosa, 289, 290. Gunther, Dr., 314. Ugi H. Hair, characters of and mode of wearing, 116, 137; cut in mourn ing, 49 ; staining, 118. Hakhiyt, Richard, 254. Hale, Mr., on the Pouro of Quiros, 100, 277. Hare-lip, 177. Harpullia cupanioides, 289, 305. Hats, 138. Head-hunting, 16, 27. Head-money, 17, 20. Height, see Stature. HeUconias, 283, 294. Hemino-, Lieut, R.N," 23, 28, 114, 294,''332. Hemsley, Mr. Betting, on the dis persal of plants, 291, 293. Herbst, on the Birgus, 319. Heritiera littoralis, 290, 292, 305. Hermit-Crabs, 330. Hernandia peltata, 289. Herrera, 192, 235, 254, 273, 274. Heughan, Mr. W., 306, 352, Hibiscus tiliaceus, 131, 289, 290, 292. Hombron, Dr,, vi. Home, Sir E., on the edible birds' nests, 326. Home-sickness, 167 Honey, wild, 93. Hood, Mr. T. H,, 319. Hoplocephalus par, 314. Hornbills, 191, 284. Home, Mr., 83, 87 ; on South Sea arrowroot, 89. Hot-stone treatment for injuries, 166. Houses, dwelling, 57; on piles, 60. Howard, Mr. F., 77, 352, 360; meteorological register, 364, 367. Howe, Hon. J. Curzon, 113, 158. Hoya, 289, 290 ; H. guppyi, 298. Human sacrifices, 33, 35, 67. Humidity of climate, 361, 367. Hunger, gesture indicating, 125. Hydnopiiytum guijpyauum, 282 ; H. inerme, 282. Hydrographical features, ix. Hygrometrical observations, 367. Ill-wishikg, 54. Impressions on sand; of crocodiles, 309, of hermit-crabs, 333. Inattendue Island, 261 : see Gower Island, Infanticide, 35, 42, Injuries, treatment of, 165 ; won derful recoveries from, 165. Insanity, 1 79. Ipoaiffia, 289, 290. Isabel Island, discovery of, 202, 211, 213, 275 ; visit of Surville, 261 ; visit of D'Urville, 269; murder of Monsignor Epalle, 270; characters of natives, 103, 129; slavery, 33; tattooing, 136 ; canoes, 149. IsabeU, Mr. W., 24, 141, 314, 321. lulus, 329; singular habit of, 330; means of dispersal of, 329. Jacobs, Mr., 267, Jesus, I.do of, 199, 273, Jews, island inhabited by, 261. Jew's harps, 142. Judd, Prof., vii. INDEX. 377 K. Ka-i (Canarium), 85, 87, 189, 285, 291, 293. Kaika, wife of Gorai, 23 ; her death, 47. Ka;mpfer, 326. Kalikona, 17. Kauary-nut, 85, 87, 189. Katari (Calophyllum), 189, 295; resin of, 66. Kauri pine, origin of name, 190. Kava plant, 96. Keane, Prof., on the Pacific races. 99 ; on a vocabulary of Bougain ville Straits, 186. Kennedy Island, 273. Kermadec, Capt. Huon, 269. Kinsima Island, 257. Kite-fishing, 151. Kleiuhovia hospita, 305. Kopana, 28 ; fate of his wives, 30. Kotzebue, 128. Krepas, chief of Choiseul Bay, 26. Krusenstem, 265, 273. Kurra-kurra, Faro chief, 25. Labillardiere, 86, 118, 125, 260. 278. Labour-trade, 42. Lammas, Mount, 263. Lane Fox, see Pitt Rivers. Languages of Solomon Islands, 185. Latitudes of Gallego, 274. Lawa, St. Christoval, 14, 39, 68. Lawes, Rev. Mr., 139. Layard, Mr. 326. Leeper, Lieut, R,N., 48, 114, 125, 180, 294, 335 ; meteorological observations, 361, 360. Leprosy, 176. Licuala, 283, 287, 288, 303, 305. Limbs, measurements of, 106. Lime, for betel-chewing, 95 ; for the hair, 118 ; for sickness, 163 ; as a token of mourning, 48. Lime-tree, 81, 85. Litsea, 293. Littoral trees, 289 ; native names widely spread, 101, 186. Littorina scabra, experiment on, 351. Liversidge, Prof, on the worked flints, 78, 79. Lizards, 8, 191, 312; monitors, 91,313. bomlom Island, 277. Longmore, Prof,, on testing vision, 122. Lopez Vaz, 246, 247. Lumnitzera coccinea, 292. Luther, Dr., R,N., 158. Lycopods, 285. Lygonia, 148, 285. Lyonsia, see Awi-sulu. M. Macaulay's Archipelago, 266. Macdonald, Capt. J., vii., 15, 17, 36, 79, 131, 163, 335. Macdonald, Mr. W., 42, 70, 306, MacgiUivray, Mr., 135, 344. Maclay, Miklouho, 86, 97 ; anthro- on tbe introduction of tobacco, 94, Maclay Coast, 86, 94, 105, 111, 189. Mai, Santa Anna chief, 17-20, 36, 39. pological observations and mea- Maize, 84. surements, 105, 111, 116, 118; Makira, 36, 147, 277: canmbab 378 INDEX. ism, 36 ; murder of missionaries, 270. Malaita, head-hunting, 18 ; char acters of natives ot north coast, 103, 113, 114, 120, 136; h'gends of . apes, 335 ; first discovery of the island, 205, 219, 220, 274, 275, Malan, Lieut, R.N,, 24, 52, 53, 180. MaUicolo Island, 277. Man, Mr,, on the Andaman potterj-, 64. Mana, supernatural power, 16. Mango, 85, Mangrove swamps, 282. Manieolo Island, 277. Manning, Capt., 266, Maramasiki Passage, discovery of, 220. Marau Sound, discovery of, 219. Markham, Commander, R.N., 235. Marquesas Group, discovery of, 249. Marsden, Mr., 88, 90, 172. Marshall Group, discovery of, 238, 275. Matches, wax, 65. Mate, 210, Matema Islands, 277. Mats, 58, making mats, 61. Matthews, Mr,, 281, Maurelle, 262, Mayer, on the height of Papuans, 105, Meals, 93. Mecaraylay Island, 277. Medicine-men, 55, 163. Medusa; in mangrove-swamps, 333. Megapodiidfe, 191, 216, 325. Melanesian Mission, 15, 140, 271. Melanesians, see Papuans. MelanitB, 338, 345 ; Melaniaguppyi, 337, 350, Mendana, his first expedition, 195, 235, 275 ; his second expedi tion, 246, 248. Mesocephaly, 111, 114. Meta Island, 204, 205. Meteorology, chapter on, 352. Migration of Pacific races, lines of, 99, 101, 186. Millipedes, 329. Missionaries, murder of, 270 ; see Melanesian Mission. MoUusca, land and fresh water, 336 ; Ust of, 344. Monitor lizards, 91, 313, Moon, eclipse of, in 1568, 244. Moore, Mr. C, 293, 306. Morinda citrifolia, 89, 124, 188, 290. MorreU, Capt, 267. Morse, Prof., on arrow-release, 73, Mosely, Mr. H. N,, 73, 137, 334, Motuiti Island, 273. Mourning customs, 48,,69, 133, 137 MueUer, Baron F. von, 289, 294. Mule, the Treasury chief, 27, 28, 55, 76 ; his power, 23; his wives, 45 ; his residence, 59. Mullen, Dr,, R,N,, on Tokelau ring worm, 171. Mumps, 176. Murders: of Mr. Boyd, 270; of Monsignor Epalle, 270; of Lieut, Bower, R,N., 11, 17 ; of Captain Ferguson, 21, 54 ; of Roman Catholic missionaries, 270; of the crew of the Superior, 23, and the Zephyr, 26. Murray Island, vii., 16. Murray, Mr. G., on Tuber regium, 306 ; on Glseocapsa, 326. Murray, Dr, John, on the Solomon Island deposits, ix. Muskets, introduction of, 75. Musquillo Islands, disooveryof, 238, 275. Myristica, see Nutmeg-tree. Myrmecodia salomonensis, 282. N. Names of men, 184 ; of women, 184 ; curious custom concerning the names of the dead and of women, 47, 49, Narovo Island, see Simbo. Natica mamdla, 132, 147. Nautical surveying, nature of the work, 11, INDEX. 379 Navicellaj, 338, 341, Necklaces, 131, Negrito race, 79, 99. Neritina}, 338, 346 ; dispersal of, 339 ; origin of tree-nerites, 341 , Nets, fishing, 154; netting-stitch, 154. New Georgia, vi., 120 ; head-hun ters of, 16; cannibals, 39 ; dis covery by the Spaniards, 211, 275 ; Shortland's visit, 262. New Guinea, flints in, 80; reference by Gallego to its first discoverer, 237, 275 ; see Maclay Coast, Nicobar pigeon, 293, 323. Nipa i'ruticans, 87, 282, 291, 305. Nisbet, Mr., 168. Nito paitena (evil spirit), 50, 53. Nixon, Mr. L., 35. Nombre de Dios Island, 273. Nose ornaments, 133. Nostalgia, 167. Nouma-nouma, 21, 54. Numerals, 183. Nupani Island, 277. Nutmeg-tree, 288, 289, 293, 305. Nuts, edible, 85, 87. 0. OcHBE, red, for staining hair, 118. Ochrosia parviflorn, 87, 292, 305. Ocymum sanctum, 135, 305, Oima Island, 52 Oldham, Lieut,, ix,, 24, 29, 36, 55, 279, 291. Ohver, Prof, 289, 294. Onomatopoeia, 190. Ontong-Java,92,200, 262, 273, 275. Opossums, see Cuscus, Orchids, 285, 289. Orika Island, see Santa Catalina, Orion's Belt, 56, Omaments, personal, 131, Ortega, 195, 203, Outrigger-canoes, 146, 147, 149, Ovulurn ovum, 131, 147, P. Pachyma, 306, Pacific races, see Polynesians, Paddles, 150; modes of paddling, 150, Pagurus. 332, Palms, 285, 303 ; palm-tops as food, 88. Pandanus trees, 290, 291, 292, 305; difl'erent species, 302 ; native names widely spread, 101, 186 ; new genus, 289, 302 ; fruits eaten by natives, 87, and by the Birgus, 323 ; leaves mado into mats, 61. Pandean-pipes, 141. Papal Bull, 255. Papaw-tree. 84. Papuans, 98, 105, 117. Parinarium laurinum, 62, 146, 148, 296, 305. Parrot, M, on syphilis in prehistoric times, 178. Path-finding, 162, Patterns, decorative, 139, Patterson, Bishop, 15, 148, Paubro, St. Christoval, 100, 229, 252, 277, Perouse,128, 155, 178,264,266,269, Phalangers, see Cuscus. Phosphorescence, as a guide to coral reefs, 205. Physical characters of Solomon Islanders, chapter on, 98, Pigeons, Fruit, 85, 292, 293, 325 ; Nicobar pigeon, 293, 323. Pigments, 124. Pigs, 7; hunting wild pigs, 159; jaws hung inside dweUings and tambu-houses, 58, 68 ; pork eaten. 91, 92, 93. 380 INDEX. Pile-dwellings, 60, Pileni Island, 277, Pingr6, M,, 234, 257, 274. Piper Betel, 95. Pipes, tobacco, 94. Pitt-Rivers, Major-Gen., 73, 74. Plantains, 82 ; mountain, 89. Plants, dispersal of, 291 ; list of, 294 ; rubbish-plants, 305. Pleiades, 56, Plerandra, 283. Poisoned arrows, 73. Poisonous snake, 314. Polyclonia, 334. Polygamy, 44. Polynesians, source of, 99 ; line of migration, 101. Pongamia glabra, 289, 290, 305. Port La Palma, 232, Port Praslin, 33, 56, 66, 75, 80, 149, 261. Potato, sweet, 82, 84. Pottery-making, 62, Pouro, St. Christoval, 100, 229, 252 277. Powell, Mr.' WUfred, 173, 191. ' Prichard, Mr., on the hair of Papuans, 117. Pritchard, Mr., 90. Protective resemblances, 317, 338. Pruner-Bey, Dr., on the hair of Papuans, 117. Pryer, Mr. H., on edible birds' nests, 325. Puerto de la Cruz, discovery of, 214 ; massacre at, 224, 235. Puerto de Nuestra Senora, 232. Pumpkins, 84. Pustular disease of children, 175 Pyrazus palustris, 91, 343. Pythia scarabseus, 343. Q. Qmru, elementary, 56. Quoy, M,, 319. Quiros, 100, 248, 251, 253, 276. R. Races, Pacific, 98. Rainbow, sujierstition concerning, 124. Rainfall, 355 ; registers of, 363. Ramos, Isle of, 205, 219, 274, 275. Rana guppyi, 315. Ratonia, 285. Rayleigh, Lord, on the visual powers of savages, 122, Redociat, labour-vessel, 39. Redlich, Capt, 36 Religion, 53. ReptUes, 308. Resins, 66, 78 ; native names of res in-yielding trees widely spread, 189. Rotes, Inigo Oriez de, 237, 275. Riedelia curviflora, 305. Ringworm, see Tokelau ringworm, Rio Gallego, 214. Rio-Ortega, 210, 214, 216. Rio San Bernardino, 216. Rio Santa Elena, 217. Rob Roy canoe, 9, Roberts, Mr. C, on the visual powers of savages, 121. Rochon, Abbe, 261. Rocks, volcanic, vi.; calcareous, vii,; of deep-sea formation, viii., ix. Roggewein, Admiral, 256. Rollin, M., 178. RomUly, Mr. H., 167. 168. Roncador Reef, 199, 262, 273. Ronongo Island, viii., 278. Rora, chief of Ugi, 20. Rubbish-plants, 305. Rubiana, see New Georgia. Rumphius, on Tuber regium, 306 J on edible birds' nests, 326. RusseU Islands, 266. INDEX. 381 S, Sabo, Guadalcanar, 215. Sago palms, station of, 83 ; native names of, 189 ; leaves for thatch ing, 58, 71 ; extraction and pre paration of sago, 83, 87, 90; sago also yielded by the Cycas, 90, and Caryota, 91. St. Christoval, discovery of, 222 2£7, 229, 248, 275; native names of island, 100; physical character of natives, 103, 112, 114,118,119,120; bush-tribes, 14; head-hunting, 15, 18; can nibalism 35-38 ; female chastity, 43; dweUing-.s, 57 ; tambu-houses 67-69 ; weapons, 72-75 ; worked flints, 77 ; cooking, 86; vegetable food, 84 ; legends of apes, 335 ; geological structure, vi. St, George's Island, 211, vi. Sau Bartolomeo Islands, 238, 275, Sandfly, H.M.S., 11, 17. San Francisco, Isle of, 239, 276. San German Islaud, 209. San Juan Island, 222, 227, 275. San Lucas, Cape, 243. San Marcos Island, 212, 275. San Nicolas Island, 211, 275. Santa Anna Island, discoverv of, 231, 262, 266; physical char acters of natives, 1 03, 1 1 2 ; chiefs, 19; viUages at war, 18; trad ing in human flesh, 36 ; mode of burial, 53 ; tambu-house, 70 ; grinding slabs, 77; crocodUes, 91 ; land and freshwater shells, 337 ; geological structure, viii. Santa Catalina Island, discovery of, 230, 262, 266; physical characters of natives, 103, 112, 120; chiefs, 42; tambu-house, 69. Santa Cruz Islands, discovery of, 249 ; lost, 252 ; re-discovered, 259. Santiago Island, 222, 227, 229. San Urban Island, 222, 223. Sapium indicum, 88. Sapuna, village of, 18, 53, 67, 70, 93. Savo Island, 73, 132; identical with Sesarga, 209, 215, 268, 274, 275 ; language, 185 ; geological characters, vii. Scsevola Koenigii, 290, 305. Schizmatoglottis, 25, 88. Scitaminea', 283, 288, 294. Scorpions, 328. Seasons, temperature of, 361. Sebastian Vizcaino, Bay of, 243. Seemann, Dr., 90, 91, 319. Selaginellse, 285. Selwyn, Bishop, 15, 141. Semper, Prof,, on erosion of fresh water shells, 340 ; ou Neritinse, 341. Serpentines, vi., vii. Sesarga, 209, 210, 215, 268, 274, 275. Sham fight, 75. Sharks, 9; deification of, 70; carved figures of, 53, 68, 70. Shell-fish as food, 91. Shell-money, 38, 134. Shells, land and fresh-water, see MoUusca. Shields, 75. Shortland Islands (see also under Gorai and Kaika), physical char acters of natives, 103, 113; dwellings, 58; tambu-houses, 71 ; cultivation, 81 ; modes of burial, 51; pit containing flints, 80; canoes formerly with sails, 149; excursion to the north - west coast, 6 ; geological structure, viii. Shortiand, Lieut, 262, 278. Sick, treatment of, 164. Sikyana Islands, 187, 276. Simbo Island (Eddystone Island), 59, 66, 72, 86, 134; chief, 14; vocabulary, 185 ; head-hunting, 16; fish-hooks, 150; measure ments of natives, 113; mode of burial, 52 ; misconception of the names Eddy.stone and Simbo, 278 ; fumaroles, 86 ; geological charactor, vii. Simp.son, Capt., R.N, visit to Trea sury Island, 23. Sinasoro, 4, 25, 59, 71. 8.-82 1NDEX.I Sinimi, see Gleichenia. Skin, colour of, 120; prevailing disease of, 169. Skull measurements. 111. Slavery, 32. -Smith, Mr. E., on the land and fresh-water shells, 336, 344. Snakes, 313. •Soil, characters of, x. Solomon Islander, typical charac ters of a, 102, 110. Songs, 140. Sorcery, 54, 163. Southern continent, supposed dis covery by Gallego, 248 ; by Quiros, 252 ; by Roggewein, 257. Span of arms, 109. Spears, 72. Spinal disease, 175. Spirits, evil, 50, 53. Sproul, Mr., 91, 310 ; his wind and rain records, 362, 363. Spurges, 305. Squall, black, 353. Stature, 104,' 115. Stephens, Mr., 18, 37, 56, 92, 124, 157, 176, 306, 335. Stewart Islands, see Sikyana. Stirling Island, viii. Stone, Mr. 0. C, 80, 135. Stone-boiling, 86. Stone implements, polished, 76, 120. Stones, grinding, 6, 77 ; cooking- stones, 58, 77. Strabismus, 177. Submersion, experiments on, of luli, 329 ; of NeritinEB, 339 ; of Lit torina scabra, 351 ; of a monitor- Hzard, 313. Suenna, 57. Sugar-caue, 84. Sulagina Bay, 38. Sun-burns, 362. Sun-shades, 139. Superior, barque, massacre of crew of, 23. Superstitious, 53, 78, 124, 153, 165. SurviUe, 33, 56, 80, 149, 261, 269. Suspicion, an inherent quality, 31. Swallow Islands, 277. Symonds, Liout, 314. SyphiUs, 177. T. Taboo or Tambu bau, 32 ; tarabu marks, 32. Tacca pinnatifida, 89, 290. Tactics in war, 75. Taki, the Wano chief, 15, 20. Tambu-house, 35, 53, 67. Taro, 82, 84. Tattooing, 135. Taucalo Island, 277. Taumaco Island, islands in the vic inity of, 251, 276. Temperature, 361, 366, 367 ; sus ceptibility of natives to slight changes, 178. Temples, see Tambu-house. Terminalia catappa, 85, 87, 290, 292. Torre des Arsacides, 262, 265, 269. Thermometrical observations, 361, 366, .367. Thespesia populnea, 124, 289, 290, 292, 305. Thigh-twisting, 154. Three Sisters' Islands, viii.. 58; dis covery of, 222, 261, 27.5. Tienhoven Island, 257. Tin, discovery of, vii. Tinakula Island, 277. Tita, see Parinarium laurinum. Tobacco-smoking, 94 ; introduction of tobacco, 94. Tokelau Ringworm, 169; its dis tribution, 172. Toma, village of, 25, 59, 71. Tomahawks, 75. Tomimas, Faro chief, 25, 46. Tonali Harbour, 28. Topinard, M., 102, 105, 109. Torches, 66. Torre, Bernardo de la, 237, 275. Torres, 251, 252, Tournefortia argentea, 290, 305. Trading amongst natives, 27. Tragedy, a dotnestic, 28. INDEX. 383 Treasury Island, 53, 54, 66, 77, 78, 133, 144; .see also under Mule ; excursion to. the summit, 7 ; physical characters of natives, 103, 113; change in their dis position, 23 ; dwellings, 58 ; tambu-houses, 71 ; mode of burial, 51; slaves, 34; cultiva tion, 81, 83; geological structure of, vui. Tree-ferns, 283, 294. Treguada island, 221, 261, 275. Tres Marias Islan da,see Three Sisters. Trichomaues, 283, 285. Tridacna gigas, 76, 91, 132. Trotter, Mr. Coutts, 275. Tuber regium, 306. Tucopia island, 252, 277. Tuluba Islet, fightiug at, 30. Turner, Rev. Dr. G., 76, 154, 171, 287. Turner, Rev. Dr. W., 64. Tyerman, Rev. D., 71, 319. Tylor, Dr., 49, 77, 171. U. Ugi Island, 52, 54, 55, 56, 124, 137, 139; discovery of, 222, 262, 267, 275: physical char acters of natives, 103, 112; cannibalism, 38 ; infanticide, 35, 42 ; dwellings, 57 ; tambu-houses, 68, 70 ; flints, 77 ; geological structure, viii. Ulaua or Ulawa Island, 71 ; dis covery of, 221, 261, 266, 275 ; flints, 78, 79; probable geological structure of, viii. Ulcers, 168. Unio guppyi, 343. Unios as food, 91. Upheaval, evidence of great, ix., x. Uraba Island, 221 ; see Ulaua. Uri, 190. V. Vanikoro Island, 277. Varanus indicus, 91, 313. Vegetable drift, 291. Vegetables, cultivated, 82, 84. Vegetation, of the stream-courses, 282 ; of the forest, 284 ; of the slcpes of Faro Island, 287 ; of the coast, 289 : of a coral is et, 289; of waste ground and of old clearings, 305. Vella-la vella, vii. Venereal diseases, 177. Venus, transit of, in 1769, 257. Veru Island, 210. Vision, powers of, 121. Vitex, 285, 287, 300. Vocabulary of Bougainville Straits, 180. Volcanoes, active, quiescent, and extinct, vii. w. Waitz, Prof., 165. AVake's Island, 239, 276. WaUace, Mr, A., 1 , 2. WaUis, Capt., 258. Walsch, Capt., 24. Wanderer, yacht, 270. Wano, village of, ,15,36. 57 ,68. Wate.vtou, 362. AVax, 93. Weapons, 71. Wedelia biflora, 288, 290. Weeds of plantations, 305. Weight of body of Solomon Is landers, 106; iufluence of the 384 INDEX, climate on the weight of Euro- Wind.s, 362 ; registers of, 367. peans, 369. Wind-prophets, 55. Wharton, Capt., R,N,, 273, Withrington, Capt,, 248. Wilkes, Commodore, 63, 76, 170, Women, measurements of, 102, 173, 276. 115. Williams, Mr., 63. Wood, Mr, C, F,, 69, 330. Winchelsea Island, 259. Wounds, see Injuries. Yams, 82, 84, 88. Zbphyr, massacre of portion of crew of, 26. THE BN-D. S. Cowan A Co., Strathmore Printing Worh, Perth.