W. Douglas
Biographioal Sketch of Henry,
Lord. Visooiiut Melville.
1811

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BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME
OF THE
Alfred E. Perkins Fund

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

or

HENRY,
LORD VISCOUNT MELVILLE.
ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN THE EDINBURGH
CORRESPONDENT.

EDINBURGH:
PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OP THE CORRESPONDENT.
1811.

BIOGKAFHICAL SKETCH, &c.

The duty of the biographer, is, in our opinion, one
of the most difficult kind. A just estimate of human cha
racter, is, indeed, a ¦work of more thought, time, and
caution, than is usually supposed. It is not the lapse of
a few years that ¦will prepare us for the task. Betweett
the close of the scene and our judgment of the actor, a
longer deliberation must intervene. In the instance of
those, in particular, ¦who have borne a distinguished
part in the transactions of their times — whose lives have
heen devoted to their country's service in high and ar
duous employments — who have been exposed to the
clamours of faction, and the violence of party, and
whose motives and conduct have been traduced for
every temporary end, their coeval generation should
perhaps be allowed to pass away before the world can
be regarded as impartial j udges of their actions. Through
the medium of party zealj the straightest course will
appear to diverge, and the brightest actions be thrown.
into shade. Nor is the zeal of party the only enemy of
truth. While envy and disappointment are employed
in magnifying errors into crimes, and in converting even
the virtues that exalt a character into the vices which
degrade it, the forwardness of friendship isi indeed more
amiably, but often more unwisely engaged, in framing a>
veil for these spots and imperfectiona, from which the
purest are not exempt, and which, when admitted ia
their fullest extent, only reduce the character that wear*
them! ta the standard of hatmanitif.

Perhaps the subject of the following sketch may af
ford proof of most of these remarks. No statesman,
certainly, of our own times, has been more the theme
of admiration — none has suffered more severely from pre
judice. The same qualities which procured him friends,
atedfast and sincere, created to him enemies, active
and implacable. But on the truth of their opposite as
sertions, time, that speaks plain, will hereafter pronounce.
We mean not presumptuously to anticipate the verdict.
It is our object to present to the public eye a brief out
line of facts resting on record, and placed beyond the
reach of contradiction. It were indeed to be desired
that we could fill up the outline with those fainter
features of character which complete the resemblance —
which live only in the recollection of contemporaries and
friends — and which are always the most interesting part
of biographical detail. But on these we can only oc
casionally dwell ; and in resigning the task to other
hands, we trust it will meet with such as will do it jus
tice. — We may, however, venture to suggest, that
these fainter shades are evanescent, and that in the case
of every man worthy of living with posterity, it is
desirable to arrest and to fix them ; that if the moment
be neglected when the picture of the dead stands pre
sent to the imagination • of surviving friends, the loss
may be irreparable ; " that time ¦will alter the best
features,and shed oblivion on the most beautiful of one's
actions." Such are the sentiments that naturally arise
on the mention of any celebrated name ; and such sen
timents the subject of these remarks very forcibly
suggests. Lord Melville was early distinguished for the great
ness of his abilities. His immediate ancestors had ranked
as the ablest lawyers of their time ; and the Scottish bar
presented itself as the proper path for his ambition. Hij
talents,even more than his connections, soon raised him to ,
its highest honours, and his personal qualities completed
the ascendency which his talents had obtained. " I knovf

few men," said Lord Kames, (that acute observer of
mankind,) when dedicating to Lord Melville, then Mr.
DuNDAS, his Elucidations of the Law of Scotland, " I
know few men, young or old, who have your candour,
to make truth welcome against their own preposses
sions J still fewer who have your talents, to make it tri
umph over the prepossessions of others." How noble
a character from such a man, and not more noble thaa
it was just.
When Lord-Advocate for Scotland, he entered into
parliament for his native county. Pursuing there
the objects of a higher ambition, he early engaged
in the business of politics, and withdrew himself
entirely from the profession of the law. He appeared
in parliament at a time when the fate of a falling mhiis-
try could neither be averted nor delayed ; but his abili
ties and intrepidity preserved him amidst the wreck.
Anticipating the event, he made himself master of
»ome of the chief branches of public business; and, as
chairman of a secret committee on the causes of the
Carnatic war, displayed a knowledge of India affain
that announced sufficiently the value of his aid, and the
danger of his hostility. From the fall of Lord Nobth,
to the nomination of a steady and efficient ministry un
der Mr. Pitt, he acted a leading part. Conscious of
abilities for the highest offices of state, his conduct im
pressed the same conviction upon all. His firmness,
his talents for business, his sagacity and address, were
everywhere felt and allowed ; and he was universally
regarded as a man who, in the formation of a ministry,
could receive no subordinate appointment, or would.
In opposition, possess the authority of a leader. To
Mr. Pitt's administration his assistance was invaluable.
Under the Earl of Shelburne, he held the office of trea
surer of the navy, to which, on the overthrow of the coali
tion, he was again appointed. Though in the general
affairs of government his information ¦uas accurate and
copious, hit advice considerate, and his sagacity pro-

6

found, yet it was in the affairs of his' own partTcUfaF
department that the lustre of these qualities pre-emi
nently shone.
In redeeming the pledge which we liave givetr to owe
readers, we may here stop to observe, that in detailing
even the greatest of those plans of national security
and grandeur which originated in Lord MELViLLE's-dei»
partments of the government, our limits unavoidably
compel us to be brief; and still more so, when, for
the sake of a connected view, it is our duty to glance
at those general measures of state in which he only
participated with other members of the ministry. The
merits of statesmen are very commonly estimated by
their experience in council and abilities in debate.
Let us estimate those of this minister by the solid ser
vices which he performed for his cou'ntryi
The first great measure in which he was engaged,
related to the government of our possessions in the East.
Th« rise of our influence in India, had been asi extraor
dinary as our power is prodigious^ and required for its
support the mosi: intimate acquaintance w;ith its nature
and circumstances. General Malcolm observes, " that
from the day on which the company's troops march
ed a mile frora their factories, the increase of their
territories and their armies became a principle oi
self-preservation." The comparative smallness of
their numbers, by lulling the jealbus.y of the country
powers, contributed essentially to the company's suc
cess. " It made them bend their superior and com
manding knowledige to the conciliation of the native*
of India, whom they literally employed to conquer eachi
other." An empire thus established, required a govern
ment po weiful and ¦vigilant. The command of so large
3 territory in the hands of individuals, was justly eenp
sidered dangerous. The govei-nracnt of India had long
been corrupt, and from the principle of its origin and
progress, it was the nature o£ it to be so. A different

n

fkn WM now however to be formed ; but the -mean*
of repairing past, and of preventing apprehended
mischiefs, was not so easily devised. Mr. Fox's
India bills had miscarried, and hfid wrought the fall
¦«f the administration which proposed them. His
measures went to establish an influence unknown .to
the constitution, — to perpetuate the power of his
party, — to wrest from the company its charters and
its rights, — " to weaken the local government of
bdia, and thus to render it more incompetent than be
fore to those sovereign functions which it had to per
form." But whatever reason existed for these alarms,
thus much is clear, that " the wisdom and foresight
isrhioh Mr. Fox's bills in some parts displayed, were
clouded by strong party-spirit and prejudice, and that,
from the want of complete information, many of his
leading principles were every way Inapplicable lo the
'cliual state of the country for which they were framed"*
The intention of what is commonly called Mr.
Pitt's bill, was essentially dUTerent. It was more
that of temporary reform, than of final establishment.
He knew the danger of the entire subversion of one
system, before the operation of any other had com
menced. His object was directed to a controul of
jpower, which should gradually remove all admitted
evils. It was founded on a respect for the charter
ed rights of the company, and the only embar
rassments which attended Its operation, may be tra
ced to the spirit of conciliation in which it was framed.
" The admitted abuses which It corrected," says the
respectable author frora whom we have so liberally
guoted, "the great strength of the administration in
England at the time when it was introduced, the ability
and influence of the President of the Board of Controul,
and the firmness and Integrity of the nobleman who
* We refer, for the truth of -these remarks, to Mai,.
coim's Political History ofXndia, the most recent and beet
authoiity on tliatinterestuig. subject.

8

was first invested with the high powers which the
amended bill of 1786 so wisely gave to the governor-
general of India, all contributed to cover its defects,
and to bring its merits into the most prominent point of
¦view. By these, and the economical measures of
Mr. DuNDAS, the affairs of the company were speedily
retrieved. The accounts of their revenue, expenditure
and commerce, which he presented annually to parlia
ment, are admitted to be not only decisive proofs of the
happy efficiency of his system, but. In the language
of one of his biographers, " masterpieces of clear
ness, order, and accuracy, and especially of skill to re
duce the complex and the intricate to a beautiful and in
structive simplicity." While he remained at the helm of
India affairs, aided by Mr. Pitt, his great coadjutor and
friend, the directors of the company made no attempt,
though naturally disposed, to regain the power which had
been so usefully abridged. His unbounded influence dur
ing all that time, was employed in unbounded acts of be
neficence ; and his unceasing solicitude to adapt British
-manners, customs, and government, to the manners,
the prejudices, and the ancient institutions of the East,
will remain a lasting and honourable testimony of a
power which he exercised but never abused. Triumphs
have since attended our arms, — happiness and peace
have succeeded to misery and war, — and It may be
fairly predicted, that, by resting the greatness of our
eastern empire on the foundation that has been laid,
and by pursuing the design which those master-archi
tects have left to be completed, the nations of India
will at length forget their enmity to their European
conquerors in gratitude for their benefits, and will par
take, by themselves and their descendants, of tranquil
lity, more durable and perfect than any they have hi'
therto enjoyed.
Though Lord Melville's plans for the government
of India were splendid and successful, his plans of go-
vernment at home were not inferior even to them ia

benevolence and wisdom. To his measures as treasurer
of the navy we now more particularly allude. They con
tributed essentially to the safety of the empire and the
comfort of its gallant defenders ; but their merits are
neither known as they should be, nor valued as they
deserve. The conduct of their author will, however,
be remembered and revered, as long as the hearts of Bri
tish seamen are not devoid of gratitude, and British li
berty is defended by their arms.
Sailors are proverbially regardless of themselves. To-
¦wards the close of the American war, the frauds they
were exposed to had alarmingly increased. Persons of
the meanest order were continually employed in encou
raging their vices, watching their necessities, and im
posing on their Ignorance. They at first readily sup
plied the inexperienced seaman with trifling sums of
money, and then, in the hour of intoxication, and the
carelessness of his heart. Induced him to grant instru
ments, which stripped him at once of all he had acquir
ed, and e-/en anticipated the rewards of his future gal
lantry and toils. By forged authorities, the widows and
orphan children of those who had fallen in the service
were deprived of their inheritance. Wills, on false pre
tences, were procured by those sharpers, in favour of
themselves ; — when such devices failed, those Instru
ments were forged. By the same infamous means not
less than one half of the arrears due at the termination of
the American war were actually carried off. To increase
the mischief, the most artful of the perpetrators generally
escaped with impunity and opulence. — On entering up
on office. Lord Melville took, without delay, the most
simple and effectual steps to check the progress of the
evil. Forms were prescribed for wills and delegated
powers ; and the superior officers of ships were In most
cases the necessary witnesses. Every sort of guard was
provided (as far as human nature in the character of a
British seaman can be guarded) to protect the thought-
iete and the ignorant. A general abstract of the acts

10

relating to seamen's- wages was transmitted to the cler
gyman of every parish throughout the kingdomj -with a
letter of Instructions, pointing out the manner in which
the surviving relatives of seamen were to state their pre
tensions ; and tlie arrear was then payable by the reve
nue officer living nearest to the residence of such as were
entitled to receive it. Still, during the seaman's absence,
Ws wife and family remained under the pressure of their
former poverty and ¦wretchedness ; — no effectual scheme
had been hitherto proposed — none even thought of, to
relieve them ; and it was reserved for Lord Melville to
establish a system of remittance and supply, so extensive
asto convey relief into every corner of the kingdom, to the
scattered families of our absent seamen. All the provisions
of those valuable acts were afterwards extended to Ireland
on the application of Its government. The whole united
kingdomcanattest their happy effects ; — the numerous list
of pei-sons relieved are a convincing proof of their na
tional importance. Not fewer than 29,937 families, in
different parts of the empire, had, in the year 1 800, been
supported by the voluntary contribution of that portion
of wages which sailors were accustomed to squander in
low debauchery and ruinous extravagance. The poor
woman, who at first applied in poverty and rags for
this kind allowance from her husband, now appears (on
the testimony of one who knew it well), clothed with
every comfort. Her parish also is relieved — she herself
is no longer a burden. The seaman, too, when his
toils are over, now feels a secret pride and delight
in returning to his family and home ; — a home made
comfortable by his bounty, and i family independent.
— ^The spirit of the system was diffused through
every class. The non-commissioned officers and ma
rines were next included; — and an act was obtained, by
which officers of the navy, not in aflhient circumstan
ces, were enabled, vnthout pecuniary embai'ra'ssment, to
accept commands, or engage In other service. As soon
as such an appointment takes place, the arrears of half-
pay are djscharg«d, and the full pay of three montlis Ii

11

paid in advance. When three months have elapsed, they
may draw, in whatever part of the warld they are era-
ployed, for their own support, or for that of theirfamllies,
and will receive it directly, without deduction or ex-
pence. — In their retreat, and In times of peace, the same
benefits attend them. There is no residence, however
remote, to which officers on half-pay, the relatives of
those who have fallen in battle, or the disabled, from
infirmity or wounds, may choose to retire, where the
hand of their country does not reach them with relief.*
Lord Melville was the sole contriver of every part of
the system ; — ^he was also the director and dispenser of
its benefits j — his attention to the sailor's Interest conti
nued to the last. A few days before he relinquished
his distinguished situation, he obtained an order in coun
cil to establish a department for prize-matters, in which
so many are interested, and so few knew how to act. —
Had he remained longer in the office, he had in contem
plation still more extensive plans of future Improve
ments. Such, however, is the substance of those which
he completed. Their benevolent operation descended
through every rank ; — The meanest seaman was aa
object of his care. The best years of a long and labo
rious public Hfe were occupied In schemes for the ad
vantage of the service. He -wns" the sailor's friend"
and he might justly glory In the name. It was the
reward of his unrivalledjnerit, — an undissembled expres
sion , of gratitude,— -the spontaneous oblation of the heart.
If at is the perfection of legislative wisdom to enlarge
the limits of Jiappiness, to protect the weak from violence,
and the unwary against fraud, — and to diffuse the beams
Gf gladness over the farthest horizon of human miser)', —
the practical benevolence of Lord Melville's plans
for the accommodation of those meritorious indivi
duals, whom the country has at all times regarded a»
* Vide 26, G. III. cap. €3—32, G. HI. c»p. SS, 34, 67—
Si , G. III. cap. 28, 94, aa.

12

its chief glory and bulwark, may challenge comparison
vrith the most admired monuments which legislators
have raised. They were not indeed of that bold and
imposing description which instinctively arrests the be
holder, and strikes him with astonishment. They mora
resembled those labours at the foundation, which lie con
cealed from the eye, and whose deep and solid grandeur
is only to be judged of by the vastness of the structure
which they are seen to support.
Of the same benevolent and noble character, was the
measure for restoring the forfeited estates ; a measure
which sprung directly from this enlightened statesman.
It healed the wounds which civil discord had Inflicted,
and transformed the cradle of rebellion into a nursery of
infant loyalty, and of growing attachment to the throne.
As minister for Scotland, his conduct was ever tem
perate and firm. He attended to all Its changes with
care, and vigilantly watched each step of its advance
ment. It has often been objected in England, that his
countrymen enjoyed an Immoderate share of his affec.
tion, but It has rarely been alleged, that the person*
whom he chose were unfit for the stations to which
they were appointed. He drew into the service of the
state, ability and industry, and rectitude of conduct,
and infused into its minutest arteries animation and
energy. Most of his appointments, even at this hour,
speak to the fact. Those in the array, the na-vy, and
our colonies abroad, exemplify it strongly. If, how-
ever,inthe immense patronage of nearly 20 years, any ap
pointments of an opposite character appear, they will be im
puted by every candid and thinking mind, to that occa
sional error into which the most sagacious may fall, or to
that necessity which the best governments have always
felt, and the best must always feel — a necessity which says
to common sense, " we must befriend them who will
stand by us," and which, under the name of influence,
is a hinge of every well conducted government ; a ne«

IS

eessity which the selfishness of the governed imposes
on their governors, and which the latter can never be
inclined to create, though they may often be compelled
to obey. We know that some patriots disclaim and re
probate the system ; but let them show us, if they can,
a steady government conducted without it ; or, at least,
recommend their own principles by the example of their
own practice. We do not say, " that in looking at the
annals of our day, the eye of science will find every
thing wise, or the eye of piety find every thing virtu
ous." But we wish sincerely that we could, and no
thing would afford us more unexpected satisfaction,
than to observe those, who are so full of Its importance,
beginning the work. They would then throw off the
livery of party — purify their affections from the gross-
ness of interest, and make the wise and the upright
conduct of men the only measure of their attachment,
and the single ground of their support. They would
thus, after a thousand promises, give us at last one in
stance of performance. Making allowance, therefore,
for occasional error, and admitting the necesssity of
disposing of the favours of the crown, with a view to
strengthen the influence of Its servants. Lord Mel
ville is still known, in many instances, to have risen su
perior to every feeling but that of disinterested friendship.
He has advanced many from the most generous of mo
tives, and with a discernment of virtue and talents,
that reflects lustre on his memory. In the distribution
of patronage, poUtical influence and personal respecta
bility were. In general, consulted with a care and exact
ness, that gave extraordinary strength to the ministry,
and conferred on himself a degree of popularity and
of personal regard, which few statesmen have had
the fortune to possess. That he committed some
errors, we have no desire to deny. That he was
at times mistaken, cannot be matter of surprise, though
the reverse well might. It would be puerile to suppose,
that in his situation he could possibly be acquainted
with the particular merits of every candidate for favour,

u

and it is too common in the world, for persons of great
promise, to disappoint the hopes even of those who
iiave known them best, to be imputed by any man as a
ground of charge against a minister of state. That he has
in some instances aj^olnted undeserving persons, andJias
been grossly deceived, may be shown by the manner in
which he was deserted. " But neither man nor angel can
discern hypocrisy." Nothing, however, except singu
lar prudence in that difficult department, could have
reconciled the principal nobility and landholders of
Scotland to one ministry, under such opposite claim*
and pretensions to its favours.
In the Important capacity of war-secretary, the con
duct of Lord Melville was remarkably provident, able,
and vigorous. The various species of armed force
levied during the war, the fencible regiments, volunteer
companies, and pro^visional cavalry, either originated
with him, or fell under his immediate direction. Hi»
firmness was equal to his ability and foresight. In that
crisis, which language vainly attempts to describe,
when reform was made the pretext of revolution;
when a tide of principles, the most false and delusive
ever imposed upon reason, but wonderfully adapted to
the pride and selfishness of man, was breaking In upon
Europe, overturning every barrier of social order, con
founding nations, overwhelming thrones, and threaten
ing to Involve the whole fabric of British happiness and
freedom in Its destroying course, he stood lilOE a
bulwark against the flood. He saw the ruin which it
bore along, and determined to stem its Inroads, or pe
rish before 'them. In this mighty work he was united
to Mr. Pitt, and his resolute and unaltered firmness,
in the hour of danger, gave powerful support to
the decisive measures of that distinguished minister.
The wisest and the best men of every party became
deeply sensible of the necessity of union, and rallied
round the throne. The arch of the constitution was
preserved by their means unshaken and entire. Wliea

15

the portentous aspect of the times dismayed the stout
est hearts, and baffled the oldest experience, he gave
the Biatily counsel of committing- arms to the hands
of the people, declaring, in a tone that did lasting
honour to the liberality of his views, that a constitU).
tion which the people would not defend, was unwor
thy of defence. The event fulfilled his expectations, and
justified his confidence ; a confidence which can even
make friends where It does not find them, and which
13 always the soundest policy of a just and liberal go~
¦vwnment- But neither his public merit, nor his pri^rate honour,
his known indii&rence to gain, the age of the man, the-
length of his services, the success of his ministry, could
shield him fi^m dishonourable attack. " What is ho
nour," said a great but unfortunate minister of state,
*' but the first step to disquietness, and power is still
waited on by en^vy, neither, hath it any privilege against
infamy. The greater the persons are in authority, the
sooner are they caught in any delinquency, and their'
smalliest crimes are striven to be made capital; the
smallest spot seems great in the finest linen, and the
least flaw Is soonest found in the brightest diamond."
The subject of the charge was of all others the most
foreign to his character — Actual participation of tha
public money — a long practised system of peculation
in office. " Little did I conceive," said he, " that 1
ever should be the object of attack as treasurer qf the
navy ;" " a station," he might have addeii " In which
my conscience tells me I have served my country faith-
fiitty, and with effect." When we recollect how art
fully the ear of suspicion was assailed, and know how
greedily It devours every whisper of calumny ; when
we recottect, farther, that guilt, corruption, peculation,.
were incessantly sounded from every side, we shall not
be surprised at the cloud of prejudice which it raised,
nor at the desertion which ensued. " When crime is
imputed to any man^ high in power," as an eloquent

16

anonymous writer* has observed, " we withdraw our
selves with something like a feeling of congratulation to
a distance, that we may behold him grappling with
the foe ; and, however undeserved the attack, we
please ourselves with thinking, that at least the pride of
his stature will be humbled, and the ermine of his fame
be spotted in the wrath and bitterness of the encounter."
But the ruin of one obnoxious person, was not the ob
ject of the party. When the resolutions against inquiry
were carried in the Commons, Mr. Fox declared, " that
the country was now in the hands of a disgraced minis
try ; a sentiment which indicated distinctly the true
point of attack. The alleged delinquency of one minis
ter was thus asserted to impeach the integrity of the
whole; to involve even Its illustrious chief; a man,
whom Mr. Whitbread has since described as " that
prodigy of talents and eloquence, whose sun has now
prematurely set, carrying with him the admiration of
many, the regret of multitudes, the universal ac
knowledgment from all, that as to personal political pu
rity he was untainted." -|- Let us see next how it
fared whh the accused. The acts of fifteen years of
ceaseless, strenuous exertion, were searched with mole-
eyed industry for matter ^f charge. His confidential
friends were the witnesses against him ; and what was
the result .' That as a servant of the public he had ad
vanced money from his own department,_/br the service
ef the public in another department, by which it was
regularly and punctually repaid. What then became of
Lord Melville's corrupt participation of unlawful
gains ? Could such a charge be seriously urged against a
person of whom Mr. Whitbread (surely a most unex
ceptionable witness in his favour,) declares, " that a
love of money for its own sake, was never imputed to
him by me or any man."X " WheH it is considered,"
" The author of the " Address to the Public."
f Trial and Imp. of Lord Viscount Meiyii/Le, fol, edit,
J. 14.
t Imp. iol. edit. p. 32.

17

moreover, " that no loss was sustained by the public,
that not one shilling (out of sSl 34,169,233, which pass<
ed through his hands as the treasurer of the navy), has
been any way embezzled, no not even the slightest de
lay or Interruption occasioned in any one official pay
ment, it is natural that we should pause here and ask,
where we are to find this system of peculation ? No in
stance is produced, no act is in proof, real or pretended.
What ! public plunder, and not a sixpence purloined ! I
A system of robbery, without a single theft ! ! I will
not here Inquire," says the able •writer from whose
pamphlet we are quoting, " in what this prosecution ori*
ginated ; whether in the selfish purposes of party, or »
cool sense of justice. I am addressing myself to the
public ; they will judge j they will perceive how it Is
conducted, and the manner will furnish a key to the
motive."* We have now seen the catastrophe. The
nation has judged of if, and probably the world. Both
have been witnesses of the triumph of British justice
over the interests of party. It is a circumstance not to
be omitted, and most honourable to the accused, that
his acquittal was obtained at a time when his political
adversaries possessed the powers of the government,
and when nothing but the unsullied armour of his own
integrity could have been his guardian and defence.
Happily for his memory, these transactions are upon re
cord. They are now among the materials of his history,
and await the verdict of every future age. The sen
tence which they shall pronounce will be stamped with
the truest characters of justice,
For our part, we are fond of inquiry, and anxious to
promote It. We trust that this restless and forward
ipirit will ever distinguish the guardians of our li
berties. We are zealous that peculation be detected,
corruption dragged to light, and crime receive its pu
nishment ; but we still presume to think, that ot/ot-
^ion it the essence of crime, that pains and penalties,
» Afldtess to the public, p. 7.

18

and proscriptions, should be reserved for thz guilty, and
that a sentence of condemnation should never precede
a trial of the offender, and proof of the offence. " It
is the leading, the most essential, the paramount excel
lence of our constitution, that it secures equally the
rights and reputation of all. It is the first and greatest
praise of our law, that it knows no party, it never seeks
condemnation as a triumph, or considers a verdict as a
victory. It is reluctant to strike, it is earnest to save.
It is at once our sword and our shield. Its last office is
to punish, but Its first duty is to protect."*
The eloquence of Lord Melville was manly and
vigorous ; it rose superior to ornament, and was al
ways more intent on convincing the understanding than
in pleasing the fancy. Unravelling with ease the most
intricate details, and seizing with Intuitive rapidity the
strong holds of his subject, he could either convey It to
his audience with the simplicity of statement, or im
press it on their conviction with uncommon powers of
argument and great dignity of language and address.
His speeches in debate bore the stamp of a mind rich
in common sense, " in politlcaUsagacity, and in the per
fect knowledge of life and of affairs." From these qua
lities the splendid and argumentative eloquence of Mr.
Pitt has often received the most powerful support. In
the affairs of his own departments. Lord Melville was
always prepared to supply the fullest information, when
the prudence of office permitted the disclosure ; and in
the bills which it belonged to his duty to propose, he
was never anticipated by the suggestions of others. —
But whatever of this kind he chose to adopt, he always
improved by making it his own.
Lord Melville possessed an elevation of mind that
overlooked the little meannesses and shifts of ordinary
men. His was an onward course. So congenial was
it to his nature, that he was with difficulty convinced of
* Addrass to the public, p .84.

19

the deviation of any man whom he had once regarded
as a friend. What he was unwilling to believe, he was
willing to forget, and readily forgave Injuries that were
done to himself. Under the ingratitude of those faith
less followers whose slender attachment the first change
of fortune was able to dissolve, his firmness did not for
sake him. " My enemies," said he, " are mistaken if
they suppose that my spirits are easily ,to be broken down
by any exertions in their power ; but I wish I could with
equal truth assure them that I was as unassailable in
other quarters. The lashes intended for me, have In
deed cruelly lacerated the feelings of many valuable
friends, and of others more nearly and dearly connect
ed with me ; and perhaps these strokes are the harder,
as some of them have come from hands whence they
were least expected." These strokes of ingratitude he
felt as a man, but spoke of the hands that gave them
with the forgiveness of a christian.
In the sincerity of private friendship, few have stir-
passed him Though the calculations of interest. In
which statesmen are said to be employed, are unfriendly
to the virtues of the heart, yet they never had the small
est influence over the warmth of his affections. " Some
are warm, but volatile and inconstant ; he was warm
too, but stedfast and unchangeable. Never once was
he known to violate any of the duties of that sacred re
lation." It grew with his declining years, and, like the
luminary of our world, seemed larger at its setting.
The death of Lord Melville was thought to have
been hastened by that of Lord President Blair. That
great and lamented judge was amdng the oldest and the
dearest of his early friends, and the calamitous nature
of the event most probably overpowered him. When
the account reached him at Dunlera, where for some
time It had been his chief pleasure to reside, neither his
age, his infirmities, nor the length of the journey, could
prevent him paying the last duties to the memory of
his friend. He hastened to alleviate the distresses of the

20

family, and to assure them, that he had transferred to
the survivors all that portion of his affection which the
dead had possessed.
Lord Melville just lived to complete the benevolent
\vork ; and the last and dearest moments of a long life,
the greater part of which had been devoted to the pub
lic service of his country, was employed in the duties of
disinterested friendship, and in the act of doing good.
When We Impartially contemplate such a character
as this, we feel an irresistible conviction that truth will
hereafter do It justice. We feel that, though prejudice
Way cloud for a time the brightest merit and integrity,
the heats of party cannot be perpetual, nor yet the judg
ment which it forms. " Those who give to the public
their talents, their time, their intellects — the fruit of a
life of ceaseless study, and strenuous labour-^give to
Us what we never can reward, and ought not readily to
tmdervalue." The praise of having acted well, of
having served their counti'y with fideHty and zeal, is all
the reward that posterity can bestow. To this reward,
the labours of a long life have given to Lord Melville
unquestionable claims. " I feel,'' says he, " the con
sciousness of my own rectitude deeply implanted in my
breast, and I shall descend to my grave with the heart
felt satisfaction, that however the shafts of severity and
cruelty may be levelled against me at the present mo
ment, the future impartial historian will be able to hand
down my name, in the list of those v/ho have strenu
ously, and I hope not ineffectually exerted, during a
long life of public service, their unremitting endeavours
to promote the welfare, and the dearest and most essen
tial interests of their country."*
We have thus briefly, but we trust not uncandidly,
detailed some of the recorded transactions of a very
" See his speech in the House of Commons, June II,
1805.

21

eventful life. We have formed unquestionably a de
cided opinion, but we by no means desire to impose it
upon others. We recommend It to the public to judge,
as we do, from the evidence of facts, and not to rest
more upon our statement than its fairness will support.
By its brevity, we have in many particulars, and indeed
unavoidably, done Injustice to our subject, but we sin
cerely believe, that if our imperfect survey should in
duce others to proceed in the research, at every step
new proofs will arise to elucidate and confirm the con
clusions we have drawn.

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