YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Gift of

Rev. J.T. Dickinson 1884

THE

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

OF

NEW ENGLAND;

COMPRISING NOT ONLY

RELIGIOUS, BUT ALSO MORAL,
AND OTHER RELATIONS.

JOSEPH B. FELT.

" Learn from the events already taken place, for that is the heat learning." Cyrus in Xenopuon.
'* But whether New England may live any where or no, it must live in our history,"
Cotton Matheh.

VOL. I.

BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY THE
CONGREGATIONAL LIBRARY ASSOCIATION,
AND BY THE
CONGREGATIONAL BOARD OF PUBLICATION.
1855.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, by
JOSEPH B. FELT,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.

STEREOTYPED AT THE
BOSTON STEREOTYPE FOUNDRY.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE
ON THE CHARACTER OF THIS WORK.

Having been appointed by the Congregational Library Association to
examine this first volume of Mr. Felt's Ecclesiastical History of New
England, we take pleasure in certifying that, in our judgment, it every
where discloses a thoroughness of research and an accuracy of statement, in
regard to matters of fact, which the early history of New England has never
before had, and will never again need. No other writer on the subject,
among the living or the dead, has devoted the time, or enjoyed the facilities,
which have been afforded to the author of this work. Twenty years of
investigation among the best libraries in this country, and a visit to those of
England, together with the overhauling of an incredible mass of old manu
scripts in the archives of Massachusetts, and elsewhere — undertaken con
amove, and pursued with ever-freshening zeal — leaves small hope of original
acquisition to those who may glean after him. This store of facts is rendered
easy of access by the method of arrangement and the completeness of the
Index. With an introductory glance at the Reformation in Europe, and a fuller
sketch of its progress in England, (where the roots and germs of our Puritan
Congregationalism are to Be sought for,) the history proceeds in the form of
Annals. The course of events in Massachusetts, as being the most important
of the New England plantations, takes the central channel of the stream,
while the transactions of each of the others flow in collateral but separate
currents. Hereby is preserved a general unity in the ecclesiastical history of
all New England, and at the same time an individual history of each colony
is easily connected in one continuous line, if the reader is pleased thus to
connect them,
As the title page indicates, the author has felt at liberty to tread upon
ground not strictly ecclesiastical whenever secular events were found to have i
a determining influence upon the condition of the church, and vice versa.
Indeed, it is impossible to write either the civil or ecclesiastical history of
New England, without involving the other. Moved to their high purpose of
founding colonies on these shores by religious considerations, as all the first
settlers in New England were, their civil and social institutions would, of
necessity, take a form corresponding with the mould in which their religious
organizations were cast ; and as each church was a democracy in itself, the
state government could hardly be other. A Republic was inevitable. It came,
not from Greece or Rome, but grew up spontaneously from that system of
church polity which they had deduced from the Bible | and was in practical
operation, so far as colonial dependence would allow, a hundred and fifty
years before the name itself was announced to the world. No one who over
looks this fact can write a correct history of our government ; and no point is
made clearer than this in the book before us.
The gathering of the first churches in New England, and the settlement of
their pastors, are given in minute, hut not unnecessary detail. From these
(3)

4 COMMITTEE'S REPORT
circumstantial sketches the attentive reader will better learn the genius of our
ecclesiastical polity than from any platform or learned treatise that has been
subsequently put forth. This attempt to lay bare the first footprints of New
England Congregationalism will win for the author the thanks of many
earnest minds, long exercised with care to regain " the old paths," and " walk
therein." In this connection we cannot forbear to notice as an important feature of
the History, the brief genealogical notices of all the prominent divines, and
many of the magistrates, who were actors in the great drama then opening
upon these shores. None but a practised genealogist could have done this,
and no other can appreciate the labor of doing it. But all can understand
the value of the service thus rendered. Since all Christendom has been seiz ed
with a desire to learn whatever may be known of our Pilgrim Fathers, and to
pay their long-deferred tribute of admiration to the wisdom of their counsels
and the grandeur of their designs ; since it is manifestly a decree of Providence
that theirs are among  " the few, the immortal names

That were not born to die ; "
every link in the chain of existence that connects them with earth has an
ever-growing importance. And yet the obscurity in which many of them
lived and died, " to fortune and to fame unknown," renders it a difficult task
to supply the information which the author of this volume has so copiously
supplied. * JOHN A. ALBRO,
JOSEPH S. CLARK,
Boston, April, 1855. NATHAN MUNROE.

Of various gentlemen who have kindly assisted the author of this work
with valuable books are the following: Charles Dean, Samuel G. Drake;
Thaddeus W. Harris, Charles Folsom, and Samuel F. Haven, Librarians of
Harvard College, Boston Athenaeum, and the American Antiquarian Society
Sewall Harding, William Jenks, D. D., James Savage, LL. D., and J. Wingato
Thornton, LL. B.
The author is much indebted to the Massachusetts Historical Society, Rhode
Island Historical Society, through Dr. Usher Parsons, for the use of books and
MSS., and to publications of kindred societies in New Hampshire, Maine, and
New York.
His thanks are due to officers of the state departments in Massachusetts
Rhode Island, and Connecticut, for a like favor ; and also to officers having
charge of Maine MSS. at Alfred, and of New Haven Colony MSS. in the city
of New Haven.
He would make a similar acknowledgment for the use of MSS. to J. Carter
Brown, of Providence, Rhode Island, to John Belknap and David Pulsifer of
Boston, Alonzo H. Quint, of West Roxbury, and to the officers ofthe British
Museum, and of the Queen's State Paper Office in London.
The new style, as to years before 1752, is, and will be, used in this work.
Various dates of legislative orders are given, as found on records of' the
General Courts, who, for a considerable period, dated their transactions from
the first day of their sessions, many of which dates must have been later than
they seem to be.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

OF

NEW ENGLAND.

INTRODUCTION.

The human race are instruments, as well as free agents, in
the hands of their Creator, to help carry out his perfect plan,
relative to this world, which he has made, and to the moral uni
verse which he has established. To the perception of mankind,
clouds and darkness rest upon his purposes, while these, in his
view, are surrounded with light inexpressible.
Having made trial among Europeans, as to the various parts
they would act in reference to the kingdom of his Son, he
excites among them a spirit of inquiry and resolution for the
discovery of new countries and a western route to the East In
dies. Thus setting men in motion to accomplish so important
an object, he enables them to reach America. Here, as we have
cause to believe, he has ever intended to exercise the attributes
of his perfection for the triumph of Protestant Christianity, and
thus greatly contribute to the temporal and spiritual liberty of
the whole earth.
As preparatory to this desirable and momentous end, he has
controlled agencies and events, from one period to another, like
an infinite Being, with whom a thousand years are as one day.
After conducting navigators to various portions of our continent,
near and afar off, he selected New England for colonists who
had suffered for the principles of the gospel; commendably,
though imperfectly, exhibited them in all their relations of life ;
A 1

2 INTRODUCTION.
and were so fitted to lay foundations of church and state, which
through the divine blessing, were to confer immense and lasting
benefit on their own community, nation, and world.
After the discovery of our continent and the development of
its vast resources for wealth to the European potentates, they
were desirous to have a share in its territories. Whoever of
them endeavored to accomplish this wish, distinctly avowed that
a great aim, with them, was the conversion of the natives to the
Christian faith, as well as the continuance of it among their own
emigrants. Hence, wherever colonies were planted, there such
an object was professed and sought by them, according to the spirit
cherished and inculcated among their prevalent denominations.
As their temporary and permanent settlements were caused by
a purpose to carry out principles, either for or against the ref
ormation, it seems desirable that a sketch of so important an
event, in its general incidents, and also of patents and pur
poses of planting colonies in America, should be given, before
we enter on the main object in view.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTOEY.

CHAPTER 1.
Protestant Reformation. — Luther. — Henry VIII., Defender of the Faith. — Bi
ble the paramount test of doctrine. — Abbot of Feme, martyr. — Sweden re
formed. — The word Protestant begins to be used. — Tyndal's Testament. —
Augsburg Confession. — Smalkaldic League. — Calvin flees. — Parliament for
bid tribute to the pope. — Transubstantiation. — Henry VIII. excommunicated ;
made head of the English church. — Persecution in France. — Anabaptists de
stroyed. — Calvin's Institutes. — Denmark adopts the reformation. — Friars
and nuns suppressed in England. — Whip with six strings. — Scotland. —
Wishart, martyr. — Six articles repealed. — Rogers and Hooper, Puritans. —
Liberty of Conscience. — Persecution of Mary. — Whittingham and others
escape to Frankfort. — Rogers, martyr. — Whittingham and others called Pu
ritans. — Toleration. — Elizabeth succeeds Mary. — Exiles return. — Court of
High Commission. — Congregation of the Lord. — Knox. — Huguenots. —
Presbyterianism. — Persecution in the Low Countries and France. — Elizabeth
assists the Huguenots. — Thirty-nine articles adopted. — Nonconformists. —
Holy League. — Massacre of Huguenots. — Opposition to the Holy League. —
Catholic League. — Union of the Seven Provinces. — Freedom of Conscience.
— Brownists. — Papal Assassins. — Armada. — Persecution. — Separatists. —
Doctrinal Puritans. — Ainsworth. — Edict of Nantes. — James I. — Gunpow
der Treason. — Toleration in Hungary. — Presbyterianism of Scotland. —
Robinson's people escape to Holland. — Evangelical Union. — United Provinces
obtain a truce. — New Version of the Bible. — Puritan publications. — Arians
burned. — The position of James I. as to his subjects. — Congregational church
in London. — Sabbath Games. — War between Papists and Protestants. — Syn
od of Dort. — Jesuits. — Archbishop' Laud. — Church and State Puritans. —
The pope's patent of America. — Conversion of the aborigines. — Voyages of
Cabots, Varrazano, Cartier, and Roche. — Protestant colonies at Brazil, Flor
ida, and Pariba. — Newfoundland. — Patents to Gilbert and Raleigh. — Patent
to Monts. — Acadie. — North and South Virginia. — Manhattan. — Guiana. —
Missionary spirit. — Bermuda. — Dislodgment ofthe French at Acadie, and
the Dutch at Manhattan. — Raleigh's commission.
WalduS in the twelfth, "Wickliffe in the fourteenth, and Huss
in the fifteenth centuries, complained of Romanism, as griev
ously infringing on the natural and moral rights of man, as hav
es)

4 MEANS OF REFORMATION — INDULGENCES. rl517
ing a garnished and pompous exterior, but inwardly presenting
little less than the ghastly images of hypocrisy and corruption.
There can be little doubt but that they had strong reason for so
grave a charge.
Such are the deteriorating effects of human nature, while un
checked, on the best professions and institutions, that no reli
gious denomination has long existed in connection with the state,
and acquired extensive political influence, who have not degen
erated from their primeval purity. After protracted repose amid
temporal prosperity, they need, like still waters, the agitations
of scrutiny and argument, lest they become entirely tainted, and
send out moral pestilence and spiritual death.
The weapons of the reformers just mentioned so struck on
the shield of papacy as to penetrate its vitals, and leave there a
wound, from which it never wholly recovered. To the result
of their prayers, precepts, and labors, the remark, by a biogra
pher of Wickliffe, is justly applicable : " This germ of reforma
tion broke forth into complete expansion when the season for
that change was fully come."
There were several auxiliaries, which sustained the efforts of
such pioneers, and advanced the cause to which they consecrated
their time, talents, and life. The schism which divided the
Romish church, in the latter part of the fourteenth and the be
ginning of the fifteenth centuries ; the Councils of Constance
and Basle, who assumed the authority of electing and deposing
popes, and so giving a shock to the idea of their supremacy ;
contentions between the rival and vicious pontiffs Alexander
VI. and Julius II., in connection with the profligate example
set by large numbers of the clergy, did much to lessen venera
tion for the chair of St. Peter, and to diminish confidence in its
infallibility and dread of its anathemas. In addition to these
allies of truth, the invention of printing and revival of letters,
and the issue of the Complutensian Bible from the press at Ant
werp, excited a spirit of investigation, which rejected the posi
tion, that "ignorance is the mother of devotion," uncovered the
deformity of superstitious impositions, and removed them from
the course of pure religion and scriptural salvation. "With the
premises so prepared, Luther held a vantage ground superior to
that of his predecessors.
1517. Aroused by the affront offered to reason, conscience,
and revelation, by the sale of indulgences for the commission of
sin, as allowed by Leo X., he contends more efficiently than his
forerunners, though not more worthily, against the assumptions
of the Vatican. Pertinently is the ghost of Bonner represented
as expressing the sentiment of those who strove with him to
sustain the tottering pillars of Papal power, —

152r DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH. 5
•' Ah, fatal age, which gave mankind
A Luther and a Faustus ! "
The zealous and dauntless reformer here named is not left
to contend single handed. He has an able coadjutor in Zuin-
glius, who, in 1519, preaches the unadulterated gospel in
Switzerland. 1521, Cited by Charles, the emperor, to appear before the
Diet at Worms, Luther goes thither, though contrary to the
earnest entreaties of his friends. Conscious that the cause he
pleads is righteous, and protected by a passport from his sov
ereign, he is suffered to depart. His patron, the Elector of
Saxony, grants Mm a secret refuge. In a few days, the diet
discover what they would have done to him had he ventured
into their presence unsecured by the imperial pledge, by an
order which they issue for his apprehension as soon as the
period of his safe conduct exipires. Still, he propagates his
principles at the peril of his life.
1522, While the leaven of the new doctrine was spreading
in Europe, Henry VIII., of England, had taken up his pen
against Luther. A prominent reason why this monarch as
sumed such an attitude was because the object of his strictures
had ridiculed the absurdities of Thomas Aquinas, one of his
favorite authors. For the service of the king on this occasion,
his holiness bestows on him and his royal successors, forever,
the title of Defenders of the Eaith. This honor, as subse
quently applied to Henry and others on the English throne,
meant a very different thing from what the pope intended.
1523. Still, neither the smiles nor frowns of the pontiff
prevent the progress of what he denounced as '-heresy. The
senate of Zurich break the ties which had bound their con
sciences to the canon law, and declare that the oracles of
inspiration shall be preached fully and truly. For acting on
this rule, two Augustan friars are consumed at the stake at
Brussels. The Abbot of Feme, condemned on a similar charge,
dies in 1525, the first martyr for it in Scotland. But material
fire, so cruelly applied, cannot counteract the ardor of enlight
ened piety.
1527. Gustavus welcomes the reformation into Sweden. The
next year, like renovating influence has freecourse in Berne
and Constance, and, the year after, in Basle.
1529. Alarmed by these and kindred events, the Diet at
Spire confirm the edict of Worms against Luther, as a contu
macious heretic. But their decision fails to meet with univer
sal and passive reception. It is protested against by several
princes and deputies from free cities in Germany. Hence the

6 PROTESTANTS — SMALKALDIC LEAGUE. rl53()
persons who take such a stand, receive the name of Protes
tants. This term has been ever since applied to Christians who
have withdrawn from communion with the Papal see.
1530, To aid in dispelling the clouds which yet lowered
over the church, William Tyndale publishes, at Antwerp, an
English translation of the New Testament. For the same
purpose, an assembly of Protestants adopt a system of doc
trines, drawn up by Melanchthon, and since called the Augs
burg Confession, from the place where they sat.
Aware that force would be employed to drive them from the
profession of their creed, several German powers form a league
for mutual defence, at Smalkald. To secure their aid in re
sisting the Turks, Charles V. grants them, in 1532, liberty of
conscience till the convocation of a general council.
Another powerful helper to the reformation appears, in the
year last mentioned, in the person of Calvin. He flees from
Paris to Basle, for the furtherance of his design.
1533, The cause of Protestantism, so strengthened, begins
to have less discouragement from the authorities of England.
The Parliament vote that their bishops shall pay no more
money to his holiness. A principal occasion of this change is
a rupture between Clement and Henry VIII. The latter is
thus instrumental more for the gratification of a guilty passion
than for the spiritual welfare of his realm.
1534. While the dawn of light is so discerned in our mother
country, an act is passed by Parliament that none of their
nation shall appeal to Rome. It appears more clearly in Gene
va, which is soon to be a resting-place for champions of reli
gious hberty.
As a sign how heavily the ignorance of past ages still hung
upon England, two men are burned to death in London for de
nying transubstantiation.
While so revolting a scene is chargeable upon his ad
ministration, Henry is excommunicated by a decree from St.
Peter. His Parliament, by way of retaliation, abolish their
allegiance to Clement, and vest their own sovereign with ec
clesiastical supremacy. Thus an event is produced in our
fatherland which forms a memorable era in its constitution,
and_ opens an avenUe to the promotion of its temporal and
spiritual interests. But the work, aided by a monarch for
iniquitous purposes, and cumbered with the lack of experience
in religious freedom, is very deficiently done. He alternately
suffers the Protestants of his kingdom to be consumed for de
nying several Papal doctrines, and the Catholics to endure the
same punishment for maintaining the authority of the pontiff.
Nor is France free from the same deprecated cruelty. The

,_„„., WHIP WITH SIX STRINGS. 7
lDeso.J fires of persecution are kindled on many of her inhabitants,
"k.*10 defend the reformation. While bigotry thus displays the
disposition of a Moloch, fanaticism seriously obstructs the prog
ress of truth. A sect of Anabaptists — far less worthy than
the denomination of a like name in our day — had rebelled,
and established themselves in Munster. There, confiding "in
supernatural deliverance, — though the subverters of regular
government, and the slaves of gross licentiousness, — they are
mostly destroyed by troops from their vicinity.
1536. While the folly of some retard the enterprise for cor
recting the accumulated errors of the church, the wisdom of
others imparts to it a healthful impulse. Of the latter, Calvin
publishes his Institutes at Basle, and soon unites his labors with
those of Farel and Viret in Geneva. The next year,- influ
enced by such exertions, Christian establishes the principles
which they promote in Denmark and Norway. The year after,
in England, the same leaven operates, so that all orders of friars
and nuns are suppressed there.
1539. The kindred spirits who sympathized with these signs
of the time, and who had their lot in England, are greatly dis
couraged and grieved that Parliament enact several laws, com
monly called "The Bloody Statute, or Whip with Six Strings."
These are as follow : " 1. The natural body of Christ is
present in the eucharist under the forms, but without the sub
stance, of bread and wine. 2. Communion in both kinds is not
necessary. 3. Priests may not marry. 4. Vows of chastity
are to be kept. 5. Private masses should be retained. 6. Au
ricular confession is expedient and necessary." Opposition to
the first of these articles is death, and to the rest, punishment
for felony. Thus, while the king and his government set their
faces against Romanism in its points of authority, they impose
some of its most objectionable tenets upon the kingdom. This
policy, already stained with the blood of the innocent, is repul
sive to the feelings of his conscientious subjects, whether Cath
olics or Protestants. Sooner than pay it the homage royally re
quired, many of these agonize and expire at the stake.
1542. The Earl of Arran, regent of Scotland, and an atten
tive observer of authority so abused, introduces the reformed
creed into this kingdom. But swayed more by temporal mo
tives than pure principle, he recants the following year, and
persecutes such as refuse to imitate his own vacillation.
Among the objects of his displeasure is the noted George Wish-
art, who dies, three years after, a martyr to his pious constancy.
1546, Though the friends of reform are sustained by con
scious rectitude, yet they have much to retard their progress.
Among their serious impediments is the compact of the German

8 PURITANS — TOLERATION. \\5¥l.
emperor with Paul III., to extirpate their principles from his
dominions. For this reason, the princes of the Smalkaldic
league prepare for defence. But intrigue and defection disap
point them in expected success.
1547, While such changes occur on the continent, the King
of England is summoned to his last account. With him perse
cution sleeps for a time, and hope dawns more brightly on the
supporters of religious freedom. He is succeeded by his son,
Edward, a mere lad. Well for the kingdom that this regal
minor is blessed with judicious counsellors. Among the first
steps towards quenching the fires of Smithfield is an act of Par
liament to abolish the six articles. These being removed, the
English liturgy is so far corrected and amended, in 1548, as to
resemble nearly what it is in our day.
1550. Among the supporters of so hopeful a movement are
Messrs. John Rogers and John Hooper. These defenders of
the faith unite their counsels and efforts with others to have
the long-accustomed dress of the clergy and ancient rites of
worship laid aside, as inconsistent with gospel simplicity. Thus
they may be properly honored as the first leaders of the English
Puritans. 1552. While Papacy is thus on the wane in our mother coun
try, it is no less so elsewhere. Maurice, who had brought de
feat on the Protestant powers of Germany, now aids them to
obtain terms of peace with Charles, at Passau, which allow that
none be molested for their religion.
1553, Still fluctuation betides the reformation in England.
Called to an early grave, Edward leaves the advocates of his ad
ministration to weep for his departure, and still more for the vio
lence with which his sister, Mary, speedily and perseveringly
counteracts the influences of his reign. Educated in the belief
that Protestantism should be eradicated from the earth, even at
the expense of life to its adherents, she proceeds, the next year,
with a strong hand, to clear her kingdom of its forms and doc
trines. 1554. Perceiving that they must either give up their creed
or their life, if they continued in her territory, William Whit
tingham and others escape to Frankfort. Here they form an in
dependent church, and dispense with the litany and other cere
monies. For carrying out her purpose, Queen Mary invites Cardinal
Pole from Rome. This dignitary exhorts Parliament to change
their pohcy. More solicitous to obey their queen than the
dictates of revelation, they immediately consent, and authorize
a furious persecution. The first victim" of so blind and cruel a
zeal was, in 1555, the worthy John Rogers. While the work

TOLERATION— HIGH COMMISSION COURT. 9
1558.]
of malevolence is thus destroying the servants of Christ at
home, schism is dividing their fellow-laborers abroad. The
church, under Mr. Whittingham, at Franldbrt, is separated on
the question of using the litany. He and his friends who neg
ative this innovation, and seek for purer forms, are denominated
Puritans. They depart, some for Basle and others for Geneva,
where they organize two more churches. They who remain still
continue their worship, and subsequently become reconciled with
their seceding brethren. Several other independent churches
are formed on the continent by refugees from the abused power
of Mary.
While intolerance is carried to a great extreme in England, a
less bigoted disposition is manifested in Germany. The Diet of
Augsburg decide, as the peace at Passau did, that neither Cath
olics nor Protestants shall be molested for their belief. Their
language is, " No attempt shall be made towards terminating re
ligious differences, except by persuasion and conference ; the su
preme power in every state may establish what form of doctrine
and worship it shall deem proper, but shall permit those who
refuse to conform to remove their effects." Thus an advance,
unusual for the period, is made towards freedom of conscience.
It shows that, amid the conflicts of adverse judgments and in
terests, rational views as to the rights of faith were then cher
ished and exemplified.
1558. Having won so fair and open a field for its influences,
the reformation gains by the loss which Papacy experiences
in the decease of Mary. The effect of her pohcy, as exhibited
in spiritual concerns, on the minds of most in her kingdom, is
to give them an utter abhorrence of her religion. Her exces
sive misdirection of power is succeeded with a reaction of pro
portioned benefit.
1559. Elizabeth, her successor, had prepared for a change
in the worship of her kingdom. Ecclesiastical supremacy is
conferred on her by act of Parliament. Informed of the course
which she was likely to pursue, the exiles of her people gladly
revisit their homes. Her subjects consist of three classes, who
wish for different administrations of government in the church.
One desire that Romanism may be continued.; another, that in
dependency be adopted ; and a third, that the liturgy of Ed
ward VI. may be restored. She mainly favors the views of the
last, without much regard for the two other denominations. A
clause in the act for empowering Elizabeth as head of the
church, gives rise to the Court of High Commission, which
proves a scourge to dissenters of every grade, age, and condition.
Though difficulty is thus experienced in the realm of Eliza
beth, a greater is felt in Scotland. Here the Guises of France
B

10 SCOTCH COMPACT — HUGUENOTS. p560<
use their influence to strengthen the pontifical power. A result
of this is, that the Protestants form a compact for mutual pro
tection in their rights, and call themselves " The Congregation
of the Lord." They are greatly encouraged to preserve their
union by John Knox, lately returned from Geneva. Threat
ened with Papal subjection, they resort to arms.
1560, As the authors of their calamity had obtained a bull
from Rome declaring the birth of Elizabeth illegitimate, so
as to effect her dethronement, she readily lends an ear to their
supplications for help.
The same influence which is exerted to put down the Protes
tants in Scotland is applied for a like purpose in France.
These, being called Huguenots, obtain, through Admiral de Co-
ligny, one of their principal leaders, a suspension of edicts
against them as heretics.
The policy so propitious for this denomination hearkens to pro
posals for peace with their brethren in Scotland. A favorable
treaty is made by Francis and Mary with Elizabeth in their be
half. The Scots, thus successful, prohibit the Romish rites of
worship on the severest terms. They require, for the first of
fence of this sort, forfeiture of goods; for the second, banish
ment ; and for the third, death. In this manner they furnish
the oft-repeated example of one sect visiting upon another the
very penalties of which they themselves had loudly complained.
As the best mode, in their judgment, of securing the reli
gious privileges of their nation, they adopt the Presbyterian
form and doctrines, professed by the English church of Geneva,
and recommended by John Knox.
1561. The reformation, so advanced in Scotland, meets with
the unrelenting opposition of Philip II. He visits its advocates
in Spain and the Low Countries with barbarous executions.
He even extends the application of his edicts against heresy to
his American dominions.
1562. In turning from the deeds of a sovereign whose whole
energies were employed to extirpate the opponents of Papacy,
we come to a scene more congenial with the sympathies of hu
manity. The French assembly at St. Germain's, the Protestant
clergy having held their first synod there in 1559, allow Prot
estants in the peaceable indulgence and expression of their
creed, and in unmolested worship without the walls of cities.
But the promise of harmony here given is soon broken. The
attendants of the Duke of Guise massacre sixty of the Hugue
nots, who had met at Vassy for public devotion. The immedi
ate consequence is civil war in France.
The fears of unmerciful subjection, entertained by the Hugue
nots, are much enhanced by a strong accession to the forces of

THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES — HOLY LEAGUE. 11
1563.]
their adversaries, sent from the King of Spain. In such an ex
tremity they look to England for help. Nor do they look in
vain. They are speedily succored by troops from that quarter.
1563. Elizabeth, having thus given a seasonable proof of ac
tive benevolence as well as of political sagacity, summons a
convocation of her clergy. This body prepare and accept the
Thirty-nine Articles. While these were under debate, the ques
tion of throwing out the ceremonies was taken in the lower
house, and rejected only by one majority, and this too by means
of proxies. Here is an indication that the influences of the
Puritans and of the Episcopalians were nearly balanced. Be
cause many of the former denomination decline to approve the
liturgy and rites, so confirmed, they are called Nonconformists.
While the queen is deeply interested in these affairs, she does
not lose sight of her allies in France. Before, however, she is
ready to comply with their stipulations on her behalf, they are
induced to lay down their arms, on the pledge of religious tol
eration. They are put off from their guard in this manner,
so that they may become the more easy victims of merciless
treachery. 1565, In accordance with the purpose just intimated, a com
pact, named the Holy League, is made at Bayonne, between the
courts of France and Spain," for the destruction of the Protes
tants in the former kingdom and in the Low Countries, and for
extinction of the reformed principles in all Europe. Mary,
Queen of the Scots, is drawn into this conspiracy, which proves
a chief cause of her downfall.
1567. With such devices for its overthrow on the continent,
'the Protestant cause in England is not entirely without clouds
in its prospect. Clergymen who stood for greater simplicity in
the rites of the church, had been suspended and deprived of
their parishes, fined and imprisoned.
1571, Parliament draw the cords of compliance with the thirty-
nine articles still more closely. The bishops are even less lenient
than they. The hard measure, which the latter mete to the
dissenters, only widens the breach between them.
While the ciy of the oppressed goes up from the land of our
fathers, a still louder lamentation ascends from those of like
faith in the dominions of Philip II. The Duke of Alva, as
the commissioner of his will, puts multitudes of reformed Flem
ings to most excruciating deaths.
1572, In keeping with the long-concerted plan, so awfully
developed, seventy thousand Huguenots, with the fullest assur
ances of safety from the crown, are massacred in the kingdom
of France.
From such deprecated exhibitions of "man's erring judg-

12 CATHOLIC LEAGUE — UNION OF PROVINCES. &
ment," we turn to the less revolting events of England. While
division exists on some points, there is a general and hearty ac
cordance of the nation in condemning the atrocious conduct of
France and Spain towards their Protestant subjects. Ehzabeth
renews her alliance with the German princes, who, equally with
herself, are alarmed at the manifest policy of the Catholic pow
ers. Such protectors of the reformation are greatly encouraged
by the firm resistance of the Protestants in France and the Low
Countries. 1576, Though the Huguenots retain their liberties by force
of arms, yet the Catholics are zealous for their ruin. To the
former, once more driven to defend their rights with the sword,
Henry III. grants a peace, which as much favors them as it dis
pleases their opponents.
1577, In this unsettled state of the theological parties, the
Duke of Guise lays the foundation of the Catholic League,
which aims at the utter excision of the reformed faith. Of
such a compact Philip of Spain declares himself the protector.
But his power soon receives a serious shock. Holland and
Zealand, weary with his bloody yoke, throw it off, and, under
the Prince of Orange, commence their national existence.
Having had various experience of victory and defeat, they are
much distressed, and solicit the assistance of Queen Ehzabeth.
After some delay, she, the next year, consents to make a com
mon cause with them against the Cathohc League. However,
thus encouraged, they suffer their harmony to be disturbed, and
their energies to be weakened, by selfish dissensions.
To avoid the evils of such a condition, the Prince of Orange
prudently and patriotically persuades them to form, in 1579/
the celebrated union of the Seven Provinces at Utrecht.
Thus they enter into a confederation, which long remained
as closely joined, and harmoniously strong, as the bundle of
arrows prefigured, which they adopted for the arms and em
blem of their republic. Among the articles of their union was
one on the subject of religion. By it Holland and Zealand
were at hberty to act their pleasure, while the rest of the prov
inces agree that the edict published by Archduke Matthias, for
freedom of conscience to all, shall be their rule.
1580. As a chief promoter of this combination for civil and
religious freedom, Ehzabeth has evidence that many of her own
subjects cherish views which differ from hers in various re
spects. Robert Brown breaks from Episcopacy, and openly
censures its primitive edicts. With reference to all such as
thus refuse to comply with the canon law, Parliament enact,
m 1581, that each of them shall pay twenty pounds a month
who refuse to attend on common prayer. The followers of

15g61 BROWNISTS — ARMADA. 13
Brown form a society, and, from their connection with him, are
called Brownists. He writes on the reformation, and de
nounces the church of England as no church. Thus he com
mences those extravagances which, from his subsequent course,
appear to be more the effusions of passion than of principle.
His congregation are speedily dispersed by the civil power, and,
with him, in . 1583, retire to Middleburgh, in Zealand. Two
of his people, who remained behind, are put to death for circu
lating his publications against the litany.
While exertions are so made to suppress this denomination,
some of the principal supporters of Protestantism are made the
marks of Papal retaliation. ^
William Parry, an Englishman, is incited and granted a
plenary indulgence, in 1584, by the pontiff himself, to murder
Queen Ehzabeth. But the conspiracy fails, and the intended in
strument of it soon falls a victim to his infatuated purpose. Not
so is it with another pillar of the reformation. The Prince
of Orange, with a price set on his head by Philip II., is as
sassinated for leading the United Provinces to civil and reli
gious freedom. With such appalling demonstrations, that the
Catholic powers still felt themselves at 'liberty to practice the
blackest deeds for the promotion of their faith, Elizabeth
pushes her purpose to protect the reformation of these
provinces. 1586. She despatches an army to relieve and preserve them
from the hard bondage of Spain. So perilous is this step con
sidered, that the King of Sweden remarks of it, " She has now
taken the diadem from her head, and placed it upon the point
of the sword."
1588, To punish England for such resistance to Papacy, and
bring them back to the authority of St. Peter, the Armada of
Spain sails, with numerous instruments of torture for obsti
nate heretics. But, however styled Invincible, this fleet is
destroyed. 1589. While the champions of Romanism are thus disappoint
ed, they perceive with pain that Hemy III., of France, unites
with the Huguenots to subdue his other Catholic subjects.
The doctors of the Sorbonne, zealous in favor of the pontiff,
excite rebellion against Henry by the declaration that the people
are released from then- oath of allegiance to him. Thus situ
ated, no wonder that the poniard of an assassin is ready to
despatch him. James Clement, a Dominican friar, murders
him when on the point of taking Paris from the insurgents.
The successor of this king is Henry IV., who is forced to
abandon the siege of the metropolis. The power of the Catho
lic League is so brought to bear on him as to threaten the ruin
2

14 MARTYRS — SEPARATISTS. r]gga
of himself and his Protestant followers. In this extremity, he
applies for and receives money and troops from England.
Such aid prevents his downfall.
1592, However gratifying to the friends of religion such
beneficence must have been, yet they still have cause to re
gret that hberty of conscience is imperfectly understood and
practiced by the English government. The Puritans continue
their efforts for unmolested worship. A congregation of
Brownists is formed in London under the care of Francis John
son as pastor, and John Greenwood as teacher. But soon the
civil arm is upon them. Many of them are beat, and impris
oned. Some of them perish under the severity of such treat
ment. John Greenwood and Henry Barrow, confined in Lon
don since 1586, are put to death, in 1593, for their publica
tions against the hierarchy, and John Penry for having in his
study a manuscript on the same topic. The last, in a letter,
dated a few weeks before his execution, and directed to those
of like faith in London, expressed himself as follows : " See
ing banishment, with loss of goods, is likely to betide you all,
prepare yourselves for this hard entreaty, and rejoice that you
are made worthy, for Christ's cause, to suffer and bear all
things. I would wish you earnestly to write, yea, to send, if
you may, to comfort the brethren in the west and north coun
ties, that they faint not in these troubles, and that also you
may have of their advice, and they of yours, what to do in
these desolate times. Yea, I wish you and them to be togeth
er, if you may, whithersoever you shall be banished, and to this
purpose, to bethink you beforehand where to be ; yea, to send
some who may be meet to prepare you some resting-place."
Francis Johnson (the leader of a society who worshiped
in a house occupying the spot now of No. 80 King William
Street, on the bank of the Thames, opposite Southwark) and
others are banished. Thus spared, they go to Amsterdam, and
there worship according to their own form. In this repulsive
manner it is that Elizabeth sustains the almost inquisitorial
powers of the Court of High Commission and the arbitrary decrees
of the Star Chamber. How much purer and brighter would
have been the glory of her reign, had greater mercy ruled her
councils !
Still, however hard the hand of royal prerogative bears on
the Brownists, they rise in number and influence. The more
zealous Puritans leave the national church, and worship with
them in private houses. Such as depart in this manner are
termed Separatists. At the same time, the greater number of
the Puritans decline to secede, and their writers censure those
who thus go out from them.

DOCTRINAL PURITANS — NO BISHOP, NO KING. 15
1595. Among the changes which disturb the peace of the
Episcopal church is that relative to its doctrines. Some give
them the gloss of Arminius, and others that of Calvin. Hence
the latter begin to be called Doctrinal Puritans.
While the troubled waters of controversy are so kept in agi
tation, the Separatists, who went to Amsterdam, are far from
slumbering over their cause. Henry Ainsworth (successor of
Mr. Johnson) and John Canne publish, the following year,
their confession of faith, and the reasons for their secession
from Episcopacy. This work is extensively read in England,
and gains many proselytes. The second of these three, being
a prisoner in London, wrote against Arthur Hildersham, not
yet an advocate for separation from the national church.
We turn, and look to the King of France. He extends, in
1598, the olive branch to the two great theological parties of
his realm, Protestants and Catholics. As he had made his
peace with the pope, the former denomination, who had proved
themselves his fast friends, fear lest he may be induced to for
sake them. Nor do they keep their apprehensions from his
ear. He kindly hearkens to their plea. He passes the edict
of Nantes, which secures to them full civil and religious privi
leges. By his lenient measures, he weakens the Catholic
League, in application to his Protestant subjects.
From so promising an appearance of spiritual good, we re
visit the shores of England. We notice the Puritans on the
ascension of James I., in 1603, to the throne of Gjeat Britain.
As he had encouraged Presbyterianism in Scotland, they have
reason to expect greater privileges from him than they received
from his predecessor. But to their sorrow they perceive that
with the enlargement of his sway he lessens his toleration.
His motto to them, while suing for relief from the hard exac
tions of the canonical law, is often expressed in the words,
" No bishop, no king." Though he does not chastise them
with scorpions, yet he fails to remove from them the whips pre
pared by former legislation.
Henry Jacob, previously settled at Chariton, in Kent, and
having been convinced by arguments of Johnson, pubhshes in
1604, On the Necessity of reforming the Churches in Eng
land. In passing from this kingdom to the continent, we meet with
a publication, now issued, which shows that the people under
Mr. Ainsworth, at Amsterdam, do not hke to be charged with
holding the ultra notions of rigid Separatists..
1605. The hand of English authority is yet misdirected. It
compels more than two hundred and seventy of its Puritan
clergymen, of the Established church, to forsake their livings,

16 GUNPOWDER TREASON — EVANGELICAL UNION. [1606
and subject themselves and families to want and affliction. Ac
cused of denying the royal supremacy, and other dehnquencies
these ministers are vindicated by Mr. Bradshaw, in a book en
titled Enghsh Puritanism. Many of them are forced to seel
an asylum in Holland.
Nor are the Papists unmolested. With the requisitions of
the canon law, severely apphed to them, they are greatly dis
satisfied. To so high a pitch of resentment do the feelings of
some among them rise, that they conspire to blow up the Par
liament. This plot is discovered, November 5, which occa
sions the appointment of an annual thanksgiving.
Still, the king discovers more favor to the Catholics than tc
the Puritans. This and other similar indications subject him tc
the suspicions of the latter denomination, that he is, at heart.
a greater friend of the Romish see than of the Protestant
reformation. At the close of this year, the free exercise of religion is
granted in Hungary.
1606, James, regardless of his former pledges to the people
of Scotland, begins to substitute Episcopacy for their beloved
Presbyteriani-im. Dissenters in the north of England are called to endure suf
ferings for the principles they profess. The next year they
begin their escape to Holland.
As an intelligent and able defender of Congregational prin
ciples, Heary Jacob pubhshes, in 1609, his treatise, On
Toleration. Such friends of the reformation are glad that an
Evangelical Union is formed in Germany to counterbalance the
Catholic League, and that the United Provinces obtain a truce,
for twelve years, of the Spanish court.
While Jacob gives, in 1610, to the public his work, On
the Divine Beginning and Institution of Christ's True Visible
or Ministerial Church, Ames and Robinson defend separation
from Episcopacy.
The subsequent year', for the furtherance of the same great
cause, to which they were devoting their energies, the new ver
sion of the Bible into our language is completed.
1612. While the cause of the Separatists is tolerated and
advanced in the Provinces, the fires of persecution are not
quenched in England. Here Bartholomew Legate and Ed
ward Wightman are burned to death, on the charge of
Arianism. To the grief of many good people, the king, in 1613, has
tilting and other royal entertainments on the Sabbath, and, in
the evening, a masquerade of lords and ladies, in honor of the
marriage of Princess Ehzabeth to the Prince Palatine.

,.„. SABBATH DESECRATED -SOUTHWARK CHURCH 17
lt>16.] The ruler, who so presumes to trample on the day of God,
is charged, the next year, by the Parliament, with admitting
Papists to his council, dealing severely with many excellent
Protestant ministers, and with several overtures he had made
for the marriage of the late Prince Henry and the present
Prince Charles with daughters of Papal princes. They com
plain that, by such a course, he greatly discouraged the cause
of the reformation, and promoted that of Papacy. Perceiving
that the Parliament meant to deal with some of his bishops for
their offensive speeches, he abruptly dissolves them. He im
prisons several of their members, who were active against his
proceedings. 1616. Mr. Jacob, who had conversed much with the Eng
lish divines in Holland, unites with his friends, and founds a
Congregational church at Southwark, in London. For this
step, he had the approbation of Hildersham, who was concealed
to escape imprisonment.
It was at the close of a day for fasting and prayer that each
member confessed his faith in Christ, and they all "joined
hands and solemnly covenanted with each other, in the pres
ence of Almighty God, to walk together in all God's ways and
ordinances, according as he had already revealed, or should
make them known to them. Mr. Jacob was then chosen pastor
of this witnessing church by the suffrage of the brotherhood,
and others were appointed to the office of deacons, with impo
sition of hands." They publish a declaration of their princi
ples the same year, with a petition to James I. In the latter
document they say, " To meet for worship in the public places,
with peace and protection, would be, in this world, the greatest
blessing which our hearts desire, or which could come to us.
But we dare not expect, neither do we ask, so great a favor at
your majesty's hand ; only that, in private, we might serve
God with clear and quiet consciences, according to the effect of
our forementioned ' confession,' we, in all lowliness, crave but
your toleration."
Opposed to such proceedings, the king, at a session of judges
in the Star Chamber, exhorts them to encourage the clergy to
act against the Papists and Puritans, saying, "God and the
king will reward your zeal."
1617. He sits in the High Commission Court at St. An
drews to try fifty-six ministers, who protested against a bill
for giving him power over the kirk. He has three of them
deprived of their livings. To arrest the progress of Puritan
ism, and prevent objections from the Papists, against the strict
ness of the reformed religion, James issues an order, in 1618,
that the Puritans and " Precisians " of Lancashire either con-
c 2*

18 THIRTY YEARS' WAR — SYNOD OF DORT. g
form or quit the country, and that, in opposition to their
precept and practice, "dancing, archery, leaping, vaulting,
May games, Whitsun ales, morrice dances, setting up May
poles," and other recreations, after worship, on the Sabbath,
be allowed.
While the English king is thus developing his principles of
action, the Emperor of Germany sends an army against Bohe
mia. This arose from opposition of the Provinces to the exer
tions of the Papal Archbishop of Prague to destroy the re
formed churches among the Bohemians. It was the beginning
of a religious war, for thirty years, between the Papists and
Protestants, in Bohemia and Germany.
Another conflict, no less involving the passions of severity,
now occasions the synod of Dort to consider the five points of
discussion between Calvinists and Arminians. The next year
this synod declares against the doctrines of the last denomi
nation. Several of the German states proscribe the Jesuits,
and confederate for their own preservation.
European events, from this date, bearing upon New Eng
land, especially those of our mother country, will be noticed
under Massachusetts, as they may be presented.
We now turn from ecclesiastical concerns of Europe, and par
ticularly those of our fatherland, which had a subsequent influ
ence on New England, to notice charters or patents, and primi
tive colonies of other parts of America, in their religious pur
poses and implied results.
1493. This year, immediately succeeding the one in which
Columbus discovered America,* and shortly before his second
voyage hither, Pope Alexander VI., who, hke his pontifical
brethren, was never bowed down by an excess of modesty, be
stowed all this portion of the globe on the Kings of Castile,
" ad fidem Catholicam reducere," or for bringing its population
to the Catholic faith. The royal instructions to that adventur
ous and worthy navigator set forth, that the principal object
of his expedition was the evangelization of the heathen. For
this purpose, he took with him the celebrated Las Casas and
eleven ecclesiastics. The Papal authority, so exercised, was in
tended to keep every portion of the western hemisphere under
its perpetual sway. It will be remembered, in relation to this
* The preface to Hackluyt's third volume refers to Plato's two dialogues of
Timajus and Cntias, concerning land beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, which had
been discovered, and was of greater extent than Asia and Africa ; so to Aristotle
and Diodorus Siculus on the same subject. Hackluyt takes from Rowel's Histo
ry of Wales the account that Madoc, in 1170, discovered and settled some part
of our continent. r

1497.] PROTESTANT COLONIES DESTROYED. 19
fact, that the reformation under Luther had not taken place,
and did not commence till 1517.
1497. John Cabot is employed by Henry VII., of England,
to discover a north-west passage to India. In this impracticable
enterprise he reaches Newfoundland.* While endeavoring to
compass his main object, he coasted down to 38°, and some say,
25° north latitude. He thus gives a claim to the English crown
for the territory, which it subsequently enforced, and so pro
vided a refuge for our ancestors.
1524. John Verrazano, in the service of Francis I., King of
the French, coasts along our country, from 28° to 50° north lat
itude. This survey was afterwards made, by that nation, the
basis of a claim to our soil, and became an occasion of fear to
our primitive inhabitants.
1540. As an event to have an effect on the policy of our
countrymen, Francis I., jealous of progressive Protestantism,
commissions James Carrier, who discovered the Bay of St. Law
rence six years before, to settle Canada. A chief object of such
an enterprise was " induire les autres peuple de ceux pays a
croire en notre sainte foi," or induce the people of those coun
tries to a belief in our holy faith. Francis la Roche accompa
nies, in 1542, a colony to this part of the continent.
1555. We notice the colony of French Protestants now set
tled at Brazil, chiefly through the influence of Admiral Coligny.
The continuance arid termination of this enterprise afterwards
came, as a matter of course, into the considerations of our colo
nists, when counting the cost of emigration to our shores. The
next year, the church of Geneva send fourteen missionaries to
spread the Christian faith among and about the former settlers.
Villagagnon, the chief director, of these afflicted colonists, re
turns, in 1557, to Papacy, and they, from necessity of circum
stances, are generally compelled to embark for France. The
most of those who remained were slain, the following year, by
the Portuguese, who counted them as heretics.
1562. The same devoted admiral continues his efforts to
secure a refuge for his persecuted countrymen. He promotes a
settlement of them on Port Royal River, in Florida, which fails,
and those of them who are left get back to Europe. He sends
another body of settlers thither, in 1564, of whom nine hun
dred, great and small, 'are massacred, the next year, by a Span
ish expedition under Melendez. This commander had an in
scription put over the Frenchmen whom he caused to be hung —
" I do not thus as to Frenchmen, but as to Lutherans." Gour-
* The Discoveries in the West, by Conway Robinson, says, Cabot discov
ered America in 1498.

20 OBJECT OF AMERICAN SETTLEMENTS. 572
ges, a countryman of these sufferers, fits out three ships, m
1568, and puts their slaughterers, by way of retaliation, to
death. He had a label placed over Spaniards whom he ordered
to be hung, — " I do not this as to Spaniards, nor as to mariners,
but as to traitors, robbers, and murderers."
1572. A company of English settle at Pariba, Brazil. In
the fifth year of their continuance here, they are exterminated
by the governor of St. Sebastian.
1578. In the fleet under Frobisher,* arriving at the straits
which bear his name, and which he had previously discovered,
was a highly-respectable clergyman, named Wolfall. This per
son came on the voyage as a missionary for the spiritual good of
the men with him, and the conversion of the Indians. When
they had reached the harbor, "they highly praised God, and, all
together upon their knees, gave him due, humble, and hearty
thanks. Master Wolfall celebrated a communion on the land,
at the partaking whereof were the captain and many other gen
tlemen and soldiers, mariners, and miners."
According to Hackluyt, Queen Elizabeth empowers Sir Hum
phrey Gilbert to settle America, so far as unclaimed by other
Christian powers, and to govern here, in conformity with the
laws of her kingdom, " so as they be not against true Christian
faith or religion now professed in the church of England."
1583, So privileged, Sir Humphrey) finding thirty-six sail of
fishing vessels, which belonged to various nations, at Newfound
land, takes possession of the soil in her majesty's name. He
orders that public worship there shall be according to that in
the church of England. He has the arms of his nation set up
near the position, where the ceremony, on this occasion, took
place. With regard to the religious purpose of this voyage,
Thomas Aldworth, merchant and mayor of Bristol, writes to
Sir Francis Walsingham, " I presently conferred with my friends
whom I knew most affectionate to this godly enterprise."
Sir George Peckam, largely concerned in this undertaking,
and who wrote an able article on the trade of the country, re
marked, " The use of traffic, be it never so profitable, ought not
to be preferred before the planting of Christian faith."
1584. The power, conferred on Gilbert, deceased, to settle and
govern portions of this continent, are transferred by Elizabeth,
to his half brother, Sir Walter Raleigh, on the same conditions.
1585. Among several tracts, pubhshed in England, to encour
age settlements here for spiritual purposes, is one by Mr. Hack
luyt, said to be father of the noted cosmographer. It holds
forth inducements for a voyage to North Virginia, the first of
which is "to plant the Christian religion."
* Wilberforce's History of the Episcopal Church in America.

15391 C0MPANIES F0R NORTH AND SOUTH VIRGINIA. 21
1589. Raleigh assigns his patents, including North and South
Virginia, to a company of London, among whom was Rev.
Richard Hackluyt, referred to in the preceding paragraph.
1603, November 8. As an occasion of consequences with
which our pilgrim fathers were anxiously concerned, Henry of
France grants letters patent to Sieur de Monts, as heutenant
general of Acadie, from 40° to 46° north, subsequently styled
Nova Scotia. An important clause of this document is "in-
struire les peuples, qui habitent en cette contree, au Christian-
isme, et en la creance et profession de notre foi et religion," or
" to instruct the people, who dwell in that country, in Christian
ity, and in the belief and profession of our faith and religion."
1606, April 10. As a matter of great subsequent importance
to this and other portions , of British America, James I., consid
ering that Raleigh, now confined in the Tower, had forfeited his
patent, charters a company of London and elsewhere, and another
of Bristol, Plymouth, and other places. The former of these
associations are thus intrusted with the charge of South Vir
ginia, and the latter with that of North Virginia, both divisions
from 34° to 45° north latitude. Each of them afterwards claim
a monopoly of trade within their own boundaries, which pro
duces jealousies and controversies between them, without any
adequate benefit. The prominent purpose for which the king
so privileges them is the " propagating of Christian religion to
such people as yet live in darkness and miserable ignorance of
the true knowledge and worship of God."
November 20. For the regulation of settlements, which the
two bodies may cause to be made in their respective jurisdic
tions, royal " orders and instructions " are issued. Among these
is one which requires that religious worship shall be conducted
as in the church of England. This shows that his majesty
meant to allow, as was consistent with his predilections, no more
liberty abroad than he did at home, and that hierarchy and mon
archy of the stricter kind should go hand in hand to his Amer
ican dominions. "He appoints a council to exercise a general su
pervision of the colonies.
1607. The colony planted, through the influence of Raleigh,
at Roanoke, Virginia, 1585, and another small one, who took
possession there, in 1587, having continued but a short time,
the first permanent settlement is now made by emigrants
brought over by Christopher Newport, at James River. This
was done by them on the 13th of May, though they lauded at
Cape Henry on the 26th of April. They were accompanied
by a clergyman, Robert Hunt, who, as the account of Rev.
Wilham Simmons says, met with much opposition, which " had
even then overthrown the business, had he not met with the

22 PROMOTERS OF COLONIZATION. rj60a
water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by
his true, devoted examples) quenched those flames of envy and
dissension." Of a discourse, contained in Purchase, for encouraging the
Virginia colony, we have the subsequent passage: "Religion
inviteth us there to seek the kingdom of God first, and all oth
er things shall be ministered to us, and added as advantage to
the bargain. Seek the kingdom of God, and see an earthly
kingdom in recompense, as the earnest, and the heavenly king
dom for our full payment. Of glorifying God in his word and
works in this design is already spoken."
1609. In the service of the Dutch, Henry Hudson, while
searching for a route to India, sails * along the country from
Newfoundland to the Chesapeake. He entered Manhattan River.
Here the Dutch opened a trade, next year, with the natives, and
for what he had done, claimed the soil there, and north and
south of it, though not originally discovered by him. Such a
claim was afterwards the source of much perplexity to New
England, especially to its portion known as Connecticut.
The same year, Robert Harcourt, on a voyage of discovery,
takes possession, by turf and twig, of the territory between
Orellana and Orinoco, for England, with an exception of such
parts as may have been possessed by any other Christian power.
He left his brother, with sixty settlers, at the River Wiapoco,
but who were soon forced to leave the premises, from deficiency
of supplies. The same position was occupied by Captain Ley,
with some Englishmen, four years previously, but with a simi
lar want of success.
1612. Speaking of men who had died in attempts to colonize
English America, Mr. Crashawe remarks, " These champions of
Christ said, ' All we have, and even life itself, will we willingly
give and consecrate to God, that the gospel may be preached,
and the name of Jesus Christ calle'd upon in Virginia.' " As an
encouragement to prosecute so great an object, Rev. Alexander
Whitaker, of the colony at Henrico, exhorts, "Awake, you
true-hearted Englishmen, you true servants of Jesus Christ ; re
member the plantation is God's, and reward your countrie's."
Under the influence of such promoters of colonization, the
Bermuda Islands are settled, by members of the Virginia Com
pany, who purchased them of this corporation, and who send
ninety persons thither this year. These planters bind them
selves to observe six articles of government, as that they will
worship God according to his holy word, and continue in the
*
* Smith's History of New York, which follows Oldmixon, makes it in 1608:
but Belknap and Purchase place it in 1609.

FRENCH AND DUTCH COLONIES CAPTURED. 23
lulo.j
faith of the church of England ; will keep the Sabbath in a
strict manner ; will lead a godly life ; will be loyal to the king ;
will be faithful to their company, and defend their civil and re
ligious privileges against all invaders.
1613, Having broken up the French settlements at Mount
Desert, St. Croix, and Port Royal, Sir Samuel Argal, on his
return from Acadie, compels the Dutch at Manhattan to become
subjects of the English crown. Though his nation were of
kindred sympathies with the United Provinces as to the refor
mation, and had greatly assisted them to secure independence of
Papal power, yet they did not allow that the voyage of Hudson
gave so good a right to Manhattan as the Cabot discovery.
Such a change is short. A new governor comes, the next
year, from Amsterdam, and takes the colony under his control.
Events of this kind were calculated to stir up the authorities in
London, and render them more careful of then domain in
America. 1616, After Raleigh's long imprisonment in the Tower, the
king grants him a commission to resettle Guiana, which he visit
ed in 1595, "especially in advancement and furtherance, as
well of the conversion of the savage people as of the increase
of trade, traffic, and merchandise used by our subjects."
Having so presented these items, which, in some manner and
degree, held relations to the concerns of New England, we will
look at more of them, as they may occur, after 1619, under the
caption of Massachusetts.

CHAPTER II.
Massachusetts. Vineland. — Erickson. — Mission. — Gosnold. — New Pas
sage. — Elizabeth Island. — Edgartown. — Barricade. — Capture of Indians;
these returned. — Gold Mine. — Attack. — Name of New England given. —
Evangelization of the Indians. — Plague. — Dermer dies of wounds. — Thomp
son's Island. — Council for New England. — Papists. Plymouth. North
men. — Krossanes. — Cape Cod. — Cross set up. — Indians hostile. — Scrooby
church. — Robinson. — Brewster. — Bradford. — Escape to Holland. — Separa
tists. — Brownists. — Arminius. — Helwys. — Indians kidnapped. — French
men killed. — Robinson and his people purpose to settle in America. — Propo
sal of the Dutch to them. — Patent applied for. — Discouragements. — Church
Usages. — Apology. — Wincob patent. — Contract. — Indians capture Dermer.
— Fast Day. — Dutch petition. — Robinson's advice. — Departure. — Perils.
— Arrival in America. — Treachery. — Contract for government. — Carver.
— Indians. — Clark's Island. — Place for settlement. — Influence of Congre
gationalism. — Rapin's charge. Maine. Movoshen. — Pring. — Cross at
Kennebeck, at the Island of St. George, and Penobscot. — Natives detained in
the family of Gorges. — Plantation at Sagadahock. — Their sufferings. — De
parture for England. — Papal mission at Mount Desert destroyed by Argal. —
Smith's voyage. — War and pestilence among the Indians. — Richard Vines.
— Failure of Dermer's enterprise. New Hampshire. Smith's survey of
Piscataqua. Rhode Island. Visit of Northmen and Verrazano. — Na
tives. Connecticut. Similar visits. — The Dutch Trade.
MASSACHUSETTS.
1000. Whatever may be the opinion of intelligent men, and
however they may differ as to the places said to have been dis
covered and occupied by the Northmen, in New England, in the
year 1000 A. D., and subsequently, still there is some evidence,
from the Antiquitates Americana, that such enterprising voya
gers did visit this portion of our country. Among the islands,
according to this view, comprehended by their general name of
Vineland* for the territory which they saw, were Nantucket and
Martha's Vineyard. These places, from their situation, seem to
have been within the limits of what was afterwards I'lymou.n
colony ; but they were not during its whole patent existence.
They were assigned by the commissioners of the United Colo
nies, in 1644, to Massachusetts. Subsequently they were at
tached to New York, because claimed by the Duke of York.
* Supposed by Belknap to be Newfoundland. (24)

11211 ATLANTIC PASSAGE SHORTENED. 35
They were returned to Massachusetts by its second charter.
Hence they are supposed to be more properly placed here than
elsewhere. The commander of the first company, who discovered Vine-
land, was Leif Erickson. He, the year before, coming hither,
touched at Norway, and was persuaded by Olaf, king of that
country, to embrace the Christian religion. So converted, he
and all his men were baptized.
1121. The maritime papers of the Scandinavians relate, that
Bishop Eric of Greenland, sails from that quarter for Vineland.
The publishers of such information suppose that he under
took the voyage for missionary purposes.
1602, Bartholomew Gosnold, under the Raleigh Patent, sails
in the small bark Concord, of Dartmouth, from Falmouth, with
twenty-four persons, besides eight seamen. Among his compa
ny is Robert Saltern, who was afterwards an Episcopal clergy
man in England. Whether this individual is on board to serve
as a chaplain, we are not informed. By one authority, he is said
to have acted as a pilot. Shaping a new course, much nearer
than the old one, round by the Canaries and West Indies, Gos
nold steers directly for our shores. After a passage long for
our day, he reaches, on the 14th of May, what Oldmixon says
was the north side of Massachusetts. The journal of the pas
sage agrees, as to this location, in some respects, with the land
from " Cape Ann to Marblehead, or to the rocky point of Na-
hant." In the night Gosnold sails southward, and the hext
morning falls in with a headland, which he calls Shoal Hope,
but changed its name, because of the many codfish taken there
by his men, and he named it Cape Cod.
Having surveyed the coast for a place of settlement, the emi
grants, with him, fix upon an island,* May 25, which, in honor
of their queen, they call Elizabeth. This spot, known by the
Indians as Cuttyhunks, was subsequently grouped with Nan
tucket and Martha's Vineyard by the Duke of York's patent,
and for the reason previously assigned, may be properly put un
der Massachusetts. Of the passengers, twenty f conclude to
settle here. In relation to them, the journal of Archer says,
" The 1st of June we employed ourselves in getting sassafras,*
and the building of our fort. The second, third, and fourth,
we wrought hard to make ready our house for the provision to
# Archer makes it the 25th.
t William Strachey's account says that Gosnold and eleven more agree to con
tinue on the island till the vessel returned from England ; that they were three
weeks and more in building a large house there, which was covered with sedge.
J In Carrier's second voyage to Canada, in 1535, great cures were made among
his men by a tree recommended by Indians, and supposed to be sassafras.
D 3

26 SETTLEMENT ABANDONED — HOSTILITIES. rMAgg_
be had ashore to sustain us till our ship's return. The thir
teenth began some of our company, that before vowed to stay,
to make revolt; whereupon, the planters diminishing, all was
given over." Among the causes of this result was the lack of
sufficient provisions for such as had intended to remain, and also
disagreement about the mode of dividing the proceeds of the
voyage. The whole company leave the island, June 17, and
sail, much to the regret of Gosnold, for England, without ac
complishing the purpose of their voyage.
1603, Being much interested in the report of Gosnold's trans
actions here, as given by Mr. Saltern and others, the Rev. Rich
ard Hackluyt, with the narrator and John Angell, prevail on
the principal merchants of Bristol to fit out another expedition.
This consists of the small ship Speedwell and the bark Discov
erer. The former vessel is commanded by Martin Pring, ac
companied by Saltern, "as their chief agent;" and the latter
by William Browne. They sail, April 10, fromMilford Haven,
under a permit from Raleigh. They coast up along Maine,
thence come to Cape Cod, and anchor off what seems to have
been the place afterwards Edgartown. Here they erect a build
ing as their land resort, and enclose it with a barricade. While
some of them guard these premises, others are abroad to cut
sassafras as cargo for their vessels. The bark having sailed pre
viously, the ship, about August 8, commences her homeward
passage. 1611, Captain Edward Harlow, after capturing Epenow and
another Indian at Martha's Vineyard, stops at Agawam, where
the natives treat him in a friendly manner.
1614, June. With regard to settling our coast, the council
for New England remark, that to " prosecute a work so pious
and honorable, we despatched Captain Hobson, Captain Herley,
Mr. John Matthew, Mr. Sturton, with two savages, Epenow and
Manawet." The vessel reaches Martha's Vineyard, where Epe
now belongs, and where he assures the English a gold mine ex
ists. He alone, his companion, Manawet, having died in a few
days after their arrival, upon a concerted plan with his country
men, slips into the water from his keepers, and is taken up by
them, in twenty canoes, while they poured showers of arrows
upon the ship's company. Some of these are injured, and seve
ral of the Indians are killed and wounded. The chief cause of
such hostility on the part of the natives, is the kidnapping of
some among their neighbors by Captain Hunt. Hobson loses
his voyage and returns with tidings most unwelcome to the in
dividuals who wish for the evangelization of the Indians, that
a war was commenced between them of the Vineyard and vicin
ity and the English.

MAP OF NEW ENGLAND. 27
1617.] After six months' absence, as Captain John Smith relates, he
returns to England from a voyage to our coast. He presents
the result of his expeditions, on a map, to Prince Charles. This
personage is so much gratified with such a sketch of our territory,
he confirms the name of New England,* given to it by the gen
erous navigator. Thus the subsequent abode of our fathers and
ourselves receives an appellation which is associated, in the
world's history, with no ordinary events.
So encouraging is Smith's description of our country to the
council, they assure him that he shall " have the managing their
authority " in these parts during his life. He observes that the
company for South Virginia blame him for engaging to those
of "the west country," who are concerned in voyages to New
England. As to the natives, he remarks, " Religion above all
things should move us, especially the clergy, to show our faith
by works, in converting those poor savages to the knowledge of
God, seeing what pains the Spaniards take to bring them to their
adulterated faith." He purposes to make a settlement some
where on our soil with fifteen men and two boys, being all he
could obtain for the purpose. To carry out his plan, he sails
from England the next year ; but after extraordinary adversi
ties, is finally carried into France, and his voyage spoiled.
1617, The same author, referring to a destructive sickness
which begins among the Indians here, quotes the subsequent
passage : " It seems God hath provided this country for our
nation, destroying the natives by the plague, it not touching
one Englishman, though many traded and were conversant
amongst them ; for they had three plagues in three years suc
cessively, near two hundred miles along the sea-coast, that in
some places there scarce remained five of a hundred."
Morton's New English Canaan contains the following extract
relative to the people of Massasoit : " They died on heaps, as
they lay in their houses, and the living, that were able to shift
for themselves, would run away and let them die, and let their
carcasses lie above the ground, without burial. And the bones
and skulls upon the several places of their habitations made
such a spectacle, that it seemed to me a new-found Golgotha."
A passage from Johnson's Wonder-Working Providence fol
lows. " There befell a great mortality among them, chiefly
desolating where the English afterward planted the country of
Pockanoky, Agissawamg. It was almost wholly deserted, in-
* In a work of this sort, many facts present themselves for acceptance, having
reference to the several colonies which it embraces. The question arises, where
should they be placed 1 We think the answer should be, put them under the
colony, which, for the most of the period they have existed, has taken a promi
nent lead of the rest. Of course, Massachusetts is entitled to such an accession.

28 PLAGUE AMONG INDIANS. [Mass.
somuch that the neighbor Indians did abandon those places for
fear of death, fleeing more west by south, observing the east
by northern parts were most smitten with this contagion.
Relative to the nature of so deadly a scourge the words of
Gobkin were, " I have discoursed with some old Indians, that
were then youths, who say that the bodies all over were ex
ceeding yellow, describing it by a yellow garment they showed
me, both before they died and afterwards." This denotes that
such a pestilence resembled the yellow fever.
Whether it was for their disregard of the light of nature,
and their consequent devotedness to iniquity, or for some other
cause, that the aborigines of our soil were so cut off, is one of
the innumerable questions mysterious to mortal perception, but
plain to his, who, in the exercise of his righteous rule, " in-
creaseth the nations and destroyeth them." The event was re
garded by many in our fatherland as a providential arrange
ment for the more easy introduction of the gospel into this part
of Enghsh America.
Smith, in connection with this, gives a remarkable statement,
which was made to him. A ship was cast away on some part
of Norumbega, or New England. Two of the crew got to the
shore. One of them died; the other lived among the natives,
till he had acquired their language. He had a New Testament,
and explained certain portions of it to them. But they derided
his instruction. He told them that he feared God would de
stroy them. The sachem assembled all his subjects around a
hill, while he and the Christian stood on the top. The first of
these two said to the last, " Has your God so many people, and
can he slay these ? " The reply was, " Yes, and he will bring
in strangers to possess your land." Smith adds that the In
dians continued to mock the religion of the foreigner, till the
plague came and swept the most of them away.
1618-19. The council for New England relate that, in these
years, they specially enjoined it on Dermer and Rocroft to ne
gotiate a peace with hostile natives here. They employ Tis-
quantam, who had been carried off by Hunt, and came back
with Dermer, on so desirable a mission.
This commander writes home to the Rev. Samuel Purchas
that, during his voyages in May, 1619, from Monhigan to Cape
Cod, as he passed along the coast, he " found some eminent
plantations, not long since populous, now utterly void. In an
other place a remnant remains, but not free from' sickness.
Their disease the plague."
In the latter year, according to the depositions of Mascono-
met, the sagamore of Ipswich, and others, David Thompson
takes possession of an island, bearing his surname, off Dor
chester.

COMPANY FOR NEW ENGLAND MODIFIED. 29
1020.] 1620, After being in the country two years, Dermer returns
from the south, in the spring, and visits Nantucket and the
Vineyard. He hopes that, having made peace with Indians on
the cape, though of short duration, he should meet with
a friendly reception from the contiguous islanders. But no
sooner had he landed with Tisquantam, or Squanto, than he
and his men are assaulted by Epenow and other natives. Only
he and one of his crew escape with life. He is badly wound
ed, returns to Virginia for medical help, falls sick, and dies
there. Thus closes his career of toil and philanthropy.
1620, November 3. After two years' discussion, the company,
instituted in 1606, for North Virginia, from 40° to 48°, have
a renewal of their privileges. King James appoints the Duke
of Lenox, and others of high rank, as " the council for plant
ing, ruling, ordering, and governing of New England." The
patent for their direction presents the following points. The
territory is almost without its natural population, by means of
the late desolating plague, and wars among themselves. Thus
a favorable opportunity is opened to plant colonies. This set
tlement of the country " tendeth to the conversion of such
savages as remain to civil society and Christian religion, as the
the principal effect desired and expected." That the colonists
may five together in the fear and true worship of Almighty
God, the council have power " to correct, punish, pardon, and
govern " them. No Roman Catholics are to come hither with
out first taking "the oath of supremacy." The document con
taining these matters is oppugned by the French, because, as
they contend, it comprises part of Acadie. It is resisted by the
House of Commons, because not granted by them, and not
allowing free trade and fishery.

PLYMOUTH COLON Y.
Among the various navigations along the coast of New Eng
land, from the earliest period, — and very probably there were
more of them than are left on record, — the cape embraced by
this colony must have made a prominent place of observation.
The Danish antiquaries give it as a section of Vineland, dis
covered in the year 1000. They place the winter houses of
Leif in a locality afterwards within its borders, and near Mount
Hope. They make its principal headland and immediate parts
the Kialarnes, or Keel Cape, described by Thorwald, in 1004;
3*

30 CROSSES ERECTED — SECESSION. ^
and Gurnet's Point, the spot* which he admired, and where his
body was buried, with a cross at his head and another at his
feet, they call Krossanes.
With such romantic associations, connected with this colony,
we advance and look at events, in relation to it, of more general
credibihty. 1602, May 15. Gosnold visits it, and, from the large quantity
of codfish which his men caught off its chief headland, he,
as before stated, names it Cape Cod.
1605. De Poutrincourt, under orders of De Monts, visits the
cape, which the writer of the voyage (Lescarbot) calls Male-
barre. While part of the crew are employed in making a forge
to mend the vessel's rudder, and an oven to bake bread for the
company, and are occupied about these purposes, Pourtrincourt
had a cross set up on a green bank, as a sign of the territory's
subjection to the crown of France.
When about to embark, the savages discharged a shower of
arrows among his people, and killed two and wounded several
of them. Such an attack arose from the firing of two guns by
the French, the day before, at some of them, who stole a
hatchet. The slain were buried at the foot of the cross, which
the Indians took down, and dug up the bodies, soon after the
voyagers went on board. Pourtrincourt attempted to pass
farther round the cape, but was obliged to return and anchor
in the same harbor. Six or seven Indians came to trade. He
had them secured and put to death, as a retaliatory measure.
While the navigator is thus engaged, the men, who had a
powerful influence in planting this territory, are acting for the
highest interests of the reformation.
1606. Bradford remarks of them, " Several religious people,
near the joining borders of Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, and
Yorkshire, finding their pious ministers and themselves perse
cuted, " shake f off the yoke of anti-Christian bondage, and, as
the Lord's free people, join themselves by covenant into a
church state." Hunter informs us that this church was at
Scrooby. John Robinson is, about 1604, one of their minis
ters. He was born in 1576, entered, Ashton supposes, Cor
pus Christi College, 1592, received a fellowship there, 1598,
which he resigned in 1604. Before going to Scrooby, he
preached Puritan doctrines in and around Norwich. Ainsworth
sachuSs™tsh'S Northm6n 0f NeW Englana P'^ces it at Point Alderton, in Mas-
t N Morton makes this as an event of 1602, but from Hunter's tract it ao-
pears to have been not earlier than 1606. The sketch of Scituate church under
Rev. Daniel Wight, Jr., says that Clifton had a revival of relirion amono hU
people in 1602, and that they met at the house of William Brewster g

1007 1 SCROOBY CHURCH GO TO HOLLAND. 31
speaks of him, while here, as "a man worthily reverenced of
all the city, for the grace of God in him," and says that " citi
zens were excommunicated " from Episcopal churches for at
tending at his place of worship. A colleague with Robinson,
in the Scrooby church, is Richard Clifton, who was made
Vicar of Marnham in 1585, and Rector of Babworth the next
year. Among the principal members of their new church are
William Brewster and William Bradford. The former of these
two was born at Scrooby ; studied at the University of Cam
bridge ; became an under secretary to Davidson, secretary of
state ; accompanied him on a mission to the Low Countries, in
1585, and faithfully adhered to him when ejected, two years
afterwards, by political intrigue, when he retired to his native
place, and devoted his time, money, and talents to the cause of
God. Bradford, though quite young, being born at Auster-
field in 1589, casts in his lot with so worthy disciples of
Christ. This person subsequently informs us that part of the church
lived so far away from the other, that they are obliged to form
another church, of which John Smith, " of able gifts," was
chosen pastor. This minister — who was in prison with Penry
in 1593, and his people — subsequently went to the Low Coun
tries, and, "falling into errors there, for the most part bury
themselves and their names."
1607, During the fall, the Scrooby church are so persecuted
that they begin to escape for Holland. The next spring, more
of them follow. Afterwards the rest get to their brethren,
accompanied by their pastor and Mr. Brewster. In these at
tempts, many of them endure severe afflictions. They settle in
Amsterdam. But, fearful lest the controversy which prevails
in Mr. Smith's church, who had been connected with them at
Scrooby, should infect their own body, they move, about 1609,
to Leyden. They are accompanied by Robinson, but Clifton
remains, and soon dies.
1610, Mr. Robinson publishes his Justification of Separation
from the Church of England. He is joined by large numbers
from his own nation- At his first residence on the continent,
he was classed by opponents with the Brownists, though in
some respects he differed from them. Through intercourse
with Messrs. Wilham Ames and Robert Parker, he moderated
some of his opinions. By such relinquishment he holds the
propriety of communion with Episcopalians, in preaching and
prayer, though he still omits the liturgy and disapproves of in
discriminate admission to the sacrament. With such views, he
receives the appellation of semi-Separatist.
1613. After earnest entreaties, and for the cause of what he

32 INDIANS KIDNAPPED. [Pltm.
accounts important truth, Robinson holds several pubhc debates
with Episcopius, the successor of Arminius, as_ professor at Ley-
den University. On these occasions, he sustains his high repu
tation as a scholar, theologian, and Christian.
1614. These qualifications he also exhibits in his answer to
Thomas Helwys, who had severely censured such as fled when
persecuted for conscience sake, and retained their baptism re
ceived in England, as lawful.
Smith, on sailing for home, leaves one of his ships under
Thomas Hunt, to finish the collection of a cargo for Spain.
Blinded by an excessive desire of gain, he kidnaps seven of the
Nausites and twenty of the Patuxetites, on Cape Cod, as Wey
mouth had, previously, by way of retaliation, at the eastward,
though for a less cruel purpose. Purchas speaks of so foul a
deed, on the part of the former : " Stowing them vnder hatches,
to the number of twentie foure,* carried them into the Straits, •
where he sought to sell them for slaues, and sold as many as he
could get money for. But when it was understood from
whence they were brought, the friers of those parts took the
rest from them, and kept them to be instructed in the Christian
faith." Such breaches of confidence and humanity kindled the
deep resentment of the natives, increasingly prevented their
friendly intercourse with Europeans, and greatly impeded the
introduction of the gospel among them.
The people so treated watch for an opportunity of retaliation
on the whites, to whom were committed the oracles, which
taught mercy rather than sacrifice.
1616, In the fall, as Purchas relates, a French ship is cast
away on Cape Cod. Her crew land safely. The Indians track
and kill them all, at different times, except three or four.
These are captured and sent from one sachem to another, for
sport and cruelty. Two of them were redeemed, in J 6 19, by
Captain Thomas Dermer.
1617, As the authorities of England still look sternly on the
Nonconformists, the exiles of the latter denomination have no en
couragement to seek for their native altars and firesides. So cut
off from a retreat, Mr. Robinson and his people resolve to make
their home in America. For this they have several reasons, as
follow: The inconvenience of living with those of another
nation. Their young men are enticed to become sailors and
soldiers, and contract immoral habits. The twelve years' truce
had expired, and " there was nothing but beating of drums and
preparing for war, the events whereof are always uncertain.
An inward zeal and great hope of laying some foundation for
* This number is stated by Prince to be twenty-seven.

1617.]

ACTION OF THE LEYDEN CHURCH. 33

propagating the kingdom of Christ to the remote ends of the
earth." A severe contention so prevails between the Armin-
ians and Calvinists throughout Holland, as to threaten the
dissolution of the government.
1617. While the congregation are balancing in their minds
whither they shall go, the Dutch make them large offers to col
onize under their protection. But they are not won to such
proposals. Their predilections are still English. They prefer,
even with less privilege, to be under the government of their
own nation, though infringed by the reigning monarch,
than, with greater, to become the subjects of a foreign
power. So inclined, Mr. Robinson and friends are doubtful
whether to settle at Guiana or Virginia. They soon choose the
latter. They finally conclude, " by the maj or part, ' ' after a serious
consideration of the objections, that some of his church shall
first come to this country, and that, if being a majority of their
whole number, he shall accompany them ; but if not, then he
shall remain till a plantation be prepared here suitable to ac
commodate all then- congregation.
Messrs. Robert Cushman and John Carver are deputed, as
agents, to visit London. They find the " Virginia Company "
desirous for the Leyden people to settle in America, and are
willing to grant them a patent, with as full privileges as their
authority allows. Some of the chief proprietors think that
they can " obtain of the king liberty in religion, confirmed
under" his. "broad seal, according to their desires." But, on
trial with his majesty and the archbishop for these objects,
they are disappointed. All they are encouraged with is, that
the king will "connive at and not molest them," if they will
conduct peaceably. Still the company advise Mr. Robinson
and his society to emigrate. With this, the agents return from
their almost fruitless mission.
November 12. Of Cushman and Carver, Sir Edwin Sandys
writes to Messrs. Robinson and Brewster, " Your agents have
carried themselves with discretion, and the seven articles sub
scribed with your names have given the gentlemen of the coun
cil for Virginia that satisfaction which has carried them on to a
resolution to forward your desire, in the best sort that may be
for your own and the public good."
This writer was the chief promoter of the privilege so grant
ed. Hunter supposes that he was thus actuated by the " con
nection of long standing between the Brewsters and the family
of Sandys."
Their reply* to him shows that, however much disappointed,
* Sent by Deacon John Carver and another gentleman of their company.
E

34 CHURCHES COMPARED. [Pltm.
they had learned wisdom in affliction, and had thus girded
themselves for whatever difficulties might be their lot in a bar
barous land. Its language is partly as follows : " We verily
believe and trust the Lord is with us, to whom and whose ser
vice we have given ourselves in many trials. We are knit to
gether as a body, in a most strict and sacred bond and covenant
of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make conscience, and
by virtue whereof we hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of
each other's good and of the whole. It is not with us as with
other men, whom small things can discourage, or small discon
tentments cause to wish ourselves at home again."
1618. January 27. Still vigilant to compass their just pur
pose, Messrs. Robinson and Brewster address a letter to Sir
John Worsingham.* They observe, " Although it be grievous
unto us that such unjust insinuations are made against us, yet
we are most glad of the occasion of making our just purga
tion." In order to meet such insinuations, they send two
notes, one short and the other at greater length, though both
of the same essential import. The longer note follows, with an
introductory clause of the other : " Touching the ecclesiastical
ministry, namely, of pastors for teaching, elders for ruling, and
deacons for distributing the church's contribution, as also for
the two sacraments, baptism and the Lord's supper, we
agree in all things with the French Reformed churches, accord
ing to their public confession of faith, though some small dif
ferences be to be found in our practices, not at all in the sub
stance of the things, but only in some accidental circumstances ;
as, first, their ministers do pray with their heads covered,
we uncovered ; 2d, we choose none for governing elders but
such as are able to teach, which ability they do not require ;
3d, their elders and deacons are annual, or, at the most, for
two or three years, ours perpetual ; 4th, our elders do admin
ister their office in admonitions and excommunications for public
scandals publicly and before the congregation, theirs more
privately, and in their consistories ; 5 th, we do administer bap
tism only to such infants as whereof the one parent, at the
least, is of some church, which some of their churches do
not observe, although in it our practices accord with their pub
hc confession, and the judgment of the most learned amongst
them. Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none?"
February 14. The person who delivers this communication,
and signs the initials (S. B.) of his name, writes to Messrs'
Robinson and Brewster. He says that he presented it to Sir
John Worsingham, who, after reading it, asked him, " Who
* Prince gives it as Worstenholme.

, EFFORTS FOR A CHARTER. 35
shall make the ministers ? " This occasions the following re
marks : " I answered his worship that the power of making
was in the church, to be ordained by the imposition of hands,
by "the fittest instruments they have ; it must be either in the
church or from the pope, and the pope is Antichrist. ' Ho ! ' said
Sir John ; ' what the pope holds good, (as in the Trinity,)
that we do well to assent to; but,' said he, 'we will not
enter into dispute now ; ' and as for your letters, he would not
show them at any hand, lest he should spoil all ; he expected
you should have been of the archbishop's mind for the calling
of ministers, but it seems you differed. I asked his worship
what good news he had for me to write to-morrow. He told
me good news, for both the king's majesty and the bishops
have consented."
1619. With the wall of separation between England and her
exiles for religion made higher, Robinson and his followers
make further efforts for a charter. They perceive that one
great hinderance to their success in this particular is the misrep
resentation of their church order, as though it partook of the
most radical spirit and tendency. To cast aside such an ob
struction, Mr. Robinson writes a treatise, in Latin, entitled A
Just and Necessary Apology of certain Christians, no less con-
tumeliously than commonly called Brownists, or Barrowists.
With such an exposition before the public, his people press
their plea.
May 8. Robert Cushman writes to his friends at Ley-
den that dissensions in the council for Virginia prevented en
couraging attention to their request for a patent. "After long
attendance," such a document is granted them " under the
company's seal." " By advice of friends, they did not have it
taken in their own name, but in that "of Mr. John Wincob, a
religious gentleman, then belonging to the Countess of Lincoln,
who intended to go with them ; but God so disposed as he never
went, nor they ever made use of the patent, which had cost
them so much labor and charge." Still, it is carried to Ley-
den, and accompanied by Thomas Weston, of London. He
agrees, for himself and others, to form a company with the
intended emigrants, and to supply them with shipping and
money for their transportation.
Among the conditions between the adventurers and the emi
grants, we have such as follow : " There shall be a division of
all the property at and owned by the plantation at the end of
seven years, unless some unexpected occasion call for a differ
ent arrangement. With regard to the colonists, each of them,
being sixteen years and upward, is rated at ten pounds, and
entitled to a single share. If any contribute money or provis-

36 CONDITIONS FOR EMIGRANTS. ^
ion to the common stock, they are to have shares in such
proportion. Two children, between ten and sixteen years old,
are reckoned for one share. Each child under ten shall have
fifty acres of unmanured land when the division of property is
made. If emigrants die before this period, their part is reck
oned according to their life spent here, and is due to their
heirs. Whatever persons join the company at home, or at the
settlement, their proportion of the possessions will agree with
the period of such continuance." Hubbard informs us that
the contract was so altered that the planters should retain their
houses and improved lands, and have two days in a week for
their own private benefit, and that this change was much dis
liked by " such as were concerned in the voyage."
December 27. In a letter Dermer says that the natives
at Manamack had surprised and made him captive. Though
he paid hatchets for his ransom, they retained him. But " it
pleased God at last, after a strange manner, to deliver me, with
three of them into my hands, and, a little after, the chiefe
sachem himselfe." The chief apologized, returned the hatch
ets, and gave a canoe full of com, and was released.
1620, That the important enterprise of those who contracted
with Weston be continued by them, with appropriate views,
feelings, and motives, they ask direction from God, the supreme
source of all wisdom and perfection. They " keep a day of
solemn prayer, Mr. Robinson preaching a very suitable sermon
from 1 Sam. xxiii. 3, 4, strengthening them against their
fears, and encouraging them in their resolutions, and then con
clude how many and who should prepare to go first." As the
greater part, because some could not get ready, conclude
to remain, he, as previously agreed, is to tarry with them.
The rest have Mr. Brewster, the ruling elder, assigned for
their leader. The latter are to be considered as a church by
themselves, as well as those who continue in Leyden, with the
proviso that whoever, of either congregation, shall come to
America or return to Europe, shall be accounted regular mem
bers, without any further dismission or testimonial. It is also
agreed that they who remain shall follow the others as soon as
possible. February 12. Aware that these refugees for the gospel's
sake had resolved to make their home in the new world,
the Dutch West India Company petition their government to
grant them a plantation on the Hudson. They remark,
" There is residing at Leyden a certain English minister, who
is well versed in the Dutch language, and who is inclined to go
there and live; assuring your memorialists that he knows
that over four hundred families would go with him there, as

1620.]

THE CHARGE OF ROBINSON. 37

well from this country as from England, provided that by the
authority of the States General they may be defended from the
attacks of other powers ; for the purpose of planting there the
true and pure Christian religion, and of converting the savages
of those countries to the true knowledge and understanding of
the Christian faith, and also, through the grace of the Lord,
and to the glory of the government of this countiy, to colonize
and establish a new empire there." They proceed: " His Ma
jesty of Great Britain is disposed to colonize the aforesaid lands
with English subjects, and with violence to make fruitless your
memorialists' discoveries and possessions." Such an application,
of the deepest concern to the anxious Puritans, was kept along
till the 1 1th of April, and then negatived. Had it been other
wise, and they settled in New Netherlands, instead of New Eng
land, it is probable that so important results would not have
come from their emigration to America as already have. " God
ordereth all things and- sure." With regard to the designs of
the English sovereign, he considered the Dutch colony as em
braced in his territory, and as justly liable to be ejected by his
forces. July 21. After encountering impediments, which lagged
far in the rear of their wishes, the colonists have a ship
ready for them.* She is of sixty tons, and called the Speed
well. Her name promises more than she performs. Before
the passengers embark, they wait especially upon the Lord, as
was their most reasonable service. They observe a day of
prayer, when their pastor preaches to them from Ezra viii. 21.
As some explanation of his remarks on this occasion, it may be
well to precede them with the subsequent facts.
His own views did not harmonize with those of the Luther
ans in the particulars of their consubstantiation, subjects of bap
tism, and discipline. Nor in the last of these particulars did he
agree with the Calvinists -of his day. He was far from approv
ing the distinctive points of the Arminians. Thus differing
from such denominations in these respects, and desirous that his
people should examine their own and others' creed by the teach
ings of revelation, he lays upon them the subsequent injunction :
" I charge you before God and his blessed angels, that you fol
low me no farther than you have seen' me follow the Lord Jesus
Christ. The Lord has more truth yet to break forth out of his
holy word. I cannot sufficiently bewail the condition of the
reformed churches, who are come to a period in rehgion, and
will go at present no further than the instruments of their
* Bradford says about July 21, but Neal, in his History of the Puritans, says
Julv 1.

38 SEPARATION OF THE PURITANS. ^
reformation. Luther and Calvin were great and shining lights
in their times, yet they penetrated not into the whole counsel of
God. I beseech you, remember it, 'tis an article of your church
covenant, that you be ready to receive whatever truth shall be
made known to you from the written word of God. I must
also advise you to shake off the name of Brownists. It is a
mere nickname, and a brand for making religion and the posses
sors of it odious to the Christian world."
Thus impressively counselled, the voyagers bid farewell to
Leyden, where they had lived near twelve years. They are ac
companied by most of their brethren to Delft Haven, where
their vessel lay. Friends from Amsterdam come to see them
sail and commence their eventful exodus. They spend the night
in Christian converse. About to go on board, 22d, Mr. Robin
son, " falling down on his knees, and they all with him, he, with
watery cheeks, commends them, with most fervent prayer, to
God, and then, with mutual embraces and many tears, they take
their leave."
Affecting scene! Relatives and . fellow-Christians, united by
the ties of like nation, by the sympathies of like faith, by ex
perience of like trials, and by efforts for like purposes, are loath-
fully and sorrowfully separated. They wish that the necessities
of obligation would suffer them to dwell in the same commu
nity, to worship in the same sanctuary, and to be buried under
the same sod. But they who depart feel that duty to the king
dom of Christ has stronger claims on their obedience than all
the attractions of friendship and all the interests of time.
The separation draws abundant tears from the eyes of observ
ing strangers. Still it is soothed and softened by the hope that,
if the leaving and the left never more commune on earth, they
shall in heaven, where "farewells are a sound unknown."
The departure of Columbus for the discovery of a new world,
and for opening new sources of commerce, wealth, .and knowl
edge, was an enterprise worthy of the noblest mind ; but the
undertaking of the Leyden Puritans to found a commonwealth
suited to cherish and expand the blessings of civil and reli
gious hberty is one of brighter, sublimer ends. Their passage
to Southhampton is prosperous.
27. Mr. Robinson, still following his departed friends with
the daily aspirations of his benediction, writes a letter to them,
in general, and another to Mr. Carver, in particular. In the
latter, he says, " I will not foreshow my bodily coming at the
first opportunity. I have written a large letter to the whole,
and am sorry I shall not rather speak than write to them, and
the more, considering the want of a preacher, which I shall
also make some spur to my hastening towards you." His gen-

.,-™, VOYAGE ACROSS THE ATLANTIC. 39
1620.] eral epistle contains sound and pious counsel for the conduct of
the company, in the several relations which they do or shall
sustain. Being read to them, they received it as the advice of
a spiritual father whose heart was bound up in their highest
good. For their own and other passengers' accommodation, the
ship Mayflower, of one hundred and eighty tons, is hired in
London, to keep company with the Speedwell. After the let
ter of Robinson was read to them, " they distributed their com
pany for either ship, as they conceived for the best, and chose a
governor and two or three assistants for each ship, to order the
people by the way, and to see to the disposing of their pro
visions and such like affairs, all which was not only with
the liking of the masters of the ships, but according to their
desires." August 5. Thus prepared for a passage to their anticipated
residence, they, accompanied by some of Southwark church,
spread their sails to the wind, and commit themselves to the
keeping of an ever-watchful Providence. But their patience
is still to be severely tried. Twice are they compelled to return
to the port of Southampton, because of a leak in the Speed
well. On this account, they reluctantly give her up. In such
emergency, part of her passengers relinquish the voyage,
and the rest join those of the Mayflower, commanded by Mr.
Jones. September 6. After so tedious a delay, and, with the super
stitious, one ominous of evil, this solitary vessel puts to sea.
Thus out upon the deep, the emigrants which she bears have a
new source of anxiety. The patent, which allowed them a set
tlement in America, cannot legally avail them, because, as pre
viously stated, Wincob, in whose name it was taken, was unable
to accompany them. Still, the expression of their purpose is,
Onward. November 9. After a long and perilous voyage, they descry
land, which proves to be Paomet, or Cape Cod. This is a sight
which gladdens their heart. It tells them that they have
reached the continent, on which their thoughts and words had
often dwelt, and which they had often prayed and hoped would
be to them and theirs as a land of promise. Thus gratified,
they tack about and steer for Hudson River, whither they had
proposed to go and form a settlement. On this point, Bradford
said, " their design and patent being for Virginia, and not New
England." The former of these two jurisdictions included the
stream just named. They keep on for a half day; but meeting
with shoals and a calm, they are persuaded by the captain to
make their way back. It is related that he was bribed, in Hol
land, not to land them where they intended, lest it should inter-

40 COMPACT -GOVERNOR CHOSEN. ^
fere with the trade of the company for New Netherlands. This,
however, is denied by some, while affirmed by others.
Returned under such circumstances, the Pilgrims are aware
that their invahd patent does not privilege them to be located
so far north, and grants them " only the general leave of his
majesty for the free exercise of the liberty of conscience in the
public worship of God." Still, having decided, from necessity,
to remain here, they conclude to organize themselves anew for
the purposes of social order.
11. After looking to Heaven for guidance, they unite in a
"body politic by a solemn contract, to which they set their
hands, as the basis of their government." This covenant avers
that they engaged in their enterprise " for the glory of God,
and the advancement of the Christian faith, and the honor of
their king and country." It is signed by forty-one male adults,
who, with the rest of their company, make one hundred and
one souls. They elect John Carver, a gentleman of eminent
piety, as their governor for the year immediately ensuing. Not
decided on what particular spot they shall settle, they conclude
to keep on board till they find a suitable place. They entertain
different opinions as to what part of the coast they shall occupy.
While in suspense of this sort, and confined to the contracted
limits of their vessel, they experience severe suffering from
cold, hardship, and sickness. Nor was this all : the captain of
the ship, anxious lest, by their continuing on board, his provis
ions should be exhausted, urged their speedy settlement on
shore. " Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they got not a
place in time, they would turn them and their goods on shore,
and leave them." During this period, parties frequently visit
the country to discover a proper site for their plantation. In
these excursions, they have stirring adventures and hairbreadth
escapes ; they meet with burial-places of the natives ; with bas
kets of corn and beans, carefully deposited by them in the sand,
for which they subsequently pay. They seldom obtain a fair
view of the Indians, who still foster resentment to Europeans
for the injury done them by Hunt, and received from others
in several collisions, and who watch an opportunity to destroy
them. December 8. A company of pilgrims embark for an explor
ing tour. While some of them are off the shore, and others
on land, one of the latter, early in the morning, runs, at the
height of his speed, towards his associates on the water, crying,
" Indians ! Indians ! " Instantly a shower of arrows are poured
on the English, who quickly disperse their wily assailants with
muskets. The same party, so assaulted, are overtaken by a vi
olent storm, and narrowly escape being foundered and cast

PLACE FOR A SETTLEMENT. 41
1620.]
away. In their extremity, they get to an island* wholly un
known to them. Here they make the best of their condition,
and recruit themselves as much as their scanty means allow.
10. Unable to reach the ship before the Sabbath, they con
tinue here, and keep holy time with Christian propriety, conso
lation, and improvement. The ground whereon they worship
is probably, for the first time, consecrated by such gospel ser
vice. 11. The next day, "they sound the harbor, find it fit for
shipping, march into the land, see divers cornfields and running
brooks, with a place they judge fit for habitation, and return to
the ship with the discovery, to their great comfort."
16. Thus encouraged, after an unsuccessful attempt the day
before, the passengers and crew sail to the port so favorably de
scribed by their exploring party.
20. To make a final conclusion whether this situation will
answer for. the residence of the emigrants, a number of them
land and examine its localities. They confirm the previous se
lection, and would have communicated their decision to those
in the Mayflower ; but they are prevented and detained, without
any shelter, for two days, by a violent tempest. The place, so
carefully and perilously sought and preferred, is Apaum or Pa-
tuxet, which is soon exchanged by the colonists for the English
name of Plymouth, "in grateful memory of the Christian
friends they found at Plymouth, in England, and as the last
town they left in their native land."
Thus the Pilgrims, from Leyden are brought to their perma
nent abode. This, though not the first in their previous de
sires, and though not accompanied with attractive advantages
of soil, is chosen as a retreat from evils more deeply felt than
easily expressed. Their advent to these shores is one of the
results which flowed from the reformation. True, its more im
mediate source was the intolerance of England to their church
polity ; the influences of Holland, partially unpropitious for
the piety of their youth, and for the advancement of their con
gregation ; and especially their desire to dwell in a new situa
tion, unaffected by the faults of old communities, and to spread
the gospel where its blessings were scarcely known. Their lead
ing motives are the highest of which the soul is capable. In
order to develop their plan, it was necessary for them to act, in
no small degree, independently of their sovereign's wish.
* Morton's Memorial says, that this island afterwards went by the name of
Clark's Island, because Mr. Clark, mate of the Speedwell, was the first of her
company who landed there. The same place was the occasion of much difficulty
in the time of Sir Edmund Andros ; who, contrary to the claims and wishes of
Plymouth, granted it to one of his friends.
F 4*

42 CONGREGATIONALISM TENDS TO FREEDOM. ^
When perceiving, from his last charter for New England, that
none were permitted to inhabit its territory, except they bowed
to his supremacy in church and state, however an undefined
toleration was promised to them, but secured by no patent, they
felt bound to follow the dictates of their conscience more than
the injunctions of royalty. Hence, while James I. resisted the
practical import of the maxim often upon his lips, that to take
the crosier from the bishop was to rob the king of his crown,
they still denied episcopacy as the best modification of the Chris
tian religion. Their compact of social government was virtually
intended to countenance no law inconsistent with Congregational
principles. These principles essentially involve a purpose for
such a measure of civil liberty as will allow the profession
and practice of them ; and they naturally incline to as great
freedom in political concerns as they possess in ecclesiastical
The legitimate consequence of these principles, more than those
of other dissenting bodies, in any kingdom, whether under a mag
na charta or not, if having a large majority of the population
in their favor, is to exchange monarchy for republicanism.
Still the charge urged by Rapin against the Independents, in
clusive of CongregationaUsts as well as other dissenters, that
they abhorred royalty, and only approved of democracy, is not
strictly true. Many CongregationaUsts have been conscientious
and faithful subjects under regal government, and many Episco
palians have sustained a like relation under a popular govern
ment. There would be full as much propriety in asserting that
the latter abhorred the civil administration of our nation, as that
the former abhorred the regal administrations of Europe. There
is no proper doubt but the Independents of England spoke truly
in their memorial of 1647, when they said, " We do not disap
prove of any form of civil government, but do freely acknowl
edge that a kingly government, bounded by just and wholesome
laws, is allowed by God, and also a good accommodation unto
men." Here they expressed their comparative preference,
which did not absolutely commit them to the denial of their
greater preference for a government which should best comport
with their religious freedom, and which experience has long
proved to be of a popular kind, under the control of intelli
gence and virtue.
The Pilgrims, by the continuance of their principles and adhe
rence to them, laid the corner stone of the basis on which have ris
en and now rest the liberal institutions of our nation. Had the
emigrants to South Virginia thrown off the forms of hierarchy,
when landing on its shores, and perpetuated the Congregational
order, they would have been known as the first in so eventful a
work. But He who controls the miiverse of mind and matter

16201 RESULTS OF PURITAN PRINCIPLES. 43
designed that it should be as it is. So appointed to stand in
their lot, the colonists of Plymouth became subjected for their
pohcy to various trials from opponents in England. No wonder '
that, as such policy spread with the population of our country,
and manifested its inherent tendencies, it was met with counter
acting restrictions of British sovereigns, from James I. to
George III., when kingly power ceased in the United States.
Though, in some limited measure, to human perception, " com
ing events cast their shadows before," yet there was but one eye
which foresaw, one supreme mind which comprehended, com
pletely and infallibly, the causes and effects of the agency per
formed by the planters of Plymouth. Little did Alexander VI. ,
when conferring the western hemisphere on Ferdinand and Is
abella for the conversion of its natives to his own creed, realize
that any European potentates would deny the sway of his scep
tre, and plant the new world with separatists from the Papal see.
Little did Luther and his associate laborers, when presenting
their first arguments against the abuses of pontifical authority,
suppose that' they were preparing the way for Protestant influ
ences so soon to operate in the wilds of America. Little did
the English monarch, whose edicts drove Robinson and his flock
to seek for shelter in Holland, apprehend that he was acting a
part which would greatly contribute to the disruption of large
domain from British empire. Little did the Pilgrims them
selves, when taking possession of the bleak and dreary cape,
cherish a sanguine expectation that their precept and example
would furnish a more valuable lesson to the world than that of
all ancient republics ; how nations, actuated by the fear of their
Maker, can best five and flourish under rulers of their own ap
pointment and laws of their own sanction. Pertinently does
the figurative description of a prophet, wherein he speaks of
the involution of the cherubic wheels, illustrate the complicated
revolutions of Providence. Still, the sphere of man requires
him to discharge present duty, and leave the disposal of its
events to the hand of infinite wisdom. Never did a people
act more on this salutary principle than the settlers of Plym
outh. Herein is the secret of their far-reaching, purpose, of
their unshaken resolution, their incessant perseverance, their
submission under trials, their meekness in prosperity, their suc
cess in effort, and their ability to bequeath to successors a heri
tage invaluable, not for its earthly riches, but for its temporal
and spiritual freedom.

44 CROSSES SET UP — INDIANS EDUCATED.

MAINE.
1603, June. On his voyage, previously mentioned, Pring^ ar
rives at what the natives call Movoshen, afterwards known as
Maine. He harbors in Penobscot Bay, and surveys the coast, as
preparatory to meet the purposes of the company who commis
sioned him.
1605. From St. Croix, his principal head quarters, where Le-
scarbot gave religious instruction, on the Sabbath, to the men
there, De Monts sails along different parts of Maine, and puts
up a cross at Kennebec, as a mark of its being under the jurisdic
tion of France. Charlevoix says that Lescarbot was a lawyer
of Paris, and much attached to De Monts, who was a Calvinist.
While the French were desirous, by repeated visits, to confirm
their claims to the soil here, the English were no less so to do
the same, for a hke purpose. George Weymouth, fitted out
by the Earl of Southampton, discovers an island, which he calls
St. George, on the 17th of May. Here he had a cross erected
in token of its subjection to James I. On the 13th of June,
he had another cross set up on the shore of Penobscot River.
The narrator of this, James Rosier, remarks, "We diligently
observed that in no place could we discern any sign that ever any
Christian had been there before, of which, either by cutting wood,
digging for water, or setting up crosses, (a thing never omitted
by any Christian travellers,) we should have perceived some
mention left." Though he did not meet with these indications,
yet the coast had been visited, and, not improbably, several
times. Previously to putting up the cross, Weymouth had de
tained, June 1, five of the natives on board of his vessel, for
the purpose of carrying them to England.
When Weymouth reached home, Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
to inform himself more fully about their country, and prepare
them for assisting to colonize it with the English, took three
of the Indians into his family, and had them instructed. But
all the benefit he did them could not countervail the evil which
their captivity caused in prejudicing the sympathies of their
nation against the captors and their religion.
1606, August. Gorges and others,* despatch Henry Chalons,
with two of the five Indians taken away by Weymouth, for the
country where they lived. But he was captured by Spaniards,
who kept his vessel and cargo. Shortly after he sailed, the
same company fit out Thomas Haman f with supplies for him
and his people. Not finding Chalons at the designated place,
* Relation of the Council for New England.
f They say Haman, and not Hanham.

1607] SETTLEMENT CONSECRATED. 45
Haman returned with favorable accounts of the coast. The
council say, " upon whose relation, .the lord chief justice and
we all waxed so confident of the business, that the year, follow
ing every man of any worth, formerly interested in it, was will
ing, to join in the charge for sending over a competent number
of people to lay the ground of a hopeful plantation."
1607, June* So encouraged, these persons have two vessels
prepared for another expedition. They are the fly boat, named
the Gift of God, Captain George Popham, and the ship Mary
and John, of London, Captain Raleigh Gilbert. They sail
from Plymouth, with one hundred and twenty emigrants.
August 6. They come to an island, which they call St.
George. Here they see the cross erected by order of Wey
mouth. 9. Most of the persons, in both vessels, land where such a
sacred emblem stands, hear a sermon from their preacher,
Richard Seymour, and return on board.
18. All of them go ashore, and select a peninsula at the
mouth of the Sagadahock, or Kennebec River, for their settle
ment. Three canoes, full of the natives, watch their move
ments. 19. Having come back to their vessels, they land again in
the same location. Here the clergyman delivers a pertinent
discourse. Then the commission is opened, and the officers
and laws for the colony read. The document designates
George Popham for president. Raleigh Gilbert, James Da-
vies, Richard Seymour, Richard Davies, and Edward Harlow
are sworn for assistants. They spend the night in their ves
sels, for safety.
20. They disembark, and begin to build, as necessity dic
tates. They so occupied themselves till they had finished a
fort, trenched and fortified it with twelve pieces of ord
nance, and built fifty houses therein, besides a church and
storehouse. September 27. Parties of the seamen and settlers having
been variously employed, Captain Gilbert, on a voyage of ex
ploration up the Sagadahock River, has a cross erected, and
begins his back course, after various experience from the
Indians. October 5. Some of these, from Penobscot River, on a visit
to the colony, attend worship, morning and evening, on the
Sabbath, " with great reverence and silence."
December 5. The two vessels sail for England, to report the
condition of the colony, and obtain supphes.
# Prince makes it May 31.

46 COLONY RELINQUISHED. ,Mk
Endeavoring to promote friendly relations with the natives,
and engaged in other services for the benefit of the plantation,
the settlers are called to experience a very cold winter, — as
the inhabitants in many parts of Europe are, — and the loss of
their storehouse, most of their provisions, and residences, by
fire. In addition to these trials, the Supplement of Hub
bard's Narrative states, according to a tradition, the capture
of their fort by a body of Indians, and the loss of men who
fought against them. But the captors, being careless of the
powder which they found there, were all blown up. Their
countrymen took this as an omen that the Great Spirit was
angry with them for injuring the English.
On the return of Captain Robert Davies, after such afflic
tions, who had been sent to England in the Mary and John,
for supplies, he found the colonists much disheartened. They
had lost Popham and others by death. Gilbert, who succeeded
to the presidency, was under the necessity of going home and
attending to an estate left by his deceased brother. In view of
these and other circumstances, the planters determine that they
will stay no longer to buffet the difficulties of a new settlement.
They return to their own country, in the ship commanded by
Davies, and in the pinnace Virginia, built by some of their
number. Thus an Episcopal colony is terminated, and its an
ticipated influence to advance the interests of the national
church on our soil is hastily prevented.
This result, as the relation of the council for New England
states, " was a wonderful discouragement to all the first under
takers, insomuch as there was no more speech of settling any
other plantation in those parts for a long time after." The
same authority informs us that Sir Francis Popham, " having
the ships and provision which remained ofthe company," fitted
them out at his own expense, several times, for fishing and
trade on the coast.
1613, For years zealous Catholics of France were desirous
to promote the cause of missions among the natives of all the
eastern territory which their government claimed. In 1607,
the king notified Pourtrincourt, who had a grant of Port Royal
from De Monts, that it was time to make exertions for the con
version of the savages in Acadie to the Christian religion.
Accordingly, two persons * were selected for such a mission.
They were Pierre Biard and Enemond Masse. They expected
to embark immediately for the field of their labor. But as a
prejudice existed against the Jesuits, and these two were of
* Belknap, (who quotes Purchas,) Williamson, and others represent them as
having been at Acadie several years before 1611; but Charlevoix, Champlain,
and Holmes, not so.

„„. PAPAL MISSION. 47
ul-i.Jhat order, their departure was delayed. Pourtrincourt, in
608, sailed from France without them, for Port Royal, and he
oon sent home a despatch that no minister of the Jesuits was
Lecessary here, for twenty-five of the savages had been already
laptized. Of course this must have been done by some mis-
ionary, whom Pourtrincourt had encouraged to preach in his
urisdiction. During the same year, the latter wrote to Pope
3aul V. that he had engaged to exile himself and family in a
trange country, so as to " procure for infidels the knowledge
if Jesus Christ," and therefore desired his apostolic benedic-
ion. After persevering efforts to have the two priests sent
>ver, the queen mother, Mesdames de Verneuil, De Sourdis,
ind especially De Guercheville, in 1610, advanced moneys for
;heir outfit. On their arrival at Dieppe, to embark, two
Eluguenots, associates, of Biencourt, the son of Pourtrincourt,
•efused to grant them a passage. Though the queen regent
ndered the governor of that port to see that they were allowed
;o depart, still they were left behind, and retired to their col-
ege. Piqued at this conduct, Madame de Guercheville bought
;he patent of De Monts, and took effectual measures to carry
)ut her purpose. By such energy, the two priests reach Port
[loyal, June 12, 1611. They still perceive that Pourtrincourt
las not the confidence in them which is needful for their pleas-
mt and successful operations. The next year, while Masse
vas engaged in an exploration of the country, Biard was alike
sigaged, with Biencourt, along the coast up to the Kennebeck,
md, by the aid of an Indian as interpreter, he declared Jesus
Christ to the natives. Charlevoix says that the missionary
' found a people who were docile, heard him with respect, and
vho seemed not far from the kingdom of heaven." He also
ntimates that the Cannibas liked the French better than the
English, and would prefer the former for allies to the latter.
Believing that the opportunity for spreading the Papal faith
hr.ough the mission under her protection would be much better
f it were removed, Madame de Guercheville sends out Saus-
aye and two Jesuits, Quentin and Thet, to effect such a
:hange. These arrive at Le Heve, May 16, 1613, and set up
_er coat of arms, as proprietor of the soil. They go to Port
loyal, there engage Biard and Masse to accompany them, and
hence they proceed to Mount Desert, an island at the mouth
if Pentagoet or Penobscot River. They land on the east end
f the island, where they choose their settlement, erect a cross,
t which they afterwards worship, celebrate mass, and name
he place St. Saviour. They, with other colonists, amount to
wenty-five. Assisted by the vessel's crew, they prepare an
itrenchment for their defence. After their houses are erect-

48 MISSIONARIES DISPERSED. .^
ed, they proceed to cultivate the earth. In the mean while,
Biard and Le Vilin, the lieutenant of Saussaye, take a jour
ney into the adjacent country, to discover the disposition of the
natives. In their absence, Biard baptized the child of an In
dian, supposed at the point of death, and it recovered. While
the mission were preparing to carry out their plans, they are
visited by Sir Samuel Argal, from Virginia, who came to pro
tect eleven sail of fishermen from that colony. He captures
and breaks up the settlement, and, as Charlevoix says, in the
place of their cross, he has another set up with the name of the
English king inscribed. The force under him killed part of
their opponents. Of those so slain was the Jesuit Du Thet.
Argal allows some of the prisoners a vessel, in which they
return to France. Fifteen of them accompany him to Virginia.
He justifies this procedure on the ground that his captives
were intruders upon English soil.
On his return to Virginia, the governor there despatched
him, with three vessels, to destroy the French settlements at
St. Croix and Port Royal, which he accomplished without
opposition. Thus were the buddings of Papacy crushed, for a time, at
the eastward. The opponents of the reformation mourned,
and its advocates rejoiced, at such a conclusion of Madame de
Guercheville's zeal and exertion.
1614, March 3. With Maine so cleared of the French, John
Smith sails, with two ships under his command, from London.
He shapes his course for Sagadahock, which he is instructed to
occupy if circumstances permit. He arrives the latter end of
April. While the greater part of his company attend to fish
ing, he, with the rest, surveys the coast, and trades with the
natives for peltry. As a matter of course, he must have met
with Indians who had visited the late colonists, and related to
him interesting events of their perilous history. He did not
remain, as he expected. While here, he met, " on the main,
against Monhigan, a ship of Sir Francis Popham, which had
many years used that port only."
1618. Though grievously disappointed in several attempts to
settle this part of America with members of his beloved na
tional church, Sir Ferdinando Gorges continues to persevere in
his purpose. He had fitted out a ship at his own charge. In
her he had sent Richard Vines, an Episcopalian clergyman, and
others. As he requested, they left the ship, according to his
Description of New England, " to follow their business in the
usual place. By these, and help of those natives formerly
sent over, I came to be truly informed of so much as gave me
assurance that, in time, I should want no undertakers, though

WAR AND PLAGUE. 49
1C19-]
as yet I was forced to hire men to stay there in the winter
quarter, at extreme rates." He then mentions that he did this
during the destructive war between the tribes here, in 1615,
and the desolating plague of 1617 and 1618. He informs us
that Vines and his associates suffered nothing from the plague,
though they lodged in wigwams of the diseased natives. In
1617, Vines resided at Winter Harbor, (part of Biddeford,)
which he seems to have occupied for carrying out the religious
as well as the commercial plans of his benevolent patron.
1619, Thomas Dermer, fitted out by the Company for New
England, stops at Monhigan. One of his specific objects is, as
Hubbard's Narrative states, " to settle the affairs of the planta
tion, now a third time revived, about the Kennebevk. "
Wounded, as related previously, he soon finds a grave in Vir
ginia, where Edward Rocroft, with whom he came to cooper
ate, perished.

NEW HAMPSHIRE-
1614. Among the various navigators who appear to have
examined the limited sea-coast oi this colony, for purposes of
trade and colonization, is Captain John Smith, who now care
fully makes his observations on its different parts. He calls
the Isles of Shoals Smith's Isles. He represents the natives as
allies to others more eastward. His desire, and that of his as
sociates, was, that the light of Christianity might soon dawn
on these dwellers in heathenish darkness.

RHODE ISLAND.
1000. If the Vineland, discovered by Leif, and retained sev
eral years, at least, by his successors, be where the northern
antiquaries locate it, there is great probability that exploring
parties from their settlements, being long afterwards comprised
by the Plymouth colony, passed over into the locations subse
quently occupied by Williams, Clark, and their followers.
1524. Verrazano, on his voyage of discovery, writes to the
KinCT of France that he visited Narragansett Bay and the har
bor on which Newport was afterwards settled. He remarked
of the Indians here, " At their departure out of life, their
relations mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a
long while."

50 EARLY EXPLORATIONS. [Conn.

CONNECTICUT.
1003, From the course pursued by the Northmen, sent on a
voyage of discovery, from their settlement, by Thorwald, and
from the time of their absence, they most likely ranged along
the seaboard of this colony.
1524, While exploring from the south to Rhode Island,
there is cause to believe that Verrazano did not omit to make
himself somewhat acquainted with a portion of Connecticut.
1614. After the discovery of the Fresh Water or Connecti
cut River, this year, by the Dutch, their traders carried on a
profitable traffic in peltry, with the natives, who lived in the
direction, of the same stream.

CHAPTER III.
Massachusetts. William Laud made a bishop. — English Puritans. — Peace
with the natives. — Nova Scotia. — Tarrentines. — Protest of the Commons. —
Weston's plantation. — New Netherland. — Mariana. — Apprentices. — Emi
grants prohibited. — Vessels of Weston arrive. — Poor children. — Government
on a grand scale. — New Albion. — Gospel for the Indians. — Sale of fire-arms
prohibited. — Admiral. — Indian boy. — Military service. — Patent of R. Gorges.
— Puritanism endangered. — Nantasket. Plymouth. Residence. — Sabbath.
— Natives. — Families. — Doctrines. — Church order. — Marriage. — Holydays.
— Prophecy. — Opposition. — Pestilence. — Fire. — Powwows. — Indians paci
fied. — Visit of Massasoit. — Deaths. — Departure of the Mayflower. — Reli
gious privileges. — Death of Carver. — Duel. — Letter from Robinson. — Call
on Massasoit. — Boy lost and found. — Corbitant. — Wounded natives. —
Peace with sachems. — More emigrants. — Seal of the colony. — Another
patent, — Loss by the French. — Sabbath service. — Sermon of Cushman. —
Hostile aspect of Canonicus. — Challenge. — Defence. — Pierce's plantation.
— Weston's colony. — Distress. — Virginia massacre. — Famine. — Indian re
proach. — Freemen. — Another port. — Supplies. — Books given. — Squanto
dies. Maine. Acadie. — Vessels at Damaris Cove. — Public city. — Lands
granted. — Laconia. — Mt. Mansell. New Hampshire. Coast past. — Pur
pose to have soil settled. Rhode Island. Narragansetts. — French trade.
— Canonicus. — Challenge. MASSACHUSETTS.
1621. Continually manifesting his strong prejudice against
the Puritans of England and Scotland, in their doctrines as well
as forms, James I., though the clerical delegates he sent to the
synod of Dort seemed to favor its decisions, advances several
divines, who were zealous supporters of Arminius, to some of
the chief bishoprics in his kingdom. Among the persons so
promoted is William Laud,* who afterwards adopted measures
towards the Congregational part of New England, which were
dreaded by their friends and commended by their foes. Under
the protection of the king, striving to wrest from his people their
constitutional rights, such dignitaries exert great influence to
accomplish his purpose. All Episcopalians, who will not fall
in with their views, and who hold to the thirty-nine articles as
previously interpreted, are called Church Puritans. At the
same time, his majesty applies the epithet of Puritan to such of
* The Breviat of his Life makes this 1622, but Prince and others make it
June 29, 1621. (51)

52 ENGLISH PURITANS -INDIANS CONCILIATED. ^^
his subjects as stand against his prerogative. These go by the
name of State Puritans. United with the Church Puritans,
who, comparatively, are not numerous, they form a majority,
whose constant struggles against the encroachments of regal
power prevent the utter ruin of British freedom. To counter
act this conservative party, James favors the Catholics and the
Arminians, who, together, apply their energies to break down
all the barriers of the magna charta.
August. After this date, while the Pilgrims at Plymouth
were exerting an influence to calm the angry resentments of
the natives, those of Capawak propose terms of friendship be
tween themselves and their white neighbors, who exhibit a dis
position very different from that of reckless kidnappers.
September 10. For securing Nova Scotia more fully to the
English crown, and thus keeping it from being a head quarters
for Papal influence upon the natives and settlers of the country,
Sir William Alexander has a patent of it from King James, by
consent of the company for New England.
About this time, while other chiefs of tribes submit them
selves to the English crown, through the influence of the Plym
outh authorities, some of Massachusetts Bay do the same.
18. As the natives here had threatened the Puritan emigrants,
their governor sends ten men and three Indians, by water,
to conciliate them with friendly proposals. The company
are successful in their kind enterprise. They learned that the
Tarrentines of the eastward were a scourge to the Massachu
setts. They regretted that the lines had not fallen upon them
selves in so eligible a location for settlement as the country of
the last people.
December 18. As a sign of important demonstrations in this
and the mother land, James having rebuked the house for their
legislation as an infraction on his right, they protest " that the
liberties, franchises, privileges, and jurisdictions of parliament
are the ancient and undoubted birthright and inheritance of the
subjects of England."
Expressive of his delay and their zeal to support the refor
mation, they declare their sympathy for his son-in-law, Elector
Palatine, who had been deposed, on the continent, by Papal
power, and their readiness to sustain him, thus fallen, while the
regal relative held back. Amid such conflicting elements, the
germ of Puritanism grew and prepared to spread its branches
far and wide.
1622. January 17. Partaking of the prejudice which had ap
peared in the company in England against the Puritans of
Plymouth, Thomas Weston, who had been one of the most
active among the adventurers there, writes a letter to the

„„, WESTON'S PLANTATION. 53
governor. By this communication, its author gives information,
that he has made up his mind to settle a colony in Massachu
setts. Accordingly he fits out a vessel, called the Sparrow,
Captain Redgers.
February 9. Instructed by the English government to arrest,
if possible, the endeavors of the West India Company for the
further settlement of the New Netherland, Sir Dudley Carle-
ton accordingly addresses the States General. On this occasion,
the ambassador remarks on the claim of his nation to the whole
of North and South Virginias, and he speaks of the English
settlements in them as an enterprise " holy and useful, which
tend to the advancement of the Christian religion and the in
crease of commerce."
March 9. In the exercise of their corporate right, the council
for New England grant territory to John Mason, who had been
governor of Nova Scotia. This soil has the name of Mariana,
which is far more euphonic than it was harmonious in its his
tory. It lies between Naumkeag and Merrimack Rivers, in
cluding the extension round Cape Ann, and islands within
three miles of the coast. Thus a location is assigned so as to
be under the control of an efficient supporter of the national
church. April. For the purpose of commencing Weston's plantation,
ten* emigrants, of whom is Phinehas Pratt, who gives the ac
count, arrive in the Sparrow, at Damaris Cove. These take a
shallop, under the direction of Mr. Gibbs, the mate, reach
Smith's Islands, sail thence to Cape Ami, remain about Massa
chusetts Bay four or five days, and fix on the south part of it,
called Wessaguscus, for their settlement. They buy this of
Aberdecest, the sagamore. A patent for it had been obtained
of the council, in England, by Mr. Weston. Thus another spot,
bordering on the colony of Robinson's followers, is selected for
the abode of rivals to them in trade and ecclesiastical polity.
Pratt and his associates visit Plymouth, where they are kindly
received. They return to their ship at the eastward, accompa
nied by Mr. Winslow, whose commission is to obtain supplies
for his necessitous townsmen.
May 31. Desirous to provide for boys who have none to
support them, the council at home order that such, " not tainted
with misdemeanors," may be sent over to this country and bound
out as apprentices.
They further require that no emigrants shall come hither
without their permission. Of course, being unfavorable to the
spread of Nonconformists, they are likely to pursue their course,
* Bradford, as quoted by Prince, makes seven passengers.
5*

54 SAVAGE POLICY- NEW ALBION.

[Mass.

already begun, of laying out their territories only_ for those
companies who harmonize with them in religious sentiment.
July. Two vessels of Mr. Weston arrive at Plymouth, lhey
are the Charity and Swan. They bring more settlers for his
colony. Pratt says, " Then we made haste to settle our planta
tion, our number being neare sixty men. Neare vnto it is a
towne of later time called Waymouth. The lesser of our three
ships continued with vs." They surround their premises with
palisades as a defence. The governor of them is Mr. Green,
brother-in-law of Mr. Weston. He, being on business at Plym
outh, in the fall, dies suddenly. His successor is John Saun
ders. A Mr. Salsbery is their chirurgeon. Thomas Morton, a
lawyer, is of their number, whom Pratt describes as no separatist.
At first, the adjacent Indians appear friendly to them. But
when perceiving them distressed with famine, they say, " Let
us kill them while they are weak, or they will possess our coun
try and drive us away."
5. The council write to London for poor children of fourteen
years and above to be sent over. These children were probably
designed for settlers in Maine and at Wessaguscus.
Desirous to perpetuate the political and ecclesiastical policy
of their kingdom on these shores, they adopt what appears to
them not only a grand but feasible plan. They say, " whereon
is likely to bee built the goodliest frame that hath euer beene
vndertaken to be raised by our nation."
24. After distributing their soil among various noblemen,*
they adopt several propositions. Of these are the following :
There shall be a general governor, with a council of resident
patentees, assisted by the customary officers of state. The ter
ritory shall be divided into " counties, baronies, hundreds, and
the like." The two former of these are to have lords or deputy
governors and other officials ; and send members to the parlia
ment here for enacting temporal and spiritual laws. In each
county, courts and leets shall be kept as in England, for cases
between "lords, tenants, and others." Incorporated cities shall
send burgesses to the " publique assembly." The whole country
to be called New Albion, " and a place bee reserved for a publique
citty." " That there may bee power given in the grand patent to
create titles of honour and precedency, soe as they differ in nomi-
nacon from the titles used heere in England." " Such as are
truly pious shall finde heere the opportunity to put in practice
the workes of piety, both in building churches and raising of
•* Among these was the Earl of Warwick. As the Massachusetts Company's
records of 1629, September 29, inform us that they had received " a former
grant to him and others," it is probable that the patent now obtained by the latter
associates embraced the territory of the former.

GENERAL GOVERNMENT — PROCLAMATION. 55
colledges for the breeding of youth or maintenance of diuines and
other learned men." As to spreading a knowledge of the gos
pel among the aborigines here, they say, through the peace of
our nation, " We haue the easier passage to aduance the crosse of
Christ in heathen parts, and to display his banner in. the head
of his armie against the infernall spirits, which haue so long kept
those poore, distressed creatures in bondage." They further ob
serve, " Which [faith] with wonderful! alacrity many of them
seem to giue vnto, and for whose speedy conuersion wee intend
to bee as careful! as of our owne happinesse ; and as diligent to
build them houses, and to prouide them tutors for their breeding,
and bring vp their children of both sects, [sexes,] as to advance
any other businesses whatsoeuer, for that wee acknowledge our
selves specially bound thereunto. And this being done to re-
ferre the successe to the Author of heaven and earth, to whom
be all honour and glory." This extensive project, charged -with
involving a monopoly and opposed to free trade, soon found op
ponents from the proprietors of Virginia and some leading mem
bers of the House of Commons. Thus it was impeded and
finally suppressed.
To prevent trade with the Indians of our coasts in fire-arms,
without a sealed license from them, the council petition his ma
jesty to issue a proclamation.
November 6. This he accordingly does. The document con
tains the ensuing language : " As it hath ever been held a prin
cipal office of Christian kings to seek, by all pious means, the
advancement of the Christian religion, soe the consideration
thereof hath bene a spcciall motive unto us to further, by our
royall authority, the good disposition of any of our well-affected
subjects, that have a will to attempt the discovering and plant
ing in any parts of the world, as yet savage and unpossessed by
the subjects of any Christian prince or state, and nowe for that,
by God's sacred favour, there is likely to ensue great advance
ment of his glory, our crowne and state cannot but continue our
especiall favour " to the said council. Chalmers observes, "This
remarkable edict, far from proving beneficial to the company,
really brought on its dissolution." It may have had such tend
ency, but it was not the only cause. The charter granted to
the council, two years before, authorized their suppression of
unlicensed trade, and had been much opposed on account of its
privileges. 8. However the council meet with obstructions to their pur
pose, they partially carry it out. They appoint Francis West
admiral, to take the oversight of fishery and commerce along
their whole coast. He is to embark in the ship Plantation.
Thomas Squib is chosen his assistant.

56 GENERAL GOVERNOR'S PATENT. ^^
November 19. They require Mr. Weston to send back, by
Leonard Paddock, an Indian boy, who belonged in the vicinity
of Wessaguscus.
December 3. As an additional item to the system of govern
ment in their territory here, the council require of each paten
tee, after thirty days' notice, "per gladium comitatus," to fur
nish " four able men conveniently arrayed for the warr, to attend
upon the governor for any service."
By this year, Thomas Gray had received Nantasket from
Chickatalbot, sagamore of the Massachusetts Indians, for a suf
ficient consideration.
30. The council, in view of his father's services, and of
one hundred and sixty pounds from himself, grant Robert
Gorges a tract of land,* ten miles north-east from what is now
known as Boston Bay, and thirty miles into the country. The
boundaries seem to have been altered, but the amount not di
minished. Several merchants, the next May 18, proposed to be
connected with him in the patent. The grantee was endowed
with the right of fully governing the population who might
become his subjects, in accordance with laws enacted by a par
liament to be established in his jurisdiction.
The council appear to have been fully resolved, in the distri
bution of their territory, and in the plan of its particular and
general administration of authority, that there should be no
more colonies here hke that of Plymouth, and that Nonconform
ists must cease to make this land their refuge, as independent
corporations. Indeed, the control of affairs at court was so ap
plied to those here, as to curtail and subvert the Puritan inter
est on our shores.
* David Thompson, as attorney for the council of New England, was designat
ed to deliver such a tract to Robert Gorges. When this person died, the grant
fell to his brother, John Gorges, who conveyed his fee in it, January 10, 1628-9,
to Sir William Brereton, of Handforth, in the county of Chester. Then its con
tents were described as including, besides what has been mentioned above, " two
islands next unto the shore between Nahante and Charles River, the bigger called
Brereton, and the less Susanna." Sir William claimed it of the Massachusetts
Company, February 10, 1629-30. He then petitioned that it might be set off to
him for his people and servants, whom he was about to send hither. But his pe
tition was not allowed. For his stock he is granted six hundred acres here. The
governor consented that he might have a trial to make good his demand. Sir
William left an only son, Thomas, afterwards Sir Thomas Brereton, and a
daughter, Susanna. At the decease of Sir Thomas, the patent was inherited by
his sister, who married Edmund Lemhall, Esq. These leave an only child, Mary,
wife to Mr. Levett, of the Inner Temple, who claimed it in her ri^ht as heir of
Sir William and Sir Thomas Brereton. Sir William sent over families and ser
vants, who possessed some large tracts of the territory, and made several leases.
The description of the bounds seems not to be altogether correct as to the points
of compass.

BEGINNING OF THE SETTLEMENT. 57

PLYMOUTH.
1620. Faint indeed is our imagination, and fainter still our
description, of the various emotions of a company about to in
habit a long-desired, but untried and uncivilized country.
Such emotions stir every affection of the soul, task all its
powers, and are engraved on the tablet of its memory, in char
acters never to be erased. As felt by the settlers of Plym
outh, they wrere of a sublime cast ; were excited by the retro
spection of past efforts and trials for the highest interests of
man, and by the prospect of similar experience for a like
worthy end.
December 23. Having fixed on a permanent residence, they
adopt means for its "preparation. Such of their number as are
not detained by ill health, after solemnly looking to heaven for
guidance, go on shore to " cut and carry timber for a common
building." So commencing their labor on the last day of the
week, they do not suffer it, however urgent, to be made a plea
of necessity for a trespass on holy time.
24. The Sabbath dawns upon them with its sacred as
sociations. They strictly keep it holy. They feel more than
ever, in these ends of the earth, where the abuses of deterio
rated society disturb not their devotions, that the proper use of
such a service is essential to their temporal as well as spiritual
welfare. While the party on land are religiously employed, an
alarm is given to them that Indians are at hand. Perceiving
that the English, though at rest from their labor, are still watch
ful, these assailants immediately flee. This hostile visit is made
by the Nausites of the vicinity. The limited intercourse which
they had had with Europeans failed to teach them that none
should judge from mere appearance, so as to execute punish
ment ; and that while there were those of every clime and every
complexion who trample on the rights of humanity, and sacri
fice all the principles of rectitude on the altar of gain, there are
others who live for the benefit of their species, and who prize
a good conscience more than the wealth of the Indies.
26. The time being come for worldly avocations, the colon
ists sedulously apply themselves to the erection of a building
only twenty feet square, as a shelter for their goods, and some
of their company.
28. They divide themselves into nineteen families, measure
off lots of land, and draw for them. Thus preparing to live,
they are admonished of death. Sickness spreads among them.
It is induced by the scurvy, which had infected some of them
on their voyage, and by hardships endured after their arrival.
H

58 DOCTRINE — FORM OF CHURCH. ^
Still, they long not for the leeks and onions of Egypt, so as to
murmur at their lot.
December 31. Another Sabbath, with its salutary influences,
brings to them " the oil of joy for mourning, and the garment
of praise for the spirit of heaviness." It reminds them, while
they seek for the sanctification of their sorrows, that the month
which it was about to close had witnessed the decease of six of
their number. Thus entered on their toilsome way, the plant
ers of Plymouth may be considered here, perhaps, as well as
any where else in the compass of this work, in reference to
their religious principles and discipline. The founders of this
colony, like their brethren whom they left at Leyden, professed
the Calvinistic doctrines, as taught in the English church at
Geneva. As to other items on this subject, we are favored with the
very w7ords of their own pastor, (Mr. Robinson,) in his Appen
dix to the Six Christian Principles of Rev. William Perkins : —
Ques. What is the church ?
Ans. A company of faithful and holy people, (with their
seed,) called by the word of God into publicke covenant with
Christ, and amongst themselues, for mutuall fellowship in the
use of al the meanes of God's glory and their salvation.
Ques. What are the essentiall marks of the church ?
Ans. Faith and order, as the church in them may be seen
and be held to walke in Christ Jesus, whom she hath received.
Faith professed in word and deed, shewing the matter to be
true ; and order in the holy things of God, shewing the forme
to be true ; which are the two essential parts of the church.
Ques. How many are ye offices of ministery in ye church ?
Ans. Five, besides the extraordinary offices of apostles,
prophets, and evangelists, for the first planting of the churches,
which are ceased with their extraordinary gifts.
Ques. Shew me which those officers be, with their answera
ble gifts and workes.
Ans. The pastor, to whom is given the gift of wisdom for
exhortation. The teacher, to whom is given the gift of knowl
edge for doctrine. The governing elder, who is to rule with
diligence. The deacon, who is to administer the holy treas
ure with simplicitie. The widow, or deaconesse, who is to
attend the sick and impotent, with compassion and cheer-
fulnesse. Ques. By whom are these officers to have their outward
calling 1
Ans. By the church, whereof they are members for the
present, and to which they are to administer.
Ques. What if the officer be found unfaithful in Iris place ?

ECCLESIASTICAL COMMUNION. 59
1621.] Ans. He is by the church to be warned to take heed to his
ministery he hath received, to fulfil it, which, if he neglect
to do, by the same power which set him up he is to be put
down and deposed.
Ques. What are the outward works of the churche's com
munion with Christ ?
Ans. These are six : prayer ; the reading and opening of
the word ; the sacraments ; singing of psalms ; censures ; con
tribution to ye necessitie of the saints."
In addition to the preceding, Mr. Robinson taught the sub
sequent articles : That the more intelligent brethren, by leave
from the elders, may prophesy, or give religious addresses to
the congregation ; that marriage, not being a sacrament, as the
Catholics maintained, should be performed by magistrates ;
that ministers should not be required to pray by set forms ;
that there should be no other holy days than Sabbaths, fasts,
and thanksgivings ; that no particular church should contain
more than can conveniently worship together and exercise a
mutual watch ; that any competent number of Christians, who
witness a good profession, and choose to be so formed, may
covenant with each other, and become a distinct church ; that
no church has a right to control another, with reference to its
individual concerns, except in an advisory manner ; that church
officers, having been chosen by the brethren, are to be ordained
by elders, when practicable. Thus the venerated pastor,
though dead, yet speaketh to us through the faith and order
adopted by the Plymouth church, when separating from their
Leyden brethren.
Appointed to supply his place, in part, so as to prophesy
among the emigrants, William Brewster still exercises the
office of ruling elder. For so high responsibilities he was
eminently qualified. The expected arrival of Mr. Robinson
was an inducement for the brethren to delay the selection of a
pastoral successor to him longer than they otherwise would.
Besides, it appears that members of the trading company who
continued in England were unwilling for Puritan ministers to
embark with them for this country, as is evident from the fact
that Rev. Mr. Crabe had promised to accompany them, but was
much opposed, and therefore remained at home. With how
much tenacity the spiritual bill of rights, just described and
introduced to these shores, was advocated and retained by
our fathers, we shall have frequent occasion to observe. From
t-iis subject, which stood high in the estimation of the colo
nist,, and was the principal impulse to their onward course, we
look to some striking incidents of their experience.
1621, January 14. Still engaged in preparing a town, they

60 LOSSES BY FIRE-POWOWS. [Pltm_
are visited wdth fire, as well as pestilence. Their storehouse,
being covered with thatch, is consumed, with considerable
property. February 9. Their hospital, increasingly needed, is similar
ly destroyed. To them — far away from the tenements and
accommodations of settled and comfortable communities, far
from being able to spare the amount and supplies of their loss
— such adversities are exceedingly trying.
It is not unlikely that the watchful and offended natives of
the vicinity were acquainted with the distresses of the planters,
and drew an argument from them that the Great Spirit was
dealing in judgment with the white men. To hasten on the
catastrophe which they hoped would soon clear the land of
their foreign neighbors, the Indians, about this date, assemble
all their powows, for three successive days, in a dismal swamp,
to perform their various incantations. Thus means and ends,
having no connection, either in nature or religion, have, from
mere contemporaneous existence, been frequently supposed as
closely united, and the one an indisputable precursor of the
other. Hereby superstition has gathered strength, and con
tinued its sway over vast portions of the human family, who
are either destitute of revelation, or, if favored with its in
structions, refuse to obey them. Its exhibition, as just related,
must have reminded the colonists of the scriptural representa
tion, as to the Canaanites, when Balak interceded with Balaam
to imprecate Israel, and must have been a long-continued ser
vice of some common origin. But, leaning on the arm of that
Being who converts improved sorrow into a source of joy,
and who wisely disciplines the good as well as evil, they
gave little heed to the orgies and denunciations of priests who
worshipped they knew not what.
March 16. Such unfriendly carriage of the aborigines is soon
to be overcome. After repeated endeavors to speak with them,
the planters are gratified, as well as surprised, in seeing one
come fearlessly among them, and hearing him say, " Welcome,
Englishmen ! welcome, Englishmen ! " The confidence of this
individual leads them to anticipate that he would serve to as
suage the enmity of adjacent tribes, and thus aid them to enter
on their chief object of introducing the gospel among them.
The name of the person who so trusted himself among stran
gers was Samoset. He was sagamore of the Wampanoags, and
learned the English tongue of fishermen at Penobscot. He
satisfies the emigrants, in various particulars, which their curi
osity and welfare prompts them to know, relative to the country
and people of their vicinity. He confirms what they had al
ready understood, that among the victims of the plague which

16217 PEACEFUL NEGOTIATIONS. 61
raged four years previously, were all the inhabitants of Pau-
tuxet, in which they had become located. Thus they learn
that none of the original proprietors of their settlement live to
ask remuneration for its occupancy, and that they are free from
the accusation of being intruders upon the soil of their descend
ants. They are careful, by kind attentions, that Samoset may
not lose his favorable impressions of their peaceful and benev
olent intentions towards the Indians. Still, they are cautious
not to expose their necessities and weakness to him, lest he had
come on a treacherous embassy. The treatment which he re
ceived from them had the effect on his feelings and the influ
ence over his actions which they desired and sought. He de
parted, next morning, with an agreement that he would assume
the kind office of removing the prejudices and pacifying the pas
sions of their uncivilized neighbors. Faithful in his professions
as a peacemaker, he returns, the 18th, to them with five other
Indians. As an additional pledge that he had not been idle in
their behalf, he hands back to them some of their tools, then
much needed, and highly prized because of their scarcity,
which the Nausites had purloined. He and his companions
bring skins, for the purpose of traffic. But unacquainted with
the Christian calendar, and holding all days alike, they discover
that it is Sabbath with the English, and that nothing must be
said or done about trade at this time. Unaccustomed to such
restraint, those who came with Samoset depart for their resi
dence, while he tarries to witness the services of worship.
March 22. Still desirous for the planters to be acquainted
with every one capable of advancing their interests, this saga
more brings an Indian to them by the name of Squanto. This
individual was among the victims of Hunt's treachery. • He
had escaped from bondage to England, resided in London, and
returned to the abode of his fathers, expecting to entertain
them with the tale of his adventures. But he found none to
bid him welcome. He saw that the besom of pestilence had
swept through their wigwams, and left their bones to bleach on
the open cornfields. Though his betrayer meant his abduction
for evil, yet a merciful Providence overruled it as the means of
saving him from the extirpation of all his kindred, and of ren
dering him an instrument of service to the Puritans. Samoset
and Squanto inform them that Massasoit, " the greatest king of
the Indians bordering on " Plymouth, is at hand, attended by
his brother, Quadequina, and sixty others of his subjects. This
is no undesired message to the planters. They lose no time in
assuring the chief that they are glad to reciprocate his kind
feelings towards them. After the state etiquette on both sides
is closed, and Edward Winslow presents himself as a hostage
6

62 TREATY -MORTALITY. ^
for the sachem's safety, the latter enters into a treaty of peace
with the colonists, on terms fair and honorable to the contract
ing parties. Massasoit, no doubt, had policy in such an. al
liance. He had powerful adversaries in the Narragansetts,
who dreaded the fire-arms of the English, and who, as he well
knew, would fear him more by his connection with such a peo
ple. Seldom have there been purer motives cherished by any
community than those of the emigrants on this occasion. In
treating with their new allies, they not only acted for their own
security, but also to exert an influence over the natives, so
that they too might taste the blessings of civilization and reh
gion. Though * gratified with having made friends of those
who had been their foes, the colonists are still called to mourn
the loss of their own number. Eight of their small company
died in January, seventeen in February, and thirteen in March.
For a part of this period, the well were not sufficient to attend
the sick. Over the intense sufferings which must have accom
panied such mortality, in the midst of many privations, time
has drawn its veil.
Credible tradition relates that the settlers, who buried
their dead on the banks of the shore, near their own dwellings,
levelled and sowed their sepulchres, to conceal, for evident
reasons, from the Indians the fact that so many of them had
deceased. As Abraham found first a grave in the land of
promise for his beloved Sarah, so did the surviving Pilgrims
find, in their refuge, graves for their endeared relatives. As
the weather grows milder, and the hardships of the planters
lessen, health begins to prevail, and cheer them with the hope
that some of them are to be spared for the continuance of their
enterprise. Whether living or dying, they resolve to hold on
the principles and promises of the gospel. They furnish an
eminent example that piety can impart strength in weakness,
derive improvement from afflictions, disarm death of its ter
rors, and make the way from time to eternity both easy and
blessed. April 5. Thus exhibiting proofs of divine philosophy im
pressed upon their hearts, the colonists fit away the vessel
which had brought them hither, and which had lost nearly
half of her crew while upon this coast. A chief reason for
her long detention was, that she might serve them as a retreat,
in case they should be compelled by the natives to relinquish
their settlement. As this ark of their perils and preservations,
trials and consolations, vows and devotions, launched upon
the Atlantic, associations both pleasant and melancholy must
have been awakened in their minds. Leaving them who begin
to exchange the severities of winter for the blandness of spring,

162 CARVER'S DEATH — DUEL. 63
the desolations of pestilence and mortality for the aspect of
health and life, they could not but wish her passage to be safe ;
yea, as she recedes from their gaze, assumes the appearance
of a speck, and sinks below the horizon, their prayer ascends,
" Mayst thou reach thy destination, and prove more welcome
than the fairest Mayflower of the field to the greeting eyes of
our friends." Soon after the departure of the vessel, the emi
grants begin to provide for their temporal necessities by cultivat
ing the soil. In this work they are greatly assisted* by their
friend Squanto. While putting their seed into the ground,
John Carver, their governor, who had " spent the main part of
a considerable estate " for the colony, is taken ill, and soon ex
pires. The circumstances of so sad an event are related by his
successor in office. He " comes out of the field very sick ;
complains greatly of his head ; within a few hours, his senses
fail, so as he speaks no more, and, in a few days after, dies,
to our great lamentation and heaviness. His care and pains
were so great for the common good, as, therewith, 'tis thought,
he oppressed himself and shortened his days, of whose loss
we cannot sufficiently complain." His wifef deceased five or
six weeks after. He left a daughter, Ehzabeth, who married
John Howland.
Thus falls the head of this- smitten commonwealth. As the
hope of better days began to dawn, he and the worthy com
panion of his pilgrimage are called to the unalloyed enjoyments
of perfection. His place as chief magistrate is filled by Wil
liam Bradford, with Isaac Allerton as his assistant.
June 18. Among the evidences which these rulers had that
the severe trials of their company had not purified all its mem- >
bers from false notions of honor, is the fact that a case of duel
ling is brought before them. The combatants are two servants
of Mr. Stephen Hopkins, who are both wounded. They are
adjudged, by verdict of all the other planters, to have their
hands and feet tied together, and so lie for twenty-four hours,
without sustenance. This remedy, continued only an hour,
with much pain, brings the offenders to make proper apologies,
if not to cherish penitent feelings. Strange infatuation must
have induced these individuals to commit such folly among so
small a people, withdrawn from the whirl of popular errors,
and frowning upon the blandishments of demoralized society.
June 30. Still deeply sympathizing with the settlers of
* The Indians, on all the sea-coasts where fish were abundant, manured their
cornfields with them, when discovered by Europeans, and long afterwards. Such
a custom was much followed by the English farmers.
f Rev. John Robinson, in a letter dated July 27, 1620, to Carver, says, " Your
good wife, my loving sister."

64 SYMPATHY— VISIT TO MASSASOIT. ^
Plymouth, as part of his spiritual family, Mr. Robinson writes*
to them from Leyden. An extract or two is given, showing a
far more excellent spirit than the quarrels of the contentious.
" My continual prayers are to the Lord for you ; my most ear
nest desire is unto you, from whom I will not longer keep (if
God will) than means can be procured to bring with me the
wives and children of divers of you and the rest of your
brethren, whom I could not leave behind me without great in
jury to you and them, and offence to God and all men. The
death of so many our dear friends and brethren ! O, how
grievous hath it been to you to bear, and to us, to take knowl
edge of which, if it could be mended with lamenting, could
not sufficiently be bewailed ; but we must go unto them, and
they shall not return to us."
July 2. Thus addressed, the colonists agree to send some of
their number to return the visit of Massasoit. Messrs. Edward
Winslow and Hopkins are the principal persons appointed for
this purpose. In their journey through places, on which
their eyes never before rested, and which afforded ample scope
for the employment of their wakeful curiosity, they pass
over the skulls and other bones of many natives, who had
fallen victims of the recent plague. While walking through
such a Golgotha, they must have . felt as the living among the
dead, and been specially admonished of the slender tie which
holds human life and its greatest attractions. Having reached
the limit of their destination, the sachem kindly receives them,
as well as their presents. He assures them of his unabated at
tachment to their colony. They return highly gratified with
then embassy.
While careful not to break the friendly relations which they
had formed with Massasoit, an incident takes place this month,
painful in its occurrence, but beneficial in its consequences. A
boy wanders from the known limits of the town, and is unable
to retrace his steps. The whole settlement are in anxious sus
pense about his situation. But being found by the Nausites,
he is speedily brought back. This afforded these natives an op
portunity to perceive that their European neighbors, in the ex
pressions of unfeigned gratitude and other manifestations of
real benevolence towards them, were a very different people
from those who had formerly wronged them. The strength of
barbarous antipathy being thus weakened, both parties form a
treaty of friendship. Another similar league is made by the
English with the chief, Iyanough.
August 13. Thus extending the olive branch of peace, the
* Bradford's Letter Book, in Massachusetts Historical Collection, Is. 3v. 45 p.

EXPEDITION — ALLIANCES --PASSENGERS. 65
emigrants are constrained to interpose in behalf of an ally. It
appears that the Narragansetts had committed depredations on
property belonging to some of Massasoit's men, and taken him
prisoner. An attempt was also made by Corbitant, a friend of
the former nation, to murder Hobamak, who had gone from
Plymouth to find his sovereign in the hands of captors. Amid
these circumstances, the colonists conclude that they are required,
by justice and contract, to send a party for the seizure of Cor
bitant and his companions. This detachment, headed by Miles
Standish, find the wily chief absconded. They quiet the ap
prehensions of the natives who remained by the assurance that
they wished to do them no harm, that they had come to sup
press a faction, inimical to Massasoit, and that they felt bound
to chastise all who rose against him. Having accomplished the
object of their expedition, so far as practicable, they march
home. They bring three Indians, who were wounded in the
defence of Corbitant's house. Such disabled natives, instead
of being tormented, and then put to death, as their own custom
was towards captives, are carefully tended, and sent back
healed. Kindness of this sort spoke much in favor of the Puritans'
religion. It led the Indians far and near to regard' them with
increasing confidence.
September 13. Nine sachems become their auxiliaries. The
example of these chiefs is soon followed by other natives. Re
port had reached the planters that the Massachusetts meant to
invade them. They resolve to conciliate this tribe, if possible.
They accordingly, in this month, despatch a party of men,
whose mission proves successful. While the Lord thus smiles
on them, in turning the hearts of opponents towards them, he
also blesses their basket and store. The field supphes them
with bread, the woods with fowl, and the sea with fish, in
abundance. November 10. Little expecting any reenforcement from Eu
rope, at present, to supply the vacancy of their deceased rela
tives, they are happily surprised with the sight of a sail ad
vancing to their port. She proves to be the ship Fortune, and
brings, as passengers, Mr. Robert Cushman and thirty-five
others. They bid her a more hearty welcome than the Vene
tian merchant ever did his richest argosy. Just one year
before, they themselves cast anchor by the cape, which became
their habitation. Then was a. time of thrilling, though chas-
ened, expectation with them. Now the sweet and the bitter
fruitions of their hope and fear on that occasion are the record
of their memory. Kindly, could they say, kindly did the
hand of Providence hide from us the crowded sorrows of so
i 6*

66 MOTIVES — SEAL — PATENT. [JrLTM.
short a period, except as we were called to experience them in
succession, and. were favored with needed support and conso
lation. Kindly has the same overruling cause sent us more
friends, to "bless the present scene," in place of those whom
he has resumed "to prepare us for the next." The last ad
venturers arrived to an abode where pious submission so con
verts natural evil into moral good — came to cast in their lot
with the stricken planters. Nor did they do this ignorantly.
Before making a surrender of their homes and kindred, they
had hstened to the tale of woe which betided their brethren in
a far country. Their object is to strengthen the weak and re
vive the drooping. Nor is such philanthropy, however noble
and justly claiming our praise, their greatest end. They are
mainly induced so to exchange the endearments of native land,
that they too may be co-workers in setting up the pillars of a
religious commonwealth, whose principles, administration, and
effects they hope may be largely freed from what they deem
the errors and corruptions of the eastern hemisphere. Like
their predecessors at Plymouth, they might be properly shad
owed forth by the symbols of devotion on the seal* of their
company, and as possessing the faith and practising the prayer
fit for such an enterprise, which they appreciated more for its
results in eternity than in time. Under circumstances like
these, such an accession of emigrants must have broken up
the deep fountains of feeling ; produced emotions ; drawn forth
expressions of thought,. sympathy, and affection; given a lan
guage to the countenance, and presented a view which the pen
cil of a Raphael himself could but have faintly delineated.
What sacrifices have the conscientious made that they might
freely serve God, extend the bounds of his spiritual kingdom,
and be partakers of his endless favor ! While the verdict of
irreligion may pronounce them mad, the pen of Omniscience
records them as the wisest of their species. In addition to
their happiness, the settlers hear by the Fortune that another
patent has been procured by members of their company at
home. Relative to this subject, Mr. Weston wrote to Gov
ernor Carver, " We have procured you a charter, the best we
could, better than your former, and with less limitation."
Though this instrument is not all the colonists wish, yet it
frees them from the liability to be expelled from their settle
ment as intruders. Such superiority as it had over the first
may be imputed, not to any increase of favor which they found
* This seal presents four men, in the midst of a wilderness, each resting on
one knee, and extending and raising his hands in the attitude of prayer. It is
dated 1620, and circumscribed with the words, " Sigillvm Societatis Plimovth,
Nov. Anglia."

SOCIETY — CUSHMAN'S DISCOURSE. 67
with the court party, but to the enlargement of the Puritan in
fluence in England.
December 13. The vessel recently arrived and laden with
the products of the country departs for England. Before
reaching her port, she is detained and pillaged by the French.
This loss operated against the interest of the colony. To sup
ply her with needed stores, and support their last emigrants,
they are reduced to a scanty allowance of food. Such precau
tion against famine is borne without murmur.
By the Fortune, in which he appears to have come, William
Hilton writes home to a cousin, " Our companie are, for the
most part, very religious, honest people. The word of God is
sincerely taught vs every Sabbath."
The day before this vessel sailed, Elder Cushman, one of the
homeward passengers, dated the dedicatory epistle to a sermon
of his, preached at Plymouth. The subject of this production
was suited to promote the disposition applicable to the necessi
ties of the planters, and essential to their success. It was, " The
sin and danger of self-love." In its introduction, we have the
succeeding passages : " If there be any who are content to lay
out their estates, spend their time, labor, and endeavors, for the
benefit of them that shall come after, and desire to further the
gospel among those poor heathens, quietly contenting them
selves with such hardship and difficulties as by God's provi
dence shall fall upon them, being yet young and in their
strength, such men I would advise and encourage to go, for
their ends cannot fail them. And whoso rightly considereth
what manner of entrance, abiding, and proceedings we have
had among these poor heathen, since we came, will easily think
that God hath some great work to do towards them. They
were much wasted of late, by reason of a great mortality that
fell amongst them three years since, which, together with their
own civil dissensions and bloody wars, hath so wasted them, I
think the twentieth person is scarcely left alive. By reason of
one (Tisquanto) that lives amongst us, that can speak English,
we have daily commerce with their kings ; we can acquaint
them with our courses and purposes, both humane and reli
gious." The phraseology of this extract shows that the sermon
was intended to draw the special attention of Puritans in Eng
land to the Plymouth colony, as a residence, where the virtues
of religion might be more than ordinarily exemplified. It was
soon to be circulated in print among the British pubhc, already
much excited by various causes.
1622, January. Returning to the company under Governor
Bradford, we find them threatened with hostilities. The Narra-
gansetts, notwithstanding their previous professions of friendship,

68 DEFENCE — PEIRCE'S DEED. |Pltm.
assume a daring attitude. Compared in number with the small
band of English, they were potent adversaries. Canonicus,
their king, no doubt concluded that while the staff of power
was in his hand, it would be for his interest to smite the for
eigners before they should become too formidable for him to
overthrow. He sends them a challenge, but when he perceives
that a fearless return is made to him, though with the desire of
peace on equitable terms, he is terrified with the image of his
own device, and retracts his hostile purposes.
February. The warlike bearing of Canonicus induces the
English, as a means of defence, to enclose their town with pales,
flankers, and gates, and to keep a watch and ward. Whether
a course of this kind was better than that pursued afterwards
by the colony of William Penn towards their Indian neighbors,
is a question not easily settled by the advocates and opponents
of non-resistance. One truth, however, is evident — that the
inhabitants of Plymouth sought to cultivate a placable temper
towards and among all the adjacent tribes. At the same time,
as their conduct manifests, they believed that to show no signs
of resistance under menaces of the envious, treacherous, and the
strong, was only to invite outrage, if not destruction.
April 20. The council records of London inform us that
John Peirce, " citizen and cloathmaker of London," obtains a
grant for himself and associates in the company for Plymouth
plantation, as a joint interest ; but, on the same day, gives it up
and procures a patent or " deed pole " of said lands to " himself,
for his heirs, associates, and assigns forever." Hence the colo
ny was called, in England, Peirce's plantation. With this pro
cedure other adventurers in the same concern find fault, and
accuse him with deceiving them. This case was brought before
the council and compromised the next year. When first com
ing to the ears of the settlers, it must have appeared as if there
was a conspiracy to make them bondmen.
May. The settlers have a severe trial in receiving a letter
from Weston, that he had broken partnership with them, and is
about to set up a plantation in Massachusetts. At this time
they are deeply distressed for want of food. The boat which
brings the letter also brings several men for the new colony :
among them is Phineas Pratt. His relation says that the Plym
outh people " were so distressed with sickness, that then fearing
the savages should know it, had se. up their sick men with their
muskets upon their rests, and their backs leaning against
trees. With these passengers comes another letter from Captain
John Huddleston to the governor, which kindly warns Mm and
the people to be on their guard against the natives, lest they ex-

,„„„, MASSACRE — FORTIFICATIONS. 69
1622.]perience a massacre hke that recently inflicted on Virginia*
Mr. Winslow, in another boat, accompanied her back to " Da-
marin's " Cove, so that he might get bread for his fellow-col
onists. Of this article he only obtained enough to furnish
one quarter of a pound as the daily portion of each indi
vidual among them till harvest. Even with the help which
they had from fish, many of their number became emaciated,
weak, and swollen before their necessities were comfortably
supplied. The Indians, perceiving the weakness of the Plymouth peo
ple, and knowing the cruel success of the southern natives, re
proach them in their troubles, and boast how easily they may be
exterminated. This led to the erection of a fort on the hill
above the settlement. Thus feeling themselves bound to exert
their physical power as well as use their spiritual means for de
liverance, the colonists number only a hundred, a mere handful
to withstand thousands constantly on the watch for the surest
mode of destroying them. But the discipline of civilization
and the fortitude of religion yielded them more might than
walls and fortifications.
July. The authorities receive word from Peirce in London,
by one of Mr. Weston's snips, that he would sanction the ad
mission of such members to their body as they thought fit to
be received. However cramped in their operations, the people
of Plymouth are vigilant to prevent surprise of foes from any
quarter. During the summer, they have another fort finished,
which serves them for a place of worship. Such precaution is
taken not only on account of Indians, but also, very probably,
from an uncertain apprehension lest the emigrants of Wessa-
guscus might try to control their affairs.
August. While the people of Plymouth are fearfully antici
pating a famine of bread, because the prospect of their crop is
dark, Captain Jones, on his course from Virginia, stops at their
port, and sells them supplies for their deep necessities. Having
some Indians on board as prisoners, his ship runs on Cape Cod,
and they escape. For the complaints which they made against
him, the council take measures, December 17, to have him put on
trial. With him, John Porey, who had been secretary at Vir
ginia, waits on Governor Bradford and Brewster, who present
him Robinson's works, and Ainsworth on the Pentateuch. Af
ter his departure, he dates a note of thanks, the 28th, to them
for such productions. When he reached England, he highly
commended the colony.
* Stith states that the Indians, on March 27, 1622, killed three hundred and
forty-seven of the English in Virginia.

70 SQUANTO'S DEATH — PUBLIC CITY.
November. The chief magistrate and others, being on an ex
cursion among the Indians, to purchase corn and beans, Squanto,
who accompanied him, falls sick and dies. This native, suppos
ing that he could live but a little while, desired Mr. Bradford
to pray "that he may go to the Englishman's God." The sur
vivors are also cast ashore and forced to go home on foot. They
rejoice to behold their settlement, which, however furnishing
few outward attractions, was rendered to them more dear by the
hardships of their tour. The year which was about to expire
had been one of extremities to the people of Plymouth, and also
of remarkable deliverances.

MAINE.

1621, September 10. The conveyance of Acadie to Sir Wil
liam Alexander, before mentioned, was considered by the friends
of reformed colonization as an important barrier against the in
troduction of Papal missionaries intoJVfaine.
1622, May. As indicative of means for frequent communica
tion with this country to obtain acquaintance with its soil, re
sources, and inhabitants, for purposes of emigration, there were,
about this time, thirty sail of fishing vessels at Damaris Cove.
July 24. For carrying out their favorite idea for a general
administration of authority throughout New England, which
should harmonize politically and religiously with that of their
own nation, the council order, that " the two great islands lying
in the river of Sagadahoc be reserved for the public plantation ;
a place be reserved between the branches of the two rivers for
a public city." In reference to such a location as the former of
these, they say, in their Relation of this year, " We have now
despatched some of our people of purpose there to search out
what port or place is most convenient to settle our main planta
tion in, where we mean to make the residence of our state and
government." This business was very likely to have been one
of the commissions forwarded by Gorges to the judicious super
vision of Vines. The care and tenacity with which the most
enterprising members of the council kept their eye on Maine
is palpable proof that they set more by it, for situation of the
metropolis, and the chief place of government in their jurisdic
tion, than by all the rest.
At the same time, large grants of territory are made to the
Duke of Lenox, Earl of Arundel, and Secretary Calvert, above
and below the same river.

- MOUNT MANSELL — FRENCH TRAFFIC. 71
August 10. The part of this territory which extends from
Sagadahoc up to Piscataqua, is included in Laconia, assigned to
Mason and Gorges.
November 13. Mount Desert, where Madame Guercheville
had her missionaries located, is called, on the council's records,
Mount Mansell, supposed after Sir Robert Mansell, who, with
others, had been previously, during this year, granted lands in
New England.
22. Squibs, deputy to Admiral West, is appointed to take
possession of it for Sir Robert.
About this year, Monhegan, which had residents several years
before, is permanently settled.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1622, May. Like many other Europeans, who passed the
limited seaboard of this colony, Phineas Pratt and his associates
regard it with interest, on their passage from Damaris Cove to
Wessaguscus, where they conclude to found another colony un
der the patronage of Weston.
Though not yet planted by Europeans, Mason and Gorges are
exerting their ability to have this soil thus occupied.
August 10. This land, from Merrimack River towards Maine,
is contained in Laconia, now granted to these public benefac
tors.

RHODE ISLAND.
1621, July. Commissioners from Plymouth on a peaceful ex
cursion, in harmony with their religious profession, are at the
residence of Massasoit. A river flowed by his premises, of
which Bradford observed, " It goes into the sea at Narragansett
Bay, which the Frenchmen use so much." The same author,
continuing his remarks, said, that the sachem desired the com
missioners not to let the French trade with the Narragansetts.
From this it is evident, that these Europeans had sustained a
commercial intercourse with such natives, and it is likely that
they claimed a right so to do from the visit paid by Verrazano
to this coast. It would not be strange, if the hardness exhibit
ed subsequently by the Narragansetts against the Puritan reh
gion, while many others, this side of them, yielded to its power,

72 NARRAGANSETT CHALLENGE WITHDRAWN. > ^
might be traced to a tincture of prejudice imbibed from such
Papal visitors.
August 14. Not long after this date, Canonicus, the sachem
of the Narragansetts, who had recently begun hostilities with
Massasoit, but who was much intimidated by the interposition
of Plymouth, sends to their governor for peace, which was read
ily granted.
1622, January. About this date, the Narragansetts, supposed
able to raise five thousand fighting meD, because the plague had
passed over them, begin to discover unfriendly purposes towards
the colonists on the cape. Their king sends them a bundle of
arrows, tied with a snake skin, which an Indian interprets as a
challenge to combat. The governor, taking advice, immediately
assumes the bold front, as most suited for the uncivilized in such
a case, and sends back the snake skin filled with powder and
bullets, as a sign that if he would have war he might, though
the settlers had done him no harm, and wished to live quietly
with him and his. The chief wisely withdrew from the men
aced conflict, and kept his hands off from the tribes whom he
wished to oppress.

CHAPTER IV.
Massachusetts. Poor emigrants. — Admiral. — Ship for the coast. — Planta
tion. — Conspiracy. — Indians killed. — English slain. — Weston's settlement
ceases. — Episcopacy. — Governor general. — Wessaguscus reoecupied. — Ref
ugees from Plymouth. — Papacy. — Gorges' plantation closed. — Morrell's
poem. — Colony at Cape Ann. — Braintree settlers. — Naumkeag occupied. —
Mount Wollaston. — Lyford goes to Virginia. — Laud succeeds Abbot. —
Church Puritans. Plymouth. Trials. — Sickness of Massasoit. — Hambden.
— Conspirators killed. — Pierce's plan thwarted. — Good name. — Fast. — More
emigrants. — Scanty fare. — Winslow embarks for London. — Incendiaries. —
Letter from Robinson. — Adventurers in England. — Opposition to Puritanism
here. — Advice to Brewster. — Patent of Cape Ann. — Cushman's message. —
Objections to the colonists — Winslow's good news. — Principles of action. —
Evangelization of Indians. — Religion of the natives. — Faction. — Lyford. —
Morton's death. — Plot discovered. — Oldham expelled. — Lyford's confes
sion. — Oldham runs the gantlet. — Lyford departs. — Parties among the
stockholders. — Dissolution. — Standish sails for London. — Loss by capture. —
Oldham reconciled. — Cushman dies of the plague. — Decease of Robinson. —
Truck house at Penobscot — Free trade. — Dutch desire intercourse. —
Usury. — Contract with the company. — Monamet for trade. — Dutch trade-
— Undertakers. — Virginia emigrants. — Escort of the Dutch secretary into
Plymouth. — Boundaries. — Leyden people. Maine. Seat of government.
— Settlements. — Agamenticus. — Monhegan patent. — Plymouth trade at
Kennebeck. New Hampshire. Mason's grant; Godfrey with him. — La
conia. — Mason Hall. — Hiltons. Rhode Island. Religion of the Narra
gansetts. Connecticut. Plymouth settlers invited to occupy Connecticut.
MASSACHUSETTS.
For the continuance of our course, we will look at several
items from the records of the council, who held their sessions
in London.
1623, January 15. A letter from the king to the lieutenants
of every shire, " for the setting forth of their poorer sort of
people to New England," is received, "to be prosecuted."
This subject is deferred, February 18, for a season. A propo
sal is offered to elect Sir Samuel Argal admiral of New Eng
land. 21. Emigrants should be of three sorts — military, to attend
the governor, mechanics, and husbandmen.
25. Andrew Dickson, master builder of a new ship made at
Whitley, Yorkshire, for members of the council, and also for
service on our shores, is appointed her commander. Among
J 7 (73)

74 CAPE ANN— SCARCITY OF FOOD. gg
the subscribers to pay for this vessel are Robert Gorges and
his father.
February 18. No vessel is allowed to come here without a
permit. Wilham Darby, of Dorchester, agent for Richard Bushrode,
of the same place, and his associates, desires that the latter may
be admitted a patentee, because they wish to begin a planta
tion in New England, and send a ship over to promote the en
terprise. This is granted, and a license granted for the vessel
to make discovery, and engage in " other employments." For
such privilege a considerable sum is paid. It is very probable
that the voyage was made to Cape Ann, and that this was then
selected by Bushrode's men for a plantation, though Hubbard
supposed that it might be so occupied the next spring.
The same author represents John White, a noted Puritan
divine, of the town where Darby resided, as a principal pro
moter of this settlement. He also gives the names of John
Tilly, as the overseer of its planting, and Thomas Gardner, as
the director of its fishery.
Mr. White, just named, speaks, in his Planter's Plea, of the
same colony as commenced in this year. He states that the
proposition for it " tooke so well that it drew on divers persons,
to joyne with them in this project, the rather because it was
conceived that not only their owne fishermen, but the rest of
our nation that went thither on the same errand, might be much
advantaged, not onely by fresh victuall, which that colony
might spare them, in time, but withall, and more, by the bene
fit of their ministers' labours, which they might enjoy during
the fishing season."
Circumstances denote that the patent so assigned included
the territory between the grant of Mason and that recently
set off to Robert Gorges, with the addition that it embraced
Cape Ann, previously assigned to the first of these two paten
tees. Land of Lord Sheffield is mentioned by the council,
November 27, of 1622, which is probably contained in his
patent, that seems to involve the proposed plantation of Bush-
rode. Saunders, of Wessaguscus, dispatches a message to Brad
ford, stating that he had tried to borrow a hogshead of corn of
the natives, but they refused the favor. He therefore wishes
his advice, whether he should force a loan of this kind till his
return from Monhegan, whither he was going for supplies.
The reply urges him to adopt no such policy. Leaving one in
his office, he hastens eastward for succor.
Pecksuot charges the colonists with stealing his corn, to
supply their necessities, and demands satisfaction. He is told

PLOT — CONSPIRATORS. 75
1d«o_j
that only one* of them had committed such misdemeanor, and
that he had been whipped and otherwise punished. He and
others of his subjects, seeing some of the English on their fort,
fear, and flee.
March. A plot of the Indians, comprising those of Capa-
wack, is discovered, promoted principally by Massachusetts
chiefs, to destroy the Weston and Plymouth plantations.
23. By order of the General Court, convened in the latter
place, Miles Standish and eight men are commissioned to pur
sue and slay such conspirators. Of these are Wituwamet and
Pecksuot, who had, some time before, killed several French and
Englishmen Mr. Pratt, at the imminent peril of his life from treacherous
Indians, reaches Plymouth, to entreat aid for his fellow-colo
nists. He states that they had sold most of their clothes for
food, and were near perishing with cold and hunger ; that the
greater part of them had scattered from the town in three
divisions, and resided where they could obtain scanty supplies,
with very little powder and shot. He also relates that the
natives insulted them because of their destitute condition, had
constrained them to hang f one of their number for taking corn,
and were watching a favorable opportunity to exterminate the
English at the Bay, as well as on the cape.
Such tidings hasten Standish and his small corps. He comes
to Wessaguscus, visits the ship, but finds none on board. He
discharges a musket, which rallies the master, who was on
shore, with others, to dig groundnuts for their subsistence.
He goes to the plantation, and converses with the superintend
ent and others about the conspiracy. They answer, " it was of
God's mercy that they were not killed before his coming."
He advises that their men abroad be recalled, and, " on pain of
death," guard the town. He allows each of them a pint of
corn a day. Measures of caution are taken to execute his
severe purpose, though in their view essential to prevent the
total destruction of both colonies.
Soon informed, by vigilant spies, that Standish and his fol
lowers were at Wessaguscus, and not certainly aware that he
knew any thing of their murderous design, several of the In
dians, who had been prime movers of it, come to discover how
matters stand. From his bearing towards them, they perceive
that he has no hearty confidence in them. They draw their
knives, sharpen them before his face, and challenge him to
combat. Of these are the chiefs already named, and two more
* Hudibras, part 2, canto 2, line 403.
t Morton, in his New English Caanan, says that the thief was hung, and not a
decrepit person, as Hudibras has it.

76 WESSAGUSCUS DESERTED.

[Mass.

immediately connected with them. Watching an opportunity,
when they are together in a house, Standish attacks them with
an equal number. After a severe struggle, he and his assist
ants kill three, and he orders the fourth to be hung. Weston's
men slay two more, but, while in pursuit, they have two of
their own number killed, and one wounded. The conspiracy
is thus crushed.
The settlers at Wessaguscus, having lost nine* of their
company by famine, besides those slain, possessing no food to
sustain life, and unable to withstand the natives around them,
exasperated by the recent conflict, feel it necessary to forsake
the spot, which they had chosen as their permanent abode.
Standish agrees with them in opinion, that they must resort to
so hard an alternative. He invites them to Plymouth, which
they had expected to surpass in speedy prosperity, until they
can make better arrangements. But the most of them prefer
to be at Monhegan, as the most likely quarter to supply their
wants and hear from their proprietor. Accordingly, the cap
tain gives them corn enough for their passage. They take the
remnant of their effects on board their vessel, and set sail.
The rest accompany Standish to the residence of the Pilgrims.
Here the head of Wituwamet is exposed on the fort, as a ter
ror to the Indians.
Shortly after the relinquishment of Weston's plantation, he
arrives at the eastward, where he hears of so unwelcome an
event. He takes a shallop, with one or two hands, to survey
the deserted premises ; is cast away in a storm, between Piscat-
aqua and Merrimack ; hardly escapes with life ; is pillaged and
stripped by natives. With much difficulty, he gets back to
Piscataqua, borrows a suit of clothes, and goes to Plymouth.
Here he takes a loan of beaver from his former fellow-adven
turers, sails for Monhegan, retains his ship and some of his
colonists for trade and fishery. Though Bradford says that
Weston never made any return for what he so borrowed, it is
very likely that, as the latter had advanced a large sum to the
company of the former, he felt himself but partially repaid,
and therefore under no obligation. From the siding of Weston
with a majority of the said company, at home, who opposed the
emigration of Robinson to Plymouth, and encouraged the effort
to spread Episcopacy in the colony, by Lyford, it is very evident
that a prominent object with him, in the occupation of Wessa
guscus, was to promote the cause of the national church in this
quarter. 1623, September. Robert Gorges, an estimable character,
* Another died, from the like cause, immediately after they left the settlement.

GENERAL GOVERNOR. 77
recently returned from the Venetian wars, and son of Sir Fer-
dinando Gorges, arrives * in Massachusetts, with a commission
from the council, as governor general of all their territory.
Gentlemen designated for his advisers are Admiral West,
Christopher Levett, and the existing governor of Plymouth.
He has power to choose other assistants for his council, if he
prefer. With three, at least, of such a body, he has full au
thority for the administration of his extensive province. His
father informs us, that, after coming to the Bay, and " building
his storehouses, he sent to them of New Plymouth to come unto
him, who willingly obeyed his order, and as carefully discharged
their duties."
Gorges is accompanied by William Morrell, a learned and
worthy minister of the English church, and families of emi
grants. An important item of this clergyman's mission is to
exercise "superintendence over the churches here." They re-
occupy the town forsaken by Weston's company.
1624. About spring time, Governor Gorges returns home.
His father states that this course is adopted because friends to
the colony fail to forward supplies, as they promised, perceiving
that the council were opposed by parliament, in their plans for
New England. Part of the colonists go to Virginia, while the
rest continue with their minister.
The hands of these who tarry are subsequently strengthened
by the arrival of some worthy emigrants from Weymouth. It
is supposed, that, for this reason, the place afterwards received
the same name.
July. John Oldham comes to Nantasket after his difficulty in
attempting to establish an Episcopal church at Plymouth. Co-
nant and others concerned in this matter make a like change of
residence. The next month, Lyford, their pastor, having his
purpose again exposed, is expelled, and throws in his lot with
them. Here, as Morton's Canaan informs us, he "freely exe
cuted his office, and preached every Lord's day, and yet main
tained his wife and children, foure or five, upon his industry
there, with the blessing of God and the plenty of the land, with
out the helpe of his auditory."
As having an immediate and important relation to this coun
try, we look at the religious condition of England. Neal in
forms us, "The Puritans retired to the new plantations of
America, and Popery came in like an armed man. This was
occasioned partly by the new promotions at court, but chiefly
by the Spanish match, which was begun about 1617, and drawn
* Gorges' Description of New England says he arrived here the beginning of
August. 7*

78 SUPERINTENDENCE OF CHURCHES. [Mass.
out at a length of seven years, till the Palatinate was lost, and
the Protestant religion, in a manner, extirpated out of the king
dom of Bohemia and other parts of Germany, and then the
match was broken off. Under these circumstances, the Papists
appeared openly, and behaved with an offensive insolence ; but
the hearts of all true Protestants trembled for themselves and
their posterity."
1625. After Gorges had gone home about a year, Mr. Morrell
imitates his example. His departure proves the close of a sec
ond attempt to settle the position he occupied. Had the coun
cil prospered in their efforts, his commission for a superintend-
ency of the New England churches would have afforded him
high ecclesiastical preferment. But, like a sensible man and a
good Christian, he was not spoiled by disappointment.
After his return to England, in his address to the council for
New England, preceding his Latin poem, he remarks, "When,
in contempt of envy, I may present your councell with an omne
bene, at least ccrta spe boni, if the three noble mistresses of
monarchies, Pietas, Pecunia, and Potentia, royally vndertake
and resolutely continue constant favorers to their well-ordered
and sweetly scituated colonies." He subscribes the address as
" late preacher with the Right Wor : Cap : Rob : Gorge, late
governour of New England."
To the reader of his poem he remarks, that he is, and shall
be desirous for the advancement of colonies here, "if my poore
iudgement can assuredly obserue pietie to be one prime end of
plantation and the vndertaking probable to prosper." An ex
tract from his poem follows : —
" If these poore lines may winne this country love,
Or kinde compassion in the English move,
Or painefull men to this good land invite,
Whose holy workes these natives may in light, —
If Heaven graunt these, to see here built I trust,
An English kingdom from this Indian dust."
About spring, Conant receives an appointment, through John
Humphrey, as treasurer of the Dorchester company for Cape
Ann, "to be their governor in that place." He was thus no
ticed by recommendation of the Rev. John White, who was
personally acquainted with his brother. Oldham is also invited
to take charge of the fur trade there, but he declines. After
suitable arrangements, Conant enters on the duties of his new
sphere. He is accompanied by Lyford, who is employed by the
same associates to preach for those at the settlement.
This place received the special care of such as had seceded
from the company for Plymouth. They resolve to encourage it
as a rival to the latter. A ship belonging to them arrives at the

162 . COLONIAL CHANGES. 79
cape. Her commander seizes a fishing stage and its appurte
nances, of considerable cost, which belong to the people under
Bradford. Standish comes over to regain such property. Force
was about to repel force, and serious damage ensue, when Conant
and Wilham Pierce interpose and settle the difficulty.
The present year, Captain Wollaston and thirty others com
mence a plantation at Pasonagessit, afterwards Braintree. This,
of course, must have been done by permission of the council.
The emigrants, like those of all the colonies, allowed by that
body, except those of Plymouth, are, thus far, of the national
church. 1626, The stockholders of Cape Ann plantation perceive that
their profits come far short of their recent zeal. After consid
erable loss in the cargoes of their vessels, they notify the emi
grants that they must relinquish the enterprise. " Most of the
landsmen," after having been there over two years, return to
England. Others continue to take care of the cattle which
had been transported. Among these is Conant. To provide a
retreat, he had examined Naumkeag. He prefers this, as an eli
gible location for a town. Encouraged by Mr. White, of Dor
chester, he goes thither with others, and commences a settlement.
They are accompanied by their pastor, to whom their attach
ment is strengthened by common trials. Thus another colony
is forced to yield before adverse occurrences. Though the toil
and property expended on it may seem, in one view, lost, still,
in reference to their preparatory process for successors of great
er permanency, they should be remembered among the items of
public usefulness. On this point, the language of White's Plea
is pertinent and expressive. "In building houses, the first
stones of the foundation are buried vnder ground, and are not
seene ; so in planting colonies, the first stockes employed that
way are consumed, although they serve for a foundation to
worke." The design of the new undertaking is to provide an
asylum for those of the mother country, who, though conform
ists with the liturgy of the national church, are Puritans in
principle. With regard to this enterprise, the language of Peters, in
his Legacy, is, " That good man, my dear firm friend, Mr.
White, of Dorchester, and Bishop Lake, occasioned, yea, founded
that work, and much in reference to the Indians." He then di
rects us to a sermon of the latter person from 1 Kings viii. 37,
and adds, " who profest to Mr. White, he would go himself
with us but for his age, for which we had the late king's gra
cious patent, license, and encouragement." Had not the wor
thy prelate, thus actuated with a missionary spirit, been laid low
by the hand of death, the current year, we should probably

80 DISORDER AT MOUNT WOLLASTON. [Mass.
have known more of his high purposes and deeds as to the col
onization of our country.
Perceiving that his anticipations would not be realized so far
as to warrant a continuance of the plantation, under his direc
tion, Wollaston takes measures for the removal of the settlers.
He carries part of them to Virginia, and invites others to follow
him. He appoints Mr. Fletcher "his lieutenant." A spirit
of insubordination is excited against the latter, so that he is
forced to flee. Under these circumstances, Thomas Morton as
sumes the government. Bradford says of those who so change
their rulers, "they fall to great licentiousness and profaneness."
Their leader describes the erection of a Maypole on Mount
Wollaston, which they call Mare-mount, so that they and the
adjacent Indians might enjoy "revels and merriment after the
old English custom." He mentions how this sign of jollity
is viewed by their more judicious neighbors. It " was a lam
entable spectacle to the precise separatists that lived at New
Plimouth. They termed it an idoll ; yea, they called it the
calfe of Horeb, and stood at defiance with the place, naming it
Mount Dagon, threatening to make it a woefull mount, and not
a merry mount." Notwithstanding these remarks, more flip
pant than wise, it is very plain that the disciples of Robin
son had shown better understanding how a colony must begin,
in order to continue, than those at Pasonagessit. Improvident
pleasure wears a joyous face for a short season, and then as
sumes the woful aspect of conscious folly and inevitable desti
tution. 1627, Besides the trials incident to a new settlement, Conant
is called to consider the question whether his most efficient help
ers ought to accompany their pastor to the south. Through his
cogent persuasion, they consent to remain, and thus prevent the
termination of the colony. Lyford takes passage, the latter
end of the summer, for Virginia. His abode there is short.
He is soon called to finish his earthly career. Having his rep
utation drawn by those against whom he acted, it appears dif
ferently from what it would, were its shades relieved by his
own explanations.
Having a relation to the concerns of our colonies, the subse
quent facts call for attention. .Archbishop Abbot, perceiving
that the Puritans, whether separatists or not, are more attached
to the doctrinal articles than others of the established church,
shows greater leniency towards them. For such charity he is
deposed by his sovereign, who appoints William Laud in his
place. Fuller says of this prelate, " It was most apparent he
endeavored a reconciliation between Rome and England."
While Conant, at Naumkeag, is in suspense as to communi-

WANT OF PROVISIONS — CONSPIRACY. 81
cations from Mr. White, the latter is punctual to fulfil his en
gagement. With respect to promoters of the colony, they, be
ing together, this year, in Lincolnshire, deliberate on "the
planting of the gospel there," and for its advancement, apply to
the council for a patent. To further the same concern, Conant
appoints John Woodbury to visit England and represent the
condition and prospects of the settlement. Concerning the
same matter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges thus expresses himself:
" The king, not pleased with divers passages of some particular
persons, who, in their speeches, seemed to trench on his royal
prerogative, suddenly brake off the parliament, whereby divers
were so fearful what would follow so unaccustomed an action,
some of the principal of those liberal speakers being committed
to the Tower, others to other prisons, which to'ok all hope of ref
ormation of church government from many not affecting
Episcopal jurisdiction, nor the usual practice of the common
prayers of the church, whereof there were severall sorts, though
not agreeing among themselves, yet all of like dislike to those
particulars, some of the discreeter sort, to avoid what they
found themselves subject unto, made use of their friends to pro
cure from the council for the affaires of New England, to settle
a colony within their limits." The grandson of this author
subsequently remarked, "Whereupon my Lord of Warwick
writ to my grandfather to give his consent that a patent might
be granted, to such as then sued for it, which he did so far forth
as it might not be prejudiciall to the interest of his sonne, Rob
ert Gorges." While thus active, Sir Ferdinando, the elder,
supposes that his efforts go towards preparing a residence for
such as will cleave to the national church, though desirous for
a change in some of its rites and interpretation of its doctrines.

PLYMOUTH.
1623, February. The inhabitants here commence another
year with sad experience. The fears of Indian conspiracy still
trouble them. A scarcity of bread renews its sufferings among
them. Their chief sustenance is groundnuts, shell and other
fish. They are compelled to seek for corn among the natives
at great personal nazard.
March. Information having reached the authorities of Plym
outh that Massasoit was near his end, Edward Winslow and
John Hambden, a London gentleman, probably the person noted
for his resistance to royal imposition, set out, with Hobamak for
K

82 PRESERVATION — FAST.
a guide, to visit him. Though the chief had all the symptoms
of speedy dissolution, yet, through the applications of Winslow,
he speedily revives, and bids fair to recover. In view of at
tempts to alienate him from the colonists, and of the aid just
received, he remarked, " Now I see the English are my friends,
and love me, and whilst I live, I will never forget the kindness
they showed me." He further manifests his gratitude by char
ging Hobamak, when the visitors left him, to discover a plot
concerted by Indian chiefs for the destruction of Plymouth.
The favorable impression thus made on the mind of Massasoit
must have been very acceptable to the Puritans, whose great
desire was not merely to promote Christianity among themselves,
but also to prepare the way for its introduction among the un
civilized natives.
March 23. There being a certainty in the judgment of mem
bers in the "yearly court " that hostile natives are on the point
of attempting to destroy their colony, as well as Weston's,
Standish and eight men are despatched to attack them.
25. This commander and his small band kill Wituwamet, a
chief of the Massachusetts, and several others. So sudden a
blow strikes the surrounding tribes with dread. It induces
those who had taken the stand of adversaries to revive their
expressions of friendship to the English. When informed of
this exploit, Mr. Robinson regretted it, and, in answer * to Mr.
Bradford, expressed his benevolent feelings. His words were,
" 0, how happy a thing had it been, that you had converted
some before you killed any ! " Indeed, it must have been a sad
disappointment to him, who was praying and expecting that
his people here were able to dispense the word of life to the
savages, to be assured that they were under a necessity to visit
them with the weapons of death.
April. Thus tried in their benevolent sympathies, they re
ceive letters from friendly adventurers of their particular com
pany in England. From such they have interesting news.
This is, that Mr. John Peirce, who procured one patent for
them, as trustee, then obtained another so expressed as to make
them mere tenants at his will, had made two attempts to reach
America to secure his advantage over them, and been as often
shipwrecked and forced to return ; and that, being so thwarted
in his purpose, he had sold his claim to their friends. Such
correspondents remark to them, " It rejoiceth us much to hear
those good reports that divers have brought home of you."
Commendation so seasonable as this must have been an antidote
for the sorrow which the Puritans felt on hearing that another
* Mr. Robinson's letter was dated December. 1623.

162g, EMIGRANTS — LOSS BY FIRE. 83
principal member of their trading association had adopted a
course which they considered oppressive.
May. While Providence, like the pillar of cloud, appears to
them with alternate lights and shadows, they renewedly experi
ence a scarcity of bread. This continues three or four months.
In reference to such an affliction, Mr. Bradford observes, " Yet
we bear our wants with cheerfulness."
•July. They are sadly disappointed in expected supplies from
Europe. Still they look to Him who is almighty to relieve.
They fix upon a day for humiliation and prayer. Before the
devotions of this occasion were over, the clouds gathered, and
the next morning, begin to pour down a prolonged rain. The
colonists are cheered with the hopeful appearance of the earth,
and with favorable tidings from England. For these mercies,
they soon keep a public thanksgiving.
August. Their gratitude to God is increased by the arrival of
two vessels, in succession, from their company at home. One
of these is a new pinnace of forty-four tons, intended to remain
here for the accommodation of the planters. She was built by
the adventurers in England, and commanded by Emanuel Altum.
She brings sixty emigrants, some of whom are a valuable acqui
sition to the community here. By such conveyances letters are
received from those who favor the settlement, which hold the
subsequent language : " Let it not be grievous to you, that you
have been instruments to break the ice for others, who come af
ter with less difficulty. The honor shall be yours to the world's
end. We bear you always in our breasts, and our hearty affec
tion toward, all, as are the hearts of hundreds more, which nev
er saw your faces, who doubtless pray your safety as their own."
This is vivid sympathy of Puritans, striving for civil and reli
gious freedom in England, for their brethren here, exposed to
similar influences of opposition from the same source of power.
It imparts a charm to the relations of friendship and piety, and
stimulates the struggling to renew their hope and vigor. The
last passengers are affected to sadness in beholding the scanty
fare of the colonists. Mr. Bradford remarks, " Only our old
friends rejoice to see us, and that 'tis no worse, and now hope
we shall enjoy better days together. The best dish we could
present them with is a lobster or piece of fish, without bread,
or any thing else but a cup of fair spring water."
September 10. One of the last vessels, belonging to patentees
of Plymouth, and laden with the productions of the country,
sails for London. Mr. Winslow embarks in her to defend the
colony against accusations in England, and otherwise to pro
mote its welfare. After his departure, a plentiful harvest is

84 OPPOSITION TO ROBINSON.

[Plym.

reaped. In reference to this, Mr. Bradford observes, "The
face of things is changed, to the joy of our hearts."
November 5. The people of Plymouth, being thus dealt
with, notice an event, which must have produced sober
thought and deep feeling in all the settlement. They are
again called to meet with a sad reverse of condition. Sev
eral houses, with thatched roofs, are consumed. The loss
is estimated at five hundred pounds — great indeed
for so tried a community. In the midst of their alarm
on this occasion, an attempt is made to burn their storehouse.
Had so black a deed succeeded, Mr. Bradford says, that " would
have overthrown the plantation." It was suspected that indi
viduals of two ships' companies, who arrived with Governor
Gorges and Mr. Weston, then in port, were the originators and
executers of such a crime. By means of the fire, some of the
last emigrants to Plymouth, having lost their property, and oth
ers of them disliking the settlement, take passage for home in
one of these vessels. A secession of this kind, however, does
no material hurt to the colony. They who remain determine
to live and die on the sp'ot which they have chosen. They pa
tiently endure afflictions amid the free privileges of religion.
December 20. So consistently resolved, their former pastor,
John Robinson, is present with them in his thoughts and de
sires. He writes * to Elder Brewster. Speaking of his wish to be
a dweller with them, his language is as follows : " The present ad
venturers alledge nothing but the want of money, which is an
invincible difficulty ; yet taken out of the way by you, others
without doubt, will be found. For the better clearing of this,
wee must dispose the adventurers into three parts, and of them
five or six (as I conceive) are absolutely bent for vs above oth
ers ; other five or six are our bitter professed adversaries ; the
rest, being the body, I conceive to be honestly minded and love-
ingly also toward vs ; yett such as have others, namely, the for
ward preachers, nearer vnto them than vs, and whose course,
soe farr as there is any difference, would rather advance than
ours. Now, what a hank these men have over the professors
you know, and I persuade myself, that for mee they of all oth
ers are vnwilling I should be transported, especially such as
have an eye that way themselves, as thinking if 1 come there
their markett will be mared in many regards ; and for those ad
versaries, if they haue but halfe theire will to theire mallice,
they will stop my course, when they see it intended." These
views denote the wish of Mr. Robinson to join his friends in
this country, and his regret to perceive that some of the stock-
* Morton's Manuscript.

PATENT OF LORD SHEFFIELD. 85
1624.] °°
holders were determined to confine his immediate influence in
Europe. Such opposition seems to have risen from the reasons
that he was a leading dissenter, and that his detention at Leyden
would hinder his hastening to the rescue of Puritanism here,
now increasingly liable to fall before the purposes and operations
of a powerful hierarchy.
With regard to an inquiry made of him by Mr. Brewster, he
makes the following remark : " Now, touching the question pro
pounded by you, I judge it not lawfull for you, being a ruling
elder, (Rom. xii. 7, 8, and 1 Tim. v. 17,) opposed to
the elders that teach and exhort, and labour in word and doc
trine, to which sacraments are annexed, to administer them, nor
convenient, if it were lawful." No doubt the Plymouth church
were urgent to have baptism administered to their children, and
the eucharist to themselves. Still, their former pastor did not
count then necessity great enough to dispense with a gospel
rule. Such a want of ordinances must have been a strong plea
with them, why he or some other, of like views and character,
should come and enable them to enjoy the full privilege's of
their denomination. But Mr. Robinson's exposure of the re
sistance to his becoming an inhabitant of Plymouth implied
that their desire, in this respect, was not soon to be gratified.
1624, January 1. Lord Sheffield grants a patent* to Robert
Cushman and Edward Winslow and associates, of Cape Ann.
He allows them the use of land, gives them authority for build
ing a town, schools, churches, hospitals, and maintenance of
ministers, officers, and magistrates. He empowers them,
through permission from him, to enact laws for the colony.
24. Robert Cushman, in London, sends word to Mr. Brad
ford, that the adventurers have sent a " carpenter to build two
ketches, a lighter, and six or seven shallops," a person to make
salt, and " a preacher, though not the most eminent, for whose
goino' Mr. Winslow and I gave way, to give content to some at
London." He also remarks, "We have taken a patent for Cape
Ann." The clergyman mentioned is John Lyford, whose com
ing was promoted by members of the company who opposed
the emigration of Robinson.
25. Mr. James Sherley, desirous to have the Plymouth colo
nists acquainted with the policy of their opponents of the com
pany in England, so that they may be on their guard, writes a
friendly letter to Governor Bradford. He represents these ad
versaries as making certain objections to the Puritans here,
which, with the replies made to them by the party so accused,
follow : — * Recently published by J. Wingate Thornton, Esq.
8

86 OBJECTIONS TO COLONISTS. I r LYM.
1st Objection. There is diversity about religion.
Answer. We know no such matter, for here was never any
controversy or opposition, either public or private, to our knowl
edge, since we came.
2d Obj. Neglect of family duties on the Lord's day.
Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in ourselves and
others ; and they that thus report it should have showed their
Christian love the more, if they had in love told the offend
ers of it, rather than thus reproach them behind their backs ;
but to say no more, we wish themselves had given better ex-
. ample. 3c. Obj. Want of both the sacraments.
Ans. The more is our grief that our pastor is kept from us,
by whom we might enjoy them ; for we used to have the Lord's
supper every Sabbath, and baptism as often as there was occasion
of children to baptize.
4th Obj. Children not catechized nor taught to read.
Ans. This is not true in either part thereof, for divers take
pains with their own as they can ; indeed, we have no common
school, for want of a fit person, and hitherto means to maintain
one, though we desire now to begin.
" When the answers to these objections were sent over, the
objectors were so confounded, as some of them confessed their
faults and others denied what they had said, and eat their words,
and some others of them have since come over again, and here
lived to convince themselves sufficiently both in their own and
others judgments."
About this date, Edward Winslow has his Good News from
New England printed in London. An object of the book's
being published was, to counteract reports of some persons who
had gone from Weston's plantation. Several quotations from it
will be presented. One refers to the experience and principles
of the colony. " Though our begining has beene raw, small, and
difficult, as thou hast seene, yet the same God that hath hitherto
led vs thorow the former, I hope will raise means to accomplish
the latter. Not that we altogether, or principally, propound
profit to be the maine end of that wee haue vndertaken, but the
glory of God, and the honour of our country, in the inlarging
of his maiesties dominions, yet wanting outward meanes to set
things in that forwardnesse we desire, and to further the
latter by the former, I thought meete to offer both to considera
tion, hoping that where religion and profit lump together
(which is rare) in so honourable an action, it will encourage
euery honest man, either in person or purse, to set forward the
same, or at leastwise to commend the wellfare thereof in his
daily prayers to the blessing of the blessed God."

16241 RELIGION OF INDIANS. 87
Another relates to the evangelization of the Indians : " Where
the church of God being seated in sincerity, there is no lesse
hope of convincing the heathen of their euill wayes, and con
verting them to the true knowledge and worship of the liuing
God, and so, consequently, the salvation of their soules by the
merits of Jesus Christ, then elsewhere, though it be much talked
on and lightly and lamely prosecuted."
The author, rectifying a previous misstatement of his, that
the aborigines of New England had no religion, proceeded to
show what it was, so far as it had been communicated to him :
"They conceive of many divine powers, so of one, whom they
call Kiehtan, to be the principal, and maker of all the rest, and
to be made by none. He, they say, created the heavens, earth,
sea, and all creatures contained therein. Also, that he made
one man and one woman, of whom they and we, and all man
kind, came. At first, they say, there was no king but Kieh
tan, who dwelleth above in the heavens, whither all good men
go when they die, to see their friends and have their fill of all
things. His habitation heth far westward in the heavens, they
say ; thither the bad men go also, and knock at his door, but
he bids them walk abroad, for there is no place for such ; so
that they wander in restless want and penury. Never man saw
this Kiehtan. Only old men tell them of him, and bid them
tell their children, yea, to charge them to teach their posterities
the same, and lay the like charge upon them. This power they
acknowledge to be good, and when they would obtain any great
matter, meet together, and cry unto him, and so likewise for
plenty, victory, etc., sing, dance, feast, give thanks, and hang
up garlands and other things in memory of the same. Another
power they worship, whom they call Hobbamock, and to the
northward of us Hobbamoquoi. This, as far as we can con
ceive, is the devil. Him they call upon to heal their wounds
and diseases. When they are curable, he persuades them he
sends them for some conceived anger against them, but upon
their calling upon him, he can and doth help them ; but when
they are mortal, and not curable in nature, then he persuades
them Kiehtan is angry, and sends them ; insomuch as in that re
spect only they somewhat doubt whether he be simply good,
and, therefore, in sickness, never call upon him. This Hobba
mock appears in sundry forms unto them, as in the shape of a
man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, etc., but most ordinarily a snake.
He appears not to all, but the chiefest and most judicious
amongst them. Of these is ' the Powah,' who is exercised prin
cipally in calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick
and wounded. The common people join with him in the exer
cise of invocation, but do but only assent, or, as we term it, say

88 EPISCOPAL SOCIETY. rpLTM
Amen to that he saith, yet sometimes break out into a short mu
sical note with him. In the Powah's speech, he promiseth to
sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, knives,
and other the best things they have, to the fiend, if he will
come to help the party diseased. Many sacrifices the Indians
use, and, in some cases, kill children. They grow more cold
in their worship of Kiehtan, saying, in their memory, he was
much more called upon."
March. Mr. Winslow returns. He brings a good supply of
provisions, and the first cattle of the colony. He gives " a sad
account of a strong faction among the adventurers against " the
people here, "and especially against the coming of Mr. Robin
son and the rest from Leyden."
Of Mr. Lyford, who accompanies Mr. Winslow, Morton's
Canaan contains the following extract : " He was, at the mer
chants' charge, sent to Plimouth plantation to be their pastor.
But the brethren, before they would allow it, would have him
first renounce his calling to the office of the ministry, received
in England, and then to receive a new calling from them, which
he refused, alledging and maintaining that his calling, as it
stood, was lawful, and that he would not renounce it ; and so
John Oldham was on the affirmative, and both together did main
tain the church of England to be a true church, although in
some particulars defective."
But this difference of opinion was not expressed at first, as
Bradford, and his nephew, Morton, inform us. They state that
on the arrival of Mr. Lyford, he accorded with all their ecclesi
astical views, and particularly did " not consider himself a min
ister till he had a new calling ; " that, at his own request, he
was admitted a member of their church, when he " made a
large confession of his faith ; " that a greater allowance for sup
port was made to him than any other ; and that he served them
as a preacher. They also represent that Oldham, because of
his friendly appearance, was kindly entertained, and that he and
Lyford were admitted to conventions of the governor and coun
cil on important questions.
June. The colonists meet with a great loss in the decease of
George Morton, an exemplary Christian, and a pillar of church
and society. He arrived in the Ann, in 1623. His wife was
sister to Governor Bradford. He left children, Nathaniel, John,
Patience, Ephraim, and Sarah. Though his tarry here is short,
his memorial on high is everlasting.
July. They have living troubles of greater trial. Lyford and
Oldham had written letters to England. These were intrusted
to Captain Wilham Pierce, who suspected their contents as un
favorable to the settlement. Being out a league or two from

,„„,, PLAN TO SUBVERT PURITANISM. 89
1 624.]
port, and accompanied by Bradford, they both examined such com
munications, and found them very unfriendly. The governor
returns with them, and keeps their contents a secret. The authors
of them draw as many as they can into their plans. " There
was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst
them ; they feeding themselves and others what they should
bring to pass in England by the faction of their friends there."
Bradford informs us, " Lyford and his few accomplices, which
the factious part of the adventurers sent, judging their party
strong enough, rise up, oppose the government and church,
draw a company apart, set up for themselves, and he would min
ister the sacrament to them by his Episcopal calling." Or, as
N. Morton describes it, "At length Lyford, with his accom
plices, without ever speaking one word either to the governor^
church, or elders, withdraw themselves, and set up a pubhc
meeting apart on the Lord's day." Hubbard adds that some of
this clergyman's friends " affirm that the first occasion of the
quarrel with them was the baptizing of Mr. Hilton's child, who
was not joined to the church at Plymouth."
A court is summoned for investigation. The writers of the
letters deny the contents of them, until they are read. Oldham
is exceedingly displeased, and tries to raise a mutiny ; but his
supporters refuse to abet this purpose, and he is expelled.
While his wife and family are allowed to tarry through the win
ter, or till he can provide for them comfortably, he retires to
Nantasket. Roger Conant, a worthy Christian, and some others,
with their families, who were Puritan Episcopalians, leave for
the same place, where the Plymouth people had set up a build
ing for trade with the Massachusetts. Lyford has permision to
remain six months. He owns that he expected to carry most
of the inhabitants with him, and thus exercise control over them
as his advisers, in London, wished. He confesses that he has
erred, and asks forgiveness. His plea is heard, and he is restored
to his ministerial duties.
In view of the fearful odds which the struggling colony had
to contend with on the other side of the Atlantic, and which
threatened to absorb their political and religious privileges, it is
matter of wonder that they held their position and continued
their existence. Nought less than the Power who controls the
universe, was "as a wall of fire round about them."
August 22. Though Lyford had had his private opinions ex
posed at the peril of expulsion, he expresses them in another
letter, addressed to his advocates among the adventurers in Eng
land. ' But this is handed to the governor. Some of its items,
as gathered from Morton, follow : " The church would have
none live here but themselves. If there come over any honest
l 8*

90 GANTLET -EPISCOPACY SUPPRESSED. ^^
man, thay would soon distate him. The Leyden company, Mr.
Robinson, and the rest, must still be kept back, or else all will
be spoiled ; and lest any of them should be taken in privately
somewhere on the coast of England, (as it was feared might be
done,) they must change the master of the ship, Mr. William
Pierce, and put another also in Mr. Winslow's room for mer
chant, or otherwise it would not be prevented. He would have
such a number as would oversway them here. If they cannot
be strengthened to carry and overbear things, it would be best
for him and his confederates to plant elsewhere by themselves."
Here is plain proof that conformists, sent over by members of
the company, who were opposed to the Congregationalism of
Robinson's friends here, had a plan to subvert the ecclesiastical
polity of the plantation.
The vessel which was to bear this communication takes out
Winslow as a passenger to London. His main object is to plead
the cause of the colony before its opponents in the company,
who were aiming for the subversion of its liberties.
1625, March. At the court of election, Oldham makes his ap
pearance without permission. He charges the authorities with
infringing upon his rights. They order him to run the gant
let. While the armed file strike him with the buts of their
muskets, each said to him, "Go and mend your manners." He
is then carried off in a boat.
While this scene is acted, Winslow arrives from England. He
relates that the members of their company had had severe con
tention in London, part of them justifying the measures here
against Lyford and his followers, and the rest condemning them.
The last of such adventurers number two thirds of the whole.
They fit out a ship for the purpose of strengthening the settle
ment at Cape Ann, and having the Episcopalians, ejected from
Plymouth, provided for there.
Bradford informs us, that after Winslow had developed the
course of Lyford more fully than had been known here, he and
some of his supporters followed Oldham to Nantasket. Thus
his effort to carry out the scheme of his friends, among the ad
venturers, for the erection of Episcopacy on the ruins of Con
gregationalism at Plymouth, terminates in disappointment.
This attempted revolution was so much in accordance with
the plan of the council for New England, to promote what they
considered the better way of ecclesiastical government, the con
clusion forces itself on the mind, that his advocates, in London,
cooperated with that very respectable body. The temper ex
hibited by the leading colonists, on the discovery, during the
progress, and at the sequel of such a combination, shows them
to have been actuated by more than comm.n principle, and wor
thy of no ordinary estimation.

• COMPANY DISSOLVED. 91
1.D.-SO-J While the national church party are vindicated by a majority
of the adventurers, their opponents are not without encourage
ment from the remainder. These address the latter, under the
date of the preceding December 18, as follows: "We cannot
forget you, nor our friendship and fellowship we have had some
years. Our hearty affections towards you (unknown by face)
have been no less than to our nearest friends, yea, to ourselves.
As there has been a faction among us more than two years, so
now there is an utter breach and sequestration. We are still
persuaded that you are the people that must make a plantation
in those remote places, where all others fail." In assigning rea
sons for the conduct of the unfriendly stockholders, they give
the subsequent one : " A distaste of you there, for that you are
[as they affirm] Brownists, condemning all other churches and
persons but yourselves and those in your way." The collision
of feeling and action, so exhibited by members of the company at
home, results in their immediate dissolution. The directors of
the settlement, thus- left to put forth greater energy of them
selves, acquire a habit of more independence, and trust less to
foreign aid. What was intended for their ruin proves their
benefit. Two ships, belonging to their friends of the company, and
bound for England, with the prospect of profitable voyages,
take their departure. Standish embarks in one of them, as agent
of the colony, to promote its interests, and particularly to settle
the claims of the adventurers, who had become its opponents.
The object of his mission is greatly embarrassed by the plague's
raging in London. The vessel which accompanied him, being
almost arrived at her port of destination, is captured by a Turk
ish man-of-war, and her men doomed to slavery. By this event,
and loss on the cargo which escaped, the community of Plym
outh suffer loss of property, and the failure of supplies in return.
Still, in reference to these discouragements, Bradford remarks,
" Meanwhile God gives us peace and health, with contented
minds, and so succeeds our labors, that we have corn sufficient,
and some to spare, with other provisions."
1626. Oldham, on a voyage to Virginia, and in great peril,
resolves, if his life is spared, to confess that "he had sought
the ruin " of the plantation, and thus had wronged them. He
is saved, gets back to Nantasket, and fulfils his vow. The con
sequence is, that the act of his banishment is repealed, and he
is on friendly terms of intercourse with the authorities.
April. Standish comes back from his mission to England.
He relates that he has arranged a settlement with the disaffected
stockholders. He brings the news that some of the most effi
cient supporters of the colony had fallen victims to the plague.

92 DUTCH CORRESPONDENCE. [Pltm.
Among them is Elder Cushman. To these events he adds
another, more afflictive than all. It is the decease of their for
mer pastor, John Robinson. The manuscript of Morton re
marks, " These sad tidings struck our church and the godly
here with inuch sorrow. His and their adversaries had been
long and continually plotting how they might hinder his coming
hither. But the Lord has appointed him a better place." In
view of these and other facts accompanying them, Bradford ob
serves, "These things could not but cast us into great perplex
ity ; yet being stript of all human help and hopes, when we are
now at the lowest, the Lord so helps us, as we are not only up
held, but begin to rise and our proceedings both honoured and
imitated." As a means of support, and of extending their influence, the
settlers establish a truck house at Penobscot, having the year
before had a profitable traffic with the Indians up the Kennebec
River. Such movements displease the people of Piscataqua and
farther east, and also the companies engaged in fishery on the
coast. Their complaints induce the undertakers to petition the
council, next year, for a patent on the Kennebec, to carry on
the fur trade, which was allowed. A privilege of this sort is
in accordance with what is granted to Holland, by the king, the
same year, for her vessels which trade at New Netherland, and
with the persevering efforts of Parliament for free trade, against
the provisions of the council's charter.. It serves to break down
prejudice against the cause of the separatists.
1627, March 9. The authorities of New Netherland write
to those of Plymouth, desiring to hold a friendly intercourse
with them. The latter reply and begin with wishing them
" all happiness and prosperity in this life and eternal rest and
glory with Christ Jesus our Lord, in the world to come."
They advert to the new union, recently formed between Eng
land and Holland, " the better to resist the pride of that com
mon enemy, the Spaniards, from whose cruelty the Lord keep
us both and our native countries." Here is a topic in which
the Protestants of both these plantations had a common inter
est. Reflecting on the barbarities which Spain, as a bigoted
ally of Papacy, had inflicted on multitudes of reformers, they
could not but feel more closely drawn together by the late con
nection formed between their respective nations. Leaving this
point, Bradford touches another, more in accordance with his
own experience. " Many of us are [as he observes] further
tied by the good and courteous entreaty, which we have found
in your country, having lived there many years, with freedom
and good content, as many of our friends do this day, for which
we are bound to be thankful, and our children after us, and shall

16271 COMPROMISE — UNDERTAKERS. 93
never forget the same, but shall heartily desire your good and
prosperity as our own, forever." He candidly states that the
council for New England claims to 40°, which includes almost
the whole of the Dutch patent. He adds, " Yet, for our parts,
we shall not go about to molest you in any thing, but continue
all good neighborhood and correspondence as far as we may ;
only we desire that you would forbear to trade with the natives
of this bay and river of Narragansett and Sowames, which is
[as it were] at our doors."
In the spring, Isaac Allerton comes from London with sup
plies, bought by money hired at thirty per cent. He brings a
contract of the adventurers, signed by them, November 15, to
give up their interest in the patent, for eighteen hundred pounds,
which the colonists accept, " though they scarce know how to
raise the payment, discharge their other engagements, and sup
ply their yearly wants." Indeed, they run no small hazard in
this engagement, while an anxious uncertainty hangs over their
affairs. They know the powers of the kingdom look on them
with jealousy, as dissenters, whose political interest is to change
the mode of their worship whenever an expedient opportunity
presents. They are even aware that it is far from being fixed
that they will be permitted to retain the asylum which they oc
cupy. Still they are willing to make the utmost exertion for
deliverance from the control of men who had striven to bring
them under the bondage of an ecclesiastical polity which they
dreaded more than any other social evil.
May and June. Constrained to make extraordinary efforts, a
small company go from Plymouth, and settle at Monamet, to
avoid the peril of sailing round the cape, and carry on a south
ern trade. For this purpose a pinnace is built there, corn cul
tivated, and swine raised.
June 15. To prevent the effect of misrepresentations about
his intercourse with the governor of New Netherland, Bradford
gives notice of it to the council in England. He also forwards
similar information to Ferdinando Gorges, a member of the same
board. July. Eight * of the principal inhabitants assume the respon
sibilities of the plantation for its trade during six years. They
go by the name of " undertakers. " A prime motive with them, in
making this arrangement, is to obtain a passage for their friends
in Leyden, and thus to welcome them as co-workers in the great
cause of religious freedom.
At the latter end of summer, many emigrants for Virginia,
* William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Miles Standish, Wil
liam Brewster, John Alden, John Howland, and Isaac Allerton.

94 COMMISSIONER — TRUMPETERS. IPlim.
who, in the commencement of winter, were driven into perilous
places at the cape, and their ship finally lost, resume their voy
age. They were hospitably entertained at Plymouth, allowed
land to plant corn, and were otherwise treated with great Chris
tian kindness. When the voice of distress called, difference of
denomination neither silenced the claims of duty nor prevented
the ready and generous supplies of benevolence.
October 4. In reciprocation of the proposal made by the
Plymouth authorities to those of New Netherland, Isaac de
Razier, secretary of the latter, having arrived * at "Monamet,
sends notice to the former. After he had bartered white sugar,
cloth, and wampum, at this port, a party come for escorting him
to Plymouth. He approaches and enters the town, accompa
nied, as an ambassador, by trumpeters, who give notice of his
progress. The scene is novel for the place of its display, and
revives impressions of similar European customs.
Through Razier, Bradford addresses a letter to the Dutch di
rectors of the West India Company. He gratefully acknowl
edges the expression of their kind intentions, and adds, we
" shall ever be ready in the performance of all offices of Chris
tian neighbourhood towards your colony here." He mentions
to them the subject of the New Netherland limits, as he had
done to Minuit and his council. His language is, " We desire
your honours, that you clear the title of your planting in these
parts, which his majesty hath, by patent, granted to divers
his nobles and subjects of quality, least it be a bone of division
in these stirring evil times, which God forbid. That now may
be easily and seasonably done which will be harder and with
more difficulty obtained hereafter, and perhaps not without
blows." Experience showed the wisdom of Bradford's views.
In commenting on such intercourse, he states that the same com
pany are ready to assist the Plymouth people against the French,
if need require. Here is another instance, in which Protestant
sympathies harmonize as opposite to the Catholic religion of the
French at the eastward. Dunlap informs us, that not only was
assistance of this kind offered by the Dutch authorities, but that
they also invited the Puritans to leave their barren soil, and
dwell on the banks of the Fresh-Water or Connecticut River.
A main cause of apprehension in the minds of these, lest their
commercial and Christian relations with those would be inter
rupted, is removed. For, in the preceding September, the
States General obtain from Charles I. free trade with all Eng
lish ports, as before stated, for vessels which visited the colo
nies of the West India Company.
# Prince mistakes in placing this under 1628.

PERSECUTION FEARED —VERGE. 95
December 27. In reference to the threatening aspect of reli
gious affairs under Laud, and to the parishioners of Robinson,
James Sherley writes to Bradford from London, " The sole
cause why the greater part of the adventurers malign me was,
that I would not side with them against you and the coming
over of. the Leyden people ; and, assuredly, unless the Lord.be
merciful to us and the whole land in general, our condition is
far worse than yours. Wherefore, if they should send persecu
tion here, which is much to be feared, and should put into our
mind to flee for refuge, I know of no place safer than to come
to you."

MAINE.

1623, February 18. The council in London decide that the
seat of government for their patent shall be on the Sagadahock
River, being about the middle of the coast which they claim,
and that it shall have a " verge, containing a state county," of
forty miles from the centre.
Other portions of the eastward, as Williamson states, are oc
cupied by planters about this year. Some of them make a per
manent residence at Saco. Of them are Richard Vines, a
learned and pious gentleman, and John Oldham. These two
persons had been in the country several years, and done much
to advance its settlements. Further plantations are made at
Arrowsick Island, Sheepscot, Damariscotta, Pemaquid, and St.
George's River. At home, Sir Ferdinando Gorges still contin
ues his exertions, as one of the most efficient members of the
council, for the prosperity of their patent.
1624. Crossed by Parliament in aiding to promote the gen
eral purpose of the council as to colonization, he has a grant from
this body to form a settlement at Agamenticus, afterwards known
as York. Of twelve thousand acres on one side of the river,
his grandson, Ferdinando Gorges, was the patentee, and of the
same amount on the other side, Colonel Francis Norton. The
latter and William Gorges, who had been lieutenant-governor
in the fort of Plymouth, come over with emigrants, erect houses
and mills, and make other improvements on their respective ju
risdictions. Richard Vines, who had greatly assisted the elder
Ferdinando Gorges in his generous sacrifices for the advance
ment of colonial interests, and who, amid perils, discharged his
pastoral duties, is judiciously relied upon for advice in the fur
therance of the present enterprise.
1626. As the opposition of Parliament to the New England

96 MANOR — PARLIAMENT. ^
patent is powerful, and there is a prospect of war with France,
and other difficulties thicken, the proprietors of the Monhegan
patent dispose of it to a smaller firm on easy terms. Though
the soil thus changes hands, its population still continues its oc
cupants. 1627. Though the Plymouth colony are steadfast in their non
conformity, and thus likely to spread the influence of their ex
ample, still the council sell them a patent at Kennebeck for
purposes of traffic.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1622, August 10. John Mason, having, the previous year, a
grant of Mariana, from the council, now receives another, in
connection with Gorges, called Laconia. This embraces what is
subsequently termed New Hampshire, and the portion of Maine
reaching down to the River Sagadahock. Edward Godfrey,* who,
with Mason, had " lived long in the Oriental parts of the world,"
is concerned with him in procuring such patents "at great
charges, hoping to fit them and their posterity to propagate the
gospel and enlarge his majesties dominions."
1623. In the spring, " the company of Laconia " send over
emigrants. Among these is Godfrey, who resided in the coun
try twenty-seven years. One of the divisions of land, which
they name Little Harbor, is at the mouth of Piscataqua River.
Here they erect salt works, and a house named Mason Hall.
Three or four thousand acres of land are appropriated for this
hall, so as to form a manor, in accordance with the plan of the
council as well as with English custom. Had the plan been
carried out, Mason would have been styled lord of the manor,
and had his seat in the intended Parliament of New England.
These colonists are under the direction of David Thompson, a
Scotchman. Another division of' the emigrants, headed by Edward and
William Hilton, of London, settle at Northam, afterwards' Do
ver. Thus the Granite State commenced its existence under the
auspices of energetic and honorable proprietors, who purposed
to give it the durable impression of Episcopacy as the efficient
handmaid of royalty.
1624. As one of the Mr. Hiltons, probably William, who re
sided at Plymouth in 1621, has a child baptized there by Mr.
* Vindication by Henry Gardner, merchant of London, son of Edward God
frey, printed 1660.

j ffi OFFERINGS — INVITATION. 97
Lyford, according to Episcopal order, it produces much opposi
tion in that settlement of Congregationalism.

RHODE ISLAND.
1624. After describing the religion of the New England In
dians, Winslow, in his Good Newes, adds the subsequent par
agraph relative to the Narragansetts : " The Nanohiggansets ex-
ceede in their blinde devotion, and haue a great spacious house
wherein onely some few (that are as wee tearme them priests)
come : thither at certaine knowne times resort all their people,
and offer almost all the riches they haue to their gods, as ket
tles, skinnes, hatchets, beads, kniues, etc., all which are cast by
the priests into a great fire that they make in the midst of the
house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering euery
man bringeth freely, and the more hee is knowne to bring, hath
the better esteeme of all men. This the other Indians about
vs approue of as good, and wish their sachims would appoint
the hke ,• and because the plague hath not raigned at Nanohig-
ganset as at other places about them, they attribute to this cus-
tome there vsed."

CONNECTICUT.
1627. According to the statement of Dunlap, the Dutch au
thorities invite the settlers of Plymouth to leave their sandy
soil, and occupy the luxuriant acres abounding on the Connect
icut River. At the same time, Governor Bradford reminded
their directors, through Razier, on a visit at Plymouth, that it
would be a matter of sound prudence for them to have the
question about their claims to such territory seasonably and
fully settled.
: m 9

CHAPTER V.
Massachusetts. Patent. — Subscriptions. — Instructions. — Arrest of Morton.
— Patentees increased. — Hostile Indians. — Mount Wollaston. — Mishawum
settled. — Sickness. — Instructions from the company. — Remonstrance of the
Commons. — Charter. — Gorges' patent. — Contracts with ministers. — Con
siderations for settling New England. — First settlers. — Evangelization of
Indians. — Ministers. — Sabbath. — Servants. — Family Religion. — Govern
ment. — Governor's oath. — Satisfaction with Plymouth order. — Journal of
Higginson. — Justice to the natives. — Sea-Fast. — Separation of ministers.
— General Court. — Morton's goods seized. — Quebec captured. — Church es
tablishment. — Ordinations. — Indian worship. — State of the colony. — Cov
enant. — Articles of faith. — Ecclesiastical polity. — Difficulty with Messrs.
Browns. — Influence of Plymouth church. — Compact. — Infant baptism. —
Change as to government. — Letters ofthe Browns. — Charge for ministers.
— Letters to prominent men. — Legislative worship. — Clerical advice. — Free
men. — Undertakers of the colonial stock. — Mortality. Plymouth. Min
ister comes and returns. — Letter to Bradford. — Leyden brethren and sisters.
— Morton returns. — Lothrop's people. — Smith. — Trade at Kennebec. —
Confirmation of colonial grant. — More of Robinson's people arrive. — Fuller's
Letter. New Hampshire. Division of Laconia. — Part of it called New
Hampshire. — Agreement between Cradock and Mason.
MASSACHUSETTS.
1628, March 19. The associates, for colonization, purchase
a patent of Massachusetts from the council, though including
several grants previously made. The omission of particularity
in the bounds, was afterwards the prolific source of anxiety, lit
igation, and cost. The patentees avow their object to be the
preparation of an asylum, where "Nonconformists may trans
port themselves, and enjoy the liberty of their own persuasion,
in matters of worship and church discipline."
. May. After being so far favored in their desire and request,
the friends of this enterprise subscribe liberal sums towards its
charges. Of such donors, who so indorse the sincerity of their
professions, were Hugh Peters and John White. The obliga
tion which they signed began with words of solemnity — " In
the name of God, amen; " and contained the petition — " where-
unto the Almighty grant prosperous and happy success, that the
same may redound to his glory and the propagation of the gos
pel of Jesus Christ."
30. Carrying out the deep aspirations of their hearts, Peters

SEIZURE OF MORTON. 99
1628.]and thirteen others sign instructions for John Endicott, giving
him authority to succeed Roger Conant in the government of
the plantation.
June. Having been to England for advancement of the colony
among several other ¦ objects, Woodbury comes back after six
months' absence. His theme of encouragement must have af
forded high satisfaction to the expecting planters.
The colonists of Plymouth, Piscataqua, and other intervening
settlements are alarmed at the course of Thomas Morton and
his company. They charge him with selling arms to the natives,
alluring the disorderly from several places, setting law and reli
gion at defiance, and thereby endangering the welfare, if not
existence, of their plantations. Plymouth is requested by the
rest, as the ablest member of their communities, to have him
apprehended at the proportional charge of all concerned. His
comment on the matter intimates, that the people of Plymouth
are the chief means of excitement against him and his friends.
After representing his place '^in a good way for gaine in the
beaver trade," it describes such opponents as desirous to subvert
the Mare Mount establishment, because he " was a man that en
deavoured to advance the dignity of the church of England,
which they would laboure to vilifie, with uncivile termes, envey-
ing against the sacred Booke of Common Prayer," and him " that
used it in a laudable manner, amongst his family, as a practice
of piety." It states that a party of them, under Standish, sur
prise him at Wessaguscus ; but he escapes from them, and reaches
his own house. Here he capitulates, is carried to Plymouth,
tried, kept on an island, and sent to England, in charge of Old
ham, for further prosecution. The fact that Edward Hilton,
Blackstone, and other Episcopalians pay towards the charge for
his arrest, indicates that they regarded the cause for this step in
a different light from what he did.
After the patent for Massachusetts is obtained, Mr. White,*
still proceeding on the generous principle of providing good for
others, though not a participator in it himself, introduces the
patentees of and about Dorchester to others in and adjacent
to London, of like respectability, substance, and piety. He
was fully aware, that to attempt the erection of communities in
a wilderness, without such builders, would be the reacting of
Babel confusion. Of the latter class are Winthrop, Saltonstall,
Johnson, Dudley, Cradock, and Goffe.
To carry out their purpose more directly, the company, how-
*
# This worthy divine continued his wise and energetic exertions for the Puritan
cause in New England, as a member of the Dorchester and Massachusetts Com
panies. He ceased from his labors of philanthropy and religion, July 21, 1648,
aged 72, at Dorchester, where he was in the ministry about forty-two years.

100 ATTACK -SICKNESS. .^^
ever, having cause to think highly of Conant, conclude to select
one of their own number as governor of the plantation.
This is John Endicott, of whom Bradford says, " a worthy
gentleman " and White " a man well known to divers persons
of good note." He sails from Weymouth, June 20, in the ship
Abigail, Henry Gauden master. He reaches Naumkeag the
6th of September. Deeply impressive must have been the
meeting between those who arrive and those on the spot. The
emotions and transactions of that day could never be effaced
from their memory. An actor in the scene afterwards deposes
that, the voyagers being weary and sick with their passage, a
thousand Indians, by the way of Saugus, approach the colonists
on Sabbath morning, in order to destroy them, but that the lat
ter, by discharging a. few of their cannon, so terrified the inva
ders that they fled in dismay. On the 13th, Endicott writes to
Cradock. The " good report he sent back of the country gave
such encouragement to the worke, that more adventurers joined
with the first vndertakers. " Shortly after he came hither, he
visits Mount Wollaston. He causes their " Maypole to be cut
down, and rebuked them for their profaneness, and admonished
them to look to it that they walked better." He commissions
Ralph, Richard, and William Sprague and others to make a set
tlement at Mishawum, afterwards Charlestown. These find a
house, thatched, pahsadoed, and belonging to Thomas Walford,
a smith on the premises. They have the free consent of John,
the sagamore, to dwell upon them. A main object of this
movement is, that such territory may be kept from those who
claim it as part of the patent allowed to Robert Gorges, de
ceased, but contained in the Massachusetts grant. At this very
time, John Oldham is in London, to have it held as a jurisdic
tion independent of the latter.
Ere long, the last emigrants are greatly afflicted with disease.
Not having sufficient medical aid, they write to Plymouth for a
supply. Accordingly, Samuel Fuller, one of Mr. Robinson's
deacons, while in Leyden, comes among them like a good Samar
itan. Through him an intercourse more cordial than previ
ously takes place between Plymouth and Naumkeag. The lat
ter, who had not yet thrown off the forms of Episcopacy, had
been jealous of the former, as having gone too far in their Con
gregational alterations. The perils and sufferings of adversity
are often the common levelers of distinctions and separations.
1629. While called to drink deeply of afflictions common to
new settlements, the people of Naumkeag have precious allevi
ations in the kind remembrance of their friends at home.
February 16. Governor Cradock dates an epistle to Endicott.
Of his instructions, some follow : " Wee trust you will not be

16391 THE C0MPANY'S INSTRUCTIONS. 101
vnmindfull of the mayne end of our plantacon by indevoringe
to bringe ye Indians to the knowledge of the gospell, which y*
it may be ye speedier and better effected, -f earnest desire of
' our whole company is, y* you have a dilligent and watchful eye
over our owne people ; that they live vnblameable and without
reproofe, and demeane themselves iustlye and curteous towards
ye Indians, thereby to drawe them to affect our persons, and,
consequently, our religion. Alsoe endevour to gett some of
their children to trayhe vp to readinge, and consequentlye to re
ligion whilest they are yonge. To yonge or olde omitt noe good
opportunity y* maye tend to bringe them out of y' woefull con-
dicon they nowe are in, in which case our predecessors in this
land sometymes were, and but for y" mercye and goodness of
our God, might have continued to this daye. But God, whoe,
out of the boundless ocean of his mercye, hath shewed pittie
and compassion to our land, he is al-sufficient, and can bringe this
to passe which wee now desire/ in y'countrye likewise ; onlie let
vs not be wantinge on our partes • nowe wee are called to y8
worke of the Lord's, neither havinge put our hands to the
plowe, let us looke back."
While thus counselling that care and zeal be exercised for
the promotion of Christianity among the natives, he also urges
the need of caution, lest they bring desolation on the colony, as
others had on Virginia. He gives information that Hugh Pe
ters, then in Holland, Samuel Skelton, and Francis Higginson,
are engaged to come over as preachers, and that the two latter
are recommended by their brethren John White and John Da
venport. Towards the close of the letter, he gives this benedic
tion : " The God of heaven and earth preserve and keepe you
from all forayne and inland enemies, and bless and prosper this
plantacon to the enlarginge of the kingdome of Jesus Christ, to
whose mercifull protecon I recommend you and your associates
there, knowne or vnknowne." Fit words for the author and the
occasion. No foundation of any commonwealth can long and
prosperously remain without a firm reliance on the arm of infi
nite Goodness. But for such dependence, this colony would
have languished and died.
As a specimen of the complexion which pubhc affairs were
assuming to have an effect on colonization, the subsequent facts
are presented.
March 2. The speaker of the House of Commons is desired
to read a remonstrance. He said that he dared not do it, be
cause contrary to the order of his majesty. He then endeavored
to leave the chair, but was held in it, and the doors kept locked,
until the following protest was read : " That whoever should
bring in innovation in religion, or seek to introduce Popery or
6 9*

102 PROTEST OF THE COMMONS.
liVLASS*
Arminianism, and whosoever should advise the taking of ton
nage and poundage not granted by Parliament, or that should
pay the same, should be accounted enemies to the kingdom." _
The result of this was, that on the 10th the king dissolved the
Parliament. March 4. The patentees of Massachusetts receive a confirma
tion and extension of their privileges, by charter from the king.
After dealing with them, on a generous scale, as to their com-
Wrcial and political affairs, this instrument rises to the higher
and nobler concerns of morality and religion. It requires that
the planters shall be so controlled " as their good life and orderly
conversacon maie wynn and incite the natives of the country to
the knowledge and obedience of the onlie true God and Sauior
of mankinde and the Christian fayth." Continuing to speak
by the mouth of kingly authority, it adds, " which is our royall
intencon, and the adventurers' free profession, — is the prinei-
pall end of this plantacon."
5. At the Court of Assistants in London, Sir William Brere
ton proposes to subscribe to the company's stock, if it can be
permitted without prejudice to Robert Gorges' patent, which
had come into his possession. They decline to allow any such
condition. 12. As persons of note, on account of religious controversy
while at Naumkeag, John Brown, a lawyer, apparently of Lon
don, and Samuel, his brother, of Roxwell, in Essex county,
agree to take passage for New England.
23. John Humphrey is deputed to notify Mr. Higginson,
then at Leicester, of his appointment, " if his remove may be
without scandal to that people, and approved by some of the
best affected among them, with the approbation of Mr. Hilders-
ham, of Ashby."
April 8. A contract is made between Messrs. Higginson and
Skelton and the company. They and Francis Bright, whose
agreement was made the 2d of February, promise " to doe their
endeavour in their places of the ministrie, as well in preaching,
catechisinge, as also in teaching, or causing to be taught, the
company's servants and their children, as also the salvages
and their children, whereby to their vttermost to fur
ther the maine end of this plantation, being by the assist
ance of Almighty God the convertion of the salvages." As
a specimen of clerical support, the items of payment for Mr.
Higginson are given. He is granted thirty pounds to buy ap
parel and other supplies for the voyage, and ten pounds more
for books, a free passage for himself, and family, and furniture.
His salary for each of three years, commencing from his arrival
at the plantation, is to be thirty pounds, a house and land, fire-

NOTICES OF MINISTERS. 103
1629.] wood and diet, the produce of the land accruing to the com
pany for said period. The dwelling and appurtenances are a
parsonage for him and his successors in the parish. At the ex
piration of three years, he is to have one hundred acres of land
for his own, and of seven, one hundred more. Towards the
support of his household, he is to have the milk of two cows,
and half the increase of their calves for three years. In case
of his decease, his wife, while remaining his widow, and his
children, if the former and latter continue in the patent, are
to receive support at the public charge. Should he not like to
dwell longer here than the three years, he and his family are to
have a gratuitous passage for England. As Mr. Higginson had
a larger family than the other two, he is allowed ten pounds
more outfit, and the same sum more for salary, than they. In
other respects, their compensations are alike. Ralph Smith,
another Puritan clergyman, has leave to accompany them hither
without expense.
Francis Higginson was the son of John Higginson,* and
born in 1587. He had his A. B. 1609 at Jesus College, and
his A. M. 1613, at St. John's, both of Cambridge University.
He was settled as a conformist, about 1615, at Claybrooke, one
of the parishes of Leicester. f While conscientiously, eminently,
and usefully discharging his sacred duties, he became acquainted
with Hildersham and Hooker, and about 1627, embraced their
Puritan belief. Though highly esteemed by all who knew him,
he was deposed from his ministry and subjected to other severi
ties of law. Invited by the Massachusetts Company to become
a preacher of salvation in their jurisdiction, he consented, and
embarked with his family, for Naumkeag.
Skelton had his A. B- at Clare Hall, 1611, and A. M., 1615,
in Cambridge University. He was a preacher in Lincolnshire ;
" a man of gracious speech, full of faith, and furnished by the
Lord with gifts from above." The special confidence reposed
in him by the company shows that they had a high esteem of
his qualifications and merit. The particulars of his secession
from EpiSC0Pacy are not handed down. But from his engage
ment to serve as the shepherd of souls in the new world, with
its indispensable perils and trials, there is proof that he, as
Brook states, felt the power of persecution for his dissenting
opinions, and made engagements which would carry him beyond
its more immediate grasp.
* Tradition in one branch of the Higginson family in England, says that this
person was drowned in returning from a place where he had preached, at the ad
vanced age of one hundred and four years. Preaching at so great an age, does
not seem probable.
t Claybrooke parish, in the census of England and Wales, in 1841, is stated to
be in the counties of Leicester and Warwick.

104 CONSIDERATIONS FOR THE COLONY. tMass.
Bright was son of Edward Bright, of London. He gradu
ated at "Hospitium Novum," Oxford, 1624-5, aged 22. He
studied with John Davenport. He became minister of " Roily,
Essex county," and, as such, contracted to cast in his lot with
the people who came hither to escape from the yoke of bondage.
Smith graduated at Christ College, of Cambridge, in 1613.
Though his services were not needed for Massachusetts, yet the
company gave him a passage hither to engage in missionary la
bors, as opportunity should present. His object was worthy of
the trials he endured for its accomplishment.
About the time of Mr. Higginson's engaging to undertake
his American mission, he publishes General Considerations*
for the Plantation in New England. The sound judgment
and elevated motives of this production justly claim a record of
its thoughts. These follow : first, it would be for the prosper
ity of the church in general to have the gospel planted on these
shores, and would " raise a bulwarke against the kingdom of
Antichrist, which the Jesuits labour to rear up in all places of
the world." Second, the churches of Europe had been deso
lated, except that of England, and there was just fear lest this
might be similarly judged ; and who could know but that God
had provided the colony as " a refuge for many, whom he meanes
to save out of the general destruction"? Third, England grew
weary of her impoverished population ; arid sixth, why should
they remain and starve, when there was land enough and to spare
in the plantation for their sustenance ? Fourth, " Wee are
growen to that excess and intemperance in all excess of diet, as
* Hutchinson's Collection, pp. 27-31. These Considerations are supposed
by Mr. Savage, in Winthrop's Journal, vol. i. p. 432, to have been composed by
the latter gentleman. A reason for this is, that " the larger part "' of them still
remain in the writing of Winthrop. But they also remain in the ancient chirog-
raphy of Higginson, or some other of his day. Here is a Rowland for an Oliver.
Another reason assigned in favor of Winthrop is, that Higginson had enough
else to do. But what does his son John say in his election sermon of 1662 1 He
says that his father, before immigrating hither, gave "some account of his grounds
in a great assembly of many thousands, at Leicester, Old England ; he mentioned
this one, the mercy of the patent, permitting people here to choose their own
magistrates, and to admit unto freedom sucli as they should think meet and that
religion was the principal end of this plantation." Here we have conclusive
proof that Higginson did have and did occupy time enough for composing, and
laying before the public, arguments for the settlement of this country.
What he, of strong, judicious, and cultivated mind, as well as of heart deeply in
terested in his subject, thus contributed from his treasures new and old, must have
had a " very apparent connection between " itself " and the compact for emigra
tion by a powerful company." " So valuable a document " was " published more
than four months prior to that meeting," (of August 28,) though Mr. Savage
thinks there is no reference to it, while the son of the author refers to it in terms
which need leave no doubt upon any mind.
When we bring the weight of Hutchinson's positive declaration, that Higgin
son was the author of the Considerations, and place it in the balance of the com
parative evidences already adduced, I do not perceive how we can reasonably
refuse to admit, that the preponderance is decidedly in favor of such a conclusion.

OBJECTION TO EMIGRATION, 105
no meane estate almost will suffice to keepe saile with his equals,
and he that fayles in it must live in sorrow and contempt.
Hence it comes to passe, that all arts and trades are carried in
that deceitful manner and unrighteous course, as it is almost im
possible for a good, upright man to maintayne his chardge and
live comfortably in any of them." Fifth, the literary and the
ological schools were inordinately expensive, and were " per
verted, corrupted, and utterly overpowered by the multitude of
evill examples and licentious governors of these seminaries."
Seventh, " What can bee a better worke, and more noble and
worthy a Christian, than to help raise and support a particular
church, while it is in its infancy, and to join our forces with
such a company of faithfull people, as by a tymely assistance
may grow stronger and prosper, and for want of it, may be put
to hazard, if not wholly ruined 1 " Eighth, " If any such as
are known to bee godly, and live in wealth and prosperity here,
shall forsake all this to joyne themselves with his church, and
runne in hazard with them of hard and meane condition, it will
be an example of great use, both for the removing of scandall
and sinister and worldly respects, to give more lyfe to the faith
of God's people in their prayers for the plantation, and also to
encourage others to joyne the more willingly in it."
In answering an objection that there was no call to emigrate
for avoiding spiritual judgments, he thus expresses his thoughts :
" It is likely that this consideration made the churches beyond
the sea, as the Palatinate, Rochel, etc., to sit still at home, and
not look out for shelter while they might have found it ; but
the wofull spectacle of their ruine may teach us more wisdom
to avoid the plague while it is foreseene, and not tarry as they
did till it overtooke them. If they were now at their former
hberty, wee may be sure they would take other courses for their
safety. And though most of them had miscarried in then es
cape, yet it had not been halfe so miserable to themselves, or
scandalous to religion, as this desperate backsliding and abjur
ing the truth, which many of the antient professors among them,
and the whole posterity that remayne, are plunged into." The
mind which perceived and the heart that felt the preceding
opinions and sentiments were of no ordinary texture. Their
expressions are ingenious and forcible arguments for the occu
pancy of this soil.
April 17. Of this date is a letter from Cradock and his deputy
to Endicott. It relates, what is like glad tidings from a far coun
try, that there is an increased disposition and resolve, at home,
to sustain the plantation. It gives information of the charter's
bein0, confirmed by the king, and that an exemplification of it,
with his seal, is about to be sent over. The writers of this epis-

106 ACCOMMODATION FOR MINISTERS.

[Mass.

tie and their associates, understanding human history and divine
economy, are aware that every enterprise of our race, uninflu
enced by religion, will soon or late fall to the ground. They
well know, that let temporal prosperity be ever so great for a
season, still, if destitute of such a vital preservative, it will
draw in its train abounding corruptions, and infuse them into its
possessors for their ultimate ruin. Thus properly impressed,
they sought for men worthy to bear the ark of God. These
have been already mentioned in connection with their contract.
They are among the Calvinistic clergymen of England, who are
reduced by its laws and their severe application, while residing
in the kingdom, to the hard alternative, either to withhold some
of their opinions and practices, and read in time of public wor
ship the Book of Sports, which encouraged an open profanation
of the Sabbath, or submit to prosecutions, fines, imprisonment,
and deposition from the ministry. With the way for a sat
isfactory discharge of their duty so hedged up, and with a
sphere of usefulness opened for them where religious freedom
is proffered, they feel obligated to leave the one and move in
the other.
In reference to them, the letter makes the subsequent re
marks : " And for that the propagation of the gospel is the
thing wee doe profess aboue all to bee our ayme in settling this
plantacon, wee haue bin carefull to make plentyfull provision
of godly ministers, by whose faithfull preachinge, godly conver-
sacon, and exemplary lyfe, wee trust not only those of our owne
nation wilbe built vp in the knowledge of God, but also the In
dians may, in God's appointed tyme, bee reduced to the obedy-
ence of the gospel of Christ. * * One of them is well knowne
to yourselfe, viz., Mr. Skelton, whom wee haue the rather de
sired to beare a part in this worke, for that wee are informed
yourselfe hath formerly received much good by his ministry ;
he cometh in the George Bonaventure. Another is Mr. Higga-
son, a graue man, and of worthy commendacons ; he cometh in
the Talbot. The third is Mr. Bright, sometymes trained vpp
vnder Mr. Davenport, who cometh in the Lyon's Whelp. We
pray you accommodate them with all necessaryes as well as you
may ; and in convenient time, lett there bee houses built them,
according to the agreement wee haue made with them."
The letter proceeds to observe, that there is prospect of har
mony among these ministers, which will be promoted by impar
tiality towards them and all others ; that the manner of their
preaching to the colonists and Indians is left to their own dis
cretion ; and that, for their labors to be appreciated, they must
be duly honored.
The, same communication speaks of Ralph Smith : " Passage

' OLD PLANTERS — GORGES' PATENT. 107
was granted him before wee vnderstood of his difference in
judgment in some things from our ministers ; but his provisions
for his voyage being shipt before notice was taken thereof, and
forasmuch as from hence it is feared there may grow some dis-
traccon amongst you, if there should bee any syding, though
wee have a very good opinion of his honestie. Wee have there
fore thought fit to give you this order, that vnless hee wilbe
conformable to our government, you suffer him not to remain
within the limitts of our graunt." From the import of these
remarks, and from the subsequent and speedy employment of
Mr. Smith, by Plymouth, as their pastor, he seems to have been
a Congregationalist. The same evidence, joined with this con
clusion, denotes that the stockholders of Massachusetts are care
ful to guard against entire separation from the national church,
and do not mean that the colonists here shall adopt any such
change. After proposing that the first settlers here be represented in
the 'Court of Assistants for the colony, and allowed advantages
of trade and agriculture, the letter proceeds to say of them,
" Our further order is, that none bee partakers of any of the afore
said priuiledges and profitts but such as bee peaceable men, and
of honest lyfe and conversacon, and desirous to hue amongst
vs, and conforme themselues to good order and government."
While this caution has a general application, it particularly bears
on the people of Mount Wollaston, who are free livers accord
ing to the full indulgence of the national church.
It relates that Oldham is about embarking to settle in the pat
ent granted to Robert Gorges, and traffic with the natives for
beaver. On this subject, it says, " As we shall unwillingly doe
any act in debarring suche as were inhabitants before vs of that
trade, as in conscience they ought to enjoy, soe shall we as vn-
willingly permitt any to appropriate that to their own private
lucar, which we, in our religious intencons, have dedicated to
the common charge of building houses for God's worship, and
forts to defend such as shall come thither to inhabite." It ad
vises that a conciliatory course be pursued towards Oldham and
his associates, " wishing rather there might be such an vnion as
might drawe the heathen by our good example to the embracing
of Christ and his gospel, then that offence should be given to
the heathen, and scandall to our religion, through our disagree
ment amongst ourselves." Having strong apprehensions lest
he should accomplish his project, they are sohcitous for' Endi
cott to obtain a pledge from Conant and his associates, that they
will have neither part nor lot in the matter. They propose that
if nothing short of severe measures will arrest the progress of
Oldham, they shall be used. They urge that the planters of

108 MINISTERIAL UNION— SABBATH. [Mass.
the company, already on the Gorges tract, be reenforced by
more of the emigrants.
With respect to the ministers already engaged, it has an ad
ditional clause : " Wee haue, in the former part of our letter,
certyfied you of the good hopes we haue of the love and vnan-
imous agreement of our ministers, they having declared them
selves to be of one judgment, to be fully agreed on the manner
how to exercise their ministry, which wee hope wilbe by them
accordingly performed ; yett because it is often found that some
busy persons (led more by their will then any good warrant
out of God's word) take opportunities by moveing needless
questions to stir vp strife, and by that way to begett a question,
and bring men to declare some difference in judgment, (most
commonly in things indifferent,) from which small beginnings
great mischiefs have followed, wee pray you and the rest of the
councell, that, if any such disputes should happen amongst you,
that you suppress them, and be carefull to maintain peace and
vnitie." Here again the company discover their uneasiness lest
a schism occur among the colonists, and result in secession from
the established church.
The letter empowers Messrs. Skelton and Samuel Sharp, in
case of Governor Endicott's decease, to take the lead of the
council, and rule according to order. It requires the ministers
to elect one of their number to preach at Mishawum, or, if they
cannot agree in this, it shall be decided by lot, and whoever is
so chosen shall dwell there with his family.
With regard to the observance of the Lord's day, its lan
guage follows : " To the end the Sabath may bee celebrated in
a religious manner, wee appoint that all that inhabite the plan
tacon, both for the generall and particular imployments, may
surcease their labor euery Satterday throughout the yeare, at
three of the clock in the afternoone, and that they spend the
rest of that day in catechizing and preparacon for the Sabath,
as the minister shall direct."
April 21. In its continuation, the same epistle represents that
the servants about to come over are divided into families. It
proceeds, " Our earnest desire is, that you take spetiall care in
setthnge these families, that the chiefe in the famihe (at least some
of them) bee grounded in rehgion, whereby morning and even
ing famylie duties may be duly performed, and a watchfull eye
held over all in each familie." The two orders here given in
dicate how deeply the patentees are impressed with the long
verified position, that as the discipline and morals of domestic
circles, so the elevation or depression of the community, state,
or nation, which they constitute.
As the communication draws to a close, it introduces John

TITLE OF COLONIAL RULERS. 109
and Samuel Brown. It recommends them, " who, though they
bee noe adventurers in the generall stocke, yett are they men
wee doe much respect, being fully persuaded of their sincere
affeccons to the good of our plantacon. Mr. John Browne is
sworne an assistant here, and by vs chosen one of the councell
there, a man experienced in the lawes of our kingdom, and such
an one as wee are persuaded will worthylie deserue your favor
and furtherance, which wee desire he may haue, and that in the
first division of lands there may be allotted to ether of them
two hundred acres." Thus these gentlemen are approved.
The prospect before them is fair ; but, ere long, discrepancy of
views covers it with clouds.
April 30. A record of the General Court contains an act,
though passed previously, of much importance to the colony.
It orders " that thirteene of such as shalbe reputed the most
wyse, honest, expert, and discreete persons, resident vpon the
said plantacon, shall haue the sole managing and ordering of the
gouernment and our affaires there, who, to the best of their judg
ments, are to endeavour soe to settle the same, as may make
most to the glory of God." The title of this body, so consti
tuted, is " The Gouernor and Councell of London's Plantacon
in Massachusetts Bay in New England." Its formation and
agency tend to promote the ecclesiastical independence here,
dreaded by the stockholders at home. While Endicott is gov
ernor, Bright, Higginson, and Skelton are of his assistants.
The administration, not only altogether composed of professors
of religion, but also, in part, of clergymen, is an early speci
men of actual union between church and state. Such a connec
tion in the infant condition of the commonwealth was both prop
er and requisite. Though it has long been abused by human
frailty, so that it has often been more injurious than beneficial
to true freedom, the period will come, when one perfect, uni
versal church will reign on earth, and, without exciting any
jealousy, will control every government for the highest welfare
of all who live in so blessed an era.
May 7. In the form of oath, ordered for the chief magistrate
here, is the passage, " You shall doe your best endeavor to draw
on the natiues of this country, called New England, to the
knowledge of the true God, and conserve the planters and oth
ers coming hither in the same knowledge and feare of God."
Here is another repetition of the ruhng design which forms the
foundation of this commonwealth. Such a basis accords with
the relations of man's being, with the purpose of his existence,
and the best interests of his nature, and with the wisdom
which bears the bright and broad seal of divinity. It is but a
poor compliment which any people pay themselves, in view of
10

110 ASSIMILATION OF OPINIONS. . =
I -MASS,
what experience has long taught and their own highest good
demands, when boastfully declaring that they are so far deliv
ered from the trammels of restraint, as to deny the necessity of
such religious care in the commencement and continuance of a
wilderness colony.
May 11. Having medically administered to the wants of the
colonists in Massachusetts, Dr. Fuller returns to Plymouth, with
the " soul's calm sunshine " which benevolent action always af
fords. By him Endicott writes to Bradford. He exhibits the
expanded views and feelings ever legitimately flowing from
Christian principle. He speaks of the union in sympathy, mo
tive, and action, which should be cherished by disciples of the
same divine Master. He mentions the necessity of this, in or
der to establish a religious commonwealth. To this import is
his remark, " bending all our hearts and forces in furthering a
work, beyond our strength, with reverence and fear, fastening
our eyes always on Him that is only able to direct and prosper
all our ways." He then touches, with prudence, on the jealousy
which had existed between the respective friends of Plymouth
and Massachusetts as to ecclesiastical discipline. His words are,
" I rejoice that I am by him satisfied touching your judgments
of the outward form of God's worship, being far from the com
mon report, that hath been spread of you, touching that partic
ular." Endicott and his friends had suspected that the Plym
outh church retained the radical notions of Brownism, but
which they renounced while under the instruction of Robinson.
Such a suspicion explains, to some extent, why Lyford and his
followers, when expelled from the jurisdiction of Bradford, were
offered an asylum at Cape Ann, and then at Naumkeag. It was
widely circulated in England, and produced violent opposition,
among members of the company, to the emigration of the Ley
den Puritans, and even to the continuance of their brethren in
Plymouth colony, under any other ecclesiastical form than that
of Episcopacy. But it was so divinely overruled, that while it
brought out the latent and conservative energies of the latter
plantation, it produced greater sacrifices and exertions for the
erection of another in Massachusetts, both of which soon be
came mutual protectors, and advanced the great cause of politi
cal and religious reformation.
13. In his journal, Higginson notes, " We came as farre as
the Land's End, and so left our deare native soyle behind us."
On this trying occasion he calls up his family and others to the
stern of the ship. He gives vent to the fulness of his heart:
"We will not say, as the separatists were wont to say, at their
leaving of England, Farewell, Babylon! Farewell, Rome;
but we will say, Farewell, dear England ! Farewell, church of

SEPARATION FROM CORRUPTIONS. HI
1629.]
God in England, and all Christian friends there ! We do not go
to New England, as separatists from the church of England,
though we cannot but separate from corruptions of it ; but we
go to practise the positive part of church reformation, and prop
agate the gospel in America." Such an expression of patriot
ism, magnanimity, and religion, cannot but accord with the sen
timents of every conscientious heart. At first sight, it may
seem partially inconsistent with the subsequent action of its au
thor. But the separation which he had in mind when uttering
it, was very different from what he embraced in the colony, and
the latter was reconcilable with the reform which he purposed
to adopt as duty should dictate. This position is1 strengthened
by the signification of his discussion with the Browns, which
shows his idea of separation from the mother church, not as a
denial of its being a true church, but a disuse of its modes in
government and rites. From the relation of Hubbard, it is
plain that neither Higginson, nor Skelton nor Bright, had de
termined to institute the platform of Episcopacy after their com
ing over, before all others. He informs us that Hildersham
advised these three ministers to agree "upon their form of
church government, before they came away from England," but
that they did not. This is confirmation that they left the matter
open till they should reach the field of their labor, that they
might then freely choose the mode most congenial with their
feelings of obligation.
May 27. Anxious lest the profane and dissolute conduct of
traders among the Indians may cross the chief purposes of the
colony, Endicott writes and desires the company at home to
seek for redress. When the letter reached them, they immedi
ately moved for the royal proclamation of 1622 to be revived
and amended.
28. Another valuable letter from the company's court, in
London, is dated and directed to Endicott. It repeats the de
sire to him, that an act, with penalty, be passed and pubhshed,
in manuscript, here, against injury to the natives. As proof
that they prefer godliness to gain in the colonial affairs, they as
sert, " Wee haue discharged diuers servants heere, that wee had
entertained and bin at great charges with some of them ; yett
fearing their ill lyfe might bee preiudiciall to the plantacon, wee
rather thought fit to dismiss them and loose our charges, then
to burden the plantacon with them."
June 27. Mr. Higginson's journal states, that the Talbot,
having gotten within sight of the long-desired haven, on Sat
urday afternoon is driven off by a heavy squall. Her com
pany put into Cape Ann, and there devoutly keep the Sabbath.
Next day, as the journalist remarks, with aid of pilots and

112 SEA-FAST -CASTING LOT. g>
"God's blessing, we passed the curious and difficult entrance
into the spacious harbour of Naimkecke. And as we passed
along, it was wonderful to behould so many islands replenished
with thicke wood and high trees, and many fayre greene pas
tures." Welcomed by the residents with the mutual sympa
thies, emotions, and expressions peculiar to such as have met
on the soil where they anticipate peril and suffering as the
price of Christian duty, the one hundred emigrants of the Tal
bot are thankful that their ocean course has ended. One of
the fleet had been in port a week, and the others soon arrive.
Mr. Higginson, reverting to events of the voyage, informs
us that, afflicted with small-pox on board, a fast was observed
the 21st of May. He notes, "I heard some of the mariners
say, they thought this was the first sea-fast that was ever kept,
and that they never heard of the like performed at sea."
He further relates, " We had a pious and Christian-like pas
sage, for I suppose passengers shall seldom find a company' of
more religious, honest, and kynd seamen than we had. We
constantly served God morning and evening by reading and ex
pounding a chapter, singing, and prayers. And the Sabbath
was solemnly kept by adding to the former, preaching twise and
catechising. Besides, the shipmaster and his company used
every night to sett the eight and twelve o'clock watches with
singing a psalme and prayer, that was not read out of a booke."
We pass from the journal, which deserves a high place
among the records, that perpetuate the acts of our primitive
clergy, who, like apostles, made great sacrifices to spread the
doctrines and benefits of Christianity.
Soon after the emigrants reached Naumkeag, Messrs. Bright
and Smith depart in different directions. The former, having
the lot fall on him for Mishawum, goes thither, and enters on
his missionary labors. The latter takes up his residence at Nan-
tasket, where he labors for a small congregation, and is strait
ened for the comforts of support. After tarrying here a short
time, he begins his residence at Plymouth.
The scurvy and an infectious fever is brought to Salem by
the last passengers. Such diseases spread, and are extensively
mortal. Though an argument for opposers of the enterprise, it
does not sink the sufferers in despair.
Not long subsequent to the arrival of the fleet, Endicott calls
a General Court at Salem. A main object of it is for the settlers
within his jurisdiction to sign laws for the regulation of the
colony. These rules are based on the general position, that all
questions relative to political and ecclesiastical order shall be
decided according to the Scriptures. Thomas Morton attends
the session. He declines to subscribe, because the clause  so

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST MORTON. H3
far as in conformity with the statutes of England — is omitted.
He remarks, in his Canaan, without this proviso, " The same
would proove a very mousetrapp to catch somebody by his owne
consent, for the construction of the words would be made by
them of the separation to serve their owne turnes." It was
zeal like this, exhibited by him prior to his being transported
for trial in London, which saved him harmless there, and per
mitted him to return and resume his policy, which greatly trou
bled the adjacent Puritans. The condition he advocated was in
accordance with the colonial charter. Those from whom he
dissented concluded that a promise complying with the spirit
of the Bible would harmonize with all righteous acts of the
mother country, and that, if they believed any of her acts to
be essentially wrong, scriptural authority should be considered
as paramount to them. Such an interpretation was often urged
against them by their opponents at home, as evidence of their
purpose to be independent of the crosier and the crown.
Having thus refused to come under the government here, it
was not long before they commission a party to visit his resi
dence and break up his quarters there. As they approach in a
shallop, he secretes his ammunition and other articles in the
woods. They take what goods are left, principally corn, and
bring them to Salem as sequestered property. The opposite
actors in this scene look at it with very different opinions and
feelings. On one side it is considered as a blow wrongfully
aimed at all Episcopal influence in the colony. On the other,
it is viewed as a dutiful procedure for the progress and security
of reformation in morals and religion.
Near this time, Thomas Graves and a considerable number of
the late emigrants go to strengthen the settlers at Charlestown,
and thus throw greater impediments in the way of its being oc
cupied and retained by Oldham and his associates.
July 19. As an event to be heard by our colonists with deep
interest, because fearful lest Romanism spread in North Amer
ica, Quebec is reduced by the English arms, and the inhabitants
allowed to sail for France with " les feres Jesuits que Recollects."
20. To secure the primary object of their emigration, the
people of Salem begin to take measures for the regular estab
lishment of a church among them. Without such means of
the gospel, though an Eden of natural advantages might have
smiled upon them, they would have felt spiritually impoverished,
and fearfully anticipated a blast on all their purposes and efforts.
Let the description of Gott to Bradford tell the proceedings.
" The 20th of July, it pleased God to move the heart of our
governor to set it apart for a solemn day of humiliation, for the
choice of a pastor and teacher ; the former part of the day be-
o 10*

114 ORDINATION OF CHURCH OFFICERS.
[_i.VJ.ASS.
ing spent about the election, which was after this manner : The
persons thought on were demanded concerning their callings.
They acknowledged there was a twofold calling, the one, in
ward calling, when the Lord moved the heart of man to take
that calling on him, and fitted him with gifts for the same.
The second was from the people, when a company of believers
are joined together in covenant to walk together in all the ways
of God ; every member (male) is to have a free voice in the
choice of their officers. These two (Higginson and Skelton)
clearing all things by their answers, we saw no reason but that
we might freely give our voice for their election after this trial.
Their choice was after this manner : Every fit member wrote in
a note his name whom the Lord moved him to think was fit
for a pastor, and so likewise whom they would have for a
teacher. The most voice was for Mr. Skelton to be pastor, and
Mr. Higginson to be teacher, and they accepting their choice,
Mr. Higginson, with three or four more of the gravest members
of the church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, using prayers
therewith. This being done, then there was imposition of
hands on Mr. Higginson. Then there was proceeding in elec
tion of elders and deacons ; but they were only named, and lay
ing on of hands deferred, to see if it pleased God to send us
more able men over ; and since, Thursday, 5th of August, is
appointed for another solemn day of humiliation, for the full
choice of elders and deacons, and ordaining them. Now, good
sir, I hope that you, and the rest of God's people with you,
will say that here was a right foundation laid, and that these
two blessed servants of the Lord came in at the door, and not
at the window." This communication is full of interest. It
must have been exceedingly welcome to the sage Bradford and
his associates. Constituted as a church in Holland, they came
over so embodied, exhibited the fitness of their ecclesiastical
polity to meet the exigencies of successful colonization, and
were partly instrumental in having its counterpart planted in
Massachusetts. July into September. With a conscientious regard for his con
tract to labor among the natives, Higginson sends the results of
his observations upon them to his friends in England. An ex
tract is given : " For their religion, they do worship two gods,
a good and an evil god. The good god they call Tantum, and
their evil god, who they fear will do them hurt, they call
Squantum. We purpose to learn their language as soon as we
can, which will be the means of doing them good."
Relative to the colony, he adds, " There are with us in all,
ould and new planters, three hundred, whereof two hundred
are settled at Naimkecke, and the rest plant themselves at

i«ooi SETTLEMENT OF CHARLESTOWN. H5
K>-i_T J
Massachusetts Bay, being to build a towne there called Charles-
towne." It is observable that this refers to the last-named
place, and its immediate vicinity, as within Massachusetts Bay,
while Salem and its neighborhood are excluded from such a cir
cuit. This accorded with former views and conversation, though
contrary to subsequent and present impressions. The narrative
adds, " We haue great ordnance, whereof we doubt not but to
fortify ourselves in short tyme, to keepe out a potent adversa-
rye." Rising above the -temporal prospect of the planters,
though a subject he loved to contemplate, the writer comes to
his still more favorite theme of spiritual concerns : " But that
which is our greatest comfort and means of defence above all
others, is, that we have here the true rehgion and holy ordi
nances of Almighty God among us. Thanks be to God, we
have plenty of preaching, and diligent catechising, with strict
and carefull exercise of good and commendable orders to bring
our people to Christian conversation, which whilst we do, we doubt
not but God will be with us ; and so, (Romans viii. 31,) ' What
shall we then say to these things ? If God be for us, who can
be against us ? ' : Such a conclusion is what would be expected
from one who had drunk deeply of " Siloa's brook," who had
wisely scanned the immutable conditions on which society can
be prospered and immortality blessed. In a letter of Sep
tember, from the same author, he mentions that several com
panies in England have expressed their purpose to emigrate
hither, and aid in the great work of building up Zion. He
urges his Leicester friends, among whom he had preached, not
to delay their coming : " If you linger too long, the passages
of Jordan, through the malice of Sathan, may be stopped, that
you cannot come if you would. 'i His apprehensions, in this re
spect, were afterwards found not to be groundless. He would
have the rich assist families unable to pay their passage, so that
they may reach the plantation, " where they may live as well,
both for soule and body, as anywhere in the world." He ad
duces a noble example of such charity : " Mr. Johnson, out of
Lincolnshire, and many others, have helped our godly Chris
tians hither, to be employed in their worke for a while, and then
to live of themselves." Thus, in his correspondence with his
friends abroad, he fans their zeal for missions to the new world,
so that the light of Christianity may illumine its thick darkness.
August 6. The ordination mentioned in Gott's letter, to be
the 5th instant, takes place. The church platform of rule, cov
enant * and articles of faith, being Calvinistic, and drawn up by
# This covenant differs from the second, formed 1636, which has long been
supposed to be the first, and from the hand of Higginson, when it was probably
drawn up by Peters, at the later date.

116 ECCLESIASTICAL POLITY. [Mass.
Mr. Higginson, are accepted by tliirty members. These had
been individually supplied with a copy of the covenant, which
is read publicly, and receives their consent. With regard to the
doctrines now professed, Chalmers says, they " formed the seed-
plot of the independent churches of New England." To the
numbers received, many, of good report, are speedily added.
The covenant and confession of faith here spoken of were evi
dently not contained together in one document, but were separate
ly and individually acknowledged. A pamphlet, printed about
1660, which comprises both of them, " for substence," as dis
tinct articles, proves that the first independent church of Salem,
at their outset, had articles of faith. Governor Bradford is a
delegate from Plymouth church ; but, detained by adverse winds,
he arrives during the services, and proffers the right hand of
fellowship. This he does, though, as Hubbard remarks, Higgin-
son's principles of church discipline " were a little discrepant
from theirs of Plymouth." Among the attendants on this oc-.
casion was Edward Gibbons, who had resided at Mount Wollas
ton. The services seriously affect him. He was subsequently
a prominent and useful inhabitant of Boston.
By the account of Gott, it seems as though the ministers were
ordained the 20th of July, and a similar ordinance performed
for ruling elders, of whom was Henry Haughton and the
deacons, in August, Still there is an evident propriety in
believing that a like service took place with regard to the cler
gymen on the latter date. The chief objection which arises
with this view, is that a twofold consecration appears unneces
sary. Morton's Memorial observes on this subject, " After the
sermons and prayers of the two ministers, in the end of the
day, the confession of faith and covenant being solemnly read,
the forenamed persons (members of the church) did solemnly
profess their consent thereunto, and then proceeded to the or
daining of Mr. Skelton, pastor, and Mr. Higginson, teacher."
This refers to the last date. Hubbard confirms the same posi
tion. Prince offers an explanation : " As Mr. Skelton and Hig
ginson had been ministers ordained by bishops in the church of
England, this ordination was only to the care of this particular
flock, founded on their free election.- But as there seems to be
a repeated imposition of hands, the former, on July 20, may
only signify their previous separation for their solemn charge,
and this latter, of August 6, their actual investiture therein."
Thus the question is completely decided, what the leading men
in Massachusetts mean to have as the mode of their ecclesiastical
polity. Situated as they are, without any leave of their company at
home to adopt such independence, exposed for it to opposition

DISCREPANCIES OF OPINION. H7
from the council, who had control of the whole country, and of
Bishop Laud in his powerful influence over the executive of
the kingdom, they hazard an experiment full of peril and anx
ious expectation. Nothing short of supreme regard for what
they heartily believe to be the divine will, can induce them to
assume so responsible an attitude. Their strike is for religious
liberty, in its rational and broadest sense, with its consequent
effects, uncongenial with the spirit and domination of royalty.
They are fully convinced, that, to carry out their ideas and pro
fessions of reform, the simplicity of the Congregational basis is
the Puritanism which they absolutely need to aid them, so far
as human imperfection will allow, in keeping their plantations
free from the social, political, and religious corruptions which
abound in their native land. Thus actuated, they commit their
cause to the Ruler of the universe, and trust in his protection,
though such as are of their own house resist them, and the
mighty of their own countrymen join heart and hand for their
speedy overthrow.
In laying the deep foundations of this Christian common
wealth, the leading operators are not free from opposition among
themselves. The preparations for so great a work are not in
accordance with the design, opinion, and wish of the pioneers
who came to Naumkeag as supporters of the national church.
Nor do they receive the approval of others among the recent
emigrants. Of these, the Memorial of Morton thus remarks :
" Some of the passengers that came over, observing that the
ministers did not at all use the Book of Common Prayer, and
that they did administer baptism and the Lord's supper without
the ceremonies, and that they professed also to use discipline in
the congregation against scandalous persons, by a personal ap
plication of the word of God, as the case might require, and
that some that were scandalous were denied admission into the
church, they began to raise trouble." Of these, the Messrs.
Brown, being the chief, "gathered a company together in a
place distinct from the public assembly, and there, sundry times,
the Book of Common Prayer was read. The governour, taking
notice of the disturbance that began to grow among the people
by this means, convented the two brothers before him. They
accused the ministers as departing from the orders of the church
of England, that they were Separatists, and would be Anabap
tists, etc. ; but for themselves, they would hold to the church of
England. The ministers answered, they were neither Separa
tists nor Anabaptists ; they did not separate from the church of
England, nor from the ordinances of God there ; and that they
came away from the common prayer and ceremonies, and had
suffered much for their nonconformity in their native land, and,

118 CHARGE OF PERSECUTION. rlvr
[Mass.
therefore, being in a place where they might have their liberty,
they neither could nor would use them, because they judged
the imposition of these things to be sinful corruptions in the
worship of God. The governour and council, and the general
ity of the people, (that is, the General Court,) did well approve
of the ministers' answer ; and, therefore, finding these two
brothers to be of high spirit, and their speeches and practices
tending to mutiny and faction, the governour told them that New
England was no place for such as they ; and, therefore, he sent
them back for England, at the return of the ships, the same
year ; and though they breathed out threatenings both against the
governour and ministers, yet the Lord so disposed of all, that
there was no further inconvenience followed upon it." Chal
mers, referring to this controversy, observes, " This expulsion
of its chiefs inflicted a wound on the church of England which
it never recovered."
Such action on the part of the Massachusetts authorities has
been often called persecution. If by this term their accusers
mean the prevention of others from the free exercise of their
religious forms, the charge is correct. Were our fathers,, con
cerned in the matter, put upon the stand, they would, in all
good conscience, reply, for substance, as follows : At much ex
pense of toil, money, and suffering, we chose a remote part of
the world to carry out our ideas of reform, unmolested by those
of conflicting views and practice. We made an honest avowal
of this to the public, as our intention. We consistently hold,
that all who cannot harmonize with our ecclesiastical polity
should leave us, and go where they may enjoy their opinions, as
we ourselves have done, in forsaking relatives, home, and coun
try. Should we permit them to remain and propagate what we
consider the very errors from which we have fled, it would be
a preparation to destroy the work we came to accomplish, would
be contrary to our deep impressions of obligation, and to the
prosperity of Christ's kingdom. Thus much for their plea.
On the other hand, it was a hard case for those expelled. They,
too, had encountered much, so that they, without disturbance,
might sustain religious worship as they thought regular. They,
no doubt, felt themselves wronged. Of this the authorities
were fully aware. _ They regretted that what they believed to
be necessity, was laid upon them so to exercise their power, that
it might preserve and promote the greater benefit of the colony,
though to the detriment of a few.
They felt themselves driven to this requisite, though hard,
alternative, as Plymouth had in their expulsion of Lyford and
his supporters. They acted on the principle of self-preserva
tion, allowed by our laws, that protect the sects who live as sep-

TOLERATION NOT BOUNDLESS. 119
arate communities, and empower them to have all ejected who
arise among them, or intrude themselves, for the object of dis
arranging their regulations, and thus endangering their existence
as distinct bodies. Such a principle, as well known, has been
long applied in Great Britain, with all her enlightenment ; so
that many dissenters from the established church are, even now,
legally compelled to pay a large amount of fines. Among us,
it subjects the disbeliever in future retribution, the deist, and the
atheist, to civil disabilities. That it should be exercised, to
some extent, there can be no reasonable doubt. It is as requisite
for the healthful condition of church and state, as attraction and
repulsion to keep our solar system from rushing to destruction.
But to what precise limit it should be confined, is a question
which, on account of human deficiency in knowledge and holi
ness, and consequent diversity of opinion and preference, has
never been fully settled. As true religion loses its hold on the
population, their legislative bodies will incline to narrow down
the moral restriction of such a principle. In all ages and na
tions, men, while weak and feeling its pressure, have protested
against it ; but when they have become the strong majority, they
have advocated and put it in force. No denomination that has
ever existed, and gone through such a process of experience,
can justly throw itself without the circle of this fact.
Such a stand opens a source for free and full remark in Eng
land. Bailey took the ground that Plymouth church leavened
all its adjacent churches. Cotton replied to this, " How far
they of Salem tooke up any practice from Plymouth, I doe
know. Sure I am, Mr. Skelton was studious of that way before
he left Lincolnshire. If the diswader knew the spirit of those
men who first came hither, after Plymouth, hee would easily
discern they were not such as would be leavened by vicinity of
neighbours, but by the divinity of the truth of God shining
forth from the word."
August 26. Among the signs which brought gladness to the
hearts of many who prayed and sought for the advancement of
the colony, is a compact. This is subscribed at Cambridge, by
highly respectable members* of the company. It says, "Upon
due consideration of the state of the plantation, now in hand
for New England, therein wee have engaged ourselves, and
havinor weighed the greatnes of the worke in regard of the con
sequence, (God's glory and the church's good,) as also in regard
of the difficultyes and discouragements which, in all probabili-
tyes, must be forecast on the execution of this businesse," and
* Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Dudley, William Vassal, Nicholas West, Isaac
Johnson, John Humphrey, Thomas Sharp, Increase Nowell, John Winthrop,
William Pynchon, Kellam Browne, and William Colbron.

120 COMPACT -BAPTISM- [MasS-
then proceeds to state, that mutual confidence has induced them
to engage in the undertaking. They pledge themselves, " in the
word of a Christian and in the presense of God," to make all
due preparation. Various have been the covenants formed by
individuals of different nations an'd for diverse purposes. But
none of them has exceeded that before us in purity of motive,
in denial of selfishness, in firmness of purpose, and in nobleness
of end. The Achaean league, long celebrated, sought and ob
tained civil liberty ; but its nature and results do not equally
compare with those of this and other compacts, formed by our
ancestors for the establishment of New England in the faith of
Christ and his apostles.
A correspondence takes place between Higginson and Brews
ter. The subject of it concerns the relation which children of
church members hold to the church of the latter. The conclu
sion is, that such children are subjects of baptism, and, by this
ordinance, are so far members of the church as to be under their
watch and care. It also allows that these children may be ad
mitted to full communion with the church, on their own con
fession and acknowledgment of the covenant, when they be
come adults and give evidence of piety. In connection with
this intercourse, it is agreed that the parents own and retain
"the baptism which they themselves received in their infancy,
in their native land."
August 29. The company agree in London " that the govern
ment and patent shall be settled in New England." Learned
writers have differed in opinion about this decision, and also,
in connection with it, about the right of our fathers to freedom
of religious worship. There are several facts which bear on
these questions. With regard to the first, the leading members
of the company, at home, took pains to inform themselves con
cerning the legal relinquishment of the supervisory government
of the colonists, and became satisfied that it was allowed by their
charter. Their conclusion was not made a ground of annulling
this instrument, because, if it had been, it would have annulled
the regal authority which sanctioned the document. In refer
ence to worship, the patentees were open in the avowal of their
Puritan sentiments, of their purpose to build up a common
wealth of ecclesiastical reformation. ThisVas a main object for
which they obtained their charter ; and notwithstanding repeated
endeavors before the royal council to have them counteracted in
such polity, the English authorities never denied them the right
to worship God as their consciences dictated. It is true that
the clause which provides that no charter rights shall run coun
ter to the laws of the realm, if literally construed as giving the
right of public worship to none except conformists with the

CAUTIONARY LETTERS. 121
established church, would demand that our ancestors, so far as
they deviated from Episcopacy, should be considered as falhng
short of such enactments. But in view of the right granted by
the executers of the laws themselves, and thus confirmed by their
interpretation of these very laws, and of the charter's saying of it
self, it " shall be construed in all cases most favourably " for the
patentees and their successors, " any statute " of the kingdom
"to the contrary- notwithstanding," — the planters of our soil
must have felt themselves justified, judicially and equitably, in
pursuing the course which they did.
September 19. At a General Court of the company, in Lon
don, letters from Endicott and others, concerning the difficulty
with the Browns, are read. Referees are designated to settle
their differences.
29. The same body decide to open some of the letters from
the Bro wns, and ascertain if they defame " the country of New
England, and the governor and government there." They di
rect that the parties to whom such epistles are addressed shall
be accordingly notified. They conclude that the letters of Sam
uel Brown shall be kept as evidence, if occasion require. A
copy of complaints from Salem, against him and his brother, is
ordered for them, so that they may prepare to reply.
October 15. It is resolved that the charge for ministers in
the colony, or who may be employed here, and for the erection
of churches, shall be paid seven years, one half by the joint
stock of the company, and the other by the planters.
16. Anxious as to the result of the Browns' expulsion, the
authorities of the company write to the ministers of Salem.
They mention that the Messrs. Brown had recently arrived, be
ing sent home by Governor Endicott, who charged them with
factious conduct ; that, since their arrival, they had " raised ru
mors of divers scandalous and intemperate speeches," as uttered
by one or both of Messrs. Higginson and Skelton in their " pub
lique sermons or prayers," and of some innovations attempted
by them. The matters here alleged probably arose from the
compliance made by the Salem church with the Congregational
discipline of Plymouth. The letter remarks, " Wee have rea
son to hope that their reports are but slanders," and then cau
tions the clergymen here to be careful of their ministry ; and
if, having said or done aught to justify the censures passed on
them to correct their course, and bear, in mind that the com
pany in England would tolerate no such severity as was laid to
their account. It proceeds : " Wee desire that this only may
testyfie to you and others, that we are tender of the least asper
sion which, ether directly or obliquely, may bee cast vpon the
state* heere, to whom wee owe soe much duty, and from whom
p 11

122 ALLEGED INNOVATIONS. [Mass.
wee haue received soe much fauor in the plantacon where you
now resyde." A literal adherence to every part of this advice
was hard for such men as Higginson and Skelton. In a new
sphere, where they were unexposed to the apprehension of a
pursuivant at every turn, it was natural for them to preach
and pray so as to express their disapprobation of crown oppres
sion to the Puritans, as well as their gratitude for charter privi
leges. They felt obligated not to cover up the repulsiveness of
the one with the fair mantle of the other, in their high inter
course with the Judge of the universe, as well as with the mor
tals who were to stand before him for retribution. They did
not feel justified to deal with the state as if needing no physi
cian. The same conscientiousness which led them to brave the
inflictions of misdirected power at home, would not suffer them,
while exiles abroad, through its influence, to speak of it by any
other name than its own. Thus actuated, they knew that they
were watched by those who honestly differed from them, and
who, driven from their soil, and landed upon the shores of Eng
land, would as honestly proclaim their clerical course in no
measured or commendable terms.
Another communication, from the same hands and of the
same date as the preceding, is forwarded to Governor Endicott,
on a similar topic. It relates that Messrs. Brown had spoken
against him and the ministers "concerning some rash innova-
cons begun and practised in the civill and ecclesiasticall govern
ment." It takes for granted that their resentment at being
sent home would lead them to make representations in very
strong terms ; but still, it adds, there is a possibility " some vn-
digested councells haue too sodainly bin put in execucon, which
may haue ill construccon with the state heere, and make vs ob
noxious to any adversary." It then urges on Mr. Endicott to
be careful about introducing any laws which may have such a
tendency, and to watch over social and religious concerns so
that they lead to no such end. This magistrate has had a greater
share of blame for excluding Messrs. Brown from the planta
tion, than actually belonged to him. Others were active as well
as himself to insure their departure. For what he did in that
affair he had ample authority. But whether it was expedient
to exercise his power as he did, is a question which religious
toleration, as generally understood in his day, would answer in
the affirmative, but as understood in ours, would answer in the
negative. _ Men should be judged according to the light of the
age in which they five.
The language of both communications shows that the paten
tees at home are dissatisfied that the colonists have so widely
departed from the national church, and are apprehensive lest it

LEGISLATIVE DEVOTION. 123
incur the displeasure of the king and his council, and thus seri
ously impede the progress of the plantation.
As a matter fitted to strengthen the settlers, and afford them
greater freedom to pursue their adopted course, the company, in
London, discuss the order for relinquishing their supervisory
power over the Court of Assistants here, and conclude that it
is " fitt and naturall " for themselves to retain only the " gou-
ernment of trade and merchandize." At the same session, the
question is brought before them, whether Endicott shall be con
tinued in office, and decided affirmatively. This subject is prob
ably broached by reason of the complaints made by the Browns.
His continuation is to last till John Winthrop, now highly com
mended, and chosen his successor, shall reach the colony.
November 20. The Browns petition for relief, because some
of their goods in the settlement are undervalued, and others not
appraised at all. Order is given for an equitable adjustment of
this concern.
25. A letter and testimonies from the colonial authorities are
communicated to the court. They relate to Wilham Revell,
commander of a ship, who is charged with " insolent speeches "
against the laws here, "which is to bee proceeded against when
other certyficates are come, which are expected concerning this
business." An important session is appointed. In view of it, the follow
ing is adopted : " To the end that this business might bee pro
ceeded in, with the first intencon, which was cheifly the glory of
God, and to that purpose that their meetings might bee sancty-
fied by the prayers of some faithfull ministers, resident heere in
London, whose advice would bee likewise requisite vpon many
occasions, the court thought fitt to admitt into the freedome of
this company Mr. Jo. Archer and Mr. Phillip Nye, minis
ters heere in London, who, being heere present, kindly accept
thereof. Also Mr. Whyte did recommend vnto them Mr. Na
thaniel Ward, of Standon." Here the commendable custom of
having legislation preceded by daily intercession for the divine
blessing is first noted by the company's records. As clergymen
previously attended their sessions, it is very likely that they had
performed similar service. This is one of the ancient usages
not yet discarded by the rulers of this commonwealth. Recre
ant, indeed, to the memory of its founders, and to*the safeguard
of its public integrity, must the state be, if ever so degraded in
moral sentiment as to exclude devotion from its councils.
Here, too, is a purpose of the court to ask the opinion of
ministers on questions which may come before them. As well
known, this was continued under our colonial charter. It was
deliberately appointed by laymen, which implies that the ancient

124 FREEMEN — UNDERTAKERS. ,MAgg
clergy of New England were not so officious in thrusting them
selves into civil affairs as some would have us believe. Though
preachers of the gospel have enough to occupy all their energies,
yet our country is greatly indebted to their predecessors for
much salutary advice.
Here, also, we have the admission of freemen. This must
have been done before, because specified by the charter. It was
a custom which had a powerful effect on our social, civil, and
ecclesiastical interests, till the interference of commissioners sent
over by Charles II. Nor was its influence small from this pe
riod to the usurpation under Dudley and Andros.
Returning to the company's anxious and eventful deliberations,
we perceive that the tide of emigration to our shores is consid
erably diminished, because of embarrassment in their funds.
The joint stock is already much in arrears. Still there are mind
and heart enough left to perceive the remedy, and have it
applied. November 30. In imitation of what the undertakers had done
at Plymouth, in hke trials, five of the Massachusetts adventu
rers, and the same number who intend to become planters, agree
to take on themselves the management of the stock for seven
years. They are to have it at a third of its original amount.
Thus, while one portion of benefactors to the plantation assume
a hazardous responsibihty, another are disposed to make great
sacrifices of then property. They act as men accountable to
God for his benefits, and bound to use his gifts for the promo
tion of his spiritual kingdom.
Though the settlers have reason to be encouraged by move ¦
ments at home, yet signs among themselves are cheerless and
depressing. As the winter approaches, disease and mortality
continue their dreadful work. Nearly one half of their number
die. Among them is Haughton, the ruling elder of Salem.
Such a repeated event is enough to drive ordinary adventurers
from the shores which breathe pestilence and death. But the
afflicted survivors continue firm, and hope for better days.
While they look, in imagination, to the more healthy residences
of England, others are earnestly engaged in preparing to move
thence, and become partakers with them in the trials of a new
country.

PLYMOUTH.

1629. Having been severely afflicted, as to their ministrations
of the sanctuary, the congregation are again called to similar

LEYDEN EMIGRANTS. 125
1629.]
trial. Early in the spring, a young minister, named Rogers,
comes over with Mr. Allerton to preach for them, though he
had received no call from the church. They soon perceive that
his mind is so deranged, that it was necessary for him to return
home next year. The charge for both of his passages was no
small burden to them in their straitened circumstances.
1629, May 11. A letter from Endicott to Bradford has this
passage : " The same request with you I make unto the Lord,
that we may, as Christian brethren, (of both their colonies,) be
united by an heavenly and unfeigned love, bending all our
hearts and forces in furthering a work beyond our strength, with
reverence and fear, fastening our eyes always on Him that is
only able to direct and prosper all our ways." This is proper
expression of human dependence for the accomplishment of an
exalted purpose.
25. In compliance with the benevolent endeavor of the un
dertakers, the long-deferred hope of their brethren and sisters,
in Holland, is about to be realized. On this subject, Sherley,
in London, addresses Bradford : " There are now many of your
and our friends from Leyden coming over. A good part of
that end is obtained which waS aimed at, and has been so strongly
opposed by some of our former adventurers. With them we
have also sent some servants in the Talbot, that went hence
lately ; but these come in the Mayflower."
When such passengers reach their destination, they are" met
with the gratulations of Christian friendship. The various as
pects of former intercourse between the receivers -and received
are brought to their recollection, and become an avenue of mu
tual desires and hopes for a better experience in their high call-
in°\ Their object is great, and fitted to afford them needed en
ergy and encouragement. Bradford observes, " So their being
thus long kept back is now recompensed by Heaven, with a
double blessing ; in that we not only enjoy them beyond our
late expectation, when all hope seemed to be cut off, but with
them many more godly friends and Christian brethren, as the
beginning- of a larger harvest to Christ." He also relates, that
Allerton who had returned from London, whither he went to
obtain an enlargement of their patent, greatly offends them, be
cause he allowed Thomas Morton to come back with him.
The accusations sent with Morton to England were disre
garded by the authorities there, and he was not brought to trial.
Thus at liberty, he revisits the land of what he describes as his
persecutions, and again dwells at Mount Wollaston. Though
the transportation of the late emigrants cost five hundred pounds,
" yet it was borne cheerfully by the poor brethren here con
cerned in it." 11*

126 KENNEBEC PATENT. rt>
[rLTM,
Near this time, " severall godly persons, some whereof had
bin Mr. Laythrop's church in England, and others also, came to
vs out of England, soe that wee became, through the goodness
of God, pretty numerous."
About fall, Ralph Smith, wife and family, uncomfortably sit
uated at Nantasket, are brought in a boat to Plymouth, where
he "exercised his gifts among them."
1630, January 13. In accordance with the enterprising and
useful plan of the company here, to expand their trade and
means of support, the council grant them territory on each side
of the Kennebec River. The motive of the latter body is thus
expressed : " Whereby soe hopeful a plantacon may subsiste, as
alsoe that they may bee incouraged the better to proceed in soe
pious a worke, which may especially tend to the propagation of
religion." The applause here given was truly deserved. It
was nobly won by the constant exhibition of compliance with
duty, under the heavy pressure of adversities.
The patent, so assigned, was extensive, and secured to the
grantees all the rights and privileges of colonial government on
the premises. The party in England who had striven to crush
their religious liberty, in the day of their weakness, must have
been disappointed in perceiving the circle of their wide control,
on the very soil intended as the stronghold of Episcopacy and
royalty. The same instrument which makes so desirable a conveyance
enlarges and confirms their first territory. It says of them,
" Seeinge by the spetiall Prouidence of God, and their extraor
dinary care and indvstry, they have encreased their plantacon
to neere three hundred people, and are vppon all occasions able
to reliue any new planters or other of his majestie's subiects,
whoe may fall vppon that coaste." Instead of it, they had
made great exertion for a charter with the royal seal. One rea
son why they did so was, that they might have privileges equal
to those of Massachusetts. Another was, that, if successful,
they should feel more secure, in case the grants of the council
should be nullified, which was expected and dreaded by those
interested. Their experiment cost them five hundred pounds,
hired from thirty to fifty per cent. This result, so burdensome
to them, had some alleviation in the accompanying advantages
of territorial enlargement.
May. Another company of Robinson's people arrive. They
are strong in faith, but poor in temporalities. They are not met
with the cold hand of worldly policy, but with the heartfelt
welcome of Christian benevolence. They are supported about
a year and a half before they could raise a harvest sufficient for

162g, BENEVOLENT INTERCOURSE. 127
their maintenance. The loan thus made had the supreme Giver
of all mercies for its guarantee.
July 30. Fast is observed to implore divine interposition for
the arrest of mortal sickness in Massachusetts. In connection
with this occasion, Morton speaks of the chief planters in the
Bay colony. " Those eminent servants of Christ did not de
spise their poor leaders and fellow-soldiers, that they found in
the same work of the Lord with them, at Phmouth, but treated
them as brethren, much pitying their great straits and hardships
they had endured in the first beginning of planting this wilder
ness, promising all helpfulness, even out of their own estates,
according to their power." Such sympathy is the offspring of
uncorrupted religion. It availed far more for the great work
with which it was allied, than all the set and polished forms of
heartless courtesy.
August 2. Fuller writes from Charlestown, "Here we have
divers honest Christians desirous to see us ; some out of love
they bear us, and the good persuasion they have of us ; others
to see whether we be so ill as they have heard." Here the
misrepresentation* of Robinson's followers at home has an addi
tional confirmation.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1629, November 7. Having agreed with Gorges to make the
Piscataqua the divisional fine between their portions of Laconia,
Mason has a confirmation of his from the council. The latter,
so arranged, lies between that river and the Merrimack. It re
ceives the name of New Hampshire.
It appears from the deposition of Henry Jocelyn, before the
commissioners sent over to New England by Charles II., in
1664, that he was requested to get an agreement between Crad
ock as governor of the Massachusetts Company, and Mason,
recorded in Boston, which was, that the latter would give up
Mariana for what the former claimed by charter beyond the Mer
rimack River ; but, hearing of Mason's death, he did not feel
himself required to fulfil the commission. This, of course, left
the subject open for the controversy which succeeded.
# This and the preceding facts, under Plymouth, from January 13, 1630, though
chronologically accurate, should have been located under Chapter VI.

CHAPTER VI.
Massachusetts. Common stock. — Church of emigrants formed in London.
 Court on board of the Arbella. — God's promise to his plantation. — Plant
er's plea. — Benediction. — Farewell to the church of England —Indian con
spiracy. — Christian charity. — Arrival of Dorchester church. — Winthrop
reaches Salem. — Communion. — Scarcity of food. — Wilson. — Philips. —
Ministers cease to be members of government. — Ordination in England. —
Church membership. — Son of Winthrop drowned. — Thanksgiving. — Salem
ceases to be the seat of government. — Mortality! — Colonists. — ^Brownists. —
Old planters. — Disadvantages of Charlestown. — Fast. — Watertown church. —
Charlestown church. — Cotton. — Death of Higginson. — Emigrants return. —
State of colonists. — Clerical support. — Ordination. — Deceased women. —
Shawmut settled. — Gager. — Sentence of Morton. — Condition of becoming
a settler. — Shawmut called Boston. — Affliction. — Death of Johnson, t- Cot
ton's letter. — Baptism. — Communion. — Innovations in England. — Free
men. — Rossiter. — Deacon ordained. — Drinking healths. — Emigrants not al
lowed to settle here. — Secession from Charlestown church. — Mortality. —
Morton sent to London. — Higginson's New England Plantation printed. —
Scarcity of food. — Roger Williams arrives. — 111 reports. — Brownists. —
Thanksgiving. — Men transported. — Motives of colonists. — Mrs. Skelton
dies. — Cards and dice. — Wilson's voyage. — Ordination of Williams prevented.
— Benefactions. — Gardiner apprehended. — Church membership essential to
being freemen. — Oath of freemen. — Sentence of Ratcliffe. — Gorges' patent.
— Husbandmen. — Church of Rome. — Banishment. — Eliot arrives. —
Thanksgiving. — Elder Brown. Plymouth. Roger Williams comes to
Plymouth. — Gardiner, a «Papist. Maine. Grant to Plymouth. — Other
grants. — Plough patent. — More grants. — Husbandmen. New Hampshike.
Upper plantation. — Neal, governor of lower settlement. — Gibbon. — Gorges'
patent. — Wiggin. Rhode Island. Son of Canonicus visits Winthrop.
Connecticut. Indian sagamore invites Englishmen to occupy lands.

MASSACHUSETTS.
1630, February 10. At a General Court of the company, in
London, measures are taken to raise a common stock for pubhc
charges in Massachusetts, such as the maintenance of ministers,
erection of meeting houses, and transportation of families unable
to pay their passage. The subject of pecuniary loss at Salem,
by the ejection of the Browns, comes up, and is left for adjust
ment to two of the assistants.
Near this time, as Roger Clap relates, a company of pious
people assemble in the new hospital of Plymouth, in England,
keep a day of fasting and prayer, and are formed into a Con-
(128)

PROMISE TO THE PLANTATION. 129
1630.]
gregational church. In the forenoon, Mr. White, the inde
fatigable and efficient promoter of the colony, preaches. In the
afternoon, John Warham, a noted divine of Exeter, and John
Maverick, living forty miles from him, are chosen by the church
for their clerical officers, and are ordained. The sanction of
White's presence and cooperation on tliis occasion is a guaranty
that his j udgment was highly favorable to the qualifications of
these two ministers for the work thus undertaken. Not permit
ted to have the free and full enjoyment of their Puritan princi
ples at home, they resolve to seek such a privilege abroad. The
persons so embodied under them are from the counties of Dev
on, Dorset, and Somerset. They thus associate, as Hildersham
advised Higginson before he left England. They are the first
emigrants to this country known to have prepared themselves,
in this manner, with full ecclesiastical privileges prior to their
embarkation. It is a judicious step, fitted to preserve union and
accomphsh their object of civil and religious hberty. Having
thus hearkened to the voice of wisdom, they sail, on the 20th
of March, from Plymouth, on board the Mary and John, Cap
tain Squeb. They commit themselves to the gracious protection
of the Being for whose cause they had endured trials, and were
ready to suffer greater, in the course of obligation.
March 23. The last court of the company, except for trade,
on the other side of the Atlantic, is held on board the ship Ar-
bella. The records of such conventions are precious, as exhib
iting one of the noblest foundations ever laid for a common
wealth. They bear no impress of peculation, which soiled the
registers of the South Sea corporation. They show more at
tractive traits of humanity, higher aims of moral obligation, and
a further reach into endless realities, than the commercial acts
of the far-famed East India associations in Europe. They con
tain transactions which, however wearing, when first penned,
the aspect of uncertainty attendant on every new enterprise,
have given rise to results of momentous relation to the temporal
and eternal interests of our race.
Among the productions occasioned by the wide-spread zeal for
emigration from the mother country to our shores, is God's
Promise to his Plantation. It came from the clear head and
sanctified heart of John Cotton, preacher in Boston. It was
composed in view of the fact that the largest fleet and greatest
number of emigrants ever fitted out for New England were
about to depart. He dehvered it to Winthrop and others a short
time before they embarked. He felt th£ subject, and thus more
fully did it justice. Its application affords these extracts :
" Have speciall care that you ever have the ordinances planted
amongst you, or else never looke for security. Have a care to
Q

130 PLANTERS' PLEA. [Mass.
be implanted into the ordinances, that the word may be ingraft
ed into you and you into it. Be not unmindfull of our Jerusa
lem at home. Goe forth with a publicke spirit, looking not on
your owne things only, but also on the things of others. Looke
well to the plants that spring from you, that is, to your children,
that they doe not degenerate as the Israelites did. Offend not
the poore natives, but as you partake in their land, so make them
partakers of your precious faith. As you reape their temporalis,
so feede them with your spirituals. Winne them to the love of
Christ, for whom Christ died. Neglect not walls, and bulwarkes,
and fortifications for your owne defense, but ever let the name of
the Lord be your strong tower, and the word of his promise the
rocke of your refuge." These are expressions of friendship
which impart a grace to the powers of thought and speech.
Addressed to minds absorbed with purposes which command the
exercise of the best human affections and energies, they must
have made an impression and produced an influence on every
listener, not even now estranged from his experience beyond the
grave. Of a kindred spirit is the Planters' Plea. This is ascribed
to the Rev. Mr. White, of Dorchester. He well knew the
merits of the undertaking from its commencement. He needed
that none should inform him of its history and claims. His
preface says of the last emigrants, " if it may be believed that
the gentlemen that are lately issued out from us, to lay the foun
dation of a colony in New England, haue not beene thrust for
ward by unadvised precipitation, but led on by such probable
grounds of reason and religion as might be likely to prevaile
with men that desire to keepe a good conscience in all things."
He observes, that " the propagating of religion in the West In
dies " or America, affords " the strongest motives that can be
proposed to draw on the hearts and affections of men for this
purpose." After ingeniously giving reasons to substantiate such
a proposition, he considers various objections, which he answers,
to the apprehension of candor, in a satisfactory manner. Sev
eral of these objections follow : The aborigines are Ham's pos
terity, and, therefore, excluded by the curse of Noah from the
benefits of grace, until the return of the Jews. The want of
success in then conversion to Christianity. " This time is unfit
in this troubled condition of the church. It were 'more con
venient for men to keepe close together than to scatter abroad,
that so they might be more able to resist the common enemie.
This withdrawing of ourselves in time of so great hazard be-
trayes weaknesse of heart, and proclaimes our despaire of the
cause of _ religion, which the godly entertaine with sad hearts
and Jesuites with smiling countenances."

.«Qn. WRONG VIEWS OF COLONIZATION. 131
" Religion indeede and the colour thereof is the cloake of
this work, but under it is secretly harboured faction and separa
tion from the church. Men of ill-affected mindes, (they con
ceive,) unwilling to joyne any longer with our assemblies, meane
to draw themselves apart, and to unite into a body of their owne,
and to make that place a nursery of faction and rebellion."
Having examined this, Mr. White looks at its successor of less
severe suspicion. " If they doe not separate, yet they dislike
our discipline and ceremonies, and so they will prove themselves
semi-separatists at least ; and that is their intention in removing
from us, that they may free themselves from our government."
His answer to this contains the ensuing passage : " I see not
how we can expect from them a correspondence in all things to
our state, civill or ecclesiasticall. Wants and necessities cannot
but cause many changes. The churches in the apostles' and in
the settled times of peace afterwards, were much different in
many outward formes. In the maine of their carriage two things
may moue them to vary much from us — respect to the heathen,
before whom it concernes them to shew much pietie, sobrietie,
and austeritie, and the consideration of their owne necessities will
certainely enforce them to take away many things that we admit,
and to introduce many things that wee reject, which, perhaps,
will minister much matter of sport and scorne unto such as have
relations of these things, and that represented unto them with
such additions as fame usually weaves into all reports at the sec
ond and third hands." In applying his subject, he remarks,
" Let men seriouslv weisrh and consider with themselves, wheth-
er a worke of so great importance, so neerely concerning God's
honour and the service of the church, calling upon men (as
Lazarus upon Dives) for some of the wast of their superfluous
expences, if they lend a deafe eare to the motion, will not assur
edly plead strongly against them at the barre of Christ's judg
ment seat at the last day ? "
Such extracts let us into the real views and feelings,
of manv in England as to the colonists, and difficulties which
they had to encounter while there, more than any other sources
of information. They discover the Christian principle and.
the judicious manner with which the author of them espoused
the cause of emigration to this country, and perseveringly
sustained it in different places and on various occasions.
Whenever we look back on the efforts of its friends to
begin and continue it, admire their constancy under no com
mon trials, and our hearts spontaneously proffer them the
oblations of gratitude, we should give him a place among the
most worthy.

132 PRAYERS OF THE CHURCH DESIRED. [Mass>
April 7. An address from Winthrop and others,* on board
the Arbella, at Yarmouth, is made to their brethren in the
church of England. The object of it was to request the pray
ers of such Christians for a divine blessing on the colony, and
to remove suspicions from their minds, concerning the motives
and purposes of the emigrants. It appears to have had in view
the reports of Messrs. Brown and others, as though the design
of the colonists was to counteract the civil and ecclesiastical au
thorities of England. Its language is, " Howsoever your chari-
tie may have met with some occasion of discouragement through
the misreport of our intentions, or through the disaffection or
indiscretion of some of us, or rather amongst us ; for wee are
not of those that dreame of perfection in this world ; yet wee
desire you would be pleased to take notice of the principals and
body of our company, as those who esteeme it our honour to
call the church of England, from whence we rise, our deare
mother, and cannot part from our native countrie, where she
specially resideth, without much sadness of heart and many
tears in our eyes." This is the expression of patriotic and
Christian affection, which adorns character in any period, clime,
and condition. Though the consequent, as well as previous ac
tion of its authors was made the target of strenuous conformists,
no doubt it was a sincere oblation on the common altar of be
nevolence. The address appeals to the clergy : " It is an usu-
all and laudable exercise of your charity to commend to the
prayers of your congregations the necessities and straights of
your private neighbors. Doe the like for a church springing
out of your owne bowells." This was a proper request. Hard
as it is for human selfishness to call down blessings on any body
who break over its restrictions, the duty should be done against
all the cabals of its resisting propensities. The communication
engages that its signers will do for their brethren in England
what they so ask for themselves, when, as their words are, " we
shall be in our poor cottages in the wildernesse, overshadowed
with the spirit of supplication, through the manifold necessities
and tribulations, which may not altogether unexpectedly, nor,
we hope,_ unprofitably, befall us." These thoughts shadow forth
the anticipation of exceeding hardships, and a noble purpose to
meet them in the only way of duty, of peace and benefit to the
soul, and of securing the elevated objects of the enterprise.
April and May. The colonists, here and elsewhere, are alarmed
* Their names were Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Thomas Dudley, Wil
liam Coddington, Charles Fines, and George Phillips, with two et ceteras in the
printed account, which are probably substitutes for more subscribers to the origi
nal address. °

CONSPIRACY— CHRISTIAN CHARITY. 133
1630.] by the report that most of the Indians, from Narraganset to
the eastward, had laid a plan to destroy the English. John,
the sagamore at Mystic, exposed their design. The first point
of their intended attack was upon Plymouth. Governor Brad
ford despatched a boat to Salem for ammunition. The people
of Charlestown built a fort to defend themselves. Their rec
ords say, in reference to the unfriendly natives of this quar
ter, " The people at Salem shooting off their great guns
to clear them, the report so terrifies the Indians, that they dis
perse and run away. This plot obliges us to be in continual
arms." On his passage to Salem, Governor Winthrop employed his
thoughts in penning an excellent treatise on Christian charity.
His chief object, in so rational an employment, was to prepare
himself and associates for the duties and trials of their pilgrim
age. Having discussed the properties of so elevated a virtue,
he applies it to the enterprise of the colonists. Relative to this
undertaking, he considers the persons, work, end, and means.
Of the first he remarks, " Wee are a company professing our
selves fellow-members of Christ, in which respect onely, though
wee were absent from each other many miles, and had our im-
ployments as farre distant, yet wee ought to account ourselves
knitt together by this bond of loue, and hue in the exercise of
it, if wee would have comforte of our being in Christ." Of
the second, " It is by a mutuall consent, through a speciall over
valuing * Providence, and a more than ordinary approbation of
the churches of Christ, to seeke out a place of cohabitation and
consorteshipp, under a due form of government, both ciuill and
ecclesiasticall. In such cases as this, the care of the publique
must oversway all private respects, by which, not only con
science, but meare civill policy, dothe binde us. For it is a true
rule, that particular estates cannot subsist in the ruin of the
publique. Of the third, " The end is to improve our lives to
doe more service to the Lord ; the comforte and encrease of the
body of Christe, whereof we are members ; that ourselves and
posterity may be the better presented from the common corrup
tions of this evill world, to serve the Lord and worke out our
salvation under the power and purity of his holy ordinances."
Of the fourth, " They are twofold, a conformity with the worke
and end wee aime at. These wee see are extraordinary ; there
fore wee must not content ourselves with usuall ordinary meanes.
Whatsoever wee did, or ought to have done, when wee liued in
England, the same must we doe, and more allsoe, where wee
goe. That which the most in theire churches mainetaine as truthe'
* Probably overruling in the original. 12

134 DAILY PREACHING AT SEA. ^
in profession onely, wee must bring into familiar and constant
practise." Noble sentiments ; strictly in accordance with the
necessities, obligations, and interests of men ! When will the
whole of our race imbibe their lofty spirit, and act more for
heaven than earth ?
May 30. Warham and Maverick, with their congregation, are
landed at Nantasket by Captain Squeb. They are disappointed
that he brings them no farther. Had he been more accommo
dating, it would have afforded them satisfaction, and been no det
riment to him. Clap, one of the passengers, observes, that
" they came, by the good hand of the Lord, through the deeps
comfortably, having preaching or expounding of the word of
God every day for ten weeks together." Their vessel was in
deed a floating Bethel. The next day, they send some of then-
number, in a boat, to Charlestown, that they may ascertain
whether the company may be accommodated there.
June 1. Others of them go to explore the adjacent country
for a location. The following day, they decide to settle at Mat-
tapan, afterwards Dorchester. They move' thither by the Lord's
day, which they hallow with praise to him for his protection,
and other appropriate acts of worship. They spend the rest of
the week in " setting up cottages, booths, and tents," to shel
ter their families. The next Sabbath they renew their vows of
Christian fidelity by partaking of their sacrament. Thus pre
pared to enter on the full enjoyment of religious privileges, they
commence an experiment of colonial life. The end of their
purpose, while embracing subordinate concerns, calls into ex
ercise their best affections and powers, and draws them to the
security of their highest welfare.
12. After a long and perilous voyage, the Arbella heaves in
sight of Salem, and anchors inside of Baker's Island. She is
visited by Captain William Pierce, the Palinurus of our seas.
He comes ashore and carries off Endicott, Skelton, and Levett,
to take part in the mutual congratulations of the occasion. On
their return, they are accompanied by Winthrop and others.
He relates that they are cordially entertained, but go on board
at night except several women. This is Saturday. It is prob
able that they decline to stay and unite in . worship, next day,
with our people, because Skelton supposes that he cannot con
scientiously admit them to his communion,* nor allow one of
their children to be baptized. The reason for such scruple is,
that they are not members of reformed churches, like those of
Salem and Plymouth.
After the solemnities of the preceding Sabbath, the Arbella
* For confirmation of this, we have extracts, under October 2, from Cotton's
letter.

PASSENGERS — FAMINE — MINISTERS. 135
looU.J
is warped into the harbor. Most of the emigrants leave her
under a parting .salute of five cannon. Happy exchange of con
fined shipboard for the green earth and cordial welcome of coun
trymen. But there are dark shades in the scene. They find
the colonists severely suffering from famine. Their arrival is
hailed not only as the means of strengthening the weak, but
also of relieving deep distress. They are thus met with another
depressing specimen of the hardness to be endured for the sake
of rehgious hberty. Among them are Rev. Messrs. John Wil
son and George Phillips.
Wilson was son of Rev. William Wilson, D. D., and born at
Windsor, England, 1588. He graduated at Christ's College, of
Cambridge, 1605, and had his A. M. there, 1609. Here he
obtained a fellowship, but lost it ' for non-conformity with the
national church. After studying law three years, he relinquished
its practice, and applied himself to theology. Such a change
was allying himself to a cause against which the common opin
ion was prejudiced and the public vigilance directed. He offi
ciated as chaplain in several families of rank. He settled at
Sudbury, in Suffolk. As the hand of authority was hard on
those of his dissenting views, and an opportunity offered to ex
change the field of his ministerial labors, he consecrated himself
to discharge the consequent duties.
Phillips was born in Raymond, of Norfolk county, England.
He graduated, 1613, and took a second degree, 1617, in the
University of Cambridge. Here he held a high stand for tal
ents and attainments. Influenced by the motives of the gospel,
he prepared to become its messenger. Averse to Episcopal cer
emonies, he took part in the effort to rectify them. This brought
him in conflict with national authority, and was an occasion of
his emigration to a transatlantic wilderness.
Winthrop having reached the colony at the head of a new ad
ministration, it is noticeable that the three clergymen, two at
Salem and one at Charlestown, ceased to be of the assistants, as
they had been under Endicott. It is probable that such an al
teration was chiefly through the report made by the Browns that
Higginson and Skelton had preached and acted for a greater sep
aration from the national church than the company at home
could safely and openly sanction. It is also likely that these
ministers heartily acquiesced in the change, lest the continuance
of clerical members in the court should approach the semblance
of the hierarchy in their native kingdom, of which they had lit
tle cause to think or speak approvingly.
June 28. With reference to Phillips, Fuller writes to Brad
ford he " hath told me in private, that- if they will have him
stand minister by that calling which he received from the prel-

136 ORDINATION BY BISHOPS. ^
ates in England, he will leave them." Hubbard relates of the
same clergyman, he "was at the first more acquainted with
the way of church discipline since owned by Congregational
churches ; but. being then without any to stand by him, he met
with much opposition from some of the magistrates, till Mr.
Cotton came, who, by his preaching and practice, did mould all
their church administrations into the same form which Mr. Phil
lips labored to have introduced into the churches before." This
diversity of opinion as to ordination by bishops in the mother
country becomes a topic of increasing attention and discus
sion. The letter of Fuller proceeds in respect to Wareham. He
" holds that the invisible [visible] church may consist of a mixt
people, godly and openly ungodly, upon which point we had all
our conference, to which, I trust, the Lord will give a bless
ing." Such a speculation, if allowing persons without evidence
of piety to be members of the visible church, in full communion,
shows that its advocate had not thrown off what the Plymouth
and Salem churches considered as a dangerous error of Episco
pacy. The letter continues, " Here is a gentleman, one Mr.
Cottington, a Boston man, who told me that Mr. Cotton's charge
at Hampton was that they should take advice of them at Plym
outh, and should do nothing to offend them." It intimates that
individuals endeavor to prejudice Winthrop against that settle
ment, but that both he and Endicott are its friends. It is well
for the harmony of this plantation and Massachusetts, destined
to exert a great and salutary influence, that leading men in the
latter are disinclined to array themselves against the former, and
disposed to calm the fomentations of bigoted zeal and promote
the cause of humanity on a peaceful current.
July 2. While many of those lately arrived at Salem are
busy in preparing to live amid new and impressive scenes, they
receive a solemn monition of their mortality in the sudden death
of a promising young man. This was a son of Winti/irop, who
came into port the day before, and is drowned while coming
ashore to meet his affectionate parent. In a letter of this afflict
ed father, dated a fortnight after, to his wife, he says, " Yet for
all these things (I praise my God) I am not discouraged ; nor
do I see cause to repent or despair of those days here which
will make amends for all."
8. In view of relief afforded by the last emigrants to their
brethren in distress, and of the preservation experienced by the
former on the ocean, a day of general thanksgiving is observed.
Together they mingle their oblations of gratitude to Him who
is able to make all their changes terminate in good.
In this month, as Salem is not preferred by the new govern^

MORTAL SICKNESS— WORSHIP. 137
1630.] io '
ment for the seat of legislation, Winthrop and many others have
their goods reshipped and brought to Mishawum, afterwards
Charlestown. About fifteen hundred of the last emigrants
come with the governor. So large a portion of them are sick,
they are unable to bring up their baggage and ordnance, though
they intended to settle three miles farther up the river. The
authorities occupy a house erected the year before by Mr.
Graves. The rest " set up cottages, booths, and tents about the
town hill." Here a large number are buried. Those suffi
ciently well attend on the preaching of Phillips and Wilson.
Their place of worship is under a tree. " It was admirable to
see with what Christian courage many carry it amidst their ca
lamities." The large accession of emigrants who came in the fleet with
Winthrop are chiefly from London and the west of England.
Many of them are persons of high respectability, property, tal
ents, intelligence, and piety. They would have been a rich ac
quisition to any community, however improved and elevated.
Perilous, indeed, must have been the situation of their country
whose laws were so formed and administered as to compel such
subjects to plant themselves in a foreign land. The most of
them had been nurtured in the established church. While
these sought to have her ceremonies and discipline simplified,
and her doctrines properly interpreted, they had not forsaken
her altars. The clerical portion of their number had received
ordination from her bishops, officiated in her parishes, and
would have rejoiced to continue their labors for her prosperity,
had not the persecution of Laud forced them from her thresh
old. They were called Puritans in England because strenuous
for purer modes and faith in the national church. The party
who thus distinguished them incorrectly represented the
inhabitants of Plymouth as Brownists, because they were fol
lowers of Robinson, who, on first going to Europe, renounced
all communion with Episcopalians, but, as previously stated, be
came less rigid in this particular. While the people under
Winthrop and Bradford are so viewed by their countrymen at
home, those of Massachusetts, having had but littl- time and
opportunity to test the exact alteration to be made, differ some
from those of Plymouth, though both are in a w^ay to harmo
nize, -r,
Among the planters previously located at the Bay are William
Blackstone and Samuel Maverick. They were probably of
those who accompanied Robert Gorges to settle his patent.
Blackstone graduated at Emanuel College, of Cambridge, 1617,
and had his A. M. there, 1621. He was a church Puritan cler
gyman, but not a separatist. When he saw that the colonists

K

12*

138 FRENCH INVASION FEARED. .„
IIYJLAS S.
here forsook the national church, he declined to go thus far with
them. On an occasion of conversing with such, he remarked,
that he left England from his dislike to " the lords bishops,"
and he was indisposed to unite with them, because he did not
approve of "the lords brethren." He resided on a point of
Shawmut, afterwards Boston. Maverick dwelt on Noddle's
Island, which he subsequently purchased of the company,
through the General Court. Edward Johnson remarked of
him, he was " of a very loving and courteous behavior, yet an
enemy to the reformation in the land."
After the emigrants had been at Charlestown not many days,
they begin to disperse. Among the reasons for this are sickness,
lack of good water, and a report that the French mean to attack
the seaboard plantations of the English.
July 25. Being at Salem, Isaac Johnson receives notice from
the governor that, in view of the sickness and mortality among
the inhabitants, the 30th will be kept as a season of fasting and
prayer. The same communication proposes that, at the close of
performances on this day, " such godly persons as know each
other " covenant to walk in the ways of the Lord, " not intend
ing rashly to proceed to the choice of officers, or admitting
others to their society, but a few well known ; promising after
to receive in such by confession of faith as shall appear to be
fitly qualified." It requires that the day be so observed in
"three distinct places ; " supposed to be Charlestown, Dorchester,
and Salem. It also entreats the church of Plymouth to unite
there in similar service "for the same ends."
30. The Magnalia informs us, that at this date the church of
Pigsgusset, or Watertown, are organized " as their first work "
on the premises. After having attended to the duties of the
day, as just denoted, the members enter into covenant. There
are forty brethren. They " renounce all idolatry and supersti
tion, all humane traditions and inventions whatsoever in the wor
ship of God," and agree to serve the Lord Jesus faithfully " in
all matters concerning our reformation." Here they refer to the
forms of the national church, which they had relinquished, and
the course which they prefer and purpose to pursue. Of their
number is Mr. Phillips, who came with them from Charlestown.
As he had, since his arrival in the country, declared that he
should not be set over any congregation, unless he disclaimed
the validity of his Episcopal ordination at home, it is probable
that such a service is performed for him on this condition.
He being intelligently acquainted with ecclesiastical concerns,
as Mather states, "their proceedings about the gathering and
ordering of their church were methodical enough, though not
made in all things a pattern for all the rest." Among them is

,„„„, COTTON — DEATH OF HIGGINSON. 139
1630.J the worthy Sir Richard Saltonstall. The author just quoted adds,
" In after time, they that joined unto the church subscribed a
form of the covenant somewhat altered, with a Confession of
Faith annexed unto it."
As previously appointed, another church is formed at Charles
town, by Winthrop, Dudley, Johnson, and Wilson. Their
covenant is short, comprehensive, and evangelical. A passage
of it follows : " Desirous to unite into one congregation or
church, under the Lord Jesus Christ, our head, in such sort as
becometh all those whom he hath redeemed and sanctified to
himself." August 1. Increase Nowell and four others subscribe this
sacred compact. Soon their number is increased to sixty-four
males and half as many females. Thus avouching themselves
to be on the Redeemer's side, is one essential compliance with
their most reasonable pledge to help build up and spread abroad
his kingdom in the new world.
2. Fuller, having been called from Plymouth to Charlestown
to attend the diseased, writes home, " Bishop Laud is chancel
lor of Oxford. Five ministers are to appear before the high
commissioners, amongst whom Mr. Cotton, of Boston, is one."
The prominent and efficient action of this divine in favor of Pu
ritan colonization could not allow him to expect less than accu
sation and arraignment.
6. Mr. Higginson, of the Salem church, dies with consump
tion, aged forty-three. Thus falls one of New England's
choicest ministers, and of the reformation's ablest advocates.
Winthrop writes to his wife, in reference to this and other
deaths, " Thus the Lord is pleased still to humble us ; yet he
mixes so many mercies with his corrections, as we are persuaded
he will not cast us off, but, in his due time, will do us good, ac
cording to the measure of our afflictions."
20. A vessel being despatched to Ireland for food, over a hun
dred of the late emigrants embark in her. Among them is Mr.
Bright, who had preached to the people of Charlestown. Mor
ton's Canaan implies that he thus departed because the authori
ties decline to approve his whole course. Of this and other im
mediate secessions, Dudley remarked, "whereby though our
numbers were lessened, yet we accounted ourselves nothing
weakened by their removal."
Captain Smith, referring to the condition of our colonists
about this time, observes, " They have common prayer, as I
understand, and diligent catechizing." With the feelings of a
high churchman, and alluding to their affliction by scarcity of
food and disease, he continues, " This small trial of their pa
tience caused among them no small confusion, and put the gov-

140 SEVERITY OF SMITH — SALARIES. gg
ernor [Winthrop] and council to their utmost wits. Some could
not endure the name of bishop ; others not the sight of a cross
or surplice ; others by no means the Book of Common Prayer.
This absolute crew, only of the elect, holding all but such as
themselves reprobates and cast away, now make more haste to
return to Babel, as they termed England, than to stay to enjoy
the land they call Canaan. Those he found Brownists he let
go for New Plymouth. Some two hundred of the rest he was
content to return for England, whose clamours are as variable
as their humours and auditors."
Such signs, however unpropitious for union and progress, are
not to be wondered at, among the unmoulded and unconsolidat
ed elements of a mixed mass, recently emerged from oppression,
and not yet learned the wise method of enjoying their new-born
liberty. When a multitude break away from what they deem
hard restraints, there are always some, who would have a free
dom without salutary control, and are constantly restive under
any subjection essential to the existence and well being of the
commonwealth. Even the history of modern emigration, with
all the light of latter ages, is no stranger to excesses of this
kind. The author just quoted, with all his strength of mind, knowl
edge, and experience, evidently allowed himself to adopt the
general phraseology of conformists as to dissenters, which was
more of prejudice than candor, of reproach than truth. His
twofold manner of mentioning " common prayer " implies that,
at least, some of the ministers in the colony read prayers in public
worship. But, however he may have been so informed, there ap
pears to have been no real evidence of its being then practised.
August 23. At a Court of Assistants, who feel that pure re
ligion is the main stay of their commonwealth, the subject of
clerical support is presented. They provide for Phillips and
Wilson. Each of these is to have a house erected: Their sal
aries follow ; the former is assigned three hogsheads of meal,
and one of malt, four bushels of Indian corn, and one of oat
meal, a half hundred of salt fish, twenty pounds for apparel
and other provisions, or forty pounds in money. The latter is to
have twenty pounds a year till his wife comes over. The inhab
itants of the places who attend on their preaching, are after
wards taxed by the government for such appropriations. In
this assessment Dorchester and Salem are exempted, because
they pay their own ministers. All who do so for the cause of
God are repaid a thousand fold in the temporal and spiritual
benefits which flow from such action.
27. The Charlestown church keep a fast for the choice of
their officers. Wilson is elected teacher, Nowell ruling elder,

HAZARD OF FORMING CHURCHES. 141
William Gager and William Aspinwall deacons. With refer
ence to this occasion, Winthrop thus expresses himself : " We
used imposition of hands, but with this protestation by all, that
it was only a sign of election and confirmation, not of any in
tent that Mr. Wilson should renounce his ministry he received
in England." The position here taken is opposite to that of the
Watertown church. It accords with the address of the gov
ernor and others, before they left their native land.
As expressive of his views in reference to such an ecclesiasti
cal transaction, we have his words on a subsequent occasion :
" When we first set up reformation in our church way, did not
this expose us to as greate an hazard as we could run, both from
abroad and at home . Did not our friends in England, many
of them, forewarne us of it ere we came away ? Did not oth
ers send letters after us, to deterre us from it ? Did not some
among ourselves (and those no meane ones) inculcate our inevi
table dangers at home, from no small company left out of church
fellowship, and civill offices and f^eedome ? " The difficulties
and perils encountered by those who settled this land for the
boon of worship, as they desired, can be little realized by their
descendants. The call of obligation, stronger than all temporal
incentives to action, girded them with power to meet the exi
gencies of the crisis, and commit their cause to the support of
Omnipotence. August 30. Among the women who came with their hus
bands on the mission of planting the gospel in these lands, but
who, about this time, had fallen in so commendable a cause, be
fore the power of the pestilence, are Mrs. Pynchon, Mrs. Cod-
din^ton, Mrs. Alcock, Mrs. Phillips, and Lady Arbella. The
two last expired at Salem, and their remains were deposited,
near together, in Potter's Field. Relinquishing the endearments
of native home, and becoming associates in peril, toil, trial, and
death, they all counted not their lives dear to themselves, so
that they might win Christ. Like their sisters, whose exem
plary constancy led them to sympathize with his sufferings on
the cross, and to watch his body in the sepulchre, they share in
his everlasting remembrance. The eye which looks only on
time rebukes their choice as folly. But the eye which duti
fully peers into eternity, scrutinizes the nature, wants, and obli
gations of the soul, the principles and the awards of the divine
administration, regards it as a conclusion of the soundest judg-
As an event to be followed with strong influences and great
effects part of the people of Charlestown, this month, take up
their abode at Shawmut, under the direction of Johnson. A
principal cause of such removal is to obtain better water, and a

142 MORTON BANISHED.

[Mass.

healthier location. The people of both places still sit under
the ministration of Wilson.
September 1. Mr. Gager dies of a fever. Dudley remarks
of him, "a right godly man and skilful chirurgeon."
7. Concluding that the policy and conduct of Thomas Mor
ton, at Mount Wollaston, call for immediate investigation, the
Court of Assistants arraign and pass sentence against him.
This orders, that he be set in the bilboes and sent prisoner to
England in the ship Gift, have his goods seized to meet charges
of his transportation, pay his debts, and satisfy some of the na
tives for a canoe, which he took from them, and that his house
be burned up in their sight " for the many wrongs he has done
them." The subject of such a decision represents its chief
cause to be his adherence to the national church. Still there
can be little question but that the government really believed
his example was injurious to the best interests of the colony,
and that duty demanded them to deal with him as they did.
To .prevent the intrusion jbf such as they consider him to be,
they enact that no person shall settle within their jurisdiction
without leave from the whole or major part of their body.
This implies that they feel themselves as having a right to ex
clude any troublers of their peace, either in civil or ecclesiasti
cal concerns. They apply such a rule to some who had planted
at Agawam, and command them to leave the place. How they
further exercised it, we shall have occasion to notice. They
were honestly assured, that having purchased an abode in this
wilderness for the express purpose of enjoying their opinions
unmolested by opposers, they ought not to be prevented from
ejecting those whose conduct counteracted such a design. They
looked on prevention of this kind as unreasonable as any man
would on his being hindered from closing his door against un
invited and dangerous visitors. As well known, the question
whether they were correct in so doing has been long agitated.
Under the date of the same session, Trimountain, or Shawmut,
is changed to Boston, then equivalent to incorporation. The
reason assigned for adopting this name was out of high estima
tion for the virtues of Cotton, who lived in Boston, England.
Its inhabitants are chiefly from Charlestown. Their tax on the
28th is greater than that of the latter town.
9. In a letter to his wife, Winthrop says, " We see much
mortality, sickness, and trouble. I hope that our days of afflic
tion will soon have an end. I do not repent my coming.
The Lord is all-sufficient, blessed be his holy name. If he
please, he can still uphold us in this estate ; but if he shall see
good , to make us partakers with others in more affliction, his
will be done." This is Christian philosophy, tried in the

COMPLAINT OF NON-COMMUNION. 143
furnace of affliction, and found meet to be cherished as a treasure
of the heart, and trusted as an unfailing consolation to the soul,
in every extremity.
30. Johnson, having survived his beloved companion, Lady
Arbella, about one month, closes his earthly career. Winthrop,
who knew him well, feelingly remarks, " He was a holy man,
and wise, and died in sweet peace, leaving some part of his
substance to the colony." This is a more precious eulogy than
has ever been truthfully pronounced over the mightiest of our
race, whose only aim was earthly glory.
October 2. A letter of this date from John Cotton is ad
dressed to Skelton. The occasion of it is stated under 12th of
June. The writer expresses himself in the subsequent terms :
It hath " not a little troubled me, that you should deny the
Lord's supper to such godly and faithful servants of Christ as
Mr. Governor, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Coddington,
whereof the three latter were known unto you to be men of an
upright heart and unblameable life, and the first might have been
evidenced unto you to be no less by their approved testimony.
My grief increased upon me when I heard you denied baptism
unto Mr. Coddington's child, and that upon a reason worse than
the fact. And that which added wonder to my grief was, that
I heard you admitted one of Mr. Lathrop's congregation not
only to the Lord's supper, but his child to baptism, upon sight
of his testimony from his church, whereas Mr. Coddington,
bringing the same from the chief of our congregation, was not
accepted. Two things I conceive herein to be erroneous ; first,
that you think no man may be admitted to the sacrament, though
a member of the catholic church, unless he be a member of
some particular reformed church ; secondly, that none of the con
gregations in England are particular reformed churches .but Mr.
Lathrop's and such as his." His epistle proceeds : " You went
hence of another judgment, and I am afraid your change hath
sprung from new Plymouth men, whom I esteem as godly and '
lovin^ Christians ; yet their grounds, which they have received
for this tenent from Mr. Robinson, do not justify me, tho the
man I reverence as godly and learned." Cotton further re
marks, these grounds of Robinson for " distinguishing all
our congregations are three. First, he saith we want the mat
ter of a visible church, which are saints by calling. His second
ground is taken from our want of the essential form of a church,
which (as he conceiveth) is a right constitution by mutual cove
nant between pastor and people to yield professed subjection to
the gospel of Christ. His third ground is taken from the state
of our church government, which he reporteth to put a heavy
burden upon God's people." These positions, as applied to the

144 RETRACTION. — TRIALS OF PURITANS. [Mass.
Episcopal church, are controverted by Cotton, who urges that
though she has faults, yet her pious members should be freely
admitted to commune with the New England churches. He
observes to Skelton, " Till Christ give us a bill of divorcement,
do not you divorce yourselves from us."
The author of so interesting a communication, when deliver
ing a sermon at Salem, 1636, confessed that he had retracted
the opinions thus given. He also informed his hearers, that
Skelton sent him " a large and loving letter " in answer to his
objections. As having an immediate bearing on emigration hither, we
quote the relation of Neal : "To make the distance between
the church and the Puritans yet wider, and the terms of con
formity more difficult, Bishop Laud introduced sundry pompous
innovations in imitation of Popery, that had no foundation in
the laws of the realm or the canons of the church. These were
enforced both upon the clergy and laity, and all the terrors of
the High Commission, to the ruin of many families and the
raising of very great disturbance in all parts of the kingdom."
Referring to so deplorable a state of things, Messrs. Allin and
Shepard subsequently hold the following language : " Was
it not a time when human worship and invention were grown
to such intolerable height, that the conscience of God's saints
and servants, enlightened in the truth, could no longer bear
them ? Was not the power of the tyrannical prelates so great,
that, like a strong current, it carried all down stream before it,
whatever was from the law or otherwise set in their way?
Where was the people found who would cleave to their godly
ministers in their sufferings ? Many then thought, it is an evil
time, the prudent shall hold their peace ; and might we not say,
This is not our resting-place ? It is true we might have suffered
if we -iad sought it ; we might easily have found the way to
have filled the prisons, and some had their share therein. But
whether we were called thereunto, when a wide door was set
open of liberty otherwise, and our witness to the truth (thro
the malignant policy of those times) could not be open before
the world, but rather smothered up in close prisons, or some
such wayes, together with ourselves, we leave to be considered.
We cannot see but the rule of Christ to his apostles and saints,
and the practice of God's saints in all ages, may allow us the
hberty as well as others to fly into the wilderness from the face
of the dragon. When we look back and consider what a stronge
poise of spirit the Lord hath laid upon many of our hearts, we
cannot but wonder at ourselves, that so many, and some so weak
and tender, with such cheerfulness and constant resolutions
against the perswasions of friends, discouragements from the ill

._.o/m FREEMEN. — DRINKING HEALTHS. 14'
loaO.J ^'
report of this country, the straits, wants, and tryals of God'
people in it, etc., yet should leave our accommodations ant
comforts ; should forsake our dearest relations, parents, brothers
sisters, Christian friends, and acquaintances ; overlook all th
dangers and difficulties of the vast seas, the thought whereoJ
was a terror to many ; and all this to go to a wilderness, wher
we could forecast nothing but care and temptation, onely in hop-
of enjoying Christ in his ordinances, in the fellowship of hi
people." Here is an original scene described, not fancifully
but to the very life. It portrays how dearly our fathers pur
chased the heritage of their posterity. It suggests that car
should be used to repair the bequest in its waste places, ant
keep in order its unsubverted premises.
October 19. Among the candidates for being made freemen
or constitutional members of the Massachusetts Company, pre
sented at a General Court of the Assistants, are the several cler
gymen of the colony.
23. Edward Rossiter, a member of the government, dies
Dudley remarks of him, "A godly man and of a good estate.'
25. Wilham Colbron, elected deacon of Charlestown churcl
a week before, is " invested by imposition of hands of the min
ister and elder."
The governor, believing, from what he had seen of the custon
of drinking healths in England, that it was contrary to religion
obligation, " restrained it at his own table, and wished other
to do the like, so as it grew by, httle and little, to disuse."
November 11. As an enforcement of their regulation, the au
thorities decline to allow two passengers, who came to Plymoutl
in the Handmaid, a settlement in their jurisdiction, because the]
lack sufficient testimonials of character.
Most of the principal church members of Charlestown joh
their brethren of Boston * about this time, which occasions iht
remainder to attend worship at the latter place. Thus the loca
tion recently strewed with the bones of fallen aborigines whc
perished in the plague, but destined to be the metropolis of New
England, is occupied by strong and cultivated minds, benevo
lent and sanctified hearts, whose great aim and effort are to con
tinue and spread the Puritan religion. To this chief of all ob
jects which should command the generous sacrifices of human
intellect science, possessions, and exertions, they hold trade,
commerce, and every other branch of social industry as compar
atively subordinate. True, the verdict of the world, as it is,
pronounces not in favor of their judgment ; but God, and heaven,
and his revealed word approve it well.
* The first record of baptisms in Boston is 23d of October.
s 13

146 MORTALITY.— SCARCENESS OF FOOD. gg>
Adverting to the ravages which disease had made among the
settlers, Dudley gives the succeeding relation : " Of the people
who came over with vs, from the time of their setting saile from
England, in Aprill, 1630, vntill December followinge, there
dyed by estimacon about two hundred at the least. Soe lowe
hath the Lord brought vs ! Well, yet they who survived were
not discouraged, but bearing God's corrections with humilitye,
and trusting in his mercies, and considering how after a greate
ebb, hee had raised vpp our neighbors at Plymouth." Great
indeed was the proportion of the emigrants, who, in so brief a
space, paid the debt of nature. Such a diminution would have
prompted the survivors to flee, as from a destroying angel, had
they not dutifully eyed the dispensations of Providence, and
been actuated, sustained, and strengthened by the faith which
they came to profess and practise freely, at any cost of peril
and suffering.
The same author informs us, that Thomas Morton, according
to his sentence, is embarked on board of the ship Handmaid for
London, " who had lived here diverse years, and had beene an
attorney in the west countryes while he lived in England."
Winthrop relates that this person is so dealt with " upon the
lord chief justice's warrant." The prisoner affirms that our
authorities send letters of credence by the captain of the vessel
to their " sect," " since which time mine host has not troubled
the brethren, but onely at the counseil table," where his case is
under consideration.
This year, a third edition of the New England Plantation,
by Mr. Higginson, is printed in London. The preface, by Mi
chael Sparke, says, " And for thy part, if thou meanest to be no
planter nor venturer, doe but lend thy good prayers for the fur
therance " of the colony.
1631, January. With regard to the privations of the planters
we have the words of Johnson : " In the absence of bread, they
feasted themselves with fish. The women, once a day, as the
tide gave way, resorted to the mussells and clam bankes, where
they daily gathered their families' food with much heavenly
discourse of the provision Christ had formerly made for many
thousands of his followers in the wilderness." In the view of
irreligion, this may be cant ; but to the perception of piety which
correctly understands the principles of divine economy in appli
cation to the nature and necessities of our race, it fully harmo
nizes with the dictates of heavenly wisdom.
February 5. As one who is to act a prominent part in the his
torical drama of New England, Roger Williams arrives from
Bristol, in the Lion, at Nantasket, with others, being about
twenty passengers. He was son of William Williams, of Con-

COLONISTS MISREPRESENTED. 147
1631.]wyl Cayo, in South Wales. He was born 1606, and entered
Oxford University April 30, 1624, under the patronage of Mr.
Edward Coke. He is represented as having studied law with
this eminent jurist. He preferred the dispensations of the gos
pel, and officiated as a clergyman of the national church. Dis
satisfied with the forms of his ministry, he united with the Pu
ritans. To escape the sufferings consequent on such a change,
he sought a retreat upon our shores. He was accompanied by
a worthy wife, Mary, who was yet to know, from experience,
the meaning of trials.
By this vessel, the subsequent news is brought, as related by
Dudley to the Countess of Lincoln : " To increase the heape
of our sorrows, wee received advertisement, that they who went
discontentedly from vs the last year have raised many false re
ports against vs, affirminge vs to be Brownists in religion, and
ill affected to our state at home, and that theis vile reports haue
wonne credit with some who formerly wished vs well. But
wee doe desire that our godly friends to whome wee haue been
known, will not easily believe that wee are not soe soon turned
from the profession wee soe long made in our natiue country.
And for our further clearinge, I truely affirm that I know noe
one person who came over with vs the last yeare to bee altered
in judgment and affection eyther in ecclesiasticall or civill re
spects since our cominge hither ; but wee doe continue to pray
dayly for our sovereigne lord, the kinge, the queene, the prince,
the royal blood, the counsaile, and whole state, as duty bindes
vs to doe." This passage refers particularly to those who came
over in 1630. As a body they did not renounce communion
with Episcopalians, nor disavow the validity of their ministers'
ordination by bishops. It is likely that the private communica
tion which Phillips made to Fuller, that he would take charge
of no parish here if they insisted on such ordination as correct,
had not come to the ears of Dudley ; wherefore the latter
might truly speak as he did, according to his knowledge. But
the Salem church, as well as that of Plymouth, who came pre
viously, while they would not go the whole length of the
Brownists in forbidding those of their name to join with mem
bers of the national church in any act of worship, did dechne
to have the latter participate with them in the Lord's supper.
The resemblance of our churches, though not all exactly alike,
at this juncture, to the Brownists in modes of worship and gov
ernment, might easily induce persons who had come to abide here,
but were disappointed and returned, to assert that there was no
essential difference between the former and the latter. Still the
colonists considered that there were other points in which they
differed so much from the Brownists, that it was injustice to con-

148 PERSONS ORDERED AWAY. [Mass.
found both as the same. They were very sensitive when they
were so associated, because the course of Brown had rendered
the name of his followers very odious among the conformists.
The charge propagated at home, that the colonists had become
disaffected with the state, must have arisen from their avowal of
dislike to its acts, so far as they oppressed the Puritans. While
they who made it regarded this as enough to justify them, they
against whom it was made complained that it not only implied
the fact of their dissent from some national orders, but also that
they were at heart opposed to the whole royal authority.
February 22. Public thanksgiving for the arrival of provis
ions, on the 5th, in the Lion. The supplies so brought were
obtained at high rates. They came at an acceptable time, when
famine threatened desolation. On the day after their coming, a
fast was to have been observed ; but this was omitted, and thanks
giving ordered at the former date. When affliction presses
heavily upon them, men feel their insufficiency, unaided by the
power of their Maker, and then, if ever, are disposed to humble
themselves under his discipline, and be grateful to him for his
mercies. March 1. Believing that the subsequent individuals are inju
rious members of the commonwealth, the court order them to
take passage for England : Mr. Aleworth, Mr. Weaver, Mr.
Plastow, Mr. Shuter, Cobbet, Wormwood, Sir Chr. Gardiner,
and Mr. Wright. The two last are to be transported as prison
ers. Wright was accused of escaping from London as a coun
terfeiter of the royal coin. Bradford informs us that Gardiner
had been knighted at Jerusalem, came over last year, offered
himself as a candidate to several of our churches, but was sus
pected of immorality. The knight was also thought to be a
Roman Catholic, and a spy upon the colonists. Morton's Ca
naan mentions him as a "judicious gentleman, and a traveler
by sea and land."
12. Alluding to the motives which should actuate emigrants
hither, Dudley observes, " If any godly man, out of religious
ends, will come over to help vs in the good work we are about, I
think they cannot dispose of themselves nor of their estates more
to God's glory and the furtherance of their owne reckoninge."
15. The wife of Skelton dies at Salem. " She was a godly
and an helpfull woman, and indeed the maine pillar of her fami
ly, hauing left behind her an husband and four children, weake
and helpeless, who canne scarce tell how to hue without her.
She liued desired and dyed lamented, and well deserues to bee
honourably remembered."
22. The court order all who have cards and dice in their
houses to destroy them before their next session.

16311 ORDINATION OF WILLIAMS STOPPED. 149
March 30. Being about to embark for England to bring over
his wife and family, Wilson bids farewell to his congregation.
He meets them at the governor's, prays and exhorts them to
exercise Christian affection. He advises them to hear prophecy
or preaching from Winthrop, Dudley, and Nowell. The first
of these three commends their minister and the rest to God in
prayer ; and after this they accompany him to a boat for Charles
town, on his way, by land, for Salem, where the vessel lay.*
To this account of Winthrop, an addition is made from Dudley :
" There are ready to go abroad, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr.
Sharpe, Mr. Coddington, and many others, the most whereof
purpose to returne to vs again, if God will. In the meantime,
wee are left a people poor and contemptible, yet such as trust in
God, and contented with our condition, being well assured that he
will not faile vs nor forsake vs." Discouraging must have been
such a separation to those who remained. It was like severing a
right hand. Still, placed on the controlling arm of Providence,
it was there left for wise use, with sad but dutiful resignation.
April 12. As Roger Williams had been invited to settle with
Skelton at Salem, the Court of Assistants address Endicott on
the subject : " That whereas Mr. Williams had refused to join
with the oongregation of Boston, because they would not make
a publick declaration of their repentance for having commun
ion with the churches of England while they lived there ; and
besides had declared his .opinion that the magistrate might not
punish the breach of the Sabbath, nor any other offence, as it
was a breach of the first table ; therefore they marveled they
would choose him without advising with the council, and withal
desiring him, that they would forbear to proceed till they had
conferred about it." Here we have an indication that the Salem
church, by calling Williams, coincided with his opinions, just
specified, and thus differed from the church in Boston. It
shows that the difference as to greater secession of the former
of these two churches than that of the latter from the national
church, as previously manifested, is still continued.
The colonial government consider themselves as justified in
requiring to be consulted in a matter which they deem of the
highest importance, because they were appointed by the compa
ny, who include all approved inhabitants of the soil, for such a
purpose. Their jurisdiction was necessarily much more partic
ular and extensive than that of our modern General Courts.
The communication suspends the ordination of Williams. He
soon departs for Plymouth, whose authorities harmonize with
his opinions, to labor in connection with Mr. Smith.
# Commanded by William Pierce, she sails 1st of April.
13*

150 ARREST OF GARDINER.

[Mass.

In reference to benefactions sent from England by friends of
the colonists, Endicott writes to Winthrop, " Mr. Skelton, my-
selfe, and the rest of the congregation desire to be thankful to
God and yourselfe for your benevolence to Mr. Haughton's
child. I think Mr. Skelton hath written to you, whome he
thinks stand most in neede of contribution of such provisions
as you shall be pleased to give amongst us of that which was
sent over." Such exhibitions of charity from brethren in the
fatherland is a pledge of their true fellowship, and strengthens
the hope of the struggling emigrants.
May 4. Gardiner, having escaped from messengers sent to ar
rest him, on charge of bigamy in England, and been taken by
Indians at Namasket, is sent with his note book, showing him
to be a Roman Catholic, by Bradford to Winthrop. The next
day, the last, in reply to the former governor, says, " The
good Lord our God, who hath always ordered things for the
good of his poor churches, direct us in this aright, and dispose
it to a good issue."
18. An order is passed by the General Court, that, " to the end
the body of the commons may be preserved of honest a-nd good
men, no man shall be admitted to the freedom of this body pol
itick but such as are members of some of the churches within
the limits of the same." This is one of the most memorable
acts of our colonial legislation, in its purpose to continue a re
ligious commonwealth, its effects on the population, its oppo
sition from opposers and defence by advocates, and its final sub
version. However combated formerly and reproached latterly
for this law, the company had a right to choose such persons
for associates as they thought most fitted to secure the great end
of their emigration, even the promotion of Christianity, and
thus to advance the best welfare of the country. They were
assured that, with their principles, purposes, and circumstances,
they could adopt no better measure to prevent being speedily
overwhelmed by the very evils which they had done and suffered
much to escape. They stood on ground equally justifiable,
to say the least, with that on which the promoters of our civil
independence stood when they proclaimed, that all not for them
were against them and must depart. Great emergencies require
uncommon remedies.
Among those who take the oath of freemen are Maverick and
Wareham, Phillips, Blackstone, and Skelton. In assuming this
obligation, they engage to obey the rulers, and discover all con
spiracies, which they may know as formed against them.
June 14. " It is ordered, that Philip Ratcliffe shalbe whipped,
haue his eares cutt off, fyned forty pounds, and banished out of
y* lymittes of this jurisdiccon for vttering mallicious and scanda-

16311 SENTENCE. — CHURCH OF ROME. 151
lous speeches against the government and the church of Salem,
etc." The person so sentenced was in the employment of
Matthew Cradock, and, apparently, at a fishing establishment at
Marble Harbor. The Canaan of Morton states that he was also
condemned to have his tongue bored, his nose slit, and his face
branded, but that by the appeal of Gardiner to Winthrop, such
punishments were omitted. These primitive items are not con
tained in the original record of his sentence. This, as executed
on Ratcliffe, becomes the source of much recrimination, before
the royal council, against our authorities. However severely
condemned by many in England, yet it was not so great punish
ment as was inflicted, the next year, in London, on William
Prynne, barrister at law, for writing against stage plays and mas
querades. June 25. Letters to Gardiner and Morton, the former retained
in duress and the latter sent home, discover that the author of
them is Ferdinando Gorges, and that he still claims the patent
granted to his son within the Massachusetts jurisdiction. Such
correspondence is calculated to increase the trials as well as the
vigilance of our fathers, lest their spiritual privileges should be
diminished by the intrusion of Episcopal influences.
July 6. The company of husbandmen arrive from Maine, un
der which a further account is given.
21. A visit is made to Watertown by Winthrop, Dudley, and
Now ell. Their object, as the first of these persons describes it,
is to confer with Phillips, and Richard Brown, his ruling elder,
about an opinion which the two latter had advanced. This
is, that the churches of Rome are true churches. The question
on such a point is debated in presence of many from the con
gregations of the two parties. After discussion, a vote is taken
expressive of judgment as to the position considered. The re
sult is, that all but three signify that they hold it to be an er
ror. While Winthrop mentions Phillips as connected with his
elder, in maintaining the speculation mentioned, Hubbard repre
sents that it was only the latter individual who took such
ground. The result shows that even if Phillips coincided some
with Brown, it was not strongly. A conclusion of this sort is
favored by the dislike expressed by the first of these persons
against Episcopal ordination. It is somewhat remarkable, that
Brown, who had been a decided separatist in England, should
have maintained such a tenet, which was a favorite notion of
high churchmen, and was among the charges against Laud on his
trial. True, he was sustained by the fact that " the reformed
churches did not use to rebaptize those that renounce the religion
of Rome and embrace that of the reformation." It is not un
likely that the preceding investigation was made, in part, from

o

152 ACCUSATION-, DISCIPLINE. [Mass.
the report that Gardiner, ti talented and scientific man, was a
secret agent of the pope, and if so, in his previous intercourse
with the inhabitants, may have made some impression on the
mind of the ruling elder. The fact that there was occasion for
such a conference must have rendered the leaders of the colony,
in their weak and unsettled condition, very anxious lest a division
of the kind among themselves would throw them still further
backward from the attainment of their supreme object.
September 6. Henry Lyn, of Boston, who had been previ
ously punished, is sentenced to be whipped and banished " for
writing falsely into England against the execution of justice "
and " orders of the churches." The latter part of his sentence
seems to have been remitted.
November 2. John Eliot arrives at Nantasket. He was born
of pious parents, at Nazeing, Essex, England. He took his A.
B. at Jesus College, Cambridge, 1622. He was a teacher of
youth, and Professor Leusden, of Utrecht, says he was a minis
ter at Ripen, (Ripon.) His heart being with the preachers of
this colony, he came to take his portion with them. He left his
intended wife to follow him the next year. He immediately
unites with the Boston church, and preaches for them. Among
the passengers who come with him are the excellent wife of
Winthrop and other members of the latter's family. The day
after, she is welcomed to the town with public demonstrations
of joy-
1 1. A day of thanksgiving is kept at Boston. No doubt one
important reason for this occasion is the recent arrival of esti
mable settlers.
23. The Court of Assistants write to the Watertown church,
and inquire whether they should not displace Elder Brown for
his opinions, and particularly as to that about the Romish church.
They also designate the manner in which he adheres to these
opinions. The reply of the pastor is, that if the charges against
the elder can be substantiated, the church will proceed with him
as the truth requires.
December 8- This body, being divided on the subject so
brought before them, and having called on the governor for ad
vice, he visits them with Dudley and Nowell, and proposes to
them one of three methods, in which he and his associates will
consider the case. First, they will do it as magistrates, their as
sistance being desired ; second, as members of an adjacent
church ; or third, on the merits of the letter which the court
received, and with which they were not satisfied. Mr. Phillips
prefers the second. Then the Boston delegates hear the parties.
After attending to the counter arguments, they prevail on the
members to become reconciled, and to designate a fast day for

„ , PEACE WITH THE POPE. 153
the renewal of their covenant. At the close of this meeting, so
trying to the leaders of the colony, Phillips prays, and the as
sembly disperse.

PLYMOUTH.
1631. Not permitted to become teacher of Salem church by
the court, because they could not approve of some sentiments
which he had uttered, Roger Williams comes to Plymouth,
where he finds less opposition to his belief.
May 5. Winthrop writes to Bradford, certifying that Sir
Christopher Gardiner, taken in Plymouth jurisdiction, had been
brought safely to Boston. The latter governor stated that a
note book of the prisoner, slipped from his pocket, was found,
and showed when " he was reconciled to the pope and church
of Rome, and in what university he took his scapula, and such
and such degrees."

MAINE.

1630, January 13. The grant to Plymouth is confirmed and
increased, with full exercise of government on the premises.
Thus a large extent of soil is brought under the control of non
conformists. February 12. Two tracts, each four miles on the shore and
eight on each side of Swanekadock or Saco River, are conveyed,
one to Richard Vines and John Oldham, the other to Thomas
Lewis and John Bonython. The consideration, as to Oldham
having been in the country six years, is, that he had, at his own
charge, transported and settled emigrants in New England, and
" hath, for the effecting of that so good a work, undergone great
labour and clanger." He and his partner agree to be at the cost
of having fifty colonists brought over within seven years as in
habitants of the soil. With regard to Lewis and his fellow-
proprietor, the patent says, they " do wholly intend, by God's
assistance, to plant there for the good of his majesty's realms, and
for the propagation of the Christian rehgion amongst these in
fidels." A patent is sold to John Dye and other gentlemen of Lon
don. It secures to them forty miles square, named Lygonia,
from Cape Porpoise to Casco, though the limits described sub
sequently show a less area. It not only conveys to them a right
T

154 HUSBANDMEN — FAMILISTS. [Me.
to the soil, but also a legislative jurisdiction. The land so relin
quished is intended particularly for agriculture, as well as for
fishery and trade. The proprietors send over Bryan Brinkes
and others to be its occupants. These come in a vessel called
the Plough, as significant of their principal employment. They
locate themselves on the south side of the Kennebec, in Casco
Bay. They are called " The Husbandmen." Had we the rec
ord of their transactions, there is little doubt but that it would
give us interesting descriptions of what they did to provide for
their temporal and spiritual regulation. But such materials of
information have irrecoverably passed away with regard to
many settlements on our shores, begun in hope, but soon termi
nated in despair.
March 13. Another tract,* between the Penobscot and Muscon-
gus, from the seaboard ten leagues into the country, is conveyed
to John Beauchamp, of London, and Thomas Leverett, of Bos
ton, England. . The patentees immediately despatch a company
to improve the premises. These erect a truck house on the
eastern bank of St. George's River, five miles below the head
of tide water. Such a propriety was afterwards noted as " the
Waldo patent."
According to Edward Godfrey's statement, he commences a
settlement, this year, at Agamenticus. From this it seems that
the previous occupation of that place had been relinquished.
1631, July 6. "The settlers, known as the Husbandmen, hav
ing given up hope of success in their enterprise, and embarked
on board of their vessel, called the Plough, arrive at Nantasket.
One cause which probably induced them to relinquish their plan
tation was fear of invasion by the French, who claimed and
threatened to take their soil, as well as that of other English
colonies. They steer for Watertown, and get aground twice on
their course. Thus it appears that they intended to sit under
the ministration of Mr. Phillips. The record of Winthrop
says, " Most of them proved Familists, and vanished away."
Our court orders, the subsequent June 5, " that the goods of the
company of Husbandmen shall be inventoried by the beadle,"
and preserved for their use and benefit.
Thomas Commock, nephew to the Earl of Warwick, has a
grant f between Spurwink and Black Point Rivers.
A patent is assigned, December 1, to Robert Trelawney and
Moses Goodyear, of Plymouth, England. It extends from the
* A mistake occurred in Collections of the American Statistical Association,
p. 61, by having this grant in 1631. It is probable that Commock's grant, on
the same page, was in this year.
t Sullivan makes it five thousand acres, and Folsom. fifteen hundred. The lat
ter mentions it in 1631, and Williamson under 1629.

RECOVERY OF GORGES' PATENT. 155
1631.]
mouth of Spurwink River, fifteen miles inland, thence eastwardly
to Presumpscot River, and thus down to the sea. The next
year, John Winter and others inhabit Richmond Island. He,
as governor, employs a large number of hands in the fishery.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1630, March 12. The adventurers of the West Country in Eng
land, who own the upper plantation at Northam, have their pat
ent confirmed by the council. The document for this represents,
that Edward Hilton and associates, at their own cost, had trans
ported settlers, built houses, and planted corn on the premises.
This summer, Walter Neal arrives as governor at Piscataqua,
or the lower settlement of New Hampshire. His commission is
from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, John Mason, and others. Being
so empowered, indicates his preference for the established church.
August 14. One of the proprietors in London addresses Am
brose Gibbon, their factor here, and says, " Now we begine
to take 'hearte agayne."
1631, June. Neal, having received a packet of letters from
Gorges, directed to Gardiner and Morton, forwards them to
Winthrop, They develop a plan for recovering the patent of
the writer's son Robert.
October. Thomas Wiggin, as governor of the upper planta
tion, writes to the chief magistrate of Massachusetts, concern
ing the murder of Walter Bagnall and another, by an Indian
sagamore, at Richmond Island. Though the agent of strong
opposers to Congregationalism, he had the charity to live in
peace with its advocates.
November 3. The London proprietors of Neal's jurisdiction
have it confirmed to them by the council. The conveyance
speaks of buildings and salt works there.

RHODE ISLAND.

1631, July. We are informed by Winthrop, that he receives
a visit from the son of Canonicus, accompanied with John Saga
more. After they had dined, the visitant presents his host with
a skin, and the latter returns " a fair pewter pot, which he took
very thankfully, and staid all night." Though this may have

156 INVITATION TO SETTLE CONNECTICUT. [Conn.
been a call of policy on the part of the sachem's son, to gain in
fluence for keeping'Massasoit, the friend of Plymouth, in some
check, yet, as we have cause to believe, the governor was glad
of it, as a means of extending a Christian influence over the
prejudiced minds of the Narragansetts.

CONNECTICUT.
1631, April 4. An opportunity is offered by Wahginnacut,
sagamore on Connecticut River, to the Massachusetts Company,
through Winthrop, who gives the account, for extending settle
ments there. The chief is accompanied by Jack Straw, who
had been a servant to Sir Walter Raleigh, in England, and oth
ers. He also presents a letter of introduction from Endicott.
Though his encouragements are large, and he lays claim to the
soil, and thus a means of advancing the cause of religion is af
forded, Winthrop is well aware that such territory was also
granted by the council of New England, and, as it appears, to
the Earl of Warwick. Besides, he knew that in his oWn juris
diction there was yet room and to spare for the immigrants who
may come under the critical and uncertain circumstances which
existed. Of course, he declined the invitation, as inexpedient,
with kind hospitality to his visitors.

CHAPTER VII.
Massachusetts. Taxation denied. — Explosion. — Appeal. — Gold coin.—
Wilson donation. — Reformation. — Ministers arrive. — Lynn church. — Ques
tions for advice.— Land granted. — Discipline. — Roxbury church. — Boston
meeting house. — People at Mount Wollaston. — Opinions of Mather. — Bap
tism. — Gardiner. — Protestant success.— Cotton to his wife. — Minister si
lenced. — Charlestown church. — Excursion to Plymouth. — Worship. — Hue's
Cross. — Ordination. — Ruling elder deposed. — Roxbury church. — Morton
and others. — Ordination at Boston. — Pastor and teacher. — General governor.
— Accusers. — Paintings. — Banished persons. — Fortifications against French
Papists. — Complaints. — Friends. — Scituate. — Ipswich. — Order reversed. —
Disfranchisement. — Governor general. — Charge of intended rebellion. — Ad
vocates. — Design of emigration. — Trial of authorities. — Cleared. — Advice.
— Endicott's laws. — Thanksgiving for deliverance. — Vindication. — Objec
tions. — Russell's bequest. — Arrival of ministers. — Newton church. — Cotton
and wife admitted to Boston church. — Support for him. — Rulers from the
freemen. — Wages limited. — Idlers. — Thanksgiving. — Reason for numerically
designating the months. — Lectures in the forenoon forbidden. — Ordination
of Cotton. — Right hand. — Ordination at Newton. — Sabbath sports. — Cleri
cal association. — Extortion. — Support. — Mortality among Indians. — Trea
tise of Williams. — Precursor of trouble. — Emigrants stopped. — Charter or
dered before Laud. — Remarks of Gorges. — Punishment for intemperance. —
Question about veils. — Charlestown church. — Bearing arms. — Oath of fidel
ity. — House of Deputies. — Prophecy. — Reception of church members. —
New commissioners for New England. — Purpose to overthrow our Puritan
institutions. — Sir Ferdinando Gorges to be general governor. — Election ser
mon. — Company. — Oath of freemen. — Important laws. — Parker and his
people. — Nathaniel Ward. — Ship blown up. Plymouth. Robbery. —
Visit. — Duxbury church. — Fortification. — Pierce shipwrecked. — Gardiner.
— Enemies. — Thanksgiving. — Christian benevolence. — Deaths. — Fuller's
will. — Truck house at Connecticut. — Williams removes. — Deacon Doane
resigns his civil office. — Men killed. Maine. Last grant of the council. —
They surrender their charter. — ¦ French claims to territory allowed. — French
spoliation. — Pirates. — Territory. — Statement of Gorges. — Affray. New
Hampshire. Expedition. — Patents sold to Lord Say and others. — Emigrants
depart and arrive. — Rencontre. Rhode Island. Attack by Canonicus. —
Visit of Miantonomo. Connecticut. Warwick's patent purchased. — Dutch
purchase. — Fort. — Proposal for a truck house. — Claims to soil. — Plymouth
trading establishment. — Threatened attack. — Visit of Oldham.

MASSACHUSETTS.
1632, February 17. The pastor, elder, and others of Water-
town are arraigned before the court in Boston. The first two-
had objected to the payment of a colonial levy for the purpose-
14 (157)

158 TAXES OPPOSED — APPEAL. rA/r
[Mass.
of fortifying Newton, as the chosen capital, lest it should bring
"themselves and posterity into bondage." They considered
that the authorities had no power from the people to assess such
taxes. But after the matter was discussed, and made to appear
that these assessments were made by rulers, elected by the free
men, for the general benefit, the accused confess their mistake,
sign a retraction, and are required to have it read in church the
next Sabbath.
The position has been assumed that the objectors to such a
levy were confirmed in their judgment, because the charter did
not allow the patentees and their associates to raise taxes. But
this instrument certainly gave power to them as a company, rep
resented by the Court of Assistants, " to make ordinances for
the welfare and government of the people." Neither of these
ends could be obtained without authority to tax the subjects of
them, or power to employ the essential means for their attain
ment. March 6. Eliot takes the oath of a freeman. While Maver
ick is drying powder, on the 19th, in the new-thatched meeting
house at Dorchester, he narrowly escapes serious injury on its
explosion. The place for such employment may seem strange
in our day ; but it was customary to deposit ammunition and
arms there, as defence, on the Sabbath and at other times,
against wild beasts and hostile natives.
April 3. The Assistants sentence Thomas Knower to sit in the
bilboes, because, being bound over for trial, on the charge of some
offence, he had threatened the court that, if he were punished,
he would appeal to the government in England for redress.
May 26. Mr. Wilson returns with his wife, who was " the
pious daughter of Lady Mansfield." " Her kinsman, old
Mr. Dod, for her consolation under the difficulties " which she
might experience in America, " sent a brass counter, a silver
crown, and a gold Jacobus, all of them securely wrapped up,
with this instruction unto the gentleman who carried it, that he
should first of all deliver only the counter, and if she received
it with any show of discontent, he should then take no further
notice of her ; but if she gratefully resented [appreciated] that
small thing for the sake of the hand it came from, he should
then go on to deliver the silver, and so the gold ; but withal as
sure her, that such would be the dispensations of God unto her
and the other good people of New England, if they would be
content and thankful with such little things as God at first be
stowed upon them, they should, in time, have "silver and gold
enough. Mrs. Wilson accordingly, by her cheerful entertain
ment of the least remembrance from Mr. Dod, gave the gentle
man occasion to go through with his whole present and the

PROTESTANT SUCCESS — ADVICE. 159
annexed advice." One important object of Wilson's voyage
was to settle a will of his brother, Rev. Wilham Wilson, who
gave one thousand pounds for the benefit of New England.
This is a generous and seasonable donation, expressive of its
giver's attachment to the cause of true religion.
June 5. " The court, taking into consideration the great mercy
of God," in the success of the Swedes and German Protestants
against the emperor, " appoint the 13th instant to be kept as a
day of public thanksgiving throughout the several plantations."
The cause of reformation, however distant, is near the hearts of
our fathers. They perceive its bearing on their native land, and
its consequent effects on their chosen refuge. Like the spirit
of their divine Master, their desires are for the extension of his
kingdom to the ends of the earth.
The following clergymen come into Boston with other pas
sengers — Stephen Batchelor, Thomas Weld, and Thomas James.
The first immediately goes to Lynn. With six members of his
church in England, who accompany him, he constitutes a church,
and preaches to them without any installation. This is deemed
an irregularity by most of the colonists, and becomes the source
of considerable trouble.
Weld took his A. B. from Trinity College, Cambridge, 1613,
and his A. M. 1618. He was a clergyman of Terling, in Essex
county ; but attaching himself to the Puritans, he embarked for
this land to assist in the promotion of their cause.
James had his A. B. at Emanuel College, Cambridge, 1614,
and his A. M. 1618. He was a minister of Lincolnshire, but
left his parish and country to sojourn with co-workers for Con
gregationalism. July 3. Samuel Sharp, ruling elder of Salem, and Rev. Mr.
Wilson, take the oath of freemen. The Boston church address
•the other churches of Massachusetts and Plymouth for advice
on the subsequent questions : Whether a person may be magis
trate and ruling elder at the same time. If not, which of the two
offices he should resign. Whether there may be divers pastbrs
together in the same church. The first query is answered nega
tively, but the other two doubtfully. As a result of the deci
sive answer, Nowell relinquishes his office of ruling elder in
the church so advised.
For the encouragement of Skelton, at Salem, the court assign
him land there, — a neck * of two hundred acres, a lot of one acre,
on which his house stands, and twelve more in two distinct
places. Besides such grants of the government, towns made
others, from their common lands, to their ministers.
# About three miles from Salem, called by Indians Wahquack, bounded on the
south by the River Conambsqnooncant, on the north and east by another river,
Pouomeneuheant.

160 THATCHED MEETING HOUSE.
[JVlASS.
July 5. Individuals who had seceded from Watertown church
yield to its advice, except John Masters. His ground of offence
is, that a person had been admitted to communion whom he
supposed to be unworthy of the privilege. Then he turned
his back on the sacrament, and left the assembly. It may have
been that the objection of the othei's was like his. On the 8th,
as he declined to give way, he is excommunicated. In a fort
night after, he confesses that he had erred, and is restored to
fellowship. Having made his settlement a matter of prayerful
deliberation, as several churches had, Mr. Weld is placed over
the Roxbury congregation. These had communed at Dorches
ter. George Alcock, who came over in 1630, and had been dea
con here, serves in the same office at Roxbury.
August 3. A contribution had been made of about one hun
dred and twenty pounds at Charlestown and Boston, to erect a
dwelling for Wilson and a house of worship for his congrega
tion in the latter place. The last building is commenced. It
" had mud walls and a thatched roof, and stood on the south
side of State Street, a little below the place where the old State
House now stands." Such provision accorded with the necessi
ties of a new settlement, surrounded with uncertainty of con
tinuance, and with the desire and purpose of its people for a
better sanctuary so soon as circumstances would allow and re
quire. 14. Emigrants from Braintree in England, who had com
menced a plantation at Mount Wollaston, are required by the
court to take up their residence at Newton. Their pastor,
Thomas Hooker, had not yet left Holland. Persecution had
driven him thither.
15. Richard Mather, who is soon to become a faithful seer
among our population, watches the signs of the times. He
writes replies to five questions about church ceremonies. This*
is a subject of importance to men like him, in the mother coun
try, because their theological opponents lay great and increasing
stress upon such forms. He states that gospel appointments,
hke the sacrament and baptism, are always obligatory. But, as
to certain modes, he holds them not to be essential. He ob
serves that a preacher is as much in the way of his duty to
preach in a cloak as in a gown ; that " to kneele in preaching
or in administering and receiving the baptisme," is not so prop
er as to sit or stand.
26. In compliance with the common usage of parents, Win
throp brings his infant son to baptism, and in this rite of con
secration, presents him as an offering to God. Though not ad
hering to the doctrine of the established church that such a ser
vice conferred renewal of heart, yet his faith taught him that
it was a duty, whence spiritual mercies flowed.

COLONISTS ACCUSED AS REBELS. 161
1632.] °
August. A letter from Thomas Wiggin, dated at Bristol, to
Emanuel Downing, has the following about Christopher Gardi
ner, who had lately arrived there from New England. The re
port of his leaving two wives in London, one of whom related
the fact to Isaac Allerton, and bringing a young woman of bad
character to this country, is mentioned. When the reputation
of Gardiner became known there, he fled, lest he should be hung
for bigamy. He charges the colonists of Massachusetts as " reb
els against his majesty, which on my own knowledge is most
false." Wiggin thinks it would be well, for preventing the in
fluence of Gardiner's accusation, to have his bigamy proved by
his wives, who, he hears, are in London.
September 27. Thanksgiving is observed for the success of
the Protestant arms in Germany, and for the late arrival of ac
cessions to the colonists. Our fathers had great cause for grati
tude that Gustavus was victorious, for on this it was thought
that Protestantism in Europe and America depended. The ral
lying words of his troops were, " God with us," and of their
opponents, " St. Mary."
October 3. John Cotton, whose deep interest in our settle
ments has been noticed, and who is soon to take a leading part
in their affairs, is secreted, in London, from the pursuivants of
Laud. He writes to his wife, the faithful sharer of his joys and
sorrows, " Though this cup be brackish at the first, yet a cup
of God's, mingling is doubtless sweet at the bottom to such as
have learned to make it their greatest happiness to partake with
Christ, as in his glory, so in the way that leadeth to it. Where
I am, they desire to see thee here ; but I think it not safe yet,
till we see how God will deal with our neighbors at home, for
if you should now travel this way, I fear you will be watched.
But I hope shortly God will make way for thy safe coming."
The Lynn minister is required by the court to " forbear ex
ercising his gifts as pastor or teacher publicly in our patent, un
less it be to those he brought over with him, for his contempt
of authority and till some scandals be removed."
11. We have the subsequent extract from the Boston church
records : " Those members of our church whoe, desireing dis
mission from the congregation to enter into a new church body
at Charlestowne, did solemnly seeke vnto God with the rest of
the church for direction herein upon the 11th, and were accord
ingly dismissed vpon the 14th of the same, being the Lord's
day." A chief reason assigned for this separation was the dif
ficulty of crossing the river in winter' time, and having an op
portunity to enjoy the pastoral labors of Thomas James.
25. Several persons of note set out from Boston on a visit
to Plymouth. Among .them are Winthrop, the narrator of the
v 14*

162 PLYMOUTH INTERVIEW — CROSS. gg
excursion, and Wilson. They sail to Wessaguscus, and go
the rest of the way on foot. They are met this side of their
destination by Bradford, Brewster, and others. They are enter
tained with Christian hospitality. Though their conferences
are about the temporal concerns of their respective jurisdictions
as subsidiary to the attainment of better things, yet their great
theme is the means to prevent error and iniquity, and to promote
truth and righteousness. Such should always be the counsels
of our race in every station. Such they will be when the men
tal desolations of apostasy shall be repaired. But not to lose
sight of our Puritan coterie, let us consider their action on the
Sabbath. The Plymouth church and their guests, as the highest
expression of their fellowship, partake of the sacrament. " In
the afternoon, Mr. Roger Williams, according to their custom,
proposed a question, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spake
briefly ; then Mr. Williams prophesied, and after the governor
of Plymouth spake to the question ; after him, the elder ; then ,
some two or three more of the congregation ; then the elder
(according to Acts xiii. 14, 15) desired the governor of Massa
chusetts and Mr. Wilson to speak to it, which they did. When
this was ended, the deacon, Mr. Fuller, put the congregation in
mind of their duty of contribution, whereupon the governor
and all the rest went down to the deacon's seat, and put into
the box, and then returned." This was like the scenes of prim
itive Christianity. On it angels looked with joy, and-of it no
mortal should be ashamed. Prince remarks, " This religious
exercise in public they had under the conduct of Mr. Robinson,
at Leyden, grounded on the practice of the church of Corinth,
as described and regulated by the apostle Paul, 1 Cor. xii. and
xiv. But growing in knowledge, and I suppose in the appre
hension that such a practice was peculiarly accommodated to the
age of inspiration, (1 Cor. xiv. 30,) which they never pretended
to, they, after, gradually lay it down."
Having' closed the object of their journey, Winthrop and his
company leave Plymouth on the 31st, in the morning, attended
by some principal men of the place, " near half a mile out of
town in the dark." On their route, they reach a place known
as Hue's Cross. The governor, being displeased at the name, in
respect that such things might hereafter give the Papists occa
sion to say that their religion Was first planted in these parts,
changed the name, and called it "Hue's Folly." This was the
spontaneous expression of Protestant feeling in that day, when
the sufferings from Romish policy were fresh in remembrance.
November 2. The form of covenant adopted by members of
the Charlestown church differs some, though not essentially,
from the first agreed upon before the removal from Charlestown

lg321 CHARACTER OF OPPONENTS. 163
to Boston. The person selected for their spiritual guide is
elected and ordained as their pastor. The particulars of this
occasion have not been handed down. It is probable that, as in
the case of Wilson, James did not reject the correctness of or
dination by bishops.
The difficulty relative to Brown, of Watertown, is not healed.
Supposing himself hardly pressed for his opinions, he had ut
tered improper expressions, as his brethren thought, for which
they had admonished him several times. As he had not made
concessions satisfactory to them, they depose him from his office
of ruling elder. Thus the results of his avowal that the Roman
Catholic church is mainly true, cause the withdrawal of his offi
cial trust.
November 5. Having been called by Roxbury to be their
teacher, Eliot takes dismission from Boston church, who strongly
desire him to continue with them, but without avail. His be
trothed arrived September 16, and was married to him the next
month. On the 6th of November, Weld and James take the
oath of freemen. On the 7th, Phillips has a grant from the
court, of tliirty acres of land, up Charles River.
19. Thomas Wiggin writes to John Cooke, the royal secreta
ry. He speaks of Thomas Morton, " whoe, (as I am informed
by his wife's sonne and others,) upon a foule suspition of mur-
ther, fled hence to New England, and there, falling out with some
of the Indians, he shott them with a fowhng piece, for which
and other misdemeanors, upon the Indians complaint, his howse
by order of court there was destroyed, and he banished the
plantation." He, Gardiner and Ratcliffe, " doe addresse them
selves to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, whoe by theire false informa
tions, is nowe projectinge howe to deprive that plantation of the
priviledges granted by his majesty to subvert theire govern
ment." 22. Preparatory to the ordination of officers for Boston church,
a fast, as usual, is observed. Wilson is chosen pastor, and Thomas
Oliver ruling elder. The former and two deacons impose
hands, in the behalf of the church or congregation, on Oliver.
Then the last person and the deacons do the same for Wilson.
Thus, though he had been ordained teacher of the same church
at Charlestown, he is similarly consecrated as their pastor in Bos
ton. This indicates that considerable distinction was then made
between the two offices of pastor and teacher, now and long
since merged in one person.
Sir Joseph Williamson remarks, " In this year it appears to
be that the first thoughts were taken of sending a governor to
New England, which, they said, was to invade and alter their
government. Sir F. Gorges was the man resolved on to be

164 FEARS OF PAPACY. [Mass.
governor, and this, as was said, upon some informations given by
Sir Charles Gordon, one Morton, one Ratcliffe, and Bull, etc.,
as if that colony were ill affected to the king. Those here,
which pleaded for the plantation, were one Mr. Downing, one
Captain Wiggin, etc. Mr. Secretary Cooke looks to have been
a friend to" Massachusetts. On December 19, for complaints
and information of Sir Charles Gordon of abuses in the govern
ment, it was referred to certain of the lords to examine what
patents were out."
As an event having special influence with regard to the in
terests of New England, Laud had recently done much to re
pair and increase the pictures and paintings in English churches,
" which some of the Puritans, venturing to censure in their ser
mons and writings, were exposed to the severest punishments."
1633, January 3. A letter from Emanuel Downing to Cooke,
secretary, says, in reference to Morton and the two others lately
sent home from Massachusetts, " I pray God assist your honour
that those lewd and scandalous persons may receive their con-
digne punishment, and the plantation proceed with incouradge-
ment." 17. Information being received that emigrants had been sent
from France to Nova Scotia, and that more were to follow them,
accompanied with a number of priests, produces an alarm
among our colonists. These facts, connected with previous ef
forts of the French to establish themselves and the influence of
their church as far as Penobscot River, and also of their en
deavoring to secure the trade of the Merrimack Indians, fill
them with still greater uneasiness. In view of these considera
tions, Winthrop assembles the magistrates, elders, and other
principal men for advice " in regard to the French are like to
prove ill neighbours, being Papists." The result of their delib
erations is to finish a fort, already begun at Boston, erect anoth
er on what was afterwards known as Castle Island, though Nan
tasket was the first spot selected for it, and to settle Agawam,
subsequently Ipswich.
19. Having received accusations from Gardiner, Morton, and
Ratcliffe and others, relative to the government of Massachusetts
and Plymouth, the king refers them to his privy council.
Another chief ground for such reference is, that letters, sent by
some of our settlers, reflecting severely on the ecclesiastical ad
ministration of England, fell into unfriendly hands, who exposed
their contents. They jvere forwarded by Captain Levett, who
died on his passage, and thus became an'occasion of complaint.
The body to whom the charges are committed do not condemn
the colonists, but commend them to his majesty for further -pro
tection, until it can be proved that they have violated their pat-

DESIGNS TO RUIN THE COLONY. 165
1633.]
ents. Winthrop remarks on this subject of deep importance to
those concerned, " The conclusion was against all men's expec
tation, an order for our encouragement, and much blame and
disgrace upon the adversaries." This decision breaks down, for
a time, one strong objection for emigrating hither. Among
those who assist to obtain it, and thus befriend our authorities in
a time of pressing need, are Sir Richard Saltonstall, Humfrey,
Cradock, Emanuel Downing, and Thomas Wiggin, governor in
the upper plantation in New Hampshire.
February. The ship William, Captain Trevore, which brings
the preceding information, arrives, about the 22d, at Plymouth,
with men for a settlement at Scituate to carry on the fishery.
March. To guard against the intrusion of the French and
their religion, John Winthrop, Jr., and twelve others are em
powered to settle Agawam. On the 4th, the Assistants reverse
their order, forbidding Batchelor to gather " a church within
this patent." They sentence Thomas Dexter to be set in the
bilboes, disfranchised, and fined eleven pounds, " for speaking
reproachful! and' seditious words against the government here
established, and findeing fault to dyvers with the acts of the
court, sayeing this captious government will bring all to naught."
While the authorities regarded this severity as essential to the
existence of their infant, tottering, and threatened commonwealth,
many, under the changed light of its manhood, strength, and
tested freedom, consider it very differently.
April 1. As an expression of kind feeling to Blackstone, the
court grant him fifty acres of land, near his house, in Boston.
This indicates, that though he did not harmonize with them
in all their steps of reform,- he so demeaned himself as not to
be accounted an opponent. Having resided at Plymouth about
two years, Williams returns to Salem near this time.
May. By two vessels, with passengers to Boston, particulars
of the continued attempt to impeach the authorities of Massa
chusetts before the privy council arrive. Not only had Gardi
ner, Morton, and Ratcliffe, formerly in the employ of Cradock,
been influenced by what they deemed their personal wrongs to
eno-ao-e in this matter, but also, by the advice of Sir Ferdinando
Gorges and John Mason, stanch supporters of Episcopacy.
Winthrop states that these two gentlemen were induced so to
interfere for the sake of having Neal appointed as governor-gen
eral of New England. This mode of regulating such territory
had been, and continued to be, a favorite notion with them.
They and their abettors charged this colony and Plymouth with
a design to rebel and become independent not only of the
church, but also the crown of England. They asserted that
" our ministers and people did continually rail against the state,

166 ESCAPE FROM SNARES.

[Mass.

church, and bishops." Saltonstall, Humfrey, and Cradock offered
a written plea in favor of the colonists. After three days' hear
ing, decision was made for their cause. Some of the council as
sured them "that his majesty did not intend to impose the cere
monies of the church of England upon us, for that it was con
sidered, that it was freedom from such things that made people
come over to us."
Winthrop, writing to Bradford, states that, in view of escape
from the snare of opponents to the cause of Puritanism, a
thanksgiving is to be observed, and proposes the same in Plym
outh colony as equally concerned.
The order, issued 19th of January, at Whitehall, as
the result of the trial, relates that accusations had been
brought against New England, which, if true, would ruin them
and dishonor the parent government ; that they had been exam
ined so far as they could be without sending for witnesses from
this country, and were not substantiated, though, if requisite,
they might be subsequently considered. A passage of it fol
lows : " Their lordships declare that the adventurers had cause
to go on cheerfully with their undertakings, and rest assured,
if things were carried as was pretended when the patents were
granted, and accordingly as by the patents it is appointed, his
majesty would not only maintain the liberties and privileges
heretofore granted, but supply any thing further that might tend
to the good government, prosperity, and comfort of his people
there." Such a document, though not so decisively favorable
to our ancestors as they could wish, still affords them much sat
isfaction. But its conditional character threw no serious imped
iment, in the way of Laud and his supporters to accomplish their
purpose for the overthrow of Congregationalism on our shores.
By the conveyance which brought such an account of the
trial, so important for the encouragement of our fathers, there
came letters to John Winthrop, Jr., from Edward Howes and
Francis Kirby. The former of these writers, under March 18,
says, " I am glad that it hath pleased God to show his power
and mercy vpon you all in a wonderful manner, beyond the ex
pectation of the great ones of this land, in delivering you, not
from a Spanish powder plot, nor an accounted invincible armada,
but from a Spanish-like, French infection, which was like to
have tainted the halest and best men among you, yea, all of you.
Your plantation hath need of some hearty and able friends to
back you upon all occasions, which must remain here and have
friends at court." The writer says in a note, " Your plantation
and planters have often lately been preached against at St. Paul's
Cross, etc." The same correspondent remarks, under March
25, " There were presented to the lords, lately, about twenty-

,„„„. LAWS MADE AT NAUMKEAG. 167
163o.]
two of C. Indicutts [Endicott 's] laws." The next day, he
writes as follows : " Your friends heer who are members of
your plantation, have had much to do to answer the unjust com
plaints made to the kinge and councell of your government
there. I understand that you are an Assistant, and so have a
voice in the weighty affaires of that commonwealth."
A communication from Kirby, under the last date, has the
passage, " I know I shall not need to advise you that the prayers
for our kinge be not neglected in any of your publique meetings,
and I desire that you differ no more from us in church govern
ment than you shall find that we differ from the prescript rule
of God's word." These passages, embracing cautions of friend
ships, refer to topics of great concernment to the colonists.
June 19. " A day of thanksgiving is kept in all the churches
for our delivery from the plots of our enemies, and for the safe
arrival of our friends."
August 15. Captain Thomas Graves sails for England, and
carries a reply from the court to the charges of Gardiner and
others, accompanied by a certificate from the old planters.
Winthrop, who gives this fact, informs us that Dudley was the
only one who made exceptions and declined to subscribe the
vindication. The points in it to which the latter objected were,
that it called the bishops reverend, said the colonists professed
the commonly-received tenets of the English church, though
they differed from its discipline and from its interpretation of
Christ's descent into hell, and styled the king sacred majesty.
In rejoining, Winthrop remarked that the title applied to the
bishops was merely a quotation from the petition of Gardiner
and his associates, that the faithful in England, like the
colonists, expounded the descension of the Saviour not as " a
local descent, as some of the bishops " did, and that "sacred," as
attributed to. the king, was only a civil term, proper for him, as
one anointed, by the Lord. These reasons failed to secure the
assent of Dudley, " though they were allowed by divers of the
ministers and the chief of Plimouth." His dislike to the use of
"reverend," in relation to bishops, so far prevailed in New Eng
land, that, for a considerable period, it was not applied to their
ministers, to whom they gave the general title of "Mr." and
the particular one of " elder."
26. John Russell dies. As expressive of his attachment to
the cause of Puritan reformation, he leaves one half of his pro
perty to the Dorchester church. i
September 4. Of a large number of passengers, who come to
strengthen the cause of dissenters, are John Cotton, Thomas
Hooker, and Samuel Stone. These clergymen found great dif
ficulty in escaping out of England from the hand of their pur-

168 ARRIVAL OF NOTED MINISTERS. g
suers. The two former were long sought, so that they might
be arraigned for their non-conformity, before the High Court of
Commission. They were covertly taken on board at the Downs.
Cotton was son of Richard Cotton, of Derby, where he was
born December 4, 1585. He took his A. M. at the University
of Cambridge, 1606. Of eminent talents, literature, fame, pie
ty, and usefulness, he had been settled at Boston, Lincolnshire.
The Earl of Dorchester, being in that place, heard him preach
on civil government, and " was so affected with the wisdom of
his words and spirit, that he did ever after highly account of
him." Complained of for not kneeling at the sacrament, he
was prosecuted, and fled. He was secreted in London till he
had an opportunity to sail f^r this refuge of non-conformists.
His first wife was Elizabeth Horrocks, and his second the widow
Sarah Story.
Hooker was born at Marefield, Leicestershire, July 7, 1586.
He took his A. B. at Emanuel College, Cambridge, 1607, and
his A. M. 1611. He had been a noted preacher at Chelmsford,
of Essex County; was silenced 1630 ; to avoid fines and impris
onment, fled to Holland. Forty-seven Episcopal clergymen, who
had been his neighbors, petitioned the Bishop of London in his
favor, but without effect. The Earl of Warwick frequently
came from a distance to hear him. A large number of his peo
ple, settled at Newton, had requested him to come over and .re
new his labors among them. He preached a farewell discourse
shortly before he embarked. A preface to it, published eight
years afterwards, observes, " His opinion about the doctrine
maintained in the church of England since the reformation
thereof was orthodox ; but his conscience about the discipline
and ceremonies thereof was scrupulous."
Stone was born at Hartford, England. He had his A. B. at
Emanuel College, Cambridge, 1623, and his A. M. 1627. He
was a lecturer at Torcester, in Northamptonshire. So highly
did Hooker esteem him, that he engaged him to be a co-worker
among his parishioners, who had come hither.
Hooker and Stone immediately join the waiting people of the
former at their residence. The meeting between the pastor and
the flock, from whom he had been forced, was of no ordinary
nature. As they clustered around him, he exclaimed, in the
words of an apostle, " Now I live, if ye stand fast in the Lord."
He was soon chosen their pastor, and Stone. their teacher. Cot
ton remains in Boston. Here, the next Sunday evening, on the
8th, he speaks to a question from Canticles, respecting the vari
ous kinds of churches, before " the congregation met in their
ordinary exercise." At the close, he and his wife Sarah are
propounded for membership. The following Sabbath, as Win-

DISPENSING OF GOSPEL SEALS. 169
1633.] lov
throp continues, he " exercised in the afternoon, and being to be
admitted, he signified his desire and readiness to make his con
fession according to order, which he said might be sufficient in
declaring his faith about baptism, (which he then desired for his
child, born on their passage, and therefore named Seaborn.) He
gave two reasons why he did not baptize at sea — " because they
had no settled congregation there ; because a minister hath no
power to give the seals but in his own congregation." He tes
tified to his wife's piety, saying that it was' against apos
tolic rule for women to make an open confession in presence of
the church, but that they may be inquired of privately. Being
asked if she agreed with the belief expressed by her husband, and
desired admission, she replied affirmatively. So both were re
ceived. The child, presented by its father, was baptized. The
opinion of Cotton that no elder should administer baptism and
the Lord's' supper, unless to his own church, prevailed among
the colonists, but was relinqushed in a few years.
September 17. The Court of Assistants, all the ministers and
ruling elders, assemble in Boston, to consult and advise as to
the place of Cotton's settlement. They conclude that it was
his duty to abide in Boston, and that, for preaching a Thursday
lecture, he should be compensated out of the company's treas
ury. The last provision was soon repealed by " divers of the
council." It was probably adopted because of its exerting a
more public influence in the capital than in any other planta
tion, and rejected because it would bring taxation on all mem
bers of the corporation belonging to other towns, as well as the
seat of government. Any thing like the Regium Donum,
which supported the ministry with public funds, received but
little quarter from the colonists.
Near this time, Cotton preaches a " discourse about civil gov
ernment, in a new plantation, whose design is religion." Its
object is " to prove the expediency and necessity of intrusting
free burgesses, who are members of churches, gathered amongst
them according ¦ to Christ, with the power of chusing from
among themselves magistrates and men to whom the managing
of all public civil affairs of importance is to be committed."
This was in accordance with the previous and continued usage
of Plymouth „and Massachusetts. A reason assigned by the
preacher for it was, that England and other nations acted on a
similar principle.
October 1. At a session of the Assistants, they limit the
wages of laborers and mechanics, so that there may be no impo
sition on the part of employers or of the employed. They re
quire that no person " shall spend his time idlely or unprofita-
bly under pain of such punishment " as they may appoint.
v 15

170 PURITAN AND PAPAL STYLES. [Mass.
They, " in regard of the many and extraordinary mercyes
which the Lord hath beene pleased to vouchsafe of late to this
plantacon, viz., a plentifuU harvest, ships safely arriued with
persons of spetiall vse and quality, etc.," order, " that Wednes
day, the 16th day of this present moneth, shalbe kept as a day of
publique thanksgiueing through the seuerall plantacons." " This
day was solemnly kept by all the seven churches." In noticing
how the time of such an occasion was called by our ancestors
" the eighth moneth," and implying that a similar numerical
method was used by them as to the other months, Johnson ob
serves that it was not done " out of any pevish humour of sin
gularity, as some are ready to censor them with, but of purpose
to prevent the heathenish and Popish observation of dayes,
moneths, and yeares, that they may be forgotten among the
people of the Lord."
At the same session, the authorities make the subsequent
regulation : " Whereas it is found, by common experience, that
the keepeing of lectures att the ordinary howres nowe obserued
in the forenoone, to be dyvers wayes preiudiciall to the common
good, both in the losse of a whole day and bringing other
charges and troubles to the place .where the lecture is kept, it
is therefore ordered, that hereafter noe lecture shall begin before
one a clock, in the afternoone."
October 10. Accompanied with the solemnities of a fast,
as Winthrop relates, choice is made of Thomas Leverett,
who had been a member of Cotton's church in England, as
elder, and of Giles Firmin, an apothecary from Sudbury,
as deacon of Boston church, by the imposition of hands.
Cotton is elected " teacher of the congregation, and ordained,
by imposition of the hands of the presbytery, in this manner :
first, he was chosen by all the congregation, testifying their con
sent by erection of hands. Then Mr. Wilson, the' pastor, de
manded of him if he did accept of that call. He paused, and
then spake to this effect : " that howsoever he knew himself un
worthy and unsufficient for that place, yet having observed all
the passages of God's providence (which he reckoned up in par
ticular) in calling him to it, he could not but accept it. Then
the pastor and the two elders laid their hands upon his head, and
the pastor prayed, and then, taking off their hands, laid them on
again, and, speaking to him by his name, they did thencefortlf
design him to the said office in the name of the Holy Ghost,
and did give him the charge of the congregation, and thereby
(as by a sign from God) indue him with the gifts fit for his of
fice, and lastly did bless him. Then the neighbouring minis
ters, which were present, did, at the pastor's motion, give him
the right hands of fellowship, and the pastor made a stipulation

1633, SPORTS ON THE SABBATH. 171
between him and the congregation." We perceive that the
mode of pledging church fellowship, in this instance, by every
clergyman present, varies from its being done by one, in their
name, as subsequently prevalent. On the next day, there is a
" fast at Newton, where Mr. Hooker was chosen pastor, and
Mr. Stone teacher in such a manner " as Mr. Cotton's at
Boston. October 18. Exerting an influence on the tide of emigration
to our shores, the ensuing particulars are given. King Charles
renews his proclamation relative to sports on the Sabbath. It
declares that none should endeavor to hinder them as some had,
and that whoever refuses conformity with them shall leave the
kingdom. Its words are, " Our good people be not disturbed,
letted, or discouraged from any lawful recreations, such as dan
cing, either men or women ; archery for men, leaping, vaulting
or any other such harmless recreation ; from having of May-
games, Whitson-ales, morris dances, and the setting of May -poles
and other sports therewith used, and that women shall have
leave to carry rushes to the church, for decorating it, according
to their old custom." Containing allowances of this sort, the
proclamation is ordered to be published " through all the parish
churches." Neal relates that, for refusing to read this edict to
their people, many clergymen were presented. He adds that
the Common Prayer Book was rendered by Laud " more unex
ceptionable to Papists and more distant from Puritanism." He
states that these things " made many conscientious non-conform
ists retire with their families to Holland and New England."
November. With regard to a clerical association for improve
ment, Winthrop gives the subsequent passage : " The ministers
in the Bay and Sagus did meet once a fortnight at one of their
houses, by course, when some question of moment was debated.
Mr. Skelton, the pastor of Salem, and Mr. Williams, who was
removed from Plimouth thither, (but Uot in any office, though
he exercised by way of prophecy,) took some exception against
it, as fearing it might grow in time to a presbytery or superin-
tendency, to the prejudice of the churches' liberties. But this
fear was without cause, for they were all clear in that point, that
no church or person can have power over another church, nei
ther did they, in their meetings, exercise any such jurisdiction."
Such diversity of views shows that Skelton still carried his idea
of separation from hierarchy, or even any semblance of it, to
greater extent than most other principal men in the colony.
Such conventions had long been a favorite object with Puritans.
Under James I., Dr. Reynolds desired that the clergy might as
semble once in three weeks to converse on scriptural and theo
logical topics. The king answered roughly, and in reference to

172 MINISTERIAL ASSOCIATIONS. _MAgg_
this and other points of reform, said, " If this be all your party
hath to say, I will make them conform or harrie them out of
the land, or else do worse." In his election sermon of 1672,
Shepard speaks of these " ministers' meetings " as held, when
he was a boy, at Cambridge, Boston, Charlestown, Roxbury,
and other places, and says that they were accounted to have a
beneficial tendency.
An original manuscript of Charles Morton, who, after his
ejectment from the ministry, came to this country, and was set
tled at Charlestown, contains the formation of an association.
It says, " At Bodmin, the 11th of September, 1655, it is agreed
by us whose names are underwritten, that we do associate our
selves for promoting the gospel, and our mutual assistance and
furtherance in the great work." It then proceeds to the rules-:
" That we meet constantly at Bodmin, on every first Wednesday
in the month, and oftener if need be." Under the 3d, it men
tions the duties of the moderator : " To begin with prayer ; to
propose matters to be debated and receive the suffrages of the
brethren ; receive the subscriptions of such as shall join with
us, and keep all papers belonging to the association." These
facts are presented, as having some relation to a subject, about
Which, as to its original appearance and exercises in New Eng
land, there have been many questions.
November 8. The Court of Assistants, so that " honest and
conscionable workmen should " not " be wronged," order that
no commodities shall be sold " above the rate of four pence in
a shilling more than the same cost or might be bought for ready
money in England, upon pain of forfeiting the value of the
things sold ; " except cheese, on account of hazard in bringing it
from abroad, and wine, oil, vinegar, and " strong waters," liable
to leak on the voyage, " may be sold at such rates (provided
the same be moderate) as the buyer and seller may agree." As
hnen and other goods, " in regard of their close stowage and
small hazard, may be afforded at a cheap rate, we do advise all
men to be a rule to themselves, in keeping a good conscience,
assuring them, that if any man shall exceed the bounds of mod
eration, we shall punish him severely."
11. The congregation of Boston meet about pecuniary mat
ters. They contribute sixty pounds towards Cotton's house, he
having expended eighty pounds for it, and other charges, which
he declined to have reimbursed. They also contribute one hun
dred pounds towards his support and that of Wilson. On the
26th, the latter, by leave of his church, visits the people of
Agawam, afterwards Ipswich, to preach for them, because they
had no minister. While there, a great snow fell, December 4,
which delayed his return.

,„„, BENEFICENCE — REVIVAL — DISCIPLINE. 173
1633.] December. Among the many Indians to whom small-pox
proves mortal, are John, sagamore of Winisimet, and James,
sagamore of Saugus. The former, while sick, was brought, at
his own desire, among the Enghsh to be attended. He died in
hope of salvation. Continuing our information from Winthrop,
it ^proceeds as to the natives. " Divers of them in their sick
ness confessed that the Englishman's God was a good God ; that
if they recovered, they would serve him. It wrought much
with them, that when their own people forsook them, yet the
English came daily and ministered to them. Among others,
Mr. Maverick is worthy of perpetual remembrance. Himself,
his wife, and servants, went daily to them, ministered to their
necessities, and buried their dead, and took home many of their
children. So did others of the neighbors." Though Maverick
was strenuous for Episcopacy, against the wishes of the colo
nists, yet he harmonized with them in the noble work of philan
thropy. Active benevolence is so universally regarded as an in
dispensable attribute of the Supreme Being, that his revelation,
when presented to the heathen and accompanied towards them
with deeds of kindness, "seldom fails to gain their favorable consid
eration and confidence. The occasion was one in which Wilson
and Winthrop manifested their strong zeal for a great purpose
of their emigration, even the conversion of the aborigines.
" It pleased the Lord to give special testimony of his presence
in the church of Boston, after Mr. Cotton was called to office
there. More were converted and added to that church than to
all other churches in the Bay." From his accession to the close
of December, there were forty-three, including himself and wife,
of those so admitted, who had been members of other churches,
or recently professed religion. " Also, the Lord pleased greatly
to bless the practice of discipline, wherein he gave the pastor,
Mr. Wilson, a singular gift, to the great benefit of the church."
Such were the fruits on which the reformation, which our
fathers sought, could subsist. They must have strengthened
their hands and encouraged their hearts.
Notwithstanding the backwardness of multitudes to appear en
gaged in the best interests of their souls, and forwardness to ap
prove zeal in every other object of human enterprise, we shall be
convinced, in the future world, that Paul's course, after turning
to Christ, was the height of wisdom, and had the commenda
tion of all heaven. May the time soon come when the scales of
such delusion may fall from every understanding, and our whole
race seek first the kingdom of God.
"After much deliberation and serious advice, the Lord
directed the teacher, Mr. Cotton, to make it clear by the Scrip
ture, that the minister's maintenance, as well as all other charges
15*

174 MAINTENANCE OF MINISTERS.
(_-.V__.ASS.
of the church, should be defrayed out of a stock or treasury,
which was to be raised out of the weekly contribution, which
accordingly was agreed upon." This and other facts, as to each
congregation's supporting its preachers, show that the resolve
of the colonial company, February 10, 1630, to make their
common stock answerable for such charges, had been found im
practicable. So far from this kind of property's yielding
dividends, as calculated when it was subscribed, we have no
intimation that there were any. Most of the adventurers in it
appear to have risked their shares, not so much for temporal
profit, as for the advancement of a better Christianity. Though
the method of clerical support, proposed by Cotton, was for the
most part a popular one in New England for a considerable
period of years, yet, while continued, it was sometimes found
inadequate to answer its purpose, and demanded frequent efforts
for its accomplishment. It was based more on what men ought
to do than on what they would do. It drew from the covetous
too little, and burdened the liberal too much. Experience has
long proved that just assessments, backed by public sentiment
that it is wrong to refuse the payment of them, is the preferable
method, as human nature is, to support the ministrations of the
altar. December 27. At a session of the court, they consider a
treatise of Roger Williams, which he had sent them. He laid
it before the authorities of Plymouth while he resided there.
He maintained in it, that the settlers of this country had no
right, either by grant from the king or otherwise, to the soil
they occupied, except by purchase from the aborigines. On this
subject he had drawn up a letter, " not without the approbation
of some of the chief in New England, then tender also upon
this point before God, directed unto the king himself, humbly
acknowledging the evil of that part of the patent which re
spects donation of lands." With regard to the fitness of pur
chasing territory of the natives, there was no essential difference
between the views of Williams and those of the company for
Massachusetts. These, in 1629, as previously stated, forwarded
orders to Endicott for liquidating whatever equitable claims the
surviving Indians presented for the lands of their respective
tribes. There were three passages in the manuscript to. which
the court had serious objection. They follow. King James did
not state the truth in his patents, when he declared that he was
the first Christian prince who "discovered this land." He and
others Were chargeable with blasphemy for "calling Europe
Christendom or the Christian world." Three passages in rev
elation were applicable to the present King Charles. What
these were, the narrator, Winthrop, does not mention. How-

TREATISE OF WILLIAMS. 175
ever severe they may have been, they could not have been more
so than those quoted by others against that monarch when his
power was in the wane, and he about to finish his career on the
scaffold. Having consulted " some of the most judicious min
isters," who disapproved of such opinions as Williams advanced,
the court required him to appear before them at their next
session. Such were the critical relations sustained by the
colony to the authorities in England, and so calculated were his
positions to render them much more so, if unheeded by our
authorities, they felt themselves under an unpleasant necessity
of thus dealing with him.
Had Cromwell been in power, with his republican bias, at
this time, the sentiments of Williams would have passed with
approbation; but being uttered under one of the Stuarts, they
were marked as the expressions of rebellion. It has ever been
in accordance with the spirit of human policy, that principles,
under circumstances of one period, are accounted patriotism,
which, under the same circumstances of another, are denounced
as treason.
The governor wrote to Endicott, informing him what had
been done about this important matter, and advising him to urge
upon his friend Williams a speedy retraction. The former of
these Salem gentlemen sent back "a discreet answer." The
latter addressed the chief and other magistrates of the court in
an acceptable style, and remarked that he composed his treatise
for the satisfaction of Bradford and others of Plymouth, and
should not have submitted it to those of Massachusetts, had not
Governor Winthrop desired it, " withal offering his book, or any
part of it, to be burnt."
1634, January 24. The Court of Assistants, with Cotton and
Wilson, reconsider the offensive passages in the tractate of
Williams, who appears before them' and expresses himself to
their satisfaction. They agree that its positions are not so
objectionable as they had supposed. They conclude, that if
he make concessions or take an oath of allegiance to the king,
he shall be excused.
February 21. An order, which, in the view of our leading
reformists, is most unpropitious to the prosperity of our
colonies, and like a death warrant for the political and spiritual
privileges of Massachusetts, is passed by the archbishop and
other members of the council. Referring to the settlers of this
commonwealth, it holds language as follows : " Amongst whom
divers persons, knowne to be ill affected and discontented not
only with civil but ecclesiastical government here, are observed
to resort thither, whereby such confusion and distraction is
already growne there, especially in point of religion, as, beside

176 EMIGRATION FORBIDDEN. [Mass.
the ruin of said plantation, cannot but highly tend to the
scandall both of church and state here. And whereas it was
informed, that there are present divers ships in the River
Thames, ready to saile thither, fraighted with passengers and
provisions, it is ordered that stay should be forthwith made of
said ships untill further order from this board ; and that Mr.
Cradock, a chief adventurer in that plantation, now present
before the board, should be required to cause the letters
patents * for the said plantation to be brought to this board."
Here is a full exponent of the motives which swayed the digni
taries of England. Its spirit is, extermination to all liberty and
peace for every person who dares deny hierarchal correctness
and holiness. It exhibits their strongly prejudiced views of
our affairs, which, in the nature of new settlements, could not
have all the stability and regularity of older communities, and
which, however clogged with such inherent disadvantage, were
controlled, to say the least, with as much purity as existed in
any administration of the old world. It discovers little
sympathy for the sufferers, who, forced to abandon home and
kindred by the hardness of conformity, embarked for a refuge
of freedom, and for the hundreds already here, who suffered
for want of the supplies, which their distressed brethren wished
to bring them.
But worse than all for the asylum of the oppressed, it
demands back the charter, on which alone it can open its
portals to afflicted Puritans. It is a total drawback from the
recent encouragement which filled our population with gladness,
and our churches with thanksgiving, and which came to them
confirmed by a decision at Whitehall, that rebuked the accusa
tions of Gardiner, Morton, and Radcliff. It is enough, with
out the intrusions of morbid imagination, to fill the strongest
hearts of our fathers with deep anxiety, and to cover their hopes
of a successful issue to the many painful sacrifices which they
had offered, with the thick darkness of despondency. But
withdrawing from the reed-like support of human policy and
promises, they recline on the arm of Immutability, who often
says, in his ever-watchful providence, to the wrathful lashings
of abused authority, " Thus far, and no farther, shalt thou come."
Such a wise and dutiful preference is not in vain.
With respect to the same subject we have the words of Sir
* The royal charter here referred to is in the archives of Massachusetts. It is
beautifully written on several sheets of vellum, which are iu a good state of pres
ervation, except the first, that is some worn at the top. The wax seal of the
king, suffixed, has been diminished by the breakages of those who were more
curious than decorous. To prevent such cozenage, the document is kept in a
case with a glass front. On its last sheet the oath of Governor Cradock is
contained. Another is deposited in the Salem Athenaeum.

NEED OF ARRAIGNING WILLIAMS. 177
1634.]
Ferdinando Gorges, the great promoter of colonization in New
England, though with his constant aim and exertion to have it
accomplished under the influence and direction of Episcopacy.
Speaking of our emigrants, his language is, " Many wanted
not love to the honour of the king and happiness of their
native country ; however, they were mixt with those that had
the state of the established church government in such scorne
and contempt, as finding themselves in a country of liberty,
where tongues might speake without controule, many, fuller of
malice than reason, spared not to speake the worst that evill
affection could invent, insomuch that the distance of the place
could not impeach the transportation thereof to the eares of
those it most concerned, and who were bound in honour and
justice to vindicate the state."
Among the individuals to whom he refers, Roger Williams
most probably holds a prominent position. The treatise of the
latter is such as to be speedily reported in the mother country,
and bring out against our chief men the suspicion and dis
pleasure of friends to the national authorities. To escape a
result of this sort, or to weaken its effects on their colonial
interests, our rulers felt compelled to arraign him and discoun
tenance his opinions. The necessity of such action on their
part is sadly confirmed by the determination of the council in
London to prevent emigration to our coast and withdraw their
patents of territory and privilege, and thus sweep away every
vestige of civil and religious hberty, for which they had prayed,
toiled, and suffered.
March 4. Among the efforts of our fathers to suppress
immoralities, we have the following : " Ordered, that Robert
Coles, for drunkenness at Roxbury, shall be disfranchised, wear
about his neck, and so to hang upon his outward garment, a D,
made of red cloth and set upon white ; to continue this for a
year, and not to leave it off at any time when he comes amongst
company, under penalty of forty shillings for the first offence,
and five pounds the second, and after to be punished by the
court as they think meet ; also, he is to wear the D outwards,
and is enjoined to appear at the next General Court, and to con
tinue there till the court be ended."
7. A discussion, as Winthrop informs us, takes place at a
lecture in Boston, about women's wearing veils. Cotton, though
while in England of an opposite opinion, takes the ground that
wherever such a custom is not indicative of female subjection,
it does not come under apostolic command. Endicott maintains
the reverse of this position.
A spirit of jealousy had arisen between " Mr. James of Charles
town, and many of his people, so as Mr. Nowell and some
w

178 DEFENCE — OATH OF FIDELITY.

[Mass.

others, who had been dismissed from Boston, began to question
their fact of breaking from Boston; and it grew to such a prin
ciple of conscience among them, as the advice of the other
ministers was taken in it, who, after two meetings, could not.
agree about their continuance or return." Whether this diffi
culty came from preference to the religious privilege, greater
under the two ministers of Boston, than that under one of
Charlestown, or from a difference of views between the latter
and his people about the degree of separation from the national
church, we are not assured.
Richard Morris, being an ensign of the Boston company, had
applied to the magistrates for a discharge, which they granted.
The church, of which he was a member, considered this as a
relinquishment of his duty. He gives ear to their statement,
" confesses his fault," and receives the commission of lieu
tenant. In that day of extraordinary peril, by land and sea,
for the comparatively weak population of our country, Christians
here felt that to bear arms was an undoubted obligation.
April 1. The court order that every man, of or above
twenty years old, who has been or shall be a resident here
for six months, and not enfranchised, shall take an oath of
fidelity to the government. The obligation contains the follow
ing passage : " I will always endeavor to advance the peace
and welfare of this body politic. I will, to my best power and
means, seek to divert and prevent whatsoever may tend to the
ruin or damage thereof, and will give speedy notice [to
officers of the government] of any sedition, violence, treachery,
or other hurt or evil which I shall know, hear, or vehemently
suspect to be plotted' or intended against them, or any of them,
or against the said commonwealth." These words have special
signification. They are required and expressed in full view of
the decisive action taken by the council in London for the
utter prostration of all our colonial authority. Our rulers make
such requisition as one means to guard against domestic enemies,
to preserve their charter and its privileges.
Aware of their critical situation, and desirous to divide their
responsibility with a House of Deputies, who may be more
prominent before the public eye than all the freemen compos
ing the company, the Assistants agree that delegates from, the
" generalty," or people, who also desire the same, may be
united with them at the next General Court.
April 3. Interested specially for Ipswich, through his son,
one of its residents, the governor goes thither. As they had
no minister, the latter prophesies for them on the Sabbath. On
the 10th he returned. On the 20th, " John Coggeshall, dis
missed from the church of Roxbury to Boston, though he

1634.]

THE LAUDEAN COUNCIL. 179

was well known and approved of the church, yet was not received
but by confession of faith."
April 28. As the finishing blow of court policy to crush the ex
istence of Congregationalism, and liberty as its natural attendant,
in New England, the king dissolves the council for such territory,
and commissions another, more fully suited to carry out his pur
poses. "This new body are composed of Archbishop Laud and
ten others. Their commission, as in Hubbard, places all the col
onies which are, or may be here, in their hands ; allows them to
remove and appoint, with royal consent, the governors, judges,
and other officers, as they may see fit ; and, in fine, so commits
all the concerns of the country to their control, that, had their
power been equal to their authority, every consistent Puritan
would have been driven from the soil, and compelled to seek an
asylum in some other land. Cast on the troubled waves of
such perilous uncertainty, bitter indeed must have been the cup
of our fathers' affliction. As. a type of the bearing which so
fearful a document had on their church affairs, an extract from
it is here presented. " For relief and support of the clergy,
and the rule and cure of the souls of our people living
in those parts, and for consigning of convenient maintenance
unto them by tithes, oblations, and other profits accruing, ac
cording to your good discretion, with the advice of two or three
of our bishops, whom you shall think fit to call unto your con
sultations, touching the distribution of such maintenance unto
the clergy, and all other matters ecclesiastical, and to inflict
punishment upon all offenders or violators of the constitutions
and ordinances, either by imprisonment or other restraint, or by
loss of life or member, according as the quality of the offence
shall require."
The clerical denomination, for whom provision is so made,
had it gone into operation, would have been Episcopal. The
punishment is prepared for such as may have dissented from
them. The council are also authorized to establish ecclesiastical
as well as civil courts here and in other colonies, for trying any
case of complaint, and to compel those whom they count
offenders here to give attendance in England, or wherever they
shall order. Could they have complied with the license thus
granted them, not a few of our chief men would have been
forced to experience severities equal to those commanded by
decisions of the Star Chamber. To meet the contingencies of a
change so hard upon our non-conformist population, the council
are instructed to apply regulations " to new and growing evils and
perils." While the instrument thus constituting them the
guardians of our country is considered by supporters of the na
tional church as essential to secure the ruin of what they deem

180 EXPECTED TRIUMPH OF EPISCOPACY. [Mass.
ultraism here, the friends of Puritanism look on it as a virtual
inquisition to stop the mouth of inquiry and the action of reform.
May 1. From a letter, in Winthrop, of this date, written by
Thomas Morton to his intimate friend, William Jeffrey, we have
this extract : " The Massachusetts patent, by order of the council,
was brought in view ; the priviledge there granted well-scanned
upon, and at the council board, in public, and in presence of
Sir Richard Saltonstall and the rest, it was declared, for mani
fest abuses there discovered, to be void. The king hath reas-
sumed the whole business into his own hands, appointed a com
mittee of the board, and given order for a general governor of
the whole territory to be sent over. I now stay to return with
the governor, by whom all complaints shall have relief. So
that now Jonas, being set ashore, may safely cry, Repent, you
cruel separatists, repent; there are yet but forty days. The
king and council are really possessed of their preposterous
royality and irregular proceedings, and are incensed against
them ; and although they be so opposite to the Catholics axioms,
yet they will be compelled to perform them, or at leastwise,
suffer them to be put in practice to their sorrow. And as for
Ratcliffe, he was comforted by their lordships with the crop
ping of Mr. Winthrop's ears, which shows what opinion is held
amongst them of King Winthrop, with all his inventions and
his Amsterdam fantastical ordinances, his preachings, marriages,
and other abusive ceremonies, which do exemplify his detesta
tion to the church of England, and the contempt of his
majesty's authority and wholesome laws, which are and will be
established in those parts, invita Minerva."
This is the natural expression of triumph by a stanch Epis
copalian and a decided opponent of Massachusetts and Plym
outh, because they combined to expel him from the country.
It repeats the idea that royal power had made a clean sweep of
all guaranties for our political and religious privileges. It
shows that the accusers of our authorities expected free indul
gence to break down all the barriers which they had set up for
the defence of non-conformity. It denotes that strong dis
pleasure at the experiment of reform here had actuated the
executive government at home to take away every support of
its continuance. It points to the hard measure which would
have been meted to our principal supporters of the Puritan
cause had an opportunity presented, as almost every appearance
indicated it would be. But He, who, by a ministering angel,
struck off Peter's chains, took him from the guard, and brought
him out of prison, fixes his eye on the troubles of our ances
tors, and purposes to give them deliverance.
To carry out the royal purpose, promoted and sustained by

16„41 DIVISION OF THE COUNTRY. 181
Laud and his friends, in accordance with the plan previously
described, all the English settlements from St. Croix, eastward,
to Maryland, southward, are divided into twelve provinces, to be
under as many lieutenant governors, and these under one gen
eral governor. For the last officer, Sir Ferdinando Gorges is ap
pointed. The members of the former council for New England
proposed, on the surrender of their charter, to have a city erect
ed in some part of the territory, for the seat of the governor
general, with ten thousand acres of land adjacent, to support a
church therein and its clergymen.
On' the subject just spoken of by Morton the grandson of
Sh- Ferdinando Gorges gives the ensuing relation. The under
takers of Massachusetts " went on so prosperously, that . in a
short while after great numbers resorted of all sorts of people,
so that which he [Sir F. G.] had laboured to bring about before
with so much paines and so little successe, was now effected in
a high measure ; but the greatest inconvenience was, that this
country prooved a receptacle for divers sorts of sects and
schismes, which contemned the ecclesiastical government of this
kingdome, as it stood at that present ; whereupon it was ordered,
that none should be suffered to passe into New England, but
those that should take oaths of supremacy and allegiance, how
ever daily reports were still brought over of their continued op
position to the authority that was then in being, insomuch, that,
at last, my grandfather and some others were taxed as the authors
of all these disorders, to which he alleadged, that although he had
earnestly sought the planting of those parts, yet these things hap
pened much contrary to his expectation, which answer, though
it served for the present, yet it could not wipe away the jealousie
that was entertained of him, whereupon ; according as he was
advised, he moved those lords that were the chief actors in the
businesse, that they might resign their grand patent to the king,
and passe particular patents to themselves." Here we have a
representation, which appeared fair to the mind of the author,
prepossessed as it was in favor of regal supremacy in the
church. But it was very different to the perception of our
fathers, who called no man master, who looked to none but
Christ as the great head of the spiritual kingdom. While it
censures them as filling their respective settlements with secta
rian doctrines, they regarded these as the unadulterated teachings
of the Scriptures. While it accounted the influence of their
principles as a necessity for the rehnquishment of the New
England charter, and - the consequent subversion of their own
colonial privileges and existence, and subjection to all the pros
ecutions and afflictions endured by their brethren at home, they
considered these as the results of a fixed purpose with the court
16

182 ROYAL POLICY COUNTERACTED. .^^
party there to crush the cause of Puritanism in every portion
of their dominions. It gives a true version of the readiness
and exertions of Gorges to have the whole of North Virginia
colonized, and also of his great preference to have it done by
sons of Episcopacy, rather than by those withdrawn from its
protection and rewards.
May 14. The General Court assemble in the Boston meeting
house, under a new and important regulation. A House of Dep
uties, being all professors of religion, are united with the Assistants
of like character. This arises from a law of the colony, previ
ously noticed, which requires every person of the company to
be a church member. The sermon on this occasion is delivered
by Cotton. He takes the position that no magistrate should
be displaced from office without just cause. In the course of
this session, a committee are designated to receive from Win
throp an account of what he had out of the common stock.
The regulation of this property, though temporary, being a dis
tinctive feature in the affairs of the Massachusetts Company, in
dicates that the latter corporation is still preserved fresh in the
minds of our fathers, as a thing to continue as long as the char
ter on which it rests is retained.
The court adopt a new oath for freemen. By it these obli
gate themselves to obey the government of the commonwealth ;
to support it with their " person and estate ; " endeavor to pre
serve its " hberties and privileges ; " reveal all treasonable de
signs against it, which may come to their knowledge, to " lawful
authority ; " and when called to vote on any matter, " wherein
freemen are to deal," will give their suffrage as they shall
judge in their " own conscience may best conduce and tend to
the public weal of the body, without respect of persons or favor
of any man." In addition to this, the court agree that none
but they have power to choose and admit freemen, to establish
laws, to " elect and appoint officers, as governor, deputy govern
or, assistants, treasurer, secretary, captains, lieutenants, ensigns,
or to remove such upon misdemeanor, as also to set out duties
and powers of the said officers," and "to raise monies and
taxes, and to dispose of lands." Though no cause for these reg
ulations is assigned, yet they are evidently adopted to counteract
the plans and exertions of the court party in England, to draw
the colonists towards their wishes, and the imposition of a gen
eral governor and other officers, from abroad, over this and oth
er colonies of New England.
During election week six vessels arrive with passengers and
cattle. Though a fearful uncertainty hung over their liberties,
still the population must have been gladdened by such accessions.
Rev. Thomas Parker and his company of about one hundred,

COLONIAL PROSPERITY PREDICTED. IS1.
1634.] io°
from Wiltshire, with others of the late emigrants, settle at Ipswich.
He was son of Robert Parker, a noted Puritan divine, was born in
1595, and admitted to Magdalen College, Oxford, before his father
was exiled. After this occurrence, he went to Dublin, and con
tinued his studies under Dr. Usher. Thence he visited Leyden,
in Holland, where he was favored with the instructions of Dr.
Ames. ¦ At Franker, April 1, 1617, he received his A. M.
He afterwards returned to England, and continued his theologi
cal studies. He settled at Newbury, Berkshire, where he
preached as an assistant to Dr. Twiss, and also taught school.
To escape from the troubles of non-conformity, he came to cast
in his lot with the founders of our commonwealth.
Sewall, in his New Heavens, says of him, that he " was much
about this time preaching and proving, at Ipswich, that the pas
sengers came over on good grounds, and that God would multi
ply them, as he did the children of Israel." Such discourses
were pertinent to the spiritual consolation of those against
whose religious liberty a decree had proceeded from the throne,
and while nought but a convenient opportunity delayed the
practice of it from being followed with the prosecutions and af
flictions of alleged heresy and rebellion. Leaving Ipswich,
Parker and his company took up their abode at Quassacumcou,*
called Newbury. The river on which the place was situated
was named Parker in honor of him, as the first of them, accord
ing to tradition, who ascended it in a boat.
James Noyes was son of a learned minister and schoolmaster,
and his mother was sister to the distinguished Puritan, Robert
Parker. He had his birth at Cholderton, Wiltshire, in 1608,
and his education at Brazen Nose College, Oxford. After grad
uation, he assisted his cousin, Thomas Parker, in teaching a
school at Newbury, in Berkshire. Here he professed religion,
under the ministry of his colleague and Dr. Twiss. He after
wards became a preacher ; but subjected to trials, because indis
posed to comply with requisitions of the national church, he
embarked for our country. Before this, he married Sarah, the
eldest daughter of Joseph Brown, of Southampton. He accom
panied his cousin, Parker. They preached or expounded alter-
natelv in the forenoon and afternoon of every day, during the
whole voyage. For the first year after his landing here, Mr.
Noyes preached at Medford, and then he settled at Newbury,
with his relative, Parker. United in duties for the highest wel
fare of all with whom they were connected, they exhibied at
friendship remarkable for its faithfulness and constancy.
* The General Court records of Massachusetts have it Wessacumcou, (perhaps
the final letter of this word is n,) and Winthrop's Journal Quascacunquen.

184 DERIDERS OF RELIGION SLAIN. [x IiTM,
June. Among those who come to share in the experience of
our inhabitants is Nathaniel Ward. He was son of John Ward,
an Episcopal clergyman, and was born at Haverhill, in 1570.
His mother's name was Elizabeth. He received his A. M. at
Emanuel College, of Cambridge, 1603. He studied and prac
tised law. After this he traveled into Holland, Germany,
Prussia, and Denmark. While on this tour, he wrote, in 1618,
to his brother Samuel. At the University of Heidelberg he
became acquainted with the learned Pareus, who prevailed on
him to become a preacher. Returning home, he was ordained
at Standon, about twenty-seven miles from London. Simplici
ty's Defence states that he was a lecturer at St. Michael, on
Cornhill, of the same city. He was required to appear before
the bishop, December 12, 1631, on charge of non-conformity.
The day after he wrote to a friend that he was arraigned yester
day, and his trial was put off till the next term, and he remarked,
"I expect measure. hard enough." Henry Jessey stated, the
next January 9, that Mr. Ward was charged with rejecting the
ceremonies and Book of Common Prayer. Feeling obligated to
retain his opinion and practice, he was finally ejected from his
clerical office. He looked to this country as the land of prom
ise for those of his faith, though dark clouds hung over its priv
ileges. He embarked for it in April, and arrived as already
stated. He was called to labor at Ipswich.
Hull relates, under this year, " There was one Henry Bull
and his companions, in a vessel, derided the churches of Christ,
in our harbor, and when they came to Marblehead, in derision
acted the gathering of a church ; going to sea, were cast away
among savage Indians, by whom they were slain."

PLYMOUTH.
1632, June. About this date, some Frenchmen, under the
command of a Papist, as Bradford supposes, rob the trading
house of Plymouth undertakers, at Penobscot, of four or five
hundred pounds' worth of goods. It was a heavy loss to its
owners, whose Christian patience had been often tried by various
reductions of their property.
October 26. To strengthen the bonds of friendship, and thus
advance the great cause of religion in the country, Winthrop
and others reach Plymouth on a visit for several days. They
saw that tribulations for them were gathering in their father
land, and that they needed the consolation and strength of
Christian counsel to prepare them for the trial.

1633.]

DELIVERANCE FROM ENEMIES. 185

This year the friends of the first church at Plymouth are
fearful lest its light be extinguished. Many move to Duxbury
for purposes of farming, where they become a church. For
preventing a further diminution at the former place, as Brad
ford relates, "it is thought best to give out some farms to
special persons, that would promise to live at Plimouth, and
hke to be helpful to the church and commonwealth, and so
tye the lands to Plimouth, as farms for the same ; and there
they might keep the cattle, and tillage by servants, and retain
their dwellings here. So some lands are granted at a place
called Green's Harbour, where no allotments had been made."
1633, January 2. From apprehensions of invasion, the Plym
outh court pass the ensuing resolve : " Whereas our ancient
worke of fortification is decayed, and Christian wisdom teacheth
to depend upon God in the use of all good meanes for our safety,
it is agreed that a worke of fortification be made about said fort,
in March or Aprill, by the whole strength of men able to
labour in the colony."
April 7. A letter from Captain William Pierce, cast away at
Virginia, November 2, is received by the undertakers, who had
a large amount of peltry with him, which was actual loss.
Winthrop also lost, by the same wreck, nearly one hundred
pounds in beaver and fish. The epistle remarks,' " My whole
estate, for the most part, is taken away, and yours, in a great
measure, by this and your former losses, [by the French and
Mr. Allerton.] A happy loss if our' souls may gain. There is
yet more in the Lord Jehovah than ever we had in the world."
May. Bradford writes in his manuscript, " I will give
hint of God's providence in preventing the hurt that might
have come by Sir C. Gardiner's means and malice complying
with others. The intelligence I had by a letter from my much
honoured and beloved friend, Mr. John Winthrop, governor of
the Massachusetts." He then records this epistle, which, in
view of the propitious result, says, " We purpose to express in
a day of thanksgiving to our merciful God, (I doubt not but
you will consider if it be not fit for you to join in it,) who, as
he hath humbled us by his late corrections, so he hath lifted us
up by an abundant rejoicing in our deliverance out of so des
perate a danger ; so as that which our enemies built their hopes
upon to ruin us, he hath mercifully disposed to our great ad
vantage." Such was the language of worthies, fit to lead in
the founding of religious commonwealths. While diligent to
employ all the wise means of free agency for deliverance from
evil, their supreme trust for a blessing on their efforts was in
the arm of the Almighty
June 24. In a letter from James Sherley, merchant of Lon-
x 16*

186 BENEFIT OF PERSEVERANCE. [Pltm.
don, to Bradford and the other undertakers, we have this passage :
" I pray God to bless you, that you may discharge ..this great
and heavy burthen, which now lies on me for your sakes, and I
hope, in the end, for the good of you and many thousands more.
For had not you and we joined and continued together, New
England might have been scarce known ; I am persuaded not
so replenished with such honest English people as it now is.
The Lord increase and bless them." Here is Christian ex
perience which rejoices to bear cost and contumely for the
benefit of others in the present and future ages. Such a spirit,
being rightly cherished and exhibited, is sure to triumph soon
or late.
August 15. The answer of Massachusetts authorities to the
accusations of Sir Christopher Gardiner and others, now sent to
England, had been sanctioned by " the chief of Plimouth."
These felt that if the blow, intended for the former more than
themselves, should be effectual, it would maim, if not destroy,
the great purpose of their emigration.
This summer many are sick at Plymouth with a fever. Up
wards of twenty die. Some of these had come from Holland.
Bradford adds, " all which cause much* sadness and mourning
among us, [and move] us to humble ourselves and seek the Lord
by fasting and prayer, who was entreated of us." About the
close of this season, Dr. Fuller dies with the prevalent disease.
His will is proved October 28. According to the religious
practice. of his time, and long afterwards, he commenced such a
document with the words, " First of all, I bequeath my soul to
God, and my body to the earth, until the ressurrection."
While he earnestly and skilfully sought to relieve the colonists
of Plymouth and Massachusetts who were afflicted with
disease, his great exertion was to promote their spiritual benefit.
He was active to preserve them from the impositions of
hierarchy, but more so to have them blessed with the freedom
of holiness. A passage from Morton thus speaks : " He was
not only useful in his faculty, but otherwise, as he was a godly
man and served Christ in the office of a deacon for many years,
and forward to do good in his place, and was much missed after
God removed him out of this world."
October. To improve the resources of the colony, the princi
pal men had, the July preceding, unsuccessfully persuaded
those of Massachusetts to engage with them in occupying Con
necticut, and setting up there an establishment for traffic. Now
they undertake the project themselves. While pecuniary gain
is an object with them, the spread of spiritual influence is far
greater. Thus actuated, they despatch William Holmes and
others, by water, with materials for a trading house on the 25th.

4 , BRADFORD'S NOTE ON WILLIAMS. 187
After some resistance from the Dutch, he makes a settlement on
premises afterwards known as Windsor.
November. About this time, Williams goes from Plymouth.
Bradford makes the subsequent note of him : " He was a man
godly and zealous, having many precious parts, but very un
settled in judgment, came over first to the Massachusetts, but
upon some discontent, left that place and came to Plymouth,
where he was friendly entertained according to their ability,
and exercised his gifts amongst them ; and after some time was
admitted a member of the church, and his teaching well ap
proved for the benefit thereof. He, this year, fell into some
strange opinions, and from opinion to practice, which caused
some controversy between the church and him, and in the end
some discontent on his part, by occasion whereof he left them
something abruptly ; yet afterwards sued for his dismission to
the church of Salem, which was granted with some caution to
them concerning him ; but he soon fell into more things there,
both to their and the government's trouble and disturbance."
The cause for his removal is, as Hubbard informs us, that he
had broached his particular opinions, and the fear of Elder
Brewster " that he would run the same course of rigid Anabap-
tistry, which Mr. John Smith, the sebaptist of Amsterdam, had
done. Such as did adhere to him were also dismissed and re
moved with him, or not long after him, to Salem." Before
Bradford and other principal men, such opinions, regularly
drawn up by Williams, were laid for then consideration. Not
tolerated here, they met with no better reception with the au
thorities of Massachusetts.
1634, January 2. Having been chosen formerly deacon of the
church at Plymouth, John Doane, at the request of this body,
as well as his own, is " freed from the office of an Assistant in
the commonweale." This is another indication of a growing
dislike among the Congregationalists of New England to have
any immediate union between civil and ecclesiastical concerns,
through their church officers.
May 15. A letter of this date is addressed by the Massachu
setts court to that of Plymouth. It speaks of a sad occurrence,
in which two men lost their lives at Kennebec, where the latter
colony had a trading establishment. One of the killed, Moses
Talbot, belonged to their men, and the other, John Hocking,
to a pinnace's company, from New Hampshire, on a voyage of
traffic with Indians. It appears that John Alden, a magistrate,
was on the premises of such an event, and gave direction in the
matter. On his return he stopped at Boston, and was arrested
by request of a kinsman to Hocking, who was shot, for having
slain Talbot. The Massachusetts' authorities, in their commu-

188 THE COUNCIL DISAPPOINTED. [Me.
nication, ask those of Plymouth, if they will do justice in the
case, which properly belongs to their jurisdiction. Winthrop
remarks, " This we did that notice might be taken that we did
disavow the said action, which was much condemned of all
men, and which was feared would give occasion to the king 'to
send a general governor over, and besides, had brought us all
and the gospel under >a common reproach of cutting one
another's throats for beaver." The ground of this apprehen
sion was no idle imagination. Already had it been determined,
as before stated, by the executive at home, that a viceroy should
take charge of the colonies, and thus terminate their independ
ence as guarantied by patents. Every transaction of New
England, which could be construed as contrary to their religious
profession, and as favorable to violent disorder, was justly
feared by the rulers thereof, lest it would hasten on the catas
trophe of such a contemplated subversion of Congregationalism
and its liberties.

MAINE.

1632, February 29. The last territory granted by the council
for New England is the " Pemaqued patent." Its proprietors
are Robert Aldsworth and Gyles Elbridge, of Bristol. Accord
ing to the conditions on which the council held their patent of
New England, and on which they disposed of their soil to
others, they requested the proprietors of the preceding colonies
to have the advancement of religion as the main object of their
policy. As Episcopalians, they consistently preferred that such
care, so reasonable and essential to the success of new settle
ments, should be exercised under the forms of their own
church. This had been done, except at Kennebec, while in
the possession of Plymouth.
The mode in which the council partitioned the lands of Maine
was far from what they desired, anticipated, and intended.
Pressed by the progress of popular power in Parliament, they
were unable to accomplish their first plan for erecting colonies
here, with aristocratical grades and other appurtenances, conform
able to those of England, so that they might become strong advo
cates of the crosier and crown. Being assured, as Gorges indi
cates, how far short Massachusetts had come of their expectations,
by going over entirely to Congregationalism, and also driven to
the wall by opposition to their charter, they conclude to re
turn this instrument to the king, when suitable arrangements
can be made.

16ggi PAPISTS — ROBBERY — PIRACY. 189
A great reason why most of the early settlements in Maine
were relinquished after a short trial was, that the emigrants,
being members of the established church, were not liable to the
reproach, disesteem, and persecution which dissenters suffered
at home. Hence, while the latter had one of the strongest in
centives to remain in their newly-adopted residence, and buffet
the waves of affliction, the former were strangers to such influ
ence, and thus more easily yielded, and hastened back to native
land, kindred, and friends.
March 29. A treaty between England and France is signed
by the two commissioners, which restores to the latter kingdom
its American territories, and thus renders a large part of Maine
liable to invasion from its Catholic subjects, as it already had
been. Such a restoration is supposed to be brought about by
the queen of Charles, — a strong Papist, and sister to the
French king, — Laud, and Lord Treasurer Weston, who favor
the designs of Cardinal Richelieu.
June. The apprehensions of the English colonists as to the
restoration of Nova Scotia and other territory to the Papal
King of France, begins to be realized. The truck house of
Plymouth, at Penobscot, is visited by a vessel with some of his
subjects on board from the quarter so relinquished. Under
pretence of distress they are entertained hospitably. Taking
advantage of the confidence reposed in them, they surprised
the premises and property to the amount of five hundred pounds..
On departing, they said to the Englishmen, " Tell your master
to remember the Isle of Rhe," meaning the success of the
French at such a place about nine years before.
November. As an occasion of alarm to the people at the
eastward, are the proceedings of pirates, under Dixy Bull, who
rob the fort at Pemaquid, and commit other depredations. Such
outlaws are soon driven off by fear of the forces sent from
New Hampshire and Massachusetts against them. Bitter ex
perience taught them, that, however they ridiculed the religion
professed by the colonists, it would have been far better for
them, as a rule of action, even in reference to temporal good
alone, than the licentious principles of their adoption.
1633, December 6. The council in London agree to a
division of territory " lying on the north-east side of the
harbour and river of Piscataway," between Sir Ferdinando
Gorges and John Mason. These two proprietors, members of
the same body, though greatly discouraged by the persevering
and increasing opposition to the charter of the latter in Eng
land, still cherish their strong desire for having their respective
grants more extensively and thickly populated.

190 EXERTIONS FOR COLONIZATION. .^ R
1634. Being called to defend the New England Company against
various charges before the House of Commons, Sir Ferdinando
Gorges makes the subsequent remark : " I have spent twenty
thousand pounds of my estate, and thirty years, the whole flow
er of my life, in new discoveries and settlements upon a remote
continent, in the enlargement of my country's commerce and
dominions, and* in carrying civilization and Christianity into re
gions of savages." He cleared his associates from the complaint
of monopoly, and also of having enriched themselves, because
their disbursements far exceeded their income. As he had
turned his attention chiefly to Maine, and expended much of
Iris resources upon its settlements, what he has just remarked
relative to his exertions for American colonization has a special
bearing on this colony.
May 3. News reaches Boston that a deadly encounter, previ
ously noticed, had taken place between Plymouth men, at their
plantation for trade at Kennebec, and the company of a pinnace
from New Hampshire. Talbot, of the former, was killed by
Hockin, who commanded the latter, and he himself was imme
diately killed in retaliation. The chief cause of this event was,
that those having charge of the truck house considered Hockin
as an intruder on their limits, warned him to depart, and, be
cause he would not, sent three persons to cut his cables, whose
attempt to execute the order closed in the tragic result. Such
a disaster was deeply regretted by the principal colonists, as a re
proach to their professed purpose of promoting religious refor
mation, and an additional occasion for their opponents in Eng
land to charge them with fanatical inconsistency.
5. In a letter of Gorges and Mason to their agents, they
write, " Wee, with the consent of the rest of our partners,
have made a division of all our land lying on the north-east side
of the harbour and river of Piscataway." Francis Williams was
appointed governor of such divided territory, by its proprietors,
as Hubbard represents. The prospect of this new magistrate
was far from being unobscured, in both temporal and spiritual
concerns.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

1632, November. The colonists being alarmed by the assurance
that pirates, under Dixy Bull, had captured several boats and
robbed the fort of Pemaquid, Neal fits out four . small vessels,
with forty men, in order to take them. The authorities of

16341 PURCHASE BY LORD SAY, ETC. 191
Massachusetts cooperate, and send a bark with twenty more
hands. The expedition proceeds to the place of the piracy,
but finds the perpetrators escaped.
1633, March 25. Edward Howes, of London, writes to John
Winthrop, Jr., " There are honest men about to buye out the
Bristoll men's plantation in Pascataque and doe purpose to plant
there five hundred good people. C. Wiggen is the chiefs agent
therein." Soon after this, Bristol merchants, who had bought the Dover
and Swampscott patents of Edward Hilton in 1630, sell them
to Lord Say and others for twenty-one hundred and fifty pounds.
Massachusetts encouraged the last purchasers to buy them, " in
respect they feared some ill neighborhood from them." As
these new proprietors were of Puritan preferences and princi
ples, such a consideration must have been very welcome to the
Bay authorities, who naturally wished to be surrounded by those
who labored for the same great cause of reformation.
August 15. Neal sails with Graves from Boston to visit Eng
land, and confer with the company of his patent. Eight of his
people go with him.
October 10. The ship James arrives at Salem, in eight weeks
from Gravesend. She brings Governor Wiggin, formerly Wig-
gans, Rev. William Leveridge and about thirty passengers for
the jurisdiction of the former, as well as others for Massachu
setts and Virginia. Belknap informs us, that the people of Do
ver soon build a meeting house on the most eligible part of the
Neck, and that this edifice " was afterwards surrounded with
an entrenchment and flankarts."
Mr. Leveridge received his A. B. at Emanuel College, Cam
bridge, 1625, and his A. M. 1631. He comes from the port
of his arrival to preach at Dover. Here he continues his labors
till 1635, in which year, on the 9th of August, he unites with
the Boston church. Under May 6 of the same year, he has
leave from the Massachusetts court to transport corn for family
use to the place of his residence.
1634, May 3. Shortly before this, a rencontre takes place, as
before stated, at Kennebec River, between some of the upper
plantation and others of Plymouth. The former had gone
thither in a pinnace for purposes of traffic. The latter order
her commander, Hockin, to leave the premises, but he refuses.
They proceed to cut his cables. He kills Moses Talbot, one of
their number, and, in retaliation, is immediately killed himself.
This was a sad event for the individuals thus untimely cut off,
and also for the increase of prejudice against the colonists which
would occur on the report of it in England.

192 VISIT OF MIANTONOMO. __ _
[R. Is.

RHODE ISLAND.
1632, April 12. Governor Winthrop, as he relates, is re
quested by the Plymouth authorities to grant them a loan of
powder. By this means, the latter wished to be more prepared
to resist forces of Canonicus, who had attacked their trading
house at Sowams, so as to capture Massasoit, who had fled thith
er with his people for protection. These invaders, hearing that
then service was needed to encounter the Pequods, soon de
camped without effecting their purpose.
August. The "chief magistrate of the Bay receives a call from
Miantonomo with his large family, consisting of a squaw and
twelve sannups. While the sachem was with the governor at a
meeting, where a sermon was preached, three of the former's
children broke into a dwelling house. The father of these de
linquents, untutored in the gospel code, consented that they
should be whipped, and then he sent them home. But he and
the rest of his family went to the governor's house, and tarried
there till the evening. However painful to the parties con
cerned in requiring such punishment the scene may have been,
it is evident that the occasion was employed to honor Christian
worship and principle in presence of the sachem.

CONNECTICUT.
1632, March 19. Prompted by a desire like that of those
who founded Massachusetts to secure an asylum for the Puri
tans of England, oppressed by the measures of Bishop Laud,
several persons obtain a patent of Connecticut, as contained in
Trumbull, from the Earl of Warwick. This grant extends
one hundred and twenty miles on the sea coast, west of Narra-
gansett River, and thence to the " South Sea." Among the
grantees are William Viscount Say and Seal, Robert Lord
Brook, Richard Saltonstall, and John Humfrey, the two last
of whom hold a similar relation to Massachusetts. The subse
quently noted John Hampden is also of their number. During
this year, the Dutch, in order to secure their trade on the
Connecticut, set up the arms of their government at its mouth,
where Saybrook was afterwards situated.
1633, June 8. By order of Van Twiller, governor of New
Netherland, Jacob Van Curler purchases a tract of land for
their company, on this stream, at Suckiag, afterwards Hartford,

,„_. HOUSE OF GOOD HOPE. 193
1633.]
from the Pequod sachem, Wapyquart. The object of such a
purchase is for a trading establishment secured by a fort. Curler
immediately takes measures for its accomplishment. When the
post is sufficiently finished, he has two cannon placed there for
its defence, and calls it " The House of Good Hope."
July 12. Commissioners from Plymouth, Bradford and Wins
low, wait on the governor and Assistants at Boston, with a prop
osition for both colonies to set up a truck house in Connecticut,
to carry on a trade with the Indians for hemp and beaver. A
principal object of policy in the matter is to exclude the Dutch
from the premises. This people, though of the Protestant
faith, were less preferred, for near neighbors, than Englishmen,
who felt a deeper interest in the reformation, for which they
chiefly adventured their all. Still the Massachusetts authorities
make objections, and decline such an enterprise, while those of
Plymouth adhere to their purpose.
October 2. The bark Blessing returns from New Netherland
to Boston. Her captain relates conversation which he held with
Van Twiller, governor of that colony. The former showed the
charter for New England to the latter, as embracing Connecti
cut within its boundaries, and desired him not to occupy it as
intended. This appears to have been done by the advice of
Winthrop, because he owned the vessel, and Van Twiller, the
23d ult., addressed a respectful letter to him on the subject.
The communication observed that the States General had con
veyed the same territory to the West India Company, and wished
the English here to delay enforcing their claim to it until the
question should be settled by their respective governments.
The author of it remarked, he wondered that such a step had
not been taken before, so that, " as good neighbours, we might
live in- these heathenish countries."
Near this time, the Plymouth Company send William
Holmes and others in a vessel, with materials for a truck house
to plant on Connecticut River. Though stoutly threatened by
Dutchmen, who had lately occupied a position, afterwards
Hartford, which they bought of a Pequod chief, he passed up,
and sat down on the premises subsequently known as Windsor.
Expecting aggression from such opponents, and to prevent sur
prise from the natives, he has his' position fortified with palisa-
does. As a means of justly claiming the soil thus taken, the
company sent, with Holmes, several sachems of Connecticut,
who had been forced to flee before the Pequods, who readily
sold it to them.
25. The Dutch make a formal protest against the proceed
ings of Holmes, whose directors could have done the same
against theirs with equal propriety. They afterwards despatch
y 17

194 THREATENED HOSTILITIES. ,.„
[Conn.
seventy soldiers to eject him and his men from the country.
But he averred that, as he had a commission from the Plymouth
governor to defend his premises in the name of his sovereign,'
he should do it to the last extremity. Such decision closed, for
the present, the threatened hostihties. These events were very
unpropitious for religion among the Protestants concerned in
them and for its influence on Indians in their vicinity.
This year, John Oldham and three others, as Winthrop tells
us, go from the Bay, by land, to Connecticut. Here they are
kindly entertained by the sachems, who give him some beaver,
and show him hemp, which is of good quality, and grows
there in abundance.

CHAPTER VIII.
Massachusetts. Maryland emigrants. — Passengers and donations. — Encour
agement. — Charter demanded. — Delay to answer. — Earl of Warwick. —
Skelton dies — Thanksgiving. — Government of trade in London. — Benefactors.
— Fashions. — Winthrop's generosity. — Emigration. — Lothrop and Symmes
arrive. — Commission for the overthrow of the colony. — Stand of F. Gorges.
— Laud. — Scotch Puritans. — Resistance intended. — Scotch and Irish gen
tlemen. — Newton people. — Lectures. — Lothrop. — Mrs. Hutchinson. — Ad
vice for Wilson. — Colors deprived of their cross. — Eliot's apology. — Williams
revives his opinions. — Emigrants stopped in England. — Cotton. — Ordina
tion. — Lectures. — Baptism of a child presented by its grandfather. — Change
of names for months. — Feared detention. — Question of rejecting a general
governor, and having cross in colors. — America as Magog. — Council agree to
surrender their charter. — Division of their territory. — General governor. — Me
tropolis. — Church. — Clerical advice. — Stoughton's book. — Foreign vessels.
— Preparation for resistance. — Cross. — Neglect of worship. — Maverick put
under restraint. — Church discipline. — Lynn church. — Blackstone moves. —
Conditions of emigrating. — Accusations against Massachusetts. — Their rea
sons of action. — Council vote to give up their charter. — Alarm. — Laud and
other commissioners to control the country. — Williams arraigned. — Permit for
other plantations. — Allerton's expulsion. — Report on defacement of colors.
— Dealing with Endicott. — Question about the cross. — Fundamental laws
proposed. — Stoughton's writing. — Emigrants. — New England charter re
linquished. — Quo warranto against Massachusetts charter. — Ship intended to
bring the general governor. Plymouth. Conference about the collision at
Kennebec. — Lothrop's trials. — Accusation of Gorges. — Plymouth trading
place in Connecticut. — Ordination at Scituate. — Reyner succeeds Smith. —
Blackstone becomes an inhabitant. — Commission to Laud and others. Maine.
Surrender of New England charter. — Agamenticus. — Reply of La Tour. —
Patent of Gorges. New Hampshire. Mason's letter.— Communication
from Lords Say and Brook. — Patent of Mason. — Privileges. Rhode Island.
Mortality of natives. — Trade. — Williams negotiates for land in Narragan-
sett. Connecticut. Ravages of small pox. — Question about settlements
in Connecticut. — Pequods desire an alliance. — Plymouth traders threatened
by the Dutch. — Connecticut granted by the council. — Petition for emigration.
— Treaty with Connecticut Indians. — Leave to move hither. — Pieces of
ordnance granted settlers for defence. — Their journey.
MASSACHUSETTS.
1634, June. As a matter ominous of evil in the judgment
of most among our population, Winthrop mentions the settle
ment of Maryland, so named by the Queen of England, with
emigrants, many of whom were " Papists, and did set up mass
openly." C195>

196 ENCOURAGEMENT FOR THE COLONY. ..„
[Mass.
An indication of the extensive desire among the Puritans at
home for an abode here is evinced by the arrival of fourteen
vessels at Boston and one at Salem, this month, with passengers.
Among these are John Humfrey and his wife Susan, a sister to the
Earl of Lincoln. He had procured much money for the colony,
and the promise of various persons to pay certain sums annually
for the same purpose. Richard Andrews, afterwards mayor
of London, sent over with him sixteen heifers, then a valuable
present. Each of the ministers here is to have one, and the
rest are to be divided among the poor. Half of the increase
from those given to the former persons is to be reserved for
subsequent ministers. Humfrey brings over a donation of
" ordnance, muskets, and powder " for the colony. At this
point, Winthrop records several passages of important bearing.
"For godly people in England began now to apprehend a
special hand of God in raising this plantation, and their hearts
were generally stirred to come over."
Sympathy of this kind was like balm to the wounded spirits
of our ancestors. It confirmed their purpose to keep on their
chosen way, though forbidden by the highest of worldly policy,
and leave the end thereof to the Disposer of all events.
The same author proceeds. " It appeareth further, by many
private letters, that the departure of so many of the best, both
ministers and Christians, had bred sad thoughts in those behind
of the Lord's intentions in this work, and an apprehension of
some evil days to come upon England." He also furnishes an
answer to the inquiry, How could the hundreds of emigrants,
who had recently landed here, clear themselves from their
native land, when the council in London had positively laid an
embargo on the vessels which were to bring them ? He informs
us that the restriction was removed on petition of the com
manders, who were engaged in the fishery at Newfoundland,
and came to Massachusetts for supplies before they returned.
" Among others, we received letters from a godly preacher,
Mr. Levinston, a Scotchman in the north of Ireland, whereby
he signified that there were many good Christians in those parts
resolved to come hither, if they might receive satisfaction con
cerning some questions and propositions which they sent over.
Likewise Mr. Humfrey brought certain propositions from some
persons of great quality and estate, (and of special note for
piety,) whereby they discovered their intentions to join with us,
if they might receive satisfaction therein. " The latter proposals
were made by Lord Say and Seal and Lord Brook ; but they
were not answered till two years afterwards. The tenth of
them suggested that freeholders should be entitled to the civil
privileges of the company, without being members of any
church. This being opposed to the colonial constitution, which

DEMAND FOR THE CHARTER. 197
the principal inhabitants regarded as best suited to their religious
commonwealth, it meets with but little approbation. Of the
preceding Mr. Levmston, Hubbard remarks, " It is known that
himself and many of his friends were on their way hither, but
were forced back by extremity of weather ; and since, it ap-
peareth God had other work for him to do in his own country."
The letter which Cradock had been charged by the author
ities at home to send hither, demanding the surrender of
our charter, had come to hand. The governor and Assistants
considered this momentous requisition, and, while deciding to
acknowledge the receipt of such a communication, concluded
" not to return any answer or excuse to the council at that
time." They adopted this measure on the salvo, that the sub- '
ject could be only settled by the General Court, whose session
would be the next September. They were aware that delay of
this sort could not but offend Laud and his associates, who con
trolled the king. Still they ran the hazard of it, perceiving the
increase of favor to them from many of the best people in the
three kingdoms, and the growing dislike to regal power, as ex
ercised in political and religious affairs, augured a revolution,
for greater liberty, as at no great distance.
July. A communication is received by Winthrop from the
Earl of Warwick, who congratulates him on the advancement
of the colony, proffers his aid, and encourages perseverance in
its behalf. In the view of our fathers, his nobihty was thus
greatly ennobled.
August 2. The Rev. Samuel Skelton, of Salem, dies. He
leaves a son, Samuel, and three daughters. Johnson says of
him, " Skelton for Christ, did leave his native soil." Though
called to endure extraordinary trials for the cause of his divine
Master, he never faltered from the high duties of his mission.
His was the sublime satisfaction of having efficiently aided to
plant the tree of life, for the healing of multitudes in the wilds
of America. His aim and end were glorious, as God counts
glory. 20. Public thanksgiving, as appointed by the General Court,
is observed for the arrival of passengers this summer. Our
population had cause of special gratitude to God, that he had
so controlled the royal injunction for preventing emigration
hither, that it was suspended, and kindred spirits suffered to
come over and unite with them in their holy enterprise.
September 3. Under a session, begun at this date, the General
Court order a letter addressed to George Harwood and others in
England, members of the company for trade, and connected with
the colony here, entreating them to choose a treasurer " of this
plantation," as successor to the said Harwood. This fact is
17*

198 DONATIONS — COSTLY DRESS. ...
[Mass.
adduced to show, that though the general impression has been
long entertained, that when Winthrop came away from England,
all immediate connection. of our colony with others there, in a
public capacity, ceased, it is not correct, and that our authorities
were not so much isolated from influences and correspondence,
relative to their temporal and spiritual interests, on the other
side of the Atlantic as has been supposed.
The legislature also vote that letters of thanks be forwarded
to the Countess of Warwick, Messrs. Paynter, Wood, and other
benefactors to this commonwealth. Aid of this sort from the
mother kingdom, for building up the cause of religion in a new
country, is doubly precious to the receivers, in that it cheered
them in their despondency, and helped forward the enterprise
so dear to their hearts.
September 3. Fearful lest excessive desire for costly dress
and compliance with unstable fashions would tend to injure
the commonwealth, the court pass various restrictions upon such
inclinations. 4. Having submitted his account of disbursements for the
pubhc, by which it is evident that he had expended much more
of his own property than he had received, Winthrop makes the
ensuing remark : " It repenteth me not of my cost or labour
bestowed in the service of this commonwealth, but do heartily
bless the Lord God that he hath pleased to honour me so far as
to call for any thing he hath bestowed upon me for the service
of his church and people here, the prosperity whereof, and his
gracious acceptance, shall be an abundant recompense to me."
This is the genuine spirit of primitive Christianity. It accords
in language and principle with the dictates of infinite wisdom.
It differs widely from the most of state parlance in modern times,
which seems ashamed to use it, lest met with the charge of
weak-headed zeal. To the generous sacrifices of such founders
as its author is our commonwealth greatly indebted for its sur
vival when borne down with the heaviest difficulties.
One of the main questions before the court is, whether
Hooker and his people may properly leave this colony and
settle in Connecticut. After a discussion of much interest to
those concerned in it, the matter could not be decided princi
pally, on account of the magistrate's negative vote, which had
been allowed to preserve the balance of power between thenr
and the larger number of deputies, but which was soon
repealed. That more harmony might prevail on the subject,
a fast is kept the 18th, in all the congregations. A considera
ble number of church members in Dorchester and Watertown
cherish the same purpose of emigrating to Connecticut as those
of Newton did.

„.„,, COMMISSION FOR LAUD, ETC. 199
loo4.] September 18. Among two hundred passengers who arrive
about this time are the Rev. John Lothrop and Zechariah
Symmes. The former goes to Plymouth colony. The latter
was son of William Symmes, bom at Canterbury, April 5,
1599, and graduated at Emanuel College, Cambridge, 1620.
The next year he was chosen lecturer at St. Anthony or
Antholin's, in London. Having been harassed for his non-con
formity, he retreated to Dunstable, 1625, where he continued
his gospel labors. Still molested, he came to abide here, and,
if need be, to suffer with those of kindred views and motives.
As a great alleviation of his trials, he had the cooperation of
his wife, Sarah, whom Johnson describes as " indued by Christ
with graces fit for a wildernesse condition, her courage exceed
ing her stature, with much cheerfulnesse did undergoe all the
difficulties of these times of straites."
As a matter previously known to our authorities, and of the
utmost importance to their colonial interests, the document for
revolutionizing the whole polity of New England, so far as im
pressed with the stamp of Puritanism, arrives. Concerning it
we have the record of Winthrop. " There came over a copy of
the commission granted to two archbishops and ten * others of
the council, to regulate all plantations, and power given them,
or any five of them, to call in patents, to make laws, to raise
tythes and portions for ministers, to remove and punish govern-
ours, and to hear and determine all causes and inflict all punish
ments, even death itself. This being advised from our friends
to be intended specially for us, and that there were ships and
soldiers provided, given out as for carrying the new governour,
Captain Woodhouse, to Virginia, but suspected to be against
us, to compel us by force to receive a new governour and the
discipline of the church of England, and the laws of the com
missioners, occasioned the magistrates and deputies to hasten our
fortifications and to discover our minds each to other."
Here we have cause and effect of no ordinary character —
the resolve of the throne to crush the progress and very exist
ence of civil and religious liberty here, and the no less fixed
determination of our fathers to defend so precious a boon at
the hazard of encountering all the maritime force which Eng
land might send against them. The freemen of our soil had
endured too much from the hard restrictions of hierarchy to
come under them again without a struggle. While they felt
themselves bound, by the religion they professed, to commit ag
gression on none, they were equally conscious that compliance
# According to the commission in Hubbard's New England, page 264, there
are two archbishops and nine others, as signified on page 179 of this work.

DEFENCE FOR LIBERTIES. [Mass.
i its sacred teachings demanded them to protect their spirit-
heritage, though at the cost of perilous resistance to the
vn. This was indeed a momentous position for men situat-
,s they were. But they carefully scrutinized all its aspects,
ley were persuaded, in the light of revelation, and prayer-
f committed their cause to the God who " ruleth in the ar-
s of heaven and among the inhabitants of the earth." In
tion to this subject, Sir Joseph Williamson noted that Sir F.
ges insisted on the annulment of the charter of Massachu-
;, and said they " grew already troublesome, and usurping
he neighbouring planters." .Archbishop Laud endeavors to
3 universal conformity in the church, but is met with much
itance. The Scotch Puritans begin to entertain designs for
lging the government.
eptember 24. After the recess of a fortnight, the General
rt meet under circumstances of the utmost seriousness
responsibility. Before they commence business, Cotton
.ches to them from Haggai ii. 4, etc. He lays down " the
agth of the magistracy to be their authority ; of the people,
r liberty ; . and of the ministry, their purity ; and that the ul-
tte resolution ought to be in the whole body of the people,"
se duty and right are "to maintain their own liberties
nst any unjust violence." The last clause looked to more
l a common quarter. Its direction had already been distinctly
cated by the acts of defence for repelling the imposition of
its to carry out the dark details of the royal commission.
lS the means of enabling the colonists to prosecute such a
aose, they had recently received from Dr. Wilson, in Eng-
L, a valuable supply of ordnance and other stores. In ac-
lance with so remarkable a stand, the legislature, at this ses-
, assess an unusually large tax, take measures to fortify Cas-
[sland, Dorchester, and Charlestown ; to supply Saugus, Sa-
, and Ipswich with large guns in addition to what they had ;
for other similar and thorough preparation for a contest
ch requires stout hearts, and, as they believe, self-consecration
the altar of purity and piety.
'he same body order, on the 25th, that " the Scottish and Irish
ilemen who intend to come hither shall have liberty to settle
my place up Merrimack River not possessed by any."
se are probably the same persons of piety, previously re-
sd to, as desirous to unite in the noble work of securing
extending the gospel on American soil.
or accommodating the Newton people, who -were desired not
eave for Connecticut because of the perilous relation sus-
ed by Massachusetts to the mother country, and other con-
rations, Boston is allowed enlargement at Mount Wollaston
Rumney Marsh.

r,/._,, LECTURES — CROSS DEFACED. 201
[Ioo4. October 5. On the subject of religious lectures, Winthrop in
forms us, four of them " did spend too much time, and proved
over burdensome to the ministers and people." The former
of these, " with the advice of the magistrates and consent of
their congregations, did agree to reduce them to two days, viz.,
at Boston on Thursday, and at Newton the next Thursday ;
at Dorchester on Wednesday and Roxbury the following
Wednesday. Mr. Lothrop, being at Boston when the sacrament was to be
administered, desired, after the sermon, that he might be pres
ent, though not to partake with the church. The reason as
signed by him for not communing with them was, that he was
liable to self-deception, had a dismission from his former con
gregation or church, and he thought it not fit for him to join
another until after a proper time. Having a call to settle as pas
tor at Scituate, he went thither.
November 2. Mrs. Ann, wife of William Hutchinson, unites
with the Boston church. She was daughter of the Rev. Ed
ward Marbury, of Lincolnshire and London. The sentiments
she brought with her were to be the occasion of trouble Avhich
she little expected.
6. To his son John, who had lately embarked for England,
Winthrop writes, " Advise Mr. Wilson," who had gone thither,
" to keep close by all means, and make haste back." Such cau
tion was no doubt given lest Wilson should not be sufficiently
careful to avoid the officers, who were on the scent for non-con
formists. 7. A complaint is made to the Assistants, by Richard Brown,
of Watertown, and others, that the colors of Salem had appeared
without the cross. The court issue a warrant to apprehend
Richard Davenport, ensign, and others of the latter town, who
may have been concerned in such defacement. On this matter,
a transcript from Winthrop follows : " Much was made of this,
as fearing it would be taken as an act of rebellion in defacing
the king's colours, though the truth was, it was done upon this
opinion, that the red cross was given to the King of England
by the pope, as an ensign of victory, and so a superstitious thing,
and a relique of Antichrist." The interference of Brown in
this matter indicates that he still adhered to his favorable opin
ion of the Romish church for which he had been disciplined.
There is no wonder, considering the attitude of resistance in
which Massachusetts stood with regard to the royal commission
for the abrogation of all they held most dear, that there was
great anxiety lest the disfiguration of the national standard
should be construed as treason at home, and bring down on the
colonists the swifter execution of so desolating a decree. While,

202 . APOLOGIES— CASE OF WILLIAMS.
i.Vl A. S r>.
however, the people of Salem, and the inhabitants in general, had
no desire to retain the cross in their colors for any partiality to
their sovereign, it seems to have been taken away as an emblem
of Papacy. The dissenters here and in England fully believed,
from what they perceived in the court policy, that there was a
strong bias in the king, swayed by his queen, a zealous Catholic,
and in Laud and others of his chief supporters, to favor the
Romish faith and forms. Hence it was no strange occurrence,
whatever may have been thought of its expediency, that oppo
sition to so dangerous a tendency in both countries, showed it
self by displaying an ensign, deprived of the emblem, which, as
Congregationalists were persuaded, the Romanists worshipped
as an idol, and thus failed to trust in the Saviour of whom it
was only a type.
November 27. In view of the probability that exaggerated
accounts concerning the removal of the cross from the Salem
ensign might reach the ears of the new council for North Vir
ginia, the Assistants decide to forward a letter to Emanuel
Downing, a member of the company in England, stating the
facts as they were, so that, if occasion required, he might offer
a suitable apology.
Winthrop says of the communication, " Therein we ex
pressed our dislike of the thing and our purpose to punish the
offenders, yet with as much wariness as we might, being doubt
ful of the lawful use of the cross in an ensign, though we were
clear that fact, as concerning the manner, was very unlawful."
As Eliot had recently, while preaching, complained that the
Assistants did not consult the people when they made a treaty
with the Pequods, such authorities requested Cotton, Hooker,
and Weld to deal with him. On conversation with them, he
confessed that he had been mistaken on the subject, and he thus
retracted before his congregation the next Sabbath.
Informed that Williams did not abide by his agreement, but
had resumed public censures of the royal charter, of the colo
ny's holding their territory under such a tenure, and of the
churches in England as Antichrist, the Assistants notify him to
answer at the next court. An occurrence of this sort must
have been very trying to our rulers. They had recently for
warded to the mother country as favorable an explanation as
they could of the Salem colors* being defaced, so that prejudice
might not unjustly operate against the colony. Now they are
called to meet the renewal of Williams's opinions, who had, as
Hubbard affirms, " inspired some persons of great interest " in
his parish, " that the cross ought to be taken away," which, to
gether, could be no less than exceedingly offensive to the coun
cil for New England, and to the king himself, as a violent

H634 DISSENTERS FORBIDDEN TO EMIGRATE. 203
denial of his authority. Though they regretted to interfere
with the discourses of Williams, they knew that their neglect
to arraign him would increase the great danger of being com
pelled to defend their soil against the invasion of a fleet, com
missioned by the crown to force an arbitrary government over
all North Virginia.
December. Perceiving that Massachusetts had not returned
their charter as commanded, and that they were otherwise in
clined to maintain what they deemed their rights, and that Pu
ritanism here and in Plymouth, if allowed free course, would
raise a stronger barrier against the introduction of Episcopacy,
Laud and other commissioners for this country issue an order to
the warden of the Cinque Ports and other haven towns. This
document runs thus — that as great numbers had emigrated hith
er, among whom " there are many idle and refractory humours,
whose only end is to live as much as they can without the reach
of authority," none shall leave the realm for New England with
out certificates of having taken the oath of supremacy and alle
giance, and of being conformists with the discipline of the na
tional church. This is the second edition of the same purpose.
The former was suspended, as already mentioned. The latter
goes into immediate operation. It denotes that the court party
felt that they must bestir themselves to suppress the liberty ex
ercised here, or else it would soon get beyond their control.
Though it was rigidly enforced, so that open dissenters were
not allowed by law to have free egress from their sufferings, still
many came over under it, who had not seceded from the estab
lished church, but who, after their arrival, became useful Con-
gregationalists. 3. To a friend in England, who had written to him, Cotton
replies, giving reasons why he and Hooker felt obhgated to
come hither and be actively useful, instead of remaining in their
native land close prisoners.
6. Mr. Symmes and wife are admitted to the Charlestown
church. On the 22d, being fast day for the occasion, he is
elected and ordained their teacher.
11. "The lectures at Boston and Newton," as Winthrop
writes, " return again to the former course, because the weather
was many times so tedious as the people could not travel."
16. In a reply from the church of Boston to the Dorches
ter church, we have the following. The question is, whether
a grandfather, in full communion, may properly offer his grand
child, whose immediate parents are not professors of religion,
in baptism. The answer is, that he may do so, being cautioned
that he piously educate such a child, and that its parents do not
thereby neglect entering into covenant with God and his church.

204 RESISTANCE TO THE GENERAL GOVERNOR. g>
1635, January 13. In his journal, Winthrop begins to change
the name of the month, expressing this date as follows : eleventh
month 13, and thus continues with the other months in their
order. This, as previously remarked, is to discountenance a
Papal custom. Among the reasons why Boston church observe
a fast is, that their pastor and brethren, gone to England, are
likely " to be troubled and detained there." By the late order,
they, as dissenters, could have no permit to leave the kingdom.
19. All the clergymen of the colony, except Mr. Ward
of Ipswich, convene in Boston at the request of the governor
and Assistants. The occasion of this session, in one of its
bearings, is among the most important which ever came before
men. It is related in the words of Winthrop : " These two
questions. 1. What ought we to do if a general governor
should be sent out of England ? 2. Whether it be lawful for
us to carry the cross in our banners. In the first case, they all
agreed that if a general governor were sent, we ought not to
accept him, but defend our lawful possessions, (if we are able,)
otherwise to avoid or protract. For the matter of the cross
they were divided, and so deferred it to another meeting." The
former answer is very explicit. It shows the fixed purpose of
our leading colonists. They perceived that their reception of
the anticipated governor for the whole of New England would
destroy the political and ecclesiastical privileges of Massachu
setts and Plymouth, and bring the whole country under the strin
gent and persecuting policy of Archbishop Laud. Sooner than
be accessory to suicidal conduct of this kind, they chose to op
pose, at the hazard of life, the landing of such a royally com
missioned official, or, at least, if unable to cope with the arma
ment which may accompany him, to delay submission to him as
their ruler. They knew full well, that whatever course of this
dilemma they should ultimately adopt, it would expose them to
the still greater displeasure and severity of the court party,
if the latter should triumph in their crusade against the advo
cates and supporters of reformation. But let worst come to
worst, they were resolved, while committing themselves to the
guidance and protection of the Almighty, to preserve their com
monwealth, with its Puritan institutions, as their own abode, and
a refuge for the many in England who suffered for faith like
theirs, so long as they had mind to think and physical power
to resist.
The decision about the cross, while it was not so important as
the preceding, was less conclusive. Some of the congress,
though not large in number, yet of vital consequences in their
advice, approve the display of such a sign, and others think it
should be laid aside. Both parties are fully aware that its omis«

163g, PROPHECY— GOG AND MAGOG. 205
sion is calculated to bring on the colonists a charge of treason
against regal supremacy. Mr. Hooker appears, from his treatise
on the subject, to have maintained, with others, the lawfulness of
such an appendage to the banners. His language was, " Not that
I am a friend to the crosse as an idoll, or to any idollatry in it ;
yet I am not able to see the sinfulness of this banner in a civil use."
January 31. Mr. Mede, who considered America as the Ma
gog of St. John, sends Dr. Twiss his conjecture about this apoc
alyptical character, as well as Gog, in his millenarian prophecy.
The doctor replies to him, 2d of March, in the subsequent terms :
" Now I beseech you, let me know what your opinion is of our
English plantations in the new world. Heretofore I have
wondered, in my thoughts, at the providence of God concern
ing that world. Sometimes I have had such thoughts : why
may not that be the place of the New Jerusalem ? I pray,
shall our English there degenerate, and join themselves with
Gog and Magog ? We have heard lately, divers ways, that our
people there have no hope of the conversion of the natives.
And the very week after I received your last letter, I saw a let
ter written from New England, discoursing of an impossibility
of subsisting there, and seems to prefer the confession of God's
truth in any condition in Old England, rather than run over
to enjoy liberty there ; yea, and that the gospel is likely to
be more dear in New England than in Old ; and lastly, unless
they be exceedingly careful and God wonderfully merciful, they
are like to lose that life and zeal for God and his truth in New
England, which they enjoyed in Old ; as whereof they have
already woful experience, and many there feel it to their
¦smart." The representation here adduced by Dr. Twiss is dark
indeed. It is made under the greatest discouragements, in view
of the fact, that the strong arm of national power was lifted and
ready to prostrate all which could reconcile our fathers to their
hard lot in a strange land. Though intended as a correct de
scription, it is too deeply shaded, and thus led the doctor to
doubt his prophetical speculations more than facts authorized.
The reference made to this country as the one where the king
dom of Christ would be set up 'accords with the preaching of
Mr. Parker at Ipswich. With regard to the conversion of the
Indians, our ministers had not labored altogether without some
encouragement. They kept such duty continually in view, and,
though their success had been small, they looked to the Hearer
of prayer and Blesser of effort for light to shine upon their
prospect. February 3. In furtherance of the Laudian policy for sub
jecting the British dominions in America to the uncompromising
requisitions of hierarchy, the Plymouth council in England,
18

206 DIVISION OF NORTH VIRGINIA. sg_
being met at the house of Lord Gorges, agree to surrender their
charter to the crown. They do this provided that they are
allowed to distribute their territory among members of their
own body. According to their long premeditated plan, and
having divided the soil into twelve royal provinces, they draw
lots for each of them in presence of his majesty. The first ex
tends from St. Croix to Pemaquid, and is called the countf of
Canada, and assigned to the Earl of Sterling. The second,
from Pemaquid to Sagadahock. The third, from Kennebec to
Androscoggin. The fourth, from Sagadahock to Piscataqua.
The two last fall to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. The fifth, between
the Piscataqua and Naumkeag Rivers, with Masonia at the
mouth of the Sagadahock and the south half of the Isle of Shoals,
set off to Governor John Mason. The sixth, from Naumkeag
River around Cape Cod to Narragansett. Thus the two Puritan
colonies, which greatly disturbed the court party at home, are
united for the purposes of a jurisdiction which is intended to
blot from their face every line and iota of their religious free
dom. So merged, they are appropriated to the Marquis of Ham
ilton.* The seventh, from Narragansett to the half-way bound
between that country and the Connecticut River, and fifty miles
inland, for Lord Edward Gorges. The eighth, from said bound
to the Connecticut River, and fifty miles inland, for the Earl of
Carlisle. The ninth, from this river along the sea coast to the
Hudson, and thirty miles back. The tenth, immediately above
this division, between the two rivers, forming a parallelogram
of forty miles deep. The two last are set off to the Duke of
Lenox. The eleventh, from the west side of Hudson River
thirty miles into the country towards the fortieth degree, where
New England begins. The twelfth, bordering on and above the
latter section, thirty miles on the same river, and forty miles
into the land. The two last are for Lord Mulgrave.
The council speak of the " general governor, now presently to
be established by his majesty for the whole country," and the mode
of his successors being appointed. They state that provision is
made that five thousand acres, in each of the twelve provinces,
were reserved to quiet claims' for former grants to certain per
sons. They relate that "the lord of every one of these prov
inces was to send, the same year, ten men with the general gov
ernor, well provided." They propose " the building of a city
for the seat of government. ; unto which forty thousand acres
may be allotted, besides the division above mentioned," and
that, for the erection of such a metropolis, the proprietors of
* Chalmers and Trumbull assign to him the territory between the Narragansett
and Connecticut Rivers. But Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in his description of New
England, p. 44, 45, gives the bounds as here stated.

1635.]

REVOCATION OF THE CHARTER. 207

each province shall be at the expense of sending over ten men
with the same chief ruler. Further, ten thousand acres are
granted for a church and the support of its clergymen in the
contemplated city. Thus following out the details for the im
position of a feudal system on the whole land of North Vir
ginia, the council are fully sensible that the grants of the soil,
as issued from under their own hands, are- serious impediments
in their course. Hence, acting as though such assignments
made to the companies of Plymouth and Massachusetts had
been forfeited by adherence to religious reformation, and that
of the latter especially so, by refusing to give up their charter,
and as if the whole of them, by the intended change of legisla
tive administration, would be brought under the surer control
of hierarchy, the same body petition his majesty as follows :
" That the patent for the plantation of the Massachusetts Bay
may be revoked, and that all those who have any other grants
within any of- these provinces, whether they have planted or
not upon any part of the same, yet they shall enjoy their lands,
laying down their jura regalia, if they had any, and paying
some reasonable acknowledgment as freeholders to the lord of
the province of whom they are now to take new grants of their
said lands," except such of the former grants as may be consid
ered too large or deemed " to have been unlawfully obtained,"
which shall be reduced to fit bounds ; and whoever of the
grantees refuse compliance with these regulations, they shall lose
all title to their territory.
Thus, to the eye of human policy, the foundation of a new
empire in the west is laid on the ruins of Protestantism,
which denied the supremacy of the king and the authority of
his bishops. But in the. vision of Him whose knowledge grasps
all the events of eternity, whose might controls the boundless
works of his hand, whose wisdom often baffles the most sanguine
anticipations of oppression, it had been decreed far otherwise.
February 10. As a specimen of the extent to which clerical
opinion was regarded, the ensuing fact is adduced : The
.eleven men of Charlestown are desired by their constituents to
ask advice of the pastor and teacher in cases of conscience.
March 4. Mr. Hooker preaches before the General Court.
They call Mr. Israel Stought.on to an account for having written
a book which had occasioned them much trouble. He desires
of them " that the said book might forthwith be burnt, as being
weak and offensive." He seems to have taken the position in
this work, that " the Assistants were no magistrates." They
decide that he shall have no public office in the commonwealth
for three years. With increased fear that a new governor
would be brought to their shores, forcibly dissolve them, and

208 BOARD OF WAR APPOINTED. IM
[IVlASS.
carry out the design just explained, they pass the subsequent
order : No person shall visit any ship, without leave from some
Assistants, until she has been anchored twenty-four hours at
Nantasket, or some other harbor, near which are inhabitants,
nor then, unless it is evident that the vessel is manned by
friends, " under the pain of confiscation of all his estate, and
such further punishment as the court shall think meet to in
flict." They require that a beacon shall be set up on Sentry
Hill, in Boston, a watchman stationed there from April 1 to the
last of September. On the discovery of danger, the' beacon
shall be fired, an alarm given, also messengers presently sent by
that town where the danger is discovered to all other towns
within this jurisdiction.
To meet the emergency of circumstances caused by the dread
of a sudden invasion, they appoint a board of war.* These are
authorized to make every preparation for defence, to exercise
martial law, to confine persons suspected of treasonable pur
poses against the commonwealth, and even put such to death
as will not be subject to order. Suspecting some of the inhab
itants as favorable to the anticipated revolution in then govern
ment, they require all males, resident in the colony six months,
sixteen years old, and not enfranchised, to take an oath of
fidelity. Against this imposition of oaths Williams arrayed all
his influence, because he held it to be universally and always
wrong. They call Endicott to answer concerning the cross.
But as they are undecided " whether the ensigns should be laid
by in regard that many refused to follow them," the matter is de
ferred to the next session. The board of war require, " in the
mean time, that all the ensigns should be laid aside."
Informed that some persons neglect public worship on the
Sabbath, the court order each of such offenders to be impris
oned, or pay not above five shillings for one offence. Penalty
of this kind was subsequently increased.
The same authorities order Samuel Maverick and his family
to move from Noddle's Island and reside in Boston before the last
of next December ; to entertain no strangers longer than one
night without leave from some Assistant, on penalty of one hun
dred pounds. As he was a strenuous Episcopalian, it is very
probable that he was so put under restrictions from fear lest he
might have visitors for the purpose of promoting the introduction
of the appointed government of New England. The injunction,
as to his moving, was countermanded in the September session.
The court desire the churches to agree on a uniform mode of
* Governor Thomas Dudley, Deputy John Winthrop, Sen., John Humfrey,
John Haynes, John Endicott, William Coddington, William Pynchon, Increase
Nowell, Richard Bellingham, and Simon Bradstreet.

,„_ ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE. 209
1635.] ecclesiastical discipline in. accordance with the Scriptures, and
also to consider how far the magistrates are bound to interpose
for the preservation of siich discipline. This indicates, that
however continually expecting the subversion of their liberties,
they still looked well to their religious interests, as though
there was light to break from the dark cloud over them.
March 15. The churches are represented in a council at
Saugus. The question before them is relative to members of
Mr. Batchelor's church, who had withdrawn from communion,
because they disliked his proceedings and doubted whether they
were regularly organized. As they, did not send him an ac
count of their grievances when he requested, he moved to deal
with them. Having notice of this step while attending a lecture
in Boston, the ministers whom he and his friends had desired to
give them advice, but whom he wished to delay their visit till
the seceding brethren were disciplined, concluded to go imme
diately, with consent of their churches. They meet, as already
stated, and spend three days. Having heard both sides, they
conclude that, though the church there had not been properly
formed, " yet after consent and practice of a church estate had
supplied that defect. So all were reconciled."
About this time William Blackstone leaves Boston, and takes
up his residence at Pawtucket, six miles from what was after
wards known as Providence, and within the bounds of Plym
outh colony. As an Episcopal clergyman, he did not fully
sympathize with the requisitions of conformity in England,
nor with the practice of Congregationalism in the colonies,
Thus situated, he could not have been inclined to cast in his
lot with the people of Massachusetts in resistance to the pur
pose of the government at home for a radical change in
the civil and religious concerns of New England. To
have continued here, under these circumstances, would have
encumbered him with very serious difficulties. This is most
likely to have been the cause why he retired to a secluded
spot. April 8. As a specimen of the strictness and conditions of
emigration to this country, the ensuing transcript of this date is
given : " Theis parties hereunder mentioned are to be trans
ported to New England. They have taken the oath of alle
giance and supremacy, per certificate from the parish of St. Al-
phage." Other vouchers of this sort testified, that such passen
gers had been examined " of their conformity to the orders and
discipline of the church of England." Here is no permission
for the professed dissenter, who called none but Christ the head
of the church, to escape from the inflictions which awaited him
in every direction.
3 2 A 18*

210 ACCUSATIONS AGAINST THE COLONY.
[IVxASS.
April 25. The council for North Virginia, still preparing for the
return of their charter, give several reasons for such an intention.
Among them is, that Massachusetts occupied the patents of
Robert Gorges and others, and thus acted the part of intruders.
They not only enlarged their limits, "but wholly excluded
themselves from the public government of the council author
ized for those affairs, and made themselves a free people, and for
such hold of themselves at present, whereby they did rend in
pieces the first foundation of the building, and so framed unto
themselves both new laws and new conceits of matter of religion
and forms of ecclesiastical and temporal orders and government,
punishing divers that would not approve thereof, some by whip
ping and others by burning their houses over their heads, and
some by banishing, and for the like ; and all this partly under
other pretences, though for no other cause, save only to make
themselves absolute masters of the country and unconscionable
in their new laws."
These are the ex parte charges of men who weighed the mo
tives and actions of our ancestors in the balance of prejudice.
Taking it for granted that the polity of the national church was
law and gospel, they frowned on the plain platform of religion
adopted by the latter as far otherwise, and them as no ordinary
transgressors, for believing, choosing, and doing as they had.
But it was not so with these. They took an opposite view.
They felt impelled by the force of moral obligation to seek a
far country, where they might throw off more freely the cum
bersome trappings of hierarchy, as no less than the inheritance
of Papal corruption. Their authority from the throne for such
privilege did not require them to fall back on the secondary
rules of the council, who now accuse them of slighting their
wishes. With regard to the order for consuming the house of
Morton, as well as the one for pulling down that of Thomas
Gray, at Marble Harbor, they issued them to rid their jurisdiction
more effectually of two whom they judged to be dangerous and
rebellious subjects. As to the stripes of Ratcliffe, in times when
such a mode of punishment was very common, they considered
them as due to him for his insolent conduct. The banishing
of these and Gardiner they believed to be necessary for the
safety of their small and tottering commonwealth. They were
prompted by no blind impulse of cruelty. Had they been
strong enough to abstain from giving such examples of severity
as a terror to others similarly inclined, they would gladly have
adopted milder means to prevent public evil. But situated as
they were, they felt assured that to deal leniently with those
who denied, ridiculed, and trampled on their authority, was the
death warrant of their civil and religious institutions.

SURRENDER OF THE NEW ENGLAND CHARTER. 211
looo. J
The charge that our fathers meant to cut loose from allegiance
to the crown, let its policy be what it may, is not uncondi
tionally and fully correct. Like multitudes in their native land,
they were no disciples of non-resistance and passive obedience,
especially when oppression would force them to rob God of their
heartfelt attachment to his truth and service. Like them, they
were ready to sustain the course of the national government so
long as it secured to them their charter rights. Further than
this, in essential concerns, they resolved not to go. They
studied the document which came from the king's hand, and well
knew that it was granted with the express understanding, that
they were coming hither with their numerous sacrifices, to
establish a Puritan commonwealth, and that it empowered them
to enact and enforce laws for the preservation of its peace and the
promotion of its prosperity. They had already given proof, that
while these privileges were continued to them, they would be loyal,
but the moment they were threatened with invasion, even under
the sanction of the crown, they would vigorously prepare to de
fend them with all their means and might. Hence we perceive
that their plea was different from that of their accusers before
the throne.
The latter, in reference to the individuals who had suffered
from the hands of our rulers, continue their declaration — " So
as their complaints posting first to ourselves, that had no suffi
cient means to redress or give satisfaction to the persons ag
grieved, they were at last of necessity petitioners to his majesty,
who, pitying their cases, referred them to the lords to examine
the truths thereof, and to consider the means of reformation ;
who calling some of us to give account by what authority, or by
whose means, these people were sent over, and conceiving us to
be guilty thereof, we were called from our houses, far remote in
the country, at unseasonable times, to our great charge and
trouble ; but, as innocence is confident, so we easily made it ap
pear, that we had no share in the evils committed, and wholly
disclaimed the having any hand therein, humbly referring to
their lordships to do what might best sort with their wisdoms ;
who found matters in so desperate a case as that they saw a
necessity to take the whole business into their own hands, if
otherwise we could not undertake to rectify what was brought
to ruin. After all these troubles, and upon those considerations,
it is now resolved, that the patent shall be surrendered unto his
majesty, and that it may please his royal majesty to pass partic
ular Grants unto us of such proportions of lands as we have
mutually agreed upon and are recorded before in this book, that
so we having his majesty's grants of the same under a settled
government, may the more cheerfully proceed in planting of our

212 ALARM — OPPOSITION TO OATHS.
I IVxASS.
several provinces, and with a better courage and assurance prose
cute the same to a full settling of the state of those countries, and
dutiful obedience to all such as shall come unto us, to his majes
ty's laws and ordinances there to be established." While giv
ing a history of the causes which induced them to give up their
title of New England, the council confirm what has been re
peatedly noticed — even the purpose of the government at home
to have the whole of such relinquished territory brought under
their control ; equally stern and afflictive to colonial dissenters
from hierarchy, as it was in their own kingdom.
April 26. All the towns are alarmed with the report that two
large, strange ships are hovering on the coast. The governor
and Assistants meet in Boston, and despatch a shallop to Cape
Ann for ascertaining the truth. This was otherwise than the
previous representation. The vessels mentioned were small,
and belonged to friends. Such an excitement most probably
had its origin from the anxious expectation which the public
had, that they might be daily attacked by forces from London,
to impose upon them the general governor.
30. The Court of Assistants arraign Williams for preaching
against the administration of oaths to " unregenerated " men.
His objection is, that such an act was communion with impeni
tent persons in what was a form of worshiping God, and thus
inducing them to take his name in vain. He is examined on
the subject in presence of "all the ministers." With their im
pressions of such an obligation, as fitted to secure greater faith
fulness of the subject to government, especially in their very
critical relation to the crown, there is no wonder that our au
thorities feared that the opinion, if unrestrained, would have a
pernicious effect on the interests of the commonwealth. Endi
cott, the parishioner of Williams, had adopted views like those
of the latter on this topic ; but he yielded them to the argu
ments of such as were differently persuaded.
May 6. At a session of General Court, commencing at this
date, the inhabitants of Roxbury and Watertown have leave
to settle other plantations, provided they remain under the juris
diction of Massachusetts. This desire to retain the population,
though at a considerable distance, was to command as much
available force as possible to resist the introduction of the arbi
trary rule already appointed for the asylum of the oppressed.
As a means of more fully occupying the shore of the Merri
mack, and thus keeping it from encroachments of the Catholic
French at the eastward, as well as to comply with the wants of
emigrants, a 'plantation is allowed at Quassacumcou, or Newbury.
Isaac Allerton, having been ordered by the legislature to leave
Marblehead, makes over all his houses, buildings, and stages for

163_. CROSS IN ENSIGN DEFACED. 213-
fishery to his son-in-law, Moses Maverick. No other reason
can be assigned for his expulsion so likely as that of his adher
ence to the opinions of Williams, whose parish embraced the
precinct of his residence.
The report of a committee is made concerning the defacement
of the cross in the Salem colors by Endicott. It states that he
had acted in this manner without due authority ; that, while sus
pecting such a sign as the mark of idolatry, he should have
made exertion for its disuse in other plantations ; that he had
implicitly charged his associate magistrates with abetting false
rehgion, and had exposed the colony to the still greater dis
pleasure of the government in England. It therefore proposes
that lie be admonished and left out of public office for one year.
At the same time, it recommends him to the charitable consider
ation, that " he did it out of tenderness of conscience, and not
of any evil intention."
The document, thus presented, is complied with. Endicott
is reproved and omitted, by the freemen, for one year, from their
lists" of Assistants and military commissioners. While many of
the colonists entertained an opinion like his own about the
cross, he expressed his in the overt act of cutting it from the
standard, and therefore was made an example. State policy
rendered it needful for him thus to suffer in order to appease
the resentment of the court party in London, for such a seeming
denial of the royal supremacy. But for this, there is reason to
believe that he would have received applause rather than blame.
As evidence that the same body, while so dealing with him by
constraint for the sake of keeping the commonwealth from a far
greater evil, sympathized with him in his affliction, they place
him on a board of surveyors to run the line between Ipswich
and Newbury.
The question proposed, to the assembled freemen about "al
tering the cross in the ensign," is put over to their adjourned
session. A motion was made to exchange it for the red and
white rose, being a symbol of union between the houses of
York and Lancaster. It was recommended that endeavors be
made to " still their minds, who stood stiff for the cross," until
harmony should ensue concerning the matter. The ministers
had engaged to correspond with their friends in England for ad
visement on the controversy.
The independent influence of Congregationalism in our
churches is manifested by their members who constitute the
body of freemen. These advise that, seeing there were not
sufficient laws for direction of the Assistants, in various
cases which came before them for decision, and consequently too
much was left to their discretion, a committee be designated to

.214 CODE AS THE MAGNA CHARTA.
[-.MASS.
form a set of rules in resemblance to a magna charta, which,
" being allowed by some of the ministers and the General Court,
be received as fundamental laws." The work, written by Israel
Stoughton, which disparaged the power of the Assistants, and
for which he recently apologized, and was disqualified from sus
taining any public trust for three years, must have had an influ
ence to promote such a measure.
At the gathering of a church, this year, at Newbury, Mr.
Parker preaches a sermon, wherein, as one subsequently testi
fied, he maintains that the power of discipline belongs to the
whole church who should give evidence of piety. The dis
course being closed, the brethren enter into covenant, and choose
Mr. Parker for their pastor, who accepts their call, and joins
with them in covenant. On the same occasion, Mr. Noyes is
elected teacher. This was on the Sabbath^ " in the open air
under a tree." The Congregational mode, taught by Mr. Par
ker at the formation of this church, was afterwards varied to
conform with Presbyterian views, which produced long and un
happy discussion.
Thomas Bracey or Brucy is at Ipswich, and probably an as
sistant to Mr. Ward, in the ministry. Mather places him among
those who had been of this profession before coming to New
England, and assigns his place of residence at Branford, which
was settled 1644, and in Connecticut. He and his wife had
seats assigned to them, March 10, 1646—7, in the meeting house
of New Haven. The Nonconformists' Memorial, speaking of
one who bore his name, as of the ' ejected ministers, says that
" he was noted for a good preacher in the university, and after
wards about Westminster, where he preached privately among
his friends."
June 7. As an encouragement in the increase of their num
bers and resources for the defence of their liberties, our fathers
are favored with the arrival of sixteen ships, in six weeks, hav
ing passengers and live stock. Among them, so come to help
build up the cause of a better Christianity, is Peter Hobart.
As he is affirmed to have arrived the 8th, he may have been in
one of the ships which Winthrop says reached the mouth of
the bay the day before. He was son of Edward Hobart, and
born at Hingham, in England, in 1604. He took his A. B. in
1625, and his A. M. in 1629, at Magdalen College, Cambridge.
Unwilling to comply with the restrictions of prelacy, he sought
another field of gospel labor. He became freeman the year of
his arrival. He resided at first in Charlestown, where he was
admitted to the church 30th of August.
11. After protracted discussions and propositions, the council
for New England return their charter to the king. They do

,,,_„_ QUO WARRANTO ISSUED. 215
1635.J
this with the knowledge that he had empowered Laud and oth
er commissioners to bring the same territory under a regimen
which would be equally abhorrent to the advocate of ecclesias
tical reform in Boston or Plymouth as in London. The whole
plan was written inside and out, like the prophetic scroll, with
implicit woes against the religious freedom of our sires, whose
minds and hearts were deeply imbued with the self-denying
doctrines of inspiration.
June 13. Such a relinquishment is followed up with immediate
and continued proceedings of judicature. At the trinity term,
now commencing, as the plantation records in London state, a day
is appointed for the proprietors of our charter to appear and an
swer the accusations laid to their account. A quo warranto is
duly issued to render such notice seasonable and lawful.
Among the charges which this document brings against the pat
entees, is that they had kept "a constant councell in England,"
and another in Massachusetts.
16. By a communication from Lord Say and from the testi
mony of persons recently arrived, it is evident that a large ship
of war, intended to bring over the governor general for the des
ignated provinces and for the execution of the archbishop's pur
pose, was so injured in launching as to be unfit for service. It
was no fanaticism of the patriotic and pious Winthrop, which
prompted him, in view of the fact, thus to express himself:
" The Lord frustrated their design."

PLYMOUTH.
1634 July 9. Bradford and Winslow, with Smith, their pas
tor, visit Boston, relative to the unhappy collision at Kennebec.
They discuss the subject with Winthrop, Cotton, and Wilson.
The conclusion is, that, though Plymouth had a right, from pat
ent, to the traffic there, they regret that their servant killed
the other though in self-defence, and that less violent means
were not used to secure their claim, and they determine that
more peaceful deportment shall be practised. In accordance
with this conclusion, the governor of Massachusetts and Win
throp wrote an apology for the occurrence to the authorities of
England. About this date, Giles Saxton leaves his pastoral office at
Scituate, and goes to Boston. To avoid prosecutions for non
conformity, he crossed the ocean in 1630. The next year, he
was admitted freeman in the Bay. After relinquishing his

216 DUTCH SETTLERS — SCROOBY CHURCH.
charge, as already stated, he took passage for England. While
on the voyage, a storm overtook the vessel, and she was expected
to sink. Mr. Saxton said to those around him, " 0, who is
now for heaven 1 who is bound for heaven ? " When landed
on the soil of his fathers, he continued to dispense the doctrines
of grace. He was settled as minister of Leeds, Yorkshire.
Some have thought that, by a mistake in the Christian name, he
may have been the one reported as Peter Saxton, who took his
A. M. at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1603. He was " a
studious and a learned person ; a great Hebrician ; " and what
is far better, a diligent servant of Jesus Christ.
This year, the notes of Sir Joseph Williamson state, that Sir
Ferdinando Gorges charged New Plymouth with using influence
to have the Dutch settle on the Connecticut River, and that the
reason for such conduct was, the colony wished to retaliate on
the government of England, because they were prejudiced
against them, and that Edward Winslow, being there next
year, was, therefore, committed. The opposition made by
the Dutch to planters from Plymouth, located on that river,
indicates a very different inclination from what has been just
related, one which shows that this colony were far from
preferring the New Netherlanders for neighbors to any of
their people. The imprisonment of Winslow, as he described
the matter, was for his Puritanism and that of his fellow-colonists.
November 23. John Lothrop, having arrived September 18,
in the ship Griffin, with about thirty of his people, is dismissed
by the church of Plymouth, as he is purposing to become the
minister of another at Scituate. He had been educated at Ox
ford, and settled at Egerton, in Kent, as an Episcopal clergy
man. In 1624, he, having become a Congregationalist, suc
ceeded Henry Jacob in the Southwark church.* The latter
left his charge, at this time, for Virginia, where he died.
On April 29, 1632, Lothrop and sixty of his flock were assem
bled for worship in a private house. Forty-two of them were.
seized and imprisoned, and eighteen escaped. He remained so
confined over two years, during which time his wife died, and his
children were in distressed circumstances, and then he was re
leased on condition that he left the kingdom. The conformity
which thus severely exacted obedience from him made itself
far less conformable in his sight.
December 22. A letter had been sent to the governor of
Massachusetts, giving information that the Plymouth establish
ment of trade in Connecticut had been visited by an armed force
* This church is said by some to have been the first Congregational church in
England, but the Scrooby church, of the same denomination, was earlier.

,„., PERIL OF NEW ENGLAND CHURCHES. 217
1635.]from the Dutch on Hudson River ; but being prepared for de
fence, it is left unmolested.
1635, January 8. A church is formed at Scituate, and, 19, John
Lothrop ordained their pastor. A part of them are from Plym
outh church. When the Plymouth men went to settle at Scitu
ate, as Morton states, " Mr. Timothy Hatherly came out of Eng
land with his family, and seated himself there also, and several
other godly ones of other places, especially divers out of Kent
repaired thither. These all joined together, and became a com
fortable and exemplary church of God. The Lord sent unto
them that precious servant of his, Mr. John Laythrop, who
came to them out of great persecution."
March. Near this time, John Reyner begins to preach at
Plymouth. Shortly after the dismission of Mr. Smith, the next
year, he is ordained as his successor. He is supposed to have
emigrated from England shortly before he so renewed his labors
in this country. He had his A. B. from Magdalen College,
Cambridge, 1625. He escaped from the fiery trial for Puritan
ism, that he might more freely enjoy and promote its privileges.
About this date, William Blackstone, desirous to be free
from the anxious responsibilities arising from the perilous con
dition of Massachusetts, moved into the jurisdiction then claimed
by Plymouth, and took up his secluded abode on the east of
Pawtucket River.
In reference to a document of the last year, which was in
tended to seal the doom of our colonial liberties, Morton subse
quently furnishes us with the ensuing fact and remarks : He was
aware that through it the commissioners were appointed to rule
the chosen refuge of our ancestors, with all the severity from
which the latter had fled. " By the underworking of some en
emies to the churches of New England, the following commis
sion was procured of the king. What the reason was, that it
was not put into execution, I cannot learn. I have transcribed
it, that after ages may improve it, as an experiment of God's
goodness to this poor church at Plymouth, who, with other
churches in New England, was in as great danger to share in
drinking as deep of this bitter cup as any other, if the Lord
had not prevented it."

MAINE.

1634 April 28. The council surrender their charter to the
king, though the decree against it was never fully executed.
Thev had manifested a deeper interest in the prosperity of
3 2b 19

218 TRIALS OF THE COUNCIL. [Me.
Maine than in that of any other part of their jurisdiction in
New England. The last entry upon their records is in epice-
dian style. " We have been bereaved of friends ; oppressed with
losses, expenses, and troubles ; assailed before the privy council
again and again, with groundless charges, and weakened by the
French and other foes without and within the realm ; and what
remains is only a breathless carcase : we, therefore, now resign
the patent to the king, first reserving all grants by us made, and
all vested rights — a patent we have holden about fifteen years."
July. Still mindful of his colony at Agamenticus, Gorges
sent supplies to the people there, which arrive about this time.
Though selected for governor general of New England, he per
ceives that there is no certainty of his appointment's being carried
into operation, and his plans for the advancement of Episcopacy
through so large a jurisdiction's being executed.
November. A depredation is made by La Tour and his men
on an establishment of Isaac Allerton and others, at Machias.
Meeting with opposition, the assailants killed two of the guard,
captured the rest, with four or five hundred pounds in merchan
dise, and returned to Port Royal. Allerton soon took a voyage
to see La Tour and obtain satisfaction. The latter replied,
" My authority is from the King of France, who claims the
coast from Cape Sable to Cape Cod ; I wish the English to un
derstand, if they trade to the eastward of Pemaquid, I shall seize
them." Thus received, the former came back, without accom
plishing his purpose, to relate the substance of his conference.
1635, February 3. Having concluded to resign their charter
to the king, the Plymouth council in London assign their terri
tory to members of their own body. In such a division, Sir
Ferdinando Gorges has the tract from Kennebec to Piscataqua.
This change is intended to fall in with the purpose of the royal
party for retaining Maine under the influence of the national
church, and bringing the whole of North Virginia to sustain a
similar relation.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1634, July 10. A letter from Mason is received by Ambrose
Gibbons, accompanied with emigrants and provisions for the
estabhshment of two mills, under the direction of Henry Jos-
selyn. The writer regrets that their company, except Gorges
and himself, are disinclined to adventure more for strength
ening the colony. His language is, "I am sorrye in that
so good a busines (albeit hitherto it hath bene unprofitable)

1635.1

PEACEFUL POLICY— APPEAL. 219

should be subject to fall to the ground. Therefore I have
strayned myself to doe this at this present, and could have
wished that the rest would have joined." He mentions the
division between him and Gorges, with consent of the other
partners, as to territory on the north-east side and harbor of
Piscataqua. He adds, " I have disbursed a great deal of money
in your plantation, and never received one penny."
August 6. In reply to him, Gibbons speaks of Ms oppressive
service and his destitute condition. But he adds, " God's will
be done."
October 14. Under this date, Winthrop writes, " The Lords
Say and Brook wrote to the governor and Mr. Bellingham, that
howsoever they might have sent a man-of-war to beat down the
house at Kennebeck, for the death of Hockin, yet they thought
better to take another course, and therefore desired that some of
ours might be joined with Capt. Wiggin, then agent at Pascata-
quack, to see justice done." Such forbearance, on the part of
these noblemen, accorded with their friendliness to the cause of
the Puritans, and was very important in promoting a peaceable
adjustment with Plymouth, and thus preventing ground for
further accusations against New England before the council,
who had the administration of its affairs.
1635, April 22. In accordance with the division of their ter
ritory of New England, February 3, and with their policy to
have such country brought under a government favorable to
regal supremacy and hierarchal domination, the Plymouth coun
cil grant a patent * to John Mason, of his partition. This em
braces the area between Naumkeag and Piscataqua Rivers, sixty
miles into the country, with the south half of the Isles of
Shoals, which is to constitute New Hampshire. It also includes
ten thousand acres at the entrance of the Sagadahoc, south-east
part, with the islands on its seaboard, to be known as Masonia.
It grants him all the privileges of government over such terri
tory as the council had possessed, reserving the right of appeal
for all its inhabitants to proper authorities in England. It fur
ther requires him and his heirs and assigns to furnish " four
able men conveniently armed and arrayed for the warre to at
tend vpon the governor of New England, for the publick ser
vice of, within fourteen dayes after any warneing given."
* Before such a document was taken in the name of Mason, it was drawn a
few days previously, April 18, in the name of his brother, John Wollaston, citizen
and goldsmith of London. The king was to have one fifth of the gold and silver
mines, as usual, and the council " one peppercorn " annually.

220 REASONS AND OBJECTIONS AS TO COLONIZING.

RHODE ISLAND.
1634, January 20. Of the small-pox, which prevailed far
westward among the Indians, seven hundred of the Narragan
setts are stated to have died.
November 5. John Oldham arrived at Boston with a cargo of
five hundred bushels of corn from the Narragansetts. This and
the next year, Roger Williams negotiates* with Canonicus and
Miantinomo about lands for a plantation. He seems to have an
ticipated removal for his opinions, and to have made preparation
accordingly. Of the Narragansetts' inclination to part with
their territory, we have an instance, as mentioned by Prince,
under October of 1630, wherein a company from Massachusetts,
trading for corn, learned that Indians upon an island, which he
thinks was Rhode Island, would sell this place for a small sum.

CONNECTICUT.
1634, January 20. Winthrop informs us that Hall and two
more, who went to Connecticut, November 3, after being lost
and suffering much, return to- Massachusetts with a report that
the small-pox had spread far west among the Indians, and that
so many of them had died, that they had no disposition for
traffic. September 4. The question previously agitated respecting
the removal of Hooker and his church from Newton to Connec
ticut, comes before the General Court of Massachusetts, as a
matter of superior importance. For the accomplishing of such
a purpose, six of his people come hither, in July, to find a fit
location. Reasons for their change of abode are, that they have
not land enough for their cattle, and consequently are deficient
in means to support their ministers, and unable to accommodate
any more of their friends, who may emigrate to them ; that the
place to which they propose to move is convenient and pro
ductive, and in danger of being occupied by others, either of
Dutch or English ; and that they are very desirous to live in
this quarter. Objections to these arguments are, that they are
bound by their oath to seek the good of the commonwealth
where they live ; that, in view of state pohcy, they should not
withdraw, because Massachusetts is weak and " in danger to be
* See his deed to Providence, in 1661.

16g51 TREATY WITH THE PEQUOTS. 221
assailed ; " such a departure would not only take away many
from them, but also turn aside those who would otherwise come
to them ; that Hooker's company, if settling here, would be in
peril from the Dutch, Indians, and the authorities at home, who
would not suffer them to occupy territory without a royal pat
ent ; that they had opportunity to be accommodated with more
land in the jurisdiction where they dwelt, and that " the remov
ing of a candlestick is a great judgment, which ought to be
avoided." Being unable to agree on this matter, the court ad
journ to the 24th. Prior to their separation, they order the
land of Boston about Muddy River to be for the use of Newton
people, if they do not move away. Having met as agreed on,
they conclude that such change of residence should not take
place, and they who wished to make it accept the enlargement
of their bounds, as made by Boston and Watertown.
November 6. The Pequots have agents at Boston treating
with the authorities for an alliance, because they have war with
the Narragansetts and with the Dutch.
December 22. The Plymouth trading establishment had been
recently visited by a hostile party of Dutch from Hudson River,
but showing itself prepared for defence, it is left unharmed.
1635, February 3. As a portion of New England, intended
to be under the jurisdiction of a general governor, and subject
to the orders of Laud and other commissioners, Connecticut is
lotted * out to meet such an arrangement.
While a settlement on this soil is liable to so disastrous a
change, the emigrants in Massachusetts, who had sought for it,
still cherish a wish to make the trial. Accordingly they renew
their petition to the General Court.
March 12. Winthrop is represented by Morton as writing the.
subsequent facts to the governor of Plymouth, relative to the
treaty made with Connecticut Indians the preceding November :
" To let you know something of our affairs, you may understand
that the Pequots have sent some of theirs to us, to desire our
friendship, and offered much wampam and beaver, etc. The
first messengers were dismissed without answer ; with the next
we had divers dayes conference ; and taking advice of some of
our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace
and friendship with them, upon these conditions — that they
should deliver up to us those men who were guilty of Stone's
* Trumbull states, that this division, from Narragansett to Connecticut River,
was granted, April 20, 1635, by the New England council, to the Marquis of
Hamilton, 'sir Ferdinando Gorges (Description of New England, pp. 44, 45)
represents that such territory, the preceding February 3, fell within the assign
ments of Lord Edward Gorges and the Earl of Carlisle, and that its bounds, be
yond the Connecticut River, came within the soil appropriated to the Duke of
Lenox. ^

222 PLANTERS — RELIGIOUS DEPORTMENT. [OONN.
death, etc., and if we desired to plant in Connecticut, they
should give up their right to us, and we would send to trade
with them as our friends, which was the chief thing we aimed
at, they being now in war with the Dutch and the rest of their
neighbours. To this they readily agreed, and that we should
mediate a peace between them and the Narrhagansetts."
May 6. In the session commencing now, individuals who had
petitioned the Bay authorities for leave to occupy this soil are
granted the privilege, if they continue under their jurisdiction.
In view of their exposure to compulsory efforts from the Dutch,
who claim the land, and attacks of Indians, who may become
hostile towards them, the authorities of that colony, under 3d
of June, pass the subsequent order : " Three pieces are granted
to the plantations that shall remove to Connecticut, to fortify
themselves." Such encouragement seems to have been given
according to a treaty of the Bay authorities with the Pequots,
the year before, who conceded their right of soil in this state,
to the former, so far as they should need it for their settlers.
This summer, as Trumbull states, a company of about one hun
dred men, with women and children, mostly from Dorchester, with
a few from Newton and Watertown, set out for a residence here.
After a difficult journey of fourteen days, they reach Mettaneug,
afterwards Windsor. Still cherishing the sentiments of piety
which brought them from their native land, they are actuated
mainly with the wish to spread the blessings of their religion
wherever they dwell. On their way, they are careful to worship
God, in whom they trust for protection. In this service, they
sing psalms and hymns, which attract the attention of Indians,
who " looked on with silent admiration."
Influenced by similar motives, people from Watertown grad
ually depart, and form a settlement at Pyquag, or Wethersfield.
They put up a few huts, in which several men lived through
the winter. Those at Newton prepare for emigration, the next
spring, to Suckiaug, or Hartford.

CHAPTER IX.
Massachusetts. Weymouth and Hingham settled. — Charges against Williams
and his supporters. — Salem offended. — Letters for admonition. — Shipwreck
of Avery and Thacher. — Williams withdraws fellowship from his church. —
Richard Mather. — Visit of Gorges. — Maud, Fower, and Burdet. — Salem
deputies. — Restraint on Maverick taken off. — Bulkley and others have a grant
of Concord. — Fortifications. — Ordination at Hingham. — Peters. — Shepard'S
interview with Laud. — Jones. — Flint. — Carter. — Walton. — Vane. —
Friends of New England. — Smith excluded. — Williams arraigned. — Order
for his banishment. — Reasons for this measure. — Cotton's views. — Notice to
Elder Sharp. — Apology of Salem church. — Reception of inhabitants. — Cot
ton's change of opinions. — Process against the charter. — Ordination. — Vane
1 joins Boston church. — Dr. Pratt called to an account. — Care of Boston to ex
clude bad inhabitants and prevent litigation. — Abundant immigration. — Inten
tion to send Williams to England, but he bad escaped. — J. Q. Adams's opinion.
— Peters. — Decision of Batchelor's difficulty. — Deliberation as to the mode
of government. — Church formed at Newton. — The number essential to con
stitute a church. — Decease of Mr. Maverick and Mrs. Shepard. — Wish of
dissenters. — Fast proposed by the churches. — More stringent administration.
— Legislative grant to Shepard. — Cross for ensigns. — Council for life. — Or
ders for the promotion of public good. — James leaves his people. — Norton.
— Objections to gathering a church at Dorchester. — Shepard's letter. — Roy
al purpose. — Questions of Salem church. Plymouth. Profanity. — Propo
sal to recover Penobscot trading plantation. — Winslow's imprisonment in
London. — Account of Norton. — Connecticut land. Maine. Reproach. —
Aggression of the French. — Desire for the help of Massachusetts. — Gorges'
plan. — General Court at Saco. New Hampshire. Mr. Leveridge leaves
Dover. — Mason dies. — Hampton plantation. — Vaughan's letter. Rhode
Island. Mr. Williams escapes to Seekonk. — His friends. — Advice of Win
throp. — Letter of Sir William Martin. Connecticut. Immigrants arrive.
— Complaint. — Claims of Plymouth and the Dutch. — Massachusetts appoints
a constable for the settlements. — Winthrop, Jr.'s commission. — Vane's instruc
tions. — Defence. — Colonists suffer. — Settlers for the mouth of Connecticut
River. — Men cast away. — Scarcity of food. — Immigrants. — Davenport. —
Inhabitants return to the Bay. — Massachusetts legislature appoint rulers for
the plantations. — Members of Dorchester church come hither. — Loss of prop
erty. — Roxbury company. — Orders of commissioners as to sale of arms, and
a church of members from Watertown. — Higginson preaches at Saybrook.
MASSACHUSETTS.
1635, July 8. Twenty-one families are allowed to settle at
Wessaguscus, called Weymouth. They are accompanied by a
minister, Joseph Hull. He appears to have continued with
(223)

224 EXCLUSION FROM THE COLONY.
them until May 5, 1639, when the journal of Hobart remarks,
" Mr. Hull gave his farewell sermon." After this he continued
his ministerial labors in different places. Bear's Cove, or Hing
ham, is mentioned on the General Court records, as an organized
town. It was settled by persons from Hingham, and places ad
jacent, in England, some of whom are supposed to have been
located there as early as 1633. Thus another attempt was made
for a permanent tenancy of these premises. Its basis was reli
gious reformation, as sanctioned by the gospel, and therefore it
prospered. Thirteen years before, Weston's company occupied
the spot. A main object with them was to rival Plymouth in
trade, prevent the spread of their Puritan influence, and build
up the cause of Episcopacy. Their motive was not sufficiently
strong to preserve their union and insure their success, and
' therefore they failed in their purpose.
Mr. Williams is again tried by the General Court. The rest
of the ministers are in attendance. The charges against him
and members of his church are contained in a letter of admo
nition sent by the Boston church, and preserved in Morton's
Memorial. Though part of them have been previously named,
still it is thought best to have the whole presented here. The
communication follows : " Errors in doctrine maintained by
some of the brethren of the church of Salem, tending to the
disturbance of religion and peace, in family, church, and com
monwealth, viz. : 1. That it is not lawful to call upon an unre
generate man to pray for himself ; 2. for a regenerate man to
pray with his carnal family ; 3. for magistrates to take an oath
of fidelity from unregenerate men ; 4. for magistrates to take
an oath of fidelity from the body of their subjects, though re
generate and members of churches ; 5. to punish the breaches
of the first table, unless thereby the civil peace of the common
wealth be disturbed." Winthrop informs us, that, in addition
to these, Williams maintained that thanks should not be ren
dered " after the sacrament, nor after meat ; " and that while the
other churches were on the point of requesting the Salem
church to admonish him for such speculations, the latter invited
him to become their teacher. During the investigation, there
is much debate, in which Hooker takes a prominent part. The
magistrates and ministers decide that such opinions are wrong
and dangerous, and the calling of Williams to office is " a great
contempt of authority." As requested by the court, the minis
ters give their judgment, that whoever persists in uttering such
doctrines, " whereby a church might run into heresy, apostasy,
or tyranny, and yet the civil magistrate could not intermeddle,"
should be excluded from the jurisdiction, and the other churches
should desire the magistrates thus to exercise their power.

DISCIPLINE OF LEGISLATORS. 225
1635.] °
Cotton Mather relates, that the court intended to act against
Williams immediately, but that the elders advised a delay, so
that their churches might persuade the Salem church to use ap
propriate means for the reform of their minister. Though Gov
ernor Haynes thought that such a step would be ineffectual as
to Williams, still the suggestion was allowed.
July 12. Salem, as Winthrop says, was denied a confirma
tion of land at Marblehead Neck, by the last General Court,
because the church of that town had called Williams to be their
teacher, "while he stood under question of authority." The
members of this church, believing that they were thus unjustly
dealt with, sent letters to the other churches, requesting them to
admonish their members who belonged to the legislature.
Such division in the colony was injurious to its spiritual prog
ress, and a source of alarm to its best supporters.
August 15. As several families, consisting of twenty-three
souls, are passing in a vessel near Cape Ann, they are cast away
in a violent storm. They are from Newbury, bound to Marble
Harbor, where they intended to aid in the formation of a church.
Among them is John Avery, who was to be their minister, and
Anthony Thacher, his cousin. Except the latter and his wife
Mary, they are all lost. This couple, while bereft of their chil
dren, are remarkably enabled to reach an island, since called
Thacher's Woe. Their arrival to our shores was probably in 1634.
He had been a curate * to Peter Thacher, probably his brother,
of New Sarum, an exemplary Puritan. He was there April
27, 1634, when his son Benjamin was baptized. His coming to
dwell with our people is an indication that his Puritanism had
taken the form of secession. The epitaphs of. Alden show that,
after the shipwreck, he had two sons, Judah and John, and that
he died, aged thirty, at Yarmouth, in Plymouth colony. Avery
arrived the last year, from Wiltshire, to help sustain the exper
iment of a religious commonwealth. He was loath to leave his
residence at Newbury ; but persuaded by the elders and magis
trates he consented. The reason assigned for this choice was,
that the men of Marble Harbor were principally engaged in the
fishery, and needed the ministrations of the gospel on the prem
ises. Actuated by the desire to comply with such a call, he is
lost, with his wife and eight children. The place where he per
ished received the appellation of Avery's Fall. The names for
the location of his sufferings and for that of his relative's' are fa
miliar to our navigators, and often suggest the mournful associa
tions whence they are derived. The last expressions heard from
the mouth of Avery, amid the perils of shipwreck, were, " I can
* Vol. x. of 3d series, p. 137, of Massachusetts Historical Collections.
2c

226 NON- COMMUNION — VISIT OF GORGES. ..
lay no claim to deliverance from this danger ; but through the
satisfaction of Christ, 1 can lay claim to heaven. This, Lord,
I entreat of thee."
Unable to address his church verbally, Williams writes them
that he shall withdraw communion from the churches of the
Bay, or Boston and vicinity, and also from them, unless they
cooperate with him in such a step. But a majority of these de
cline to sustain this measure, and the opinions for which they
and he had been already admonished by other churches. As a
a result, he complied with his declaration to the very letter.
He absented himself from the Salem congregation, and would
not unite in religious service with any who joined in their wor
ship, insomuch, as Hubbard says, " he would not pray nor give
thanks at meals with his own wife, nor any of his family, be
cause they went to the church assemblies."
Among the various reasons for his singular stand, Williams,
as Cotton asserts, " suspected all the status conventus of the
elders to bee unwarrantable, and such as might, in time, make
way to a Presbyteriall government."
August 17. Richard Mather, according to his journal, lands
in Boston. He was son of Thomas and Margaret Mather, born
at Lowton, in the parish of Winwick, Lancashire, 1596.
When fifteen years old, he began to teach school at Toxteth.
In his eighteenth year, he professed to be a disciple of Christ.
He entered at Oxford in May, 1618 ; but several months after,
he was ordained minister of the town where he had taught
school. Here he continued to labor faithfully for fifteen years.
At the end of this period, he was suspended for non-conformity,
but, by the intercession of friends, was restored in six months.
The next summer of 1634, information was lodged against him
that he did not wear the surplice. For this he was deposed.
Perceiving no field of labor for him at home, he resolved to
seek one in the western world. Escaping the pursuivants, who
watched for him, he embarked at Bristol, 23d of May, and
sailed 4th. of June. Mr. Mather relates in his journal, that
while the ship lay in King Road, below Bristol, May 27, Sir
Ferdinando Gorges came on board, and asked if any of the pas
sengers were bound for Massachusetts. Being answered in the
affirmative, he desired to see some of them. Rev. Daniel Maud
and Barnabas Fower were accordingly requested to appear be
fore him. He was particular in his questions to Maud, pro
fessed favorable wishes for the people here, and remarked, that
if he came hither he should deal with them kindly. He un
doubtedly had heard of the determined resistance with which
the colonists resolved to oppose the landing of himself as gen-

,„„_. DEPUTIES ORDERED HOME. 227
looo.J
eral governor, or any other sent to exercise this office, on the
subversion of their charter privileges.
Maud, who came with Mather, took his A. B. in 1606, and
his A. M. 1610, at Emanuel College, Cambridge. On the pas
sage, in " serving God morning and evening daily," he per
formed the duties every other day. and Mather the rest, while
the Sabbath exercises were divided between them. He was ad
mitted freeman 1636, and for several years taught school in
Boston. September 2. At a session of the General Court, now begin
ning, George Burdet is made freeman. He was chosen lectu
rer* to the curate of Yarmouth, England, 1627. He was sum
moned July, 1634, before the chancellor of Norwich, charged
with an omission of the canon requiring him to bow at the name
of Jesus. He was suspended, though this was removed the
next month. The April after, he was alike sentenced by the
High Commission Court. He soon departed from Yarmouth,
and took passage for this countiy. He left a " wife and fam
ily," for whom the corporation allowed twenty marks a year.
When admitted a member of the company, he abode at Salem.
Being an able scholar and of popular address, he had united
with the church here, and had been employed to preach for
them. The legislature give an early attention to the difficulties of
Salem. They order the deputies of that town back, and bring
satisfaction for their letters to several churches, wherein the
government were severely handled, " or else arguments of those
that will defend the same with the subscription of their names."
As Endicott protests against this measure, he is committed ; but
on malting suitable explanation, he is released. The court
further propose, that if the major part of the freemen at Salem,
and, of course, a similar proportion of the church there, will
disclaim the letters missive, they shall be allowed a representa
tion1 among them by their deputies.
They °rant forty marks to Mr. Thacher on account of his
great losses. The suspicion against Samuel Maverick, as a
stanch Episcopalian, having lessened, the injunction for his
removal to Boston is repealed.
Rev. Peter Bulkley and others, who - came with him, have
the °rant of a township at Musquetequid, named Concord.
They are to be free, three years, from all pubhc charges, except
trainings, and be supplied, one year, on application to two magis
trates with pressed teams to carry their goods thither at the
cost of the owners. His father was the Rev. Edward Bulkley,
* History of Yarmouth in England.

228 INVASION FROM ENGLAND. _.
[Mass.
D. D., of Woodhill, Bedfordshire, where he was born January
31, 1583. He received his A. M. at St. John's, Cambridge,
1608. His father left him a large property, and he became his
successor. His first wife was daughter to Thomas Allen, of
Goldington, by whom he had eleven children. His second was
daughter of Sir Richard Chitwood, by whom he had three sons
and one daughter. For twenty-one years he attended to the
high duties of his profession, without interruption. But omit
ting some ceremonies of Episcopacy, he was silenced. An oc
casion thus presented for uniting his interests with those of the
dissenters here he embraces, and lands upon our shores to fol
low out the plan of his ministration.
As the peril of invasion from England still continues, uncom
mon exertions are made to forward the fortifications at Boston
and the Castle.
September. A church is formed at Hingham, and Peter Ho
bart soon becomes their pastor.
October 3. Wilson returns * to Boston with Rev. Messrs.
Thomas Shepard, John Jones, and other ministers, who are sup
posed to be Henry Flint, Thomas Carter, and William Wal
ton. As to passengers, coming at this date, Winthrop adds,
" Amongst others, Mr. Peters, pastor of the English church in
Rotterdam, who, being persecuted by the English ambassadour,
who would have brought his and other churches to the Enghsh
discipline, and not having had his health these many years, in
tended to advise with the ministers here about his removal."
Such treatment as Peters and his friends received shows how
much the zeal of hierarchy in England was imparted to their
high political official in Holland.
This clergyman was born at Foway, in Cornwall, in 1599;
took his A. B. in 1617, and his A. M. in 1622, at Trinity Col
lege, Cambridge. He received an Episcopal license. His sub
scription of conformity, dated August 17, 1627, was found
among the papers of Archbishop Laud. He preached in Lon
don and Essex county, where he " married with a good gentle
woman," who was the widow of Colonel Read, and whose
daughter became the second wife of John Winthrop, Jr. This
accounts for Roger Williams's calling Peters a father of the
younger Winthrop, a fact long doubted by some, but, of late,
confirmed. The labors of Peters were remarkably acceptable
and beneficial. He was an early and liberal member of the
Massachusetts Company. Having scruples of conformity with
the established church, he avoided the legal penalties of publicly
* Winthrop puts it under 6th of October, but Shepard says he reached Boston
3d of the same month.

. SEVERITY OF LAUD. 229
carrying them out, and went to Holland near the close of 1629.
He settled over a church at Rotterdam, where Dr. William
Ames was his colleague. Being there molested, as before ex
pressed, he secretly embarked for this country. His wife, with
others from Rotterdam, followed him, and united with the Sa
lem church.
Shepard was the son of William Shepard, and his mother a
daughter of Mr. Bland. He was^ born at Towcester, near
Northampton, in Northamptonshire, November 5, 1605. He
had his A. B. 1623, and his A. M. 1627, at Emanuel
College, Cambridge. In the latter year he took orders,
and preached at Earles-Colne, in Essex. His labors were
greatly blessed. Among those benefited by them was Roger
Harlakendine, who came over with him. He continued them
above three years, when, December 16, 1630, he was summoned
to appear before Archbishop Laud in London. The account
he gave of his examination by this prelate manifests the strong
antipathy which the latter cherished against non-conformists.
Shepard proceeds : " He fell to threaten me, and withal to bitter
railing, calling me all to naught, saying, ' You prating coxcomb,
do you think all the learning is in your brains ? ' He pro
nounced his sentence thus : ' I charge you that you neither
preach, read, marry, bury, or exercise any ministerial function
in any part of my diocese ; for if you do, and I hear of it, I'll
be upon your back, and followr you wherever you go, in any
part of the kingdom, and so everlastingly disenable you.' 1
besought him not to deal so in regard of a poor town. And
here he stopped me in what I was going on to say — ' A poor
town ! You have made a company of seditious, factious bed
lams. And what do you prate to me of a poor town ? ' I
prayed him to suffer me to catechize in the Sabbath days in the
afternoon. He rejflied, ' Spare your breath. I'll have no such
fellows prate in my diocese. Get you gone, and now make
your complaint to whom you will."'"
Though silenced, his parishioners cheerfully supported him
about six months, when Laud arraigned him again 1631,
and commanded him to depart. Having had an invitation to
reside in the family of Sir Richard Darley, of Buttercrambe
in the North Riding of Yorkshire, he accepted the call. His
endeavors to do good soon produced beneficial effects. In 1632
he married Margaret Touteville, a kinswoman to the knight.
He was soon obliged to leave Buttercrambe, because his friends
could obtain no permission for him to preach, unless he sub
scribed. He went to Heddon, in Northumberland, where the
same impediment followed him, though he continued his minis
trations about the country. The next year he concluded that,
20

230 SUFFERINGS OF SHEPARD. rl%.[Mass.
for the fuller discharge of his duty, he ought to seek for a res
idence in New England. Being delayed at Yarmouth on a
voyage hither, and after an escape in a very destructive gale, he
loses his son, November 3, 1634, and has him buried there.
On this sorrowful occasion, he remarks, " I durst not be present,
lest the pursuivants should apprehend me, and I should be dis
covered, which was a great affliction to me and my dear wife."
Thus tried, and in view of several circumstances, he concluded
to remain secretly in England till tire next year. In the mean
while his friends appeared, and showed him and his wife special
kindness. A pious lady furnished them with a house at Bast-
wick, where they lived six months, as he observes, " far from
the notice of my enemies." In the spring, they went to Lon
don, where they were secreted, and she delivered of her second
son, the 5 th of April. They removed to another place in the
city. He remarks on this event, " The very night we were
all come away, then came the pursuivants and others to search
after us. But the Lord delivered us out of their hands." Hav
ing embarked, August 10, for this country, Mrs. Shepard took
cold on the passage, which terminated in a consumption. Such
particularity is given as an example of the great suffering which
was experienced by the ministers who stood for reformation in
the national church, and who were compelled to seek protection
among those of kindred sympathies and motives on our shores.
Having friends at Newton, Shepard and his wife go thither, on
the 5th, by invitation.
Jones was the son of William, of Abergavenny, in Monmouth
shire. He entered Jesus College, Oxford, 1624, aged seventeen.
After his landing here, he is soon called to preach at Concord.
Flint united with Boston church, and was admitted freeman in
1636, and afterwards became minister of Braintree. Carter re
ceived his A. B. 1629, and his A. M. 1633, at St. John's, Cam
bridge. Walton received his A. B. in 1621, and his A. M. in
1625, at Emanuel College, Cambridge. He was from Seaton,
in Devonshire, where two of his children were born. His
wife's name was Elizabeth. He was immediately invited to
preach at Hingham.
Of the laymen who enter Boston as passengers is Henry
Vane. He was " son and heir to Sir Henry Vane, comptroller
of the king's house." He possessed superior talents and was
acquainted with foreign affairs, having been employed in
them with his father, who had been abroad as ambassador.
He adopted the cause of the Puritans, and was very desirous
to live with those of them, in this country. His father was much
averse to such a change, but obtained a license from the king
for his son to abide here three years. He brought propositions

16351 FOREIGN FRIENDS TO NEW ENGLAND. 231
from Lord Say and associates, concerning the emigrants from
Massachusetts who had taken up townships in Connecticut.
Messrs. Wilson and Winthrop, Jr., having, on their late voy
age, been driven by tempest on the coast of Ireland, met with
religious people there much interested in the welfare of New
England, and cordially answered their inquiries as to its condi
tion and prospects. The latter called on Sir John Clotworthy
" the evening before the day when divers godly persons were ap
pointed to meet at his house, to confer about their voyage " to
this country. On his route thence through Scotland and the
north of England, " all the way he met with persons of quality
whose thoughts were towards " our land, " who observed his
coming among them as a special providence of God." Thus
we have an illustration of the fact, that the cause of ecclesiasti
cal reform received strong accessions of public approbation in
the kingdom of Charles, and that many were ready to risk their
all in coining hither and taking part in the contest between the
colonists for its advancement, and the royalists for its destruction.
This month, believing themselves bound to exclude persons
who, they suppose, entertain principles subversive of their civil
and ecclesiastical polity, the General Court * engage in so un
pleasant a service. They require John Smith to leave the colo
ny within six weeks " for divers dangerous opinions which he
holdeth and hath divulged." It is likely that this person had
espoused the cause of Roger Williams, who is again required
to appear before the same authorities.
At this arraignment, " all the ministers in the Bay " were in
vited to attend. The letter, sent to the churches, and advising
them to discipline the magistrates, in which Williams had a
principal hand, he still approves. So he does concerning his
own letter to the Salem church, requiring them to cease commu
nion with the churches of Boston and vicinity, " as full of anti-
Christian pollutions." Besides such justification, he maintains
" all his opinions." He is offered a month to prepare his an
swer to the charges against him for these positions. But he
declines the proposal, and chooses to discuss the subject immedi
ately. The court appoint Hooker as his respondent, but it has
no effect to alter his views. The next morning they pass the
folio win» resolve : " Whereas Mr. Roger Williams, one of the
elders of the church in Salem, hath broached and divulged di
vers new and dangerous opinions against the authority of the
magistrates, as also writ letters of defamation, both of the magis
trates and churches here, and that before any conviction, and
vet maintaineth the same without any retraction, — it is there-
* Their session, begun September 2, is continued into October, when Winthrop
mentions the trial and sentence of Williams.

232 BANISHMENT OF WILLIAMS. rM
I i-U. A. b_«
fore ordered, that the said Williams shall depart out of this ju
risdiction within six weeks now next ensuing ; which if he
neglect to perform, it shall be lawful for the governor and two
of the magistrates to send him to some place out of their ju
risdiction, not to return any more without license from the
court." Here a sentence is passed which disturbs the benevo
lent feelings of every heart. It is painful to him on whom it
falls, and to those from whom it comes. It is regretted as a
serious impediment to the peaceful and prosperous progress of
the commonwealth, and a dark omen that its hopes of spirituality
and duration may be soon scattered on the whirlwinds of dis
cord. Still what less can our government do ?
Williams accuses the past and present king as unworthy of
any confidence, and, expressly and implicitly, as destitute of all
right to make grants of territory .either in North or South Vir
ginia. This charge evidently indicates that England had no
just claim to the soil as acquired by discovery, and, in accord
ance with the laws of civilized nations, is a rejection' of their
control over its population, and, consequently, an expression of
independence of their laws altogether. Had our colonial au
thorities countenanced it, had they not treated it as a high mis
demeanor, they would have subjected themselves to the gross
inconsistency of putting forth all their energies to keep the
charter, as sanctioned by the royal seal, as the basis of all their
civil and religious rights, as their protection against enforcement
of claims to their soil, on the one hand, by the Dutch of New
Amsterdam, and, on the other, by the French of Nova Scotia
— and at the same time, of allowing it to be assailed among
themselves, as the cause of no obligation, and as even worse
than so much blank parchment. Let us look at this matter in
the relations which they sustained to the authorities in London.
The commissioners for a new modification of administering
the affairs of New England still proceed to carry out their hie-
rarchal plan ; the royal injunction for the surrender of our char
ter is still in force ; a writ against its patentees had been issued,
and a suit commenced at the Trinity term for its nullification.
There is no reasonable doubt but that the stand taken by Wil
liams had greatly contributed to such a formidable array of ad
verse circumstances. For our rulers to pass him by, and not re
quire him to apologize for his treatment of the national sover
eigns, on pain of exclusion from the colony, would have been
interpreted against them at home as though they were partakers
with him in the deed. Such neglect would have accumulated
the resentment of their adversaries, and, had opportunity pre
sented, would have rendered the dissolution and ruin of their
social compact more swift and sure. With these considerations
before us, it is not easy to perceive how our General Court

1635.1

CONSIDERATIONS IN WILLIAMS'S CASE. 233

could have abstained, consistently with their solemn engagement
to seek for the preservation and highest good of the state, from
dealing with Williams as they had.
Respecting his excommunication of the churches. Had our
rulers permitted him to exert his power and zeal, in this direc
tion, undisturbed, they would have encouraged direct means to
ruin their ecclesiastical order. Indulgence on their part, of
this kind, so far as reaching the established churches of Eng
land, would have been seized on by Laud and his supporters as
an additional and strong argument why he should forthwith at
tempt the abolition of all Congregationalism on our territory.
Concerning the oath of allegiance. Our authorities, in a season
of extreme peril,- deemed it of great importance to render the
faithfulness of the inhabitants more certain by a solemn obliga
tion. They were convinced that Williams's refusal to engage
himself in such a manner, and his strenuous efforts to have all
others imitate his example, was an absolute violation of the im
plicit contract on which the commonwealth had promised to
cover him with the shield of its protection. Taking all the
charges in their collective capacity and bearings on our domestic
and foreign relations, Williams must have felt conscious that
the highest tribunal of the colony acted consistently with what
they really believed to be requisite for securing the benefit of
the public, even though at the cost of his personal banishment.
True, as was very natural, he entertained and expressed his
doubts and queries, whether they correctly tested his case by
the standard of justice. On the contrary, they were fully as
sured that they did him no wrong, however they deeply regret
ted to have their decision the source of affliction to himself or
his family. It was not the man, they had the least desire to
hurt but to hinder the effects of his speculations on the com-
munitv. While they earnestly wished Endicott so to consider
his position about the cross as to confess that he meant no trea
son against the crown, they would have felt themselves con
strained if he had made no such apology, not only to exclude
him from the magistracy for one year, but entirely so, and even
from their jurisdiction. The same rule they applied to Wil
liams and would have rejoiced had he seen his way clear to
make a similar retraction. But he did not, and consequently
subiected himself to the lamentable alternative. To them it
was like the excision of an arm from the body, distressing but
necessary. , , .
As we reflect on this and other incidents of our early history,
we sometimes are not sufficiently careful to take cognizance of
the great difference between the circumstances of our common
wealth with only a few hundreds of population, and most criti-
2 D 20 *

234 COTTON'S VIEWS ON PERSECUTION.
I IVI A 83*
cally situated in reference to the mother country, and those of
it now, with hundreds of thousands, of conservative principle
and example, strong enough to bear back every wave of wild
theories and extravagant attacks, and with entire independence
of all foreign power. The toleration of our day, however de
sirable, where it can be indulged, would have been speedy and
utter destruction to our commonwealth in its commencement.
The injury which retains the athletic man scarcely an hour from
his daily duties would have been death to him in his infancy.
To show that the grounds of judgment in the case of Wil
liams have been correctly given, we may cite the testimony of
Cotton. In the subsequent answer of the latter to the publica
tion of the former, entitled "The Bloody Tenet," two main
causes of such a sentence are adduced, and then two others, of
minor importance, which hastened its enunciation. The two
first are his strenuous opposition to the patent, and also to the
oath of fidelity. The next two are comprised in. the letter of
admonition, and in his renunciation of the churches. These last
were viewed by the court as mere collateral evidence of Wil
liams's resolution to carry out his persuasions to their utmost
limit, in the face of all the reasons and warnings of banishment,
presented by the authorities. They showed that he had made
up his mind not to yield his position with regard to the princi
pal counts brought against him, and that further forbearance
would not produce such an effect, and therefore it was time to
pronounce the decision.
In his Bloody Tenet Washed, Cotton informs, that at this pe
riod he received a letter, purporting to be. from a prisoner at
Newgate, on the subject of persecution for conscience' sake, and
that he sent a reply to this anonymous communication, which
subsequently appeared to have been from Williams. The for
mer avers that he laid down the following propositions in such
an answer, though the latter afterwards construed them differ
ently : " 1. That no man is to be persecuted at all, (much less
for conscience' sake,) because all persecution is oppression for
righteousness' sake. 2. That none is to be punished for his
conscience' sake, tho' erroneous, unless his errors be funda
mental or seditiously and turbulently promoted, and that after
due conviction of conscience, that it may appear he is not pun
ished for his conscience, but for sinning against his conscience."
This implies that our government, among whose advisers on
the occasion Cotton held a preeminence, did not consider them
selves, in their conclusion against Williams, as persecuting him,
but as inflicting on him the penalty of sedition. It was based
on the maxim that the cause, and not the punishment, constitutes
the martyr.

,„,„, RETRACTION OF DISCIPLINE. 235
1635.] The General Court send the following notice : " Mr. Samuel
Sharp is enjoined to appear at the next particular court, to an
swer for the letter that came from the church at Salem, as also
to bring the names of those that will justify the same or else
to acknowledge his offence under his own hand for his own par
ticular." Stating that all the ministers except one approve the sentence
of Williams, Winthrop adds, " His own church had him under
question for the same cause ; and he, at his return home, re
fused communion with his own church, who openly disclaimed
his errors, and wrote an humble submission, acknowledging
their fault in joining with Mr. Williams in that letter to the
churches against them."
Immediately on the refusal of Williams to worship with his
church, and even with his wife, because she met with them, he
preached, as Hubbard relates, on the Sabbath, at his own house,
to those who assembled there.
At the session in which Williams was required to leave the
jurisdiction, the legislative authorities pass the ensuing order :
" None but freemen (or church members) shall have any vote
in any town in any action of authority or necessity, or that
which belongs to them by virtue of their freedom, as receiving
inhabitants and laying out lands, etc." This seems to have
been meant as a bar particularly to the continuance of emigrants
in the territory, whose faith, discipline, and deportment would
be likely to disturb its ecclesiastical and civil relations.
October 5. Cotton writes to England concerning his alteration
of views in some ecclesiastical points. His letter is employed,
by the Rev. Robert Baylie, to bring a charge of inconsistency
against him, and to say that he was persuaded " to the New
English way, as soon as he had tasted the New English aire."
In reply, Cotton observes, " Two whole years and more giveth
a man more than a taste of New English air ; nor is that act
done incontinently, which is done upon two years' deliberation."
23. Ten of the Massachusetts Company in England, ap-
pearino- to answer at the Michaelmas term, disclaim their char
ter. But Cradock, "making default," has judgment given
against him. Thus the process goes on to bring our ancestors
under the crushing weight of judicial power. On the 26th,
Richard Mather answers some objections to the imposition of
hands in ordination.
November 1. Decided to enjoy the spiritual privileges, which
he preferred above others, Vane unites with the Boston church.
3. Dr. John Pratt, of Newton, is called to an account by
the Assistants, for writing several particulars to England, which
they construed as incorrect. Among the items complained of,

236 LITIGATION AMONG CHRISTIANS. [Mass.
two are here noticed. They are that " the gospel would be as
dear here as in England, and that there was more than common
danger of piety's decaying in a new country." To the former
of these the accused replied, " I did it to this end, to put some
which intended to come hither only for outward commodity to
look for better grounds, ere they look this way." To the latter
he answers, " I did it only in regard of the manifold occasions
and businesses which here at first we meet withal, by which I
find in mine own experience (and so I think do others also)
how hard it is to keep our hearts in that holy frame which
sometimes they were in, where we had less to do in outward
tilings, but not at all intending to impute it as necessary to our
condition, much less as a fruit of our precious liberties, which
we enjoy, which rather tend to the quickening of us, we im
proving the same as we ought." The respondent so explained
his language, and so owned his imputed mistakes, as to be ex
cused. The evident purpose of such admonition was to prevent
communications, loosely expressed, to the mother country, lest
they be turned so as to misrepresent the dissenting system here,
increase the prejudice of conformists in England against it, and
thus promote the purpose for its overthrow, and lessen the num
ber of friendly passengers to our shores.
November 30. The Boston town records have the succeeding
transcript : " Att a generall meeting upon publique notice, it is
agreed that noe further allotments shall be graunted unto any
new comers, but such as may be likely to be received members
of the congregation ; that none of the members of this congre
gation, or inhabitants amongst us, shall sue one another at the
law, before that Mr. Henry Vane and the two elders, Mr.
Thomas Oliver and Thomas Leverett, have had the hearing and
desyding of the cause iff they can." The former of these com
pacts shows the vigilance which the capital purposed to exer
cise in allowing no permanent dwellers among them who pos
sessed neither the reputation of Puritan Christians nor the dis
position to unite with their church. The latter indicates their
intention to conform with the . apostolic rule for settling social
difficulties by compromise rather than by litigation.
This year is remarkable for the arrival of numerous emi
grants. They number nearly three thousand, of whom eleven
are ministers. Such an increase is proof that however this col
ony is threatened by the national power, it is preferred, for a
home, by many of the non-conformists in England.
1636, January. A session of the Assistants is held at Boston.
Its chief occasion is the painful case of Roger Williams. A
paragraph from Winthrop gives the particulars. "They are
credibly informed, that notwithstanding the injunction laid upon

1636, ESCAPE OF WILLIAMS. 237
him (upon the liberty granted him to stay till the spring)
not to go about to draw others to his opinions, he did use to en
tertain company in his house, and to preach to them, even of
such points as he had been censured for, and it was agreed to
send him into England by a ship then ready to depart. The
reason was, because he had drawn above twenty persons to his
opinion, and they were intended to erect a plantation about the
Narragansett Bay, from whence the infection would easily
spread into the churches, (the people being, many of them,
much taken with the apprehension of his godliness.) Where
upon a warrant was sent to him to come presently to Boston, to
be shipped. He returned answer (and divers of Salem came
with it) that he could not come without hazard of his life ;
whereupon a pinnace was sent with commission to Captain Un
derbill, etc., to apprehend him, and carry him aboard the ship,
(which rode at Natascutt ;) but when they came at his house,
they found he had been gone three days before ; but whither
they could not learn. He had so far prevailed at Salem, as
many there (especially of devout women) did embrace his opin
ions, and separated from the churches, for this cause, that some
of their members, going into England, did hear the ministers
there, and when they came home, the churches here held com
munion with them."
Thus closed a dangerous and lamentable controversy. The
policy which excluded Lyford and his supporters from Plym
outh, the Browns, Morton, and others from Massachusetts, was
brought to bear on Williams. It was construed by him and his
friends as religious persecution, but by those who applied it to
him, as a justifiable course for the utterance and spread of opin
ions which greatly imperiled the peace and welfare of the com
monwealth. Both sides were alike sincere in their belief and
position, however diverse the results. Among the crowded in
cidents of the past, those which relate to difficulties between
good and great men always fill us with regret, not only as the
source of unhappiness to themselves and many connected with
them, but also as evidence that the best of our race, in matters
of hi°-h import, are often unable to " see eye to eye," to be " of
one heart and one soul."
A statesman, John Q. Adams, whose opportunity for judging
of men and things, whose knowledge of governments and their
proper policy, were rare, asks,* with emphasis, " Can we blame
the founders of the Massachusetts colony for banishing him
[Williams] from within their jurisdiction ? In the annals of
reli°ious persecution, is there to be found a martyr more gently
# J. Q. Adams's Address before the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1843.

238 RECONCILIATION— STRICT ORDER. ..,[Mass.
dealt with by those against whom he began the war of intoler
ance ? "
In the exhibition of his usual zeal for general welfare, Peters
visits the different towns,* and successfully endeavors to raise
up men to a public frame of spirit.
Mr. Batchelor appears before the magistrates at Boston. The
occasion of this arraignment follows : With six or seven per
sons, who had accompanied him from England, he had taken a
dismission from the church at Lynn, because of difficulty be
tween them, on the supposition of his moving elsewhere. In
stead of this, however, he remains, and forms another church
of his friends. " The most and chief of the towfi " judge that
such a step would hinder their obtainment of Mr. Peters or
any minister to settle with them, and therefore they enter a
complaint to the Assistants. These, " foreseeing the distraction
which was like to come by this course," forbid him to proceed
until the subject is considered by other ministers. Still he goes
on. For such neglect, the magistrates require his attendance
before them. Delaying to obey, they send a marshal for him.
Brought to their presence, he submits and agrees to leave the
town within three months.
Thus another ecclesiastical trouble is terminated. Such trials,
though hazardous in experiment, and to be deprecated rather
than desired, show that, however the founders of this colony in
tended it as an asylum of liberty, yet it was for a liberty con
sistent with what they accounted order and the benefit of com
munity. January 18. On the proposal of Peters and Vane, a meeting
of Winthrop, Dudley, Haynes, Bellingham, Cotton, Hooker,
Wilson, and themselves, is held in Boston. The object is two
fold. One is to secure reconciliation among some of the leading
men. Another is to suppress a factious inclination in the people,
some of them being strenuous for the lenient course pursued by
Winthrop towards offenders, and others for one more stringent,
as adopted by Dudley. The deliberations are opened by prayer
for direction. Winthrop and Dudley remark that, however they
may have differed in some points, they are well affected towards
each other, and wish* to hear the free expressions of their friends
present. After the interchange of opinions, the ministers are
desired to consider the question, with regard to what the public
welfare demanded, as to those who disregarded the colonial au
thority, and bring in their result the next morning. This is
done. The conclusion is unanimously adopted, " that strict
discipline, both in criminal offences and in martial affairs, are
* Winthrop, vol. i. p. 176.

.„,..,. NUMBER TO COMPOSE A CHURCH. 239
1636.] more needful in plantations than in a settled state, as tending to
the honour and safety of the gospel." This convention, to agree
on a plan for controlling the incidental evils of new communi
ties, and advancing the civil and religious welfare of the colony,
was conducted with Christian spirit. Though Haynes and
Hooker intended to join the emigrants for Connecticut, they
were personally interested in the subject, because it applied to
the portion of that colony where they expected to reside, and
which was still under Massachusetts. They wished to carry,
as well as leave behind them, regulations which they deemed
essential to preserve and promote the interests of Congregation
alism. February 1. As the church at Newton are preparing for re
moval to Connecticut, Mr. Shepard and his friends purpose to
form another church there. For this object, they had obtained
permission from the magistrates, and a council from the adjacent
churches" are assembled. The transactions on this occasion are
minutely given by Winthrop. Mr. Shepard and two others, in
tended to hold offices, are in the elder's seat. The elder of
them begins with prayer. Shepard follows in a like service and
exercises out of Eph. v. The elder asks the delegates what
number is requisite to constitute a church, and how this act
should be done. After conference, some of the ancient minis
ters answer as follows : The Scripture does not give any special
rule. They suppose three too few, because, in Matt, xviii.,
an appeal is made from such a number ; but they believe seven
to be enough. They advise that the individuals proposed for
church fellowship make a confession of their faith, and " de
clare what work of grace the Lord had wrought in them."
This is done by Shepard and seven other brethren. The cove
nant being read, they give it their assent. The elder then de
sires the council, if satisfied with their being thus formed as a
church, to proffer them the right hand of fellowship. Mr. Cot
ton performs this duty Shepard exhorts " the rest of his body
about the nature of their covenant," and their obligation to keep
it and offers a prayer for them. The elder informs the assem
bly that they intend to elect Mr. Shepard for their pastor, and
desires, if they have any objection, to mention it before the day
appointed for his ordination. He thanks "the churches for
their assistance."
Referrincr to the change of residence contemplated, as already
mentioned, Shepard states, in his memoir, that the people of
Newton who were on the point of moving away, sold their
houses to persons of his company. He adds, that the latter
concluded to remain, " because of the fellowship of the churches ;
they thought their lives were short, and removals to new planta-

240 DESIRE TO ABIDE IN AMERICA. g
tions full of troubles ; they found sufficient for themselves and
their company."
February 3. John Maverick, teacher of the Dorchester
church, dies, aged nearly sixty. Winthrop says of him, " He
was a man of a very humble spirit, and faithful in furthering
the work of the Lord here, both in the churches and civil state."
15. Of the excellent women, to whom we are much indebted
for the encouragement they gave their husbands to build up the
spiritual heritage which we have derived from them, is the wife
of Shepard. Of her he wrote, "My dear wife Margaret died,
being first received into church fellowship, which as she much
longed for, so the Lord did so sweeten it unto her, that she was
hereby exceedingly cheered, and comforted with the sense of
God's love, which continued until her last gasp."
18. The subsequent quotation shows the wish, entertained by
many of the dissenters at home, for an, abode in New England.
It is from a letter * of Owen Rowe, in London, to the elder
Winthrop. It runs thus : " My hearte is with you. I shall, I
hope, be glad if the Lord make mee a waye, which I hope hee
will, that I may come, see your glory, and behould the bewttye
of our God in those goweings of his in his temple."
25. On account of the troubles with Williams at Salem,
Batchelor at Lynn, removal of churches to Connecticut, and
scarcity of corn, a fast is observed.f This service, as the court
was not convened to appoint it, was proposed by elders of the
churches, and agreed on by the ministers. The Boston church
renew their covenant, consider its claims, and confess their defi
cient compliance with them.
March 3. At a session of the -General Court, several acts are
passed, some of which accord with the late conclusion of dis
tinguished colonists, for a more stringent policy in the common
wealth, as essential to its preservation and progress. For the
encouragement of Mr. Shepard in his pastoral labors, they grant
fifty pounds to him.
An order is passed, referring to the late question about the
cross in ensigns, that " the commissioners for military discipline
shall appoint every company what colours they shall have."
Concerning the persons so appointed Winthrop remarks,*
" who did accordingly, and left out the cross in all of them,
appointing the king's arms to be put into that of Castle Island."
That immediate and strenuous measures may be adopted,
when no legislature is together, either with regard to important
* Hutchinson's Collections, p. 59.
t Winthrop's Journal, vol. i. p. 181.
J: Though this is in his journal under February, it appears to have been later,
and to have had reference to the order under March.

REQUISITE FORMATION OF CHURCHES. 241
events here or in reference to decisions of the national authori
ties, it is ordered, that a council for life shall be elected at the
court in May.
In order to avoid the trials of the disorderly, and the perils
of the inimical, they require that no person shall take up his
abode in any of their new plantations without the leave of
magistrates. That no church nor community may be annoyed with such as
may injure them, each town is empowered to demolish the
houses built in then bounds without their consent, and eject
such offenders from their limits. A still more important rule is
adopted, as follows : " Forasmuch as it hath been found by sad
experience, that much trouble and disturbance hath happened
to the church and civil state by the officers and members of some
churches which have been gathered within the limits of this ju
risdiction in an undue manner, and not with such public appro
bation as was meet, — It is therefore ordered, that all persons
are to take notice, that this court doth not, nor will hereafter,
approve of any such companies of men as shall hereafter join
in any pretended way of church fellowship, without they shall
first acquaint the magistrates and the elders of the greater part
of the churches in this jurisdiction with their intentions, and
have their approbation herein. And further it is ordered, that
no person, being a member of any church, which shall be here
after gathered without approbation of the magistrates and the
greater part of the said churches, shall be admitted to the free
dom of this commonwealth." It may seem, at first sight, as if
no sufficient cause existed for the General Court to interpose in
such a manner. But they knew the evil to be corrected, for
they had felt it severely. Had they granted unrestrained indul
gence for churches to be organized, ministers settled and retained
evidently against the public peace and safety, it would have
nourished elements among them fitted to burst the bonds of their
union, and scatter their dearest hopes to the winds. The prohi
bition that all church members, who violated their rule, should
be debarred from the privileges of freemen, was an efficient
means to promote its enforcement and keep the power of the
colony from unsafe hands.
March 11. A council having been called, as WintLfop states,
in view of some difficulty between Mr. James and his colleague
with most of the church at Charlestown, they advise the former
minister and his supporters to ask a dismission, which was ac
cordingly done. Thus separated from his charge, he subse
quently moved to New Haven, where he became engaged " in
teaching." 29 A letter of this date is sent from Sir William Marsham
2e 21

242 DEFECTIVE EXPERIENCE IN RELIGION. gg
to the elder Winthrop. Some extracts follow : "I am glad to
hear of Mr. Norton's safe arrival, and should have been more
glad if it had been at your Bay. I hope he will settle with
you : his abilities are more than ordinary, and will be acceptable
and profitable to your churches."
April 1. As a great portion of the Dorchester church had
departed for Connecticut, Richard Mather and others, as Win
throp says, proposed to a council, now met for the purpose, to
form another church in place of the one gone. For this object,
the requisite permission had been obtained of the churches and
magistrates. But the council, on examination, perceive that the
candidates, except Mr. Mather and another, though they gave
" proof of their gifts," and " made a confession of their faith, which
was approved," are defective in religious experience. On this
account, it is decided that the intended embodiment be deferred.
The particular reason of this is, that some rested their hope of
salvation " upon dreams and ravishes of spirit by fits ; others
upon reformation of their lives ; others upon duties and per
formances, etc., wherein they discovered three special errors.
1. That they had not come to hate sin because it was filthy, but
only left it because it was hurtful. 2. That, by reason of this,
they had never truly closed with Christ, (or rather Christ with
them,) but had made use of him only to help the imperfection
of their sanctification and duties, and not made him their sanc
tification, wisdom, etc. 3. They expected to believe by some
power of their own, and not only and wholly from Christ."
This occasion must have been one of deep interest to our ances
tors, who rested their hope of salvation on the foundation of
Christ and his apostles. To them it was a momentous concern,
that repentance and faith should be correctly understood and
experienced by all the churches of the commonwealth, as one
of the best means for its continuance in right spiritual knowl
edge and its consequent advance in temporal welfare.
2. Shepard writes to Mather, of Dorchester, that he deeply
sympathizes with him for his disappointment in the gath
ering of a church there ; hopes that it may be sanctified to the
candidates, and that he will not be disheartened, and be greatly
prospered in the work of the Lord.
As a spt. cimen of the mode in which the king determines to
control his American settlements, we have an extract from his
commission* to John Harvey, governor of Virginia: "Wee,
being willing to give all good encouragement to that plantation,
and minding that our colonies and people there should be regu
lated as well in the ecclesiastical as temporal government,
* Hazard. Rymer.

WORSHIP IN EPISCOPAL CHURCHES. 243
±636.]
according to the laws and statutes of our realm of England,
which we purpose to have established there." The evident sig
nification of this is, that as the government at home did not tol
erate Congregationalism there, they were resolved to show it no
more favor here.
The influence * of Mr. Williams still remains in the Salem
church. One effect of it is, that " the most of them " hold it to
be wrong for a person " to hear in the ordinary assemblies in Eng
land," as being on an " antichristian foundation." Some of
them are ready to leave the church on this account. In view
of this matter, the church send two brethren with " a letter to
the elders of other churches for advice in three points. 1.
Whether (for satisfying the weak) they might promise not to
hear in England any false church. This was not thought safe,
because then they would draw them to the like towards the
other churches here, who were all of opinion that it was lawful,
and that hearing was not church communion. 2. If they were
not better, to grant them dismission to be a church by them
selves. This was also opposed, for that it was not a remedy of
God's ordering ; neither would the magistrates allow them to
be a church, being but three men and eight women ; and be
sides, it were dangerous to raise churches upon such grounds.
3. Whether they ought then to excommunicate them, if they
did withdraw, etc. This was granted, yet, withal, that if they
did not withdraw or run into contempt, they ought, in these
matters of difference of opinion in things not fundamental nor
scandalous, etc., to bear each with other "

PLYMOUTH.

1635 July 5. Thomas Williams, the servant of widow War
ren, is accused of uttering profane speeches. The court judge
that as he spoke them in a passion, they may let him off with
reproof and his humbly acknowledging his offence. Governor
Bradford would have had him receive corporal punishment.
September. Plymouth, having had their place for trade at
Penobscot again seized by the French, and been unsuccessful in
an attempt to recover it, propose to Massachusetts, that a com
mon cause . be made against the intruders, as " very dangerous "
neighbors. But the latter colony, on the 3d, not having suffi
cient provisions for the men intended, agree that they will assist
* Winthrop's Journal.

244 IMPRISONMENT OF WINSLOW. [Plym.
in recovering the premises, as the property of Plymouth, at
their charge. This causes a delay until it is too late.
November. Mr. Winslow arrives* from a voyage to England,
memorable for his extraordinary prosecution and imprisonment
in London. On this subject, Morton supplies us with the sub
sequent information. .Plis mission related to complaints, before
the council board, against Plymouth, but especially Massachu
setts, and also encroachments of the French and " other stran
gers." He laid his statement, by petition, before " the lords
commissioners for the plantations in America." With most of
them, his plea was favorably entertained. " But this crossed
Sir Ferdinando, Captain Mason, and the Archbishop of Canter
bury's ends, by them aimed at ; for Sir Ferdinando Gorges, by
the archbishop's favor, was to have been sent over general gov
ernor into the country, and to have had means from the state for
that end, and was now upon despatch and conclusion of the
business ; and the archbishop's purpose by his means and some
he should employ for that purpose to be furnished with Episco
pal power to disturb the peace of the churches here in New
England, and to overthrow their proceedings and further growth,
which was the thing he aimed at." These three opponents to
Winslow introduced Thomas Morton, who testified that he
taught publicly in the church of Plymouth, and performed the
marriage service. The accused confessed both of these charges.
He replied that "he did exercise- his gift to help the edification
of his brethren, when they wanted better means ; " that, as a
magistrate, he had married some, as a civil ordinance, which
" he found nowhere in the word of God that it was tied to the
ministry ; they were necessitated so to do, having no minister
at first ; it was no new thing, for he had been so married him
self in Holland, by the magistrate in their statehouse. For
these things, the bishops, by vehement importunity, procured
their lordships' consent to his commitment. So he was com
mitted to the Fleet Prison, and lay there seventeen weeks, or
thereabouts, before he could get areleasement." This is a prac
tical comment on the spirit and purpose with which the proposed
government of New England would have begun and continued,
had not the royal commissioners been arrested in their progress
by the civil commotions of their own kingdom. The hand of
Providence, by staying the execution of their plan, protected
the non-conformists here in the enjoyment of their liberties.
A passenger with Winslow was John Norton. He was born
at Stortford, Hertfordshire, May 6, 1606. He entered Peter
House, Cambridge, where he received his A. B., 1623, and his
* Morton's Manuscript says it was " the setting towards winter."

_„„_, STRONG APPROVAL OF NORTON. 245
1635.] A. M. 1627. Here he was highly distinguished for talents and
attainments. The property of his father becoming embarrassed,
he left the university, and engaged as usher of the school and
curate of the church in his native town. Though his mind was
richly stored with earthly learning, his heart was a stranger to
heavenly wisdom. But ere long, he became enlightened with
spiritual understanding. A marked change was manifest in his
ministry, and he was soon numbered with the dispensers of the
gospel. Promotion in the church and at the university was prof
fered him. But his sincere scruples, as to corruption in forms
and doctrines of Episcopacy, prevented. He looked to this land
as the sphere of his frfee and conscientious action. He embarked
with Shepard in 1634, but delayed by tempestuous weather,
he put off his second attempt till the present. When departed,
an aged divine remarked, " He believed that there was not more
grace and holiness left in all Essex than what Mr. Norton had
carried with him." Before his embarkation, he married a lady
of considerable wealth, of estimable character, and of qualifica
tions meet for a helper in the duties of his calling. The church
of Plymouth being earnest to have him abide with them, and
Mr. Smith vacating his place for him, he engages to preach for
them on trial. Thus one of the ablest watchmen on the walls
of Zion begins his eventful career, for a short period, among
disciples of Robinson, whom he much resembled in talents,
learning, character, and usefulness.
1636, February 24. Mr. Winslow visits Dorchester about the
land which their men had occupied at Connecticut. He endeav
ors to make a compromise with them for the claim which
Plymouth have there, but the matter is deferred, and subse
quently settled.

MAINE.

1635 August 4. John Holland and others testily, that, being
at the eastward, they heard Mr. Thomas Wonnarton speak very
reproachfully of the Bay authorities, and that he wished to see
them put to death. These authorities order Wonnarton to give
bonds for good behavior, and, in the mean time, to be held in
durance. This month, a French ship, under D'Aulney, from Nova Sco
tia captures the Plymouth trading establishment at Penobscot.
The commander bids the prisoners assure the colonists to forty
degrees, that his countrymen would come with a fleet, next
vear and seize all their settlements. But he writes to the
J ' 21*

246 FEAR OF CATHOLIC INFLUENCE.
governor of Plymouth, that, by a commission from Razilly, at
Fort La Heve, he is empowered to eject the English settlers up
to Pemaquid. The authorities of Plymouth immediately hire the
large ship Hope, of Ipswich,* Captain Guiding, with her com
pany, to sail and eject such intruders. They also send a bark
with twenty men to assist in the enterprise. But the French
had so fortified themselves, that the force is not sufficient to dis
lodge them. The bark is sent to Massachusetts for help.
September. The General Court of the Bay, being assembled,
agree to give the desired assistance. But on conference with
the Plymouth commissioners, who wished to have the matter
prosecuted at the charge of " the whole "country," they defer
the subject for further advice. The chief reasons for such de
lay are, that the property taken by the French belongs to
Plymouth, and that Massachusetts has not provision enough
for the men required. As the captain of the ship could not
wait for the settlement of the question, he retires without ef
fecting the object of his expedition. This was the occasion of
serious disappointment to the principal men of Massachusetts
and Plymouth, who feared the Catholic influence, which might
be expected by the French on the English in proportion to their
proximity. About the latter part of this year, Sir Ferdinando Gorges
prepares to send over his nephew, William Gorges, to be gov
ernor of his province, as last settled by the council for this
country, and called New Somersetshire. His plan for adminis
tering the laws here is extensive. In the mean while, Richard
Vines is continued governor and Richard Bonython his assistant,
with renewed hope that the present arrangement, as to the col
ony, would advance its several interests.
1636, March 28. Having arrived at the seat of his authority,
William Gorges commences a General Court in Saco, at the
house of Bonython. The latter, with Thomas Commock, Henry
Josselyn, Thomas Purchas, Edward Godfrey, and Thomas Lewis,
attend as members. Several cases came before them for settle
ment. At this time, Saco contained about two hundred inhab
itants.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

1635, August 9. Having found that his salary was incompe
tent for the necessaries of life, which were scarce and dear,
* Of Ipswich, in England. She came over with passengers.

16361 REGRET OF MASON — BEQUEST. 247
Leveridge had been obliged to leave Dover. At this date, we
find the following entry on the Boston church records, denot
ing that he became a member of it — " Wm. Leveridge, of Pus-
cattua." The manuscript of Morton says of him, after this
time, that he preached at Duxbury, and then moved to Sand
wich. More of him will be mentioned, as an indefatigable ser
vant of the cross.
November. While the proprietor of such an allotment of
soil has a fair prospect of becoming its lord, with all the honors
of a feudal system, and being accounted by the court supporters
as an efficient agent in subverting the Puritan cause of our fa
thers, mortal disease arrests him. Before he died, as the state
ment of Hubbard implies, he confessed regret for the part he
had taken in the accomplishment of such a purpose. Conduct
allowed to control the conscience, amid the smiles of health and
worldly ambition, very often loses its sway in the honest reflec
tions of approaching death, and becomes the source of poignant
grief. Wisdom cries, Live dutifully, that you may die happily.
A few days after Mason made Iris will, dated November 26,
he expired. This instrument bequeaths one thousand acres of
land in New Hampshire, " for the maintenance of an honest,
godly, and religious preacher of God's word, in some church or
chappie, or other public place appointed for divine worship and
service, within said county of New Hampshire," where his wife
and brother, John Wollaston, should prefer.
1636, March. Steps are taken for a plantation at Winnacun-
nett or Winicowett, afterwards Hampton. As a sign of our co
lonial possession, a building is erected there, this year, usually
called the "Bound House." Thus our authorities continue to
provide for the increase of their townships, though liable to be
despoiled, by their opponents at home, of all their official rank
and power.
April 10. George Vaughan, in London, writes to Ambrose
Gibbins. He had taken a voyage thither to see Mason, and the
vessel put into Ireland, where he was detained by sickness.
When he reached London, he was informed that Mason had
died. He applied to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who told him that
his attention was turned towards obtaining a patent from the
kin°' for the territory between Piscataqua and Sagadahoc, and
that he had left Mason to look after what lay within Merrimack
and Piscataqua. Vaughan concludes, "1 suppose the affairs
of Laconia are dead." There is no matter of surprise, that the
writer despaired of further efforts to revive this section of the
colony, since its most efficient proprietor was deceased, and the
lords commissioners, who were disposed to promote his plan,
were encumbered with serious difficulties.

248 REMARKS OF MARSHAM. .n __
| Conn.

RHODE ISLAND.
1636, January. To avoid being sent to England, after his sen
tence of exclusion from Massachusetts, Mr. Williams leaves Salem
secretly, and hastens to Seekonk, within the country of Massasoit.
Cotton states, that some of his friends " went to the place ap
pointed by himself, beforehand, to make provision of housing
and other necessaries for him against his coming." Among
those who were with him at this place were six men, five of
whom were William Harris, John Smith, Joshua Verin, Thom
as Angell, and Francis Wickes.
With the chief just named Williams had been acquainted,
and had conversed about purchasing land for a settlement. He
had a grant from him, very likely, before his flight, where he
" began to build and plant." The location so chosen was on See
konk River, and afterwards known as Manton's Neck. Writing
afterwards of selecting this spot, Williams remarks, " On the
express advice of your ever honoured Mr. Winthrop, deceased,
I first adventured to begin a plantation among the thickest of
these barbarians."
March 29. In a letter of this date from Sir Wilham Marsham
to the elder Winthrop, we have this passage : " I am sorry to
hear Mr. Williams's separation from you. His former good af
fections towards you and the plantations were well known unto
us, and make us wonder now at his proceedings. I have written
to him effectually to submit to better judgments, and especially
to those whom formerly he reverenced, and admired ; at least,
to keep the bonds of peace inviolable. This has been always
my advice, and nothing conduces more to the good of planta
tions. I pray show him what lawful favor you can, which may
stand with common good. He is passionate and precipitate,
which may transport him into error ; but his integrity and good
intentions will bring him at last into the way of truth, and con
firm him therein. In the mean time, pray God to give him a
right use of this affliction."

CONNECTICUT.
1635, June 16. A bark arrives at Boston, with twenty men,
who were sent over by Sir Richard Saltonstall, to reside on the
patent of Lord Say, himself, and others. This demonstrates a
purpose on their part to preoccupy the soil of their patent,
though otherwise assigned and placed under the control of royal

-icoe -i COMMISSION FROM LORD SAY, ETC. 249
looo.J
commissioners, before the latter shall have opportunity to exe
cute their purpose, full of blight to the hopes for New England
as an asylum for Puritans. Saltonstall, in a letter of the next
year to John Winthrop, Jr., complains that Francis Styles and
others whom he sent over, at great expense, to form a plantation
on the river, between the Plymouth truck house and the falls,
were prevented from impaling ground where they were directed
by Roger Ludlow and others of Dorchester, who preferred the
same location.
August. Dissatisfied with the planters of Windsor for what
they count an intrusion on the bounds of their trading establish
ment, the Plymouth government expostulate with them by let
ter. The Dutch, also aware of the design to people the colony
with English, sent to their company in Holland for authority to
maintain their claim against such emigration.
September 2. At a session of this date, the legislature of
Massachusetts appoint William Westwood constable for the
plantations here. Thus they show their intention to hold, for
the present, settlers in this colony subject to their regulations,
according to previous stipulation. By such an adhesion of those
who went from them to live in their vicinity, they felt them
selves better able to withstand the conspiracy of court influence
at London against their charter, already remanded, and its priv
ileges. Wishing to follow his flock, who occupy Windsor, Mr. Ware-
ham joins them in the course of this month, and leaves his col
league, who intends to do the same next spring.
October 3. John Winthrop, Jr., arrives at Boston with a
commission, of July 18, from Lords Say and Brook and others,
to be governor of their territory here, to build a fortification at
the mouth of the river, and houses for immediate emigrants and
men of rank expected from England. This is a palpable dem
onstration that .the company, who grant such power, do not
mean to yield the soil in compliance with the policy which
would extirpate Puritanism from the whole country, nor with
the menacing demands of the Dutch.
Henry Vane, who came to Boston when the younger Win
throp did, had instructions from the same company. These are,
" that either of the three towns gone thither " from Massachu
setts " should give place, upon full satisfaction, or else suffi
cient room must be found there for the lords and their compa
nies, or else they would divert their thoughts and preparations
some other ways." The last was a serious consideration, and
the need of collecting here all in England who favored non
conformity, and who desired a residence in this colony, required
that it should be prevented by friendly compromise.
2f

250 SUFFERINGS OF SETTLERS. [Conn.
Near this time, the Massachusetts authorities loan more large
guns, with powder and shot, for the defence of the settlements
here. They empower each of them to elect a constable, who
shall be sworn into office by a magistrate of the former body.
October 15. A party of about sixty men, women, and chil
dren had come from the Bay, after much suffering. They bring
their swine, cows, and horses. The cold weather setting in
upon them before they were prepared for it, they were reduced
to great distress. But the consolations of religion, for the sake
of which they had bid adieu to their native country, and which
they still strive to honor in their example, bear them up, and
prompt them to look for better days.
November. In conformity with his instructions, the younger
Winthrop sends a bark and twenty men, with provisions, to
commence a plantation at the entrance of Connecticut River.
A few days after they reached their destination, a vessel, with
men from New Netherland, appears off the harbor for the pur
pose of expelling them. They had prepared themselves for
such a visit, and are successful in driving away the assailants.
9. Six men from this quarter, on their return to Massachu
setts, in an open pinnace, are cast away, about this date, in Man-
omet Bay. After wandering ten days in severe cold and deep
snow, they reach Plymouth, where their wants are supplied.
20. Twelve men had reached Boston in ten days from this
colony. On their journey, they lost one of their number, who
broke through the ice and was drowned. They were almost
starved, when they found relief at an Indian wigwam.
The departure of these two companies was to escape the suf
ferings of famine, which had begun among the emigrants from
the Bay. As the most of their provision and furniture had
been shipped for the river, they were either delayed or cast
away. The cold weather came on so suddenly and severely,
they were unable to get many of their cattle .across the river,
and thus lost the use of them. So situated, necessity forced
them to seek for help.
28. A bark with passengers, being an engineer, David Gardi
ner, and eleven other men and two women, also with goods, ar
rives at Boston, bound to the plantation at the mouth of the Con
necticut River. She was sent over by the proprietors of this
settlement. Among the non-conformists in England, who favor
the peopling of Connecticut, is the Rev. John Davenport, who
had experienced enough of the severities of hierarchy there to
know the importance of freedom from it here.
December 5. Seeing no prospect of escaping death, through
want of food, if they continue at their plantations on the river,
Massachusetts emigrants, to the number of about seventy men

,„„,,., CONNECTICUT UNDER MASSACHUSETTS. 251
1636.]
and women, who had come down for their expected supplies,
but without finding them, embark on board of the Rebecca.
In five days, they reach the Bay, where their friends gladly re
ceive them. Though thus driven from the land of their choice,
they did not give up all hope of reoccupying it, and being made
partakers of its bountiful productions, in the ri<?h enjoyment of
civil and religious liberty. While they so escape from trials in
prospect, their connections, whom they left behind, endured
much distress from scarcity of food and clothing, and extreme
cold of winter. Still the sufferers meet their lot with due sub
mission, as part of the price they were ready to pay for an open
Bible and a free gospel.
1633, March 3. In the exercise of their jurisdiction over
those who prefer to leave Massachusetts and dwell in Connecti
cut because of greater accommodation in lands, the General
Court of the former colony, at their session, beginning at this
date, pass an order, of which is the subsequent extract :
"Whereas upon some reason and grounds, there are to remove,
from this our commonwealth, divers of our loving friends and
members of Newton, Dorcheser, Watertown, and other places,
who are resolved to transplant themselves and their estates unto
the River of Connecticut, there to reside, and to that end divers
are there already, and divers others shortly to go ; we, in this
present court assembled, on behalf of our said members and
John Winthrop, Jr., governor, appointed by certain noble per
sonages and men of quality interested in the said river, who
are yet in England, on their behalf, have had a serious consid
eration thereon, and think it meet, that where there are a people
to sit down, there will follow upon occasion some cause of dif
ference, as also divers misdemeanors, which will require speedy
redress ; and in regard of the distance of place, this govern
ment cannot take notice of the same, as to apply timely remedy
or to dispense equal justice to them ; and in regard to the said
noble personages and men of quality have something engaged
themselves and their estates in the planting of the said river ; and
by virtue of a patent do require jurisdiction of the said place
and people, and neither the minds of the said personages (they
bein°' written unto) are as yet known, nor any manner of gov
ernment is yet agreed on ; and there being a necessity, as afore
said, that some present government may be observed ; — we,
therefore, think meet, and so order, that Roger Ludlow, Esq.,
William Pynchon, Esq., John Steele, William Swaine, Henry
Smith, Wilham Phelps, William Westwood, and Andrew
Ward, or the greater part of them, shall have full authority to
hear and determine, in a judicial way, by witnesses upon
oath examine, within the said plantation, all those differences

252 CATTLE LOST— SCARCITY OF FOOD. ._[Conn.
which may arise between party and party, as also, upon misde
meanor, to inflict corporal punishment or imprisonment, to fine
and levy the same, if occasion so require, to make and decree
such orders for the present that may be for the peaceable order
ing the affairs of the said plantation, both in trading, planting,
building, lots, nfilitary discipline, defensive war, (if need so re
quire,) as shall best conduce to the public good of the same."
The commissioners are also empowered to take measures " to
convent the inhabitants of said towns by way of court, to pro
ceed in executing the powers aforesaid." Their office is limited
to one year. It may be recalled, at any time, if the Bay author
ities have sufficient cause.
Such an arrangement discovers a due degree of respect for
the claims made by the company of Lord Say and others, whose
cooperation for the continuance of ecclesiastical reform here
was highly important. It was specially needful to preserve or
der and insure efficiency to counteract the plan at home for the
overthrow of our religious privileges.
April 1. A large portion of the Dorchester church had set
out for their township, of the same name at first, but afterwards
Windsor. Their surviving minister, Warham, went with them,
but did not move his family thither till next September. Of
those who became partakers with him in this new enterprise,
were Roger Ludlow, Henry Wolcott, William Phelps, and John
Mason. Before they undertook the journey, they were called
on, February 24, to make an allowance for land embraced by
their settlement, but claimed by the Plymouth authorities as in
cluded in their truck-house establishment on Connecticut River.
The applicant, Mr. Winslow, failed to have the matter compro
mised then, though it was afterwards.
While some of the cattle, which the settlers here had moved
from the Bay before winter set in, lived through it, yet the rest
perished to nearly the amount of two thousand pounds. The
people who remained through the cold season " were put to
great straits for want of provisions. They eat acorns, malt,
and grains."
13. Mr. Pynchon and his company from Roxbury, having
located themselves at Agawam, afterwards Springfield, then con
sidered as in Connecticut, adopt regulations for their township.
George Moxon,* soon after joining the Dorchester church, next
August, becomes their minister. He was born in Yorkshire,
and had his A. B. in 1623, at Sidney College, Cambridge.
26. The commissioners hold their first court. They take
* His house, having a thatched roof, cost forty pounds. His salary was forty
five pounds.

„„„_ CHURCH COVENANT RENEWED. 253
1636. J
order against the sale of arms and ammunition to Indians, and
for the defence of their infant settlements. They pass the follow
ing : " Whereas there was a dismission granted by the town of
Watertown, in the Massachusetts, dated 29th of March last, to
Andrew Ward, Jo. Sherman, Jo. Stickland, Robert Coe, Robert
Reynold, and Jonas Weed, with intent to join anew in a church
covenant, in this River of Connecticut, the said parties have
so accordingly done, with public allowance of the rest of the
members of the said churches, as by certificate, now produced,
appears. It is, therefore, in this present court, ratified and con
firmed, they promising, shortly, publicly to renew the said cove
nant, upon notice to the rest of the churches." These persons
settled in the township afterwards Wethersfield. Their pastor,
Mr. Philips, tarried behind. They elected Henry Smith, who
came from England, for their minister. This person was one
of the men appointed by Massachusetts to govern the people
of Connecticut.
In the course of this month, John, son of Rev. Francis Hig
ginson, of Salem, deceased, enters on the duties of preacher to
the inhabitants at Saybrook. For such service, he is supported
by the proprietors of the soil, who judge aright that no com
munity can be prepared to enjoy the purer and higher experi
ence of life without the gospel.

CHAPTER X.
Massachusetts. College proposed. — Cotton on government. — Care about
strangers. — Proposals of Peters. — Flag struck. — Council for life. — Fine. —
An edition of laws. — College founded. — Objection to Wheelwright. — Neal and
Rushworth. — Advice that the term " person " be not used as to the Holy Ghost.
— Vane desires leave of absence. — Luxuries. — Wine for the churches. — El
ders invited by the legislature to convene and advise them. — Rebuke of Peters
to Vane. — Wilson's review. — Cotton's sermon. — Covenant of Salem church.
— Controversy in Boston church. — Experience of Winthrop. — Occasions for
a fast. — Wheelwright's sermon. — Extracts. — Request of persons bound to
England. — Attendance on lectures for controversy. — Antinomians and Le
galists. — Mr. Knight. — Wilson justified. — Opinion of elders. — Wheel
wright; petition of his friends ; his trial; sentenced as seditious. — Protest of
Vane. — Gorton's arrival. — Ordination at Concord. — Call of ministers
in England. — Pequods hostile. — Soldiers raised. — Charter nullified. — Pat
entees outlawed. — Dedham church officers. — Nine positions. — Non-conform
ists. — Thirty-two questions. — Emigration forbidden. — Suggestion to throw
off subjection to England. — Passengers detained. — Cromwell and others. —
Puritan ministers prevented from coming to America. — Remarks of Neal. —
Order for the charter to be demanded. — John Yonge. — Stormy election. —
Discussions published. — Chaplain for Pequod expedition. — Disaffection of
Boston. — Wheelwright respited. — Greensmith. — Offensive acts. — Contro
versy. — Taking lower seats. — Castle. Plymouth. Wrecks. — Sabbath vi
olation. — Complaint of Pequod expedition. — Ralph Partridge arrives. — Lev
eridge. — Duxbury and Scituate churches. — Code of laws. — Oath of freemen.
— Cage, etc. — Fasts. — Witchcraft. — Scituate petition. — Strangers. — Guard.
— Pequots. Maine. Supplies for Agamenticus. — Saco minister. — Popula
tion. — D'Aulney at Penobscot. New Hampshire. Mason's decease.
Rhode Island. Williams goes to Providence. — His remarks. — Toleration.
— Letter to Vaiie. — Murder of Oldham. — Conference with Canonicus. —
Treaty with the Narragansetts. — Purchase of Aquednec. — Capture of a Pe
quod fort. Connecticut. Colonists for Connecticut. — Watch. — Ammu
nition. — Commission for Winthrop, Jr., at Saybrook. — Expedition. — Boast
of the Pequods. — Attack. — Torture of prisoners to death. — Tilly. — Court's
Message. — Order as to young men. — Pequods still hostile. — Threats. — Syn
od. — Private things here publicly known in England. — More persons taken
and tormented. — Victims redeemed. — War declared against the Pequods. —
Forces march. — Mr. Stone chaplain. — Enemy defeated.

MASSACHUSETTS.
1636, May 2. On the discussion of the question in Salem
about dividing Marblehead Neck into lots, it appears from
arguments of Mr. Endicott, that a portion of it had been
(254;

,^„, CHURCH PURITY IS STATE SAFETY- . 255
1636.]
reserved for the erection of a college. Thus early provis
ion for supplying the country with a continuation of learned
clergymen and magistrates, on a Puritan basis, indicates
the public purpose, and speaks much for the wisdom of its
advocates. About this time, Mr. Cotton writes, as in Hutchinson, to
Lord Say and Seal, in reference to the government which he
thought best for the colony at Saybrook, as well as for the other
colonies. It is evident from his remarks that he highly approved
of the principles manifested in the civil and ecclesiastical admin
istrations of Plymouth and Massachusetts. Some of his remarks
follow : " When a commonwealth hath liberty to mould its own
frame, I conceyve the Scripture hath given full direction for the
right ordering of the same, and that in such sort as may best
mainteyne the euexia [welfare] of the church. It is better that
the commonwealth be fashioned to the setting forth of God's
house, which is his church, than to accommodate the church to
the civill state. When your lordship doubteth that this course
will draw all things under the determination of the church,
(seeing the church is to determine who shall be members, and
none but a member may have to doe in the government of a
commonwealth,) be pleased (I pray you) to conceyve, that magis
trates are neyther chosen to office in the church, nor doe gov-
erne by directions from the church, but by civill lawes, and
those enacted in General Corts and executed in corts of justice
by the governor and assistants. Nor neede your lordship feare
that this corse will lay such a foundation, as nothing but a mere
democracy can be built upon it. Nor neede we feare that this
corse will in time cast the commonwealth into distractions and
popular confusions. For (under correction) these three things
doe not undermine, but doe mutually and strongly mainteyne
one another, (even those three which wee principally aime at,)
authority in magistrates, liberty in people, and purity in church.
Purity preserved in the church will preserve well-ordered hb
erty in the people, and both of them estabhsh well-balanced
authority in the magistrates."
Though, at first glance, these positions seem to favor ecclesi
astical influence too much, still, when carefully examined, they
.are consistent with sound philosophy, the rights of man, and
equitable government. The experiment made of them by our
ancestors, till the reign of Charles II., though necessarily im
perfect as the test of human fallibility, proved them to have all
the credibility which their author claimed.
May 9. It is ordered by Boston, that " no townsmen shall en
tertain any strangers in their houses for above fourteen days
without leave from those that are appointed to the town's busi-

256 < SCRIPTURAL CODE OF LAWS. [Mass.
ness." One evident purpose of this was to keep the inhabitants
clear from such as were unfriendly to their principles.
May 15. " Mr. Peters, preaching at Boston,* made an earnest
request to the church, that they would spare their teacher, Mr.
Cotton, for a time, that he might go through the Bible, and raise
marginal notes upon all the knotty places of the Scriptures ;
that a new book of martyrs might be made where the other had
left ; that a form of church government might be drawn accord
ing to the Scriptures ; that they would take order for employ
ment of people, (especially women and children, in the winter
time,) for he feared that idleness would be the ruin both of
church and commonwealth."
The ship St. Patrick arrives.* She belonged to Sir Thomas
Wentworth, the lord deputy of Ireland and afterwards the
Earl of Strafford. When she approached the Castle, the lieu
tenant of the latter, though with no ensign unfurled, made her
master strike his flag, probably because it bore the sign of the
cross, then very much disapproved by many of the colonists, as
a remnant of Popish idolatry. The matter was amicably adjust
ed, lest the owner of the ship should be displeased with such
an act, as discourteous to himself, and, it is likely, still more so
to his royal master.
25. On the council for life, previously ordered to be chosen
this session,f John Winthrop, Sen., and Thomas Dudley are
elected, and the president of it, from his office of governor, is
Henry Vane. This body were continued three years, and then
they had a new modification in consequence of popular jealousy,
which contended, that their continuance, as first chosen, might
imperil the general liberty.
The voters of Newbury are fined sixpence each, because they
elected and sent a deputy to the court who was not a freeman.
A committee of several laymen and clergymen are appointed.
The latter are Cotton, Peters, and Shepard. The object of their
being chosen is " to make a draft of laws agreeable to the word
of God, which may be the fundamentals of this commonwealth,"
and present the same to the next legislature.
As a means to lessen the prejudice against them in England,
our rulers order, that, in the places where Quarterly Courts,
just instituted, are to be held, " the king's arms shall be erected
so soon as they can be had."
Shepard's Memoir says, " The whole country " is exercised
" with the opinions of Familists, begun by Mrs. Hutchinson,
raised up to a great height by Mr. Vane, and maintained too
obscurely by Mr. Cotton, and propagated too boldly by mem-
* Winthrop. f General Court Records.

WARRANT TO APPREHEND SECEDERS. 257
.looO.J
bers of Boston, and some in other churches." It remarks, that
" the principal, opinion and seed of all the rest " is, that a Chris
tian has evidence of grace only " by immediate revelation in an
absolute promise." It states that the elders deal with Cotton,
and publicly preach against the errors so sent forth on commu
nity. Shepard writes, " I account it no small mercy to myself
that the Lord kept me from that contagion, and gave me any
heart or light to see through those devices of men's heads ;
although I found it a most uncomfortable time to live in con
tention." May 26. John Wheelwright arrives at Boston. He had his
A. B. in 1614, and A. M. in 1618, at Sidney College, Cam
bridge. He became a preacher in Belleau, Lincolnshire, but
was silenced for his non-conformity. He and his wife Mary
joined the Boston church, June 12, some over a fortnight after
he landed. He soon adopted his sister-in-law Hutchinson's
opinions, which brought him into serious difficulty.
Samuel Whiting came with Wheelwright. He was son of
John Whiting, mayor of Boston, Lincolnshire, where he had
his birth November 20, 1597. He received his A. B. 1616,
and A. M. 1620, at Emanuel College, Cambridge. He was
settled in the ministry at Lynn and then at Skirbeck. His first
wife and two sons died in England ; she left a daughter. His
second wife was daughter of the Right Honorable Oliver St.
John. Desirous to flee from severe persecution and labor where
his sentiments could be met with more congenial sympathy, he
left the land of his fathers for an abode upon our shores.
30. Difficulty still continuing, at Salem, between advocates
for Roger Williams and others, a warrant, as contained in Win
throp, is sent by magistrates from Boston to the constable there.
The tenor of this instrument is as follows : " Whereas we are
credibly informed, that divers persons (both men and women)
within your town, do disorderly assemble themselves both upon
the Lord's day and other times, and contemptuously refusing to
come to the solemn meetings of the church there, (or being some
of them justly cast out,)' do obstinately refuse to submit them
selves, that they might again be received, but do make conventions
and seduce divers persons of weak capacity, and have already
withdrawn some of them from the church, and thereby have
caused much disturbance, not only in the church, but also dis
order and damage in the civil state, so as if they be suffered to
o-0 orlj your town is like to be deserted by many of the chief
and most useful members, to the great dishonor of God." It
further requires the constable to call on the individuals com
plained of, accompanied by witnesses, expostulate with them,
and assure them that if they do not conform with the law
2g 22*

258 CHARGE OF REBELLION AND TREASON. [Mass.
of the colony, the civil authorities will adopt compulsory
measures. May 31. In speaking of Mason's death and of his being a
prime mover in pohcy ruinous to this country, the same author
says " all the business fell on sleep " through his decease. This
expression seems to bear on the immediate fitting out of a ship
with the governor general for New England. Though it may
give an impression that our fathers had weathered the storm, and
were peacefully moored, facts prove that the hierarchal purpose
at home was strong to sink and destroy their civil and religious
freedom as soon as it could be accomplished.
June 1. Richard Jennings, born at Ipswich, England, sails
for this country with the Rev. Nathaniel Rogers. At this time
he had taken his first degree at Cambridge University. He had
a pious mother, who, while desirous to have him properly
taught in the wisdom of this world, was still more so that he
might become wise unto salvation. Hence, at times, he had
deep religious impressions. The reason why he accompanied
Mr. Rogers was to enjoy his spiritual instructions. They reached
Massachusetts, November 16, after a voyage of many storms
and difficulties. In the spring of 1637, he obtained, after severe-
struggles against his unbelief, a consoling hope in Christ. He
embarked for home, in December, 1638, and on the 31st of
this month, he, with the rest of the company, had a very nar
row escape from shipwreck, at St. Michael's Mount. On his
return, in 1639, he began his ministry in Northamptonshire.
He then preached in Huntingdonshire, and afterwards at "North
Glemham, Suffolk. He was ordained in London, September 18,
1645, and settled at Combe, in 1647, where he remained till
1662. He continued in the parsonage house till 1678, when
he moved to London. He finished his days at Clapham, Sep
tember 12, 1709. He was able to preach " without notes at
ninety-two " years old, was learned, " of a good invention and
strong memory," and, what is far better, was actuated by Chris
tian principle, which rendered him perseveringly and exten
sively useful.
7. Thomas Millerd, mate of the ship Hector, is committed *
for " saying, we are all rebels and traitors, and he would justify
[it] to the governor's face ; that he had been twice to the coun
cil table, and [would] go again, and doubted not but to bring
some to scourge us." This confession and threat accord with
the exertions, still continued by the lords commissioners for
terminating all the power of dissenters in our country. Their
author gave utterance to them, because the royal colors were
not displayed "at Boston Fort."
* General Court Records.

.,„„„ PREACHING TO SEAMEN. 259
[looo. June 9. Having been arraigned for his language, Miller, or
Millerd, as he signed his name, apologizes to the satisfaction-of
our authorities.* These informed the Enghsh commanders in
the port of Boston, that they " were fully persuaded that the
cross in the ensign was idolatrous, and therefore might not set it
in our ensign." Still they allowed that, as the fort was the
king's, and maintained in his name, his colors might be suspend
ed there, as the captains desired, because, if this were any longer
omitted, they should be summoned to state the fact on their re
turn home.
In this month, Cotton preaches at Salem on the perpetuity of
Abraham's covenant. His discourse had application to the sep
aratists from the church in that town, relative to Mr. Williams's
difficulties. July 5. Messrs. Bulkley and Jones, as in Winthrop, desig
nated this time for gathering a church at Newton, which is to
be located at Watertown. Three days previously they invited
the governor and his deputy to attend. But these officers were
not pleased that they had proceeded so far without consultation
of the churches and magistrates, and thus disregarded the law
on this subject. For this reason, they declined to take any part
in the council.
9. Taking an active interest in the welfare of seamen, and de
sirous to impress those bound for England with the true char
acter of our religious institutions, Mr. Peters.goes down to Nan
tasket, where a fleet lay, ready to sail, and preaches to a collec
tion of them on board of the Hector. It was well to have a
friendly parfing with the' men who had been recently offended,
because the royal flag was not hoisted at the Castle, and from
whom, when landing in the mother country, many would be
eager to catch any report which would swell the charges
against New England.
17. As an instance of ecclesiastical communion, we have
the following from the Boston church records : " Thomas Mat-
son, formerly received by communion of churches, but now as
a member upon the confession of his faith and repentance, and
professed subjection to the Lord Jesus Christ, according to the
covenant of the gospel."
August. The inhabitants of Mount Wollaston, then a part of
Boston, finding it inconvenient to worship with the first church,
endeavor to have one formed in their own district. But an ob
jection to this was, that the farms at Mount Wollaston were
granted to Boston for helping to meet its municipal and ecclesi
astical expenses. To obviate such a hinderance, the proprietors
* Winthrop's Journal.

260 COVENANTERS— EXPEDITION. r
of the farms agree to pay sixpence an acre yearly if within a
rail* -cf -the water, and threepence, if further off. Such acqui
escence shows a vory different disposition towards the colonial
authorities from' that of Morton, who, in the maintenance of
Episcopal principles on the same premises, refused to obey their
laws. August 15. The settlers of Contentment, afterwards Dedham,
enter* into a covenant. This has the subsequent passages :
" We promise to profess and practice one faith, according to that
most perfect rule, the foundation whereof is everlasting love.
We engage by all means to keep off from our company such as
shall be contrary-minded, and receive only such into our society
as will, in a meek and quiet spirit, promote its temporal and spir
itual good." The trials, which the subscribers of this contract
experienced in their native country, and what they feared from
the same source, as well as to carry out the purpose of their im
migration hither, even the enjoyment of civil and religious lib
erty, were the main cause of such an agreement. This, though
restrictive, was, from the circumstances around it, necessary,
proper, and reasonable. Any intruder, who, for the sake of
gratifying his individual wish at the expense of detriment to the
peace and welfare of the covenanters, forced himself into their
community, and was immediately repulsed, had no just cause to
blame them, but his own presumption. The policy of Dedham
was that of all the plantations, and, consequently, of the com
monwealth. 23. By the permission of the magistrates and elders, a new
church,f on the second trial, is organized at Dorchester. Rich
ard Mather becomes the pastor.
25. Having consulted with the magistrates and ministers, the
standing council send ninety volunteers, under Endicott, against
the Block Island Indians f and others concerned in the murder
of John Oldham, and the capture of his vessel. The result of
the expedition on the island was the destruction of the enemy's
property, one killed, one taken, and others of them wounded ;
and among the Pequods was, that their wigwams, and canoes,
and mats were burned, thirteen of them were killed, and forty
wounded ; and one of the English lost an eye. A more seri
ous conflict was to ensue. Then, as always, warfare was a hin-
derance to the spread of plantations and reformation.
September 6. For aggravated profanity, Robert Shorthose is
sentenced by the Court of Assistants " to have his tongue put
into a cleft stick, and to stand so by the space of a half hour."
A woman is ordered, at the same time, to be punished in a
* Dedham Records. t Winthrop, Trumbull.

_,___ opinions of Mrs. hutchinson. 261
[1636. similar manner for the like, though not so heinous, offence, con
nected with "railing and reviling." Peter Bussaker is sen
tenced to receive twenty stripes, " sharply inflicted," for drunk
enness, and is fined five pounds for slighting the magistrates.
October 21. Mrs. Ann Hutchinson attracts public attention
on account of her religious speculations. She was the wife of
Wilham Hutchinson, merchant, who joined the Boston church
July 26, 1634, and she united with it the next November 2,
though some objection was then made to her opinions. The
following Sabbath, two of her sons, Richard and Francis, and a
daughter, Faith, and on the 28th of December, another daugh
ter, Bridget, became members, and her husband chosen deacon,
November 27, 1636, of the same church. She observed, shortly
before her embarkation for this country, to Henry Bartholomew,
as they passed through St. Paul's Churchyard, in London,*
" that she had never had any great thing done about her but it
was revealed to her beforehand." This she still held to after
coming hither. Governor Winthrop says, that she " brought
over with her two dangerous errors ; that the person of the
Holy Ghost dwells in a justified one ; that no sanctification can
help to evidence to us our justification. From these two grew
many branches, as our union with the Holy Ghost, so as a Chris
tian remains dead to every spiritual action, and hath no gifts nor
graces other than such as are hypocrites, nor any other sancti
fication but the Holy Ghost himself."
From the same auth»r and Weld we learn that she subse
quently made the ensuing statement : " I was troubled in Eng
land that the churches and ministers did not hold Christ aright.
After twelve months' prayer, I saw how I had trusted in a cov
enant of works. After our teacher, Mr. Cotton, and my broth
er Wheelwright were put down, there was none in England,
that I durst hear. After this the Lord carrying Mr. Cotton to
New England, it was revealed to me that I must go thither,
also, and that there I should be persecuted and suffer much
trouble." 25. This subject collects the ministers of the colony, as Win
throp informs us, at Boston, to consult with members of the
legislature about it, and whether they should write concerning it
to Mr. Cotton's church, and try to prevent its influence there
and in other churches'. At the conference, this clergyman and
Mr. Wheelwright expressed their belief that sanctification was
evidence of justification. The former added, that he, with other
ministers, did not hold to the personal union of the believer with
the Holy Spirit, as Mrs. Hutchinson and others did, though
they believed that the same Spirit dwelt in the sanctified.
* Mrs. Hutchinson's examination, in the 2d volume of Hutchinson.

262 MOSAIC code of laws. [Mass.
Mr. Cotton, as head of the committee for drawing up a body
of laws, though he had prominent assistance from Nathaniel
Ward, presents them to the General Court. Winthrop calls
them " a model of Moses his judicials, compiled in exact
method, which were taken into further consideration till the
next General Court." The evident design of the code was to
regulate the commonwealth essentially as it had been, so that
the cause of Congregational religion should be made the para
mount object of all other interests, whether public or private.
It mentions, as one obligation of the legislature, " the mainte
nance of the purity and unity of religion, and accordingly to set
forward and uphold all such courses, as shall be thought fit for
that end, by the advice of the elders, with the consent of the
churches, and to represse the contrary." It retained a distin
guishing feature of the system, as already practised, namely,
that none but members of the churches here should be freemen,
and none but these should either choose or be chosen officers of
government. Another clause of it follows : " Forasmuch as all
civil affairs are to be administered and ordered so as may best
conduce to the upholding and setting forward of the worship
of God in church fellowship, it is therefore ordered, that where
soever the lands of any man's inheritance shall fall, yet no man
shall set his dwelling house above the distance of half a mile, or
a mile at the farthest, from the meeting of the congregation,
where the church doth usually assemble for the worship of
God." It is adduced, as an instance of the care exercised by
our fathers to secure attendance at the sanctuary, which they
wisely considered as an important means for the preservation of
their civil and ecclesiastical liberties.
As well known, the laws so prepared were not formally
adopted. Excepting some parts, as before intimated, they had
been in practice, and continued so to be, until the most of them
were incorporated in " the Body of Liberties," received and
passed by the General Court. Because largely drawn from the
system of Moses, many have taken it for granted, without ex
amination, that they must have been too irrelevant to New Eng
land, and therefore injudicious, rather betraying weakness and
ignorance than strength and intelligence of mind. But this is
the sheer conclusion of prejudice. Few men, either in the old
or new world, could boast of better intellectual powers, or greater
stores of knowledge, than those possessed by Cotton and Ward.
The main principles of jurisprudence, inculcated by the law
giver of Israel, have an application to human society in all ages
and nations. So long as the world remains in its fallen condi
tion, the administration of them will be essential for its good
order and equitable government.

legislative donation for a COLLEGE. 263
A reason, at first, why Cotton and Ward's code failed to be
adopted, was that leading colonists feared it might be construed
as exceeding the power granted by the charter, which might
hasten its nullification, as threatened by the judicial course
against it still pursued by its opponents in England. An edi
tion of it was printed. in London, 1641. Fourteen years after,
William Aspinwall, who had been a resident in the capital of
Massachusetts, had another edition of it published there. Re
ferring to its being considered by our legislature several years,
he remarked in his preface, " which had they then the heart to
have received, it might have been better both with them there
and us here."
October 28. The following conclusion of the legislature indi
cates that the purpose of founding a college, as an essential aux
iliary to the advancement of the end for which the colony was
settled, and, as previously suggested at Salem, was still cherished
and matured. It is agreed " to give four hundred pounds to
wards a school or college, whereof two hundred pounds to be
paid next year, and two hundred when the work is finished, and,
the next court to appoint when, where, and what building."
This was a demonstration of the Protestant principle, which re
quires the light of knowledge as the warrant for its claims and
rule of its action. Shepard informs us that one reason for
erecting the college at Newton was, that the place had been
kept clear from the opinions of Mrs. Hutchinson.
30. As the advocates of Mrs. Hutchinson's doctrines had
proposed to have her brother Wheelwright united in the minis
try with Cotton and Wilson, the matter is brought before the
church for consideration. Winthrop, who states these facts,
objects to the movement, because they had ministers enough, and
their peace might be disturbed by calling Wheelwright, who
did not harmonize with them in certain points. These he rep
resents to be, as delivered in a recent exercise, that the believer
is more than a creature, and that the Holy Ghost and a believer
are united. Upon this Governor Vane expresses his surprise,
because Mr. Cotton had lately approved of Mr. Wheelwright's
doctrine. Cotton observes that he does not remember that.
Wheelwright advanced the first of the ideas imputed to him,
and desires him to explain the matter. Wheelwright does not
deny but that he had expressed them on a particular occasion.
There being an endeavor to explain away the difference of views
between him and Winthrop, the latter remarks, that though
this is likely to be done, and he highly esteems the abilities and
piety of Wheelwright, still he is indisposed to sit under his min
istry, " seeing he was apt to raise doubtful disputations." From

264 TRIUMPH OF THE NATIONAL CHURCH.
[_1V1ASS.
these considerations the church vote * as follows : " Our brother,
Mr. John Wheelwright, was granted for the preaching for a
church gathering at Mt. Wallystone, upon a petition of them
that were resident there."
As some brethren of the church to which Winthrop belongs f
were offended at his objections to Wheelwright, he gave his rea
sons for them the next day, and soon communicated his mind on
the subject to Cotton.
November 8. A church is gathered at Saugus after the delib
eration of two days. The council admit only six members and
Mr. Whiting, who was to be their pastor. This experiment
was the beginning of better things for the people there, who
had suffered from ecclesiastical difficulties.
17. As evidence of continued desire with many dissenters of
England, two ships came into Boston from London, and one the
week previous, full of passengers. Among these is Nathaniel
Rogers. The exact date on which he reached the port is uncer
tain. He was son of John Rogers, minister of Haverhill, and
then of Dedham, and of Elizabeth, his second wife, whose sur
name was Gold. He is represented by Hutchinson, in a note
of his decease under 1655, as a descendant from John Ro
gers, the martyr in the reign of Queen Mary, though this is
doubted by some. He was born in 1598, and had his A. B.
1617, and his A. M. 1621, at Emanuel College, Cambridge.
He officiated as chaplain in a family of high rank, and then as
curate at Booking, in Essex county. While here, in 1627, he
was troubled with objections to Episcopal conformity. On this
account, his labors were transferred to Assington, of Suffolk,
where they were abundant and successful for five years. Not
seeing his way clear to subscribe " the articles of visitation,"
and being threatened with consequent penalty, he prepared to
seek a refuge in this country. Having married a daughter of
Robert Crane, of Coggeshall, this gentleman offered to support
him and his family if he would stay in England. Though in
clination for ease might bid him accept the generous proposal,
his perception of duty led him to forsake the strong ties of kin
dred and country.
In reference to the departure of him and others of like spirit,
Neal contains these remarks : " The [national] church was now
in the height of its triumphs, and grasped not only at all spirit
ual jurisdiction, but at the capital preferments of the state.
Great numbers of the most useful and laborious preachers in
all parts of the country were buried in silence, and forced to ab
scond from the fury of the high commission." Rushworth
* First Church records of Boston. f Winthrop's Journal.

,.„„„ PERSON AS TO THE HOLY SPIRIT. 265
[looo.
gives a passage on the same subject : " The severe censures in
the Star Chamber, and the greatness of the fines, and the rigorous
proceedings to impose ceremonies, the suspending and silencing
multitudes of ministers for not reading the Book of Sports to
be exercised on the Lord's day, caused many of the nation, both
ministers and others, to sell their estates and set sail for New
England." Such facts indicate the fiery furnace prepared for the
prominent supporters of Congregationalism here who should
remain steadfast to their principles, in case the undiminished
resolution of the crown party for controlling our colonial affairs
should be accomplished. One light, amid the shadows which
came over our ancestors while thus threatened, was, that they
received larger accessions of desirable immigrants, the more
power at home was so applied as to drive them hither, and that,
with physical and spiritual strength so increased, they were bet
ter able to stand by their privileges, with greater prospect of
success, to the last extremity.
Vane, Cotton, and many others, of Boston, favorable to
Mrs. Hutchinson's scheme, hold * to " the indwelling of
the person of the Holy Ghost in a believer." The first also
goes " so far beyond the rest as to maintain a personal union "
with the same Spirit. But Winthrop, Wilson, and others deny
both. A discussion on these topics is continued, and, for the
sake of peace, in writing. " At length they could not find the
person of the Holy Ghost in Scripture, nor in the primitive
churches three hundred years after Christ, so that, all agreeing
in the chief matter of substance, viz., that the Holy Ghost is God,
and that he doth dwell in the believers, (as the Father and Son
both are said to do,) but whether by his gifts and power only,
or by any other manner of presence, seeing the Scripture doth
not declare it, — it was earnestly desired, that the word ' person'
mi<riit be forborne, being a term of human invention, and tend
ing to doubtful disputation in this case."
November 27. " Our brethren,f Mr. Wm. Hutchinson and
Jacob Elyott, were chosen to the deacon's office." The former,
as before stated, was husband to Mrs. Hutchinson, whose doc
trines were increasingly attracting public attention.
December 7. Governor Vane convenes the legislature, so that
he may have their consent for him to visit England, on account
of his property, as letters from his friends there desired.J
While this subject is considered, an Assistant regrets the occa
sion of his departure, because of danger " from the Indians and
French." Vane mentions an objection to him among the peo-
* Winthrop's Journal. t Boston church records.
} General Court records. Winthrop's Journal.
2 H 23

266 LUXURIES— REPROOF. [Mass.
pie, that his religious speculations had disturbed the peace of
the churches. The court consent to his leave of absence. The
Boston church are averse to his going home, which delays his em
barkation. Many of the colonists are desirous of his reelection.
December 1 3. To prevent " immoderate expense of provision
brought from beyond the seas, it is ordered, that whosoever (af
ter three months from the date hereof) shall buy or receive out
of any ship any fruit, spice, sugar, wine, strong water, or to
bacco, shall pay to the treasurer one sixth part of the price or
value thereof, and every person who shall buy or receive any
of the said commodities, with intent to retail the same to others,
shall pay to the treasurer one third part of the value or price
thereof." As an exception to these restrictions, deacons may
purchase wine for the use of their churches.
During this session of the court, the elders, being invited by
them to attend and advise about the differences of opinion in
the churches, are present. So convened, they met before the
subject came up in the former body, and wrote down the points
in which they thought Cotton differed from them, and to which
he agreed to return an answer. Vane, hearing of this pro
cedure, expressed his dislike to it, in court, for which Peters
reproved him, and added, that the ministers were saddened by
his jealousy of their deliberations, and his apparent inclination
" to restrain their liberty." The governor apologized ; Peters
continued his advice to him, and related his observation as to the
origin of erroneous speculations in " the Low Countries."
Wilson reviewed the sad condition of the churches in conse
quence of Mrs. Hutchinson's opinions. This was approved by
the elders and the legislature, except Vane and four others, who
were probably William Coddington of the Assistants, and John
Coggeshall of the deputies, and Cotton and Wheelwright of the
clergy. On the day of this discussion, Cotton preached, and took the
position " that evident sanctification was an evidence of justifi
cation." On debating this doctrine, its author and Vane argued
against its objectors.
The remarks advanced by Wilson offended his colleague and
others of the church, so that they proceeded to deal with him.
He replied that, he was not conscious of having said more than
the time and occasion required, and that he intended to apply
his language no more to Boston church than to other churches.
Still he could not satisfy them.
This year, as Johnson informs us, a man from England was
desirous to hear Shepard preach, who, a follower of Mrs.
Hutchinson told him, was a legalist. As he entered the parish
of Shepard, he heard a drum, which gave notice that he was

SPIRITUAL GOOD OF INDIANS. 267
[1637. then to deliver a sermon. The stranger took a seat in the meet
ing house, " where having stayed while the glass was turned up
twice," was deeply impressed with the matter and manner of
the speaker, and formed a high opinion of him, as an able mes
senger of Christian truth.
December 21. Hugh Peters becomes the pastor of Salem
church. They renew their covenant,* somewhat altered from the
first. It evidently had reference to events of the time. One
passage of it is, " Resolving to reject all contrary ways, canons,
and constitutions of men in his worship." This evidently bears
on the experience of the dissenters in England, who had refused
compliance with Episcopal requisitions. Another, " We will
not in the congregation be forward either to show our own gifts
and parts in speaking or scrupling." It was common in our an
cient congregations for persons to rise after the sermon, and ex
press approbation or the contrary to its different parts. A fur
ther passage, " No way slighting our sister churches, but using
their counsel as need shall be ; not laying a stumbling-block be
fore any, no, not the Indians, whose good we desire to promote."
There had been several cases, wherein much difficulty had arisen
because such advice was not seasonably sought. The great
object of evangelizing the original inhabitants is still cherished.
The last extract, here taken from the covenant, runs as follows :
" We do promise to carry ourselves in all lawful obedience to
those that are over us, in church or commonwealth." This re
lates to the troubles occasioned by the stand of Roger Williams
and his advocates, and to those arising from the controversy
about Mrs. Hutchinson's doctrine.
31. The Boston church.f except Winthrop and one or two
more, desire Wilson to answer publicly for his remarks in Gen
eral Court. He wisely rephed to them. They were earnest to
have him censured. Cotton, though he did not consider the
excuse of his colleague sufficient, declined to do it, but " gave
him a grave exhortation."
1637 January 1. Wilson preached so acceptably, that
Vane " °ives public witness to him." The preceding occur
rences opened a correspondence between Winthrop and Cotton
with regard to the position of Wilson.f " Upon these public
occasions, other opinions brake out publicly in the church of
Boston, as that the Holy Ghost dwelt in a believer as he is in
heaven ¦ that a man is justified before he believes ; and that
faith is no cause of justification. And others spread more se
cretly, as that the letter of the Scripture holds forth nothing but
a covenant of works ; and that the covenant of grace was the
# Mather's Magnalia. t Winthrop's Journal.

268 DOCTRINES — RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE. [Mass.
spirit of the Scripture, which was known only to believers ; and
that this" covenant of works was given by Moses in the ten com
mandments ; that there was a seed (viz., Abraham's carnal seed)
went along in this, and there was a spirit and life in it, by vir
tue whereof a man might attain to any sanctification in gifts and
graces, and might have spiritual and [continual] communion with
Jesus Christ, and yet be damned. After, it was granted, that
faith was before justification, but it was only passive, an empty
vessel, etc. ; but, in conclusion, the ground of all was found to
be assurance by immediate revelation." Wilson, Winthrop,
and a few others of the church argued against such doctrines,
but the remainder, being a large majority, favored them.
The rest of the clergymen, being dissatisfied with the opinions
expressed by Cotton and some of his church, have them written
under sixteen sections, and presented to him, with the earnest
request that he would immediately reply. This he did, and
many copies of it were circulated. The ministers answered at
large, and gave their reasons of dissent from his views.
January 12. Called to take a prominent and decided stand in
this crisis of trial to the Christian's faith and character, Gov
ernor Winthrop draws up an intelligent and scriptural account of
his religious experience. Towards the end, he speaks of free
justification, through the Savior, as the only way of remission
for his deficiencies in duty — a doctrine strangely represented by
some of the errorists, who now trouble the churches here. He
then closes with the words, " The Lord Jesus, who, of his own
free grace, hath washed my soul in the blood of the everlasting
covenant, wash away all those spots in his own time. Amen.
Even so do, Lord Jesus."
19. A general fast is observed.* The reasons for it are the
following : f the unhappy condition of the churches in Ger
many ; the calamities of England, " the bishops making havoc
in the churches, putting down the faithful ministers, and advan
cing Popish ceremonies and doctrines ; the plague raging exceed
ingly, and famine and sword threatening them ; the dangers of
those at Connecticut, and of ourselves also, by the Indians ;
and the dissensions in our churches." This was a sad account,
enough to bring reformers before the Lord with humility and
prayer for the sanctification of their trials, in sympathy and ex
perience, and for deliverance from them.
The services of this day in Boston add much to the materials
of controversy, which was spreading a dark cloud over the
* General Court Records.
t Winthrop has this fast put under the 20th day, but the colony records make
it the 19th.

WHEELWRIGHT'S FAST SERMON. 269
prospect of New England. Had it not been for their stay upon
the help of God, the hearts of our fathers would have sunk
within them. When Cotton had closed his sermon in the after
noon,* the church desired Wheelwright to prophesy " as a pri
vate brother." He arose, and the subject of his discourse was
predicated on Matt. ix. 15, " And Jesus said unto them, Can the
children of the bride chamber mourn," etc. — " then they shall
fast." The doctrine f he derived from the text was, "that the
only cause of the fasting of true believers is the absence of
Christ." Some extracts follow: "There is a prophecy of a
glorious church, which the Lord will haue vnder the New Tes
tament. Wheresoeuer we hue, if we wold haue the Lord Jesus
Christ to be aboundantly present with vs, we must all of vs pre
pare for battell, and come out against the enimyes of the Lord ;
and if we do not strive, those vnder a covenant of works will
prevaile. Wee must haue a speciall care, therefore, to show
ourselues couragious. Brethren, those vnder a covenant of
works, the more holy they are, the greater enimyes they are to
Christ." For those under a covenant of grace to contend "will
cause a combustion in the church and commonwealth. I must
confesse and acknowledge it will do so. If we meane to keepe
the Lord Jesus Christ, we must be willing to suffer any thing.
If we will prevaile, if we be called, we must be willing to lay
downe our lives, and shall overcome by so doing. Sampson slew
more at his death then in his hfe, and so we may prevaile more
by our death then by our lives."
For those of us under a covenant of grace to retain the pres
ence of the Lord, we must be careful of several duties. " We
must haue a speciall care, that as any of vs are interessed with
the gospell, so to deale faithfully in the dispensing of it, whether
we be in place or not in place, whether brethren or sisters.
Such as set themselves against the Lord Jesus Christ are the
greatest enemyes to the state. If they can haue their wills, you
shall see what a lamentable estate both the church and common
wealth will be in."
" It may comfort the saynts of God in this respect, that seeing
that the Lord Jesus Christ his absence is the cause of fasting
and mourning, this is a comfort to the children of God, that
come what will, they shall be in a happy estate, they shall be
blessed. Suppose those that are God's children shold loose
their houses, and lands, and wives, and friends, and loose the
acting of the guifts of grace, and loose the ordinances, they can
never loose the Lord Jesus Christ. This is a great comfort to
* A Brief Apology for the Proceedings of General Court.
t Hutchinson's Collections, MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soe. Library.
23*

270 OCCASION OF PUBLIC OFFENCE.
|_J!uASS.
God's people. Suppose the saynts of God shold be banished
and depriued of all the ordinances of God, that were a hard
case (in some respect) for we had better part with all then the
ordinances ; but if the ordinances shold be taken away, yet
Christ cannot ; for if John be banished to an iland, (Reu. i. 9,
10,) and the Spirite come vpon him on the Lord's day, there are
amends for the ordinances, amends for banishment ; if we loose
ordinances for God, he will be ordinances vnto ' vs. Therefore
let the saynts of God be incouraged though they shold loose all
they haue ; yet they being made one in Christ, and Christ dwell
ing in their hearts by faith, they may be perswaded nothing can
separate them from Christ. Rom. viii. 38, 39. Therefore let
the saynts of God reioyce that they haue the Lord Jesus Christ,
and their names written in the booke of life ; be glad and reioyce,
for great is your reward in heauen."
These paragraphs are presented to show the nature of the
discourse. Applying them to existing circumstances of the pe
riod, there is no wonder that it was like casting oil upon the
flame. However strongly sustained the author was in his own
church, still he was aware that a large majority of the other
churches were persuaded that the distinction he made between
them and his advocates was without any essential difference.
While exhibiting his own supporters as under a covenant of
grace, and the best patriots of the land, and those on the opposite
side as under a covenant of works, and therefore its worst foes,
he must have perceived that his positions would be generally
received as presumptuous, and treated as a libel on the character
of the colonists. Though he may have fearlessly bid defiance
to the civil authorities, and encouraged his denomination, male
and female, to contend earnestly for their faith on the peril of
banishment, he must have seen that it was increasing the jeop
ardy of having the whole country soon brought under the dicta
tion of the lords commissioners, with Bishop Laud at their
head. In view of these facts, without intending to impugn the
conscientious motives of the writer, we cannot think it strange
that the General Court, perilously situated as they were, felt
themselves bound to deal with him as an offender.
February 3. As many passengers, according to the relation of
Winthrop, are about to sail in a ship from Boston for England,
Cotton is anxious that they should not carry thither any unfa
vorable account of the controversy relative to Mrs. Hutchinson's
sentiments. He accordingly desires them to say, " that all the
strife was about magnifying the grace of God within us, and
the other to advance the grace of God towards us, mean
ing by the one justification, and by the other sanctification, —
and so bade them tell them, that, if there were any among them

j ANTINOMIANS AND LEGALISTS. 271
that would strive for grace, they should come hither." Wilson
also addresses the same persons. He assures them " that he
knew none of the elders or brethren of the churches but did
labour to advance the free grace of God in justification, so far
as the word of God required ; and spake also about the doctrine
of sanctification, and the use and necessity of it."
To the individual, unacquainted with the difference of views
entertained by the teacher and pastor of Boston church, these
speeches would seem as though they were based on harmony.
But one of them favored the system of Mrs. Hutchinson, and
the other was to clear its opponents from the charge of reject
ing the doctrine of free grace. Cotton's friends liked his
remarks, and those of Wilson were not less pleased with what
he said.
Brethren of Boston, who sided with Mrs. Hutchinson, at
tended lectures out of town, and when any thing in these dis
courses contravened their opinions, publicly objected to it, and
thus caused much disturbance. " It began to be as common
here to distinguish between men, by being under a covenant of
grace or a covenant of works, as in other countries between
Protestants and Papists." The parties thus designated were
called, one* by the other, Antinomians and Legalists. They, like
all other bodies similarly related, prompted by zeal for the prin
ciples they cherished, looked more on the points of difference
than of agreement between them, and regarded each other as
carried away by a strange delusion from the line of their respec
tive creeds.
Shepard remarks, under January 20, "Mr. Wheelwright
preached (as the court judged) a seditious sermon, stirring up
all sorts against those that preached a covenant of works, mean
ing all the elders in the country that preached justification by
faith and sanctification, being enabled thereto by the Spirit."
William Knight, refusing to conform with Episcopal requi
sitions, comes over this year, and is admitted an inhabitant of
Salem. The next year, he is made freeman of the colonial com
pany. He probably labored in the ministry while at Salem, and
for a like purpose, he appears to have taken up his abode at Ips
wich. Here, in 1638, he had a giant of two hundred acres,
near Mr. Hubbard's farm, and in 1641 he began to preach for
the people at New Meadows, afterwards Topsfield, his hearers
chiefly belonging to the two preceding towns. He was of the
same place and office in 1643. He is mentioned by Cotton
Mather among those who had parishes before coming to this
country. We are credibly informed that he had gone back, by
1648 to the kingdom of his former labors. His relations,
while a pastor in New England, were with intelligent and

272 SEDITIOUS PASSAGES. [Mass.
devout parishioners, which is an indication that he was alike
qualified. March 9. A session of the legislature commences.* Among
the most important matters before them is the excitement con
cerning the opinions of Mrs. Hutchinson. The ministers, being
invited to attend and advise about it, are present. " They agreed
to put off all lectures for three weeks, that they might bring
things to some issue."
To confirm their previous practice, and comply with their po
litical polity, the court pass an order, which, in one of its pro
visions, says, that no person shall be chosen to any office of the
commonwealth, unless a freeman, and, of course, a member of
some Congregational church.
They arraign Stephen Greensmith for affirming that all the min
isters, except Cotton, Wheelwright, and, he thought, Hooker, did
teach a covenant of works. For a time, he was committed to
the marshal. Subsequently he was required to make an apology
which should satisfy the ministers and their churches, to whom
his accusation referred. He was also fined forty pounds, and
bound in one hundred pounds, till he conformed with the
decision. Having attended to this case, the legislature proceed to that
between Boston church and then pastor, Mr. Wilson. The
last, as before stated, had been found fault with by the second
body, for his remarks in presence of the first, relative to the
Hutchinson controversy. A large majority of the court vote,
that his remarks were " seasonable advice, and no charge or ac
cusation." The clergy, being requested by the legislature to offer their
views as to the course which they [the court] should pursue in
reference to church members, agree as follows : " That no mem
ber of the court ought to be publickly questioned by a church
for any speech in the court, without license of the court. The
reason was, because the court may have sufficient reason, that
may excuse the sin, which yet may not be fit to acquaint the
church with, being a secret of state. That, in all such heresies
or errours of any church members as are manifest and danger
ous to the state, the court may proceed without tarrying for the
church ; but if the opinions be doubtful, etc., they are first to
refer them to the church, etc."
10. Knowing that Wheelwright was to be cited for trial, be
fore the legislature, on account of passages in his Fast sermon,
which were considered seditious, the most of Boston church
members offer a petition to that body. This document contains
* General Court Records. Winthrop's Journal.

jAgj,, TRIAL OF WHEELWRIGHT. 273
two requests — " That as freemen they might be admitted to be
present in the court, in causes of judicature. That the court
would declare whether they might proceed in cases of con
science, without referring them first to the church." To this the
court replied on the back of the petition, that they deemed it un
called for as to the first particular, because they never used priva
cy m judicial proceedings, except only in making preparation for
them, and this they should still do. Relative to any matter of
conscience, they would judge whether it should be considered
by them or not, when it came before them. A reason why the
petitioners wished to be present when the ministers gave their
advice was, that the latter, except Cotton, as previously stated,
differed from them in judgment about the points in controversy.
Mr. Wheelwright, being called, is asked, " whether, before
his sermon, he did not know that most of the ministers in this
jurisdiction did not teach the doctrine which he in his sermon
called a covenant of works." He dechnes answering. Some
of his friends cried out that the court meant to make him his
own accuser. In the afternoon, he is again sent for. The doors
are open. A great number assemble. Being inquired of, if he
meant his opponents in doctrine, when speaking in his sermon
of those under a covenant of works, as Antichrists, " Philistines,
who stop up, with the earth of their own inventions, the wells
of true believers ; Herod, who would have killed Christ so soon
as he was born ; Pilate, who did kill Christ when he once came
to show forth himself," — he confessed that he did.
Witnesses are examined with regard to other opinions of his
which had given much offence.
The court propound -this question to the elders, written on
the outside of the sermon as previously mentioned, " whether
by that which you have heard concerning Mr. Wheelwright's
sermon, and that which was witnessed concerning him, you do
conceive that the ministers in this country do walk in and teach
such a way of salvation and evidencing thereof, as he describ-
eth and accounteth to be a covenant of works." They, except
Mr. Cotton, reply, the next morning, in the affirmative. They
proceed to remark on the subject. As the conclusion, the legis
lature vote that, all things considered, Mr. Wheelwright has
run into sedition and contempt of civil authority, because they
" had appointed the Fast as a means of reconciliation of the dif
ferences and he had purposely set himself to kindle and increase
them." He is notified to appear at the next General Court, and
abide their further sentence. As to the matter of silencing him,
they by advice of the elders, leave it to the option of the Bos
ton church, who, of course, from their favor for him, would take
no such step. Governor Vane and a few other members of the
2i

274 PROTEST — ARMS AT WORSHIP. rllir /
[Mass.
legislature desire their dissent from the vote to be entered with
it on the records ; but this is not allowed, because not customary.
Then they offer a protest. This takes the ground that Wheel
wright's Fast day discourse did not tend to disturb the public
peace, nor to promote sedition. It also desires the court to con
sider whether it is not a device of Satan in raising up calumnies
adverse to Wheelwright as a cause of the decision against him,
and, further, to look at the peril of thus dealing with the proph
ets of God. Its close is, " We have made known our griefs
and desires to your worships, and leave them upon record with
the Lord and with you, knowing that if we should receive re
pulse from you, with the Lord we shall find grace."
While engaged on so exciting a topic, the legislature forget
not their perils from other quarters. Apprehensive of an irrup
tion on their territory by Indians, particularly the Pequods,
they order guards to be stationed at exposed points in every
town on the. Sabbath, and also persons on the military lists, to
attend public worship with " muskets or other pieces fit for ser
vice, and match, powder, and bullets, on pain of twelve pence
for every default."
They grant Anthony Thacher " the island at the head of
Cape Ann (upon which he was preserved from shipwreck) as
his proper inheritance." He was probably preaching, at this
time, for the people of Marblehead.
On General Court's coining to a close, it is moved that their
next session be at Newton, because of much warmth in feeling
and speech between the advocates of Wheelwright and Mrs.
Hutchinson in Boston and their opponents. But the governor,
Vane, not thinking the reason assigned for the removal suffi
cient, declines to put the motion. Winthrop does the same,
because a resident of Boston. Endicott performs the service,
and it is agreed to have the legislature meet at Newton.
About this time Samuel Gorton arrives. He was born at
Gorton, and lived there in 1619. He came from London, where
he was a clothier. He says, in his Simplicity's Defence, that
he left England " to enjoy liberty of conscience." He further
relates, " Landed at Boston. We found our countrymen at
great variance in point of religion." Because we could not
agree with them, they " denyed us even so much as a place to
reside in." Though he thought the rules of being admitted to
an inhabitancy here too strict, yet our authorities were contin
ually taught the need of them to keep out speculators in wild
doctrine, which regarded nothing so much as its own indul
gence. April 6. Being Fast day at Concord, as Winthrop relates, for
the ordination of Bulkley and Jones as their elders, they elect

.,.,->,, JUDGMENT AGAINST THE CHARTER. 275
1637.J
the former as teacher, and the latter as pastor. On the question
of a delegate from Salem to the council, the ministers of this
body pass the subsequent resolve : " That such as had been
ministers in England were lawful ministers by the call of the
people there, notwithstanding their acceptance of the call of the
bishops, etc., (for which they humbled themselves, acknowledg
ing it their sin, etc. ;) but being come hither, they accounted
themselves no ministers, until they were called to another
church, and that upon election they were ministers before they
were solemnly ordained." Vane, Cotton, Wheelwright, the
two ruling elders, and others of note in the Boston church,
decline to attend on such an occasion. It is supposed that
they considered the persons ordained as legal preachers, and
therefore would not countenance the services with their
presence. April 18. Aware that all the blessings, for which they had
crossed the ocean, were threatened by the hostile attitude of the
Pequods, the General Court order that each town raise its quota
of one hundred and sixty men to resist them. They state that
" the war, having been undertaken upon just grounds, should be
seriously prosecuted." They increase the number of soldiers,
so ordered out, to two hundred and eleven, including, however,
those lately sent to Saybrook. A levy of six hundred pounds
is ordered to cover the charges. The standing council are au
thorized to consult with Plymouth, and " our friends upon Con
necticut," relative to the enterprise.
30. Still pursuing their purpose to nullify the charter of this
colony, the legal authorities in England continue the case, re
specting it, at the Easter term.* Here "judgment was given
for the king that the libertyes and franchises of said corporacon
should be seized into the king's hands." As Humfrey, Endi
cott, Whetcomb, Aldersey, No well, Bellingham, J. Brown,f
S. Brown, Vassal, and Pynchon do not appear to answer, they
are outlawed. With regard to Cradock, who had firmly refused
to disclaim the charter, it was ordered, that " his body bee taken
into custody for vsurping the said libertyes." He thus gave
proof that he regarded the course of our fathers as constitutional,
and no infringement on the privileges and rights which had
been royally conferred upon them.
Thus an object of protracted and intense desire with the op-
posers of Puritanism in New England is accomplished. Noth
ing but the want of available power prevents Bishop Laud and
the other lords commissioners from the immediate enforcement
* Manuscript among the Plantation Papers in London.
t J. Brown appeared at the next Easter term, and, then disclaiming the charter,
was released from outlawry.

276 CONFERENCE MEETINGS. ..,[Mass.
of the decision and the absolute prostration of civil and religious
liberty in this commonwealth, and wherever enjoyed in its
vicinity. At this date, or nearly so, the subsequent paragraph was
placed on the Dedham church records : " The towneship of Ded
ham, consisting of about thirty-six families residing ther 1637,
being come together, by divine Providence, from severall parts
of England, few of them knowne to one another before, it was
thought meete and agreed upon, that all ye inhabitants y* affect
ed church communion or pleased to come, should meete every
fifth day of ye weeke at severall houses, in order lovingly to
discourse and consult together such questions as might further
tend to stablish a peaceable and comfortable civill society, and
prepare for spirituall communion in a . church society, partly
that we might be further acquainted with y° spirit, temper, and
guifts of one another, and partly y' we might gaine further light
in y waies of Christ's kingdome and government of his church,
which we thought might much conduce to this end. The order
of which meetings was this, — ye question being propounded
and agreed upon ye weeke before, y6 Mr. of ye family wher y*
meeting was, begun and concluded with prayer; and he first
speaking as God assisted to ye questioned, others y' pleased spake
after him, as they saw cause to ad, inlarge, or approue what was
spoken by any, or purposely to treate of ye question, or else to
propound any questions pertinent to ye case, or any objection
or doubts remaining in any conscience about ye same, so it were
humbly and with a teachable hart, not with any mind of cavil
ling or contradicting, which order was so well observed as gen
erally all such reasonings were very peaceable, loving, and tend
ed much to edification." The Dedham brethren, so associated,
discussed various profitable subjects. Among their conclusions
were the following, which exhibited their views : " A church
has from Christ not only a right to all ye institutions of ye
gospel, but ye power of ye kies, whereby she may dispence ye
same to hir members, and doth receive this power immediately
from Christ. Ye church ought to dispence all thes ordinances
and this power in such an order as Christ has ordained, viz., by
officers rightly elected and ordained by y" church in ye name of
Christ, which officers are pastours, teachers, rulers, deacons, and
widdowes. Yet till the church can be furnished with them,
she may depute some guifted to exercise guifts to -edificacion."
Preaching, baptism, and the Lord's supper belong to the pastor
and teacher ; discipline pertains specially to the ruling elder,
but in common with the teacher ; collection of alms belongs to
the deacon ; prophecy is that of those approved for it by the
church. Among the ordinances are singing of psalms and the
observance of the Lord's day.

NINE POSITIONS. 277
1637.] Near this time, a letter * is written by many Puritan clergy
men of England to those of the colonies here. In such a com
munication they desire to be informed respecting nine positions,
which follow in the language of our elders : —
" 1. That a stinted forme of prayer, or set hturgie, is un-
lawfull. 2. That it is not lawfull to joyne in prayers, or receive the
sacrament where a stinted hturgie is used, or as we conceive
your meaning to be in this as in the former question, viz., where
that stinted liturgie is used.
3. That the children of godly and approved Christians are
not to be baptized untill their parents be set members of a con
gregation. 4. That the parents of themselves, though of approved piety,
are not to be received to the Lord's supper untill they be ad
mitted as set members.
5. That the power of excommunication, etc., is so in the
bodie of the church, that what the major part shall allow, that
must be done, though the pastors and governors, and part of
their assembly, be of another mind, and peradventure upon more
substantiall reasons.
6. That none are to be admitted as set members, but they
must promise not to depart or remove, unlesse the congregation
will give leave.
7. That a minister is so a minister to a particular congrega
tion, that if they dislike him unjustly, or leave him, he ceaseth
to be a minister.
8. That a minister cannot perform any ministeriall act in
another congregation.
9. That members in one congregation may not communicate
in another."
The occasion of this correspondence, so begun, is mentioned
in the preface, as follows : " These differences betwixt the lov
ing brethren of Old England and New England had not been
made thus notorious, if some, who cry up the church way in
New England as the only way of God, had not been forward to
blow them abroad in the world."
In their communication, the ministers there remark to those
here " Since your departure, we hear, and partly believe it, that
divers have embraced certain vain opinions, such as you disliked
formerly, and we judge to be groundless and unwarrantable."
Then they recite particulars as to the nine positions, and make
* Though the Journal of Winthrop, under October, 1638. says that " about two
years ago," this was sent over, yet the printed work, including it and the reply to
it etc., represent it to have been written in 1637. But Allen and Shepard, in
1645 say it was forwarded in 1636. See Hanbury, note, vol. ii. p. 22.
24

278 THIRTY-TWO QUESTIONS.
| IVJ.ASS.
observations upon them. In this line they proceed : " These
and other such like, which we omit to reckon up, are written
and reported with great applause, maintained with great confi
dence, and applauded as the only church way, wherein the Lord
is to be worshipped. And letters from New England have so
taken with divers in many parts of the kingdom, that they have
left our assemblies, because of a stinted liturgy, and excommu
nicated themselves from the Lord's supper, because of such as
are not debarred from it. And being turned aside themselves,
they labour to ensnare others to the grief of the godly and the
scandal of religion. If it be to us a grief of heart to hear that
you have changed from that truth which you did profess, and
embraced that for truth which, in former time, upon sound
grounds, you did condemn as erroneous, we hope you will not
be offended. You know how oft it hath been objected, that
non-conformists in practice are separatists in heart. They of
the separation boast that they stand upon the non-conformists
ground. Both of these are much countenanced by your sudden
change, if you be changed, as it is reported." The authors of
these remarks desire the clergy here, that if they have adopted
the tenets, or any of them, under consideration, they would let
them know, and the reasons thereof, so that they may either ap
prove or rebuke. Such clergymen sent to our ministers, about
the same date, thirty-two questions of the following tenor : —
" 1. Whether the greatest part of the English there (by esti
mation) be not as yet unadmitted to any congregation among
you, and the reasons thereof?
2. What things doe you hold to be essentiall and absolutely
necessary to the being of a true visible church of Christ 1
3. Whether doe you not hold all visible believers to bee
within the visible church as members thereof, and not without,
in the apostles sence, 1 Cor. v., and therefore ought so to be
acknowledged, and accepted in all congregations wheresoever
they shall come, and are so knowne ; and ought (if they desire,
and be not otherwise unfit) of right to be permitted to partake
in all God's ordinances and church priviledges there, so farre
as they personally concerne themselves, although they be not as
yet fixed members in particular covenant, either with that con
gregation where for the present they reside, nor with any other ?
4. Whether you doe not hold that baptisme, rightly (for sub
stance) partaked, doth make them that are so baptized members
of the visible church ; and so to have right (at least quoad nos)
to all the priviledges thereof (so farre as they are otherwise fit)
untill they be cast out (if they so deserve) by excommunication ?
5. Whether doe you not admit children under age as mem
bers of the church, together with and in the admission of their

¦>rr,f . PUBLIC PROFESSION OF FAITH. 279
parent or parents ; so as thenceforth they may partake of all
church priviledges, (being otherwise fit,) without any other per-
sonall profession of faith, or entring into church covenant, when
they shall come to yeares ? and how long doe you count them
under age ?
6. Whether do not you admit orphans under age, with and
in their guardians ?
7. Whether doe you admit or refuse children under age only
according to the present estate of their nearest parents ? or doe
you not admit them if any of their next ancestors before their
parents were believers ?
8. Whether doe you require of all persons of age, whom
you admit members of any church, —
(1.) A publike vocall declaration of the manner and sound-
nesse of their conversion ?
(2.) A publike profession of their faith concerning the Arti
cles of Religion?
(3.) An expresse verball covenanting to walke with the said
church in particular, in church fellowship ?
{±.) And not to depart from the said church afterward with
out the consent thereof? or how doe you hold and practice in
these things ?
9. Whether doe you hold all or the most of our parish as
semblies in Old England to be true visible churches of Christ ;
with which you may lawfully joyne in every part of God's true
worship, (if occasion served thereto ;) or if not all or the most,
then what ones are those of which you so account, and with
which you durst so partake or joyne ; and in what respects ?
and why be not the rest such as well as they ?
10. If you hold that any of our parishionall assemblies are
true visible churches, and that the members thereof are all or
some of them (at least) members of true visible churches, then
whether will you permit such members (at least) as are either
famously knowne to yourselves to be godly, or doe bring suffi
cient testimoniall thereof from others that are so knowne, or
from the congregation itselfe whereof they were members here,
to partake with you in all the same ordinances and parts of God's
true worship in any of your congregations, (as by occasion they
may be there,) in the same manner, and with the like liberty,
as you would permit any that might happily come unto you
from any of the churches of Geneva, France, the Low Coun-
treyes, or yet from any one church to another among yourselves ;
suppose from some church about Connecticut, or that of Plim
outh, etc., vnto the church at Boston, New-Towne, Dorchester,
etc. Or if not, what may be the reason thereof ?
11. Whether doe you hold our present standing in our parish

280 POWER OF THE PRESBYTERS. [Mass.
assemblies here in Old England to bee lawfull and safe to be
continued in, or how farre it may be so ?
12. Whether doe vou hold that every believer is alwayes
bound to joyne himselfe as a fixed member to some one particu
lar congregation, so as if he doe not, and so oft and so long as
he doth it not, so oft and so long he is without the church in
the apostles sence, 1 Cor. v., as an heathen or publican, out of
the kingdome of Christ and possibility of salvation, according
to that maxirne in divinity, Extra ecclesiam non est salus 1
13. Whether doe you thinke it lawfull and convenient that a
company of private and illiterate persons (into a church body
combined) should themselves ordinarily examine, elect, ordaine,
and depose their owne ministers of the word, without the assist
ance of any other ministers of other churches where the same
may be had ?
14. Whether doe you hold that every small company of
seaven, or nine, or twenty, or fourty persons, combined into a
church body, be such a church (as by the ordinance of Christ)
hath and ought to have all power and exercise of church gov
ernment, so as they may transact all ecclesiasticall businesses in
dependently amongst themselves.
15. Whether do you give the exercise of all church power
of government to the whole church, or to the presbiters thereof
alone ? and if to those, then we desire to know what act of gov
ernment and superior authority (properly so called) may the
presbiters doe, more than any other member may doe, or with
out the particular consent of the rest ; wee crave to have those
particular acts mentioned ; and how, and over whom, in those
acts the presbiters doe rule (in propriety of speaking) more than
the rest of the con<n-ea;ation doe ?
16. Whether doe you not permit women to vote in church
matters ?
17. Whether in voting doe the major part alwayes, or at any
time, carry ecclesiasticall matters with you ; or in what things
doth it, in what not ?
18. What meanes have you to preserve your churches in vnity
and verity, or to correct or reduce any church erring in doctrine
or practice. As, —
(1.) Whether you have any platform of doctrine and disci
pline agreed upon ; or if you have not, whether meane you to
have one, and when ; and thinke you it lawfull and expedient
so to have ?
(2.) Whether have' you combined yourselves together into
classes, or purpose so to doe, so as to doe no weighty matter
without their counsell and consent ?
(3.) Or give you any power to synods and councells to deter-

LAY ORDINATION — PROPHESYING. 281
1637.]mine and order things that cannot otherwise be ended, so as that
their determination shall bind the particular churches so assem
bled to due obedience in case they decree nothing but accord
ing to truth and right, and to peaceable suffering in case they
should doe otherwise ? Or what other course you have, or in
tend to have for that end aforesaid ?
19. Whether hold you, that each particular church may law
fully make such laws or orders ecclesiasticall, for the govern
ment of itselfe and the members thereof, for decency, order,
and edification, as shall oblige all her members, and may not be
omitted without sinne ?
20. Wherein hold you that the whole essence of a minister's
calling doth consist ; as,
(1.) Whether is election by the people it, yea or no ?
(2.) Or is it so essentiall, as that without it the minister's
calling is a meere nullity ?
(3.) Or is ordination as essentiall a part thereof, as the people's
election ?
(4.) Or is it but a meer formality and solemnity of their call
ing ?
21. Whether doe you hold it lawfull for meer lay or private
men to ordaine ministers in any case ?
22. What essentiall difference put you between the office of
pastor and teacher, and doe you observe the same difference in
violably ; and do not your teachers, by vertue of that office, give
themselves usually to application of doctrine, as well as your
pastours ; and do they not also usually apply the seales ?
23. What authority or eminency have your preaching elders,
above your sole ruling elders, or are they both equalls ?
24. Whether may a minister of one congregation (being
thereto requested) do as a minister any act of his ministery,
(as preach, baptize, administer the Lord's supper, ordaine, etc.,)
in and unto other congregations besides his owne ?
25. Whether hold you that a minister of a congregation,
leaving or loosing his place, (suppose without his fault,) doe with-
all lose both nomen and esse of his ministery, and do become a
meere lay or private man, untill he be anew elected and or
dained ?
26. Whether doe you allow, or thinke it lawfull to allow and
settle, any certain and stinted maintenance upon your ministers ?
27. Whether doe you permit and call upon meer lay and pri
vate men (neither being in the ministerie nor intended to it)
ordinarily to preach or prophecie publiquely, in and before the
congregation ? and whether thinke you that prophecying men
tioned 1 Cor. xiv. be to be understood of such, and be an ordi-
narv and standing order of God in the church ?
:1 ,t 24 *

282 FORMS OF PRAYER — SUBSIDY MEN. m
[Plym.
28. Whether doe you allow and call upon your people
publiquely before all the congregation to propound questions,
move doubts, and argue with their ministers of matters deliv
ered either by them or others, either at the same or some
other time ?
29. Whether hold you that the conversion of sinners to God
is ordinarily the proper fruit and effect of the word preached,
by a minister alone, and that by vertue of his office alone, or
that it is alike common to ministers and lay persons, so they be
gifted to preach ?
30. Whether all and every of your churches (including Plim
outh, etc.) do precisely observe the same course both in consti
tution and government of themselves ?
31. Whether would you permit any companie of ministers
and people (being otherwise in some measure approvable) to
sit downe by you, and set up and practise another forme of dis
cipline, enjoying like libertie with yourselves in the common
wealth, and accepted as a sister church by the rest of your
churches ?
32. Whether hold you it lawfull to use any set forms of
prayer in publique or private, as the Lord's Prayer and others,
either made by himselfe that useth the same, or else by some
other man ? "
When we come to the reply of our elders, we shall see their
views of the inquiries submitted by their brethren in England.
It is evident from the preceding communications, that while the
established church and state of ' England were doing much to
destroy the civil and religious polity of our fathers, such polity
exerted a counteracting influence there, and helped to strengthen
the current of public opinion, which bore against and weakened
the ascendency of Laud and his royal master.
April 30. The king issues a proclamation, as in Rushworth.
It states that many come over to his plantations in America,
whose only or principal end is to live as much as they can with
out the reach of his authority. It forbids any, being subsidy
men, or value of subsidy men, to embark for these shores " with
out a license from his majesty's commissioners for plantations,"
and each one who is " under the degree or value of subsidy
men, without a certificate from two justices of the peace, living
next the place where the party last or lately dwelt, that he hath
taken the oaths of supremacy and allegiance, and like testimony
from the minister of the parish of his conversation and conform
ity to the orders and discipline of the church of England."
Here we have another indubitable evidence of the fixed purpose,
cherished by the parent government, to allow the current of im
migration hither to bear none but those of the high church party,

__,..„, SECESSION FROM ENGLAND. 283
1637.] "^^
and also of their strong hope to break down every barrier of
Congregationalism in our country.
Hubbard remarks, that when such an injunction became
known among the people here, "some were not backward to
suggest a doubt that they might shake off the royal jurisdiction,
as they had done the ecclesiastical government." This and
many other circumstances in the early period of New England
are opposed to the position,' sometimes advanced, that the people
therein had no serious thoughts of freeing themselves from Eng
land till some years after 1700.
May 1. The privy council of the king had ordered eight
ships, in the Thames, bound to New England, with passengers,
to be stopped. This document he duly proclaimed. But on
representation of the masters and owners, who stated that, if
they were detained in their voyages, the trade of Newfoundland
would be much impaired, and the national treasury come short
of large revenue, the vessels were allowed to go on their voy
ages. Speaking of the occasion which brought out such a doc
ument, Neal says, that the ships detained were " filled with Puri
tan families, among whom (if we may believe Dr. George Bates
and Mr. Dugdale, two famous royalists,) were Oliver Cromwell,
John Hampden, and Arthur Haselrigge,* who, seeing no end of
the oppressions of their native country, determined to spend the
remainder of their days in America," but were prevented.
Though this statement has been doubted, the Fairfax Corre
spondence and other authorities give it full credence. There ap
pears more evidence for its retention as true than the contrary.
The lord high admiral is instructed, by the royal council,
to prevent the departure of clergymen from England for Amer
ica, who did not conform with the order of the national church, f
His warrant was of the subsequent tenor : " Whereas it is ob
served that such ministers who are unconformable to the disci
pline and ceremonies of the church have and do frequently
transport themselves to the Somer Islands and other his
majesty's plantations abroad, where they take liberty to nourish
* Chalmers, in his Political Annals, p. 160, mentions these three as being
among the passengers who were prevented from coming to New England, though
the vessels were soon allowed to proceed, and also Sir Matthew Boynton, Sir
William Constable, and John Pym. Mather's Magnalia, book i. p. 23,"states the
same with regard to the three first of these noted men. Hume observed, in refer
ence to Hutchinson's position in favor of such a conclusion, "This last author puts
the facts beyond controversy."
t The three documents, just considered, are contained in Rushworth, vol. ii.
part 2, beginning at 409th page. They stand in the order now adopted. He dates
the first April 30. 1637, which Hazard contains as under 1636 ; and the second
he places under i637, 13th of Charles I., but in the margin there is printed 1638,
which appears to bea mistake of one year too late. He has the third under 1637,
13th of Charles I., in regular succession to the second. Salmon ariangos the
first and second of them under 1637.

284 HARD REQUISITIONS OF CLERGYMEN. (_iviass.
and preserve their factious and schismatical humours, to the se-
ducting and abusing of his majesty's subjects, and the hindrance
of that good conformity and unity in the church which his ma
jesty is careful and desirous to establish throughout his domin
ions, — we, therefore, in his majesty's name and- by his express*
commands, do pray and require your lordship to take present
and strict order that no clergyman be henceforth suffered to go
over into the Somer Islands, but such only as shall have appro
bation on that behalf from our very good lords, the Lord Arch
bishop of Canterbury, his grace, and the Lord Bishop of London ;
and for all such of them as are already gone thither without
such approbation, that you cause them forthwith to be remanded
back hither."
This was a hard, exceedingly hard measure, to prosecute and
drive men from their parishes, debar them from the means of
supporting their families, and, what was more than all, from
preaching Christ, as they counted duty, and then forbid their
escape to an asylum on these shores, where they might freely
discharge their domestic, social, and spiritual obligations. Es
pecially was it oppressive in demanding that they who had
reached our settlements through much peril and hardship should
be forced back to grind within the grasp of cruel intolerance.
True, they who issued it feared lest the permission for these
sufferers to come hither, and help throw up stronger intrench-
ments around the freedom of the colonists, would increase the
difficulty of their continued exertions for its subversion, and the
establishment on its ruins of hierarchical dominancy. Still they
should have shown some mercy, and not demanded all sacrifice,
in the decree. This was another preparatory step to the occu
pancy of our soil by preachers and people who would bow to
the sceptre of Episcopacy, so soon as its authors should be able
to do the deed, and thus set the seal of their aversion on the
polity of the Puritans.
The remarks of Neal on the first and third of these docu
ments follow : " This was a degree of severity hardly to be par
alleled in the Christian world. When the edict of Nantz was
revoked, the French king allowed his Protestant subjects con
venient time to dispose of their effects and depart the kingdom ;
but our Protestant archbishop will neither let the Puritans live
peaceably at home, nor take sanctuary in foreign countries ; a
conduct hardly consistent with the laws of humanity, much less
with the character of a Christian bishop ; but while his grace
was running things to these extremities, the people were gener
ally disgusted, and almost all England became Puritan. The
bishops and courtiers, not being insensible to the number and
weight of their enemies among the more resolved Protestants,

CHARTER TO BE DEMANDED. 285
determined to balance their power by joining the Papists ; for
which purpose the differences between the two churches were
said to be trifling, and the peculiar doctrines of Popery preached
up, as proper to be received by the Church of England."
May 3. As a decision * had been pronounced for the abroga
tion of the Massachusetts charter, the king and his council, at
AVhitehall, order the attorney general to demand the same from
the authorities here. This was another advance for the over
throw of our colonial institutions.
11. John Yonge, of St. Margaret's, Suffolk, minister, is ex
amined, as Hunter states, preparatory to his embarkation for
Salem. His age is thirty-five, and that of his wife, Joane, is
thirty-four, with six children, John, Thomas, Anne, Rachel,
Mary, and Joseph. He was at New Haven in 1640, with part
of his church, and in October of the same year, began a settle
ment at Southold, L. I., where he closed life in 1672, at the age
of seventy. In the year when he was at New Haven, a John
Young had land granted him in Salem, Massachusetts.
17. The legislature assemble f at Newton. Before the elec
tion, Vane, the governor, contends that a petition from Boston,
for a repeal of the sentence against Wheelwright, should be
read. The deputy, Winthrop, takes the opposite ground. Af
ter much discussion, he suggests that the question be tried by
dividing the freemen present. Wilson zealously seconds the
proposal. He ascends £ to the bough of a tree, in the field
where the voters are assembled, and addresses them. He ad
vises them to watch their charter rights, to consider the business
on which they came, even the choice of Assistants for the com
monwealth. His remarks are generally well received, and most
of his auditors cry out, "Election ! election! " This leads to a
jjolling of the people, and a majority of them are for deferring
the petition and proceeding to vote. Still Vane and his com
pany keep their place, and will not act. Then Winthrop says
to him, that if he decline, himself and others will go to election.
Vane consents, the ballots are cast, he loses his office, and Win
throp is chosen to his place as chief magistrate. William Cod
dington and Richard Dummer, who side with Vane, are left out
of the Assistants. The friends of Wheelwright, in and around
Boston, attended the election fully and punctually. They ex
pected an advantage f by so doing, because, the year before, a
law passed permitting the freemen of remote towns to send
their votes, instead of being present at the general election, to
give them in personally. But they were disappointed. Part
* State Papers in London.
t General Court Records and Winthrop. J Hutchinson.

286 STORMY ELECTION — CONTROVERSIES. ...[Mass.
of them " grew into fierce speeches, and some laid hands on oth
ers ; but seeing themselves too weak, they grew quiet." Thus
foiled in their efforts, the majority of Boston " went home that
night, and the next morning sent " Vane, Coddington, and Ather-
ton Haugh as their deputies. As proper notice was not given
for their being chosen, they are disallowed by the court. They
returned, and at another meeting were reelected, and the fol
lowing day go back and are received.
Never before had there been so much excitement on like oc
casions. The advocates for Mrs. Hutchinson exhibited uncom
mon zeal, which met with similar counteraction. They ap
peared to count on greater support from the more distant towns
than they received. The election of the chief magistrate and
other officers of the government evidently turned on the
question of either approving or disapproving of her specu
lations. The result of it manifested that her opinions were far
from being generally received. This, like every such contest,
must have impaired the vital interests of the commonwealth.
" Divers writings * were now published about these differences.
Among the rest, the magistrates set forth an apology to justify
the sentence of the court against Mr. Wheelwright, which the
adverse party had much opposed " and remonstrated against.
He came out to defend himself about the covenant of grace.
The ministers who differed from him answered his treatise.
Cottori replied to them. Shepard also discussed the same sub
ject in his election sermon. Both of these endeavored to show
that the difference between the contending parties was small.
They agreed in these particulars, " that justification and sancti
fication were both together in time ; that a man must know him
self justified before he can know himself to be sanctified ; that
the Spirit never witnesseth justification without a word and
work. The difference was, whether the first assurance be by an
absolute promise always, and not by a conditional one also, and
whether a man could have any true assurance, without sight of
some such work in his soul as no hypocrite could attain unto."
A piece f entitled " Libortye and the Weale Publick recon
ciled " was circulated. Its purpose was to show that the pro
ceedings, at the Court of Elections, were correct.
Intending to send forth their troops to contend with the Pe
quods, the legislature X have a nomination of candidates for the
chaplaincy and the chief command. For the first office, Wilson
and Eliot were proposed, and the former was chosen by lot.
For the last office, John Winthrop, Jr., Simon Bradstreet, and
* Winthrop's Journal.
t Hutchinson's Collections J General Court Records.

DISAFFECTION — TREASON — APPEAL. 287
1637.]Israel Stoughton were designated, but the third of these persons
was elected in the same manner.
The larger part of the Boston men,* disaffected with their
opponents in the discussion about Wheelwright's case, and their
late political defeat, were quite indifferent as to the military ex
pedition. Weld remarks of them, that they were formerly
"forward as any others to send, of their choice, members, and a
greater number than other towns. Now, in this service, they
sent but one or two, whom they cared not to be rid of, and but
a lew others, and those of the most refuse sort, and that in such
a careless manner as gave great discouragement to the service,
not one man of that side accompanying their pastor, when he
was sent by the joint consent of the court and all the elders
upon that expedition, nor so much as bidding a farewell. What
was the reason of this difference ? Why, nothing but this : Mr.
Wheelwright had taught them that the former governor [Vane]
and some of the magistrates then were friends of Christ and
free grace, but the present were enemies."
According to order, Wheelwright appears before the legisla
ture. But as they had appointed a fast, and also that commit
tees of the churches should confer relative to the difficulty with
him and his advocates, they allow him a respite till their session
early in August, " to bethink himself, that, retracting and re
forming his error, etc., the court might show him favour, which
otherwise he must not expect." He replied, that if he were
guilty of sedition, he deserved death; and if they proceeded
against him, he should appeal to the king, and that he would
make no retraction. They rejoined, that they felt themselves
justified in doing as they had done concerning his case, but, if
in conference with the churches, they should see cause to alter
their opinion, they would not fail to act accordingly.
Greensmith, a follower of Wheelwright, is again arraigned.
He is required to satisfy the elders and churches, and pay his
fine before the next session of the court.
The subsequent order is passed : " No town or person shall
receive any stranger, resorting hither with intent to reside in
this jurisdiction, nor shall allow any lot or habitation to any, or
entertain any such above three weeks, except such person shall
have allowance under the hands of some one of the council, or
of two other of the magistrates, upon pain that every town that
shall give or sell any lot or habitation to any such, not so allowed,
shall forfeit one hundred pounds for every offence, and every
person receiving any such for longer time than is here expressed
(or than shall be allowed in some special cases, as before, or
* Weld anil Winthrop on Antinomians, etc.

288 EXCLUSION OF STRANGERS. r„,[Mass.
in case of entertainment of friends resorting from some other
parts of this country for a convenient time) shall forfeit for ev
ery offence forty pounds, and for every month after such person
shall there continue, twenty pounds ; this order to continue till
the end of the next Court of Elections, and no longer, except it
be then confirmed." The friends of Mrs. Hutchinson suspected
that this regulation was adopted to prevent the immigration of per
sons who had embraced their sentiments. This may have been
so ; but one principal, though secret, occasion of it, probably
was, to exclude those who were continually expected, for the pur
pose of bringing the whole country under the sway of the lords
commissioners. Such an enactment produces much controversy. Winthrop
maintains, as in Hutchinson's Collections, that a family have a
right to refuse admission to such as they have cause to fear will
do them essential injury ; so may a large community, as a com
monwealth, exercise the same right. Pie also remarks, that,
even if the assertion be true, that this order was intended to
keep away those of Mr. Wheelwright's persuasion, such as mem
bers of Mr. Brierly's church, who were expected from England,
still they, who make the assertion, were for expelling Roger
Williams, whose opinions, in his view, were less objectionable
than those of Wheelwright.
Vane answers * respecting this allusion to Wheelwright and
Williams, " If it be true, then is the doctrine of the gospel
more dangerous than that for which Mr. Williams was banished,
for as yet we know nothing which Mr. Wheelwright held dis
sonant from the gospel ; neither hath he been confuted, though
condemned, and it is not our judgments, so much as the cause,
which is changed." He also intimates that the " law is more
to keep out such as bring the true doctrine of the gospel, that
now he hath brought, the question to this state, whether the
opinions spread in this country, and opposed by the magistrates
and elders, be the doctrines of the gospel or not, which, seeing
it is to be decided by the synod assembled, it will be best to at
tend the issue thereof."
Winthrop further remarks, " The court taking notice how
the hearts of the faithfull were sadded by the spreading of di
verse new and unsound opinions, and the uncharitable censures
which they laye under by occasion of them, how brotherly love
and communion decayed, how the ordinances of religion were
neglected, and the faithfull dispensers thereof slighted and re
proached throughout the whole countrey, they found it needfull
to provide remedye in tyme, that it might goe well with the
* Hutchinson's Collections.

QUESTION AS TO IMMIGRANTS. 289
1636.]
household of faith, and though the execution of the law should
turne to the damage of some of this household, yet better it is
some member should suffer the evill they bring upon themselves,
than that, by indulgence towards them, the whole familye of
God in this countrey should be scattered, if not destroyed." He
adds that it had been the practice of towns to receive no indi
viduals as inhabitants, except they were allowed " by certain
men appointed to judge of their fitness for church fellowship,"
and that the charter means " that such should not be received
into our fellowship who are likely to disturb the same."
Cotton has the same idea of the order for excluding strangers
as Vane has. He observes,* " I saw by this means we should
receive no more members into our church but such as must pro
fess themselves of a contrary judgment to what I believed to be
a truth." He thinks that it was passed to keep away " some god
ly passengers from England," who " held such an union with
Christ by the Spirit's giving faith as did precede the acting of
faith upon Christ." He says that this belief was suspected by
many, "as the Trojan horse, out of which all the erroneous
opinions and differences of the country did issue forth." He so
strongly dislikes such an order, that he intends to leave the
colony. But he soon altered his views on these points.
Coddington and Vane, in accordance with Winthrop, after
losing their election, the former as magistrate and latter as gov
ernor, declined sitting in the seats for such officials in the Boston
meeting house, and took places with the deacons, and continued
so to do, though Winthrop invited them to sit where he did and
they had. On the day for general fast, they went to hear their
friend Wheelwright at Mount Wollaston.
At the session of the Court for Elections, the standing coun
cil and others of a committee for sending forth the troops to war
with the Pequods within ten days, are empowered to " take care
of the Castle at the island." This last provision is, most likely,
made to meet the emergency of resistance to any ship of war
which may bring the expected general governor.

PLYMOUTH.

1636, May 31. As emigrants from the Bay to Connecticut
set out at this date, we may place here the following catastrophe
from Morton's Memorial : " This year, the towns on the River
* Cotton's Way of Congregational Churches.

290 WRECKS — SABBATH VIOLATED. [Pltm.
of Connecticut began to be planted, and in transporting of goods
thither from Massachusetts Bay, two shallops were cast away
(loaden with goods to go thither) in an easterly storm, at the
mouth of Plimouth Harbor. The boat's men were all lost, they
being five in number." The cargoes came ashore, and, so far as
saved, were stored for the owners. Though these were so tried,
still they held to their purpose of extending the gospel, how
ever greatly threatened with the loss of its privileges on the
Puritan basis.
October 4. A man, for violation of the Sabbath,* is sentenced
to pay thirty shillings, and sit one hour in the stocks. On the
15th, among a committee for revising the laws and preparing
others, are Ralph Smith and William Brewster.
After the 21st, Winthrop mentions a letter, which he received
from the governor here, who complains that the expedition of
Endicott against the Pequods threatened to be an injury to those
of the Plymouth plantation in Connecticut, as well as others of
that colony. Winthrop replied, that all was done by the forces
that could be expected, their object being not " to make war
upon them, but to do justice ; " that ample satisfaction was ob
tained from the Pequods for the wrongs they had done ; that
even if many more of them had been killed, enough would have
survived to do much hurt, were they so determined ; that the
chastisement they received was sufficient to render them peace
able, had they not been given over to delusion.
November 15. Aware of the judicial proceedings in England
for nullifying the charter of Massachusetts, and of other corre
sponding efforts in the mother country for the avowed object to
modify the government of the northern colonies, so as to coin
cide with Episcopal domination in them, the committee for the
revision and formation of laws begin their session. They
agree that, in accordance with their royal patent and " the com
bination at Cape Cod," no law should be made for their con
stituents " without the consent of the freemen." They require
these to take oath that they will seek for the public good in the
following words : " You shall not speak or do, devise or ad
vise, any thing or things, act or acts, directly or indirectly, by
land or water, that doth, shall, or may tend to the destruction
or overthrow of these present plantations, colonies, or corpora
tion of New Plymouth ; neither shall you suffer the same to be
spoken or done, but shall hinder, oppose, and discover the same
to the governor and Assistants. You shall faithfully submit unto
such good and wholesome laws and ordinances as either are or
shall be made for the ordering and government of the same, and
* Colony Records.

71 MARRIAGE — HOLY DAYS. 291
shall endeavor to advance the growth and good of the several
plantations within the limits of this corporation by all due means
and courses."
As an indication that society, though sanctified in part, was
far from perfection, the subsequent order is proposed : " That
in every constablerick there be a pair of stocks erected ; also
a cage, which shall be of competent strength to detain a prisoner,
and a whipping post ; and these to be erected in such places as
shall be thought meet by the several neighborhoods where they
concern, upon the penalty of ten shillings for any township
which shall be defective herein."
No person under the covert of parents shall marry without
their consent. When this cannot be obtained, it may be laid
before the governor or one of the Assistants, who knows the
applicants, and he may give them permission if he sees fit. A
notice of intended marriage shall be published three times.
The appointment of Fast and Thanksgiving clays is continued
with the governor and Assistants. Among capital offences
witchcraft is enumerated. The code which the committee pro
pose, and which becomes the colonial rule, shows that neither
they nor the people intended to give up their rights to the dic
tation of the lords commissioners.
November 17. Of many passengers, who arrived at Boston,
is Ralph Partridge.* He was eminent for talents and scholar
ship, and, in particular, for his deep piety. Having become
a clergyman of the established church, he embraced the Puri
tan cause, and was therefore ejected. As his own words are,
" being hunted like a partridge on the mountains," he fled to
New England. He soon renews his labors at Duxbury, unhar-
assed with the pursuivants of hierarchal power. Morton, re
ferring to this connection, says, " Mr. William Leverich also
was with them at the same time, and preached the word of God
amongst them ; but he stayed not long amongst them ere he re
moved to Sandwich, and was teacher of the church there a con
siderable time." He also observes that the Duxbury church
" was the first that sprang out of the bowels of the church of
Plymouth," and therefore it must have preceded the one at
Scituate, mentioned at the beginning of last year.
1637, January 3. The court allow the petition of Scituate
church to seek out another township, because they thought their
location not sufficient to support more settlers, unless other suit
able land be found for the enlargement of their bounds.
March 7. They require that no individual shall be admitted

* From the manner in which Winthrop mentions his arrival, it is uncertain
when he did arrive. Allen and Farmer make it on the 14th.

292 DESIGNS OF THE FRENCH. [Me.
to live within the bounds of the colony without the consent of
the governor or two of the Assistants. This was to keep out
such as would be likely to disturb public peace and promote the
purpose of the court party to overthrow the religious polity of
the nonconformists.
A watch of four men is ordered for the safety of the gov
ernor, and the town of Plymouth are to increase their number
if need demand.
April 17. A communication from Edward Winslow to Gov
ernor Winthrop says, " We conceive it will be necessary for
you to proceed in the war begun with the Pequots ; otherwise
the natives, we fear, will grow into a stronger confederacy, to
the further prejudice of the whole English.'

MAINE.

1636, August. A vessel with passengers and cattle, sent over
by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, for Agamenticus, arrives at Pis
cataqua. September- 7. Rates for the Episcopal minister at Saco are
required to be paid quarterly, " the first payment to begin at
Michaelmas next."
Williamson supposes that the population from Piscataqua to
Penobscot must have exceeded fourteen hundred. He includes
the Kennebec patent, then under Plymouth, and estimates its
inhabitants at one hundred, who were under Congregational
rule, while the rest were chiefly subject to Episcopal order.
November. D'Aulney, the governor of the Catholic French
at Penobscot, writes, as Winthrop relates, to Vane. He states
that they claim no further south than Pemaquid, " nor would,
unless he had further order." He supposed that the English
ambassador had agreed on such a boundary with the cardinal
of France.
1637, April 4. At this date, Richard Gibson, a learned and
decided Episcopalian, is minister at Richmond's Island, to a set
tlement of people engaged in the fishery. The proprietor of
this place was Robert Trelawney, of Plymouth, England.
17. A letter from Edward Winslow to Governor Win
throp contains several items of information. One is, that Stan
dish heard at the eastward, that D'Aulney intended, if the royal
commission empowered him, to take the Plymouth establish
ment in Maine, and even the " Grand Bay " [Massachusetts]
herself; another, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges had written to

ANT1N0MIAN DIFFERENCES. 293
1636.]
Saco, disapproving of D'Aulney's company, and wished Massa
chusetts and Plymouth would be stirred up against them ; and
further, " that all the late differences between Mr. Wheelwright
and yourselves in church and court are in writing at Richmond's
Isle, in six sheets of paper full written about them."

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Though we meet with no particular event relative to this col
ony the present year, yet the people of it must have been deeply
interested in the various scenes, full of great events to their fel
low-colonists in the Bay. Especially must they have had their
sympathies exercised in one result. of Mason's decease, as men
tioned by Winthrop, under May 31, 1636, even the cessation of
his indefatigable perseverance for the imposition of a governor
general, and of a hierarchal polity over the whole of New Eng
land.

RHODE ISLAND.
1636. Plaving commenced a refuge for his friends, Williams
is informed by the Plymouth authorities that, as their patent in
cludes his premises, and they are " loath to displease the Bay,"
he had better take up his abode on the other side of the river.
While such notice occasions disappointment to him, it is still
kindly extended. It is also requisite from the relations which
subsist between them from whom it comes, and those who felt
bound to debar him from dwelling in their midst, because both
of them are struggling to preserve their colonial existence from
the grasp of the national rulers, who aim to destroy it, for re
peated complaints, founded on such ground as he assumed and
maintained. He conforms with the advice, though at the loss
of his anticipated harvest. About the first of summer, he lands
on the Narragansett soil, with the purpose to form a planta
tion. This he did on the spot, of which he afterwards wrote,
" having a sense of God's merciful providence to me in my dis
tress, called the place Providence."
He appears to have had a welcome reception from Canonicus
and Miantinomo, the sachems of the soil, who confirm to him
the plantation of his choice, the next year, for services which
25*

294 DESIGN OF SETTLING PROVIDENCE. [R. Is.
he had continually rendered to them while at Plymouth and
Massachusetts. With regard to the design of the settlement thus made, and
one condition of admitting inhabitants, Williams, in his convey
ance of 1661, gives the subsequent passage: "I designed it
might be for a shelter for persons distressed for conscience. I
then considering the condition of divers of my distressed country
men, I communicated my said purchase to my loving friends,
John Throckmorton, Wm. Arnold, Wm. Harris, Stukely West
cott, John Green, Sr., Thomas Olney, Sr., Richard Waterman,
and others, who then desired to take shelter here with me, and
in succession unto so many others as we should receive into the
fellowship and society of enjoying and disposing of the said pur
chase. And whereas, by God's merciful assistance, I was the
procurer of the purchase, not by monies and payment, the na
tives being so shy and jealous that monies could not do it, but
by that language, acquaintance, and favor with the natives and
other advantages, which it pleased ,God to give me, and also
bore the charges and venture of all the gratuities which I gave
to the great sachems, and other sachems and natives round about
us, and lay engaged for a loving and peaceable neighborhood
with them to my great charge and travel, it was, therefore,
thought by some loving friends, that I should receive some lov
ing consideration and gratuity ; and it was agreed between us,
that every person that should be admitted into the fellowship of
enjoying lands and disposing of the purchase, should pay thirty
shillings into the public stock, and first about thirty pounds
should be paid unto myself, by thirty shillings a person as they
were admitted. This sum I received."
Among the earliest laws of the plantation is this — that no
person shall be received as an inhabitant unless propounded
one month ; and another, that no man shall be molested for his
conscience. In view of the latter, as a repetition of his profession in Mas
sachusetts, Mr. Williams has often been represented as " being
the first in modern times to protest against the interference of
the civil power with the rights of conscience." This is a claim
which he never presented for himself, and would not thank his
most zealous advocates to make in his behalf. He had too much
intelligence and principle to tolerate the notion that false praise
was better than none. Acquainted with the struggles of reli
gious hberty in Europe, he must have known that, not to mention
instances of ancient times, the Diet of Augsburg decided, 1555,
" No attempt shall be made toward terminating religious differ
ences, except by persuasion and conference ; " that this was the
principle of Menno, who died 1561 ; and most of the provinces

.„..,.•, TOLERATION. NOT BOUNDLESS. 295.
1636.]
when they formed their union in 1579 ; of Henry Jacob, 1609 ;
and of Busher, 1614. He must have known that the Mary
land charter,* about two years before the settlement of Provi
dence, secured a similar privilege. Even the men who exclud
ed him from their territory, as their opinion was explained by
Cotton, held that no person should be endamaged for his consci
entious principles, except when they promoted sedition or a
breach of the public harmony. This exception, which the good
of every free government demands, Mr. Williams himself af
fixed to his belief that no magistrate should interfere with the
transgression of the first table of the moral law. No commu
nity, no state, can long exist without some bounds to toleration.
It has also been frequently and substantially stated, that
" while he claimed the privilege of forming his own opinions
on religious subjects, he claimed also the same right for all oth
ers, however they might differ from him." That he was thus
tolerant, so far as he judged right and best, there is no doubt.
But that he was to the extent implied by the phrase, " however
they might differ from him," is not confirmed by facts. He
considered the churches of Massachusetts and the Episcopal
churches in England as corrupt, and therefore withdrew all fel
lowship from them. He thought his own wife in the wrong, be
cause she worshiped with the Salem congregation, and, as Hub
bard relates, for this reason, he would not join in family devo
tion with her. He believed it sinful to pray with impenitent
persons, and for magistrates to administer oaths of fidelity, and
consequently ceased communion with those who did. These
facts are not adduced to prove that he was either inconsistent or
hypocritical. He was very far from these traits of character.
They are mentioned to show the position which he honestly took
and maintained, at the cost of his great personal inconvenience
and trial. To the many portraitures of him, in which such lin
eaments have no place, he, if allowed to converse with us,
would assert that they were neither to the full truth nor life. The
facts already designated, prove that he did not justify the sup
port of opinions connected with religion, however diverse from
his own, without restriction on his part, so far as he considered
them wrong. Similar evidence may be drawn from his subse
quent course.
It is true, that while he was less tolerant than the authorities

* The Dutch colony, of the Reformed church, who settled at New Netherland,
afterwards New York, more than twenty years before Providence was occupied by
Williams, have been adduced as supporters of toleration. An account of the Lu
therans, in the American Quarterly Register, vol. xv. p. 382, informs us that they
appeared in that settlement about 1626, and were not publicly tolerated, but "con
ducted their religious affairs privately among themselves."

296 OPINIONS OF PERSECUTION. ,„ ,
[R. Is.
who ordered his removal in some points, he was more so in
others. But the respect in which he exceeded them, whatever
were its merits, had, for a long period, as history indicates, a far
less salutary effect on the interests of order, education, and reli
gion, where it had full sway, than the different, though, as being
human, defective policy of the adjacent colonies had on similar
interests in their territories.
The expression of Cotton in reply to Williams was the gen
eral sentiment of the Bay. It follows : "I did never doubt,
that the way of persecution, (truly so called,) that is, the afflic
tion of others for righteousnesse sake, was utterly unlawfull. I
did never beleeve that the sentence passed against him was an
act of persecution. Nor did I ever see cause to doubt but that,
in some cases, (such as this of his was,) banishment is a lawfull
and just punishment, if it be in proper speech a punishment at
all in such a countrey as this is, where the jurisdiction (whence
a man is banished) is but small, and the countrey round about it
large and fruitfull, where a man may make his choice of variety
of more pleasant and more profitable seats then he leaveth be-
hinde him. In which respect, banishment, in this countrey, is
not counted so much a confinement as an enlargement, where a
man doth not so much loose civill comforts as change them."
This corresponds with the sentiments of Wayland, in his
Moral Science. " If the whole subject of religion is a matter
between a man and his God, society has no right to interfere
with it, unless a man so perform what he considers to be his du
ties to God as to interfere with his duties to men. And in this
case, the interference is not on the ground that the thing in
question is a good or bad religion, but on the ground that there
is a violation of the rights of man."
July 26. A letter * from Williams reaches Vane, relative to
the murder of John Oldham, a member of Watertown church,
by the Block Island Indians, who were subject to the Narragan
setts. It relates that Miantinomo, a chief of this tribe, had
gone, with seventeen canoes and two hundred men, to punish the
murderers. The sagamore named, and Canonicus, are reported
by messengers as friendly to the English ; all the principal men
under them are suspected as accessories to the murder. An
answer is directed by Vane to Williams, advising him to be on
his guard, if war should be declared against the Narragansetts.
On the 27th, a letter is forwarded by Vane to Canonicus on mat
ters relative to the crime.
30. A communication, having been sent by Williams toVane,

* This and several succeeding paragraphs are based on the authority of Win
throp.

DIPLOMACY OF CANONICUS. 297
1636.]
is received by the latter, accompanied with two English boys,
who were with Oldham when killed, and whom Miantinomo
had caused to be obtained at Block Island. It also gives notice
that some property of Oldham, found there, is kept in trust by
the same chief.
August 8. For the purpose of hindering an alliance of the
Narragansetts with the Pequods, Edward Gibbons, John Hig
ginson, Cutshamekin, sagamore of Massachusetts, commence
their route to confer with Canonicus. Johnson relates that he
treated the commissioners with much civility, and exhibited
great tact of diplomacy in his discussions with them ; that, while
he contracted to be on friendly terms with the colonists, he de
clined to carry on war with the Pequods. The persons engaged
in this mission returned on the 13th, gratified by its result.
The ensuing relation, given by the Memorial of Morton, dis
covers much sagacity, and resembles the policy often practised
by civilized communities and nations. " The Pequods, as they
had done the winter before, sought to make peace with the Nar
ragansetts, and used many pernicious arguments to move them
thereunto, as that the English were strangers, and began to over
spread their country, and would deprive them thereof in time,
if they were suffered to grow and increase, and if the Narragan
setts did assist the English to subdue them, that did but make
way for their own overthrow ; for if they were rooted out, the
English would soon take occasion to subjugate them ; and if
they would hearken to them, they should not need to fear the
strength of the English ; for they would not come to open bat
tel with them, but fire their houses, kill their cattel, and lye in
ambush for them as they went abroad upon occasions ; and all
this they might easily do with little danger to themselves. The
which course being held, they well saw the English would not
long subsist, but they would either be starved with hunger, or
forced to forsake the country. The Narragansetts were once
wavering, and were half minded to have made peace with them
and joined against the English." But remembering that the
Pequods had done them much injury, and that they now had an
opportunity to retaliate by uniting with the English, they ac
cordingly decided to combine with the latter.
26. Information is received by the Massachusetts authorities,
from Mr. Williams, giving notice, at the request of Miantinomo,
that one of two Block Island Indians, who had escaped from
their prison, was secured, and the other sent away.
September. Canonicus sends them word, that the Pequods
had killed some of the people at Saybrook. Williams also
states to them, that the Pequods and Narragansetts " were at
truce," and that, as Miantinomo related to him, the former tribe
o T

298 TREATY WITH THE NARRAGANSETTS. [Conn.
tried to make the latter believe that the colonists intended to
exterminate all the Indians.
October 21. Miantinomo, having been sent for by Vane,
reaches Boston with two of Canonicus 's sons, another sachem,
and "near twenty sanaps." Cutshamekin gave notice of their
approach the day before, and they were escorted from Roxbury
by twenty musketeers, sent out for the purpose. The next day
Miantinomo makes a treaty for his nation with Massachusetts
and their confederates, who coincide. The contract has the fol
lowing articles : " Neither party to make peace with the Pe
quods," nor to harbor them " without the other's consent. To
put to death, or deliver over murderers. To return fugitive
servants." The English to notify the Narragansetts when they
go against the Pequods, and the former tribe to send them
guides. Free trade between them.
As Miantinomo did not fully understand the terms, a copy
of them is sent to Williams, so that he may explain them to him.
The chief, having finished the business of his embassy, is accom
panied by a guard out of town, who dismiss him and his party
with a volley of muskets.
1637, May. Miantinomo, faithful to his promise, is zealous
to keep the government in the Bay acquainted with the designs
of the Pequods, and to cooperate for their defeat. As before,
Williams corresponds for him and himself on similar occasions.
He and those who felt themselves under the necessity of exclud
ing him from their jurisdiction, consulted each other's safety,
when common perils threatened them.
25. Some of the Narragansetts assist the Connecticut forces
to capture the Pequod fort at Mistick.

CONNECTICUT.
1636, May 31. Mr. Hooker and most of his congregation at
Newton began, as Winthrop informs us, their journey by land
for the location which was next year called Hartford. His col
league, Mr. Stone, is among them. The wife of the former is
"carried in a horse litter." They number about one hundred
men, women, and children. They drove a hundred and sixty
cattle, and were sustained by their milk. Their way was more
than one hundred miles through a wilderness, destitute of roads
and bridges, and infested with ferocious beasts. Their guide
was a compass, and they were near a fortnight in reaching the
point of destination. Their tour was perilous and arduous.

,„„„, CONFLICT WITH THE PEQUODS. 299
16-3o.] Among their principal laymen are Edward Hopkins, George
Willys, Thomas Welles, William Whiting, Thomas Webster,
and John Talcot.
While these settlers, under Massachusetts direction, put forth
their energies to accomplish the object of their removal, those
at the mouth of the river, subject to the company of Lord Say
and others, did no less. Active to build and plant for the safety
of their social wants, they were pressed by the call for defence
against expected enforcement of the Dutch claim, threatened as
sault ofthe Pequods, and dreaded invasion from the mother coun
try, for the substitution of hierarchal policy instead of their
freer institutions. Their number, at the close of the year, as
Trumbull computed, was about eight hundred. The principles
for which they left England fitted them to encounter the diffi
culties and distresses of a new country, with proper resignation
and spiritual improvement, to lay the durable basis of well-
trained patriots, Christians, and communities.
June 7. For readiness to meet any attacks of Indians, each
town is required to maintain a sufficient guard, and every man
who bears arms is ordered to have a fit quantity of powder and
bullets. July 4. Vane and Winthrop write to the son of the latter, at
Saybrook, as follows : " Whereas it falls out by the good provi
dence of God, that the place of your present residence is neare
adjoyning unto certaine of the natiues, who are called the Pe
quods, concerning whom we haue diuers things to enquire and
satisfy ourselues in." This letter is accompanied with a com
mission, which states, that if they give satisfaction for various
charges against them, they shall have continuance of peace ; if
not, the declaration of war.
September. The Massachusetts forces* return from Block
Island to treat with the Pequods concerning the murder of Stone
and his company, and Oldham and others, in which they were
chiefly implicated. The Indians assemble in considerable num
ber to hear the terms, but they withdraw and flee. The English
burn their wigwams and other property, and kill thirteen and
wound forty.
After Endicott and his men withdrew, the Pequods, deceiv
ing themselves with the hope of destroying the colonists, in
dulged in offensive language. They boasted over the people at
Saybrook Fort. As Johnson remarks, " They blasphemed the
Lord, saying, ' Englishman's God was all one flye, and that
* Discrepancies, as to the damage done by the Pequods, appear from the ac
counts of Winthrop, Gardiner, Mason, and Trumbull. But those which seem
most correct are given iu the subsequent paragraphs.

300 PRISONERS TORMENTED TO DEATH. Conn.]
Englishman was all one squawe, and themselves all one Moor-
hawks.' "
As twenty men sent from Massachusetts to ree'nforce Saybrook
Fort, and commanded by John Underhill, lay windbound off
Fequod Harbor, and were employed in getting corn on board,
they were beset by the enemy, and one shot in the leg with an
arrow. October. Five men from Saybrook are left in a building to
guard their cornfield. Contrary to orders, three of them go a-
fowling. Being loaded, they, are beset by a hundred of the en
emy. One escapes wounded to the house but two are taken
and tormented to death. The three survivors are rescued the
next day. They had not gone far from the shore, before the house
was burned. The following day, a party went to get hay from
Six Mile Island: not careful to mind the caution of Gardiner
at the fort, they were surprised by Indians, who killed three,
and took Samuel Butterfield, the brother of Mr. Mitchel, who
was subsequently minister at Cambridge, and roasted him to
death. 15. About this date, the captain of a bark, John Til
ly, from Massachusetts, bound to Hartford, went ashore with
another man, on Connecticut River, to shoot fowl. So soon as
he discharged his gun, many Indians, lying in wait, rose up,
took him, and killed the person who came with him. They re
served their prisoner for worse treatment. They first cut off
his hands, and then his feet. He lived three days, after being
thus mutilated. His captors said." he was a stout man, because
he cried not in his torture."
1637, February 21. A court meet at Newton. They repre
sent the settlers, who still remain subject to Massachusetts.
They write to the governor there, and express dissatisfaction with
the expedition against the Pequods, and state that they expect
a further prosecution of hostilities, in which they offer to assist.
They also mention that they are not ready to speak definitely
" in matter of government," because they had engaged "to at
tend the answer " of Saybrook proprietors on the same subject.
At this session Newton is called Hartford ; Watertown, Weth-
ersfield ; and Dorchester, Windsor.
To prevent irregularity which infringes on the claims of mo
rality and religion, " It is ordered y' noe yonge man y4 is nei
ther married nor hath any servante, and be noe publicke officer,
shall keepe howse by himself, without consent of the towne
where he hues first had, vnder paine of twenty shillings per
weeke. It is ordered yl noe master of a family shall giue habi-
tacon or intertainment to any yonge man to soiourne in his fam
ily, but by the allowance of the inhabitants of the saide towne

OBJECTIONS TO A SYNOD. 301
loo7.j
where he dwells, vnder the like penalty of twenty shillings per
weeke." February 22. Gardiner related that he went with two men
and three dogs, to clear away a neck, hot far from Saybrook,
and that, while there, many Indians attacked them. He lost
three of his numbers, slain, and had two dangerously wounded,
one of whom died next day. As two others ran away without
his permission, he told them to draw lots, and so decide which
one should be hung for desertion. But at the intercession of
Mr. Higginson and others, they were spared.
Soon after this, several Pequods came to hold a parley with
Gardiner. They said, " We have killed Englishmen, and can
kill them as mosquetoes, and we will go to Conectecott, and kill
men, women, and children."
April 8. Hooker, who at first disapproved of the proposed
synod in the Bay, writes, as in Hutchinson, to Shepard at New
ton, that he thinks it best to advise with the godly and learned
of England about the uncommon errors of Mrs. Hutchinson,
and not have an ecclesiastical assembly to settle them. He adds,
" If any should suggest this was the way to make clamour too
great and loud to bring a prejudice upon the plantations, I should
answer, there is nothing done in corners here but it is openly
there related ; and in such notorious cases which cannot be kept
secret, the most plain and naked relation ever causeth the truth
most to appear, and prevents all groundless and needless jeal
ousies, wherby men are apt to make things more and worse than
they are."
19. The guard at Saybrook having been weakened, and the
Pequods become more venturesome in their attacks, and
the Dutch still suspected of designs to take this post, Captain
Underhill and twenty men are dispatched from the Bay to help
defend the fort. Such force was forwarded by the standing
council there at the charge of Lord Say and company. This
force relieved an equal one, under Captain Mason, who were
stationed there the previous month.
23. As the inhabitants of Wethersfield were returning after
dinner to work in their fields, they were surprised by a party
of Pequods. These seized eleven of the former, nine of whom,
being six men and three women, they immediately killed. The
two saved were daughters of William Swaine, who were car
ried prisoners to Mistick. Here their lives were spared at the
intercession of Mononotto. They were redeemed at Saybrook
shortly before Mason reached there, on his expedition against
the enemy, by the captain of a sloop, dispatched by the Dutch
governor for so benevolent a purpose. 26

302 DARK PROSPECT OF SETTLERS. [Conn.
This spring, a shallop, coming down the river, is captured by
Indians, with three men, who were slain. Two of these were
ripped open and cleft down their backs, and then hung by their
necks on trees by the river side, so that the English might see
them. The Pequods cut large gashes on the bodies of other
prisoners, and then put live coals into such wounds. When
these captives, in their distress, committed their souls to the Re
deemer, the Indians mocked their dying groans and prayers.
Thus continually visited with tidings of the atrocities com
mitted by barbarous foes, and constantly liable to experience the
same themselves at any hour, the planters from the Bay • have
sufficient cause for anxiety. There were other circumstances to
increase so unhappy a state of feeling. They came short in
their crops and cattle the year before. Food and raiment with
them are scarce and dear. They are hindered from preparing
their lands for cultivation, from catching fish and obtaining game,
by a stealthy foe ever on their track to surprise and slay them.
They were constantly obliged to post sentinels at every point of
peril, and guard their houses of worship when assembled there.
They knew that if dividing their comparatively small forces to
pursue the enemy and engage in battle with them, enough
would not be left to protect their wives, children, and habita
tions. Surely they were in a great strait. But they had em
braced principles which taught them never to shiver, shrink, and
despond, though wave upon wave threatened to overwhelm them.
They had learned heavenly wisdom at the feet of the great
Teacher, who encouraged them to trust in him, whatever might
be their trials. Such discipleship still bade them hope, that they
should live to enjoy an uncorrupted gospel, and spread its salu
tary influence around them.
May 1. In this emergency, a court is summoned at Hartford.
As the occasion was one in which the very existence of the col
onists was involved, the three towns send committees in addi
tion to the magistrates. Of the latter present are Roger Lud
low, Welles, Swaine, Steele, Phelps, and Ward. Of the former
are Whiting, Webster, Williams, Hull, Chaplin, Talcott, Hos-
ford, Mitchel, and Sherman.
Considering that the Pequods had killed about thirty of the
English, had tortured their prisoners in the most painful manner,
were endeavoring to rally all the Indians to exterminate the
colonists, and the necessity of an energetic attack upon them,
they order " that there shall be an offensive warr ag* the Pe-
quoett," by the towns of Hartford, Windsor, and Wethersfield.
They vote that the first place shall raise forty-two men, the sec
ond thirty, and the third eighteen, and that they shall have the

,„„„, PRAYER IN THE CAMP.
1637.]
needed supplies. Notwithstanding their difficulties, the people
carry these resolutions into immediate effect.
May 2. John Haynes, late governor of Massachusetts, and his
family, as stated by Winthrop, move from Newton to Hartford.
Though extreme perils hung over his friends here, he did
not delay to take up his abode with them and share in their
trials. 10. The troops aforenamed fell down the river. They
were accompanied by seventy Monhegans and other friendly In
dians, under Uncas, sachem of the former, who had recently
come off from the Pequods. The commander of the whole was
John Mason. Stone, of Hartford, was their chaplain. As the
small vessels ran ashore, and were so delayed, the Indians re
quested to go by land, which was allowed. Near Saybrook
these savages met with forty Pequods. Of these they killed
seven and took one, a noted spy upon the garrison, and cruelly
pulled his limbs apart, and burned what of them they did not
eat. On the 15th the colonists reach Saybrook.
Though Mason was instructed to land his men at Pequod
Harbor, he found the place so fully infested with the enemy, he
concluded it best to proceed to Narragansett, and come on them
by surprise. But his officers and soldiers generally, wished to
fulfil the orders. In this division of opinion, Mr. Stone was
requested, on the 18th, to pray for direction. He spent most
of the night in devotion, and the next morning informed Mason
that his plan seemed best. This commander prepares to pursue
the route of his own preference. He takes twenty men, under
Captain Underhill, from Saybrook, and leaves twenty who came
from Hartford. On the 20th, he arrived, by water, at Narragan
sett Bay. Canonicus and Miantinomo welcome and grant him
leave to march through their territory, and offer him recruits
from their subjects. When the chief sachem was informed of
the plan, he remarked, that " he thought our numbers were too
weak to deal with the enemy, who were very great captains and
men skilful in war."
24. Mason and his forces reach the eastern Nihantick, on the
frontier of the Pequods. On the 25th, having come near the
fort of Sassacus at Mistick, with his men much fatigued, _and his
Indian allies greatly discouraged, he halted. Next morning,
two hours before day, his troops were roused and " briefely com
mending themselves to God, advanced immediately towards the
fort." When Mason approached the Pequods, a dog barked,
and an Indian called out, " Owanux ! Owanux ! " Englishmen !
Englishmen ! A severe battle ensued. After a hard struggle
for victory, Mason cried to his followers, " We must burn

304 DOWNFALL OF THE PEQUODS. [Conn.
them." He instantly set fire to some mats. The wigwams
were soon enveloped in flame. The English withdrew, and sur
rounded the fort. Uncas and his Indians, with such of the Nar
ragansetts as remained, encouraged by the example of the Eng
lish, formed an outer circle. As the enemy appeared, they were
slain. Not much over an hour elapsed from the commencement
of the battle to its close. In this short time, about six hundred
of the Pequods, small and great, perished by the arms of the
colonists or the flames. Only seven escaped, and the same num
ber taken prisoners. Thus a tribe, who had shortly before boasted
of their prowess and purpose to destroy all the English, receive
a blow which results in their extinction as a separate people.
The conquest was not without damage to the colonists. They
had two killed and about twenty wounded. Their surgeon, and
articles necessary for the latter in their suffering condition, had
not arrived. . Their provisions and ammunition were nearly
spent. They knew that all the rest of the enemy must be in
formed of the battle, and therefore they had cause to dread a
fresh attack from them, as posted in the other fort of Sassacus,
and ranging elsewhere. While thus having cause to fear the
worst, and the officers were consulting on what measures to
adopt, the vessel having their supplies hove in sight, and filled
them with gladness.
At this time, three hundred from the enemy's fort came to
wards Mason. He dispatched a party to arrest their progress,
who engaged and forced them to halt. He then ordered his lit
tle army to march for Pequod Harbor. Having left the hill
where the ruins of the enemy's fort remained, the Indians, who
had been brought to a stand, took possession of the premises.
These, seeing the wide-spread destruction, tore their hair,
stamped, and rushed after the English. Underhill, with a se
lect guard, kept them at bay, though they continued the pur
suit nearly six miles. Perceiving that they did the objects of
their rage no harm, but- continually had numbers of their own
forces killed and wounded, the Pequods turned back.
The English reached the harbor with colors flying, and were
received by their countrymen with hearty congratulations. In
three weeks from the time when Mason's few troops, set out on
almost a forlorn enterprise, to attack one of the bravest nations
of New England, they came victorious to their respective
homes. Their reception by friends and relatives was one of
the scenes which exceeds all description, and can only be ap
proached, in reality, by mute meditation. Every domestic circle
and worshiping assembly were filled with thanksgiving to the
Supreme Protector.

DISPERSION OF THE CONQUERED. 305
1637.] The pursuers of Mason hastened to Sassacus at his fortress.
Now his power is in the wane, they charge him as the author
of all their misery, and threaten to destroy him and his connec
tions. At the entreaty of his chiefs, they relinquish their pur
pose. Panic-struck, they burn their fort and wigwams, and dis
perse in different parts of the country. Sassacus and about
seventy of his principal men flee towards the Hudson River.
2 m 26*

CHAPTER XI.
Massachusetts. Vane. — Lords commissioners. — Thanksgiving. — Philip
Vincent. — Passengers. — Social intercourse. — Lord Ley. — Antinomians. —
Royal order. — Pequods. — Feast for soldiers. — Resistance to foreign force. —
Departure of Vane. — Synod. — Explanation. — Lecture. — Advice of elders.
— Confederation of the colonies proposed. — Session of the synod. — Errors
condemned. — Mr. Moxon. — Murderers hung. — Close of synod. — Questions.
— Unsafe speeches. — Resolves. — Location of the college. — Elders and dea
cons as to military service. — Proceedings against the Antinomians. — Govern
or guarded. — Men disarmed. — Strange Indians. — Mrs. Ames. — Custody of
Mrs. Hutchinson. — Great disorders. — Restraint. — An account of Antinomi
ans for England. — Shepard's remark. — Winthrop. — His opinion: — Subse
quent views. — Familists. — Intemperance. — Idlers. — Poor travelers. — Wil
son's compensation. — Letter to the churches. — Maintenance of ministers. —
Parochial charges. — Contentions at Weymouth. — Overseers of the college. —
Remonstrants disciplined. — Jenner at Weymouth. — Colonial arms moved. —
Speculations. — Cotton's remark. — Consultation. — Royal order. — Duty of
the teacher. — Scotch declaration. — Fright of Indians. — Ezekiel Holman. —
Persons summoned. — Code of laws. — Familists. — Fast. — Opinions of Mrs.
Hutchinson. — Her excommunication. — Charter. — Church discipline. — Wa
tertown order. — Sabbath watches. — Strangers. — Antinomians. — Earth
quake. — Quarles's translation. — Knollys arrives. — Newman. — Tompson. —
Printing press. Plymouth. Pequods. — Religious trials. — Forces. — Stocks.
— Gorton. — Excommunication. — Violation of Sabbath. — Taunton, Sandwich
and Yarmouth settlers. — Poole, Hooke, Street, Doughty, Leveridge, and Batch-
elor. — Chauncey. — Recantation. — Baptism by immersion — Discussion. —
Answers by ministers. — Working' on the Sabbath. — Slander. — Appeal to Eng
land. — Saugus people at Sandwich. Maine. Commission as to Somerset
shire. — Land for Sir Richard Edgecomb. — Purposes of Gorges. New Hamp
shire. Burdet. — Wheelwright settles at Exeter. Purchase of land. No fam-
ilist. — Knollys employed. Rhode Island. Pequods. — Williams's Indian
confederacy. — John Green. — Miantinomo.- — Clark and associates occupy
Rhode Island ; adopt a theocracy. — Order of Massachusetts. — Green's letter.
— Deed of the island. — Mrs. Hutchinson. — First law. — Verin's case. — Ac
cession. — Williams's letter. — Session. — Stocks. — Freemen. — Prison. Con
necticut. Defeat of the Pequods. — Delegates to the synod. — Stoughton's
remarks. — Treaty with Indians. — Thanksgiving. — Division of Pequod lands.
— Taxes. — Military staff. — Kindness to the natives. — Union among the col
onists. — Emigrants from Boston. — Change of residence. — Bearing arms. —
Services of the Sabbath. — Covenant. — Communication to Hooker.

MASSACHUSETTS.
1637, June 3. Two ships, according to Winthrop, arrive at Bos
ton from England. One of them brings the copy of instructions
from the lords commissioners, " to divers of the magistrates here,
(306)

NEW GOVERNMENT APPOINTED. 307
1637.] to govern all the people in New England till further order, upon
this pretence, that there was no lawful authority in force here,
either mediate or immediate, from his majesty." This accords
with the recent command of the king for the return of our char
ter to him. It shows what the national rulers would have done
had their available strength been equivalent to their will. It
manifests that, as, by a legal process, they had decretally suc
ceeded to break down the constitution of Massachusetts, they
paid no regard to the patent of Plymouth, and meant to bring
all the Congregational interests of the land under the control of
Episcopacy. Had the magistrates, so delegated, suffered ambi
tion to overcome their love for the commonwealth, and thus ven
tured on the troubled sea of revolution for the selfish purpose
of exercising greater and wider authority, they might have put
in operation various disturbing forces, and added greatly to the
burden of public difficulties. But, fearing God more than man,
they held fast to their integrity ; they strove to diminish domes
tic controversies and perils, and prepared to resist foreign aggres
sion on their liberties.
June 6. Though Vane had become unpopular for his zealous
support of Mrs. Hutchinson's speculations, yet the magistrates
are careful that his character should not suffer for the honest
avowal of his sentiments. Hence they require William Knopp
to give sureties for his appearance at court about " his speeches
of Mr. Vaine, our late governor."
15. There is a general thanksgiving for " victory over the Pe
quods, and other mercies."
Philip Vincent appears to be in New England. He published
an account of the Pequod war the next year. He was son of
Richard Vincent, as Hunter relates, of " Firsby or Frisby," and
baptized at Coningsborough, November 23, 1600. He took his
A. M. at Cambridge. When about twenty-five, he married
Frances, daughter of Sir Christopher Heydon, of Baconsthorpe,
in Norfolk, widow of Henry Draper, of Bromley, in Kent.
In the same year, he "was presented to the rectory of Stoke
d'Abernon, in Surrey, by Sir Francis Vincent, of a different
family." He resigned the living August 17, 1629, and Novem
ber 30, 1630, he lost his wife, who was buried in the church of
St. Andrew, London. She had three children, one of whom,
Henry, born in London, 1629, survived her. After her decease
he became a traveler, and about 1632 he embarked for Guiana.
From this date we have no trace of him till the time of his ap
pearance in our country. Hunter remarks, after specifying
books on Germany which Vincent had printed, that they indi
cate that he had been in that part of Europe. He says that,
after 1638, he loses sight of him and his son Henrv.

308 ARRIVAL OF PASSENGERS. „.[Mass.
June 20. Though the supporters of hierarchal pohcy in Eng
land were doing to their utmost for the abolition of non-con
formity here, yet three hundred and sixty passengers * from Ips
wich, in that kingdom, are brought into Boston by three ships.
26. Two more ships come to the same port from London.
John Davenport f is a passenger in one of them. He was son
to a mayor of Coventry, and born 1597. After being at Mer-
ton College, Oxford, two years, he removed to Magdalen Hall,
1615, which he left without a degree. As Brook relates, " he
was called to preach in London, where his rare ministerial en
dowments, and his pious courage in visiting the sick during the
raging of the plague, soon brought him into notice." He be
came eminent as a preacher among the Puritans, and was settled
over St. Stephen's Church, in the same city. In 1625 he took the
degree of bachelor of divinity at Magdalen Hall. He was an effi
cient member of the Massachusetts Company, and for its advance
ment put fifty pounds into its common stock. Having been
concerned with other devoted ministers in the purchase of impro
priations so that the profits might supply poor congregations
with preachers, he fell under the displeasure of Laud. This,
" together with other notices of his being prosecuted for non
conformity, induced him to embark for Amsterdam," the latter
part of 1633. In, this city he is called to be colleague of Mr.
Paget. Not approving the promiscuous baptism of children, as
practiced in Holland, he engages in a discussion about it, which
terminates his ministerial labors in two years. He then gave
private instruction. After a while, he goes back to London.
Seeing a letter from Mr. Cotton about New England, he con
cluded to embark for this country. When the archbishop heard
that he had emigrated hither, he declared that his arm should
reach him in his last refuge.
Among those who accompany Davenport is Samuel Eaton.
The latter, as Palmer says, was son of Richard Eaton, vicar of
Great Budworth, in Cheshire. He had his A. B. at Magdalen
College, Cambridge, 1624, and his A. M. 1628. Wood states,
that " after he had left the university, he took orders according
to the church of England, and was beneficed in this country ;
but having been puritanically educated, he did dissent in some
particulars thereof. Whereupon, finding his place too warm for
him, he revolted, and went into New England, and preached
among the brethren there." He assisted Davenport in ministe
rial labors, before he came to our shores.
His brother, Theophilus Eaton, and Edward Hopkins, who
were to take a prominent part in founding and promoting the
* Winthrop's Journal. t Magnalia. Ncal's History of the Puritans.

,,,„„. PROBATION OF IMMIGRANTS. 309
1637.]rehgious colony of their adoption, are of the same estimable
company. July. The disaffection between the Legalists and Antinomi
ans, so called, breaks up social intercourse. Winthrop invi.es
Vane and Lord Ley, son to the Earl of Marlborough, recently
arrived for seeing the country, to dine with him. , But Vane
declines on conscientious grounds, and goes with Ley, at the same
hour, over to Noddle's Island, and there they take dinner with
Maverick. 12. A brother* of Mrs. Hutchinson and friends of Mr.
Wheelwright had come to Boston. As it was desirable to know
whether these immigrants would side with the Antinomians or
not, before they should become inhabitants, and also to save per
sons, who should give them shelter, from the demand of the
law relative to strangers, the governor allows them four months'
probation. This arrangement is disliked by the opponents of
Winthrop, who " utter many hot speeches."
23. A royal order f is issued for the constitution of a gen
eral government in New England. A reason assigned for this
step is, because " of the severall opinions, differing humors, and
many other differences springing up between them, and dayly
hke to increase." It says further that the council for this coun
try were not able to suppress such evils, and this was one cause
why they surrendered their patent into the hands of his majesty,
so that he might have the reformation of them made. To carry
out their plan, he and his advisers appoint Sir Ferdinando
Gorges as the chief governor of the northern colonies, and for
bid all persons to come hither without a license.
This action of the highest powers in England for sealing the
doom of our colonial liberties was the more threatening in form
than all others which preceded it for a similar purpose. The
dread which our ancestors had long entertained of such a conclu
sion would have been increased, and greatly oppressed them
with anxiety, had they not been assured that it was less likely
to be accomplished by the increase of non-conformists in that
kingdom. 28. In a letter + from Winthrop to Bradford, respecting the
conquest of the Pequods, he says, " My desire is to acquaint
you with the Lord's great mercy towards us, in prevailing
against his and our enemies, that you may rejoice and praise his
name with us." The defeat of so resolute and powerful a foe
was regarded by our ancestors as a signal blessing of Providence
for the continuance and spread of their churches.

* Winthrop's Journal.
t State Papers in London. J Morton's Memorial.

310 RESISTANCE TO ROYAL AUTHORITY. riVyr
[Mass.
August. The force * of Massachusetts, under Stoughton, go
from Pequod to Block Island, and receive the submission of In
dians at the latter place, and the promise that they will deliver
up all concerned in the murder of Oldham.
1. A request of the legislature comes before the magistrates
to consult with the elders about a thanksgiving on the return
of soldiers from the war, and each town's feasting its quota of
these troops.
Greensmith, having neither paid his fine nor appeared, is or
dered to be committed. The appearance of Wheelwright is put
off to the next session.
3. A man, as Winthrop relates, named Ewre, was accused to
Lord Ley, as having declared, a year before, that, should the
king send over " any authority against our patent, he would be
the first who should resist him." The parties appeared at the
General Court. After hearing the witnesses, the legislature
decide that the substance of Ewre's language was that, if " any
authority " should come from England contrary to the privi
leges of the charter, he would oppose its execution. As they
held this to be lawful, the governor declares it to be so in their
presence. This case manifests the popular views of the colo
nists relative to the Laudian policy for the subversion of our
civil and ecclesiastical enjoyments. Particular notice is thus
taken of it by our rulers, probably because Ley and Vane, preju
diced against them, are on the point of embarking for England.
These persons, thus bound for the mother country, are hon
ored with military salutes at the wharf and Castle, by direction
of the chief magistrate. The disciples of Mrs. Hutchinson pay
special attention to Vane, who had strongly advocated their
principles, and many of them go with him to the ship, riding
by Long Island in the harbor. He evidently is about to depart
with the impression that he had lost his political influence and
station more by wrong opposition than by fair measures. But
a large majority of the inhabitants -are as much assured that his
theological speculations tend to subvert the faith and order for
which they adventured their all, as he is to the contrary. While
they esteem him for his piety and worthiness, they prefer others
to guide the helm of state, who, as they believe, cherish safer
principles. Thus leaving the land of his short but eventful so
journ, he sails for his native kingdom, where thrilling events
and an untimely end await his experience.
5. Wilson returns to Boston, from the troops, who went
against the Pequods, accompanied by Hooker and Stone. Pyn-
chon from Springfield, Ludlow from AVindsor, and other princi-
* Winthrop's Journal.

._„, . CONFEDERATION PROPOSED. 3H
loo7.J ,
pal delegates, also come to the same place. Their object is to
take part in preparation for a synod and its transactions.
After consultation of several days, the elders of Massachu
setts, Plymouth, and Connecticut, assembled at Boston, agree,
by consent of the magistrates, to observe a fast the 24th, and to
commence the synod the 30th of the month.
In their private meetings, they endeavor to have Cotton fully
acquainted with the manner and reason of Wilson's speech be
fore the General Court. The latter divine repeats what he had
privately and publicly declared, that the words he uttered then,
at their special request, were not intended by him as applicable
to doctrine taught by Cotton and Wheelwright in the congre
gation, but to three or four " opinions privately carried in Bos
ton, and other parts of the country." Such explanation had a
conciliatory effect.
August 17. The weekly lecture is preached at Boston by Dav
enport. His text is, " I exhort you, brethren, that there be
no divisions among you." He shows the danger of these and
disorders prevalent here, and disapproves of " the new opinions
and bitter practices." In an exposition of passages from Chron
icles and Numbers, Cotton draws the conclusion that neither
war nor any weighty affair should be undertaken by civil rulers
without the advice of elders.
26. Stoughton and his men come from the expedition against
the Pequods and Block Island Indians with the loss of only
one man, who died of disease. They engaged in the service
with earnest desire to preserve the commonwealth and churches
from utter desolation, as the Israelites did against the inhab
itants of Canaan, who had no sympathy for their religious insti
tutions. In view of the fixed purpose, entertained, by the royal party
in England, to eradicate every vestige of Congregationalism,
wherever extant on our soil, and of other perils, needing the
united energies of all New England, a proposal is made for a
confederation between Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Plym
outh. But on account of the short notice which the last colony
had, they could not conveniently send delegates. Therefore
the magistrates and ministers of Connecticut, and such of the
Bay, convened in Boston, for so great and needful a purpose,
conclude to defer it till a more favorable opportunity.
30. As an event expected by the colonists at large with much
feeling of hope, and yet of anxiety, a synod convene, according
to Winthrop and Weld, at Newton. This body is composed of
"all the teaching elders through the country, and some newly
come out of England, not yet called to any place here." The
number present are " about twenty-five godly ministers of Christ,

312 SYNOD OPENED— REGULATIONS. r„ no
I iVlASS.
besides many other graciously-eminent servants of his. Ihe
business * of the assembly is opened with prayer by Shepard.
Two moderators, Bulkley and Hooker, are chosen. They con
tinue so through the whole session. John Higginson, chaplain
at Saybrook, is elected scribe. For his laborious service on this
occasion, he afterwards received a grant of land from Massachu
setts. " Liberty is given to any man to dispute pro or con, and
none to be charged to be of that opinion he disputed for, unlesse
he should declare himselfe so to be." " The erroneous opinions
which were spread in the country were read, being eighty [two] ;
next the unwholesome expressions ; then the Scriptures abused."
Some of the Boston church and others object against so nu
merous an array of errors, as an unnecessary occasion of re
proach to the country, and call for the names of individuals who
hold them. The reply to this is, that such errors are known to
exist in the colonies, and that, as the synod are convened to dis
cuss doctrines, and not persons, the latter should not be men
tioned. Still the demand for witnesses is repeated, to the dis
turbance of the convention. The moderators request that it be
no further urged, but without effect. Some of the magistrates
then declare that such conduct, if not forborne, becomes a civil
offence, and will be treated accordingly. This position is de
nied. On an individual's being assured that he should have
experience of. it in himself, some of the Boston men retire, and
attend no more.
After much discourse, Wilson proposes, " You that are against
these things, and are for the word and Spirit together, hold jip
your hands. The multitude of hands then held up was a com
fortable and encouraging introduction unto other proceedings."
" The weapons these souldiers of Christ warred with was the
sword of the Spirit, even the word of God, together with ear
nest prayers to the God of all truth, that he would open his
truths unto them." Johnson, the writer of this, wishes that
the prelates of England were present to judge how much better
the mode of the synod is to clear away error, than " their com
manding power, backt with the subordinate sword of princes,"
is to suppress what they disapprove. He mentions the extraor
dinary learning and talent exhibited by elders of the conven
tion, in discussion of the subjects before them. In reference to
them, Shepard remarks, " there being a most wonderful pres
ence of Christ's spirit in that assembly."
September 7. George Moxon, on page 252, is admitted*
a freeman of the Massachusetts Company, and is thus legally
* This subject is treated on by Winthrop,— the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of Anti
nomians, etc., — Johnson, and other authorities.

SESSION OF THE SYNOD CLOSED. 313
qualified for a fuller discharge of the sacred functions of his
office. Before leaving England, he served as chaplain of
Sir William Brereton, preached at St. Helen's Chapel, near
Warrington, in Lancashire. Here he was troubled for his non
conformity. Knowing that a citation for him to appear was on
the door of his chapel, he hastened for Bristol, in disguise,
whence he embarked for our shores.
September 19. John Williams, indicted for the murder of
John Hobbe, and William Schooler, for the murder of Mary
Scholee, are brought in guilty before the Court of Assistants.
They were accordingly hanged.*
22. The synod close their session. Though the list of topics
before them is long, and, to some persons, may be tedious, still
they call for a particular statement in a volume of this kind.
Being considered as sufficiently important to receive the prayer
ful and solicitous attention of so respectable a body, there would
be a radical deficiency in passing over such matters with mere
general allusions. The points of theology, in view, as derived
from the speculations of Roger Williams, Samuel Gorton, Hen
ry Vane, John Wheelwright, and particularly from Anne Hutch
inson, and their advocates, will, of course, be looked at differ
ently by readers of various denominations. A few of them are
not generally considered incorrect, as they were when disallowed
by the synod. Many of them, if propagated at present, would
be deemed unsafe by the religious public.
A list of " the erroneous opinions " follows : —
" 1. In the conversion of a sinner, which is saving and gra
cious, the faculties of the soule, and workings thereof, in things
partaining to God, are destroyed and made to cease.
2. Instead of them, the Holy Ghost doth come and take place,
and doth all the works of those natures, as the faculties of the
human nature of Christ do.
3. That the love which is said to remain, when faith and hope
cease, is the Holy Ghost.
4, 5. That those that bee in Christ are not under the law,
and commands of the word, as the rule of life. Alias, that the
will of God in the word, or directions thereof, are not the rule
whereunto Christians are bound to conforme themselves to live
thereafter. 6. The example of Christ's life is not a patterne according
to which men ought to act.
7. The new creature, or the new man mentioned in the gos-
pell, is not meant of grace, but of Christ.
* Their execution, according to Winthrop, was the 28th of September. Hia
Journal, as printed, calls the first of these murdered persons Hoddy.
2n 27

314 ERRONEOUS OPINIONS. [Mass.
8. By love, 1 Cor. xiii. 13, and by the armour mentioned in
Eph. vi., are meant Christ.
9. The whole letter of the Scripture holds for a covenant of
workes. 10. That God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, may give
themselves to the soule, and the soule may have true union with
Christ, true remission of sins, true marraige and fellowship,
true sanctification from the blood of Christ, and yet bee an hyp
ocrite. 11. As Christ was once made flesh, so hee is now first made
flesh in us, ere wee bee carryed to perfection.
12. Now, in the covenant of workes, a legalist may attaine
the same righteousnesse for truth, which Adam had in inno-
cency before the fall.
13. That there is a new birth under the covenant of workes,
to such a kind of righteousnesse, as before is mentioned, from
which the soule must bee againe converted, before it can bee
made partaker of God's kingdome.
14. That Christ workes in the regenerate as in those that are
dead, and not as in those that are alive, or the regenerate after
conversion are altogether dead to spirituall acts.
15. There is no inherent righteousnesse in the saints, or
grace, and graces are not in the soules of beleevers, but in Christ
only. 16. There is no difference betweene the graces of hypocrites
and beleevers in the kinds of them.
17. True poverty of spirit doth kill and take away the sight
of grace.
18. The Spirit doth worke in hypocrites by gifts and graces,
but in God's children immediately.
19. That all graces, even in the truely regenerate, are mortall
and fading.
20. . That to call into question whether God be my_ deare
Father, after or upon the commission of some hainous sinnes,
(as murther, incest, etc.,) doth prove a man to be in the cove
nant of workes.
21. To be justified by faith is to be justified by workes.
22. None are to be exhorted to beleeve, but such whom we
know to be the elect of God, or to have his Spirit in them ef
fectually. 23. We must not pray for gifts and graces, but onely for
Christ. 24. He that hath the seale of the Spirit may certainely judge
of any person, whether he be elected or no.
25. A man may have all graces and poverty of spirit, and
yet want Christ.

lg37 COVENANT OF GRACE. 315
26. The faith that justifieth us is in Christ, and never had
any actuall being out of Christ.
27. It is incompatible to the covenant of grace to joyne faith
thereunto. 28. To affirme there must be faith on man's part to receive
the covenant is to undermine Christ.
29. An hypocrite may have these two witnesses, 1 John v. 6 ;
that is to say, the water and bloud.
30. If any thing may be concluded from the water and bloud,
it is rather damnation then salvation.
3 1 . Such as see any grace of God in themselves, before they
have the assurance of God's love sealed to them, are not to be
received members of churches.
32. After the revelation of the Spirit, neither devill nor
sinne can make the soule to doubt.
33. To act by vertue of or in obedience to a command, is le-
gall. 34. We are not to pray against all sinne, because the old man
is in us, and must be ; and why should we pray against that
which cannot be avoyded ?
35. The efficacy of Christ's death is to kill all activity of
graces in his members, that he might act all in all.
36. All the activity of a beleever is to act to sinne.
37. We are compleatly united to Christ, before or without
any faith wrought in us by the Spirit.
38. There can be no true closing with Christ in a promise
that hath a qualification or condition 'expressed.
39. The due search and knowledge of the Holy Scripture is
not a safe and sure way of searching and finding Christ.
40. There is a testimony of the Spirit, and voyce unto the
soule, meerely immediate, without any respect unto or concur
rence with the word.
41. There bee distinct seasons of the workings of the sev
erall persons, so the soule may bee said to bee so long under
the Fathers, and not the Sons, and so long under the Sons
work, and not the Spirits.
42. There is no assurance true or right, unlesse it bee without
feare and doubting.
43. The Spirit acts most in the saints when they indevour
least. 44. No created worke can bee a manifest signe of God's
love. 45. Nothing but Christ is an evidence of my good estate.
46. It is no sinne in a beleever not to see his grace, except
he be wilfully blinde.
47. The seale of the Spirit is limited onely to the immediate

316 CONDITIONAL PROMISES. rMAss
witnesse of the Spirit, and doth never witnesse to any worke of
grace, or to any conclusion by a syllogisme.
48. That conditionall promises are legall.
49. We are not bound to keepe a constant course of prayer
in our families, or privately, unlesse the Spirit stirre us up
thereunto. 50. It is poverty of Spirit, when wee have grace, yet to see
we have no grace in ourselves.
51. The soule need not goe out to Christ for fresh supply,
but it is acted by the Spirit inhabiting.
52. It is legal to say, wee act in the strength of Christ.
53. No minister can teach one that is anoynted by the spirit
of Christ, more then hee knowes already, unlesse it be in some
circumstances. 54. No minister can bee an instrument to convey more of
Christ unto another, then hee by his own experience hath come
unto. 55. A man may have true faith of dependence, and yet not
bee justified.
56. A man is not effectually converted till he hath full assur
ance. 57. To take delight in the holy service of God is to go a
whoring from God.
58. To help my faith, and comfort my conscience in evill
houres, from former experience of God's grace in mee, is not a
way of grace.
59. A man may not bee exhorted to any duty, because hee
hath no power to do it.
60. A man may not prove his election by his vocation, but
his vocation by his election.
61. All doctrines, revelations, and spirits, must be tried by
Christ the word, rather then by the word of Christ.
62. It is a dangerous thing to close with Christ in a
promise. 63. No better is the evidence from the two witneses of wa
ter and blood, mentioned 1 John v. 6, 7, 8, then Mount Calva
ry ; and the souldiers that shed Christ's bloud, and these might
have drunke of it ; poore evidences.
64. A man must take no notice of his sinne, nor of his
repentance for his sinne.
65. The church, in admitting members, is not to looke to
holinesse of life or testimony of the same.
66. To lay the brethren under a covenant of works hurts not
but tends to much good, to make men looke the better to their
evidences. 67. A man cannot evidence his justification by his sanctifica-

16371 FALSE DOCTRINES REBUKED. 317
tion ; but he must needs build upon his sanctification, and trust
to it.
68. Faith justifies an unbeliever ; that is, that faith that is in
Christ justifieth mee, that hath no faith in myselfe.
69. Though a man can prove a gracious worke in himselfe,
and Christ to be the author of it, if thereby he will prove Christ
to be his, this is but a sandy foundation.
70. Frequency or length of holy duties, or trouble of con
science for neglect thereof, are all signes of one under a cove
nant of workes.
71. The immediate revelation of my good estate, without any
respect to the Scriptures, is as cleare to me as the voyce of God
from heaven to Paul.
72. It is a fundamentall and soule-damning errour to make
sanctification an evidence of justification.
73. Christ's worke of grace can no more distinguish betweene
a hypocrite and a saint, then the raine that fals from heaven be
tweene the just and the unjust.
74. All verball covenants, or covenants expressed in words,
as church couenants, vowes, etc., are covenants of workes, and
such as strike men off from Christ.
75. The Spirit giveth such full and cleare evidence of my
good estate, that I have no need to be tried by the fruits of
sanctification ; this were to light a candle to the sun.
76. The devill and nature may be cause of a gracious worke.
77. Sanctification is so farre from evidencing a good estate,
that it darkens it rather ; and a man may more clearely see
Christ when he seeth no sanctification then when he doth : the
darker my sanctification is, the brighter is my justification.
78. God hath given sixe witnesses, three in heaven and three
in earth, to beget and build justifying faith upon.
79. If a member of a church be unsatisfied with any thing
in the church, if he expresse his offence, whether he hath used
all meanes to convince the church or no, he may depart.
80. If a man thinke he may edifie. better in another congre
gation then in his owne, that is ground enough to depart ordi
narily from word, seales, fastings, feastings, and all administra
tions in his owne church, notwithstanding the offence of the
church, often manifested to him for so doing.
81. Where faith is held forth by the ministry, as the condi
tion of the covenant of grace on man's part, as also evidencing
justification by sanctification, and the activity of faith, in that
church there is not sufficient bread.
82. A minister must not pray nor preach against any errour,
unlesse he declare in the open congregation, upon any members
enquiry, the names of them that hold them." 27*

318 DETRIMENTAL SPEECHES. [Mass.
When the preceding positions had been disclaimed by the
synod, several questions were discussed, as in Winthrop. At first
Messrs. Cotton and Wheelwright were on one side, and the rest
of the elders were on the other. After some explanations, Cot
ton left such ground. The questions follow : 1. Whether there
could be union with Christ before the possession of active faith.
It was agreed on all hands that there could not be. 2. Wheth
er justification was shown by sanctification. It was unanimous,
that some fruits of sanctification, as faith, were co-apparent with
the witness of the Spirit, as to sanctification. 3. That renewal
of heart is not the believer himself, but saving graces in him,
and that Christ preserves and quickens these graces in him, but
Christ is no part of this new creation. 4. Though in effectual
calling, justification and sanctification occur together in the per
ception of their subjects, yet God does not justify believers un
til they are so called. 5. That Christ and his benefits may be
presented to those under a covenant of works, but not in or by
such a covenant.
The following speeches " were judged by the assembly
aforesaid as unsafe : —
" 1. To say we are justified by faith is an unsafe speech ; we
must say we are justified by Christ. 2. To evidence justifica
tion by sanctification or graces savours of Rome. 3. If I be
holy, I am never the better accepted of God ; if I be unholy, I
am never the worse : this I am sure of, he that hath elected me
must save me. 4. If Christ will let me sinne, let him looke to
it ; upon his honour be it. 5. There is a great stirre about graces
and looking to hearts ; but give me Christ ; I seeke not for graces,
but for Christ ; I seeke not for promises, but for Christ ; I seeke
not for sanctification, but for Christ ; tell not me of meditation
and duties, but tell me of Christ. 6. A living faith, that hath
loving fruits, may grow from the living law. 7. I may know
I am Christ's, not because I doe crucifie the lusts of the flesh,
but because I doe not crucifie them, but beleeve in Christ that
crucified my lusts for me. 8. Peter more leaned to a covenant
of workes than Paul. Paul's doctrine was more for free grace
than Peters. 9. If Christ be my sanctification, what neede I
looke to any thing in myselfe, to evidence my justification."
The subsequent resolves, as Winthrop states, were debated
and passed the last day of the synod's session: 1. Though a
few women mighjt meet together for prayer and religious con
versation, yet large companies of them, as sixty or more, who
convened weekly in Boston, taught by a particular one of their
number, in doctrine and exposition of the Scriptures, were dis
orders. 2. However a private member of the church might
publicly inquire after the sermon, yet this should be done

REMARK ON THE SYNOD. 3ig
sparingly and with consent of the elders ; but to reprove and
reproach the preacher for his doctrines, with bitterness, was alto
gether condemned. The last of this clause applies to treatment
received by Mr. Wilson. 3. An individual of the church, re
fusing to meet with its members, to hear himself censured for
alleged offences, might be proceeded against, if not present ;
though it would be preferable for magistrates to interpose and
compel him to attend. 4. Should a member of the church dif
fer from it in opinion, not fundamental, he ought not to forsake
its ordinances ; and should he, for this cause, ask dismission to
another church of his persuasion, his own church ought to deny
his request.
When the synod had closed their business, and were about
to separate, Governor Winthrop proposed whether, as the ef
fects of their deliberations appeared so salutary, it would not
be best to hold such a convocation annually, or, at least, the
next year, to settle remaining differences. Though his proposal
was approved by all, yet they concluded to defer compliance
with it for the present. He also inquired whether, as the
churches were not of one mind on the subject of maintaining
their ministers, this matter should not now be settled. The
elders declined acting on it, lest they should be charged with
selfish motives in coming together. - The cost of boarding the
synod, and of bringing the Connecticut members from their
homes and sending them back, was paid by the colony of Mas
sachusetts. A writer, quoted by Hutchinson, speaks as follows
of this body : " The assembly is dissolved, and jarring and dis
sonant opinions, if not reconciled, yet are covered ; and they
who came together with minds exasperated, by this means de
part in peace, and promise, by a mutual covenant, that no differ
ence in opinion shall alienate their affections any more, but that
they will refer doubts to be resolved by the great God, at that
great day when we shall all appear at his tribunal."
September 26. Mr. Davenport preaches before General Court
from Phil. iii. 16. He dwells on the cause of divisions among
Christians, the results of the synod, and wisely persuades to
the practice of unity. Mr. Wheelwright comes before the court,
and is again dismissed till notified to reappear. Mr. John Green
is referred to the magistrates, and if submitting, is to be dis
charged. He does, and is released. Thanksgiving is appointed
to be kept, October 12, for conquest of Pequods, safe return of
soldiers, favorable close of the synod, and for good news from
Germany. Because the clause about the synod was inserted in
the order for such a day, some of Boston would not attend its
public services there.
'November 2. The General Court assemble. They, as well

320 EJECTION OF DEPUTIES. [Mass.
as the country at large, promise themselves that the proceedings
of the late synod would calm the controversy of the Legalists
and Antinomians. But Mr. Wheelwright continued his usual
strain of preaching, and Mrs. Hutchinson her meetings and ex
ercises. The court believed that two such parties could not
dwell together without the peril of ruin to the colony, and they
therefore determined to send away the most influential of the
Antinomians. As the signers of the remonstrance or petition
in favor of Mr. Wheelwright, the 9th of March preceding, still
held to the contents of this document, the legislature commence
with them. William Aspinwall, the writer, and a subscriber of
this paper, and a deputy from Boston, being asked if he yet ad
hered to its sentiments, replies in the affirmative. He is therefore
denied his seat and discharged. John Coggeshall, his colleague,
remarks, that as they had expelled Mr. Aspinwall, they had
" best make one work of all," and " though his hand was not to
the petition, yet he did approve of it, and his hand was to a pro
test which was to the same effect." He is immediately ejected,
and notice is given to Boston to elect two deputies in their stead.
Weld informs us, that Coggeshall, on his departure, said to the
court, " You have censured the truth of Christ, and it is the
greatest stroke ever given to free grace ; half the people who
are in New England are under a covenant of works."
William Coddington, another deputy from Boston, moves,
by order of his constituents, that the censure against Mr. Wheel
wright, and the law forbidding the entertainment of strangers,
unless permitted by magistrates, may be repealed. With regard
to this law, it is stated, that a declaration for the reasons for it
had been made in order to satisfy its opponents, but that these
had replied in severe reflections on the court, and that an an
swer to the latter had been ready above six weeks, but was kept
back, in hopes that the advice of the synod would have recon
ciled the Antinomians ; therefore, the next day, the said decla
ration, answer, and reply are all brought in and read before the
members. This measure gives more satisfaction to some friends
of the law, and lessens objections to it by others of its oppo
nents. Relative to the choice of deputies in place of Aspinwall and
Coggeshall, when the warrant came to their constituents, these
intended to have rechosen them and sent them back. But Mr.
Cotton dissuaded them from so useless a measure. Hence they
vote for two different candidates, one of whom had signed what
the court declared "the seditious writing." This person, being
John Oliver, and having such a subscription laid to him, dechned
to confess it as a fault, and therefore was dismissed by the court.
His constituents, being notified to send a substitute, declined a

16371 CITATION OF WHEELWRIGHT. 321
first, but did subsequently. Judging from the determination
with which the Antinomians endeavor to influence the court in
favor of their friends and doctrines, that they are required to al
low Mr. Wheelwright no longer time for the retraction of his
opinions, they cite him to come before them immediately. In
presence of the Assistants and deputies he is reminded of the
sentence against him for sedition and contempt of authority,
and how long they had waited for his confession of such offences,
and ask if he be ready to own them now. He answers, that he
is not guilty of the things laid to his charge, that he had uttered
nothing but the truth of Christ, and he was not answerable for
the application which others made of it to themselves. The
court reply, that they had dealt with him for the application
which he himself had made of his preaching to the magistrates,
ministers, and most of the people, as under a covenant of works
as Antichrists, like Herod and Pilate, the Scribes and Phari
sees, persuading the people to look at them, and treat them as
such. They also state their view of the fruits of his sermon
as a tendency to sedition, in accordance with their former judg
ment : " For whereas, before he broached his opinions, there was
a peaceable and comely order in all affairs of the churches and
civil state, but now the difference, which he hath raised amongst
men, by a false distinction of a covenant of grace and a cove
nant of works, causes one party to be looked at as friends to
Christ, and the other as his enemies. As first in the church, he
that will not renounce his sanctification, and wait for immediate
revelation of the Spirit, cannot be admitted, be he never so godly ;
he that is already in the church, that will not do the same, and
acknowledge this new light, and say as they say, is presently
noted and under-esteemed, as savouring of a covenant of works.
Thence it spreads into families, and sets divisions between hus
band and wife, and other relations there, until the weaker give
place to the stronger ; otherwise it turns to open contention. It
is come also into civil and public affairs." The authors of the
pamphlet on Antinomianism then relate the backwardness of
Governor Vane's friends in Boston to support the Pequod expe
dition, and the disrespect shown Governor Winthrop, as before
stated. " The same difference hath been observed in town lots,
rates, and in neighboring meetings, and almost in all affairs,
whereby it is apparent what disturbance the seditious application
of Mr. Wheelwright hath wrought among us." While such
scenes were witnessed in presence of the legislature, we have
notice of one whose name was to live as long as the institu
tion which he was to found. John Harvard, and Anna, his
wife, are admitted, on the 6th, to Charlestown church. He
was received there, as a townsman, August 6, had his first

322 SENTENCE FOR SEDITION. [Mass.
degree at Emanuel College, Cambridge, 1631, and his second
1635. From him, thus brought before us, we reenter the course,
from which we turned aside to notice his introduction to a New
England congregation. The reply which Mr. Wheelwright
madb to the charge exhibited against him, concerning the effects
of his sermon, is, that he had uttered nothing but the truth, and
that this should not be accused of making the troubles com
plained of, but the prevalent unbelief with which it came in
contact. Convinced that he would make no retraction, the
court pass the following sentence : " Mr. John Wheelwright be
ing formerly convicted of contempt and sedition, and now justi
fying himself and his former practice, being to the disturbance
of the civil power, he is by the court disfranchised and ban
ished, having fourteen days to settle his affairs. If within that
time he depart not the patent, he promiseth to render himself
to Mr. Stoughton, at his house, to be kept till he be disposed
of. And Mr. How undertook to satisfy any charge that he, Mr.
Stoughton, or the court should be at." Mr. Wheelwright, on
hearing this, appeals to his majesty. Such a reference had been
disallowed by our civil authorities, as periling their best liber
ties, and they now do the same. " The court told him that an
appeal did not lie in this case, for the king having given us au
thority by his grant, under his great seal of England, to hear and
determine all causes, without reservation, if an appeal should lie
in one case, it might be challenged in all, and then there would
be no use of government among us. Neither did an appeal lie
from any court in any county or corporation in England, but if
a party will remove his cause to any of the king's higher courts^
he must bring the king's writ for it." Though Mr. Wheel
wright appealed, yet he omitted to call witnesses of it, and to
have it entered on the colony records. He is asked if he
would give security for his peaceable departure. He declines to
do this. He is then ordered into the custody of the marshal.
The next morning, after a clearer view of the matter, he agrees
to give the security required. He also relinquishes his appeal
to the king, and says he will conform with the court's decision.
They answer "that for his appeal, he might do as he pleased,
and for his departure, he should have the liberty the court had
offered him, provided he should not preach in the mean time."
But he does not consent to the last condition. He has leave to
return home, on his promise that if he do not leave the jurisdic
tion in a fortnight, he will surrender himself at Mr. Stoughton's
house, and there abide a prisoner till further order. One of his
chief advocates, John Coggeshall, is arraigned before the court.
What he said before and after his dismission from the deputies

 ADDRESS TO MRS. HUTCHINSON. 323
103/. j
is repeated to him. Many of the court thought he ought to be
banished. But considering "his much employment and public
business," they disfranchise him, and order that if he persist in
his Antinomian course, he shall be banished. Mr. William As
pinwall is required to leave the jurisdiction by the last of the
ensuing March. It appeared next day that he had written the
remonstrance in favour of Mr. Wheelwright, and obtained many
of its subscribers. On the 15th, William Baulston, Edward
Plutchinson, Thomas Marshal, William Dineley, William Dyer,
and Richard Gridley, as signers of this instrument, are disfran
chised. The first is fined twenty pounds, the second forty, and
the third, being the ferryman from Boston to Winnesimet, loses
his office. Hutchinson, for speaking to the court, as they con
strued, disrespectfully, is imprisoned, but confessing his fault,
the next morning, is released. Nearly twenty, who desire to
have their names crossed on the remonstrance for Wheelwright,
are allowed in their wish. Among them are William Larnet,
Ralph Mousall, Ezekiel Richedson, Richard Sprague, Edward
Carington, Thomas Ewar, Benjamin Hubberd, William Baker,
Edward Mellows, and William Frothingham.
Mrs. Hutchinson being summoned before General Court,
Governor Winthrop addresses her as follows : " You are called
here as one of those that have troubled the peace of the com
monwealth and the churches here. You are known to be a wo
man that hath had a great share in promoting and divulging of
those opinions that are causes of this trouble, and to be nearly
joined not only in affinity and affection with some of those
whom the court hath taken notice of and passed censure upon,
but you have spoken divers things, as we are informed, very
prejudicial to the honour of the churches and ministers thereof,
and you have maintained a meeting and an assembly in your
house, .that hath been condemned by the General Assembly — a
thing not tolerable nor comely in the sight of God, nor fitting
for your sex ; and notwithstanding that was cried down, you
have continued the same ; therefore we have thought good to
send for you to understand how things are, that if you be in an
erroneous way, we may reduce you, that so you may become a
profitable member here among us ; otherwise, if you be obsti
nate in your course, that then the court may take such course,
that you may trouble us no further. Therefore I would entreat
you to express whether you do not hold and assent in practice
to those opinions and factions that have been handled in court
already, that is to say, whether you do not justify Mr. Wheel
wright's sermon and the petition." She replied, " I am called
here to answer before you ; but I hear no things laid to my
charg^l." Then succeeds an interlocution between the governor

324 FEMALE MEETINGS. [Mass.
and herself. He contends, that, as she' had encouraged Mr.
Wheelwright and his advocates, relative to his sermon, and had
given counsel for the remonstrance, when he was sentenced, she
was equally blamable with them. She pleads the right of con
science with regard to these subjects. The governor inquires
of her, " Why do you keep such a meeting at your house, as
you do every week on a set day ? " She answers, " It is lawful
for me so to do, as it is for all your practices ; and can you find
a warrant for yourself and condemn me for the same thing ? "
He states that though there were meetings for religious confer
ence before she came hither, yet there were none of women
alone. She appeals to the rule in Titus, that the elder women
should instruct the younger, to confirm the propriety of her con
duct in this respect. He observes that such a text, so explained,
clashes with another in Corinthians ; and that neither allows any
more than that elder women advise the younger about their do
mestic duties. When told that her meeting would be suppressed
by civil authority, she said that, in such a case, she must obey.
When the deputy governor, Mr. Dudley, asked, from what was
remarked, if she held two meetings at her house, she confessed
that there was another for men and women. He gives a short
retrospect of Mrs. Hutchinson's history since she first appeared
in Boston. He relates that, hearing of her predilections on the
ological matters, he spoke to Messrs. Cotton and Wilson about
it, and desired them to become satisfied whether the report of
her was correct. From their information, he was convinced that
she " held nothing different from us." " But within a half a
year after, she vented divers of her strange opinions, and had
made parties in the country, and at length it comes that Messrs.
Cotton and Vane were of her judgment ; but Mr. Cotton hath
cleared himself, that he was not of that mind : now it appears
by this woman's meetings, that she hath so forestalled the minds
of many by their resort to her meeting, that now she has a po
tent party in the country." He adds that, if her influence in
these respects, and her saying that all the ministers, except Mr.
Cotton, preached a covenant of works, endangered the common
wealth, she ought to be expelled. ' This accusation relative to
the elders she partly denies. She avers that, in her conversa
tion with several of them, Messrs. Eliot, Peters, Phillips,
Shepard, Symmes, and Weld, she did not assert that the minis
ters preached only a covenant of works, but that they failed to
preach a covenant of grace, as Mr. Cotton did. The clergymen
particularly named are called on to certify what she did advance
in their presence. They relate that she compared their doctrine
and that of their brethren at large, except Mr. Cotton, as like that
of the apostles before the ascension of Christ and the dtscent

1637 , COVENANTS OF GRACE AND WORKS. 325
of the Holy Ghost upon them, and that they understand this as
tantamount to denying them to be teachers of the covenant of
grace. They add that she declared that the elders, except Mr.
Cotton, were not able ministers of the New Testament. Mr.
Dudley avers, that Rev. Nathaniel Ward told him, about nine
months before, that he had heard Mrs. Hutchinson assert, that
all who did not believe as she did were under a covenant of
works, and in a state of condemnation. As the evening is
near, she has leave to withdraw. She appears in the morning.
The heads of objections to her are recapitulated. Referring to
what, was brought against her in reference to the elders, she re
marks, that they are witnesses in their own case. She is an
swered, that they are not prosecutors, but witnesses. She then
assumes the position that they should be sworn. This leads to
a long debate. Stoughton, of the Assistants, thinks it best, on
the whole, that they should take an oath. Mr. Coggeshall de
sires that the elders would confer with Mr. Cotton before they
are sworn. Wilham Colbron, a deputy and ruling elder of
Boston church, requests that their teacher may be present. On
this, Mr. Cotton takes a seat by Mrs. Hutchinson. On inquir
ing who the witnesses were, that Mrs. Hutchinson intended to
produce in her favor, she answers, Messrs. Coggeshall, Leverett,
and Cotton. On being interrogated, these persons depose, that
she did not say all which the elders who had a conference with
her declared. Mr. Leverett affirms that she, on being questioned
by Mr. Peters, answered, that the ministers did not preach a
covenant of grace, as their teacher did. Mr. Cotton gives simi
lar testimony. He says that he does not remember that she de
clared that the elders were not able ministers of the New Tes
tament. Mrs. Hutchinson states how her views had been altered
as to the ministration of works and grace. Being asked how
she knew herself to be correct, she answered, " by immediate
revelation." She relates, that when coming to this country her
mind was impressed that she should suffer affliction, and be de
livered by divine Providence. She then addresses the court —
" I desire you, that as you tender the Lord, and the church and
commonwealth, to consider and look what you do. You have
power over my body, but the Lord Jesus hath power over my
body and soul ; and assure yourselves thus much, you do as
much as in you lies to put the Lord Jesus Christ from you, and
if you go on in this course you begin, you will bring a curse
upon you and your posterity." The court remark upon the
expression " immediate revelation," which she had made, as of
dangerous tendency, and as the source of their troubles about
Antinomianism. Mr. Cotton, being pressed to give his views of
it, replies, that he does not understand her to assert that she
28

326 PERSONS BANISHED AND DISFRANCHISED. [Mass.
means a revelation, only through the Bible. It being proposed
to pass sentence upon Mrs. Hutchinson, Mr. Coddington ob
serves, that he cannot perceive the justice of such a step. He
argues that there has been no sufficient testimony adduced to
prove that the charges against her are true. Elder Colbron de
clares that he shall dissent from an order for her banishment.
Stoughton remarks that he thinks no sentence should be passed
on her until the witnesses against her are sworn. Coddington
is of the same mind. On consultation, the court agree that
some of them shall take oath. The governor says that two of
them will be sufficient, and he designates Weld and Eliot, and
then administers an oath to them, Peters holding up his hand at
the same time with them. Eliot deposes to what he had sub
stantially before, that Mrs. Hutchinson asserted that Cotton
preached a covenant of grace, but the rest of the elders preached
a covenant of works, and that they were not able ministers of
the New Testament, and were not sealed by the Holy Spirit.
The two last positions Weld also affirms. The testimony being
thus closed, Coddington observes that he perceives nothing in it
worthy of her being condemned. Others rejoined, that it was
enough for sentence to be passed against her. The governor
then puts the question, if it be the mind of the court that she
shall be banished out of our liberties and imprisoned till she be
sent away, let them hold up " their hands." This was done by
all but William Jennison, of Watertown, Coddington and Col
bron, of Boston. The governor then remarks, " Let those in
the negative raise their hands," which the two last do. Jenni
son states that he is not prepared to vote either way. Sentence
of banishment is then passed upon her, and she is committed to
Joseph Weld, of Roxbury, till further order. Samuel Hutch
inson has leave, on his petition, to stay till the first month after
winter. November 15. Captain Underhill, as a signer of the remon
strance, and disposed to make no retraction, is deposed as a mil
itary commander paid by the colony, and disfranchised, but
allowed his quarter's salary. On his trial, " he insisted much
upon the liberty which all states do allow to military men, and
that himself had spoken sometimes as freely to Count Nassau."
Captain Patrick is permitted to remove to Ipswich, is discharged
and granted, as Underhill is. In such a state of excitement, the
court " order that two sufficient men should be kept in arms to
attend and guard the governor at the charge of the country."
Though much absorbed in the discussions, divisions, and per
ils of religious controversy, the authorities still look to the
interests of learning. They order that the college be located
at Newton, in the part afterwards called Cambridge. Such a

IMMEDIATE REVELATION. 327
position is selected, as Cotton Mather afterwards states, on ac
count of Shepard's stand against Antinomianism, and of " his
enlightening and powerful ministry."
In view of the perils within and without the commonwealth,
the court require, on the 20th, " that trainings should be kept
eight times in a year, at the discretion of the chief officers.
Magistrates and teaching elders are allowed, each of them, a
man free from trainings, and the deacons of the several churches
are freed in like manner."
Mr. Wheelwright soon takes leave of his people at Mount
Wollaston. They and those thinking with them, like Mrs.
Hutchinson, look for " assurance by immediate revelation." This
discovery of a new rule of practice by immediate revelations,
and consequences which have followed and may follow, lead
the General Court to pass the subsequent order : —
" Whereas the opinions and revelations of Mr. Wheelewright
and Mrs. Hutchinson have seduced, and led into dangerous er
rors, many of the people heare in Newe England, insomuch as
there is iust cause of suspition, that they, as others in Germany,
in former times, may, vpon some revelation, make some suddaine
irruption vpon those that differ from them in iudgment ; for pre
vention whereof, it is ordered, that all those whose names are
vnderwritten shall, (vpon warning given or left at their dwell
ing houses,) before the 30th day of this month of November,
deliver in, at Mr. Cane's house, at Boston, all such guns, pistols,
swords, powder, shot, and match, as they shall bee owners of,
or have in their custody, vpon paine of ten pound for evry de
fault to bee made thereof ; which armes are to bee kept by Mr.
Cane till this court shall take further order therein. Also
it is ordered, vpon like penalty of ten pounds, that no man, who
is to render his armes by this order, shall buy or borrow any
guns, swords, pistols, powder, shot, or match, untill this court
shall take further order therein. The names of Boston men to
bee disarmed : Captain John Vnderhill, Mr. Thomas Oliver,
William Hutchinson, William Aspinvall, Samuel Cole, William
Dyer, Edward Rainsfoard, John Button, John Sanfoard, Rich
ard Cooke, Richard Fairbanke, Thomas Marshall, Oliver Mel
lows, Samuel Wilbore, John Oliver, Hugh Gunnison, John
Biggs, Richard Gridley, Edward Bates, William Dinely, Wil
liam Litherland, Matthew Jyans, Henry Elkins, Zaccheus Bos-
worth, Robert Rice, William Townsend, Robert Hull, William
Pell, Richard Hutchinson, James Johnson, Thomas Savage,
John Davy, George Burden, John Odlin, Gamaliel Wayte,
Edward Hutchinson, William Wilson, Isaac Grosse, Richard
Carder, Robert Hardinge, Richard Wayte, John Porter, Jacob
Eliott, James Penniman, Thomas Wardell, Wilham Wardell,

328 PERSONS DISARMED— CONTEMPT. [Mass.
Thomas Matson, William Baulston, John Compton, Mr. Parker,
Wilham Freeborn, Henry Bull, John Walker, William Salter,
Edward Bendall, Thomas Wheeler, Mr. Clarke, Mr. John
Coggeshall." The like order is taken for other towns. Men
to be disarmed in Salem, are Mr. Scrugs, Mr. Alfoot, Mr. Com-
mins, Goodman Robert Moulton, Goodman King, to deliver their
arms to Lieutenant Damfort ; in Newbury, Mr. Dummer, Mr. Ea-
son, Mr. Spencer, to deliver their arms to constable of the town ;
in Roxbury, Mr. Edward Denison, Richard Morris, Richard Bul-
gar, William Denison, and Philip Sherman, whose arms are to
be kept by Goodman Johnson ; in Ipswich, Mr. Foster and Sam
uel Sherman, whose arms are to be deposited -with Mr. Barthol
omew ; in Charlestown, Mr. George Bunker and James Brown,
who are to place their arms with Goodman Thomas Line. " It
was ordered, that if any that are to bee disarmed, acknowledg
their sinn in subscribing the seditious libell, or do not iustify it,
but acknowledg it evill to two magistrates, they shalbe thereby
freed from delivering in their armes according to the former
order." The court, having taken from the disarmed the means of com
plying with the law which required them to train and watch,
release them from these services.
They order towns to keep away all strange Indians, and re
strain other Indians of their neighborhoods from profaning the
Lord's day.
While so legislating, they listen to the appeals of meritorious
distress, and grant forty pounds to Mrs. Ames, the widow of
" Doctor Ames, of famous memory."
The town of Roxbury is required to take order for the safe
custody of Mrs. Hutchinson, and if any charge arise, to be de
frayed by her husband. Referring to the manner, in which
some of the Boston Antinomians supposed they had a right to
speak and act for the defence of Mr. Wheelwright, Mrs. Hutch
inson, and their advocates, the subsequent law is enacted : " This
court being sensible of the great disorders growing in this com-
monwelth, through the contempts, which have of late bene put
vpon the civill authority, and intending to provide remedy for the
same in time, doth order and decree that whosoever shall hear-
after openly or willingly defame any court of iustice, or the sen
tences or proceedings of the same, or any of the magistrates or
other iudges of any such court, in respect of any act or sentence
therein passed, and being thereof lawfully convict in any Gen-
erall Court, or Court of Assistants, shalbe punished for the same
by fine, imprisonment, or disfranchisement, or banishment, as
the quality and measure of the offence shall deserve. And
whereas it may fall out sometimes that some of the magistrates,

PUBLICATION ON ANTINOMIANS. 329
1C37.]or other iudges, or members of the courts, may transgress the
limits -of their liberty and authority, it is therefore ordered that,
if any magistrate or other member of any court shall vse any
reproachfull or vnbeseeming speaches or behaviour towards any
of his fellow-magistrates, or other iudge, or member of the
court, in the face of the court, hee shalbe sharply reproved by
the governor, or other principal! iudge of the same court for the
time being ; and if the quality of the offence shalbe such as shall
deserve a further censure, or if the person so reproved shall re
ply againe without leave, the same court may proceed to punish
any such offender by fine or imprisonment, according to their
best discretion. Provided alwayes, that seeing the best iudges
may erre through ignorance or misinformation, which, if none
should have liberty to advertize them of, might bee very preiu-
ditiall both to their owne peace and also to the publike weale,
it is not therefore the intent of this court to restraine the free
vse of any way of God by petition or other private advertize-
ment,- nor the free vse of any lawfull publike meanes, where
private shall not prevaile, for the reformation of any such failing
in any court, or member of the same."
The Journal of Winthrop says, that a relation of proceedings
against the Antinomians is prepared and sent to England, lest
a distorted view of them should be published there, and prevent
immigration hither. It was printed there about seven years af
terwards, in the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of Antinomians, under
the direction of Mr. Weld. It is supposed by Mr. Savage that
this minister composed and arranged the greater part of the
work so published, and that Governor Winthrop was author of
the rest, entitled A Brief Apology, etc. But it is clear from
Bailey and Cotton, that Winthrop did write "the Book," as
stated by Weld, " to the Reader."
With regard to the subject, Shepard writes in his diary,
" The magistrates took courage, and exiled Mr. Wheelwright,
Mrs. Hutchinson, and divers Islanders." By the last is meant
individuals who went to Rhode Island. The writer continues,
" And so the Lord, within one year, wrought a great change
among us."
For the action of Winthrop in this concern, many of the
Boston church desire their elders to have him disciplined ; but
they decline. Hearing of their intention, he expresses his ob
jections to it before the congregation. He doubts whether the
church have a right to question the doings of the court ; wheth
er the counsels of the latter body may be developed to meet a
case of ecclesiastical dealing. He shows that the Scriptures do
not authorize a step of this sort. He states that, for his course,
he had the advice of Mr. Wilson and other elders, and that he
op 28*

330 ACT TO PREVENT INTEMPERANCE. [Mass.
was conscientious in the belief that the advocates for Mr. Wheel
wright could not have been allowed to continue in Massachu
setts, and carry their measures, as they were attempting, without
endangering the public weal.
How the events of this period were subsequently viewed by
the public of New England, for a considerable number of years,
may be gathered from occasional sermons. In a production of
this kind from Shepard, of Charlestown, in 1672, he says,
" Familists, to what a height they grew, working at length wo-
ful disturbance in civil state as well as in the churches. As
tame as error for a time pretended to be, yet, at length, it could
gird itself with a sword ; but the Lord would not suffer it to be
drawn." November 20. Perceiving the deadly effects of intemperance,
the legislature pass the following act : " Whereas it hath ap
peared unto this court, upon many sad complaints, that much
drunkenness, waste of the good creatures of God, mispence of
precious time, and other disorders, have frequently fallen out in
the inns and common victualing houses within this jurisdiction,
whereby God is much dishonored, the profession of religion re
proached, and the welfare of this commonwealth greatly im
paired, and the true use of such houses (being the necessary
relief of travelers) subverted ; for redress hereof, it is now or
dered, that after the last day of this present month, it shall not
be lawful for any person that shall keep any such inn, or com
mon victualing house, to sell or have in their houses any wine,
or strong waters, or any beer or other drink, other than such as
may and shall be sold for Id. the quart at the most, and for this
end, none of those persons, other than in such towns as, for
want of a common brewer, shall be allowed by this court, or by
the Court of Assistants, or by two of the council, shall brew
any beer to sell, but shall " take it of brewers, " upon pain to
forfeit, for every offence against the order, ten pounds. And
further, it is ordered, that no such common brewer shall sell, or
utter to any inn or common victualing house, within this juris
diction, any beer or other drink, of stronger size than such as
may and shall be afforded at the rate of eight shillings the bar
rel, upon pain of twenty pounds for every offence against this
order." An exception is allowed, that only such innkeepers or
victualers may keep in their houses " some small quantity of
strong water for their own private and necessary use."
The court order that no person of the jurisdiction " shall
lodge or remain " in a public house " longer than for necessary
occasions, upon pain of twenty shillings for every offence " both
for the guest and host. _ They proceed, — " Whereas complaint
hath been made that divers poor people, who would willingly

MAINTENANCE OF MINISTERS. 331
1637.]
content themselves with mean diet, are forced to take such
diet as is tendered them at 12d. the meal or more, it is now
ordered that every keeper of such inn or victualing house shall
sell and allow unto every of their guests such victualls as they
shall call for, and not force them to take more or other than they
desire, be it never so mean and small in quantity, and shall af
ford the same and ail other diet at reasonable prices, upon the
pain of such fine as the court shall inflict, according to the
measure and quantity of the offence."
Mr. Wilson is granted twenty pounds for his services as chap
lain in the Pequod expedition.
The legislature address each church of their jurisdiction as
follows : " To the elders and brethren of the church at  .
Whereas complaint hath been made to this court, that a different
course is holden in the churches for raising a treasury for main
tenance of ministers, and whereupon some ministers are not so
comfortably provided as were fitting, it is desired that the sev
eral churches will speedily inquire hereinto, and if need be, to
confer together about it, and send some to advise with this court
at the next session thereof, that some order may be taken herein
according to the rule of the gospel."
As a specimen of raising means to meet parochial charges, we
cite the further action of the General Court : " Whereas it ap-
peareth unto this court, that the inhabitants of Newbury are in
debted to divers persons near the sum of sixty pounds, which
hath been expended upon public and needful occasions for the
benefit of all such as do or shall inhabit there, as building
houses for their ministers ; and whereas such as are of the church
there are not able to bear the whole charge, and the rest of the
inhabitants there do or may enjoy equal benefit thereof with
them, yet they refuse, against all right and justice, to contribute
with them, — it is therefore ordered, that the freemen of the said
town, or such of them as upon public notice shall assemble for
that end, or the greater number of them, shall raise the said sum
of sixty pounds, by an equal and proportionable rate of every
inhabitant there, having respect both to lands and other personal
estate, as well of such as are absent as of those that are dwelling
there present, and for default of payment shall have power to
levy the same by distress and sale thereof by such persons as
they shall appoint; and the same, being so collected, shall sat
isfy their said debts, and if any remainder be, the same be em
ployed upon other, occasions of the town."
Having been informed that injurious contentions prevailed in
Weymouth, the legislature require that the governor or deputy,
assisted by some of the other magistrates, shall call before them
those of the inhabitants there, as they see needful, and take

332 WHEELWRIGHT REMONSTRANCE. [Mass.
' such course for the peace of the town and the well-ordering
of all affairs there, as to their wisdoms shall seem most expedi
ent." Among the overseers of the college, now appointed, are
Messrs. Cotton, Wilson, Davenport, Weld, Shepard, and Peters.
1638, January. The Roxbury church, as Winthrop relates,
deal with several of their members, who had signed the remon
strance in favor of Wheelwright and embraced his sentiments.
They "spent many days in public meetings, to have brought
them to see their sin in that, as also in the corrupt opinion which
they held, but could not prevail with them." Having admon
ished them two or three times without effect, they excommuni
cated them.
9. Some disagreement had arisen between Thomas Jenner
and the people at Weymouth, for whom he had preached, and
who intended to have him for their pastor. Several elders are
invited to meet there on this account. Then advice is followed
with a peaceful result.
15. Winthrop writes to Coddington, Coggeshall, and Colbron
about the Wheelwright remonstrance. He relates that he had
recently met with it, and though, from their actions, he had lit
tle hope that any thing he could say would alter their mind,
yet he deems it a duty to remark on some of its objectionable
features. These are, that the signing of such an instrument
was contrary to their duty, because they were not members of
the court ; that in it they taxed this body with injustice ; af
firmed that acts passed by the majority of them were of no
force, and thus set at nought the laws and rulers of the com
monwealth, and invited the people to unite with the signers of
it against the civil authority. He desires that they may see the
error of such a course, renounce it, and be reconciled with those
who feel obligated to oppose their measures.
16. The arms and ammunition of the colony are removed
from Boston to Roxbury and Newton. One cause for this is,
probably, lest the Antinomians, who had been disarmed, might
seize on them ; and another to have them more out of the way,
so that, if an invading force from England should bring the
general governor, and land, they might not obtain these supplies,
and thus lessen the means of defence against their enterprise.
When Mrs. Hutchinson and others were censured by the
courts, several opinions were discovered as circulating among the
people. They follow : There is no inherent righteousness in
the children of God, no absolute or conditional promises to them ;
none are bound by the law ; the Sabbath is as other days ; " the
soul is mortal till united to Christ, and then it is annihilated, and
the body also, and a new given by Christ ; and there is no res
urrection of the body." Such doctrines, as Winthrop states,

rt HIGH COMMISSION COURT. 333
were afterwards " maintained by Mrs. Hutchinson and others."
Cotton was active in his endeavors to convince those who cher
ished them that they were wrong, and should be retracted. He
stated, that at first, while some members of his church expressed
errors in conversation with others, they so explained them to
him as to make an impression on his mind, that they were
no errors, but that afterwards, perceiving them to be such, he
accordingly considered and spoke of them. The magistrates
and elders, who lived near Boston, consulted two days on the
means of counteracting the evils of the preceding opinions.
February 4. A communication, as in Hazard, is made by the
king to his counsellors of the High Commission Court, which
has an important relation to New England. It runs thus :
" Whereas we are given to understand that divers disorderly
and refractory persons have been seduced, or withdrawn them
selves, from their obedience to our ecclesiastical laws, into
several ways of separation, sects, schisms, and heresies, and be
ing convented for the same, are grown to that obstinacy that
some of them refuse to take their Oath, and others, being sworne,
refuse to answer to the articles there objected against them, or
do not make full answer unto the same," — therefore all who so
offend shall be adjudged guilty of the accusations made against
them, and to which they will not give replies according to law.
12. Bulkley writes to Shepard on the question, " What you
iudge concerning the teacher in a congregation, whether the ad
ministration of discipline and sacrament doe equally belong
vnto him with ye pastor, and whether he ought therein equally
to interest himselfe ? "
19. The subsequent occurrence has an important bearing on
our affairs. The Scotch Presbyterians declare against the gov
ernment, and enter into a covenant for the support of their pur
pose. Several bishops flee for safety to England.
26. We are told by Winthrop, that William Peirce, who had
commanded a vessel i'or carrying Pequod captives for sale in the
West Indies, returns from Tortugas with a cargo of cotton, to
bacco, salt, and negroes. This is the first notice of Africans
being brought into New England in the way of slave traffic.
It was the commencement of an evil, which, however much
more restrained here before its abolition than at the south, con
stantly exerted an influence alien from the purity and welfare
of our civil and religious institutions. Even in its earliest pe
riod among us, we perceive its diabolical tendency from a rela
tion of Josselyn. He says that, in 1639, he was hospitably
entertained at the mansion of Samuel Maverick, on Noddle's
Island, now East Boston. While there, he noticed a negro
woman, who appeared to be in deep distress. He inquired of

334 SLAVERY— COMPEND OF LAWS. [Mass.
his host why she was so affected. His reply denoted that she
had been subjected to the most revolting treatment from a negro
man, for the purpose of increasing his slaves. She had been a
queen in her own country. She was treated with great respect
by another black female, who sympathized with her in so horri
ble a condition. From her inability to speak any language but
her own, she seems to have been recently imported. The prob
ability is, that the three colored servants of Maverick, men
tioned in this tale of wrong and outrage, came among the un
happy number in Peirce's vessel. When an outlet .of iniquity
is opened upon a people, however palliated with the salvos of
need and profit, no human sagacity can foretell the period of its
continuance or compute the amount of its miseries. Obligation
and safety are always on the side of prompt and full abstinence
from every known wrong.
This month, the Indians, who lived in families of colonists,
said that they were much frightened by Hobbamock, or their
evil spirit, and that he " persuaded them to forsake the English,
and not come at the assemblies, nor learn to read." This was
probably done by Indian priests, who disguised themselves, and
thus artfully endeavored to prejudice such servants.
March 12. Ezekiel Holman, of Salem, charged with neglect
of public worship, and for drawing many over to his persuasion,
is referred to the elders, that they may endeavor to convince
and bring him from his opinion and practice.
Francis Weston, Richard Waterman, Thomas Olney, and
Stukely Westcott, of Salem, three of Coddington's men, named
Edward Bendall, Henry (Elkins), and John Johnson, of Mount
Wollaston, and Nicholas Easton, of Newbury, having licenses
to depart from the colony, are required to appear before the
court if not gone prior to their May session.
Having doubts and trouble for want of written laws, espe
cially in their late religious difficulties, the legislature order the
freemen of each town to meet and collect the heads of such a
code as may seem to them needful, and deliver it to the gov
ernor before the 5th of June. The standing council and other
laymen, and the elders, as Messrs. Bulkley, Phillips, Peters,
Shepard, and Ward, are to make a compend of these heads for
the autumn session, so that action may be had upon them.
Jane, the wife of Richard Hawkins, has leave to remain un
til the beginning of the third month. " In the mean time, she
is not to meddle in surgery or physic drinks, plaisters or oils,
nor to question matters of religion, except with the elders for
satisfaction." She had much influence in favor of Antinomian
ism, and soon left the jurisdiction.
Robert Potter is allowed to remain till the court in May, on

.«,_.. FAMILISTICAL OPINIONS — PLOTS. 335
1638.] giving bond for his appearance. He is referred to the church
of Roxbury for consultation about his views. Edward Gibbons,
having given satisfaction for the charges against him, apparently
of a religious sort, is discharged.
Edward Hutchinson, Jr., is bound, that none, without permis
sion of the council, shall visit his mother, and she is to con
tinue at Mr. Cotton's till otherwise ordered. She has notice to
depart from the colony by the last of the month, and that the
cost of her board be paid from her husband's property.
Thomas Hawkins acknowledges his indiscretion in roughly
addressing a member of the court, while in session, and he is
released. William Jennison so far complies with their wishes
as to be discharged.
Speaking of these and other individuals, Winthrop remarks,
" Divers of our chief military officers, who had declared them
selves favorers of the Familistical opinions, were sent for, and
being told that the court having some jealousy of them, they
did ingenuously acknowledge how they had been deceived."
A fast is appointed for the 12th of April, to ask " help of
God for weighty matters in hand, to divert any evil plots which
may be intended, and to prepare the way of friends, who, we
hope, may be coming to us."
While Mrs. Hutchinson was at Roxbury, she was waited on
by various ministers, who wished to ascertain whether she held
to the opinions last imputed to her. Not satisfied with her re
plies, they complain to the church of Boston. For this reason,
she is called, on the 15th, before the church, having a permit
to leave the former town. The assembly, collected from all
parts of the country to hear her case, is very large. One of
the ruling elders called her, and stated the reason why she was
summoned to appear. He then read the succeeding list of what
were deemed her errors. They contain several of those previ
ously mentioned.
1. That the soules of all men (in regard of generation) are
mortall, like the beasts ; Eccl. iii. 18.
2. That in regard of Christs purchase they are immortall ; so
that Christ hath purchased the soules of the wicked to eternall
paine, and the soules of the elect to eternall peace.
3. Those who are united to Christ have in this life new bod
ies, and two bodies, 1 Cor. vi. 19 ; she knowes not how Jesus
Christ, should be united to this our fleshly bodies.
4. Those who have union with Christ, shall not rise with the
same fleshly bodies, 1 Cor. xv. 44.
5. And that the resurrection mentioned there, and in John
v. 28. is not meant of the resurrection of the body, but of our
union here and after this life.

336 SPECULATIONS OF MRS. HUTCHINSON. [Mass.
6. That there are no created graces in the saints after their
union with Christ ; but before there are, .for Christ takes them
out of their hands into his owne.
7. There are no created graces in the humane nature of
Christ, but he was only acted by the power of the Godhead.
8. The image of God wherein Adam was made, she could
see no Scripture to warrant that it consisted in holinesse, but
conceived it to be in that he was made like to Christs man
hood. 9. She had no Scripture to warrant that Christs manhood is
now in heaven, but the body of Christ is his church.
10. We are united to Christ with the same union that his
humanity on earth was with the Deity, John xvii. 21.
11. She conceived the disciples before Christ his death were
not converted, Matt, xviii. 3.
12. There is no evidence to be had of our good estate, either
from absolute or conditionall promises.
13. The law is no rule of life to a Christian.
14. There is no kingdome of heaven in Scripture, but onely
Christ. 15. There is first engrafting into Christ before union, from
which a man might fall away.
16. The first thing God reveales to assure us is our election.
17. That Abraham was not in a. saving estate till the 22d
chapter of Genesis, when hee offered Isaac, and saving the firme-
nesse of Gods election, he might have perished notwithstanding
any work of grace that was wrought in him till then.
18. That union to Christ is not by faith.
19. That all commands in the word are law, and are not a
way of life, and the command of faith is a law, and therefore
killeth ; she supposed it to be a law from Rom. iii. 27.
20. That there is no faith of Gods elect but assurance, there
is no faith of dependence but such as an hypocrite may have
and fall away from, proved John xv., for by that she said they
are in Christ, but Christ is not in them.
21. That an hypocrite may have Adams righteousnesse and
perish, and by that righteousnesse he is bound to the law ; but
in union with Christ, Christ comes into the man and he retaines
the seed, and dieth, and then all manner of grace in himselfe,
but all in Christ.
22. There is no such thing as inherent righteousnesse.
23. We are not bound to the law, no, not as a rule of life.
24. We are dead to all acts in spirituall things, 'and are onely
acted by Christ.
25. Not being bound to the law, it is not transgression
against the law to sinne or breake it, because our sinnes they

.^..o, ADMONITION— EXCOMMUNICATION. 337
looo.] are inward and spiritual!, and so are exceeding sinfull, and
onely are against Christ.
26. Sanctification can be no evidence at all of our good es
tate. 27. That her particular revelations about future events are as
inf allable as any part of Scripture, and that she is bound as much
to beleeve them as the Scripture, for the same Holy Ghost is the
author of them both.
28. That so farre as a man is in union with Christ, he can
doe no duties perfectly, and without the communion of the un
regenerate part with the regenerate.
29. That such exhortations as these, to worke out our salvation
with feare, to make our calling and election sure, etc., are spoken
onely to such as are under a covenant of workes.
These opinions Mrs. Hutchinson allows to be her own/' By
vote of the church, she is to be admonished, because the mem
bers, for the greater part, consider them erroneous. Her two
sons defend her cause. For this a similar vote is passed in ref
erence to them. Cotton delivers the admonition, first to the
sons and then to the mother. The assembly, on this occasion,
did not separate till eight o'clock in the evening. She is or
dered to return to Roxbury. But, being dejected in spirits, she
has leave to remain at Mr. Cotton's. He and Davenport en
deavor to convince her that she is incorrect in cherishing such
views. To them she retracts all except the last ; confesses that
she was indiscreet in her expressions before the court and as to
the elders. On the 22d, when recalled before the church, she
makes similar confessions to them. But when her written an
swers to the articles are read, they fail to afford them satisfaction,
denoting that the chief difficulty had arisen with respect to these
opinions from the want of clearness in her definition of them.
She is then asked if she had not asserted that there was no in
herent righteousness in the saints, but that it was in Christ.
She replies in the negative. Many, who had understood her dif
ferently, are surprised. The elders urge her to recollect what
she had been heard to say by such persons on this subject.
Still, she declines to retract. The church, except two of her
sons, agree that she ought to be admonished. Accordingly, she
and the sons, defending her cause, are so dealt with. Cotton
declares publicly, that, as teacher, he had rebuked her for doc
trine, but she was now to be alike treated for misrepresentation,
which devolved on the pastor, Mr. Wilson. He gives it as his
judgment, that she ought to be cut off from the church. Wil
son inquires of them whether it shall be so. " A full consent
appearing (after the usual manner) by their silence, after a
pause," he pronounces sentence of excommunication against her,
2q 29

338 PROCEEDINGS OF BOSTON CHURCH. .,_
[Mass.
and she is required to depart from the assembly. The church
record stands as follows : " Anne, the wife of our brother, Wil
liam Hutchinson, having, on the loth of this moneth, beene
openly in publique congregation admonished of sundry errors,
was cast out of ye church for persisting in a manifest lye, then
expressed by her in open congregation." One, standing at the
door, as she passed out, accompanied by Mary, the wife of Wil
liam Dyer, addresses her : "The Lord sanctify this to you."
She replies to him, " The Lord judgeth not as man judgeth ;
better be cast out of the church than to deny Christ." Thus
she who had been regarded by many persons of piety as a
prophetess, raised up for some great work, is reduced to a most
trying position.
As has always been the fact with conquered leaders, many
who had advocated her principles soon returned to the opinions
which prevailed here before her immigration. After she was
cut off from the church, her lowness of spirits continued, but
soon revived. Then " she gloried in her sufferings, saying, that
it was the greatest happiness, next to Christ, that ever befel
her." Seldom or never has there been a time when some of
zealously contending parties, however conscious of aiming at
results which seemed right to their perception, have not been
suspected by their opponents of misrepresentation, and openly
charged with it, as an immorality. The difference between Mrs.
Hutchinson and the elders was probably of a nice metaphysical
nature, and not of meditated falsehood on her part. Had she
left a relation of her views, feelings, expressions, and actions,
there is reason to believe that her case would appear with a more
favorable aspect.
Thus having the sentences of banishment and excommunica
tion passed upon her, the situation of Mrs. Hutchinson excites
our commiseration, and raises in our hearts the earnest wish that
it could have been far otherwise. Especially is this so, seeing
that the subject of such unhappiness was of the sex who look
to man for protection. She felt that wrong was inflicted upon
her for the belief and propagation of sentiments which she held
as true and essential to human welfare. But the administrators
of our civil and ecclesiastical rules were as fully persuaded that
what of doctrine and practice she deemed correct and beneficial
was erroneous and destructive. They were ready to allow, that
she, if complying with the duties of woman's appropriate sphere,
was able to adorn and bless society, wherever she might dwell.
But, judging that she had stepped from her pertinent position,
and so resisted the laws of the land, and thus raised a strong
party, whose words and ways were subversive of constitutional
order, they could no longer remain inactive spectators. They

CONSIDERATIONS OF BANISHMENT. 339
1638.]were conscious that sacred obligation summoned them to deal rig
orously with her, though painful to their sensibility and opposed to
the desires of their humanity. They were assured that she had
been instrumental in kindling a flame of discord, which threat
ened to lay waste all that they held most dear. Hence they
reluctantly came to the repulsive work of ejecting her from the
colony. Many, without reflecting on the marked difference be
tween our public affairs now and then, have supposed that Mrs.
Hutchinson may have been permitted to remain and pursue her
accustomed course without serious injury to the commonwealth,
as the many zealous speculators are privileged in this period.
But this is a mistake. The founders of our commonwealth
could hardly bear the burdens of a recently established planta
tion, rendered much more oppressive by the late trial with Wil
liams and the indefatigable efforts of the court party to annihi
late their liberties, even with entire harmony among themselves.
But to have others mingle with them, and put among their
strong materials what they considered no better than " wood,
hay, and stubble," was insupportable to these, who were the
true builders, according to the professed principles on which
the soil was settled. Such founders had cause to fear that the
edifice so built up would soon show signs of weakness, and fall
with ruin to its occupants. Hence, while care to prevent antici
pated evil could be effectual, they said to their undesired co
workers, Up, and separate yourselves from us ; it is impossible
for us to proceed together and produce a good result ; at pres
ent, union in principle and effort is absolutely requisite for the
success of our enterprise ; go to the right or left without our
jurisdiction, and settle where you please ; we will not pursue
you as enemies, but wish you well in all that is righteous. In
such a manner it was that our ancestors dealt with Mrs. Hutch
inson. They had no doubt that, though her departure might
be an evil to her in some respects, it would be followed with a
much greater benefit to the commonwealth. According to the
sentence against her, she went by water to her husband's farm
at Mount Wollaston, and thence by land to him at Aquedneck.
The considerations applicable to her case exist with regard
, to her brother-in-law, Wheelwright. Our authorities highly es
teemed him as a minister of desirable qualifications, and still
they were distressed to be under the necessity of ordering him
to separate from them, lest his influence should contribute to
the dissolution of the colony. So it was with such valuable
men as Aspinwall, Clark, Coddington, and others.
The banishment which any of them experienced was a harm
less concern, compared with what the word suggests oftentimes,
when it comes to our eyes or ears. It had little of the terror

340 LETTER FROM WHITEHALL. rMAgg
realized by the sufferers in Siberia. It left those ejected from
Massachusetts at liberty to select their own abodes. Some of
them resorted to New Hampshire, and others to Rhode Island,
places of no great distance, easily accessible, and affording com
fortable supplies for family accommodations. They had the op
tion seasonably, sufficiently, and kindly set before them, either
to cease from the means which produced public commotion and
imperiled the common weal, or endure the exclusion which
brought them to such convenient locations.
April 4. A letter of this date, as in Hubbard, from Laud and
others, lords of the royal council at Whitehall, is addressed
to Governor Winthrop. They ^express themselves as follows :
We " takeing into consideration that the petitions and com
plaints of his majesty's subjects, planters, and traders in New
England, grow more frequent than heretofore for want of a set
tled and orderly government in those parts, and calling to mind
that they had formerly given order, about two or three years
since, to Mr. Cradock, a member of that plantation, to cause the
grant or letters patent of that plantation (alleged by him to be
there remaining in the hands of Mr. Winthrop) to be sent over
hither, and that, notwithstanding the same, the said letters patent
were not as yet brought over ; and their lordships, being now
informed by Mr. Attorney General, that a quo warranto had
been by him brought, according to former order, against the said
patent, and the same was proceeded to judgment against so many
as had appeared, and that they which had not appeared were
outlawed ; " they then empower Mr. Meawtis, their clerk, to
forward such an order to Mr. Winthrop. In reference to this
they proceed : " Their lordships hereby, in his majesty's name,
and according to his express will and pleasure, strictly require
and enjoin the said Winthrop, or any other in whose power and
custody the said letters patent are, that they fail not to transmit
the said patent hither by the return of the ship in which the
order is conveyed to them, it being resolved, that, in case of any
further neglect or contempt by them showed therein, their lord
ships will cause strict course to be taken against them, and will
move his majesty to reassume into his hands the whole planta
tion." This is spirited language. It plainly indicates that Arch
bishop Laud and his associates had not slacked in their .purpose
to bring our fathers to their terms of submission. Though their
power was diminished by the stand of Scotland and by the deep
ening and spreading disaffection of non-conformists in England,
they still adhered to the plan of imposing a general governor
and Episcopal forms on our Puritan settlements.
15. Judith Smith, having been privately admonished for

.™_n LAW AS T0 STRANGERS — ANTINOMIANS. 341
16oo.]
" sundry errors," is excommunicated from the Boston church
for still adhering to them, and for what is construed as misrepre
sentation. April 23. As an instance of care which is used to preserve
unity of faith and conduct in the towns, we have a record of
Watertown. " Ordered that those freemen of the congregation
shall build and dwell upon their lots at the town plot, and not
to alienate them by selling or exchanging them to any foreigner,
but to freemen of the congregation."
May 2. The General Court meet. The order of 1636, for
watches and wards on the Sabbath, is renewed, except the clause
for carrying arms to the meeting house, which is left to the dis
cretion of the several towns. The law, made the year before,
as to the entertainment of strangers, who might be adverse to
the civil and religious welfare of the colony, is established as
necessary for the public good.
Robert Potter, of the Antinomians, is ordered to appear, the
next session, if he and his family shall not have left the juris
diction. June 1. Johnson says, " About two of the clock in the after
noon, the Lord caused a great and terrible earthquake, which
was general throughout all the English plantations." There
were occasional shocks for twenty days after the first. Persons
who had not heard such noise before were exceedingly terrified,
and thought that sudden destruction had come upon them.
5. The Assistants order that a man accused of swearing have
his tongue put in a cleft stick. They sentence the wife of
Francis Weston, who had been banished and gone to Providence,
to be set in the bilboes, two hours in Boston and the same time
in Salem, on lecture day.. The charge against her was probably
of a religious character.
They require that, with the consent of " Mrs. Baggerly, the
increase of Mr. Skelton's cattle should be divided according
to " his " will, and that the goods and household stuff, which
belong to the three eldest children, should be divided by some
of the church of Salem," and committed to the care of said
church. 8. The magistrates of Ipswich are empowered to prevent
Nicholas Easton and William Jeffery from building at Winna-
cunet, and clear that place of them. The former of these two
men is classed with the Antinomians, and retires to Rhode
Island. The other is likely to have had a similar objection
to him.
July 11. Josselyn relates that, being entertained by Samuel
Maverick, at Noddle's Island, he passes over in a boat to Boston,
and calls on some of the principal men. Among these is
29 *

342 NOTICES OF KNOLLYS AND OTHERS. fMAgg
Cotton, to whom he delivers from Francis Quarles, the poet, in
England, a "translation of the 16, 25, 51, 88, 113, and 137
Psalms in English meeter, for his approbation."
About this month, Hanserd Knollys arrived in Boston. He
had suffered in England for his non-conformity. Put into pris
on, his keeper let him go free. He and his wife came immedi
ately to London. After much anxious delay, he obtained a pas
sage for New England. Before he got ashore, having expended
the small funds which he had, a stranger came and told him
that a friend of his, gone to Rhode Island, had left a house for
his use. He and his wife, with two more families, who soon
joined their relatives, took possession of the tenement. He was
obliged to work with his hoe three weeks as a means of support.
The magistrates were informed that he was an Antinomian.
While so unpleasantly situated, two persons from Piscataqua
called and employed him to preach for their society.
Samuel Newman comes to this country, and is probably ac
companied by his particular friend, William Tompson. He was
born at Banbury, and baptized May 24, 1602, and matriculated
at Trinity College, Oxford, March, 1619-20. Neal informs us
that Newman had been minister in the county of Oxford ; that
" the severe persecutions of the spiritual courts obliged him to no
less than seven removals, till, at length, he resolved to get out
of their reach, and remove with his friends to New England."
From being recorded considerably along on the church reconds
of Dorchester, he seems to have resided in this town. The
Magnalia makes his continuanee there a year and a half. He
became freeman of the Massachusetts Company, March 13,
1638-9. Tompson appears to have been born in the parish of Win-
wick, Lancashire. He was matriculated at Oxford University
as of this county, January 28, 1619-20. Brook says that he
was a minister of some place in his native county ; that he
" was a lively, powerful, and useful preacher, but much perse
cuted for non-conformity." Cotton Mather, in view of his great
service, gives the following lines : —
" His time and strength he centred there in this,
To do good works and be what now he is ;
His fulgent virtues there and learned strains,
Tall, comely presence, life unsoiled with stains."
Tompson joined the Dorchester church with Newman, but did
not unite with the Company, as a freemen, till May 13, 1640.
Soon after his arrival, he was employed to preach at Agamen-
ticus. August. Twenty vessels, as Winthrop states, with about three

16ggl MANY PASSENGERS ARRIVE. 343*
thousand passengers of good quality and estate, come, this
summer, from England to Massachusetts. Part of them had
licenses, and others not. The former are probably of the class
allowed to sail under the partial suspension of one order, and
the other those which put to sea notwithstanding the royal
proclamation to the contrary. It is very evident that the re
strictions put on emigration hither are intended to prevent the
increase of dissenters from the national church among the col
onists. Still they seem not to have been so successful as their
authors anticipated. One reason for this is, that the king and
his council have less time and means to enforce them, because
Scotland had taken an alarming stand against the policy of im
posing the Book of Common Prayer and the canons on their
churches. The spirit and manifestation of resistance there also
draw the attention of the royal party, in a large degree, from
New England, which they had doomed to be stripped of its
congregational liberties. The prospect of civil war appears to
have induced no small number to forsake their native land, and
become dwellers in America. However thus actuated, they
very plainly had a preference for Massachusetts, though most
strongly and publicly reproached in the mother country. With
regard - to the opponents of our rulers, Winthrop observes,
" Sure the Lord awed their hearts, and they and others (who
savoured not religion) were amazed to see men of all conditions,
rich and poor, servants and others, offering themselves so readily
for New England, when, for furnishing of other plantations,
they were forced to send about their stalls, and when they had
gotten any, they were forced to keep them, as prisoners, from
running away."
Knowing that liberty, social and religious, could not exist
long without its essential element of useful knowledge, Rev.
Jose Glover was on his passage to Boston, this summer, with a
printing establishment, and a person to work it, named Stephen
Day. Johnson says, " The judicious Mr. Glover undertook this
long voyage, being able in person and estate for the work : he
provided, for further compleating the colonies in church and
commonwealth work, a printer, which hath been very useful in
many respects, the Lord seeing it meet that this reverend and
holy servant of his should fall short of the shores of New Eng
land." Thus cut off from his wise and dutiful purpose, not only
to preach the gospel with his mouth, but also from the press, he
so left his preparations that they were set up by Day, the next
spring, at Cambridge.
Mr. Glover left a wife, Elizabeth, and two sons, Roger and
John. For the benefit of his exertions and expenditures, the
legislature grant Mrs. Glover, June 6, 1639, six hundred acres

' 344 PRINTING PRESS IMPORTED. \pLYvt
of land. She subsequently married Henry Dunster, president
of Harvard College. The Annals of Holmes relate that, in
the enterprise of supplying New England with a printing press
extraordinary for that period, Glover gave liberally himself, and
obtained contributions in England and Holland. Some gentle
men in Amsterdam gave over forty-nine pounds. For such an
exhibition of enlarged Christian philanthropy Glover deserves to
hold a high place among the earhest benefactors of our country.

PLYMOUTH.
1637, June. The standing council of Massachusetts had pro
posed to Plymouth, that they join in a war with the Pequods,
and Winslow, as an agent of his colony, had visited them on
the subject.
He was instructed to mention some objections, to which Vane
and Winthrop answered, as the latter relates. One is, that Mas
sachusetts did not assist Plymouth, as a general concern of the
country, when their establishment in Maine was taken, by the
French. Reply, that they considered it a private affair, in
which, if they embarked, France might wage a war with them.
Still they confess some fault in the matter. Another — some of
their people traded at Kennebec, and so interfered with rights
of the Plymouth plantation there. Answer — that this was not
allowed, and " no more than a boat or two " were known to
have committed the infringement. Settlers at Windsor from
the Bay had trenched on the bounds of the Plymouth settlement
in Connecticut. Reply — that an endeavor had. been made . for an
adjustment. It was further urged that the cooperation of Plym
outh now would be far better for the preservation of both colo
nies, and thus prevent the Indians from effecting their purpose
" to root out all the English," than to do it subsequently. Dur
ing the consideration of this subject, Plymouth wanted Massa
chusetts " to help them on all occasions." The latter desired
to be left free.
6. Winslow writes to Winthrop, " We have this day by sol-
emne act of court ingaged ourselves to take part with you and
our brethren of Conectacut in the war against the Pecoats."
Referring to those who favored the doctrines of Mrs. Hutchin
son, he remarks, " I am sorry for the carriages of your people.
God sanctifie his hand and fit us for such trials as he hath ap
pointed." 7. " It is concluded and enacted by the court, that the colony

1637J

INFLUENCE OF GORTON. 345

of New Plymouth shall send forth aid to assist them of Massa
chusetts Bay and Connecticut in their wars against the Pequin
Indians, in revenge of the innocent blood of the English, which
they have barbarously shed, and refuse to give satisfaction for."
They order thirty persons for the land service, and as manv
more " as shall be sufficient to manage the barque."
A year is given to Scituate and Duxbury to provide their
stocks for offenders.
About this time, Samuel Gorton comes from Massachusetts
to the town of Plymouth. Morton gives an account of him.
At first, he seemed like a useful man. But he soon discovered
himself to be " deeply leavened with familistical opinions, and
observing that some of his spirit were already in the country,
he takes his opportunity to sow some seed at Plymouth, where
by some were seduced." Of these were John Weeks and wife,
" who, in some short time, became very atheists, and were cast
out of the church for their abominal opinions."
July 28. Winthrop addresses a letter to Bradford, respecting
the conquest of the Pequods. His first sentence follows :4L' I
received your loving letter, but straightness of time forbids me ;
for my desire is to acquaint you with the Lord's great mercy
toward us, in our prevailing against his and our enemies, that
you may rejoyce and praise his name with us."
October 2. A person in the town of Plymouth is presented
for suffering men to drink in his house, on the Lord's day, be
fore, during, and after meeting.
This year a settlement is commenced at Cohannet, afterwards
Taunton, under the direction of Elizabeth Poole, a single lady.
She came from Taunton, Somersetshire, England. She resided
first, after her arrival, at Dorchester. She was " of good fami
ly, friends, and prospects, all which she left in the prime of her
life, to enjoy the religion of her conscience." She had wealth,
and lived to do good.
William Hook and Nicholas Street, who were soon ordained
here, the former as pastor and the latter as teacher, appear to
have been the spiritual guides of this company. Hook was a
native of Southampton, matriculated at Trinity College, Oxford,
1620, aged 19, had his A. M. 1623, and had been clergyman
at Axmouth in Devonshire. His wife was sister to Edward
Whalley, called a regicide. Francis Doughty, a clergyman,
who afterwards occasioned, by his opinion that children of all
baptized parents should be baptized, a division in the church of
Taunton, has his name on the list of its first purchasers.
Another place is occupied for a plantation by a large number
of families from Saugus, at Shawme, and subsequently Sandwich.
Leveridge, from Duxbury, ministers to them in the gospel.
o n
.w _V

346 DISCUSSION AS TO IMMERSION. „^
1638, March 30. A settlement, as Winthrop relates, is com
menced at Mattakeese, or Mattacheeset, afterwards Yarmouth.
The chief conductor of it is Batchelor, lately of Saugus.
Though seventy-six years old, he walked thither in bad travel
ing. But he and his company, not having sufficient means to
carry it on, soon leave it to others.
May. Charles Chauncey arrives at Plymouth, a few days be
fore the great earthquake on the 1st of June. He was son of
George Chauncey, of Hertfordshire ; baptized at Yardley, No
vember 5, 1592; received his A. B. 1613; his A. M. 1617 ;
and his B. D. 1624, at Trinity College, Cambridge. Here, be
ing eminent for his acquaintance with the learned languages, he
was a lecturer in Greek. He was settled in the ministry at
Ware, and then at Marston-Lawrence. Having used the words
" that the preaching of the gospel would be suppressed, and that
there was much atheism, Popery, Arminianism, and heresy crept
into the church," and opposed a rail round the communion table
and kneehng at the altar, he was arraigned before the High Com-
miation Court, and not released from prison until he made a
recantation. For this act he was troubled in his conscience.
After he came to this country, he openly acknowledged that he
considered it sinful.
Morton's Manuscript has the subsequent paragraph concerning
Chauncey : —
" After Mr. Reyner had been in place a considerable time,
it was desired that Mr. Charles Chauncey should be invited,
who being a very godly and learned man, they intended upon
trial to choose him pastor of the church here for the more com
fortable performance of the ministry with Mr. John Reyner, the
teacher of the same ; but there fell out some difference about
baptizing, he holding it ought only to be by dipping and putting
the whole body under water, and that sprinkling was unlawful.
The church yielded that immersion or dipping was lawful, but
in this cold country not so convenient. But they could not and
durst not yield to him in this — that sprinkling, which all the
churches of Christ do for the most part at this day practise, was
unlawful, and an human invention, as the same was pressed ;
but they were willing to yield to him as far as they could and
to the utmost, and were contented to suffer him to practice as
he was persuaded, and when he came to minister that ordinance
he might do it to any that did desire it in that way, provided
he could peaceably suffer Mr. Reyner and such as desired it to
have theirs otherwise baptized by him by sprinkling or pouring
on of water upon them, so as there might be no disturbance in
the church thereabouts. But he said he could not yield there
unto, upon which the church procured some other ministers to

1637 REPLIES TO CHAUNCEY'S ARGUMENTS. 347
dispute the point with him publickly, as Mr. Ralph Partrick of
Duxburrow, who did it sundry times, ably and sufficiently, as
also some other ministers within this government ; but he was
not satisfied ; so the church sent to many other churches to crave
their help and advice in this matter, and with his will and con
sent, sent them his arguments written under his own hand.
They sent them to the church of Boston, in the Bay of Massa
chusetts, to be communicated with other churches there ; also
they sent the same to the churches of Connecticut and New Ha
ven, with sundry others, and received very able and sufficient
answers, as they conceived, from them and their learned minis
ters, who all concluded against him. But himself was not sat
isfied therewith. Their answers arc too large here to relate.
They conceived the church had done what was meet in the
thing." June 14. Web Adey is presented at the court for worldng
on the Sabbath, and living idly and slovenly. He is sentenced
to sit in the stocks at the pleasure of the bench, and if he do
not find a master for himself, they will. John Stockbridge,
of Scituate, is arraigned and fined for speeches disrespectful of
the authorities.
August. The governor writes to Winthrop for advice as to
proceeding against three young men, who had mortally wound
ed and robbed an Indian, near Providence, and who intended
to appeal to the judicial authorities in England. The reply is,
that no such appeal should be allowed, and that trial ought to
take place immediately. The colonists were strongly opposed
to referring any cases to the mother government, lest it should
bring them into greater subjection, and thereby their religious
liberties be impaired.
About this time, Leveridge and others, of Sandwich, inquire
of the court whether they shall supply the places of those who
had agreed to come from Saugus and settle at Sandwich, but had
not. Answer is given that it may be done, " provided you make
choyse of such as government shall approve of."

MAINE.

1637, June 26. As an indication that Governor William
Gorges had returned to England, a commission is received by
Winthrop, as he relates, and five others, from Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, to take charge of his affairs in New Somersetshire, from
Cape Elizabeth to Sagadahoc. The persons so empowered

348 SUPERVISION OF MAINE. rpj. h.
think best to decline. Their plea is that one of their names is
mistaken, and another of them moved to Connecticut. It also
appears to them, that there was not sufficient authority in Sir
Ferdinando to commission them to such an extent. The pre
vailing reason, aside from the inconvenience of the trust, was,
undoubtedly, that Winthrop and his colleagues in the matter
would not consent to countenance it with their cooperation, lest
they should be made to appear as not opposed to the plan for
subverting the liberties of New England.
July 3. Still active to advance the interests of his particular
colony, Sir Ferdinando Gorges makes a grant of eight thousand
acres to Sir Richard Edgecomb, near a lake, supposed to be in
the present town Bowdoinham.
1638, Having been appointed governor general, this year, of
New England, Gorges would have had a favorable opportunity to
advance the interests of his own patent, had other things been
similarly propitious. But the firmness of Massachusetts in re
sisting every effort to take away their charter was an insupera
ble obstacle to his desires and purposes.

a

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1637. In the course of this year, .but not till after July 5,
when he had a grant of land at Salem, George Burdet, not
pleased with the strict order of the church there, seems to have
left that town for Dover. There he made himself popular as a
preacher. He also took measures successfully to supplant Wig-
in, the governor, appointed by Lord Say and the other propri
etors. From the sequel, he acted as a spy on the colonists, who
were opposed to the imposition of hierarchal policy upon New
England. November 20. About this date, Mr. Wheelwright leaves Mas
sachusetts. He sets out for Squamscot Falls, which he bought
of natives, and which, by agreement with John Mason's agents,
was afterwards called Exeter. He subsequently testified, with
regard to such a purchase, " When I with others first came to
sit downe at Exeter, wee purchased of yc Indians, to whom (so
farr as wee could learne) ye right did belonge, a certain tract of
land about thirty miles square, to runne from Merrimack River
eastward, and so vp into ye country, of which wee had a grant
in writing signed by them." He has a farm set off to him near
Oyster River. It is very probable that he goes thither in the
vessel of John Clark, with some of his warmest friends, because

,^„n CHARACTER OF INDIANS. 349
1637.]
she sails for a more northwardly region than the Bay, about this
very date. Though Wheelwright's zeal, as he afterwards con
fessed, led him to an excess in resisting the wishes of the au
thorities, yet he did not carry his ideas of spiritual illumination
to the extravagance of others, known as Antinomians. Cotton
asserts that he was no Familist ; that one of his hearers at Mount
Wollaston, who soon joined Gorton, protested against his doc
trine as anti-Christian.
1638, August. Near this time, Hanserd Knollys comes from
Boston to preach for people of Dover. His entrance among
them was more pleasant to him than his continuance and de
parture.

RHODE ISLAND. .
1637, June 3. News had reached Boston that some of the
Pequods had fled to the Narragansetts for protection, but that
the latter had declined to grant it until they had leave from the
Bay authorities.
July 15. Roger Williams writes to John Winthrop. Speak
ing of the Indians, he says, " 'Tis true there is no feare of God
before their eye, and all the cords that ever bound the barbarous
to forreiners were made of selfe and covetousnes. Yet if I mis
take not, I observe in Miantunnomu some sparks of true friend
ship. The body of the Pequin men yet live, and are only re
moved from their dens. The good Lord grant that the Mow-
haugs and they and the whole at the last unite not. For mine
owne part, I cannot be without suspicions of it."
August 1. John Green, of New Providence, being in Massa
chusetts, is bound to answer at their Court of Assistants. The
complaint against him is, that he charged authorities of Massa
chusetts with usurping the power of Christ, and persecuting
Mr. Williams and another, whom they had banished.
September 19. He accordingly appears for trial. He is sen
tenced to pay twenty pounds, be committed till the sum is paid,
and excluded from the jurisdiction of that colony.
November 1. Miantinomo, having gone to have an interview
with the governor of Massachusetts, as the latter informs us, is
received with kind attention. He acknowledges that the terri
tory of the Pequods and Block Island, the last of which had
been subject to him, belonged to that colony, by right of con
quest, and that he would not interfere with either of them
without their consent.
1638, John Clarke, a physician, who, the last November, had
30

350 OCCUPATION OF RHODE ISLAND. ]g
lately come to the Bay, from Bedfordshire, and his associates,*
having experienced severer cold where they spent the winter,
(probably at Dover,) than they anticipated, and, as it seems, leav
ing Wheelwright with a considerable number of his friends,
conclude, " in the spring, to make toward the south. So, having
sought the Lord for protection, they agreed that, while the ves
sel was passing about a large and dangerous cape, [Cape Cod,]
they would cross over by land, having Long Island and Dela-
Avare Bay in their eye, for the place of their residence. At
Providence, Mr. Roger Williams lovingly entertained them, and
being consulted about their design, readily presented two places
before them in the Narragansett Bay, the one on the main land,
called Sow-wames, and Aquedneck,f now Rhode Island." Re
solving to be out of every other jurisdiction, Clarke and two
others went to Plymouth with Williams, for advice about these
locations. The authorities there observe that " Sow-wames was
the garden of their patent," and declined to let them have it, but
consented that they might buy Aquedneck of the Indians, which
was subsequently done.
Morton, in his Memorial, speaks as follows of such an inter
view. The individuals, " not knowing where they might sit
down safely, made requests unto the government of Plimouth,
that they might be at an island that they had not hitherto im
proved, which the government of Plimouth aforesaid consider
ing they were their countrymen and fellow-subjects, that were
distressed and destitute of habitation, although they had their
errors in as great dislike as those from whence they came, yet
pitying them in their present straights, granted their requests."
March 7. Accordingly these emigrants from the Bay return
to the island, and form a constitutional government. The ten
or of this instrument J runs thus : " We, whose names are un
derwritten, do here solemnly, in the presence of Jehovah, incor
porate ourselves into a body politic, and, as he shall help, will
submit our persons, lives, and estates unto our Lord Jesus
Christ, the King of kings and Lord of lords, and to all those
perfect and most absolute laws of his given us in his holy word
of truth, to be guided and judged thereby."
They, hi this manner, unite their civil concerns with those
spiritual, and so adopt a theocracy for their government. Cod-
* Clarke's Narrative. Comer's Manuscript. Callender.
t Callender says it was called, in 1644, the Isle of Rhodes, or Rhode Island.
t This, as stated by the same author, was signed by the following names : Wil
liam Coddington, John Clark, William Hutchinson, John Coggeshall, William
Aspinwall, Samuel Wilbore, John Porter, John Sanford, Edward Hutchinson,
Jr., Thomas Savage, William Dyer, William Freeborne, Philip Shearman, John
Walker, Richard Carder, William Baulston, Edward Hutchinson, Sr.. and Henrv
Bull.

16ggl ENGAGEMENT OF FREEMEN. 351
dington is elected their judge. The engagements made by him
and the freemen are as follow : " I, William Coddington,
Esquire, being called and chosen by the freemen incorporate of
this body politic to be a judge amongst them, do covenant to do
justice and judgment impartially according to the laws of God,
and to maintain the fundamental rights and privileges of this
body politic, which shall hereafter be ratified according unto
God, the Lord helping me so to do."
" We, that are freemen incorporate of this body politic, do
elect and constitute William Coddington, Esquire, a judge
amongst us, and do covenant to yield all due honour unto him,
according to the laws of God, and, so far as in us lies, to main
tain the honour and privileges of his place, which shall hereaf
ter be ratified according to God, the Lord helping us so to do."
This mode of obligating themselves was probably confirmed by
the opinion of Roger Williams against oaths.
The greater part of the proprietors named are members of
the Boston church. Clark not only serves as their physician,
but officiates as their preacher. They make their first settlement
at Pocasset, afterwards Portsmouth.
Thus a second settlement is made in this quarter by individu
als ordered away from Massachusetts. The authorities of that
colony heartily believed, that for the sake of preserving purity
of truth, as they held it in their churches, and the safety of the
commonwealth, grievous necessity was laid on them to cast off
from their privileges others of worthy repute, who as sincerely
believed the principles they cherished, and their action on them,
were right and fraught with no such perils. Occurrences of
this sort are painful in reflection, and call up the earnest wish
that there had been no occasion for them.
Hull, in his diary, says of these new settlers, "After they
were removed, the Rev. Mr. Cotton and the church of Boston
ceased not, for some years, to send letters and some of their able
and godly brethren to endeavor their reducement ; and some few
were regained."
March' 12. The General Court of Massachusetts order that
Coddington, Coggeshall, Baulstone, Edward Hutchinson, Wil
bore, Porter, Bull, Shearman, besides John Compton, Freeborn,
and Carder, having licenses to leave their jurisdiction, be sum
moned to appear before them, if not gone prior to the next May
session. A letter from John Green reaches the same authorities. He
had been imprisoned and fined on the charge of slandering the
magistrates. His fine was remitted on his making concessions.
But his communication now retracts his apology, and renews his
accusation against the legislature. These, " knowing that divers

352 PRINCIPLE OF ADMISSION. fR Jg
others of Providence were of the same ill affection to the court,
and were probably suspected to be confederated in the same let
ter," order " that if any of that plantation " should be found
within their bounds, " he should be brought before one of the
magistrates, and if he .vould not disclaim the charge in said let
ter, he should be sent home, and charged to come no more into
this jurisdiction, upon pain of imprisonment and further cen
sure." March 24. Canonicus and Miantinomo give a bill of sale for
Aquedneck, and the use of other islands, " as also rivers and
coves," to Mr. Coddington and his friends for forty fathoms of
white beads, with the condition that they pay, through the hands
of the latter sachem, " ten coats and twenty hoes to the present
inhabitants " who " shall remove from the island before next win
ter." In speaking of this matter afterwards, Williams remarks,
" It was not price or money that could have purchased Rhode
Island ; but it was obtained by love — that love and favour which
that honoured gentleman, Sir Henry Vane, and myself had with
the great sachem Myantonomy."
28. According to the injunction of the Massachusetts rulers,
Mrs. Hutchinson goes from Boston, as Winthrop states, by
water, to her farm at Mount Wollaston. Here she intended to
take passage for Piscataqua with the wife and children of Wheel
wright. But, altering her purpose, she sets out by land for her
husband and " the rest of that sect," at Aquedneck. On April
26, Coddington and his wife move to the last place, where he
had prepared a residence.
May 13. The first act passed here follows: "It is ordered
that none shall be received as inhabitants or freemen, to build
or plant upon the island, but such, as shall be received in by the
consent of the body, and do submit to the government that is or
shall be established according to the word of God." This is
like the principle of Massachusetts, on which settlers of the
island were ordered away from that colony.
21. The following vote, as in Staples, is passed at Prov
idence : " Joshua Verin, for breach of covenant in restraining
hberty of conscience, shall be withheld the liberty of voting,
till he declare the contrary." Winthrop explains the reason of
this order. He says, that in accordance with the rule of the
community here, which required that none " should be molested
for his conscience, men's wives, children, and servants claimed
liberty to go to all religious meetings, though never so often,
or though private, on week days." For restraining his wife in
such a practice, Verin was dealt with as just represented. Wil
liam Arnold said, that when he consented to the regulation for
hberty of conscience, he never intended that it should apply so

,™01 QUESTION OF CONSCIENCE. 353
lOoo.j
far as to break the ordinance of God, which commanded wives
to be in subjection to their husbands. John Green replied,
that if they should restrain their wives, all the women in the
country would cry out against them. Arnold rejoined, " Did
you pretend to leave Massachusetts because you would not of
fend God to please men, and would you now break a command
ment of God to please women ? When they would have cen
sured Verin, Arnold told them that it was against their own
order, for Verin did that he did out of conscience, and their
order was, that no man should be censured for his conscience."
Soon after this discussion, Verin, dissatisfied with his position
here, returned to Salem.
June 27. The General Court of the island order, " that if
any of the freemen of this body shall not repair to the public
meeting to treat upon the public affairs of the body, upon pub
lic warning, (whether by beat of drum or otherwise,) if they
fail one quarter of an hour after the second, they shall forfeit
twelve pence, or if they depart without leave, they are to forfeit
the same sum."
August 20. They require, " that a pair of stocks, with a whip
ping post, shall forthwith be made, and the charges to be paid
out of the treasury." They admit Richard Dummer,* Nicholas
Easton, William Brenton, and Robert Harding as freemen. On
the 23d, they order that a prison house, of twelve feet long, and
ten feet broad, and ten feet stud, be erected.
A large proportion of those in Boston and other towns, who
had embraced the speculations of Mrs. Hutchinson, follow her
to the island. Others of Williams's persuasion take up their
abode with him at Providence.
The latter person writes to Winthrop, that four young men
from Plymouth had mortally wounded and robbed an Indian ;
that three of the murderers had been apprehended, carried to
the place of their residence, and that he saw them executed
there. He closes one of his letters thus : " beseeching God to
bring us by all these bloody passages to an higher price of the
blood of the Son of God, yea, of God, by which the chosen are
redeemed." * On the 23d, thirteen lots of land are laid out for his friends, to wit, Stephen
and Thomas Dummer, Nicholas Easton, [Robert] Jeffrys, [Osmond] Dutch,
[William] Baker, Spencer, Adam Mott, Robert Fields, James Tarr, and Robert
Harding.
2s • 30*

354 OVERTHROW OF THE PEQUODS. rn

CONNECTICUT.
1637, June. The latter part of this month, one hundred and
twenty men from Massachusetts, under Israel Stoughton, with
John Wilson for chaplain, reach Saybrook. Assisted by Narra
gansetts, they surround a body of Pequods in a swamp, and take
eighty prisoners, kill twenty-eight men, spare two sachems on
condition of leading the English to find Sassacus, but refusing
to do it, they are afterwards beheaded. Of the prisoners, forty-
eight women and children were sent to Boston. On the 26th,
the emigrants from the Bay raise forty men to join with Stough
ton's force. When united, they went in pursuit of the enemy,
who had gone westward.
July 13. After killing six Pequods and taking two more at
Quinnipiack, and having arrived at a swamp of very difficult access
in what was subsequently Fairfield, the colonists prepare to at
tack a large company of Indians, who had fled thither. Some
of them rushed forward, but soon sank in the mire. While
thus arrested, they are wounded by the besieged, who were
about to capture them, when they were rescued. The place
was then surrounded and the battle renewed. After a consider
able time, the Indians requested a parley. The English, de
sirous that those of them who had shed no blood of the colonists
might be saved, offered all such the privilege of coming out
and retiring to their homes. Therefore about two hundred of
the natives, young and old, who had taken no part in the war,
availed themselves of the opportunity. The remainder, being
Pequods, and resolved to abide the worst, would not surrender.
The fight was renewed. When the night shut in, the colonists,
at twelve feet apart, compassed the enemy, and watched them
till nearly the break of day. A fog now arising, the Pequods
attempted to break through their besiegers. Sixty or seventy
succeeded in the bold attempt, twenty were slain, and one hun
dred and eighty captured. It was computed that seven hundred
Pequods were destroyed in this short war. Sassacus and Mon-
onotto, their principal sachems, with twenty of their most dis
tinguished warriors, fled to the Mohawks. These surprised the
fugitives, and killed them all but the second chief named. The
captive women and children of the enemy were divided among
the troops. Some of them remained in Connecticut, and others
were carried to Massachusetts. Among them were the wife and
children of Mononotto. She was noted for her modest deport
ment and good sense, as well as humanity in saving the two Eng
lish girls. Carried to the Bay, she and her family were treated
with kindness.

INDIAN COMBINATION FEARED. 355
In view of the conquest so achieved, Mason, who had a prom
inent part in it, expressed himself as follows : " The face of
God is set against them that do evil, to cut off the remembrance
of them from the earth. Thus the Lord was pleased to smite
our enemies ; who remembered us in our low estate, and re
deemed us out of our enemies hands."
After the swamp battle, the Pequods, in their wanderings,
were continually killed by the Monhegans and Narragansetts,
who dreaded them when strong, and brought their heads to
Hartford and Windsor. The survivors, about two hundred, be
sides women and children, so hunted for their lives, sent a num
ber of their noted men to the former town, and proffered them
selves to be sold for servants, if they should be spared.
August 5. As Winthrop relates, according to invitation for
attendance in the synod, Hooker and Stone reach Boston in com
pany with Wilson. The same day, Ludlow, Pynchon, and
twelve others arrived there. The former party went round by
Providence, where Williams resided, and the latter " the ordi
nary way by land." These carried thither locks of hair which
belonged to Sassacus, his brother, and five other Pequod sachems,
who had been killed by the Mohawks, as evidence of their death.
14. About this date, Stoughton addresses Winthrop, as iu
Collections of Hutchinson, from the Pequod country. He ex
presses his fears that Indians dispersed from this quarter may
still. do the colonists much injury. He suspects that the Narra
gansetts may listen to their suggestions, and join in the ame evil,
work. Of the latter he remarks, that, if they are so influenced,
" I doubt not but it will be to their perdition ; only I pray for
the contrary, if it be the Lord's will."
He speaks of Wilson, who was chaplain to his troops, and
for whom Winthrop had sent, so that he might assist about the
religious controversy in the Bay. He says, " By reason you
sent for Mr. Wilson to come with Mr. Hooker, we, being will
ing to show our love to the common cause, have dismissed him,
albeit we conceived we had special interest in him, and count
ourselves naked without him, and therefore expect supply."
Concerning the settlement of immigrants, he writes as fol
lows : "If you would enlarge the state, and provide for the poor
servants of Christ that are yet improvided, (which I esteem a
worthy work,) I must speak my conscience. I confess the
places whither God's providence carried us, that is, to Quil-
lipeage River, and so beyond to the Dutch, is before this, or the
Bay either, (so far as I can judge,) abundantly. But unless
great necessity or approved policy require such undertakings,
I would be loath to have a hand in, or that my pen should further
them, for I affect not scattering, but wrould rather part stakes

356 EXTENSION OF SETTLEMENTS. rr, „
JUONN.
at home ; yet, so far as it may tend to publick utility, and the
enlargement of Christ's kingdom, I hope I should not hinder
so good a work, though it be to self's disadvantage. It seems
to me, God hath much people to bring hither, and the place is
too strait, as many think."
Among his reasons for the occupation of Quinnipiack, after
wards New Haven, is "an ill neighbour may possess it, if a
good do not. I should readily give it my good word, if any
good souls have a good liking to it."
Towards the close of this month, Theophilus Eaton and oth
ers of Rev. John Davenport's company set out from Boston to
examine Quinnipiack, highly recommended by Stoughton.
They had had offers of accommodation in lands of Plymouth
and Massachusetts, but declined them. Having reached and ex
plored the territory to which they were destined, they left some
of their number to remain here for the winter, with the purpose
to return and settle here themselves in the spring.
September 21. By direction of the magistrates, the Narragan
setts and Monhegans appeared at Hartford, with Miantinomo and
Uncas, to make a treaty with the English. The Pequods agree
to pay Connecticut annually a fathom of wampum for every
sannup, half a fathom for a young man, and a hand of it for
each male pappoose. Twenty of them are given to the Monhe
gans, and eighty to the Narragansetts. They agree never more
to inhabit their country, and lay aside their national name, and
be called either one or the other of these two tribes.
These are hard conditions for a people who had prided them
selves on their superiority to other natives around them, and had
been the terror of most New England Indians. Still they had
fully resolved to exterminate the white man, as the means of
preserving their own eminence. They cruelly, and fatally to
some of the colonists, entered on the work of destruction, with
the prospect of completing it ; but they soon brought the ruin
intended for others on their own nation. The sentence against
them was not so severe as their purpose was against the conquer
ors ; nor was it greater than the necessity of the weak-handed
planters required. Leniency is ever more agreeable to our be
nevolent affections than the stern demands of justice. Still,
long experience has shown that the former cannot, consistently
with the higher welfare, be always indulged, and that the latter
should be sometimes enforced.
The defeat of the Pequods was a lesson to all the other tribes
that to aim for the overthrow of their foreign neighbors, and of
the Christian religion, was a hopeless enterprise. It kept them
peaceably inchnedfor almost forty years, till the desperate strug
gle of Philip for a similar end.

CONQUERED TERRITORY. 357
1638.] October 12. Public thanksgiving is observed for the conquest
of Pequods and " the success " of the synod in the Bay.
November 17. Much in the style of the Israelites, who di
vided the conquered territory of- the Canaanites, the legislature
of the Bay address the towns, who went from them, on the
Connecticut, respecting the Pequod country and Quinnipiack.
Their letter commences, " Whereas it has pleased the Lord to
deliver into our hands our enemies, the Pecoits and their allies,
that thereby the lands and places which they possessed are by
just title of conquest fallen to us and our friends and associates
upon the River Connecticut. And whereas, by subduing those
our enemies, not only ourselves and our said associates have ob
tained rest and safety, but opportunity is also given for peaceable
habitation to all such as shall hereafter inhabit the lands of our
said enemies, both at Pequod and Quinnapiack, and the parts
beyond towards the Dutch," committees of those concerned in
such conquest are desired, in accordance with articles of con
federation, to meet at Newton, as soon as the season permits, that
they may consult and decide on the disposal of the lands, and as
sess the cost of acquiring them on those who may inhabit them.
1638, February 9. To meet the charges of the Indian war,
which, at first, threatened their existence, a heavy tax is re
quired of Agawam, afterwards Springfield, Windsor, Hartford,
and Wethersfield.
March 9. Mr. Hooker is desired to present a military staff to
John Mason, who was appointed major general.
That the Indians might be favorably affected as to the social
and religious character of the settlers, laws are enacted that
they be dealt with justly and kindly. The commissioners of
the colony and officers of the churches are to be excused from
" bearing arms, watchings and wardings."
12. Davenport and Theophilus Eaton write to the legislature
of the Bay, that, not having found a suitable location for them
selves and friends, they have concluded to settle at Quinnipiack,
and for this purpose they have given instructions to purchase
such land from. the native claimants. They add, "We are per
suaded that God will order it for good unto these plantations,
whose love so abundantly, above our deserts or expectations,
expressed in your desire of our abode in these parts, as we shall
ever retain in thankful memory, so we shall account ourselves
thereby obliged to be any way instrumental and serviceable for
the common good of these plantations, as well as of 'those which
the divine Providence hath combined together in as strong a
bond of brotherly affection, by the sameness of their condition,
as Joab and Abishai were, whose several armies did mutually
strengthen them both against several enemies ; or rather they

358 EXTENSION OF SETTLEMENTS. [Coni..
are joined together as Hippocrates his twins,, to stand and fall,
to grow and decay, to flourish and wither, to live and die, to
gether." March 28. Mr. Moxon is chosen to represent Springfield in
the General Court.
30. Davenport, Samuel Eaton, Peter Prudden, and many fam
ilies of their company, embark at Boston for Quinnipiack. Be
ing intelligent and worthy people, they are lothfully parted with
by the colonists of Massachusetts. Of their departure, Win
throp observes, " which, though it were a great weakening to
these parts, yet we expected to see a good providence of God
in it." One principal inducement for them to seek another resi
dence is, that if the general governor should be soon .sent over,
as fearfully expected, they should be less under his control by
such a removal. They probably look at such a reason in two
directions. One is, they know that Massachusetts is particu
larly obnoxious to the royal party in England, and is made to
bear the main force of their displeasure, and that if the antici
pated change of government for the country take place, they
may probably fare better by being away from the Bay authori
ties than with them, and, at the same time, would be unable to
alleviate their trials, even though they should not move. Anoth
er is, they are aware that the Dutch make a strong claim to
Quinnipiack, and that, in case a new governor should bear upon
them with a hard hand, they may change allegiance to New
Amsterdam, whose religion would be far more agreeable to them
than the impositions of the English hierarchy. As a further in
ducement for such an emigration, Winthrop says it was regard
ed as a means of " diverting the thoughts and intentions of such
in England as intended evil against us, whose design might be
frustrate by our scatterings so far ; and such as were now gone
that way were as much in the eye of the state of England as
we here."
So well trained for life's great purpose were these settlers,
they were amply fitted to hold a frontier position, and thus ex
tend the jurisdiction of New England, and add to it physical
and moral power of incalculable worth.
April 15. Having been about a fortnight on their passage,
the emigrants keep holy day, for the first time, in Quinnipiack.
Davenport preaches to them, under a^wide-spreading oak, from
Matt. iv. 1.. He discourses* on the temptations of the wilder
ness, and the need of corresponding vigilance. Lambert says,
that Prudden delivered a sermon in the afternoon'.
Not long after the arrival of the settlers, they entered, at the
* Trumbull has Cth chapter, but the subject requires 4th chapter, 1st verse.

,„, PLANTATION COVENANT. 359
>38.]
lose of a day for fasting and prayer, into a plantation covenant.
n this instrument, they agree, " that as in matters that concern
be gathering and ordering of a church, so also in all public of-
.ces which concern civil order, as choice of magistrates and off
ers, making and repealing laws, dividing allotments of inher
ence, and all things of like nature, they would all of them be
rdered by the rules which the Scriptures held forth to them."
August 28. Winthrop* states leading thoughts which he
Lad written to Plooker, — that the Connecticut colonists had
old the Narragansetts that they did not like the treaty with the
atter, which Massachusetts and they together had made, so as
o prejudice the said Indians against the. people of the Bay ;
hat they had altered the articles of confederation between
hem and Massachusetts in one important item, " and being
gain agreed, in three months we had no answer ; " that they
exercise undue authority over Agawam or Springfield. He says
hat the end of his making such a communication is, that Hook-
;r may use his influence to quench the sparks of contention.
* In the Addenda of his 2d vol., by Mr. Savage.

CHAPTER XII.
Massachusetts. Weston. — Slander. — Dismission. — Hampton, Salisbury,
and Sudbury. — Underhill and Morris. — Public charges. — A proselytef. —
Excommunicants. — Extravagance. — Charter. — Quo warranto. — John Har
vard. — John Phillips. — Marmadukc Matthews. — Bernard's books. — Apolo
gy. — Nine positions. — Robert Foster. — Dedham church. — Robert Peck. —
Rogers's relation. — Confession. — Scotland. — Mary Oliver and Jane Veren.
— Housebreakers. — Slaves. — Fast. — Cotton's remarks. — Phillips. — Re
marks by D'Ewes. — Church at Weymouth. — Scotch war. — Fast. — College
named Harvard. — Salisbury church. — Printing press. — Ezekiel Rogers. —
Ministry. — Charter. — Plantation at Gloucester. — Religious opinions. — Fast.
— Paupers. — Emigration. — Francis Higginson. — John Ward. — Jonathan
Burr. — Punishment. — Thomas Allen. — Letter of discipline. — Excommuni
cation. — Scottish covenant. — Thirty-two questions. — Excommunication —
Drinking healths. — Excess in apparel. — Publishment. — College. — Antino-
mian prejudices. — Norris goes to Salem. — Settlement of ministers. — Mrs.
Hutchinson. — Mr. Eaton. — Laws. — Worcester. — Dudley. — High prices. —
Fast. — Lectures. — Ordination. — Support of ministers. — Watchmen. — Win
throp's donation. — Fyrmin's letter. — Cotton's treatise. — Song. Plym
outh. Persons hung. — Self-publishment. — Gorton. — Overseers of planta
tions. — Yarmouth. — Lothrop's church. — Vassal. Maine. Bristol compa
ny. — Burdet correspondence. — Gorges's charter. — Episcopacy. — Great Pow
ers. — Gorges's relation. — Divine guidance. — Pejepscot. — Captain Willet. —
William Tompson. New Hampshire. Hampton. — Letter intercepted. —
Dismission of Wheelwright and others. — Claim of Exeter. — Rebuke. — Mrs.
Wheelwright and others. — Underhill. — Knollys. — Dover and Portsmouth. —
Hampton privileges. — Dover. — Exeter. — Church formed. — Receiving an in
habitant. Rhode Island. Errors. — Cotton's remark. — Offences. — Decis
ions of rulers. — Alarum. — Aspinwall. — Immersion. — Mrs. Hutchinson
preaches publicly. — Coddington admonished. — Newport settled. — Tumult.
— Church gathered. — Williams's second baptism. — Seeker. — Excommuni
cation. — Vane. — Church members. Connecticut. Quinnipiack. — Con
necticut as to the Bay. — Government. — Their constitution. — Davenport and
Eaton. — Punishment. — Reconciliation sought. — Covenant. — Freemen. —
New Haven constitution. — Church before the state. — Indians. — Mr. Huit.
— Intended expedition. — Churches formed. — Pequods. — Thanksgiving.
— Towns incorporated. — Remarkablo events recorded. — Church members
admitted freemen. — Fenwick's communication. — Milford votes. — Meeting
house. — Planters of Milford. MASSACHUSETTS.
1638. Francis Weston, an advocate of Roger Williams, being
still connected with the Salem church under Mr. Peters, pre
sents the subsequent complaints : That he was not allowed to
ask questions in time of pubhc worship, on the Lord's day,
(360)

COMMUNION WITH EPISCOPALIANS. 361
1638.] without having imputed to him pride and self-sufficiency ; that
the church communed with Mr. Lothrop's church, who com
mune with the church of England, and therefore the first of
these bodies was alike chargeable with such communion ; that
Peters had publicly remarked, with respect to the separatists,
that it was "better to part than to live contentiously." The
latter rephed that it was true, but he meant that such an act
should be " in a way of Christ." Weston further objects that
the wife of Peters and others, who came from Rotterdam after
he did, had been received as members of his church at Salem,
though, by an unintentional omission, they brought no letters
of recommendation. However Peters had spoken in their be
half, and was the principal means of their acceptance, yet, to
meet the wishes of objectors, he agrees, with the majority, to
send thither for such testimonials.
September 4. The Assistants order Samuel Finch's wife,
Catherine, to be whipped and committed for speaking against
the magistrates, churches, and elders.
6. At a session of the legislature, the subsequent transactions
take place : Ralph Mousall is questioned as to his remarks, which
approved of Wheelwright's doctrine and conduct. He is dis
missed from membership in the house as a deputy.
The population being enlarged by worthy emigrants, who fled
from the hierarchal severities of England, some of them apply
for plantations. A part of them under Batchelor, who preached
a short time at Saugus, are granted the township, afterwards
Hampton. Others, with Simon Bradstreet as their principal
proprietor, are allowed to settle " at Merrimack," subsequently
known as Salisbury. More, with Edmund Brown as their min
ister, are permitted to have a location, soon known as Sudbury.
Captain John Underhill, about to unite with Wheelwright's
company at Exeter, is called to an account for remarks which
he made on board of the ship in which he lately returned from
England. A female passenger deposes that he represented the
Massachusetts authorities to be as zealous as the Scribes and
Pharisees, and as Paul before his conversion. But Underhill
will neither confess nor deny the charge, and excepts against
the propriety of taking the evidence of only one witness. In
the course of the trial, he is asked, as his conversation leads to
the question, if he approved the remonstrance in favor of
Wheelwright. He answers affirmatively, and that his retraction
about it was merely in manner, and not in matter. Hereupon
he is accused of deception, and the next day ordered to leave
the colony in fourteen days, and not return, except to take
passage in a vessel at Salem, for England. The next Sabbath
but one after, he, having been dealt with on suspicion of incon-
2t 31

3612 LAW AS TO EXCOMMUNICANTS. [Mass.
tinency, is publicly questioned and admonished by the Boston
church. Richard Morris, a signer of the same remonstrance, and be
longing to Roxbury, is required to leave the jurisdiction. At
the same time, he is cautioned not to advance his opinions among
the people here. He is also advised not to locate himself with
in any bound of the colony, and to persuade " the sect," that
they may be alike careful.
As many, who are neither freemen nor church members, ex
cuse themselves from voluntary contributions for the ministry
and other public charges, they are ordered to pay their propor
tion of them.
John Haule is to give bond, that his servant, John Burrows,
cease his endeavors to " draw away " others by his religious
speculations, and that he propose no question of this sort, except
to magistrates or teaching elders.
Still careful of the law against the admission of strangers,
whose principles are suspected as injurious in their influence,
the court require that constables inform against " the new com
ers," who have been admitted without the prescribed license.
Relative to those cut off from the churches, it is enacted that
such, " making light of their censures," and not endeavoring
restoration within six months, shall be fined, imprisoned, ban
ished, or otherwise dealt with, as the degree of their imputed
offence may be.
The court, taking into consideration the extravagance which
prevailed through the country, as to costliness of attire and fol
lowing new fashions, call, according to Winthrop, the elders, and
consult with them on the subject. They desire such ministers,
as the particular duty of their profession, to urge a reform in
this respect on their congregations. " But little was done about
it, for divers of the elders' wives were in some measure partners
in this general disorder."
The legislature address, as contained in Hubbard, the lords
commissioners, in reference to the demand which they made for
the surrender of our charter. Some extracts follow : " We are
much grieved that your lordships should call in our patent,
there being no cause known to us for that purpose, our govern
ment being settled according to his majesty's grant, and we not
answerable for any defect in other plantations. We are all
humble suitors to your lordships that you would be pleased to
take into further consideration our condition, and to afford unto
us the liberties of subjects, that we may know what is laid to
our charge, and have leave and time to answer for ourselves be
fore we be condemned as a people unworthy of his majesty's
favour or protection. As for the quo warranto mentioned in

EFFECTS OF LOSING THE CHARTER. 363
1638.]the said order, we do assure your lordships, that we were never
called to make answer to it, and if we had, we doubt not but
we have a sufficient plea to put in." The petitioners proceed —
" We came into these remote parts with his majesty's license
and encouragement, under his great seal of England ; and in the
confidence we had of great assurance of his favour, we have
transported our families and estates, and here have built and
planted, to the great enlargement and securing of his majesty's
dominions in these parts, so as if our patent should be now
taken from us, we should be looked at as runagates and outlaws,
and shall be enforced either to remove to some other place or to
return to our native country again, either of which will put us
to insuperable extremities." They give what they believe will
be the results of withdrawing their charter — " Many thousand
souls will be exposed to ruin, being laid open to the injuries of
all men." The plantations around Massachusetts, which depend
on her for their continuance, will, for the most part, be dis
solved, and thus the whole country fall into the hands of the
French or Dutch. It will discourage all men from settling col
onies if the royal engagement be so broken. "Th% common
people here will conceive that his majesty has cast them off, and
that hereby they are freed from their allegiance and subjection,
and thereupon will be ready to confederate themselves under a
new government, for their necessary safety and subsistence,
which will be of dangerous example unto other plantations, and
perilous to ourselves. Upon these considerations we are bold to
renew our humble supplication to your lordships, that we may
be suffered to live here in this wilderness, and that this poor
plantation, which hath found more favour with God than many
others, may not find less favour from your lordships, that our
liberties should be restrained when others are enlarged ; that
the door should be kept shut upon us, while it stands open to all
other plantations ; that men of ability should be debarred from
us, while they have encouragement to other colonies. Let us
be made the objects of his majesty's clemency, and not cut off,
in our first appeal, from all hope of favour."
This eloquent document was occasioned by one of the most
perilous exigencies of this commonwealth. It was written in
view of an absolute demand from the highest authority for the
surrender of an instrument, on the possession of which the
property and liberties of our ancestors depended. The utterers
of it deeply felt that there was but a step between the life of
their body politic and its immediate death. Though they had
stood with anxiety and suffering against individuals whose opin
ions, as they verily believed, tended to subvert the public weal ;
though they had experience enough of the world to know that

364 COURAGE AS TO THE PATENT. [Mass.
all who differed materially from them would account them more
zealous than wise ; and though continually accused before the
council of England, and there denounced as schismatics and reb
els, and some of them adjudged as outlaws, — yet their conscience
was clear that they purposed, decided, and acted according to
the principles of their charter, the design of their emigration,
and the constitution of their colony.
In a reply of 1643 to an Ipswich remonstrance, which op
posed affording aid to La Tour, Winthrop made the ensuing
statement on the subject before us : " When, upon grievous
complaints against us to the lords of the privy council, of such
civil innovations amongst us as we could not justify by the
law of the state, a strict order and command was sent over to
deliver up our patent, or else expect to have it fetched by force,
what greater danger could be toward us than appeared in not
obeying of this command ? Yet we had then courage enough
to returne an answer without our patent."
September 14. An event important in its results takes place.
It is the decease of John Harvard, at Charlestown, the colleague
of Symmes in the ministry. He dies with a consumption. His
wife, Anna, survives him, and is supposed to have married Rev.
Thomas Allen. Johnson represents Harvard as having sought
this country to enjoy and proclaim the doctrines of the cross,
and as an impressive preacher. But what has made him most
known among men is his generous bequest to the college, after
wards named for him, and which was one half of his property.
Such a gift amounted to about seven hundred and seventy-nine
pounds seventeen shillings and two pence — a large sum for the
period. John Phillips goes to Dedham this summer. The people
there desire him to become their minister. But " upon waighty
reasons occurring, — ye publike service of ye church and founda
tion of yecolledge, — he was so far perswaded to attend to ye call
of Cambridge, y' we saw no present hopes of him." The per
sons intending to form a church at Dedham appoint November
8 for such a service, and accordingly give " notice to ye magis
trates, and by letters unto ye several churches."
21. A ship from Barnstaple brings to Boston about eighty
emigrants, nearly all from the west of England. They are ac
companied by the Rev. Marmaduke Matthews. This person
was son of Matthew Matthews, of Swansey, Glamorgan
shire. He entered All Souls, Oxford, February 20, 1623, aged
eighteen. His wife, Katherine, was admitted February 10,
1639, to the Boston church. He preached to the inhabitants
of Hull.
October. Winthrop remarks, " About two years since, one

APOLOGY OF THE CHURCHES. 365
1638.] Mr. Bernard sent over two books in writing, one to the magis
trates and the other to the elders, wherein he laid down argu
ments against the manner of our gathering our churches, etc."
To such objections our elders replied in what they call " An
Apologie of the churches of New England against exceptions of
Mr. Richard Bernard, minister of Batcombe, in Somersetshire."
In the introduction they have the succeeding passage : " It was
no parte of our intendment in vndertaking this New English
voyage into America to seeke libertie to vent our spirits in cen
sorious invectives against the discipline established in any re
formed churches in Europe. Nor can wee see any iust calling
thereunto, though others should take libertie to load vs and the
order wee walk in withvnkind prejudices and unjust censures."
They further observe to him, " The cheifest offence which you
have taken is at our church covenant, and such other things as
are attended vnto in the admission of members into our church
es." They comment on his four considerations, as letters of
recommendation, good conduct, relation of Christian experience
in presence of a whole congregation, and entrance in covenant,
required here as condition of church membership. They state
that there is an exception to the giving of a public account of
conversion, and that some, unable to do this, are allowed to give
the reason of their hope to the elders, as a virtual compliance
with such a requisition. They say that this practice is common
in " sundry parish churches in England." On the subject of
covenants, they inform Mr. Bernard that each church here ex
presses its covenant according to its pleasure. They also observe,
in this connection, that they should no more receive to commu
nion unknown individuals of any churches here without com
mendatory letters than they would such from the churches in
England. As differing from this practice, Mr. Bernard, in his
communication, advised them to receive all church members
from the mother country, who were not scandalous in morals.
To such a proposal, they reply as follows : " Open once the
dores of ye church soe wide, and in one twelue month (if not
in one month) the greatest part of the church will consist of
carnall and worldly men. And how shall then the ministers
take what course with them they will ? If such carnall spirits
shall once begine to bandy togeather, (as they will soone feele
theire own strength,) they will suffer noe ministers nor magis
trates to be chosen, nor continue peaceably in their callings,
nor take any faithfull, constant course for theire reformation,
without continuall disturbancies, if not ejections out of theire
places ; for the magistrates are eligible once a yeare by ye major
part of the freemen of ye country, and ye major part of ye free
men of ye country are the members of churches. Soe y', once
SI*

366 STRICTURES ON COTTON'S LETTER. [Mass.
admitt ye major part of members of churches to be ignorant,
carnall men, it will soone come to passe y' like people like priest,
and like priests and people like magistrates."
Mr. Bernard, in his tenth chapter, made his strictures on the
letter of Mr. Cotton to Mr. Skelton, of Salem, on church com
munion, as previously mentioned. On this topic, our elders re
mark, that Mr. Cotton says, that he is certain that the copy of
such an epistle, as quoted by Mr. Bernard, " is, in a sentence
or two, miswritten, even unto nonsense." They continue thus
as to Mr. Cotton : "As himself professeth what he then wrote
was according to his present judgment at y' time, but since vp
pon better consideration he hath retracted his judgment touching
the promiscuous administration of the seals, and being called
vppon speciall occasion to preach at Salem in his journey that
way, he freely published his retraction thereof to the satisfaccon
of that church, least such of them as had sene his letter might
stumble at that point, asyou doe." He then thought it " an error
in Mr. Skelton and the church at Salem here to deny the sacra
ment to godly men, (living members of ye catholique church,)
vnless they were alsoe the members of some particular reformed
church. The reason which moved him soe to thinke was taken,
as appeareth by his letter, from y" practise of Philip baptizing
the church and of Peter baptizing the centurion, and yet nether
ye eunuch nor the centurion were members of any particular
church, but of ye catholique only. But this reason of his he
acknowledgeth to be vnsound. The other errour which our
brother reprooved in Mr. Skelton was, y' none of ye congrega-
cons in England are particular reformed churches." But he
has altered his mind on this also. On chapter second of Mr.
Bernard's answer to Mr. Cotton's letter to him, our elders make
various remarks. Among them is, " But the covenant of the
godfathers and godmothers neither gives right to another man's
child, to the covenant or to the seale of it."
About this time the following is prepared : " An Answer * of
the elders of the several churches in New England unto nine
positions sent over to them by divers reverend and godly minis
ters in England, to declare their judgments therein."
Some extracts from the prefatory epistle are here presented.
" There want not some brethren amongst us who proceed fur
ther, even to look at all set forms of prayer, invented by men of
another age or congregation, and prescribed to their brethren to
be read out of a book, for the prayers of the church, as images
* According to the answer made to the thirty-two questions, page 9th, the
Apology, and according to pages 24 and 28 of the same answer, the reply to the
nine positions were sent to England in 1638. This reply, according to Allen and
Shepard, was lost on its passage this year, and another was sent the year after.

administration 0F THE seals. 367
1638.]
or imaginations of men, forbidden in the second commandment.
But as we leave them to the liberty of their own judgments
without prejudice, so we also concur with the rest of them, so
far as we all go in bearing witness against any set forms or cor
ruptions in them. In the mean while, we intreat you, in the
Lord, not to suffer such apprehensions to lodge in your minds,
which you intimate in your letters, as if we here justified the
ways of rigid separation, which sometimes among you we have
formerly borne witness against, and so build against the things
we have destroyed. You know they separate from your congre
gations as no churches, from your ordinances dispensed by you
as mere anti-Christian, and from yourselves as no visible Chris
tians. But we profess unfeignedly, we separate from the cor
ruptions which we conceive to be left in your churches, and
from such ordinances, administered therein, as we fear are not
of God, but of men. And for yourselves, we are so far from
separating as from no visible Christians as that you are under
God in our hearts (if the Lord would suffer it) to live and die
together." The elders proceed to consider the positions on the 277th
page of this volume. They remark that among their particular
reasons for maintaining the first position is, that the liturgy, not
" a form of private prayer, composed for the help " of individ
uals, but as " used in the English parishes," is chiefly made up
of Catholic breviaries and mass books, and that it tends to encour
age an unlearned and idle ministry.
With regard to the second, they maintain it, except in church
es wherein is "an able, faithful ministry."
As to the third and fourth, they are " for administration of
the seals only to such as are members " of the church, and, ac
cording to their observations, baptism to the children of such
members. At the same time, they remark, " Please you to take
notice, that we are not of their judgment, who refuse all reli
gious communion with such as are not church members, nor do
we appropriate in this priviledge of the seals, only to the mem
bers of our own church, excluding all other churches of Christ
from the same, though they may be, through error or human
frailty, defective in some matters of order, provided that the lib
erty of our churches be preserved, of receiving such satisfaction
as is meet, as well by letters of recommendation from such
churches as otherwise."
Relative to the fifth, they reply, " If the question had been,
whether the power of excommunication lies in the body of the
congregation, [church,] consisting of officers and members, our
answer should be affirmative ; and according hereunto also is our
practice. But seeing the question is, whether what the major

368 DEPOSITION OF MINISTERS rM- „
L_.V__.ASS.
part shall allow, that must be done,* though pastors, and govern
ors, and part of the assembly [church] do dissent upon more
substantial reasons, our answer is negative, viz., that the power
of excommunication is not seated in the congregation, neither
ought it to be in any of the churches of our Lord Jesus, who
ought not to carry matters by number of votes against God, as
this position implieth, but by strength of rule and reason ac
cording to God."
Concerning the sixth, they say, " We judge it were expedi
ent and most according to rule, that such brethren as are in
covenant with the church and ourselves as fellow-members
should not forsake our fellowship, nor abruptly break away from
us, when and whether they please ; but first approve themselves
therein to their brethren's consciences, and their counsel in so
weighty a matter." They add, that if a member be set upon
leaving the church, " we dare not act against our light by con
senting or counselling ; yet if his sin be apparent and his danger
imminent, we use rather, through indulgence (in qases of like
nature,) to suspend our vote against him, as not willing against
his will to detain him, abhorring to make our churches places
of restraint and imprisonment."
Relative to the seventh, they offer the following : If a minis
ter show that he is unfit and unworthy to discharge the duties
for which his church called him, they may depose him from his
office. But if they " without sufficient cause* set him aside,"
they do wrong ; " other churches may admonish them for it,
and if they prove obstinate therein, withdraw the right hand of
fellowship," and he, " until he accepts of a call to another peo
ple, still remains a minister of Christ, in whose account (not
withstanding such a deposition) he hath true right of adminis
tration amongst the people."
As to the eighth, they reply, that the minister of one church
is allowed here to " exercise his gifts of praying and preaching
in another " church, being desired so to do, but not to dispense
of " God's ordinance, as a minister doth perform it to the church,
whereunto he is called to be an overseer."
With regard to the ninth, they say that there has been a
wrong report given ; that " members of other churches, well
known and approved, by virtue of communion of churches, do
mutually, and without exceptions, communicate each of them at
other's churches, even as often as God's providence leads them
thereunto, and themselves desire it."
Mr. Cotton replies to a work on set forms of prayer, sent
from England, and supposed to be by Mr. Ball.
October 15. We are told by Josselyn that Robert Foster sails
for Nantasket, and next day preaches on board of the vessel in
which he was.

.*«_>. JjAW 0n FORMATION OF CHURCHES. 369
1638.] November 7. The persons who purpose to form a church at
Dedham keep a day of fasting and prayer, and adopt a form of
covenant which accorded in general with similar instruments in
the New England churches. With such preparation, a record
is made, on the 8th, of what their delegates said to Winthrop,
respecting the law which forbade any church to be formed, unless
with the consent of other churches. It runs thus : " But in
giving notice to ye governor hereof, (their purposed association,)
we understood by some y4 ye General Court had ordained y* no
churches should be gathered without ye advice of other church
es, which we conceived might be prejudicial to the liberty of
God's people, and some seeds of usurpation upon liberties of y8
gospell whereof we desyred ye govr to mforme us of y" law and
the true intent thereof; which he professed was only this : y* ye
court or law did no way intend to abridge such a liberty of
gathering into church fellowship privately, as if it were, unlaw
ful, or as if such a church were not a true church, rightly gath
ered ; but ye scope was this : y* if any people of unsound judg
ment or erroneous way, etc., should privately sett up a church
amongst them, ye commonwealth could not so approue them as
to communicate that freedom and other priviledges unto them
which they did unto others, or protect them in their government,
if they saw their way dangerous to yc publicke peace, which an
swer gave us satisfaction in y2 scruple." These persons are
formed into a church "with good approbation."
28. Robert Peck, who had been a preacher at Hingham, in
Norfolk, of Old England, is ordained teacher at Hingham, of
this colony. He became freeman here March 13, 1639. He
received his A. M. at Magdalen College, Cambridge, in 1603.
He, returned to England in 1641, with his wife and son Joseph.
29. As an event calculated to affect the interests of New
England, the General Assembly of Scotland, being ordered to
dissolve, declare, that " they would not desert the work of the
Lord, and that to interrupt their sitting was to contramand and
prejudge the prerogative of Jesus Christ, and the liberties of
the kirk."
December 2. Ezekiel Rogers, who came over the preceding
summer with a company of his parishioners, is in Boston. He
was second son of Richard Rogers, of Weathersfield, in Essex
county. He was born 1590, had his A. B. at Bennett College,
1604," and his A. M. at Christ's, Cambridge, 1608. He became
chaplain, for six years, in the family of Sir Francis Barrington,
at Hatfield, Essex. This person presented him to the benefice
of Rowley, Yorkshire. Here his labors, for thirty years, were
greatly blessed. Suspended from his ministry for his non-con
formist scruples, he sought a refuge in this country. He desires
2u

370 COMMUNION WITHOUT CONFESSION. .,, oo
(_1>1ASS.
to commune with the Boston church. He had previously satis
fied the elders with his meetness for the privilege, who men
tioned his case to the members. In accordance with the custom,
he is called by the elders, and gives an account of his views be
fore the sacrament is administered, so that the communicants
might judge of his preparation to unite with them on this occa
sion. He relates that he and his associates had withdrawn from
communion with the church of England for a considerable pe
riod. For this he gives the succeeding reasons : because it was
a national church ; was under a hierarchy, which he considered
entirely anti-Christian ; had a " dead service ; " received and
even compelled all to partake of the seals ; and abused " ex
communications, wherein they enwrap many a godly minister,
by causing him to pronounce their sentence, etc., they not
knowing that the fear of the excommunication lies in that."
Still he did acknowledge that the presence of God was with
such a church " in three things, in the soundness of doctrine
in all fundamental truths, in the excellency of ministerial gifts,
and in the blessing upon the same for the work of conversion
and for the power of religion, in all which there appeared more
in England than in all the known world besides." He observes,
that notwithstanding he allows these attributes to the church
of England, he and his followers cannot conscientiously hold
fellowship with them, on account of their corruptions. Then
he and his people with him confess their error in continuing so
long as they did to commune with the English church. This
done, they covenant with each other to walk in all the ordi
nances. December 4. Mary, the wife of Thomas Oliver, of Salem,
is arraigned before the Court of Assistants, on charges of dis
turbing the congregation there. She is ordered to be imprisoned
till surety be given for her appearance. Jane, wife of Joshua
Verin, of that town, is examined before the same body for neg
lect of public worship. Her case is referred to the magistrates
where she resided. Of Mrs. Oliver we have an account from
Winthrop. She had suffered in England for refusing to bow
when the name of Jesus was mentioned in church, as the order
required under Laud. As to speech, zeal, and devotion, she
exceeded Mrs. Hutchinson. She did not feel obligated to give
a reason for her hope in Christ, and enter into covenant with the
Salem church before she could commune with them in the
Lord's supper. On a sacrament day she pleaded her right there
to join in such an ordinance without a formal compliance with
the conditions. Mr. Endicott said that her conduct was irreg
ular, and that he must commit her to an officer unless she de
sisted. Being accused of a breach of the peace for this act, she

OPINION OF ANTINOMIANS. 371
1638.] OIL
was arraigned, as previously stated. After a few days' impris
onment, she expressed regret for disturbing the Salem congre
gation, and was released on the bond of her husband. Her lead
ing opinions were as follow : " That the church is the head of
the people, both magistrates and ministers met together, and
that these have power to ordain ministers ; that all that dwell
in the same town, and will profess their faith in Christ Jesus,
ought to be received to the sacrament there ; and that she was
persuaded that, if Paul were at Salem, he would call all the in
habitants there saints ; that excommunication is no other but
when Christians withdraw private communion from one that
hath offended."
December 4. John Haslewood and Gyles Player, guilty of
several thefts and breaking into houses, are sentenced to be se
verely whipped, and delivered as slaves to any whom the Court
of Assistants shall appoint.
13. A general Fast is observed. Reasons assigned for it are,
prevalence of small-pox and fevers, and decay of religion in the
churches. Mr. Cotton discourses, among his people of Boston,
on the manner in which he and others had been deceived by er
rors of the Antinomians. He gives it as his opinion that the
principal leaders of them had been justly banished. He pro
poses that others of them, who had been led away, or were ac
tuated by a misguided conscience, should be fined and impris
oned, rather than be excluded from the colony.
Mr. Cotton states * that many of the Boston church, who had
been supporters of Mrs. Hutchinson's cause, declined from her
after having fuller views of her doctrines. He also relates as
evidence, that John Wheelwright did not approve of all his sis
ter's opinions ; that her followers, at Rhode Island, repeatedly
urged him to settle there with them, but he refused, " because
of the corruption of their judgments, professing often, whilst
they pleaded for the covenant of grace, they took away the grace
of the covenant."
31. A village is granted by Salem to Mr. Phillips and com
pany. This grant seems to have been what was long known as
Salem Village. Phillips was probably named John, who had
preached at Dedham. He was received as a townsman of Sa
lem, January 21, 1640, and granted land on condition of re
maining. If the person supposed, he had his A. B. 1614, and
his A. M. 1618, at Emanuel College, Cambridge. He and his
wife were received into Dedham church the 31st of May, 1641,
and embarked for England the next October 26.
This year, Sir Symond d'Ewes, in his autobiography, gives
* Way of the Congregational Churches Cleared, pp. 57, 58, 61.

372 CHARACTER OF NEW ENGLAND
i jvj. a s s •
his views of our colonists. He commences with those who
came over with Winthrop in 1630. " Many of them with
their entire families, to avoid the burthens and snares which
were here laid upon their consciences, departed thither ;
where they, having, in the first place, taken care for the honor
and service of God, and next for their own safety and subsist
ence, have, beyond the hopes of their friends and to the aston
ishment of their enemies, raised such forts, built so many towns,
brought into culture so much ground, and so dispersed and en
riched themselves, as all men may see, whom malice hlindeth
not nor impiety transverseth, that the very finger of God hath
hitherto gone with them and guided them." " I am confident
that they do, most of them, in the main, aim simply at God's
glory, and to reduce the public service of God to that power
and purity which it enjoyed in the primitive times. Vices and
sins are so severely punished amongst them, and the godly so
countenanced and advanced, as in that respect it seems to be a
true type of heaven itself ; whereas, in other parts of the world
wbere the Protestant religion is in show professed, the most
honest and pious men are, for the most part, maligned, scoffed
at, and disgraced. Very careful are they to preserve among
themselves the unity of doctrine, having banished divers Fami
lists * and other schismatics out of their church ; of which some,
finding no harbor there, returned back to England. Their ene
mies also have, at several times, given out reports that a bishop
and a governor should be sent amongst them, to force upon them
the yoke of our ceremonies and intermixtures, as to deter others
from going. And, indeed, at this time, the same report was
more likely to be fulfilled than ever before or since, for one Sir
Ferdinando Gorges was nominated for governor, and there was
a consultation had to send him thither with a thousand soldiers.
A ship was now in building, and near finished to transport him
by sea, and much fear there was amongst the godly lest that in
fant commonwealth and church should have been ruined by him ;
when God, that had carried so many weak and crazy ships
thither, so provided it, that this strong, new-built ship, in the
very launching fell all to pieces, no man knew how, this spring
ensuing, and so preserved his dear children there, at this pres
ent, from that fatal danger ; nor hath suffered them as yet to
come under the hke fear. My constant prayer and hope is,
that God will perpetuate a glorious church there, to the world's
end, which his own right hand hath so wonderfully planted, and
that he will lead them into all truth, and not suffer them to err
or dissent in the least."

* Followers of Henry Nicholas, the founder of a denomination called the
¦ Family of Love.

1639.]

DISSENSION AT WEYMOUTH. 373

1639, January 30. A church is gathered at Weymouth, ac
cording to Winthrop, with the approbation of magistrates and
elders. It had been formed, but did not continue, because of
irregularity in the first proceedings. It appears that the people
there intended to settle Robert Lenthall as their minister, and
they accordingly invited him, being of good report in England.
When he came among them, he gave indications of having em
braced some of Mrs. Hutchinson's theories. One of these was,
that justification preceded faith. He also held that all the re-.
quisite for church membership should be baptism. He was per
suaded by arguments to retract the former opinion, but he
retained the latter. There was an attempt made to collect a
church on the plan he approved, and many subscribed for its
being done. He was active to promote the project. This sub
jected him to arraignment before the legislature.
February 20. An occurrence calculated to strengthen the
hopes of our authorities that their liberties would stand, takes
place. The Scots resolve on a war with the king and his sup
porters. The leaders assure the people that if they do not join
in the conflict, they must expect Popery and bondage. They
make themselves masters of Edinburgh, and apply to the French
king for assistance. On June 17, a peace is made between
Charles I. and the Scots, in which it is agreed that all their ec
clesiastical matters shall be left to the kirk, and civil concerns
i o the Parliament.
March 13. As a means of defence for civil and ecclesiastical
privileges, the artillery company are allowed by the legislature,
and granted one thousand acres of land, the income of which
is to help meet their charges.
John Smith is summoned before them. He is accused of dis
turbing the public peace by combining with others to hinder the
orderly gathering of the church at Weymouth, and to establish
another there, contrary to order, by procuring many subscribers
to a paper for such an object. He is fined twenty pounds, and
confined at pleasure of the court or council. Richard Silvester,
for cooperating with him, is fined two pounds and disfranchised.
Ambrose Martin, of the same side, is tried for epithets express
ing his strong dislike to the exercise of ecclesiastical rule. He
is fined ten pounds, and advised to wait on Richard Mather for
instruction. Thomas Makepeace is informed by the court that,
" because of his novel disposition," they are " very weary of
him, unless he reform." James Brittane, for speaking reproach
fully of some elders, of the reply to Bernard's book, and for
abetting the course of Lenthall, is ordered to be whipped eleven
stripes, because he has no property to pay his fine. Lenthall
apologizes to the court for the part he had acted at Weymouth.

374 PRINTING PRESS ESTABLISHED. [Mass.
He is to appear at their next session, repeat the same apology,
hand a copy of it to the church there, and give them satisfac
tion. Lechford remarks of him, " A minister standing upon his
ministry as of the church of England, and arguing against their
covenant, and being elected by some of Weymouth to be their
minister, was compelled to recant some words."
A Fast is appointed for the 4th of April, " to seek the face
of God and reconciliation with him by our Lord Jesus Christ
in all the churches," because of " novelties, excess, superfluity,
idleness, contempt of authority, and troubles in other parts."
For the commemoration of Harvard's beneficence to the col
lege, it is ordered to be called after his name. A plantation
was begun at Colchester, as Winthrop relates. It was subse
quently named Salisbury. A church was formed here the year
before. William Worcester was their first pastor.
This month, as an efficient means of promoting the cause for
which our fathers came hither, the printing press, provided by
the generous exertions of Mr. Glover, is set up at Cambridge,
by Stephen Day.
April. Ezekiel Rogers, " a man of special note in England
for his zeal, piety, and other parts," settles with his company at
the place afterwards called Rowley, from the town where he
was minister before coming to New England. He had spent
the winter at Salem. The leading men of New Haven were
very urgent to have him take up his abode in their colony. He
had been so much inclined to favor their wish, that some of his
people went thither in the fall. Sending for them to return in
a pinnace, Davenport and Eaton detained her till they could
send letters to him with a stronger invitation, and receive an
answer. This renewed application he laid before the elders
here, who decided that he was under no obligation to comply
with it, and the result was, that he proceeded with his planta
tion. John Miller,* who received his A. B. at Gon. and Caius
College, Cambridge, 1627, became an assistant, in the ministry,
to Rogers.
The particulars of choosing a church's officers by its own mem
bers being more minutely described than common in the Ded
ham records, we here give them as a specimen of what the gen
eral practice appears to have been. Prior to the meeting now
to be considered, the church had agreed that they possessed the
power to ordain their own officers. They had designated John
Allin, Ralph Wheelock,f and Edward Allin, to ordain John
* He was made freeman of Massachusetts, May 22, 1639. He had land granted
him as late as November 10, 1643-4, at Rowley.
t Wheelock was born in Shropshire, England, in 1600, had his A. B. in 1626,
and his A. M. in 1631, at Clare Hall, Cambridge, and came to New England 1637

ORDINATION OF RULING ELDER. 375
Hunting for ruling elder, and the three last of these to ordain
the first as pastor. On the 24th, they observe a day of fasting
and prayer as preparatory to the performance of these duties.
Hunting leads in devotional service : J. Allin speaks from 1
Cor. iii. 9, then prays and addresses the brethren as to their
purpose in the business before them. He desires them to lift
their hands, if ready for Hunting's induction into office, which
they do, and if minded to obey him as their ruling elder, to give
like indication, which they also do. He addresses Hunting, and
asks him if he would discharge the obligations of his intended
place, and he replies in the affirmative. He then inquires of the
church whom they intend to aid in the work. They particular
ize the individuals already named, and empower them to pro
ceed by the erection of hands. Wheelock and E. Allin approach
the seat where J. Allin and Hunting are. Three of these hav
ing laid hands on the head of Hunting, accompanied with a
prayer and charge, J. Allin closes by these words : " In the name
of the Lord Jesus, and by his power committed to this church,
we doe ordaine thee, John Hunting, unto the office of ruling-
elder in this church of Christ." After this, Hunting "pro
ceeded to propound things to the church about Mr. John
Allin for a pastour, after the same manner as before expressed,
and after election by a generall vote of the church, and an hum
ble acceptation of the same, he, with y* other two brethren, lay
ing on hands with solemn prayer, etc., in the name of Christ
and his church did ordaine him to ye office of a pastour, which
worke being accomplished ye elders of other churches present,
by Mr. Whiting, pastour of ye church at Linn, testified ther
loue and approbation of ye proceedings of ye church by giving
to ye officers chosen j" right hand of fellowship."
On the Sabbath after these ordinations, baptism of the chil
dren is administered ; and the Sabbath next to this, the commu
nion service is attended, as follows : " The pastour, after y° ser
mon and dismission of ye assembly, inviting ye church in y"
name of Christ to such duties as concerned y" present ordinance,
being not full halfe an houre ; after which he fell to confession
and prayer sntable to y" time ; then consecrating ye bread with
a short prayer and application of y* word of institution, he
brake breade, and taking a piece out of the platter, sett it to
wards ye rest, usinge y° words of Christ, ' Take and eate ; this is
my body,' etc. After all had received, he consecrated ye cup in
ye same manner, and, drinking of it, delivered it to ye rest, and
bad them all drink of it, etc. ; which being finished, he conclud
ed wdth thanksgiving, and then sung a psahne, and dismissed ye
church with a blessing."
The custom of Dedham church was, when the pastor and

376 REPEATED DEMAND FOR THE CHARTER. „,[Mass.
ruling elder believed any persons fit to join them in covenant,
that the latter person propounded them ; and if no objection was
made, he appointed a day for the brethren to meet and examine
the candidates, and hear their profession of faith. If, after this,
no valid dissatisfaction was expressed with the candidates, the
pastor received them in the name of the church.
May 2. The position is maintained by Cotton, according to
Winthrop, that when congregations will not support their min
isters, unless required by law, their piety is on the decline.
He shows that such support should be granted by voluntary con
tributions, and not by lands, revenues, and tithes, because these
had been always attended with pride, contention, and sloth.
6. Winthrop informs us that he receives letters from Cradock,
in one of which is another communication from the lords com
missioners. These say that the petition from the Bay for the
continuance of their charter had reached them, and that they
perceived by it that there were jealousies and fears here of their
intentions, that they mean to have all plantations in subjection
to their commission, though with the allowance of their liber
ties ; that they " again peremptorily require " the charter to be
forwarded by the first ship ; that the rulers here may govern
until a new patent is sent them ; " and, withal, they added
threats of further course to be taken " with the authorities here
if they neglected to comply. Though the commissioners may
have supposed that the planters here could enjoy such liberties
as suited the meridian of London without their charter, yet the
holders of this precious document could not be convinced but
that its relinquishment would open upon them evils of oppres
sion, varied and multiplied. They had the bird in hand, and
were resolved never to let it go, unless compelled beyond their
power of resistance.
22. The demand, thus repeated, for the surrender of the doc
ument which guarantied their political and religious privileges,,
is taken into consideration by the General Court. They agree
that, as it was not regularly communicated to their chief magis
trate, they would not reply on the subject.
Maurice Tompson, merchant of London, and others, are per
mitted to revive the plantation at Gloucester. None are to in
habit there without leave of the superintendents. Thomas Rash-
ley, a member of the Boston church, is employed as their
preacher. John Smith, of Weymouth, having been fined and imprisoned,
submits, has part of his fine remitted, and is discharged, with
his surety. Richard Gridley, on acknowledging his fault and sat
isfying the court, is readmitted to the freedom of the company.
Mrs. Harding, of the former church, has her trial deferred

RESTRICTIONS ON THE STANDING COUNCIL. 377
11 next session. In the mean while, she is referred to them,
) that they may use more endeavors to rectify her opin-
>ns. She is the wife of Robert Harding, who, having made
oncessions to Mr. Wilson, is discharged. He soon goes to
Lhode Island. Richard Brown, of Watertown, whose religious
ifficulties have been related, is fined for going to Connecticut
tithout leave from the court or council. He is released the
ext month, and the town is fined for sending him thither.
A Fast is appointed, June 14, " for want of rain and help of breth-
en in distress." These appear to have been dissenters in England,
fho wished to emigrate hither, but were prevented by the royal
estrictions. Many of them moved to the Low Countries.
While the legislature considered the designation of the Fast,
hey mentioned the prevalent sins, and desired the churches to
ttempt a reformation of them.
The authorities request Peters to negotiate in Holland for five
Lundred pounds of saltpetre and forty pounds worth of' match
in the public account. It is likely, that such provision is thus
ecretly made in case of invasion by order of the lords commis-
ioners, and so that it may not come to their knowledge.
June 6. Edward Palmer, for charging what the court thought
ras too much for stuff and work of stocks which he made for
Joston, is fined five pounds, and sentenced to sit one hour in
bem. Henry Fane, having been imprisoned ten days for re-
iroachful speeches against the elders, is dismissed, and admon-
-hed to beware of the like practice, and of " his atheistical
xpressions." Among the efficient helpers of the colony, who are granted
ands for their services, are Hugh Peters, five hundred acres ;
?homas Weld, two hundred ; Peter Bulkley, three hundred ;
Thomas Allen, five hundred, " in regard of Mr. Harvard's gift ; "
ohn Wilson, one thousand, at Pequod ; and, on November 5,
ohn Norton, two hundred acres.
Lest their freedom of church as well as of state should be
tnperiled, there is a dislike of the people manifested against the
urther election of the standing council for life, who were
hosen in 1636. On this account, the legislature enact, " that
.o such counselor, so chosen, or hereafter to be chosen, shall be
ccounted a magistrate, nor that any acts of power to be done
y any such shall be of force and warrantable, except he or they
hall be chosen to some place of magistracy here by annual elec-
ion, according to the tenure of the patent ; and that no counselor
hall have power of judicature as a counselor, but as a magis-
rate, and that all ordfers which appoint any of the council to
o any act shall be intended that they shall do such things as
lagistrates, and not as counselors."
2 v 32 *

378 REVIVAL OF IMMIGRATION. ...jlVlASS.
The court empower themselves, or any two magistrates out of
their body, to decide questions about the " settling and provid
ing for poor persons," and to locate unsettled " persons and fam
ilies " in such towns as they may judge best for their mainte
nance as well as for the colony.
At this period, much alarm had prevailed here in view of
the threatening stand which the lords commissioners had taken
against this colony, because of the many adverse reports sent
home about their government, and of their neglect to deliver up
their charter. But suddenly it is lessened by the arrival of
ships from English and other ports, " with great store of people
and provisions of all sorts." Such a revival of commerce and
immigration shows that the restrictions upon them had become
ineffectual. This year, Francis, the son of Francis Higginson, deceased,
unites with the Salem church. Cotton Mather informs us that
he taught school at Cambridge, and represents him as having
made laudable acquisitions in learning ; that, being desirous to
study in Europe, he was recommended to persons in Rotterdam,
and that some Dutch merchants, out of respect for his scholar
ship, contributed eighty pounds to assist him in his studies at
Leyden. So favored, probably through the recommendation of
Hugh Peters, well acquainted in Holland, Higginson, having vis
ited several universities, went to England. Here he was invited
to settle in different places, but was ordained at Kirby-Steven,
Westmoreland. Many of his people becoming the disciples of
George Fox, he published "the first book ever written " against
them, entitled, The Irreligion of Northern Quakers. The
Magnalia says that he " was the author of a Latin treatise, De
quinque maximis Luminibus — De Luce Increata, De Luce Cre-
ata, De Lumine Natura, Gratia, et Glories ; and having illu
minated the house of God in that part of it where our Lord
had set him to shine, he went away to the light of glory," 1670,
" in the fifty-fifth year of his age."
John, son of Rev. Nathaniel Ward, comes to this country.
He was born at Haverhill, England, November 5, 1606 ; had
his A. B. in 1626, and his A. M. in 1630, at Emanuel College,
Cambridge ; was made rector of Hadley, in Suffolk, 1633, but
was obliged to leave this office, on account of his Puritan prin
ciples. After coming hither, he was ordained pastor of the new
settlers at Haverhill, in 1641, and so continued the labors of
his faithful ministry.
Jonathan Burr comes to Massachusetts with his wife and three
children. He was born 1604, at Redgfave, in Suffolk, had
pious parents, and from a child was trained up in an acquaint
ance with the Scriptures. He had his A. B. in 1623, and his

.«_-.. RAILING AGAINST ENGLAND. 379
1639.J
A». M. in 1627, at Bennet College, Cambridge ; began his min
isterial exercises at Horningsheath, in Suffolk, and then, as rec
tor, at Rickinghall, of the same county, with great acceptance
and usefulness. But unable to continue his conformity with the
requisitions of the national church, he was deposed. On this
occasion, he said, " My preaching is my life. If I be laid aside
from that, I shall quickly die." Thus impressed, he came to our
shores, that he might dispense divine truth without hinderance.
He becomes colleague, February, 1640, to Richard Mather, of
Dorchester. Having discoursed to a crowded assembly at
Charlestown, with Thomas Hooker for one of his hearers, this
divine remarked of him, " Surely, this man will not be long
out of heaven. He preaches as if he were there already."
The remark was soon verified. Taken sick, he died in ten days.
A short time before he expired, he affectionately said to his
wife, " Cast thy care upon God, for he careth for thee." His
death was on August 9, 1641, aged thirty-seven years. We
have cause to believe that he then commenced the perfect and
blessed experience of the words he had recently used in a cove
nant with the Lord, " In myself I am nothing, in Christ all
things." His widow, Frances, married Richard Dummer, of
Newbury, where she deceased November 19, 1682, aged seventy.
His children were Jonathan, John, and Simon. He crossed the
ocean with the strong wish to labor long in helping to build up
the spiritual interests of our colony, but a wise Providence called
him to a far higher and endless service.
At a Quarter Court on June 4, Samuel Norman is sentenced
to be whipped for saying that, if ministers who come hither
will but rail against England, some are sure to receive them.
June 9. Rev. Thomas Allen, who joined Boston church Jan
uary 27, is dismissed to Charlestown church. He was son of
John Allen, a dyer of Norwich, England, and was born 1608.
He had his first degree 1627, and his second 1631, at Caius
College, Cambridge. He became minister of St. Edmund's
Church, Norwich, where he was silenced in 1636 for refusing to
read the Book of Sports. He came over in 1638. His first
wife was Anne Sadler, of Patcham, Sussex, who accompanied
him hither. He afterwards married the widow of Major Rob
ert Sedgwick, who died 1656.
July 1. The Salem church* write to the Dorchester church,
through their pastor, Hugh Peters, as follows : " Reuerend and
deerly beloued in the Lord. Wee thought it our bounden duty
to acquaynt you with the names of such persons as haue had
the great censure past vpon them in this our church, with the
* Hutchinson's Manuscript Collection.

380 LETTER OF EXCOMMUNICATION. [Mass.
reasons therof ; beseeching you in the Lord not only to reade
their names in publike to yours, but also to giue vs the like no
tice of any dealt with in like manner by you, that so wee may
walke towards them accordingly ; for some of vs here haue had
communion ignorantly with such as haue bin cast out of other
churches. 2 Thes. iii. 14. Wee can doe no lesse then haue
such noted as disobey the truth.

Roger Williams and his wife,
John Throckmorton and his wife,
Thomas Olney and his wife,
Stukely Westcot and his wife,
Mary Halliman,
Widdow Reeues.

These wholly refused
to hear the church, de
nying it and all the
> churches of the Bay to
bee true churches, and
(except two) are all re-
baptized.

John Elford for obstinacy after diuers syns hee stood guilty
of and proued by witnes. William James for pride and diuers-
other euills, in which hee remayned obstinate. John Talby for
much pride and vnnaturalnes to his wife, who was lately exe
cuted for murdering her child. William Walcot for refusing
to bring his child to the ordinance, neglecting willingly family
dutyes, etc.
Thus wishing the continued enioyment of both the staues,
(Beauty and Bands,) and that your soules may flowrish as wa
tered gardens, rest yours in the Lord Jesus.
Hu : Peter,
By the churches order, and in her name."
August 30. As having a favorable effect to hinder the de
clared resolutions of the lords commissioners to enforce the sur
render of the Massachusetts charter, the General Assembly of
Scotland, being in session at Edinburgh, order the covenant,*
against the impositions of English hierarchy, to be signed
throughout their kingdom. Their Parliament, convened on the
31st, confirm the same injunction. Such a stand is not suited
to preserve their treaty with King Charles, whose forces had
recently met theirs, and a battle was prevented by an agreement
to settle their differences. Still the bishops in England are vigi
lant and active to regain the ground they had lost. They keep
a strict hand upon the Puritans in their sees, and allow no ser
mons with the prominent doctrines of Calvinism.
Our ministers make the succeeding replies, for substance, to
the thirty-two questions on the 278-282 pages of this volume.
" 1. ' All the English and others also are freely admitted to
be present in our congregations,' when engaged in public wor
ship. ' In the churches in the Bay, we may truly say, that for
* Neal's Puritans. Salmon. Rushworth.

„,,.., THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES. 381
1639.] the heads of families, those that are admitted are far rhore in
number than the other, besides whom there are likewise sundry
children and servants that are admitted.' Only persons who
give evidence of piety are allowed to unite with our churches.
2. As to quality, godliness, number, no more than ' in the
days of the New Testament, but so many as may meet in one
congregation,' and form the uniting of visible Christians into
one body by a holy covenant.
3. ' Church privileges do not belong to believers, as such,
but only to such as withall are members of some particular
church.' 4. ' We do not believe that baptism doth make men mem
bers of the church, nor that it is to be administered to them
that are without the church as the way and means to bring
them in, but to them that are within the church, as a seal to
confirm the covenant of God unto them.'
5, 6. ' When parents are admitted ' to the church, ' their
children are thereupon baptized.' For the latter to partake of
the Lord's supper, and share in all other privileges of the church
when of suitable age and experience, they must publicly pro
fess their faith, and own the covenant. We are not prepared to
say ' how long children should be counted under age, or whether
orphans are not to be admitted with their guardians. We should
be willing to hear your judgment therein, as having of our
selves hitherto had no occasion to search into these questions ;
only this we think, that one certain rule cannot be given for all.
God gives experience and maturity of natural understanding
and spiritual sooner to some than others.'
7. We baptize children, one or both of whose parents is or
are members of the church. We should be glad to hear from
you on 1 Cor. vii. 14, which seems, in our opinions, thus to limit
such 'federal sanctity.'
8. We hear candidates for admission to the church ' speak
concerning the gift and grace of justifying faith in their souls,
and the manner of God with them in working it in their hearts ;
we hear them speak what they do believe concerning the doc
trine of faith. Hereby we would prevent the creeping in of
any into the church, that may be infected with corrupt opinions ; '
having done this and being approved, they ' openly profess
their subjection to the gospel of Christ, and to all the ordi
nances of God in that church ' with which they unite, and
they also engage not to leave such church without permission
from its members.
9. We hold that the churches of England, who believe the
Thirty-nine Articles, and ' bind themselves and their children to
continue therein,' are true churches, though they may have their

382 CHOICE AND DEPOSITION OF MINISTERS. [Mass.
deficiencies. But we are not without fear of other, churches,
who have been corrupted as to ' constitution, worship, discipline,
and ministry.' ' If we were in England, we should willingly
join in some parts of God's true worship, and, namely, in
hearing the word where it is truly preached.'
10. We have never known such cases entirely as you partic
ularize. Persons noted for piety, who, when coming hither,
were not allowed to commune with our churches, brought no
testimonial from the church to which they belonged. ' If the
things you mention were all to be found, yet it would be also
requisite, if they would partake of church ordinances with us,
and yet not join to any of our churches, that we should know
the congregation itself, from which they come, not only to be a
true church, but also what manner of one it is.' A main rea
son why some godly men from England have not been received
to our church ordinances is, that we know not the churches
to which they belonged, nor did such members have any rec
ommendation from them. At the same time, sojourners from
adjacent colonies among us have been admitted to commune
with us, because of our better acquaintance with their churches.
When any of them come to reside with us, ' they are not re
ceived into our churches but upon the very terms and in the
same manner as men are received that come from England,
viz., upon personal profession of their faith, and entering into
church covenant ; and the same we say of such as come from
any of the churches in other countries.'
11. 'Standing in parish assemblies, where a man shall and
must conform to the corruptions of men in doctrine or worship,
or the government of the church, is not lawful for any to be
continued in. To live in the want of an ordinance of Christ is
not lawful, nor can be done safely without sin of them to whom
the providence of God doth open a door of further enlarge
ment.' 12. Though every true believer should be united with some
visible church, when in a situation to do it properly, yet there
may be such as are not so connected, and yet are members of the
invisible church.
13. Every church substantially acquainted with the doctrines
of Scripture may choose and depose their ministers, with the
assistance of churches in communion with them, by way of ad
vice, and not of authority.
14. The words of Christ, ' Where two or three are gathered
together in my name, do plainly imply, that if there be a great
er number than two or three, whom they, being not satisfied in
the answer of an offender, may appeal unto, and in so doing
tell the church, such a small number may be a church, and may

MORELLIAN ORDER OF CHURCHES. 383
have the blessing of his presence to be among them.' Though
a small church may not have the ability to exercise government
which a larger one has, yet they have a similar right. Of
course, the former, as a general thing, would need more advice
than the latter in difficult questions.
15. ' A government merely popular or democratical (which
divines or orthodox writers do so much condemn in Morellius)
is far from the practice of these churches. When this question
demandeth whether we give the exercise of all church power
of government to the whole congregation .[church], or ' to the
presbyters thereof alone, our answer is, Neither thus nor so ;
neither all to the people, excluding the presbyter, nor all to the
presbytery, excluding the people. The calling of assemblies
and dismissing of the same again ; the ordinary preaching of
the word, which is done by way of office, and being the people's
mouth unto God in prayer ; dispensing of baptism and the
Lord's supper ; permitting any to speak in an orderly way, and
again enjoining silence ; putting matters to vote, and pronouncing
of sentence in the censure of offenders ; or receiving in of peni
tents after their fall, and blessing of the people in the name of
the Lord, — these are acts of church government, which the
presbyters may do according to the word, and another may not
do without breach of order.' Presbyters, in the performance
of their duty, can do nothing but what the church should ap
prove. They should rule as stewards. This they do more than
other members, inasmuch ' as acting is more than consenting.'
They govern all the flock over whom the Holy Ghost hath
made them overseers.
16. Women do not vote in our church concerns.
17. ' The major part of the church, yea, usually the whole
church, do consent and agree in one judgement. If the elders
and major part of the church consent in one conclusion, yet if
any brother dissent, he is patiently heard, and his alledgements
of Scripture or good reasons are duly weighed ; if it appear
that his judgement is according to the rule, the whole church
will readily yield, though before they were otherwise minded.
But if it appear they who dissent from the major part are
factiously or partially carried, the rest labor to convince them
of their error by the rule. If they yield, the consent of all
comfortably concurreth in the same. If they still continue ob
stinate, they are admonished ; and so standing under censure,
their vote is nullified. If they, without obstinate opposition of
the rest, do dissent still, yet refer the matter to the judgement
of the major part of the body, they are not wont to proceed to
sentence (if the matter be weighty, as in excommunication) till
the reasons on both sides have been duly pondered, and all

384 PLATFORM OF DOCTRINE AND DISCIPLINE. [Mass.
brotherly means have been used for mutual information and con
viction. If the difference still continue, the sentence (if the
matter be weighty) is still demurred, even till other churches
have been consulted with, who, in such a case, will send their
elders to communicate their apprehensions and hght, which they
do not pro imperio, binding the church to rest in their dictates,
but by propounding their' grounds from the Scripture. These
courses, with God's presence and blessing, (which usually ac
company his ordinance,) faithfully taken and followed, will pre
vail either to settle one unanimous consent in the thing, or, at
least, to preserve peace in the church by the dissenter's submis
sion to the judgment of the major part.'
18. ' As for a platform of doctrine and discipline,' it may be
lawful and expedient, in some cases, for ' churches to compile
and set forth ' such a document. But if you mean that such a
platform shall be imposed on all to the very letter, without the
least shade of difference among them, then we are doubtful
whether it ' be lawful or expedient.' ' The consociation of
churches into classes and synods we hold to be lawful, and, in
some cases, necessary. But when you speak of doing no weigh
ty matter without the consent of classes, we dare not so far re
strain particular churches, as fearing this would be to give the
classes an undue power. The sentence ' of classes or synod, or
council, ' is of itself only of advice, not of compulsion or con
straint, and brings with it a judgment ministerial, not authority
of itself, nor necessity. Whereunto we do wholly consent.'
19. Each church should adopt the laws of Christ for its gov
ernment. Such ' laws do oblige all the members, and may not
be omitted without sin.'
20. ' The outward calling of a minister consisteth properly
and essentially in election by the people. We look at ordina
tion by imposition of hands as a solemn investing of men into
their places, whereto they have right and calling by election.
Ordination depends upon election, as the inauguration of a magis
trate depends upon election, succession, or some other constitu
tional equivalent. The right of imposition of hands is not abso
lutely necessary to the essence of a pastor, any more than the
coronation to the essence of a kins:.'
21. Ordination of ministers is a public act, and they who per
form it cannot be called private persons in that action. Breth
ren of a church elect their officers, and, as this is greater than
ordination, they may ordain their ministers. ' If a church have
ministers or elders before, then this ordination is to be per
formed by the elders of the church and in their assembly, as also
many other acts are to be performed by them. This ordination,
thus performed by the elders for the church, may fitly be called

DUTIES OF PASTOR AND TEACHER. 385
1639.]
the act of the whole church. But when a church hath no offi
cers, but the first officers themselves are to be ordained, then
this ordination by the rite of imposing hands may be performed
for the church by the most prime, grave, and able men from
among themselves, as the church shall depute hereunto.'
22. Pastor and teacher have various duties in common. Both
preach by way of doctrine and application, and administer the
seals. Still there is a difference between them. The teacher
' is principally to attend upon points of knowledge and doc
trine, though not without application,' and therefore his work
is ' thus expressed, Let him attend on teaching ; ' but the pas
tor's principal duty is to preach on ' points of practice, though
not without doctrine,' and hence his work is ' to attend on ex
hortation.' 23. While our ruling elders are accounted worthy of double
honor, especially so are our preaching elders.
24, 25. Answered in those 'sent the last year.'
26." ' We do believe that every minister of the gospel ought
to be maintained with sufficient and honorable maintenance, ac
cording to his need and occasions, in regard of his person, call
ing, charge of children, and hospitality, not as alms, but as a
debt, to be paid, according to the rule of justice, from year to
year.' 27. We think it proper for laymen, who are qualified, to
prophesy before the congregation when occasion requires, as the
absence or ill health of ministers.
28. .Ministers do not call on their people in time of public
worship to ask questions, though some think it right for hearers
to do this, while others entertain a different opinion. ' True it
is, in the times a little afore the synod, divers that were infected
with corrupt opinions were very bold and forward in this kind
of asking questions after sermons, especially when they heard
something delivered publicly that did make against their tenets.
But now these men are (the greatest part of them) to an island
(called Aquedneck) departed from amongst us. A man may
now live from one end of the year to another in these congrega
tions, and not hear any man open his mouth in such kind of
asking questions.'
29. ' To restrain the efficacy of God's word in such sort as to
say that none can be converted by it unless he that speaks it be
a minister, is to limit the Spirit of the Lord where he hath not
limited himself, who is free in working by whom he will and
as he will.'
30. In ' the substantial or general circumstances, for aught
we know, there is no material point, either in point of constitu
tion or government, wherein the churches of New England do
2w 33

386 DRINKING HEALTHS -DRESS. [Mass.
not observe the same course, only that conformity to the litur
gy and ceremonies in some places to the northward, that Ana-
baptism at Providence, and Familism at Aquedneck, hinders
that we cannot say the same of them.'
31. 'Who must have liberty to sit down in this common
wealth, and enjoy the liberties thereof, is notour place to deter
mine, but the magistrates', who are the rulers and governors of
the commonwealth, and of all persons within the same. If that
discipline which we here practice be (as we are persuaded of
it) the same which Christ hath appointed, and therefore unalter
able, we see not how another can be lawful ; and therefore, if
a company of people shall come hither, and here set up and
practice another, we pray you think not much if we cannot
promise to approve of them in so doing, especially until we see
how approvable the men may be, and what discipline it is that
they would set up.'
32. ' This was answered, in the answer to Positions 1 and 2,
sent unto you the last year.' "
September 1. Philip, admitted to Boston church, as the widow
Hammond, now wife to Robert Harding, is excommunicated
" for having said in open court, that Mrs. Hutchinson neither
deserved the censure which was put upon her in the church nor
in the common weal."
3. John Kitchen is fined ten shillings, at a Quarter Court, for
showing books to .others which he was ordered to leave with
the governor and no one else. Thomas Lechford, for conversing
with a jury out of court, is debarred from pleading any cause
except his own, and " admonished not to meddle beyond what
he shall be called to " by the authorities. This was probably
the cause which induced him to hasten his departure for Eng
land, and- of the publication of his remarks on our colonies.
9. At a session of the legislature, adjourned to this date,
the subsequent transactions are recorded : The order relative
to excommunicated persons is repealed. As the drinking of
healths leads to habits considered unfavorable, especially to new
churches and plantations, ordered, that no person of this juris
diction, nor any other, who shall come hither, (after one week's
residence here,) shall indulge in such a practice on penalty of
twelve pence for every offence. While measures are proposed
to hinder extravagance in dress, the ensuing remarks are made
of those who profess religion : " Whereas some have bene
greived that such excesses were presented to the courte, which
concerned the members of churches befor the parties had bene
dealt with at hoame, intimating thereby that the churches would
(vpon notice of those abuses in apparell) have taken such course
as would have reformed their members, and so have prevented
the trouble of the courte, — this court hath therefore thought

PUBLISHMENT OF INTENDED MARRIAGE. 387
1639.] fitt (in the great confidence it hath of the care and faithfulness
of the churches) to stay all proceedings vpon the said present
ments, in expectation that the officers and members of all the
churches, haveing now cleare knowledg both of the said disor
ders in apparell and the resolution of the court, to attaine a gen-
erall reformation, will speedily and effectually proceede against
all offenders in this kinde, and that they will also (from observa
tion of our proneness to follow new fashions, and to fall to ex
cessive costliness in attire) keepe the more strict watch over all
sorts for time to come ; and this court doth hereby intimate to
all whom it may concerne, (of what quality or estate soever
they may bee,) that all such persons as, after all these admonir
tions and forbearances, shall obstinately persist in their excesses
in this kind, shalbe looked at as contemners of authority, and re-
gardles of the publike weale, and must expect to bee proceeded
against by the strictest course of iustice as their offences shall
deserve." Intention of marriage is to be published three times, at public
lectures or otherwise, so that it may be known for fourteen days.
The hopes of the college for the church are clouded by diffi
culty with Nathaniel Eaton, its principal. He had severely cor
rected his usher, Nazareth Briscoe, for which and other circum
stances, he is fined and displaced from his trust.
The prejudices of the most in Boston church against the few
who opposed the opinions of Anne Hutchinson and Wheelwright
had subsided.
September 15. Edward Norris, a minister, who had joined
Boston church July 21, and his wife, Eleanor, who united with
it 18th of August, have leave * "to resyde at Salem, whether
he hath bene often invited, and hath there a house hyred for him
iand his."
He published " Temporal Blessings are to be asked with Sub
mission to the Will of God," against Rice Boye and JohnTrask,
and " A Discovery of the late Dangerous Errors " of the latter,
in London, 1636, and " The New Gospel not the True Gospel,
or the Unmasking of J. Trask, a Seducer," in the same city, 1638.
Trask speaks of Norris as having lived at Tedbury [Tetbury]
and Horsleigh, both of Gloucestershire, as a teacher of youth as
well as a minister, as instrumental in sending many of his peo
ple to New England, as being much in Bristol for this and other
purposes, and a sufferer for his non-conformity.
September 17. A branch of the Boston church, at Mount
Wollaston, withdraw their relation, and are regularly formed.
William Tompson and Henry Flint are chosen for their minis-
* Boston Church Records.

388 ARMS RESTORED TO THE ANTINOMIANS. [Mass.
ters. The former was ordained 19th of the next November as
pastor, and the latter, having joined Boston church November
15, 1635, and been dismissed from it August 11, 1639, is
ordained March 17, 1640, as teacher.
Johnson, referring to their people's inclination to Wheel
wright's sentiments, says that they "are purged, by their
industry, from the sour leven of those sinful opinions that
begun to spread, and if any remain among them, it is very
covert." Nathaniel Eaton, the first principal teacher of Harvard Col
lege, had left such an office by the latter part of this year. He
had his birth in England, in 1609, emigrated hither by 1636,
and was received a member of Cambridge church. He was
brother to Governor Eaton, of New Haven. Prior to his leav
ing England, he had united with the Jesuits, but was drawn
from them by his friends. The chief ground of objection to
him was his severe discipline. After he left the college, he
soon departed for Virginia. Here he sent for his wife and chil
dren. They embarked, except one son, Benoni, on board of a
vessel, and were never more seen or heard from. The manner
of his subsequent life and exit is unknown.
November 5. The elders and freemen of each town are to
examine * the " moddles " of laws presented to the General
Court. All the men who were disarmed as Antinomians, and
who remained in the colony, carrying themselves peaceably,
shall have their arms restored to them.
On petition of Colchester, afterwards Salisbury, William
Worcester and Samuel Dudley are designated on a committee
for the direction of its affairs. The first was made freeman
May 13, and the second October 7, 1640. They were minis
ters of the church there, formed about 1638. Mr. Worcester-
is supposed to have come from Salisbury in England. Mr. Dud
ley was son of Governor Thomas Dudley, born 1606, and is
thought to have come over with his father in 1630. Both of
them cherished and practised high motives of duty and useful
ness in their sacred calling.
26. Relative to a member f of the Boston church, we have
this entry : " Being a clay of publique fast for our congregation,
our brother was admonisht by our pastor in ye name of y°
church, for selling his wares at excessive rates, to yB dishonour
of God's name, ye offence of ye General Court, and ye publique
scandall of ye country." With regard to another, who ab
sented himself on this occasion, the subsequent notice is taken
on the 15th of the next month : " He did not onely absent
* General Court Records. f Boston Church Records.

LECTURES LEFT TO THE CHURCHES. 389
himself y' day without iust cause, but did also take liberty to
spend part of ye day in feasting and sporting at quoytes abroad,
and y' in y° companyof such whereof some of ym were scanda
lous." December. There had been disagreement in opinion* between
the legislature and the elders about lectures. These were fre
quent, and in part of the churches " were held till night, and
sometimes within the night, so as such as dwelt far off could
not get home in due season, and many weak bodies could not
endure so long, in the extremity of heat and cold, without great
trouble and hazard of their health." Therefore General Court
desired that the elders would consult with the magistrates and
deputies on the subject. Most of the ministers and others con
sidered this proposal as an interference with their ecclesiastical
liberties ; so that a meeting, appointed at Salem, was not held,
and at another in Boston, the elders of the Bay expressed their
dissatisfaction. The court explained that they had no intention
to abridge the power of the churches, but what they purposed
was for the good of the commonwealth. Thus they satisfied
the ministers, and both agreed " that their church assemblies
might ordinarily break up in such season as people that dwell
a mile or two off might get home by daylight." At their next
May session, the court repealed their order for a conference
about lectures, and left them to the direction of the churches.
Ezekiel Rogers is ordained at Rowley. In compliance with
Cotton's advice, a voluntary contribution is ordered to be col
lected in Boston quarterly, for maintaining their ministers.
" The note thereof remaineth with the deacons." Such a mode
lasted a considerable period of years in that place.
3. The legislature f allow Charlestown meeting house to accom
modate the town watch. Margaret Hindersam is sentenced " to
stand in the market-place of Boston, with a paper," next market
day, for misbehavior, and her husband is required to give bond
of five pounds for her good conduct, and that he will bring her,
at the hour appointed, to the premises of her punishment.
17. Governor Winthrop having made a present of the green
to set a new meeting house on, and a majority of Boston being
in favor of the change, a spirited discussion arose between them
and others, who had purchased land and built in the market
place, because the house of worship was there. The former
reply to this argument as follows : " The standing of ye meeting
howse in the market-place hath bin to ye young beginnings of
trading as a nurse to a- child, or as a prop to some tender plant
to vphold it from falling. Yet once in seaven yeares, without
* Winthrop. t General Court Records.
33*

390 PROVISION FOR POOR BRETHREN. [Mass.
y0 nurse or prop, the child will goe, the tender plant will stand
alone. So are we perswaded that the Lord will not suffer any
decaying in trading to be found or complained of by our breth
ren, but that He who hath strengthened their hands and wayes
will not withdraw his blessing from ym, though the meeting
howse stand a little further from ym to helpe forward the same
ends in another place." The proposal for a new location for
the sanctuary was accomplished.
December 26. Gyles Fyrmin,* of Ipswich, addresses a letter
to Governor Winthrop, from which we have several passages :
" My father-in-law, Ward, since his sonne came over, is very
desirous that wee might sett down together, and so that he
might leave us together if God should remove him from hence.
The gaines of physick will not finde mee with bread." He
then speaks of a plan for a new settlement, which was effected
the next year : " I am strongly sett upon to studye divinitie."
This he did, and thus greatly extended the sphere of his use
fulness. In the manuscript treatise of John Cotton, dated this year,
on the Doctrine of the Church, we have the following pas
sages, to show his impressions of several subjects which received
much attention in that period : " Nationall, provinciall, and
diocesan churches are such as ye people never heard of in y°
New Testament. A pastor or teacher is of one church, and no
more ; therefore non-residence is against ye rule of Christ. The
worke of the pastor is to attend to exhortation, and therein to
dispense a word of wisdome. But ye teacher's office is to at
tend vnto doctrine, and therein to dispence a word of knowledge.
Ye office of ye ruling elders is to assist ye pastors and teachers
in diligent attendance to all other acts of rule besides exhorta
tion and doctrine, as becomes good stewards of ye household of
God. The office of a deacon is to receive the offerings of y*
church, which are brought vnto ym and laid downe before y™,
and therewith to serve tables, distributing with simplicity, not
onely to ye ministers of ye church, but to any other of yc breth
ren, as their need shall require. Deacons [are] to cast about
how all ye tables of ye congregation may be provided for, not
onely ye Lord's table and yB officers, but also the tables of y"
poore brethren, who, though they make not knowne their owne
necessity, yet ye deacons' care should be to see that they be pro
vided for in all things sufficient for this naturall life, and there
fore to provide that they may have gardens and planting grounds,
etc., by which they may live. Widdows of threescore years of
age, well reported of for good workes, are to be taken into yB
* Hutchinson's Collections.

,„_,_., COVENANT — PURITAN SONG. 391
loo9.]number of deacons. This was the practice of ye primitive
church long after ye apostles' times." They who are to be
received as members of the church " are called of God out of
ye world vnto ye fellowship of Jesus Christ, and doe willingly
offer and ioyne themselves first to ye Lord, and yn to ye church
by confession of their sins, and profession of faith, and laying
hold of his holy covenant."
The same author writes on " y° covenant which a company
doe enter into when they become a church, and which a particu
lar person enters into when he becomes a member of a church.
We doe not say simply, a covenant makes a company a true
church, but a covenant to walke in such wayes of worship of
God and edification of one another as y* gospell of Christ re-
quireth. For who doubts but there may be a confederation
among Papists, especially since ye councell of Trent. But y
religion of ye Papists is so farr from trueth yfc whosoever liveth
and beleeueth according to it without repentance cannot be
saved. Witnesse their doctrine in y° point of villifying yG
Scriptures, in ye point of freewill and of justification by works,
of ye pope's supremacy, of ye sacrifice of ye masse, of worship
ping of images. Agreement in such a religion will never prove
ym to be true churches, nor any assemblies of Arrians, Anti-
trinitaryes, Anabaptists or Familists."
The objector says to us, " When you were in England, you
were not of this mind, and therefore no marvile if you change,
since your coming to New England be suspected and offensive."
We answer, " Some of vs, when we were in England, through
ye mercy of God, did see ye necessity of church covenant, and
did also preach it to the people amongst whom we ministred,
though neither so soone nor soe fully as were meete, for which
we have cause to be humbled, and to judge ourselves before ye
Lord." Speaking of the desire entertained by the non-conformists
in England for emigration to our shores, Hanbury remarks that
our land " was chiefly, in their eye, a Puritan plantation from
the beginning, and therefore fitter for the growth of the Zuin-
glian or Calvinian gospel than any country whatever." He then
quotes from the Rump, being a collection of poems and songs
for the times, several stanzas, with the caption, " The Zealous
Puritan, 1639." From these we have the following lines as a
sample : — " My brethren all, attend ye !
And list to my relation.
This is the day — mark what I say —
Tends to your renovation.
Stay not among the wicked,
Lest that here,, with them, you perish ;
But let us to — New England go,
And the pagan people cherish."

392 PROCEEDINGS AGAINST GORTON. [Plym.

PLYMOUTH.
1638, September 4. An event occurs which greatly tries the
friends of moral and religious reform : Arthur Peach, Thomas
Jackson, Richard Stinnings, and Daniel Cross are tried for kill
ing Penowanyauquis, an Indian at Misquamsquece, and took
from him five fathoms of wampum, and three coats of woollen
cloth. Cross made his escape. The first three were condemned
and hung. Christopher Winter, of Scituate, for " pubhshing
himself in marriage with Jane Cooper contrary to order," is
fined ten shillings.
December 4. Eight -persons are fined at Scituate for illegally
receiving strangers into their houses. Samuel Gorton, of
Plymouth, is arraigned. The record says, that for his misde
meanor, in open court, towards the elders, the bench, and stirring
up the people to mutiny, he is sentenced to pay twenty pounds,
give bonds for good behavior, and depart from the colony in
fourteen days. As he could find no sureties that he would keep
the peace, he is committed. Morton says that this is done be
cause "he carried so mutinously and seditiously." Winslow 's
Hypocrisy Unmasked gives particulars as follows : " When Gor
ton came to Plymouth, Rev. Mr. Smith offered him and his
family the use of his house without any charge. Tired with
his deportment, Smith requested him to find another tenement ;
but Gorton " refused, sayeing hee had as good intrist in the
house as Mr. Smith had." Another count was, that a woman of
his acquaintance, who came to Plymouth, was charged with
" vnworthy and ofenciue speeches and carriages." The govern
or commanded her to leave the jurisdiction ; but Gorton said
" shee should not goe," and he hid her. For this he was com
mitted till he could procure sureties for his good behavior "till
ye next court." When this body sat, while one of the Assist
ants stated facts, Gorton, " stretching out his hand toward his
face, sayd with a loud voyce, ' If Sathan will accuse ye brethien,
let him come down, from Jehoshuah's right hand and stand here,'
and turned himself to ye people, and sayd, with his armes spread,
' Ye see, good people, how ye are abused : stand for your liberty,
and let them not bee partys and judges."'
Among those whom Gorton prevailed on to embrace his
principles were John Weeks and his wife. These, as Morton
relates, having soon become atheists, and being cast out of
Plymouth church, went to Rhode Island.
1639, February 12. Desirous to keep from their limits de
nominations differing from themselves, as the disciples of Gor
ton, the government empower several persons, relative to the

DISFRANCHISEMENT OF FREEDOM. 393
1689.]
formation of plantations and churches. They observe, " Where
as, by reason of distance, we cannot so well see to the receiving
in of such persons as may be fit to live together in the fear of
God and obedience to our sovereign lord, the king, in peace and
love, as become Christian people," we require, " that all of them
be conscientiously faithful to receive in peaceable and faithful
people," and to dispose of them as Providence may seem to
direct. March. Emigrants from Sandwich begin a settlement at Yar
mouth. Matthews became their minister.
About this spring, a majority of Lothrop's church leave Scit
uate, and locate themselves at Barnstable. The previous year,
they obtained permission " for the seating of a township for a
congregation" at Seipican, afterwards Rochester ; but they
changed their purpose. By June 4, they had so far progressed
in the arrangement of their municipal concerns as to have a
constable appointed by the court. Their pastor did not join
them till the 11th of October.
The relation of William Vassall and others gives the ensuing
facts as to events at Scituate. Before Mr. Lothrop and the
greater part of his church left that town for Barnstable, in 1639,
they assembled with the rest, so that they might leave the latter
in a church state. The pastor desired those who wished to re
main in this manner to show themselves, and they were eight
brethren. Then he propounded to the majority whether they
judged these men fit to be left as a church by themselves, and
they gave an affirmative answer. The pastor said to those who
purposed to remain behind, that they must enter into covenant,
according to the word of God. To this they agreed. When the
pastor began to declare this decision, on the Sabbath, one of the
eight brethren desired him to forbear, without any consent of
the others. Afterwards a day was set apart, when these persons
were declared to be a church. Such a transaction was published
by the pastor on the Lord's day. The church so constituted
communed with other churches, and called and settled Mr.
Chauncey. September 3. The committee of Sandwich are required to
appear before the Court of Assistants and answer the following
complaint : that, contrary to the confidence reposed in them,
they had received into their township various persons unfit for
church fellowship, so " that, without speedy remedy, our chief
end will be utterly frustrated." The committee are forbidden
to dispose of any more land until further instruction from the
court. A man, for intemperance, is disfranchised of his freedom.
25. According to the relation of Morton, Massasoit and his
son come to the General Court, and request that the league
a T

394 CHARTER — PEARL FISHERY. IW
[iVlE.
between him and them may be continued. The sagamore and
his son promise that they and their subjects will conduct peace
ably with other Indians, and will not dispose of their lands
without the consent of the authorities in this colony. On the
other hand, these obligate themselves to defend such allies
against all who shall unjustly deal with them. This was a _re-
newed encouragement to those who hoped and prayed that the
gospel might be sanctified to the dark-minded heathen.

MAINE.

1639, January 4. Walter Barret, Walter Sandy, and Company,
of Bristol, merchants, desire leave to send over one hundred and
eighty persons, who are conformists, to their settlement, and state
they " have disbursed great charges for many years in settling
of a plantation."
April 3. After anxious delay, Sir F. Gorges obtains a charter
of Maine * with the royal seal. It includes the north half of
the Isles of Shoals, Nantucket, and Martha's Vineyard. He,
as lord palatine of the province, immediately gives public notice
that if any companies would emigrate hither, they shall have
sufficient lands secured to them, on condition of paying annually
a quitrent from two shillings to two shillings sixpence for one
hundred acres, and that individuals may come and have lands
assigned them at fourpence or sixpence an acre, according to
situation. The territory and population are incorporated by
the charter as " The Province or County of Maine." This doc
ument allows Gorges, his heirs, and assigns to have full control
of their grant, in its civil, judicial, ecclesiastical, and all other
concerns, on conditions of supreme fealty, the annual payment
of one quarter of wheat, and besides the usual reservation of
one fifth of the silver and gold which may be discovered, the
same proportion of " pearle fishings," to and for the crown.
Making provision for the establishment of the Episcopal religion
here, it gives them power to regulate " all patronadges and
advowsons, free disposicons and donacons of all and every such
churches and chappels as shall be erected within the said prov
ince." It says, " Our will and pleasure is, that the religion now
professed in the church of England, and ecclesiastical govern
ment now vsed in the same, shall be ever hereafter professed,
and, with as much convenient speed as may bee, settled and
* York County Records. 'Gorges's New England. Williamson.

,._.. DISCOVERY OF BUEDET'S LETTER. 395
looy.J
established in and throughout the said province and premisses,
and every of them." It permits the proprietor or his agents to
form and name cities and manors, and to keep in the latter
courts leet and courts baron. It empowers them to fit out war
like fleets. It forbids any to trade or reside here without their
leave. Indeed, the charter is so ample in its privileges to Gor
ges, he could reasonably ask no more, even as the governor
general of all New .England. The king and his council, in de
vising and expressing its contents, very probably purposed to
have Maine for his residence in such an office to which they had
appointed him, and would have done it, had they beeii able, by
their threats, to drive Massachusetts from the resolve to main
tain her Congregational forms, doctrines, and liberties, even by
tile last resort of defensive force. A supposition of this kind
is confirmed by a similar proposal with regard to this province,
years before.
From the sequel, it appears that Gorges concluded to reserve
the supreme power to himself, and govern the province through
a council of ^even, dependent on his own choice, and a house
of deputies, elected by the counties.
Of the officers whom he designates are a master of ordnance,
an admiral, and chancellor. Among his social divisions are hun
dreds, parishes, and tithings. " Every hundred shall have two
head constables, and every parish one constable and four tything
men." Evidently Gorges meant that his jurisdiction should be
an imitation .of England in its laws, in the rank and titles of its
population, and in its usages of church and state, so far as a
province could copy its parent kingdom.
May 6. Some person, having occasion to visit the library of
Burdet, and discovering a copy of his letter to the archbishops,
forwarded it to the governor of Massachusetts, who gives the
account. This communication stated that its author delayed re
turning to England, because he was desirous to become more fully
acquainted with the purposes of the colonists in respect to their
allegiance. It further remarked, " that it was not discipline
that was now so much aimed at as sovereignty ; and that it was
accounted perjury and treason in our General Courts to speak
of appeals to the king." By the earliest arrivals from England
letters are brought to Burdet from the same dignitaries, with
thanks for the interest he takes in their policy with regard to
Massachusetts, and remarking, that when they are less occupied
by national difficulties, they will rectify the abuses charged upon
that colony.
July 21. Gyles Elbridge, merchant of Bristol, has a permit
to send over eighty passengers to his plantation.
22. As an occurrence calculated to counteract the plan of

396 FAREWELL OF SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. ...
[JMe.
Gorges and the court supporters in England, with regard to his
province, Thomas Purchase conveys the territory of Pejepscot,
on both sides of the Androscoggin River, to the Massachusetts
Company, reserving certain privileges to himself, family, and
heirs. September 2. Gorges signs a commission for the council of
Maine. These are Sir Thomas Josselyn, Richard Vines, of
Saco, Henry Josselyn, of Black Point, Francis Champernoon,
of Kittery, Richard Bonython, of Saco, William Hook, of
York, and Edward Godfrey, of Piscataqua. As the first per
son, who did not come to this country, declined, Thomas Gorges
was substituted the 10th of next March. This successor was
cousin to Sir Ferdinando, who called Champernoon his nephew.
The commission requires each one of these officers to take oat*h
of faithfulness to the proprietor, part of which is, " I will not
conceal from him and his council any matter of conspiracy or
mutinous practice against my said lord, his heirs and assigns ;
but will, instantly after my knowledge thereof, discover the same
unto him and his said council, and seek to prevent it, and by all
means prosecute the authors thereof, with all severity according
to justice." After relating his experience as to his long and arduous ef
forts to settle New England, Sir Ferdinando remarks, " Being
now seized of what I had travelled for above forty yeares, to
gether with the expences of many thousand pounds, and the
best time of my age loaden with troubles and vexations from all
parts, I will now give you an account in what order I have
setled my affaires in that my province of Maine." He then pro
ceeds to mention the substance of what has been already given.
As about to be involved in the civil commotions of his native
country, which soon prevent his active energies from being em
ployed in American affairs, and terminated his earthly career,
we quote the pertinent adieu of so good and great a man :
" But I end and leave all to him who is the onely Author of all
goodnesse, and knowes best his owne time to bring his will to
be made manifest, and appoints his instruments for the accom
plishing thereof, to whose pleasure it becomes every one of us
to submit ourselves, as to the mighty God, and great and gra
cious Lord, to whome all glory doth belong."
4. An event, contained in Winthrop, had recently transpired,
which illustrates the protective influence of reading the Bible.
Thomas Willet commanded the trading plantation of Plymouth
at Kennebec. He had large quantities of provision. The ad
jacent Indians were much in want of it, and conspired to kill
him and his men, that they might take and carry it away. Some
of them enteied the room where he was reading the Scriptures.

1639.1

HIERARCHAL CORRESPONDENCE. 397

The subject presented to him on the sacred page made a solemn
impression on his heart, which appeared evidently in his coun
tenance. With this aspect he raised his eyes upon them.
They instantly retreated, and told their confederates without,
that they knew the captain had discovered their treachery, be
cause he looked so seriously.
November 19. William Tompson, whose gospel labors had
been much blessed at York, is settled at Braintree.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1638, September 6. Massachusetts legislature give leave to
the following persons to begin a plantation at Winnacunet,
afterwards Hampton : " Mr. Stephen Batchelor, Christopher Hus-
sey, widow Mary Hussey, Thomas Crumwell, Samuel Skullard,
John Osgood, John Crosse, Samuel Greenfield, John Molton,
Thomas Molton, William Estow, William Palmer, William Ser-
gant, Richard Swayne, William Sanders, Robert Tucke, with
diverse others." Of these, Batchelor was afterwards chosen for
their pastor. Timothy Dalton, who received his A. B. at St.
John's College, Cambridge, in 1613, is soon associated with him
as teacher. The cause of Puritanism, for which he left the en
dearments of -his native land, he faithfully sustained in his newly-
adopted country.
November. In compliance with legislative instruction, as
Winthrop relates, he wrote to Burdet, Wiggin, and others, of
Dover. He stated that the authorities of the Bay objected to
their " entertaining and countenancing " some whom they " had
cast out," as an infringement on the friendly relations which
had existed between the people of this place and Massachusetts.
Burdet returned an uncivil answer. As he had taken an oath
of allegiance to that colony, and was still a member of the Salem
church, it was proposed to have him summoned thither for con
tempt ; but it was concluded to let the matter rest. A reason
for this was, lest that prosecution should " ingratiate him more
with the archbishops, with whom he had intelligence." It 'was
thought best to send back the facts in the matter to Edward
Hilton, advising him and his friends to be on their guard against
the designs and proceedings of Burdet. At the same time,
Winthrop wrote to the same persons that the authorities of the
Bay could not be satisfied, if they should promote Lnderhill,
who was not only cast out from them, but that developments
had been recently made which placed him in a very unfavorable
C I
O-i

398 COMBINATION FOR RESISTANCE. -N „
Ught. But such a message was intercepted by the individuals
whom it charged as dangerous men in society. To retaliate,
they immediately forwarded information to London, as Win
throp says, discovering what they knew of " our combination to
resist any authority that should come out of England against
us." Underhill, of himself, sent a threatening message to Cot
ton, for the incipient steps taken at Boston to discipline him on
the charge of immorality, and another to the governor, in quite
a different strain, desiring pardon for his past failings, and dis
claiming every purpose of revenge. We are not to understand,
by the request made to the chief inhabitants of Dover, that
they should forbid any banished from the Bay to live among
them and share in their social privileges ; but that, in conform
ity with their professed friendliness, they should be careful not
to promote persons like Underhill, whose position was such as
to need clearing up before he should be intrusted with any pub
hc office.
1639, January 6. The Boston church records contain the
subsequent entry .: " This day dismissions granted to our breth
ren, Mr. John Wheelewright, Richard Morrys, Richard Bulgar,
Philemon Pormort, Isaac Grosse, Christopher Marshall, George
Baytes, Thomas Wardall, and William Wardall, vnto yc church
of Christ at ye Falls of Paschataqua, if they be rightly gathered
and ordered." This was done at the written request of these
individuals. It indicates that, though Wheelwright was ban
ished from the Bay because he so promoted his doctrines as to
be accounted a civil offender, and those here named with him
were of like sentiments, neither he nor they were cut off from
communion with the church at the seat of Massachusetts gov
ernment. Such facts show that ecclesiastical discipline was ex
ercised and legislative decisions were made there independently
of each other.
March. According to Winthrop, the settlers at Hampton had
been disturbed by the claims of those at Exeter, whose purchase
included the former location. He says that the General Court,
over which he presided, had seen letters, urging such a title,
and replied to the authors of them, " that they looked at this
their deahng as against good neighbourhood, religion, and com
mon honesty," because they had taken possession of the prem
ises two years before.
3. The records of the Boston church say, " Dismission grant
ed to these : sister Susanna Hutchinson, widdowe, Mary, ye wife
of Mr. Wheelwright, Lenora, ye wife of Richard Morrys, and
to Henry Elkin, our brother, and to Mary, his wife, our sister,
vnto ye church at ye Falls, now called Exeter."
5. The Court of Assistants, at the Bay, grant safe conduct to

16g9, PLOT — MISREPRESENTATION. 399
Underhill, that he may visit Boston, and be tried by the church
there for charges of an immoral nature against him. But as he
excused himself on the plea that such an allowance was not suf
ficient, he being banished by the General Court, this body, who
began their session on the 13th, allowed him like permission.
Instead of compliance, as Winthrop says, he prevailed on a new
church at Dover, who had Hanserd Knollys for their minister,
to take his part. This body, so inclined, wrote to the Boston
church in favor of Underhill, whom they style " their honoured
governour ; all which notwithstanding," he is " proceeded with."
The legislature of Massachusetts addressed the chief inhabit
ants* of Pascataquack, and sent them a copy of his letter,
wherein he " professeth himself to be an instrument ordained of
God for " their " ruin, to know whether it were with their
privity and consent that he sent such a defiance." The people
of Portsmouth and Dover, thus questioned, replied, that they
had no hand in the policy of Underhill, and that they were
ready to have him tried whenever proper witnesses should come
forward. They desired one thing — that no military force
should be sent to take him.
May 22. The Bay legislature allow Winnacunet to be a town,
choose their officers, make regulations for themselves, and send
a deputy to their body. Such privileges tend to weaken the
claims of Wheelwright and his company.
July. The copy of a letter was forwarded to Winthrop, as he
relates, which had been sent by Knollys, of Dover, to his friends
in London. It represented the government of the Bay as
" worse than a high commission ; " that nothing but oppression,
and " not so much as a face " of religion, existed there. Being
informed that such correspondence was exposed, Knollys was
much troubled, and immediately addressed Winthrop, confessed
that he had done wrong, and desired that his retraction might
be published.
September 4. As an indication of confidence in the authori
ties of Massachusetts, the people of Dover had made proposals
to come under their laws and protection. Their commissioners,
having gone to the Bay for the purpose, now sign a contract to
this effect. Exeter had made similar overtures, but they con
cluded to remain separate.
October 4. Having formed a church, and supposing them
selves without the limits of Massachusetts, Wheelwright and
thirty-four others combine, abcording to Hazard, as a distinct
body politic. Their contract for this purpose has the subse-
* Thomas Wiggin, Francis Champernoon, Francis Williams, Thomas Won
nerton, Edward Hilton, James Treworthy, and their neighbors.

400 COMPACT — MODE OF INHABITANCY. H
quent passage : We, the " loyal subjects " of King Charles,
" brethren of the church in Exeter, with other inhabitants there,
considering with ourselves the holy will of God and our own
necessity, that we should not live without wholesome laws and
civil government among us, of which we are altogether desti
tute, do, in the name of Christ and in the sight of God, com
bine ourselves together to erect and set up among us such gov
ernment as shall be, to our best discerning, agreeable to the will
of God, professing ourselves subjects to our sovereign lord,
King Charles, according to the liberties of our English colony
of Massachusetts, and binding of ourselves solemnly by the
grace and help of Christ, and in his name and fear, to submit
ourselves to such godly and Christian laws as are established in
the realm of England, to our best knowledge, and to all other
such laws, which shall, upon good grounds, be made and enact
ed among us according to God, that we may live quietly and
peaceably together in all godliness and honesty." This combi
nation is the expression of hearts set on the privileges of free
dom, as interpreted by heavenly wisdom. It indicates that its
subscribers, however disallowed to spread their particular reli
gious sentiments at the Bay, were decided to acknowledge the
validity of her charter, though revoked by royal mandate, as
the standard of their rights, and of compliance with the statutes
of England. In their affliction, they stood fast by the claims
of Puritanism. As reflection considers the honesty and eleva
tion of their purpose, sympathy regrets that the deficiencies of
human nature separated them from their late connection with
men of equal merit.
As a specimen of the manner in which persons continued to
be received from one town to another, we have the ensuing ex
tract from Hampton records : " Liberty is granted to William
Fuller, of Ipswich, upon request, to come and sit down here as
a planter and smith, in case he bring a certificate of approbation
from the elders."

RHODE ISLAND.
1638, December 13. The journal of Winthrop informs that
the persons who accompanied Mrs. Hutchinson to the Island
" fell into new errours daily." He instances Nicholas Easton
as among this class. He mentions one Heme, who held that
women had no souls, and that Adam was not created without
sin, because he. apostatized.
On this subject, Cotton, in a letter to Davenport, about this

16-g1 JUDGE AND ELDERS. 401
date, has the following remark : " The truth is, the body of the
island is bent on backsliding into error and delusion. The
Lord pity and pardon them, and me also, who have been so
slow to see their windings, and subtil contrivances, and insinua
tions in all their transactions, whilst they propagated their
opinions under my expressions, diverted to their construction."
1639. January 24. Constables and sergeants of the island are
to " inform, in general, of all manifest breaches of the law of
God, that tend to civil disturbance."
February 2. Having served as the chief and only ruler of
the island, Coddington has three elders chosen by the colonists,
to aid him in his duties. Their service is expressed as follows :
" to assist the judge in the execution of justice and judgment,
for the regulating and ordering of all offences and offenders, for
drawing up and determining of all such rules and laws as should
be according to God."
As an extended guard against the abuse of such power, the
subsequent provision is adopted : " It is agreed and consented
unto that the judge, with the elders, shall be accountable unto
the body, once every quarter of the year, (when as the body
shall be assembled,) of all cases, actions, and rules, which have
passed through their hands, by them to be scanned and weighed
by the word of Christ ; and if, by the body or any of them,
the Lord shall be pleased to dispense light to the contrary of
what, by the judge and elders, hath been determined formally,
that then and there it shall be repealed as the act of the body ;
and if it be otherways, that then it shall stand till farther light
concerning it, for the present to be according to God and the
tender care of indulgent fathers." Such license to counteract
the rules and decisions of the judge and the elders even " by
any " of the voters at their quarterly conventions, might natu
rally be distrusted as a wide inlet to intrigue and confusion.
It evidently bears the impress of Mrs. Hutchinson and her dis
ciples' belief in special revelation from God as paramount to his
will contained in the Bible.
6. " In regard of the many invasions that the island is sub
ject unto," an alarum is ordered for all the inhabitants to repair
to the house of the judge, for " defending the island or quell
ing any insolencies that shall be tumultuously raised within
the plantation." The alarum is to be "three muskets to be
discharged distinctly, and a herald appointed to ¦ go speedily
through the town and cry, Alarum ! alarum ! "
7. The records of their court give the ensuing extract :
" Mr. Aspinwall, being a suspected person for sedition against
the state, it was thought meet that a stay of the building of his
boat should be made ; whereupon the workman was forbidden
2 v 34 *

402 TUMULT — RULERS DISPLACED. r_ _
[R. Is.
to proceed any further." The individual so censured was
more conservative in his religious persuasion than the most
around him and this probably led him to wish that they would
be less radical in their policy.
March 16. Having become an Anabaptist, through the influ
ence of a sister to Mrs. Hutchinson and wife to Richard Scott,
who went to live at Providence the preceding year, Williams,
as stated by Winthrop, was lately immersed. The person who
performed this rite for him was Ezekiel Holman, who had
gone to reside there from Salem. Williams then did the same
for him and ten others, and thus they form a church. Winthrop
adds, " They also denied the baptizing of infants, and would
have no magistrates."
The same author gives us several facts concerning Rhode
Island. Mrs Hutchinson preached here publicly. She and her
followers " would have no magistracy." She forwarded an ad
monition to the Boston church, but, as she had been ejected
from them, it was merely read there in private. Two men, cut
off from the Roxbury church, were entertained on the island,
and one of them permitted to preach. For this the Boston
church questioned some of their members who resided here.
Coddington, who was present with them, was admonished, be
cause he did not regard the matter so seriously as they did.
About this time, Thomas James, who appears to have been
the minister that had dissolved his connection with the Charles
town church, leaves Providence for New Haven colony. The
first we see of him in the plantation of Williams is the 10th
of June, 1637, when land was confirmed to him. He held a
prominent stand among the settlers of Providence, and the An
nalist, of this place, supposes that he preached to its inhabitants.
The prevalence of Anabaptism here was probably one occasion
of his departure for a location more suited to his belief and
labors. April 28. Nine persons of the island agree to form another
plantation. They did this on the south-west end, and, on the
16th of May, it was named Newport.
May 11. Winthrop informs us that, in a tumult, the rulers
of Rhode Island had been displaced, and William Hutchinson,
the husband of Ann, made the sole successor of them. Some
have denied this statement, because they do not find it on the
records. That Winthrop was so informed, and that he had no
doubt of it, is evident from his relation. Whether the change,
as irregular and sudden, if it took place, was reversed, and not
thought requisite to be noted with the court proceedings, is a
question which cannot be solved at this late period. The opin
ion of the writer is, that more confidence should be put in the

NEW APOSTLES EXPECTED. 403
luo9_Jpositive declaration of Winthrop than in lack of records kept
lor a small and unconsolidated colony.
The same author says, that a church was gathered in this
place. " They took some excommunicated persons, and others
who were members of the church of Boston and not dismissed."
June. Winslow's Hypocrisy Unmasked relates of Gorton,*
" Hee went to Rhod Island, and there had entertainment, becaus
hee made them beleeue that hee was persecuted for his religion
at Plymouth ; but hee quickly shewed them what religion hee
had beene of at Plymouth, and was more turbulent and insolent
there then hee had beene at Plymouth."
July. Williams had questioned his second baptism, as in Win
throp, because not derived from the apostles, except through
Episcopal ministers of England, whom he considered as insuffi
cient authority. He thought that God would raise up some
purer apostolic power. " Therefore he bent himself that way,
expecting (as was supposed) to become an apostle ; and having,
a little before, refused communion with all, save his own wife,
now he would preach to and pray with all comers ; whereupon
some of his followers left him, and returned back from whence
.they went."
Richard Scott, after he turned to the Quakers, remarked, as to
the change of opinions by Williams, " I walked with him in
the Baptists' way about three or four months, in which time he
brake away from the society, and declared at large the ground
and reasons of it ; that their baptism could not be right, be
cause it was not administered by an apostle. After that he set
upon a way of seeking (with two or three of them that had dis
sented with him) by way of preaching and praying, and there
he continued a year or two, till two of the three left him."
This differs from the position of Judge Staples, that Williams
was pastor of the church in Providence four years.
The Salem church, having excommunicated-Williams, Throck
morton, Olney, and Westcott, with their wives, Mary Holman,
and widow Reeves, because they refused to hear their admonition,
and to allow the churches in Massachusetts to be true churches,
give notice thereof to the Dorchester church. They also do
the same with regard to John Elford, William James, John
* Some writers have stated, that Gorton must have been banished from Plym
outh a year sooner (that is, December 1, 1637 ) than Morton states, because, say
they, in accordance with Callender, he became an inhabitant of Rhode Island,
June, 1638. But there is another fact, which Morton gives, namely, that Gorton,
soon after his sentence, went to Rhode Island, which was neither bought of the
Indians nor settled by the English till the fore part of 1638. Therefore there is
more probability that a mistake is made of the year in which Gorton is said to
have become a resident of Rhode Island, and that it was in June, 1639, rather than
1638. It was a custom of New England colonists to try a man at least several
months before they granted him such a privilege.

404 ARMS — CHARTER — TREATY. ^
Talby, and William Wolcott, the last for refusing to have his
child baptized, and the others for irregular walk.
November 25. It is ordered by the authorities of the island,
that no man shall go two miles from town unless armed with
gun or sword, and " none come to any public meeting without
his weapon ; upon default of either, he shall forfeit five shil
lings. " Nicholas Easton and John Clark are requested to inform
Mr. Vane concerning the condition of the colony, and desire
him to obtain a patent of the island from the king, and likewise
write to Mr. Thomas Burwood, brother of Easton, relative to
the same subject.
Hull, in his diary, subsequently remarked, of what he called
the errorists, who went to the island, " After they were removed,
the Rev. Mr. Cotton and the church of Boston ceased not, for
some years, to send letters, and some of their able and godly
brethren, to endeavor their reducement, and some few were re
gained."

CONNECTICUT.
1638, November 24. The settlers at Quinnipiack* make a
treaty with Momauguin, the sachem who owned the territory
in that quarter. In view of the protection afforded him by the
English against the Pequods and Mohawks, he vests his whole
title to such land in the hands of Eaton and the rest of the com
pany, and agrees to treat these as his friends. They who are so
invested contract to defend him and his tribe against all assaults,
and to allow them sufficient land for planting. They also pre
sent to these Indians twelve coats of Enghsh cloth, twelve al
chemy spoons, twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, twenty-four knives,
twelve porringers, and four cases of French knives and scissors.
They are glad to hold such friendly intercourse with a people
who needed their guidance in revealed truth, and to whom they
were desirous to impart its light and benefit.
December 11. The same proprietors purchase a large tract of
land, chiefly north from Quinnipiack, of Montowese. Being
the richest company who had come to New England, they could
well make just provision for the accommodation of others, who
might choose to live under their jurisdiction, and partake of
the privileges divinely bestowed on them. They well under
stood the principle, that in benefiting others they would secure
enjoyment for themselves. * New Haven Records. Trumbull.

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 405
December 13. The emigrants from Massachusetts on Connec
ticut River had appeared to be cool in their deportment towards
the authorities of that colony. The reason, as expressed by
Winthrop, " was their shyness of coming under our govern
ment, which, though we never intended to make them subordi
nate to us, yet they were very jealous " of, " and therefore, in
the articles of confederation which we propounded to them,
and whereby order was taken, that all differences which might
fall out should be ended by a way of peace, they did so alter
the chief article as all would have come to nothing." This ar
ticle was that a majority of the confederate commissioners should
decide any question before them. But Connecticut would have
their decision only advisory. The same author remarks that
such a mode of procedure " would never have attained the end, for
it was very unlikely that all the churches in all the plantations
would ever have accorded upon the same propositions." He
further relates, that the government at the Bay intended to set
off Springfield to Connecticut ; but as the rulers here were stren
uous in claims which they considered not allowable, they deter
mined to withhold that place from them, because contained in
their bounds. Of this the people of Connecticut had notice ;
but still they exercised jurisdiction over Springfield. They
were desired by Massachusetts to desist from this until the
boundaries were run.
1639, January 14. The three towns on Connecticut River,
concluding that they were beyond the limits of Massachusetts,
form themselves into a separate government. The constitution
adopted by them furnishes the ensuing extracts : " Forasmuch
as it hath pleased the Almighty God, by the wise disposition of
his divine providence, so to order and dispose of things, that
we, the inhabitants and residents of Windsor, Hartford, and
Wethersfield, knowing where a people are gathered together,
the word of God requireth, that to' maintain the peace and
union of such a people, there shall be an orderly and decent
government, established according to God, to order and dispose
of the affairs of the people at all seasons, as occasion should re
quire, — do therefore associate and conjoin ourselves to be as one
public state or commonwealth, do, for ourselves and successors,
enter into combination together, to maintain and preserve
the liberty and purity of the gospel of our Lord Jesus, which
we now profess, as also the discipline of the churches, which,
according to the truth of said gospel, is now practised amongst
us." Under article first, the governor and magistrates " shall
have power to administer justice according to the laws here es
tablished, and for want thereof, according to the rule of the
word of God." — "The governor shall be always a member of

406 PALISADOES — PACIFICATION. .„
[Go>ri..
some approved congregation " or church. In " the General
Court shall consist the supreme power of the commonwealth,
and they only shall have power to make laws or repeal them,
to grant levies, to admit freemen, to dispose of lands undisposed
of, and to call other courts into question." The document thus
made the basis of legislation and authority for the public wel
fare, long answered the end of promoting the civil and reli
gious liberty of its subjects. Coming from men who had tasted
the bitterness of oppression in their fatherland, it honored their
intelligent perception, their love for human rights and improve
ment, and their pious affections and principles.
February 12. Wopowage,* afterwards Milford, is purchased
of Indians by Peter Prudden and others. These paid for the
premises " six coates, ten blankets, one kettle, twelve hatchets.
twelve hoes, two dozen knives, and a dozen of small glasses."
They took possession of the soil by the English form of " twig
and turf." When they prepared the township for residence,
they exercised the precaution, as the natives were numerous
around them, to enclose a mile square of their plantation with
strong palisadoes.
April 11. As a sample of the mode in which the authorities
of Connecticut endeavored to keep their commonwealth under a
moral and religious influence, we select one of several sentences
against workers of iniquity. A man is " to stand vppon the pillo
ry from the ringing of the first bell to the end of the lecture, (at
Hartford,) then to be whipped at a cart's [tail], and to be whipt
in like manner att Windsore within eight dayes following."
May. Haynes and Hooker f go to the Bay, and tarry there near
ly a month. Their object is to restore amicable intercourse and
relations between their own inhabitants and those of Massachu
setts. They perceived that the Dutch at New Amsterdam were
disposed to take advantage of the disaffection existing between
them, and to push their claims for territory held by Connecticut.
Therefore they used means so that the proposal for resuming
the treaty for a confederation was laid before the legislature of
the Bay and accepted. A chief reason why Massachusetts ac
ceded was, that they wished to avoid all alienation that might
injure the great cause of religion, which the colonists on both
sides came over to promote.
May 26. While preaching before a large congregation at Cam
bridge, for a quarter of an hour, Hooker remarked to the audi
ence, that he had neither strength nor matter to proceed. He
retired, and came back in a half hour, and " went on to very
good purpose about two hours."
June 1. Individuals who, the next September, purchase Me-
* Trumbull. t Winthrop.

COVENANT OF GUILFORD — DISCUSSION. 407
nunkatuck, afterwards Guilford, enter into the following cove
nant:* " We whose names are hereunder written, intending by
God's gracious permission to plant ourselves in New England,
and, if it may be, in the southerly part about Quinnipiack, we
do faithfully promise each to each, for ourselves and our families,
and those that belong to us, that we will, the Lord assisting us,
sit down and join ourselves together in one entire plantation, and
to be helpful each to the other in any common work, according
to every man's ability, and as need shall require ; and we prom
ise not to desert or leave each other, or the plantation, but with
the consent of the rest or the greater part of the company who
have entered into this engagement. As for our gathering to
gether in a church way, and the choice of officers and members
to be joined together in that way, we do refer ourselves until
such time as it shall please God to settle us in our plantation."
This was signed by Henry Whitfield and twenty-four others. He
was the son of a distinguished lawyer, who educated him for
his own profession at one of the universities, and afterwards at
the Inns Court. But, religiously inclined from childhood, he
preferred the ministry, and settled at Ockham, in Surrey. Here
and in the vicinity, his labors were greatly blessed in winning
souls to Christ. For twenty years he continued in the national
church. In this period he extended his protection to many
persecuted Puritans, and gave them shelter under his own roof.
At last his convictions of duty led him to embrace the cause of
non-conformity. For this, but particularly for declining to read
the Book of Sports, Archbishop Laud proceeded against him.
He resigned his benefice and his beloved people. As no pros
pect encouraged him to remain in England, he sold his estate,
and embarked for the land where he could freely labor for God,
as his own heart dictated and desired. In such removal, he
was accompanied by a considerable number of religious friends,
who join with him in the covenant and in the work of settling the
plantation. Distance from their native country endeared them
the more to each other, and greatly added to the preciousness
of their spiritual privileges.
As the colonists of New Haven are about to adopt the forms
and principles of a body politic, it may be well to precede the
occasion by adducing a discussion f which had taken place be
tween Davenport and Samuel Eaton, his colleague. This ap
pears from a tract written by the former, though erroneously
attributed to John Cotton. The question debated follows :
" Whether a new plantation, where all or the most considerable
part of the free planters profess their purpose and desire of se
curing to themselves and to their posterity the pure and peace-
* Manuscript Collections. t Bacon's Discourses.

408 FREE BURGESSES. [Cow
able enjoyment of Christ's ordinances — whether, I say, such
planters are bound, in laying the foundations of church and
civil state, to take order that all the free burgesses be such as
are in fellowship of the church or churches which are or may
be gathered according to Christ ; and that those free burgesses
have the only power of choosing from among themselves civil
magistrates, and men to be entrusted with transacting all public
affairs of importance according to the rules and directions of
Scripture ? " Davenport pleads for the affirmative of this,
as promotive of civil and religious interests, and " by conse
quence to the common welfare of all." His arguments very
probably had much influence in the public adoption of his sen
timents. June 4. The constitution * of government for the colony of
New Haven is adopted. All the free planters assemble in Rob
ert Newman's barn. Davenport introduces the business of the
occasion by a sermon from the passage, " Wisdom hath builded
her house ; she hath hewn out her seven pillars." He endeav
ors to show that every church, being the house of God, should
be composed of seven principal brethren, to whom all other
members should be added.
After attending to the counsels derived from revelation, they
consider and adopt the fundamentals of their colonial govern
ment. The mode in which they approved of them is by rais
ing the hand twice to each article, once when it is propounded,
and again when it is read a second time. Some of the articles
follow. First. " That the Scriptures hold forth a perfect rule
for the direction and government of all men in all duties which
they are to perform to God and men, as well in famihes and
commonwealth as in matters of the church." Third. They
" who have desired to be received aS free planters, and are set
tled in the plantation, with a purpose, resolution, and desire,
that they may be admitted into church fellowship according to
Christ, as soon as God shall fit them thereunto," repeat their
wish. Fourth. " All the free planters express " that they hold
" themselves bound to establish such civil order as might best
conduce to the securing of the purity and peace of the ordi
nance to themselves and their posterity according to God."
Having proceeded thus far, they come to the very important
question, What characters should have the administration of
their laws ? Davenport speaks prudently and impressively on
the subject. He then inquires of the assembly whether they
are ready to act now, or will put off the matter to some other
day. After a pause, Eaton and others propose present action.
»¦ Trumbull.

_ STATE CONNECTED WITH CHURCH. 409
They agree, as their fifth article, that church members only shall
be " free burgesses," who are to elect the colonial rulers from
among themselves. " That twelve men be chosen, that their
fitness for the foundation work may be tried ; that they choose
out of themselves seven, that shall be most approved of by the
major part, to begin the church."
At this meeting, a solemn oath is agreed on, for the freemen,
binding them to conform with the constitution. Sixty-three
sign this document, and fifty others soon after.
Thus did they lay the foundation of government, which made
the civil power depend for its constitution and exercise on mem
bers of the church. In this manner did they manifest their
purpose to secure their religious privileges as the best guaranty
for civil liberty and every boon of the social compact. No wiser
nor better scheme could ever be devised by men, wherever the
church is spiritually pure, and contains a majority. Not the real
merits of such a plan, but the abuse of it by corrupt minds and
hearts, have brought upon it the reproaches of many. Its de
sign of honoring the church, as it then was, more than the state,
accords with reason and Scripture. Cotton justly remarked, " It
is better that the commonwealth be fashioned to the setting forth
of God's house, which is his church, than to accommodate the
church frame to the civill state."
With regard to the desire and purpose of the New Haven
settlers to evangelize the natives, and the great difficulty of so
good a work, Davenport remarked, " These very Indians, that
worship the devil, will not be under the government of any
sagamores but such as join with them in observance of their
pawawes and idolatries."
This year, Ephraim Huit arrives from England, and is settled
colleague with Mr. WareSam, of Windsor. Brook states that
he had been minister of Wroxhall, in Warwickshire, and was
prosecuted for his non-conformity. He has the quotation, of
1638, from Laud's papers, " My lord the Bishop of Worces
ter proceeds against him, [Huit,] and intends either to reform
or punish him."
Ludlow, from Windsor,* and others settle Unquowa, after
wards Fairfield. He was soon joined by emigrants from Water-
town and Concord. Those from the latter place were accom
panied by their minister, John Jones.
Cupheag and Pughquonnuck, subsequently Stratford, is
alike occupied. Adam Blackman is their minister. He entered
Christ College, Oxford, as from Staffordshire, May 23, 1617,
* Ludlow took possession of Unquowa, and kept his cattle there the preceding
winter.
2z 35

410 LEAGUE FOR PROTECTION. [COKW.
aged nineteen. He was episcopally ordained, and noted as a
preacher at Leicester, and then in Derbyshire.' He came to this
country for the enjoyment of religion, unrestricted with hierar-
chal statutes. He was accompanied by some of his flock,
whose language was like that of Ruth, " Whither thou goest
we will go."
July. Two ships, as in Winthrop, arrive at Quinnipiack or
New Haven. In one of them George Fenwick, wife, and fam
ily, with others, come to carry on a settlement at the mouth of
Connecticut River, where the fort had been kept for several
years. Such an enterprise had been' delayed by the Pequod
war and other hinderances. He has a commission from the com
pany of Say and Seal and Brook. He promptly effects his pur
pose, and calls the township Saybrook, in honor of their lord
ships. Thomas Peters, who appears to have accompanied him
across the ocean, ministers to them in the gospel. The inhab
itants are governed by regulations, as allowed by the chief pro
prietors in England. Peters was brother to Hugh Peters, of
Salem, Massachusetts. He had been minister in Cornwall, Eng
land, whence he was obliged to depart, leaving his wife behind.
August 8. Apprehensive lest the Dutch should take the lands
which they claimed, the court of Connecticut designate commis
sioners to confer with Fenwick about a confederation of the col
onies for mutual protection, " which is desired agayne to be on
foot with the Bay." These commissioners are also instructed
to consider the patent under which his authority is exercised.
They found him favorable to the former proposition, but desir
ing that the latter subject may remain till he can hear from the
proprietors. 15. -The same court resolve to despatch one hundred soldiers ¦
against Sowheag and his tribe, because he would not surrender
some of his men, who helped the Pequods to commit the de
struction of life and property which they did at Wethersfield.
But they were dissuaded by New Haven from their purpose,
lest it should injure their plantations and prevent ships coming
over the next year.
August 22. The church of New Haven has members added
to its seven pillars. Milford and Guilford churches are similarly
organized, and soon after move to their settlements. They act
in accordance with the remark, that " it is of more importance
to save and be governed by the steeple than the state." Tradi
tion relates that, soon after this, Davenport was ordained pastor
of the church first named, and that Hooker and Stone, of Hart
ford, assisted on the occasion. Lambert says, that the primitive
settlers of New Haven were believers in the advent of Christ,
and that he would reign on the earth a thousand years. There
being no records for the first years of Whitfield's church, we

RECORD OF NOTED PROVIDENCES. 411
have no account of his reordination, though this was probably
done according to the "New England custom. He and others,
on the 29th of September, have articles signed, by which their
township is secured to them.
26. The Connecticut assembly order a party of men, put un
der Mason, assisted by Uncas and his warriors, to dislodge Pe
quods, who, in violation of their treaty, had returned and set
tled at Pawcatuck. The expedition is successful. They order
a public thanksgiving to be observed the 18th of September, in
their several towns.
October 10. They incorporate their towns, and invest them
with full municipal privileges. They pass this order : " For
the better keeping in mind of those passages of God's provi
dence which haue beene remarkable since our first vndertaking
these plantacons," a committee named " are desired to take
the pains severally in their severall townes, and then ioyntly to
gether to gather vp the same, and deliver them into the Generall
Court in Aprill next, and yf it be iudged then fitt, they may
be recorded ; and for future tymes whatsoever remarkable pas
sages shall be, yf they be publique, the sayd partyes are desired
to deliver in the same to the General Court."
25. All the church members of New Haven colony who
desire to take part in the General Court of Election meet
at the capital. Here, on being admitted to such a privilege, a
solemn charge is publicly given them, of the same import as
the freemen's oath which they had taken, and which they now
repeat. The oath of fidelity is also administered to them.
Davenport expounds to them several portions of Scripture, as
to the qualifications of magistrates. They then proceed to the
choice of these officers. Among these is Theophilus Eaton.
The same clergyman addresses them from Deut. i. 16, 17,
" And I charged your judges of that time, saying, Hear the
causes between your brethren, and judge righteously between
every man and his brother, and the stranger that is with him.
Ye shall not respect persons in judgment, but ye shall hear the
small as well as the great ; ye shall not be afraid of the face of
man, for the judgment is God's ; and the cause that is too hard
for you, bring it unto me, and I will hear it."
The court agree that the word of God shall be the only rule
for their colonial government.
To guard against surprise by land and sea, they order, "that
every man appointed to watch, whether masters or servants,
shall come every Lord's day to the meeting completely armed,
and all others also are to bring their swords, no man exempted "
except Governor Eaton, Messrs. Davenport, James and Samuel
Eaton, and " the two deacons."
October 30. The same authorities decide that Nepaupuck, a

412 CHIEF BEHEADED — EDIFICE. [Con.-.
noted Pequod captain, for the murder of .John Finch, of Weth-
ersfield, and assisting to kill others, shall have his head cut off.
This sentence was executed. Though repulsive to the feelings
of humanity, its authors passed it, as an act of exemplary justice.
This month, Fenwick addresses a communication to Winthrop,
governor of Massachusetts. Extracts follow : " Concerning
the last part of your letter, I can yet say little, only thus much :
that whatsoever tends to mutual defence, and shall conduce to
the settling and maintaining unfained love, you may expect
from me and all those who are interested in this place." He
then refers to the matter of settling the bounds of the colony,
of which he has the oversight, and says in relation to it " When
there shall be a fitt time for anything betwixt us, you shall find
us in all things to submit to right and good conscience." He
proceeds, " I am lastly to thank you kindly on my wife's behalf
for your dainties. We both desire and delight much in the
primitive employment of dressing a garden, and the taste of soe
good fruits in these partes gives us good incouragement."
November 20. The people of Milford pass the ensuing votes
at their first general meeting: "Agreed that the power of elect
ing officers and persons to divide the land into lots, to take or
der for the timber, and to manage the common interests of the
plantation, should be in the church only, and that the persons
so chosen should be only from among themselves : they will
guide themselves in all their doings by the written word of
God, till such time as a body of laws should be established."
25. The following edifice * was for the town of New Haven.
The colonial government order, " that a meeting house shall be
built forthwith, fifty feete square ; and that the carpenters shall
fall timber where they can finde it till allotment be layd out.
and men know their own proprietyes." They empower a com
mittee to grant "house lotts to such persons as they shall judge
meete for the good of the plantation, and that none shall come
to dwell as planters here without their consent and allowance."
29. Forty-four proprietors of Milford subscribe the follow
ing : " Those persons, whose names are hereunder written, are
allowed to be free planters, having, for the present, liberty to
act in the choyce of public officers, for the carrying on of pub
lic affayres in this plantation." They were from New Haven
and Wethersfield. Among them is Mr. Prudden, who had
preached at the latter place, and Jasper Gunn, a physician.
Ten others, who were not freemen, put down their names im
mediately after.
* The New Haven colony records place this under 25th of November.

CHAPTER XIII.
Massachusetts. Wives of Peters. — Knowles. — Underhill. — Rashley. —
Excommunicated persons. — Expositions. — Colony. — Missions. — Office —
Manchester. — Lady Moody. — Pentucket. — Lectures. — Lord Say. — Pierson.
— Inquiries. — Indians. — Embarrassments. — Discipline, — Twelve articles. —
E. Rogers. — Impressions. . — Parliament. — Heresy. — Two pastors. — Church
es in England. — Affairs. — Laud. — Prices. — Mrs. Eaton. — Principles. —
Mrs. Hibbins. — Opinions. — Council. — Agents. — Scots. — Pynchon. — Peti
tion. — Knight. — Jews. — Singing. — Sermon. — Haverhill. — Nantasket. —
Venner. — Pierce wounde'd. — Objections. — Ecclesiastical. — Deaconesses. —
Number for a church. — Excommunicant. — Presbyterianism. — Prophesying.
— Questions. — Ruling elders and deacons. — Exchanges. — Worship. — Bap
tism. — Communion. — Contribution. — Indians. — Marriage. — Funerals. —
Advice. — Agents for England. — Bulkley and Blinman. — Parliament. — Dis-
eipline. — Charter privileges. — Company's stock. — Fast. — Idolaters. — Am
bition. — Peck. — Laws. — Association. — Judicials of Moses. — Elections.
Plymouth. Condolence. — Profanity. — Immersion. — Communion. — Re
traction. — Saxton. — Hook. — Censure. — Hooker's remarks. — Presentments.
— " Old comers." — Prosecutions. — Claim. — Taxes. — Baptism. — Fines. —
Matthews. — Armed at worship. — Chauncey. — Lechford. — Churches. — Rey
ner. — Hook. — Street. — Doughty. — Blinman. — Bulkley. Maine. Hook
at York. — Gibson. — Gorges. — Burdet. — Children to be baptized. — Aga-
menticus chartered. — Jcmier's letter. — Need of ministers. New Hamp
shire. Knollys. — Larkham. — Underhill. — Episcopal society. — Excom-
municants. — Roberts. — Commissioners. — Glebe. — Gibson. — Underhill.
— Banishment. — Combination. — Tumult. — Parties. — Conveyance to the
Bay. — Underhill. — People received. — Batchelor. — Petition. — Knollys em
barks. — Meeting house. — Hull. Rhode Island. Gorton. — Report. —
Mr. and Mrs. Hutchinson. — Portsmouth. — Officers. — Commission. — Con
science. — Lenthal. — F. Hutchinson. — Collins and Hales. — Discipline. — In
dians. — Admonition. — Gorton. — Williams. — Lechford.- — Doughty. — Prov
idence. — Appeal. — Arnold's reasons. — Bearing arms. — Magistracy. — De
nial. — Excommunication. — Imprisonment. — Schism. — Advice. — Aspin
wall. — Request. — Order to depart. Connecticut. Stocks. — Mrs. Hig
ginson. — House of correction. — Marriage — Ordination. — Norwalk and
Hartford. — Dutch. — Alarms. — Immoralities. — Rippowams. — Arms at
worship. — Mr. Eaton. — Excess. — Extortion. — Lady Boteler. — Divisions.
 Pynchon. — Letter. — Charges. — Delaware Bay. — League. — Peters. —
Youngs. — Church members. — Censure. — The Bay. — Mrs. Hutchinson 
Synod. MASSACHUSETTS.
1640, January 2. Mrs. Deliverance Sheffield, that was now
the wife of Hugh Peters, is dismissed from Boston church to
Salem church. To his first wife he was much attached, and of
her he made honorable mention. She, like many a noble sister
35 * • (413)

414 INTERCOURSE WITH EXCOMMUNICANTS. ,
|_JYIASS.
of humanity, made large sacrifices for the rich heritage which
we enjoy. Though for their dust no
''¦ frail memorial still erected nigh
Implo.-es the passing tribute of a sigh,"
still it will awake and assume its spiritual form, which will re
joice in the endless smiles of Deity.
March 1. John Knowles is recommended by the Boston
church to preach for the church at Watertown. He was born,
as Calamy says, in Lincolnshire, educated at Magdalen College,
Cambridge, chosen fellow of Catharine Hall, 1625, was lecturer
at Colchester, and silenced by Archbishop Laud, and came over
in 1639.
5. Underhill, having come from Dover, under a pass, has his
case considered by the Boston church, and they excommunicate
him. On the 8th, Thomas Rashley, a preacher, is admitted to
their fellowship. He was subsequently employed to preach at
Gloucester. Calamy places one of his name among the ejected
ministers, and as having been settled at New Sarum, and after
wards lived at Abrey. On the 18 th, Norris is ordained teacher
of the Salem Church.
23. With regard to the question presented to Boston church
by messengers from Dover church, whether public and private
communion, except that of the Lord's supper, should be had
with a person- excommunicated, Cotton gives the subsequent
replies : " We thinke it not vnlawfull to admitt excommunicate
persons to the preachinge of the word and to prayers, if they
will and saye amen to them, and will singe psalmes with vs,
we forbid them not. For priuite communion, if a master of a
family be at prayers with his family, and an excommunicate per
son come in, we doe not thinke it meete yk he should giue over
his prayers or his exercise with his famely for him. And for
eatinge in priuat with them, if thay be as soiorners in a howse,
thay may be allowed victualls at another table and in another
roome, but not let them sitt at table with themselues to eate
with them. And for such as doe not bare some publike place
in the commonwealth, it wear to be desired y' such as are cast
owt of God's sight and owt of the church may carry themselues
soe lowly and humbly as cast owt of God's sight, and to stand
as excommunicate persons aloofe, and not aspier into any open
or eminent places in the church, and to take some lowe and
meane place."
April. To this time, Cotton had been recently giving exposi
tions on the thirteentfi chapter of Revelation. From them we
have several extracts : " In reference to a late law of Massachu
setts, not long ago it was a question whether the court should

..... PREDICTION AS TO THE POPE. 415
104U.J
not punish excommunicated persons, who did not return before
long. But it was a good providence of God that such a thing
was prevented. Let not any court, ipso facto, take things from
the church. A diocesan or national church is but an image of
the great beast. As we are to be thankful, so we are to be faith
ful to God, that hath purchased these liberties for us, and be no
more willing to be entangled with the former state than you
would be to fall into the mouth of a lion. It is meet that magis
trates in the commonwealth, and so officers in churches, should
desire to know the utmost bounds of their own power ; and it is
safe for both. All intrenchments upon the bounds which God
hath not given, they are not enlargements, but burdens and
snares." Referring to the manifestation on the part of many
emigrants to seek for other settlements, we have the remark,
" What is the reason that, upon the least motion, men are ready
to remove to a new plantation, as if* they moved from Old Eng
land in a pang. If men had a calling on just grounds to come
hither, then, when we come where the ordinances of God are,
we should sit down under the ordinances, under the shadow of
the Almighty, and never look for more."
While discussing the subject of Papacy, Cotton proceeds, " I
will not be too confident, because I am not a prophet or the son
of a prophet, to foretell things to come, but so far as God helps
by Scripture light, about the time 1655, there will be then such
a blow given to this beast, and to the head of this beast, which
is Pontifex Maximus, as that we shall see a further gradual ac
complishment and fulfilling of this prophecy." Though this
suggestion was not signally accomplished, it is noticed as an in
dication of the opinions then expressed with regard to such a
topic. Cotton says, "We have reason to thank God that we
desire not to be accounted Catholics or hierarchies, nor stand
members of a diocesan, or provincial, or cathedral, or national
church, but bear witness against them all ; that He hath given
us churches and congregational assemblies by his covenant, to
worship him in all his holy ordinances, that he hath given us
to look for no lawrs but his word, no rules nor forms of worship
but such as he hath set down in his word, no platform of doc
trine but such as are held forth in the word of the prophets
and apostles."
May. A report,* here and abroad, is encouraged to a consid
erable extent, that it was the duty of pious people to settle in
Virginia and the West Indies for the purpose of forming
churches there, and obtaining a better sustenance. It was com
plied with by those who believed it, and a considerable number
left Massachusetts for such objects, though openly discouraged
* Winthrop.

416 ILL REPORTS - MISSIONS. ._, n
I IVi. AS 9*
by the magistrates and elders. These present three considera
tions, " How dangerous it was to bring up an ill report upon this
good land, which God had found out and given to his people,
and so to discourage the hearts of their brethren. To leave a
place of rest and safety, to expose themselves, their wives and
children, to the danger of a potent enemy, the Spaniard. Their
subjection to such governors as those' in England shall set
over them." John Humphrey, who had taken an active part to
advance the temporal and spiritual welfare of this colony, and
many others, are persuaded to sell their estates and prepare to
embark for Providence, of which he had been appointed gov
ernor ; but they were crossed in their purpose.
May 2. In remarking * on the plan of the authorities to send
missionaries among the neighboring Indians, Lechford inquires
whether it would not be beneficial as well as legal to do it by
leave from the crown. This person, previously to his arrival
in our country, 1638, had been imprisoned for his non-conform
ity, but, by this time, had altered his opinion.
13. Thomas Dudleyf is elected governor instead of Win
throp, who willingly retired from an office which he had filled
in one of the most perilous and responsible periods of the colo
ny. As a natural result of the Congregational order in the
churches, the elders are much interested in the change. As
sembled in Boston, they assure Winthrop that with " sincere af
fections and respect towards him," they wish a successor to him
for the present, " fearing lest the long continuance of one man
in the place should bring it to be for life, and, in time, hered
itary." On petition J from Salem, a village is allowed by the legisla
ture at Jeffries Neck, afterwards Manchester. Among the pro
prietors is William Walton, preacher at Marblehead, who was
here before November, 1638.
The inhabitants at Mount Wollaston are allowed to become
a town, called Braintree, fulfilling their contract with Boston.
A man is brought in guilty of " forgery, lying, and other
foul offences," and is sentenced " to be bound to the whipping
post till the lecture from the first bell, and after the lecture to
have his ears cut off," and to leave the colony.
Rev. Henry Flint, confessing his fault for signing the remon
strance relative to Wheelwright, has his name on it crossed, and
is thus excused.
Rowley was granted two years' immunity from pubhc taxes,
because of their great loss, charge in purchasing lands, and hin-
derance in planting the last year.
* Lechford, 3 s. 3 v. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections.
t Winthrop. { Coneial Court Records.

._._„-, EXEMPTION FROM TAXES — LECTURES. 417
1640.] l '
Lady Deborah Moody,* who was a member of Salem church,
and had bought the farm of Humphrey, at Swampscott, in Lynn,
is granted four hundred acres of land.
Rev. Nathaniel Ward and others are allowed, condition
ally, to have a plantation at Cochichawick or Pentucket, the
former subsequently Andover, and the latter Haverhill.
They afterwards chose the last place. Here John Ward, son
to the specified grantee, was afterwards minister to the inhab
itants. Such as go to Lynn village, since Reading, are to be exempted
from public taxes for two years from the time when they have
seven houses built and seven families settled there.
The court, perceiving that their order, restricting lectures to
daylight, was viewed by the churches as an infringement on
their right to regulate such affairs, vote for its repeal.
May 17. The Boston church has this extract : " Our brethren
Valentine Hill and Jacob Elyott were chosen, and by y° laying
on of ye hands of yB presbytery, ordeyned to ye office of dea
cons." Understanding that Lord Say persuaded persons who intend
ed to embark for this colony to change their minds, and settle
in the West Indies, Winthrop, who gives the fact, had written
to him on the subject, and received his answer. This advocated
the writer's position, which was, that New England had done
well for a refuge, but was less desirable for a permanent resi
dence than those islands.
20. As " a breviate of laws was formerly sent forth to be
considered by the elders of the churches and other freemen,"
they are desired " to ripen their thoughts and counsels about
the same," and send them to the court of October. Among
the exempts from watches and wards are church officers. Goods
of emigrants from Ireland are to be free from the tax just or
dered. June. Some members of the Lynn church went to Long
Island, and purchased a plantation at its western end, from the
agent of Lord Stirling. But the Dutch, who claimed it, dis
placing them, they repaired to the eastern part of the island,
and took steps to form a church. This place was subsequently
called South Hampton. Abraham Pierson received a call to
become their minister. Pie was from Yorkshire ; had his A. B.
at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1632 ; came to Boston, 1639 ;
joined the church here, September 5, 1640, and had leave, the
next October 11, from them to join in gathering a church at

* She joined Salem church April 5, 1640. She gave eleven hundred pounds
for the farm, which embarrassed her affairs.
3a

418 NEW ENGLAND PSALM BOOK. IMass
Long Island. But a small part of the company there, being at
Lynn, he unites with them, in November, as a church, and then
proceeds to their settlement on the island. His people, accord
ing to advice of magistrates in the Bay, " entered into a civil
combination." Desirous to supply their churches with a new translation of
the Psalms into verse, the ministers of New England had en
couraged such an enterprise. " The chief divines in the coun
try took each a portion, among whom were Mr. Weld and Mr.
Eliot, of Roxbury, and Sir. Mather, of Dorchester." Having
accomplished the work assigned to them, it is committed to
Henry Dunster and Richard Lyon for revision, and printed
this year, at Cambridge. Prefixed to it is " a discourse declar
ing not only the lawfulness, but also the necessity, of the heav
enly ordinance of singing Scripture psalms in the churches of
God." The preface closes thus : " Wee have respected rather
a plaine translation then to smooth our verses with the sweet
ness of any paraphrase, and soe have attended conscience rather
then elegance, fidelity rather then poetry, in translating the He
brew words into the English language, that soe wee may sing in
Sion the Lord's songs of prayse according to his owne will,
untill hee take us from hence, and wipe away all our teares,
and bid us enter into our Master's ioye, to sing eternal halle
luiahs." Emigration from England is mostly at a stand, though abun
dant quantities of provision are sent for trade from that king
dom and Ireland. One cause of it, as well as the reports favor
able to settling at the West India islands, was the prospect that
the" dissenters would be able to secure their rights in the parent
country, without coming hither to enjoy them.
July 20. As a matter having much influence on our concerns,
the following fact, with its preceding and causative transactions,
calls for our notice. Charles I., after perplexed and prolonged
difficulties, takes measures to raise an army for subduing the
Scots. On the foregoing April 16, Parliament having assem
bled in London, the Commons renew their complaints as to ship
money, monopolies, the Star Chamber, High Commission, breach
of their privileges, and innovations in religion. On May 4, the
king sends a message to the Commons for supplies to assist him
against the Scots. Vane, secretary of state, returned to him
with a reply, that they would make no grant, for such a pur
pose. Therefore the king dissolves Parliament. But the Con
vocation, which met when they did, continue their session, and,
on the sixteenth, vote him six subsidies. On October 26, he
agrees to a cessation of arms, the Scotch forces having gained
decided advantages.

1640.1

EXTERMINATION OF INDIANS. 419

July 28. Lechford writes to a friend in London, that Iris
views and sentiments do not harmonize with the republican spirit
of church and state in Massachusetts. For this reason, he says
that he is kept from ecclesiastical privileges and political prefer
ment, and that he is scarcely able to earn his living by occasional
writing. He continues here only by advice of friends, " hop
ing that the Lord will shortly give a good issue to things both
in our native country, Scotland, and here, as well as in all other
of his majestie's dominions." Pie observes that the " Lord Bishop
of Exeter's book " and Mr. Ball's book have lately reached
Boston, and he hopes that they will do much good.
.August 15. " A straynge minister, newly come out, beinge
called forth to prophecy, a question was propounded or scruple
was made whether it be lawfull for one that is a member of no
church to prophecy to members, or whether it be lawfull to
hear such." This occurs in the Boston church. Cotton ob
serves, "It is a question that was lately discussed amongst the
elders, and it was" concluded to good satisfaction of the most that
it is lawfull to call out such to prophecy, and to hear them, and
many reasons were giuen for it."
27. As the successor to Eaton, Rev. Henry Dunster becomes
president of Harvard College. He had his A. B. in 1630, and
his A. M. 1634, at Magdalen College, Cambridge. Compelled
to leave England for his Puritanism, he came over the year of
his induction into office. He was noted for his talents, attain
ments, and especially for his knowledge of Oriental languages.
31. "William Douglass is allowed to be a townsman " of
Boston, "he behauing himself as becometh a Christian."
This month, Edmund Brown is ordained pastor of the Sud
bury church, which is supposed to have been organized by
1638. He came over the year before such formation.
September 9. Lechford sends questions to the Boston minis
ters, whether laymen may form themselves into a church, and
ordain their own officers. They reply to him affirmatively.
October 7. The legislature have a communication from Con
necticut, New Haven, and Aquedneck, or Rhode Island. It
expresses their dislike to the proposal of some for destroying the
Indians "as of the cursed race of Ham." It then desires the
cooperation of Massachusetts " in seeking to gain them by jus
tice and kindness, and withal to watch over them to prevent
any danger by them." The authorities here require, that an
answer of ready consent to such treatment of the aborigines be
sent to the twro former colonies, but not to the third. With
regard to the last and their agents, who signed the letter about
this subject, they express themselves as follows : " excluding
Mr. Coddington and Mr. Brenton as men not to be capitulated

420 COLONIAL EMBARRASSMENTS. [Mass.
withall by us, -either for themselves or the people of the island
where they inhabit, as their case standeth." The case here
mentioned, as it appears, comprises several particulars. Lead
ing individuals on the island had entered into church fellowship
with excommunicated persons. They denied the right of the
Boston church, whom they had previously joined, to deal with
them for such conduct, and who had sent messengers to them to
perform this duty, and still had the question before them what
further steps they ought to pursue on the subject. Their posi
tion was considered by the rulers of Massachusetts as adverse
to the Congregational order, which they counted an essential el
ement in the preservation of their civil and religious interests.
Hence the latter so viewed the course of the former, that they
felt themselves justified to decline contracting with them in the
matter proposed.
Thomas Weld, of Roxbury, is allowed by the legislature five
hundred and thirty-three acres of land for his encouragement.
To promote the college, they grant it the ferry between Boston
and Charlestown.
Great apprehensions, here and abroad, are entertained lest the
institutions of this colony be impaired, if not prostrated, by ex
cess of embarrassment in its pecuniary affairs. In prospect of
such perils the legislature pass the subjoined resolve : " Where
as many men in the plantation are in debt, and heare is not mon
ey sufficient to discharge the same, though their cattle and their
goods should bee sould for halfe their worth, as experience hath
showed vpon some late executions, whereby a great part of the
people in the country may bee undone, and yet their debts not
satisfied, though they have sufficient, upon an equall valewation,
to pay all, and live comfortably upon the rest. It is therefore
ordered, that upon every execution for debts past, the officer
shall take land, houses, corne, cattle, fish, or other commodyties,
and deliver the same in full satisfaction to the creditor at such
prizes " as three referees shall decide. The storm, though
alarming, showed the power of the churches and the common
wealth to endure heavy trials, and thus restored greater confi-
fidence and influence to them.
The elders and magistrates, as Winthrop says, had desired
the General Court to define the distinctive rights of the church
and state. The magistrates introduce the matter. They re
quest that it may be so decided, "that the civil magistrate
should not proceed against a church member before the church
had dealt with him, with some other restraints which the court
did not allow of. So the matter was referred to further consid
eration, and it appeared indeed that divers of the elders did. not
agree in those points." A question on this subject arose from

1640.]

THE TWELVE ARTICLES. 421

the banishment of church members by the legislature for so
carrying out their imputed errors in religion as to become charge
able with offence against the civil law, before they had been dis
ciplined by their respective churches. This sent away such
members from the convenient means of being dealt with and
watched over, and produced in them a feeling that they had
been wronged, both of which put them without the influence
which otherwise might have been employed for their restoration
from what others called false doctrines. Considerations of this
kind made a strong reason why elders and the prominent mem
bers of their churches should wish that trespasses on ecclesias
tical rules might be considered by the proper church, before
those on civil orders might be called up by the legislature, when
both offences were simultaneous and committed by the same
person. In the course of this month, Cotton delivers a sermon from
1 Cor. xi. 19, respecting heresies, which is soon known as " The
Sermon of the Twelve Articles." He maintains that a belief of
these may be properly required as a condition of church fellow
ship. They are as follow : The Trinity. God is the Creator of
the world, and Dispenser of reward to the good, and of punish
ment to the wicked. He is the only proper object of supreme
worship. This worship is by command of Scripture, and not by
human authority. Since the fall of man, his race have not wor
shipped God as they should, and have thus subjected themselves
to the loss of his promised favor, and are naturally under the
curse of law. So situated, they cannot be delivered from con
demnation by their own desert. Jesus Christ became manifest
ed in the flesh, and, by his sufferings, delivered his elect from
the dominion of sin and destruction. Salvation is offered in
the gospel to every one who has true faith in the Redeemer, and
only to such. No man can come to the Savior, unless the Fa
ther draw him by his word and spirit. All who follow Jesus are
justified freely through grace. The justified are renewed and
sanctified. They who are thus highly favored are imperfect on
earth. To these doctrines the sermon adds that the rewards and
punishments of another world are endless, and that a knowledge
and reception of them are essential to the foundation of religion.
It teaches that difference of views about baptism and imposition
of hands should not hinder church communion. It takes ex
ceptions to the Apostles' Creed as to the descent of Christ into
hell, and not inculcating that the Scriptures are the only rule
of faith and conduct, and not plainly setting forth the doctrine
of justification.
Ezekiel Rogers, in pressing the claims of his parish for the
enlargement of their limits, before the legislature, said to them.
36

422 COVENANT — CONFESSION — HERESY ...[Mass.
because they did not fully consent to his proposal, that "he
would acquaint the elders " with the matter. The court consid
ered this as a threat, and required satisfaction of him, which he
made by an apology, that he only intended by the expression a
purpose to consult on the subject with his brethren in the min
istry. October 13. Lechford gives his impressions of our churches
to a correspondent : " They hold their covenant constitutes their
church, and that implyes, we that come to joyne with them
were not members of any true church whence we came, and
that I dare not professe. Againe, here is required such confes
sions and professions, both in private and publique, both by men
and women, before they are admitted, that three parts of the
people of the country remaine out of the church, so that ill
short time most of the people will remaine unbaptized, if this
course hold."
November. The church of Boston send another admonitory
letter to their members at Rhode Island.
2. In view of the burdens with which Massachusetts was
borne down, Hooker writes to Shepard, of Cambridge, and pro
poses his removal to Matabeseck. .
December 1. Lechford confesses to the Court of Assistants,
that he had erred in arguing for the ministry of bishops and the
order of Episcopacy. He also engages to cease from such con
troversy, and attend to his calhng.
A jury bring in a verdict that Hugh Buet is guilty of heresy,
and that his person and errors are dangerous for the infection of
others. He is commanded to leave the jurisdiction by the 24th
instant, on pain of death. Winthrop relates, that Buet claimed
to be free from original sin, and that he had done nothing wrong
for the six previous months, and that he held that " all true
Christians after [blank] are enabled to live without committing
actual sin." This individual went to Providence.
9. John Knowles is ordained pastor over the Watertown
church, though Phillips still remained their pastor, and they had
no teacher. Thus they differed, as Winthrop says, " from the
practice of the other churches, as also they did in their privacy,
not giving notice thereof to the neighboring churches, nor to
the magistrates, as the common practice was." Lechford con
firms this statement. He remarks that, however the churches,
in general, make a distinction between the pastor and teacher
and their duties, " some hold them all one, as in the church of
Watertown there are two pastors, neither will that church send
any messengers to any other church gathering or ordination."
11. The ecclesiastical state of England is increasingly favor
able to our civil and religious freedom. A petition of many, in

16 GRIEVANCES— LAUD ACCUSED. 423
and about London, is laid before the House of Commons. It
prays that Episcopacy " with all its dependencies, roots, and
branches, may be abolished, and all laws in their behalf made
void, and the government according to God's word may be
rightly placed amongst us." From the phrase it contains, it was
called the "root and branch petition." It is accompanied with
twenty-eight grievances, " caused, practised, and occasioned by
the prelates and their dependants." The 4th of them is, "The
restraint of many godly and able men from the ministry, and
thrusting out of many congregations their faithful, diligent, and
powerful ministers, who lived peaceably with them, and did
them good, only because they cannot in conscience submit unto
and maintain the bishop's needless devices ; nay, sometimes for
no other cause but for their zeal in preaching, or great auditories.
9. The hindering of godly books to be printed, the blotting out
or perverting those which they suffer, all or most of that which
strikes either at Popery or Arminianism ; the adding of what
or where pleaseth them, and the restraint of reprinting books
formerly licensed, without relicensing. 10. The publishing and
venting of Popish, Arminian, and other dangerous books and
tenets, as namely, that the church of Rome is a true church,
and in the worst times never erred in fundamentals ; that the
subjects have no propriety in their estates, but that the king
may take from them what he pleaseth ; that all is the kings,
and that he is bound by no law. 21. Prophanation of the
Lord's day, pleading for it, and enjoining ministers to read a
declaration set forth (as 'tis thought) by their procurement for
tolerating of sports upon that day, suspending and depriving
many godly ministers for not reading the same only out of con
science, because it was against the law of God so to do, and no
law of the land to enjoin it." One of the dangerous conse
quences which follow from the 28th grievance is, " The general
hope and expectation of the Romish party, that their supersti
tious religion will ere long be fully planted in this kingdom
again, and so they are encouraged to persist therein, and to prac
tise the same openly in divers places, to the high dishonour of
God, and contrary to the laws of the realm."
December 17. The Scottish commissioners offer a charge to the
House of Lords against the prelate of Canterbury. On the 18th,
he is accused of high treason, and " committed to the custody of
the gentleman usher." Thus fallen into the hands of those who
considered him as a prime cause of their national sufferings, the
condition of Archbishop Laud becomes more hopeless, and his
tragic end is well known. With his ruin, all the protracted
policy and efforts to bring New England under hierarchal rule
cease to be continued. His adversity brings relief to our fathers

424 PUBLIC FLUCTUATION. r.,[Mass.
from their long-continued anxiety lest they should be stripped
of their charter rights, and be compelled to flee from the land
of their adoption to some other refuge.
December 19. Lechford writes to a friend in England,
" Sorry and grieved are we at the heart to heare of the troub
lous estate and condition of our native countrey. Wee here
also meete with our troubles and distresses in outward things,
and some in spirituall matters also. Never, since I saw you,
have I received the sacrament of the Lord's supper. I have
disputed in writing, though to my great hindrance, in regard
to outward things, yet, blessed be the Lord, to my better satis
faction at the last. Our chiefe difference was about the founda
tion of the church and ministery, and what rigid separations
may tend unto, what is to be feared, in case the most of the
people here shoold remaine unbaptized. Blessed be the Lord,
now some of the chiefe leaders of the churches here hold the
churches in England true churches, and your ministery lawfull,
though divers corruptions there may be among you."
At the latter part of this month, news arrives that the Scots
had entered England ; a parliament was called, and hope pre .
vailed of thorough reformation in national affairs. Such tidings
produce an unsteadiness of purpose. Some decide to return, and
dwell in their native country. Others, concluding that they
could not obtain convenient support there, make up their minds
to emigrate southward. Hence they part with estates at very
low prices. This, with the scarcity of money, causes a great
abatement, in the value of all property, which would bring no
more than a fifth of its common price ; whereby, as Winthrop
observes, "God taught us the vanity of all outward things."
Shepard states, this year, that, having composed and published
notes on six of the nine principles in England before he came
over, he had now finished the notes on the other three principles,
and " so sent them to England, where they are also printed."
1641, February 1. Mrs. Anne Hibbins is excommunicated *
from the Boston church, for charging mechanics, who worked
on her husband's house, with extortion, and refusing to retract
when privately admonished by members of the church, and ac
cusing the church of injustice because they had dealt with her
on the subject. When the sentence was pronounced, her hus
band said,f " I desier leaue to speake one word before the con
gregation be dismissed. It is my humble, and earnest request
to the congregation, first to our reuerend elders, and then to
euery brother and sister in the congregation, that both in pub
like and priuate they would remember my afflicted condition be-
* Boston Church Records. f Keayne's Manuscript.

COMPROMISE OF DIFFERENCES. 425
fore the Lord, and earnestly pray to God that this ordinance of
his may be sanctified to my wife, for the good of her sowle and
for the returninge of her back agayne, first to herself and then
vnto yow." She w^s the unhappy woman subsequently hung
on the charge of witchcraft.
February 2. Mr. Burr had united with the Dorchester church,
and received a call from them to be colleague with Mather. Hav
ing deferred an acceptance of the invitation, he continued to
preach for the parish. He delivered some doctrines,* which, as his
hearers thought, partook of "Familism." The church desired
him to explain, but his replies did not satisfy them. The mat
ter was then left for discussion between him and Mather. The
former wrote down his viewrs on the doubtful points, and pre
sented them to the latter, who drew up his objections, and laid
them before the brethren, without the qualifications made by
Burr. When this was published, Burr denied that he held the
sentiments imputed to him. It caused division in the church ;
part sided with him, and others with Mather. A council, of
Governor Dudley, Winthrop, and ten of the neighboring el
ders, assemble to reconcile their differences. After a session
of four days, the result was, that Burr had been too backward
to explain his doubted opinions, and Mather too forward to de
clare them wrong. This they both confess, and renew their har
monious cooperation.
A trouble, which often existed then and since on similar oc
casions, was experienced in Boston about the situation of a new
meeting house. But it was settled quietly. The cost of it,
being a thousand pounds, was raised by weekly contributions.
This was done without complaint, while other churches had
been much disturbed when called to meet a like charge by tax
ation. Friends in England had written over for this colony to send
agents thither, commissioned to petition Parliament, whose power
was much enlarged, for needed favors. This was probably done
by such men as Matthew Cradock, the fast friend of Massachu
setts, who was then a member of that body. On the first con
sultation, our authorities dechned the overtures, lest it should
'bring them into prejudicial subjection.
3. The subsequent events, favorable to the cause of dissent
ers in England, are alike related to the same cause in our land,
as they take place in their order. The Commons grant three
hundred thousand pounds to their brethren of Scotland, and thus
favor their stand against the king. To conciliate the anti-roy
alists, he admits Lord Say and other disaffected lords to his privy
* Winthrop.
:; is 36 *

426 FOREIGN COMMISSIONERS.
I JVjlASS.
council, but with little effect. On the 3d of May, a protesta
tion, like that of the Scotch Covenant, is made by the Lords and
Commons, to secure their rights and privileges, and circulated
over the whole kingdom. On the 12th, the Earl of Strafford,
charged with a purpose to alter the constitution, so that it may
favor absolute monarchy, is beheaded on Tower Hill. On July
5, a bill passes to nullify the Star Chamber and High Commis
sion Court.
March 2. The Assistants advise with elders on the subject
of foreign agents. The conclusion is, that it would be well
to send commissioners to " negotiate both in furthering the
work of reformation of the churches there, which was now like
to be attempted, and to satisfy our countrymen of the true
cause why our engagements there have not been satisfied this
year, as they were wont to be in all former time, since we were
here planted," and to promote a trade in cotton, at the West
Indies, for the manufacture of cloth among the colonists. The
individuals designated for the mission are Peters, Weld, and
Hibbins. A letter from many of the principal men was ad
dressed to the Salem church, desiring them to relinquish their
pastor. The governor applied to the Roxbury church for a like
purpose, who, after deliberation, consented to give up Mr.
Weld. But the Salem church were not ready to comply. En
dicott, having objected to Peters's departure, still retained the
same ground. Some of his reasons were, " that officers should
not be taken from their churches for civil occasions ; that it
would be reported that we were in such want as we had sent to
England to beg relief, which would be very dishonourable to
religion ; and that we ought to trust in God, who had never
failed us hitherto." But the principal objection was, lest Peters
should remain in England, or go thence to the West Indies with
Humfrey, who intended to embark with him, and was engaged
as governor in the latter quarter by Lord Say and others. As a
confirmation of this opinion, Humfrey severely argued against
Endicott's position before the Salem congregation. This liked
to have caused a breach between them. But both, confessing
publicly that they had been too much excited on the subject,
became reconciled. Still their church sent an answer to the
authorities, with reasons for non-compliance. This delayed the
embassy, and it was relinquished for a time. The discussion
was a prominent topic of public discourse.
23. William Pynchon states that he is to be disciplined
by those of Connecticut. He says, "The main matter is
about falling from the government of the River to the Bay juris
diction." He remarks that his son Smith and Rev. Mr. Moxon
are implicated with him. He asks advice of the. Roxbury

1641.

LORDS FAVOR NEW ENGLAND. 437

elders. The next June 2, he has a renewed commission from
the Bay authorities to govern Springfield, the place of his resi
dence. March 31. The Lords of England petition* the lord high
treasurer, that the people of New England, who complain that
their trade is restricted, may have relief.
April 27. A gentleman of Somersetshire writes to Thomas
Lechford, in Boston, that disorder reigns in the church and na
tion of Old England.
May. The people of New Meadows, subsequently Topsfield,
begin to have preaching. Robert Fordham, minister, as Lech
ford states, resides at Sudbury. He became minister of South
ampton, L. I.
Cotton advances the opinion from Revelation xv. that no
more of the Jews or Gentiles would be called, except occasional
proselytes, until Antichrist be destroyed.
June 1. The Court of Assistants release Mr. Edward Tom-
lins, who had declared against singing in the churches.
2. Nathaniel Ward preaches the election sermon. Winthrop
remarks of it, " He delivered many useful things, but in a moral
and political discourse, grounding his propositions much upon
the old Roman and Grecian governments, which sure is an er
rour, for if religion and the word of God makes men wiser
than their neighbors, and these times have the advantage of all
that have gone before us in experience and observation, it is
probable that by all these helps, we may better frame rules of
government for ourselves than to receive others upon the bare
authority of the wisdom, justice, etc., of those heathen com
monwealths." Rev. John Ward and his company are to have the bounds of
the plantation, afterwards Haverhill, determined, if they erect
six houses there by the October session of the court. A settle
ment is allowed at Nantasket. White people had lived here
prior to 1624. The gospel had been preached to them at dif
ferent periods.
The trial of great depression in all country produce and
live stock, and in the continued wages of servants, laborers, and
mechanics at the former rates, is so great, " that many think
better to lay aside their business (which would tend to ruin the
churches and commonwealth) than spend the small remnant of
their estates for the maintenance " of such helpers. The court
therefore enact, that persons who are hired to work shall
lower their wages, and take pay in the productions of their
labor, or other commodities of the colony.
* From manuscript of Mr. George Adlard.

428 CATECHISM— EMBASSY. [Mass.
One means of such depression was the knowledge that very
few emigrants came, or intended to come, from England, because
of the parliamentary reform in political and ecclesiastical gov
ernment, and that, as a consequence, foreign commodities were
scarce and high.
The elders are requested to " make a catechism for the in
struction of youth in the grounds of religion."
The court repeat their wish to the churches of Salem, Rox
bury and Boston, for relinquishing Peters, Weld, and Hibbins to
visit England. The object of their embassy was to congratu
late the dissenters on their success ; to apologize for our mer
chants, who had not made remittances for their goods, on ac
count of the low price which our productions brought ; to im
prove opportunities for our colonial welfare ; and to advise, if de
sired, about the platform of church government. But they were
cautioned not to commit the colony by asking for assistance in
any objectionable manner. Winthrop adds, " for we were re
solved to wait upon the Lord in the use of all means which
were lawful and honourable."
A committee are appointed to hold a meeting with the elders,
" to consider of the jurisdictions " of the churches and com
monwealth. A description of the colony in its " present state,"
as " tendered " by Endicott, is, after revisal, to be published.
They order Jane Hawkins, a particular friend of Mrs.
Hutchinson, to leave their jurisdiction to-morrow morning,
and not to return on " pain of severe whipping and such other
punishment as the court shall think meet." Her two sons are
required to give bond for twenty pounds, that she be carried
away. 21. Tidings had reached* Boston that a small Puritan church
at Providence, in the West Indies, had been persecuted, and
their pastor, with another minister, had been sent as prisoner to
England. Thus afflicted, they desired the sympathy, prayers,
and aid of our churches. A company there had previously pur
posed to go and reside there. Not discouraged by what they
now heard, they conclude to proceed and strengthen their
oppressed brethren. The elders and magistrates, though con
sidering that they were needed at Providence to sustain a droop
ing church, yet, as things stood here, it was not their obligation
to venture. Thomas Venner,f of Salem, a leader among these
* Winthrop.
t Life of Rev. John Wilson. Venner was a cooper. He went to England,
and united with the "Fifth Monarchy" sect. After Charles II. came to the
throne, he persuaded some followers, that if they would take up arms, "Jesus
would come to put himself at their head." They complied with his advice. The
most of them were killed. Venner was taken witli others. He was hanged,
drawn, and quartered, January 19, 1061, in Coleman Street, London.

1641 . DOUBTS OF STATE AND CHURCH. 429
emigrants, stood up with some others, and said " notwithstand
ing what has been offered, they were clear in their call to re
move." Wilson replied, that if they disregarded the advice
given them, they would not prosper. This prediction was sor
rowfully verified. The company of thirty men, five women,
and eight children set sail in two small vessels. One of them
was commanded by William Pierce, who had been noted for his
useful labors in promoting the settlement of New England.
When he arrived in the harbor of Providence, he was fired on
by Spaniards, who had recently captured the place. He and
Samuel Wakeman, of Hartford, were mortally wounded. The
former died in an hour, and the latter lived ten days. On the
morning of so sad an event, Pierce read in course to the com
pany from Genesis, " Behold, I die ; but God shall bring you
again to the land of your fathers." From this passage he gave
them a serious exhortation. Thus forced to relinquish their
enterprise, they returned to Boston the 3d of September.
July 5. Lechford, being requested by one of the chief men
to express his objections to state and church here, gives the suc
ceeding reply. He doubts whether the mode -of discipline and
worship of Congregationalism are so beneficial as those of Epis
copacy ; whether sufficient efforts are made to evangelize the
Indians ; whether the manner of election in church and com
monwealth will be safe ; and whether the best inhabitants will
continue here unless there be a reform.
25. John Winthrop, Jr., and William Hibbins, being about
to sail for England, are recommended to churches there by the
Boston church.
August 3. The subsequent facts are collated from Lechford,
who now embarks for England. He was an intelligent and
conscientious lawyer. He came hither much disposed to favor
Congregationalism, but, after a while, he returned to his previ
ous inclination for hierarchy.
As to the gathering of a church, " a convenient number of
Christians, allowed by the Generall Court to plant together, at
a day prefixed, come together, in publique manner, in some fit
place, and there confesse their sins and professe their faith one
unto another, and being satisfied of one another's faith and re
pentance, they solemnly enter into a covenant with God and
one another." On such occasions, messengers of other church
es are present, and one of them questions the persons forming
the new church, and if satisfied with their creed and life, gives
them the right hand of fellowship. After a church elects its
officers, as pastors, teachers, elders, and deacons, they appoint a
public day of fasting and prayer for their ordination. This ser
vice is done by two or three laymen of their number, if no min-

430 ADMISSION OF CHURCH MEMBERS. rllr
[Mass.
ister be of their company, but if he be, he takes part in the
work with them. When such duty is performed, and ministers
of other churches are present, these give the right hand of fel
lowship to each of the new officers, or else one, in the name of
the rest, does it with an address.
Besides the officers already named, the churches feel them
selves authorized to choose " deaconesses or widowes," though
Lechford did not know of any females holding such a trust.
If any persons wish to join a church, they make it known
to a ruling elder and a private assembly at his house. De
sired to give an account of their religious knowledge, they do
it, if men, standing, but if women, sitting. When their re
lation is satisfactory to the brethren present, one of the ruling
elders propounds them before the whole congregation. -He
then remarks, " If any know any thing or matter of offence
against them, for their unfitness to join with them, such are re
quired to bring notice thereof to the elders." Provided that
the individuals so presented have no charge against them, one
of the ruling elders calls them forth in the assembly, " most
commonly upon the Lord's day, after evening exercises, and
sometimes upon a week clay, when all the church have notice
to be present." They come forward. He speaks : " Brethren
of this congregation, this man, or this woman, A B, hath been
heretofore propounded to you, desiring to enter into church fel
lowship with us, and we have not, since that, heard any thing
from any of you to the contrary of the parties admittance, but
that we may go on to receive him." If valid objections are
offered, the reception is delayed ; but if not, further progress
is made. The person, being a man, again relates the work of
grace upon his sold ; but being a woman her relation, made pri
vately to the elders, is read, most usually, by the pastor to the
assembly, in Boston. " At Salem, the women speake themselves,
for the most part, in the church; but of late, it is said, they do
this upon the week days there, and nothing is done on Sunday
but their entrance into covenant." The next step for the can
didate is to profess his faith, his view of the constitution of a
church in its officers and members, and their respective duties.
If unable to do this for himself, he is assisted by questions and
answers. At this point, the elder says, " Brethren, if you are
satisfied, express your consent to receive him, by your usual
sign, which is the erection and extension of the right hand."
The last act is entrance into covenant ; the part relating to the
candidate is read to him by the elder, which he promises to
perform by divine help ; and then that of the church to the
candidate ; and thus he becomes admitted.
Continuing his remarks on such new members of the church,

1641 , FELLOWSHIP — BRANCH CHURCHES. 431
the same author adds, " Then they may receive the sacrament
of the Lord's Supper ; and their children be baptized, but not
before ; also till then they may not be freemen of the common
wealth." " Of late some churches are of opinion that any may be ad
mitted to church fellowship that are not extremely ignorant or
scandalous ; but this they are not very forward to practice, ex
cept at Newberry."
" Although some have held that three, or two, may make a
church, yet I have heard Master Cotton say, that a church could
not be without the number of six or seven, at least ; and so was
their practice while I was there, at Weymouth and New Taun
ton, and at Lynn for Long Island ; because if there are but
three, one that is offended with another cannot upon cause tell
the church, but one man."
In cases of discipline, if a member holds erroneous opinions,
the teacher declares the decision against him ; if he be guilty
of immoral conduct, the pastor performs such a duty. "The
ruling elders do not usually denounce any sentence."
While an excommunicated individual is allowed to attend
worship with the rest of the .congregation in other towns, he
is not permitted in New Haven, but must stand " at the door,
if he will hear." It has been decided in Boston, that if a per
son thus cut off from ecclesiastical privileges be a father, his
children may eat with him, and, if he be a magistrate, he ought
to be obeyed in. civil concerns.
There is a difference of opinion on the question whether of
fences between brethren should not be brought to their church
before the magistrate takes cognizance of them. Still, "the
magistrates and church, leaders labor for a just and equal corre
spondence in jurisdictions, not to intrench one on the other ; nei
ther the civill magistrate to be exempt from ecclesiastical cen
sure, nor the minister from civil ; and whether ecclesiastical or
civil power first begin to lay hold on a man, the same to pro
ceed, not barring the other to intermeddle."
The churches have no control over each other except by ad
vice. Though they are generally independent of the govern
ment, yet, in some cases, the legislature overrule their decisions.
" Of late clivers of the ministerie have had set meetings to order
-church matters, whereby it is conceived they bend towards
Presbyterian rule."
Some of the churches have their branches in villages, as
Boston had at Braintree, and still has at Rumney Marsh, and
Salem at Marblehead. A member of the principal church offi
ciates at the branch, " which is called prophesying " in such a
place. The members of the latter church come and partake of
the sacrament with the former.

432 PULPIT EXCHANGES — WORSHIP. [Mass.
In Boston church, they rule, when they can, by unanimous
consent.; but, if not thus able, they refer the question to select
brethren to " hear and end, or to certify the church, and any
brethren that will, to be present " at their private discussion
In Salem church, the majority rule ; " you that are so minded,
hold up your hands ; you that are otherwise minded, hold up
yours." A part of the congregations have no ruling elders ; some have
one, and others have two. They differ as to the number of
their deacons, some having one, others two or three. The opin
ion limitedly exists, that " one minister is enough for a small
number of people."
When a minister exchanges with another, the ruling elder in
the society to whom he comes says to him publicly, after the
psalm is sung, " If this present brother hath any word of ex
hortation for the people at this time, in the name of God let
him say on."
While private brethren occasionally address the congregation
from a text of Scripture at Salem, " it is generally held in the
Bay, by some of the most grave and learned men among them,
that none should undertake to prophesy in publick, unless he
intend the work of the ministry."
Public worship, in Boston, is in the following order : It be
gins by the ringing of a bell " about nine of the clock or be
fore." The pastor prays a quarter of an hour. The teacher
reads and explains a chapter. A psalm is dictated by one of
the ruling elders, and sung. The pastor preaches a sermon, and
sometimes gives an exhortation without notes. The teacher
closes with prayer and benediction. Services commence at two
in the afternoon. The pastor proceeds as in the forenoon. A
psalm is sung. The teacher delivers a sermon. " He was wont,
when I came first, to reade and expound a chapter also before
his sermon. After and before his sermon, he prayeth." Sing
ing and blessing. " In some churches, nothing is read on the
Lord's day, but a psalme dictated before or after the sermon, as
at Hingham."
Baptism is administered next to the prayer which follows the
sermon. It is done by either pastor or teacher, standing in the
deacons' seat, below that of the elders. He commonly addresses
the church and parents on the subject. Baptism is by " wash
ing and sprinkling, in the name of the Father, and of the Son,
and of the Holy Ghost." It is required that, at least, one of
the parents be a member of the church. No godfathers or god
mothers are required.
The sacrament is partaken of once a month, of which notice
is given a fortnight beforehand. " Then all others departing,

1641. CALLING OF THE JEWS. 433
save the church, which is a great deal less in number than those
that go away," they receive the elements, " the ministers and
ruling elders sitting at the table, the rest in their seats or upon
forms." The pastor or teacher prays, blesses and consecrates
the bread and wine. He delivers the " bread in a charger to
some of the chief," who carry it round to the communicants.
In a similar manner the cup is circulated. The other prays
after each of these memorials is received. On the next hke
occasion, the pastor and teacher change services ; he who
began ends. If any member of another church be present,
and wishes to commune, he mentions it to one of the rul
ing elders, " who propounds his name to the congregation,"
who, if having no objection, grant him the privilege. Persons
not members of the church are allowed to be spectators at
such times.
Prior to the dispersion of the people in the afternoon, a con
tribution is taken. " One of the deacons, saying, ' Brethren of
the congregation, as God has prospered you, so freely offer,' the
magistrates and chief gentlemen first, and then the elders and
all the congregation of men, and most of them that are not of
the church, all single persons, widows, and women, in absence
of their husbands, come up one after another one way, and
bring their offerings to the deacon at his seate, and put it into a
box of wood for the purpose if it be money or papers ; if it
be any other chattle, they set or lay it down before the deacons,
and so pass another way to their seats again. I have seen a fair
gilt cup, with a cover, offered there by one, which is still used
at the communion." The amount so collected is appropriated,
by the deacons, towards the support of the ministers, the assist
ance of the poor, and other occasions. At Salem, only church
members bring such offerings in public. Other worshippers are
' waited on at their houses, to give for the ministers' salaries. In
some other places, all the parish are taxed to "meet their current
expenses. On " extraordinary occasions, as the building and repairing
meeting houses and other necessities, the ministers press a liberal
contribution, with effectual exhortations out of the Scriptures."
A reason offered by some why the gospel was not prevalent
among the Indians was, that " it is not probable that any nation
more can be converted till the calling of the Jews ; till the
seven plagues finished, none was able to enter the temple, that
is, the Christian church." Dunster, of the college, " deserves
commendation above many " for his endeavors to have the na
tives evangelized.
The marriage ceremony is performed only by magistrates.
There is neither reading nor a sermon at funerals. The neigh-
3 c 37

434 STATEMENT OF CHALMERS. , „
bors assemble at the tolling of a bell, accompany the corpse to
the grave, and there stand till it is buried. " The ministers are
most commonly present."
" The ministers advise in making of laws, especially ecclesi
astical, and are present in courts, and advise in some special
causes." The commissioners for England, with John Winthrop, Jr.,
Thomas Lechford, and thirty-nine others, sail for Newfoundland.
Here they expected to find ships to conduct them the rest of
their passage. They were fourteen days in going thither. Pe
ters and Weld preached to the people on the island, " who were
much affected with the word taught."
Chalmers, in his Political Annals, thus expresses himself
with regard to Peters and his associates : " Though their instruc
tions have not been preserved, the object of their mission at
that critical juncture is now known to have been to promote the
interest of reformation, by stirring up the war and driving it
on." He asserts that this position is proved by the trial of Pe
ters. But an examination of this document affords no such pos
itive conclusion. A witness, who had betrayed the confidence
of the accused, and from a violent republican had become a
zealous royalist, uses language of doubtful interpretation. His
words are, that Peters, for the advancement of reformation,
" was employed out of New England " to stir up and promote
the civil war. No doubt the rulers of Massachusetts were ear
nestly desirous for the cause of civil and religious freedom to
be advanced in their parent country, as a direct means of secur
ing its continuance among themselves. But there is strong
doubt that they ever encouraged the commissioners to visit Eng
land for the purpose of kindling the flames of warfare. The
phrase " employed out of New England " is not satisfactorily
definite. However it may be construed, Peters positively and
immediately denied that such was the design of his voyage to
England. His words are, " When I came over, I found the
wars begun ; I began no war. I was sent over to his majesty, that
we might have a little help in point of excise and customes and.
encouragement of learning ; being sent over upon occasions of
the countrey and not upon any designe."
Thus bound on an experiment of serving their adopted coun
try under difficult and mutable circumstances, Messrs. Peters
and Weld, having thus taken their final leave of our shores,
call for a limited notice.
Mr. Peters, not only before and during his agency for Massa
chusetts, but all his life after, proved himself its fast and effi
cient friend. He was among the foremost of able, eloquent,
and energetic advocates and promoters of civil and religious

,„._., PUBLICATIONS OF HUGH PETERS. 435
1641.]freedom in his native country. His heart was filled with be
nevolence and sympathy for the distressed, near and afar off,
and his exertions for their relief were disinterested and abun
dant. His ardent engagedness for what he believed the benefit
of his fellow-men and advancement of his Savior's kingdom
drew upon him the shafts of reproach and slander. But the
rectitude of his purpose and the consciousness of his integrity
were a shield to preserve his inward peace and outward reputa
tion, with all the eminent men who most knew his course, and
most loved the dictates of truth. As well known, his end was
tragical. He was executed in London, October 16, 1660, on
the charge of high treason. His second wife, who had been
long afflicted with insanity, survived him, and was living in
London, 1677, supported by Mr. Cockquaine's church, as she
had been since his execution. Then Mr. Cockquaine made ap
plication to the Salem congregation, and others who might sym
pathize with her troubles, to render her some assistance. Mr.
Peters left a daughter, Elizabeth, baptized in 1640, before he
left the colony. In his parting advice to her, he observed,
" Your faithfulness to me and your mother will find acceptance
in heaven, I trust." She was a widow Barker, of Deptford, in
Kent county, in 1703, and was living six years afterwards.
Besides the Legacy, printed 1660, the following works of
Peters were issued from the press : A Preface to Church Gov
ernment and Church Covenant, 1643 ; A Message from Sir
Thomas Fairfax ; the Full and last Relation of all Things con
cerning Basing House ; Report from Bristol, 1645 ; God's Doings
and Man's Duty, a sermon ; Last Report of English Wars ;
Declaration of his Service in the West of England ; General
Propositions presented to the Members of the House of Com
mons, concerning the Presbyterian Ministers of this Kingdom,
etc. ; Message to both Houses from Sir Thomas Fairfax, with the
Narration of the Taking of Dartmouth, 1646; A Word for the
Army and Two Words to the Kingdom ; Amesii Lectiones in
Psalmos, cum Epist. Dedic, 1647 ; Address to the Watery
Generation abroad, their Admiral at Gravesend, taken in Short
Hand, 1649 ; Epitaphs on Henry Ireton, 165 1 ; Good Work for
a good Magistrate, or a Short Cut to Great Quiet, 1651 ; A
Sermon on Seeking the Lord ; the Case of Hugh Peters, im
partially communicated to the View of the whole World, written
by his own Hand, 1660. Besides these, taken from the Biblio-
theca Britannica, we have another from Allen, " Brief aen Va-
der la Chaize."
With the usual infirmities of our race, Mr. Peters was as far
removed from their dominion, and possessed as many excel
lences as the most of his day, the remembrance of whose worthi-

436 THANKSGIVING FOR SUCCESS OF PARLIAMENT. [Mass.
ness we cherish with more than ordinary respect and esteem.
The tribute we heartily render to these should not be withheld
from him. The crown we award them for having run well is
equally his due.
After having attended to the duties of his agency, Mr. Weld
returns to the higher trust of dispensing the doctrines of his
Redeemer. He settled over a parish at Gateshead, St. Mary's.
The sweep of ejectment, in 1662, comprises him as well as
many others. The time of this occurrence shows that the date
of his decease in the Roxbury church records, as being in 1661,
cannot be correct. He was engaged with Governor Winthrop,
Sen., in preparing the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of Antinomianism
etc., in New England. He published an answer to W. R.'s
Narration of the Opinions and Practices of the Churches lately
erected in New England, vindicating these churches, 1644.
" He, with three other ministers of Newcastle, wrote the Perfect
Pharisee under Monkish Holiness, showing the Quakers' Oppo
sition to the Fundamental Principles and Doctrines of the Gos
pel," 1654. He took part with a like number in publishing a
tract, entitled A False Jew, etc., on Discovery of a Scot, who
pretended to be a Jew, and then an Anabaptist. Of Mr. Weld's
children were John, minister of Riton, in the county of Dur
ham; Edmund, graduated at H. O, 1650, became minister of
Inniskean, Ireland, and died March 2, 1668, aged fifty (?) ; and
Thomas, who resided at Roxbury, had a family there, and died
1683. The life of Mr. Weld was marked with more than or
dinary events. But in them all he exhibited a firm reliance on
the immutable promises of the gospel.
August 15. Edward,* son of Rev. Peter Bulkley, of Con
cord, is dismissed by Boston church to that of his father. He
succeeded Blinman f at Marshfleld, who left there this year,
and ere long preached at Gloucester.
September 2. In view of the success J of Parliament against
the royal party, " a day of thanksgiving was kept in all our
churches." 7. While Bellingham and other members of the Quarterly
Court are dealing with Francis Hutchinson and his brother-in-
law, William Collins, the former of these two, still a member
of Boston church, is ordered to prison, as well as the latter.
The constable, Anthony Stoddard, says to the governor, " If
you should proceed with a brother otherwise than you ought, I
# Boston Church Records.
t As Blinman became freeman of Massachusetts October 7, 1641, he appears
to have moved hither from Marshfleld, by such date, though Morton implies that
he may have been there in 1642.
J Winthrop.

1641. REVIVAL OF THE CHARTER. 437
•
might deal with you in a church way." For such a speech he
is committed. On conversation with ministers and others, he
confesses that he erred in supposing that " the magistrate ought
not to deal with a member of the church before the church had
proceeded with him." He acknowledges the same the next
day in public assembly. Still, for example's sake, he is bound
to appear at next court, and is fined twenty shillings.
Persons from this colony, as Winthrop relates, being in Lon
don, and perceiving it to be a fit opportunity to apply for redress
of grievances, sent a petition to the House of Lords. This
body treated it with friendliness, and took off the restraint on
vessels and emigrants for New England, and confirmed to Mas
sachusetts her charter privileges. Thus they revived this doc
ument, which had been nullified and recalled. ¦ Such favor en
tirely turned the tables with regard to the men powerfully com
bined for the overthrow of our Congregational colonies. It once
more bid these be of good cheer, and more fully trust in Om
nipotence, who often brings deliverance for the oppressed from
the counsels and efforts intended for their utter desolation.
We are told by Johnson, that " there was another town and
church erected upon Cape Ann, being peopled with fishermen,
till the Rev. Richard Blinman came from a place in Plymouth
Patent, called Green Harbor, with some few people of his ac
quaintance, and settled down with them, and gathered into a
church, being but a small number, about fifty persons. They
called to office this godly man, whose gifts and abilities to han
dle the word is not inferior to many others, laboring much
against the errors of the times, of a sweet, humble, heavenly
carriage." Thus highly recommended for the new sphere of
his labor, Blinman girds himself for the arduous duties of his
station and calling.
October 7. Mr. William Perkins is granted four hundred
acres of land for fifty pounds which his father paid towards the
stock of the Massachusetts Company. The former person was
a preacher at Gloucester, in 1651, and subsequently at Tops-
field. A fast is designated for November 4, "in regard of our
wants and the danger of our native country."
10. James Forrett, agent for the Earl of Stirling, who claimed
all islands between Cape Cod and Hudson River, grants to
Thomas Mayhew, Sen. and Jr., both of Watertown, Nantucket
and two small islands. On the 23d, he also assigns to them
Martin's (alias Martha's) Vineyard and Elizabeth Islands. The
condition of such grants is the payment of a quit rent. Thus
a sphere is opened for a family who did much to promote the
interests of religion.
A church is gathered at the Vineyard, and Thomas Mayhew,

37

*

438 IDOLATROUS WORSHIP OF INDIANS. [Mass.
the younger, becomes its pastor. It is supposed that white in
habitants occupied the island several years before the purchase
previously stated, and that he preached for them in that period.
In a subsequent communication of his to the Society in Lon
don for the Evangelization of the Indians in New England, we
have these passages : " When the Lord brought me to these poor
Indians on the Vinyard, they were mighty zealous and earnest
in the worship of many false gods and devils, of things in heav
en, earth, and sea. They had men, women, and children gods,
besides innumerable more feigned gods belonging to many crea
tures, to their corn and every colour of it. The devil also with
his angels had his kingdom among them. Account him they
did the terror of the living, the god of the dead, under whose
cruel power and into whose deformed likeness they conceived
themselves to be translated when they died. By him they
were often hurt in their bodies, distracted in their minds ;
wherefore they had many meetings with their pawwaws (who
usually had a hand in their hurt) to pacifie the devil by their
sacrifice, and get deliverance from their evil. The pawwaws
counted their imps their preservers, had them treasured up in
their bodies, which they brought forth to hurt their enemies
and heal their friends ; who, when they had done some notable
cure, would shew the imp in the palm of their hands to the In
dians, who, with much amazement looking on it, deified them,
then at all times seeking to them for cure in all sickness,
and counsel in all eases. This diabolical way they were
in, giving heed to a multitude of heathen traditions of their
gods, and many other things, under the observation whereof,
they with much slavery were held, and abounding with sins,
having only an obscure notion of a God greater than all, which
they called Mannit ; but they knew not what he was, and there
fore had no way to worship him." This extract is given as a
specimen of the spiritual darkness which covered the Indians,
and the difficulty of bringing them to the light of gospel
truth. '
Thomas Shepard makes the following note : " When I saw
the gifts and honour attending them in another, T. H., (Thomas
Hooker,) I began to affect such an excellency. And I saw here
by that usually in my ministry I did affect an excellency, and
hence set upon the work. Whereas the Lord hereupon hum
bled me for this, by letting me see this was a diabolical pride.
And so the Lord made me thankful in seeing it, and put me in
mind to watch against it." On the 29th, he remarks, " I was
much troubled about the poverty of the churches." But soon
perceiving it intended as a trial of Providence, he bowed in
hopeful submission.

BODY OF LIBERTIES. 439
1641.] *aj
October 27. Rev. Robert Peck leaves Hingham, and embarks
with his wife and son Joseph, for his native land. His recent
arraignment before the legislature was probably one inducement
for such departure. Cotton Mather relates that he was invited
by his friends of Hingham, in England, to renew his pastoral
relation with them, " where he was greatly serviceable for the
good of the church." He died 1656, in the midst of a beloved
flock, with whom he suffered and labored for the cause of god
liness. November 13. An extract from Shepard's diary follows : " I
was considering the state of the country by reason of its poverty.
I had two arguments suggested to make me hope the Lord
would relieve us. 1. Because, if the Lord had given himself
for his people, to redeem them from the greatest sin of the world,
then from out of those sins by which our distresses are occa
sioned now. 2. Because we are a poor, afflicted people, cast out
of our own country from our friends and comforts there, and
all our sorrows and sufferings here are in part by reason of their
cruelty and persecution, and that therefore the Lord will deliv
er, if we seek."
December 10. At a session of the legislature, beginning at
this date, a body of laws, prepared chiefly by Nathaniel Ward,
is adopted. Nineteen transcripts of it are to be made and signed
by a committee, and each town is to pay ten shillings for one
of them.
As a bonus for being the first who set up printing in the col
ony, Stephen Day is granted three hundred acres of land. For
their important duties, John Cotton and Nathaniel Ward are
each allowed six hundred acres.
From the code just accepted, the subsequent passages are
taken. In the introduction, " The free fruition of such liberties,
immunities, and privileges as humanity, civility, and Christian
ity call for as due to every man in his place and proportion, with
out impeachment and infringement, hath ever been and ever
will be the tranquility and stability of churches and common
wealths ; and the denial or deprival thereof, the disturbance, if
not the ruin, of both."
Among the natural rights, it is declared, that " no man's hon
our or good name shall be stained, unless by virtue or equity of
some express law of the country, or, in case of the defect of a
law, by the word of God."
" Civil authoritie hath power and liberty to see the peace, or
dinances, and rules of Christ observed in every church accord
ing to his word, so it be done in a civil, and not in an ecclesias
tical way.
" Civil authority hath power and liberty to deal with any church

440 CLERICAL ASSOCIATIONS. rlVT
member in a way of civil justice, notwithstanding any church
relation, office, or interest.
" No church censure shall degrade or depose any man from any
civil dignity, office, or authority he shall have in the common
wealth." After declaring that idolatry, witchcraft, and blasphemy shall
be punishable with death, the code proceeds to detail ecclesias
tical liberties.
" The elders of churches have free libertie to meet monthly,
quarterly, or otherwise, for conferences and consultation about
Christian and church questions and occasions.
" All churches have liberty to deal with any of their members
in a church way, that are in the hand of justice, so it be not to
retard or hinder the course thereof.
" We allow private meetings for edification in rehgion
amongst Christians of all sorts of people, so it be without just
offence for number, time, place, and other circumstances."
For preventing error and offences, and promoting brotherly
communion, it is allowed that " once in every month of the
year, when the season will bear it, it shall be lawful for the min
isters and elders of the churches near adjoining together, with
any other of the brethren, with the consent of the churches, to
assemble by course in each several church, one after another, to
the intent, after the preaching of the word by such a minister as
shall be requested thereto by the elders of the church where
the assembly is held, the rest of the day may be spent in pub
lic Christian conference about the discussing and resolving of
any such doubts and cases of conscience, concerning matter of
doctrine, or worship, or government of the church, as shall be
propounded by any of the brethren of that church, with leave
also to any other brother to propound his objections or answers
for further satisfaction, according to the word of God."
Some of the legislature urged that the code should contain
additional laws, which should impose fixed penalties on " lying,
swearing, etc." But the majority carried the principle, that
" all punishments, except such as are made certain in the law of
God, or are not subject to variation by merit of circumstances,
ought to be left arbitrary to the wisdom of the judges."
The Body of Liberties had less capital laws than the " Judi
cials of Moses," previously drawn up by Cotton, but not adopt
ed by the General Court. Among the distinctive features of
the latter were its requisitions that wilful perjury, false witness,
unchastity, contemptuous profanation of the Lord's day, revil
ing of the highest magistrates, and rebellion against parents,
should be punished with death. The former, being of a more
general character, was applied as its administrators judged the

QUESTION OF LEGAL PUNISHMENT. 441
necessities of society required. The great question, which has
always been asked in civilized nations, how far legal justice shall
exercise severity on the criminal in order to throw protection
around the innocent, was asked in relation to that code, as it has
been since to its remaining essentials and additions. It is still
far from being satisfactorily settled. There is a limit some
where, to which retribution should extend, so that the pillars
of social purity, order, safety, and happiness may not be cast
down and destroyed. Human perception will probably never
discover that line, while darkened by the influence of sin.
When the Great Physician shall remove the obscurity of its vis
ion, there will be no need of applying primitive enactments, be
cause transgressors will have become moulded and assimilated
to his most holy will.
A proposal, as Winthrop says, having been made to drop
from the magistrates two who had expended much property, and
been exemplary in efforts to advance the temporal and spiritual
welfare of the colony, Cotton reproved it, at a Thursday lec
ture, as an ungrateful miscarriage. He maintained that men
" well gifted and approved by long experience," whose estates
had been injured by attention to the public good, deserved sup
port from the country. His eloquence had its intended effect,
and confirmed the practice of elections to high places of trust
more for merit than fortune.

PLYMOUTH.
1640, February 17. As Winthrop * had been involved in a
debt of twenty-three hundred pounds by the steward who man
aged his farm in England, Winslow, like others, addresses him
with religious consolation : " How I have been and am affected
with those losses and crosses as are befallen you by your un
faithful servant, He that made the heart best knoweth. If my
presence may any way stand you in steed, you may command it
and my best service therewith. Be you and yours saluted in
the Lord, to whom my prayers are, that his comforts may ex
ceed your crosses." These are expressions of a heart which
strongly throbbed in unison with the one which it consoled, as
to the great end of securing a rest for those of kindred faith.
March 3. The following order is passed : " Whosoever shall
prophanely sweare or curse by the name of God, or any of his
* Hutchinson's Collections.
3d

442 IMMERSION OF INFANTS. rptT(f
titles, attributes, word, or workes, upon proofe thereof, shall
pay for every such default twelve pence, or be set in the stocks
so that it exceed not three houres, or putt in prison, according
to the quality of the person."
June 21. The Plymouth church * had been much tried in
their endeavors to settle Mr. Chauncey as their teacher, and by
the objections made to this matter, because he avowed his belief,
against sprinkling infants, though in favor of dipping them.
The magistrates and other ministers of the colony were unwill
ing that he be ordained while retaining such an opinion, lest it
spread and promote division. On this account, the church
wrote to all similar bodies of New England in communion with
them for advice. The question now comes before the Boston
church. Cotton answers Chauncey's arguments, and they dis
sent from them. One of their reasons is, that immersion would
endanger the lives of infants in winter, and to keep all baptisms
till summer hath no warrant in God's word.
Chauncey also maintained, contrary to the custom -of
the country, that the Lord's supper should be administered
every Sabbath, and in the afternoon. Leveridge, of Sandwich,
adopted similar views. Though this persuasion was generally
deemed inconvenient, still no particular steps were taken to hin
der its being practised by these two elders. As evidence that
Chauncey meant to remain in the colony, and his people wished
for the continuance of his labors, he was received as freeman
the 16th of the current month.
This year he has his Retraction printed in London. It was
written by him prior to his coming to New England, in 1637.
It proves " the unlawfulnesse and danger of ray ling in altars
or communion tables." It was published by him for "the
satisfaction of all such, who either are, or justly might be, of
fended with his scandalous submission, made before the High
Commission Court, February 11, anno 1635."
Peter Saxton came from England, and preached at Scituate.
He was born in the parish of Leeds, in Yorkshire, and took his
A. M. at Trjnity College, Cambridge; 1603. Brook states that
he " obtained the king's presentation, as well as that of Sir Ed
ward Stanhope, to the rectory of Edlington, in his native coun
ty, where, December 1, 1614, he made the usual subscription."
After this, he became the advocate for Puritan reform, and sub
jected himself to its common results of suffering.. Cotton
Mather says of him, he was " a studious and a learned person,
a great Hebrician."
July 23. William Hook preaches a Fast sermon at Taunton,
* Winthrop. Keayne's Manuscript.

16401 REPUTE OF NEW ENGLAND MEN. 443
known by the title of New England's Tears for Old England's
Fears. The discourse had particular reference to the alarming
divisions in the mother country. It speaks of the manner in
which our colonists were regarded there : " When sometimes a
New England man returns thither, how is he looked vpon,
looked after, received and entertained, the ground he walks upon
beloved for his sake, and the house held the better where he
is ! How are his words listened to, laid up, and related frequently
when he is gone ! Neither is any love or kindness held too much
for such a man." It contains a passage showing the attach
ment of our fathers for their native land : " Let us never go to
our secrets without our censers in our hands for Old England,
dear England still in divers respects, left indeed by us in our
persons, but never yet forsaken in our affections. The good
God of heaven have mercy on it, and upon all his dear people
and servants in it for Christ's sake. Amen." The eloquent
writer of this production was, in 1641, at Taunton, when it
was published. About 1644—5, he was installed in New Haven.
September 1. William Chase is censured by the General
Court for difficulty with Mr. Matthews and his church at Yar
mouth. He is also bound for good behavior six months, and at
the expiration of this time, is to depart from the town.
November 2. Hooker, in writing to his son-in-law, Shepard,
has the subsequent paragraph : " I have of late had intelligence
from Plymouth. Mr. Chancy and the church are to part, he to
provide for himself, and they for themselves. At a day of fast,
when a full conclusion of the business should have been made,
he openly professed he did as verily believe the truth of his
opinions, as y' there was a God in heaven, and y* he was settled
in it as the earth was vpon the center. If ever such confidence
fynd good successe, I misse of my mark. Since then he hath
sent to Mr. Prydden [Prudden] to come to them, being invited
by some of the brethren by private letters. I gave warning to
Mr. Prydden to bethink himself what he did. And I know he
is sensible and watchfull. Mr. Vmphry, I heare, invites him
[Chauncy] to Providence, and y* coast is most meet for his opin
ion and practise."
December 1. Thomas Atkins and John Wood are presented
for delivering five score herrings for the hundred, when they
should have given six score and twelve. They are censured by
the General Court, and required to make restitution to the per
sons so wronged. Mark Mendlove is discharged from the com
plaint against him for drawing eelpots on the Lord's day, it ap
pearing that he did it from necessity.
Notwithstanding the laws of traffic, if any person shall trade
with Indians within the patent " for corne, beades, veneson, or

444 ESTIMATION OF THE OLD COMERS. m
some tymes for a bears skin," he shall not be liable to prosecu
tion. John Barns is charged with exaction for taking rye at
four shilhngs and selling it at five shillings a bushel " without
adventure and long forbearance." He is tried, and found not
guilty. John Jordaine is accused of receiving " stuff to fine a
doublet throughout, and yet lyned not the skirts, and restored
not the rest." He is cleared on condition that he pay for a yard
of stuff.
1641, March 2. The " Old Comers " give up all their claim
to the colonial territory except three tracts, particularly described
to the whole body of freemen. They are thus mentioned:
" William Bradford and divers others, the first instruments of
God in the beginninge of this greate work of plantacon, together
with such as the alorderinge God in his providence soone add
ed vnto them, have beene at very greate charges to procure
the said lands, priviledges, and freedomes from all entangle
ments." May 24. By a letter from Edward Winslow to Governor
Winthrop, he states that Plymouth claim Segnouch, which Rich
ard Cheeseborough and others wish to retain, by leave from Mas
sachusetts, that when the line between the two colonies was
agreed on, that place was excepted, as one which Plymouth con
sidered hers. Besides, some from this colony planted there be
fore Cheeseborough ever went there.
June 1. George Willerd, of Scituate, for denying the right
of the civil authorities to order certain taxes, speaking disre
spectfully to them, and severely condemning the practice of
Plymouth and Massachusetts in not having the children of parents
baptized, whether of the church or not, is fined forty pounds,
and bound for his good behavior. On the 17th, Marmaduke
Matthews is made a freeman, and exempted from taxes.
September 7. It is ordered that " every township barry a com
petent number of peeces, fixed and compleat, with powder, shott,
and swords, every Lord's day, to the meetings ; one of a house
from the first of September to the middle of November."
Dread of Indian conspiracy is the cause of this requisition.
Lechford gives us the following passages : " One Master
Blakeston, a minister, went from Boston, having lived there nine
or ten yeares, because he would not joyne with the church. He
lives neere Master Williams, but is far from his opinions." At
New Plymouth they "have but one minister, Master Reyner ; yet
Master Chancey lives there, and one Master Smith, both minis
ters ; they are not in any office there. Master Chancey stands
for dipping in baptisme onely necessary, and some other things,
concerning which there hath been much dispute ; and Master
Chancey put to the worst by the opinion of the churches

,„.,., BAPTISM OF ALL CHILDREN. 445
lo40.J advised withall." We are informed, that this person, thus
called to severe trials, begins to preach at Scituate.
With reference to Hook, of Taunton : " There is a church
gathered of late, and some ten or twenty of the church, the rest
excluded ; Master Hooke pastor, Master Streate teacher. Mas
ter Hooke received ordination from the hands of one Master
Bishop, a schoolmaster, and one Parker, an husbandman, and
then Master Hooke joyned in ordaining Master Streate. One
Master Doughty, a minister, opposed the gathering of the church
there, alleadging that according to the covenant of Abraham,
all mens children that were of baptized parents, and so Abra
hams children, ought to be baptized ; and spake so in publique,
or to that effect, which was held a disturbance, and the ministers
spake to the magistrate to order him. The magistrate -com
manded the constable, who dragged Master Doughty out of the
assembly. He was forced to goe away from thence with his
wife and children." Wilson, of Boston, and Mather, of Dor
chester, attended on this occasion.
These two ministers visit Greenharbor to appease a contro
versy between " Master Thomas and Master Blinman." The
latter had been a minister at Chepstow, Monmouthshire, and
came over about the present year. His trouble induced him to
leave for Gloucester, with some of his friends. He was soon
succeeded at Greenharbor by Edward Bulkley.
" This church of Marshfleld * was begun, and afterward car
ried on by the help and assistance, under God, of Mr. Edward
Winslow, who at the first procured several Welsh gentlemen f
of good note thither, with Mr. Blinman, a godly, able minis
ter." The cause of Mr. Blinman's moving was "a few gifted
brethren made learning or prudence of little avail. They com
pared him to a piece of new cloth in an old garment."

MAINE.

1640, February 10. Edward Godfrey addresses Governor
Winthrop : " It is not vnknowne the many difficulties I have
vndergone in the infancy of this plantation, now brought to som
perfection. It is likely to suffer except you put to your helping
* Miss Caulkins's New London, p. 112.
t Mr. Blinman, Mr. Henry Prychard, Mr. Obadiah Brewen, John Sadler, Hugh
Cauken, and Walter Tibbetts were propounded, March 2, 1641, for freemen of
Plymouth colony. 38

446 CHARGE AGAINST GORGES. [Me.
hand." He then speaks of William Hook,* of Agamenticus,
as then governor, and that he, by " large promise of accommo
dation, is determined to leave vs, and as I thinke for Nubury, I
presume vnknowneto you." He proceeds : " The fauorable as-
pecte his father hath cast one him, vs, and the country in gen-
erall, you have seene, hee being the chcefe pattente heere,
and to my knowledge resolueth to settle it, as now he hath
fayrly begune. But yf our gouernor in the time of his gou-
ernment should [leave] vs distracted, and before his going
home to see his parents, whose presence they [very] much
desyre, it may eclipse all this light, and this place may fayll
to factions. Both myne and others humble request is, you
would bee pleased to wright those at Nubery to forbeare their
soelis'atations, and that you would bee pleased to wright our gou
ernor priuatelyj not rashly, and, soe suddenly to leave vs, a
people whose hartes ar soe set in reall affections one him,
and to stay out his time of gouernment."
April 28. Richard Gibson,f minister, and his wife Mary
complain against John Bonython for slandering her and calling
him a base priest, and Gibson says that he is much disparaged
thereby in his ministry.
This summer, as in Winthrop, Thomas Gorges arrives at Bos
ton, with a commission from his kinsman, Sir Ferdinando
Gorges, + as governor for the latter's province of Somersetshire
or Maine. He was very respectable for education, talents, and
character. He tarried a few days, took advice from Winthrop
and other magistrates relative to the course he should adopt,
and then departed for his jurisdiction. When he reached Aga
menticus, he perceived that Burdet exercised a controlling but
injurious influence. He was assured, that, instead of being a
workman who had no need to be ashamed, he was " a man of
ill name and fame."
Reflecting on the course which Sir Ferdinando Gorges felt
himself bound to follow, Winthrop says that he " had sided
with our adversares against us, but underhand, pretending by
his letters and speeches to seek our welfare. But he never pros
pered. He attempted great matters, and was at large expenses
about his province here, but he lost all." It was true that
Gorges wished and endeavored to have the Puritans here brought
under the control of Archbishop Laud. While so disposed and
active, he professed good will to our fathers, desiring, however,
that it might be accomplished in the mode which he preferred.
* He came to Maineabout 1633, was one of the council there, 1639, was prob
ably, while holding this office, governor pro tern , went to Salisbury, and there
died, 1654.
t York Records.
J He wrote his name Gorge.

,,,,., ALL CHILDREN TO BE BAPTIZED. 447
1041.JIn this he was consistent, though his opponents suspected him
chargeable with deception.
September 8. Having been bound * to appear at the General
Court in Saco, Burdet is arraigned on two indictments of crim
inal connection with women. He was condemned to pay sev
eral fines, amounting to forty pounds. One of the females, thus
implicated, was ordered, after a certain period, to " stand in a
white sheet publickly in the congregation at Agamenticus two
several Sabbath days, and likewise one day at this General
Court, when she shall be thereunto called." Burdet appealed
to the crown, but the governor would not allow it, and had his
cattle seized to satisfy the sentence. So exposed, he soon took
passage for England. Here he sided with the Cavaliers. When
their cause failed, he was cast into prison. Iniquity found him
out, and proved his ruin.
17. The court require of " all the inhabitants from Piscata
qua to Kennebunk, which have any children unbaptized, that
as soon as a minister is settled in any of their plantations, they
bring their said children to baptism, and if any shall refuse to
submit to the said order, that then the partie so refusing shall
be summoned to answer this their contempt." This accords
with the purpose of the lords commissioners to promote Episco
pacy, as the only tolerated form of religion in the province.
1641, April 10. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, still consistent in
striving to advance the same cause, though his expectation of
fulfilling the duties of governor general in New England was
daily and greatly discouraged by the progress of free principles
in the kingdom, grants a charter for Agamenticus as a borough.
This document declares, that " said corporation shall extend
three miles every way distant from the church chappell, or place
ordayned or intended for a church chappell or oratory, belong
ing to the plantation of Acomenticus."
26. Thomas Jenner, who had been settled at Weymouth, but
now preaching at Saco, replies to a letter of Winthrop. In ac
cordance with advice from the latter, he had not expressed his
views about Episcopacy, to which the inhabitants were much ad
dicted, but preached the doctrines of the gospel to them. He
states that, notwithstanding such caution, several weeks after he
began his labors, Vines and another told him, when he had de
livered a discourse against Catholic forms, that he had aimed at
the church of England. Vines, whose family were present,
desired to discuss with him the question of infant baptism in
connection with godfathers and godmothers. Perceiving his
reputation, as a defender of the Congregational order, at stake,
Jenner felt constrained to comply. He adds, " Now it pleased
* York Records.

448 DISCUSSION ABOUT EPISCOPACY. R
God so to strengthen me (through the riches of his mercy) that
he was utterly silent ; and since that time hath manifested more
respect and love to me and my Master than formerly, and doth
take notes of the sermons dayly, and repeateth them in his fam
ily very orderly. I have been solicited, both from the inhab-
itance of Straten's plantation and from those of Caskoe, to be a
meanes to help each of them to a godly minister ; wherefore I
do make bold to intreat your worship to do your endeavour to
furnish them both." Such an inclination on the part of the
people was encouraged by the prospect that Episcopacy would
be prostrated in England, and consequently in their colony, and
that they must be supplied with clergymen who were dissenters.
John, son of Nathaniel Ward, has a call to preach at Aga
menticus. Lechford remarks of Maine, "There is want of
good ministers there. The place hath had an ill report by some ;
but of late some good acts of justice hath been done there."
The same author speaks of " the French plantation, who take
up bever and keepe strict government, boarding all vessels that
come neare them, and binding the masters till the governour,
who is a nobleman, know what they are." The person here
referred to is D'Aulney, a strenuous Catholic.

NEW HAMPSHIRF..
1640, February 20. Knollys, not satisfied with a written
apology for his attempts by letters to increase the prejudice in
England against the political and religious policy of Massachu
setts, visited Boston, as Winthrop relates, by a pass from the-
authorities there, to make further retraction. In the presence
of most of the elders and magistrates of that colony, on a lec
ture day, he repeated his confession, that he had unjustly slan
dered them.
About this date, Thomas Larkham appears at Dover. His
birth was at Lyme, Dorsetshire, May 4, 1601, and he graduated
at Jesus College, Cambridge. He was settled as minister at
Northam. For his Puritanism, he was arraigned in the Star
Chamber, the High Commission Court, and otherwise suffered
often and severely. Thus afflicted, he came to this country, so
that he might discharge the duties of his calling without moles
tation. But brought in collision with others of different inter
ests, his experience was far from being in accordance with his
anticipation of harmony and happiness. Northam, the name of
the town whence he came, being given, for a time, to Dover,
seems to indicate as if it was so done on his account. Belknap

CONDUCT TOWARDS EXCOMMUNICANTS. 449
1640.|remarks of him, " not favoring the doctrine, nor willing to sub
mit to the discipline of the churches in Massachusetts." ,
March 5. The Boston church records have this passage :
" Our brother Captain John Vnderhill was in publique con-
gregacon, by our pastor in ye name of ye Lord and of ye church,
excommunicated for committing adultery, as allsoe for revyling
ye governor and other yB magistrates, threatning revenge and
destruction to y° countrey, and writing slaunderous letters to yB
state of England for y' end ; all which he confessed, but not in
such measure of humiliation as might satisfye y" church, his
confessions being mingled with sundry causelesse self-justit'yings
and some falsehood, as saying he never abused ye Scripture to
draw on any to sinne, whereas it was proved y' he had intised
some to folly or lewdnesse vpon pretence to knock ym off from
their owne righteousnesse." Here we have the oft-repeated
abomination of clothing vice with the semblance of piety, or al
luring to transgression on the pretence that divine grace may
the more abound, for the gratification of depraved motives and
purposes. ,
6. Thus cut off, Underhill spends the Sabbath in Salem, on
his way home. He goes to the meeting house, and " gettinge
in a lowe place vnder ye gallery, the elder of the church, Mr.
Sharpe, sent to him to come into a more eminent place." It is
probable that the elder had not yet heard the result of his case,
as Cotton afterwards stated.
About this date, an Episcopal society is formed at Portsmouth,
where they were far less inclined to Congregationalism than in
other parts of New Hampshire.
23. Knollys, with letters from the Dover church, appears
before the Boston church for advice about scruples of the for
mer body, whether they might have public and private commu
nion with an excommunicated person, except " in the sacra
ment of the Lord's supper." Wilson says, " We desire those
godly brethren that came from the church of Dover to declare
themselves, how they came to heare y' owr church did allow it,
and that it was owr opinion to hold such communion with those
y* are justly excommunicate." Knollys replies, " We wear soe
informed by Captayne Vnderhill when he returned home after
he was cast owt." On the question's being propounded wheth
er " Christians might converse with such, Cotton affirms y' it
was the judgment " of the Boston church " y' excommunicate
persons might come and be present at prayers and preachinge,
and other ordinances of the church," except at the Lord's sup
per. Knollys remarks, " It is desired by owr church that the
elders of this church would certifie their judgments by letter,
lest Captayne Vnderhill should not beleeue owr testimony."
3e 38*

450 LAND FOR A GLEBE. rN H
Such information is obtained as one means of ejecting Under
hill from his office of governor. Connected with a discovery
of his intrigue to break off the alliance between Dover and the
Bay, it soon becomes the cause of his removal. Prior to his
deposition, he endeavored to gain favor with the state in Eng
land and some Episcopalians at Portsmouth, by sending thirteen
armed men to take Gabriel Fish, under durance at Exeter, for
words spoken against the king, and bring him to Dover. At
this time, the magistrates of Exeter were in Boston to obtain
advice in the case of Fish. Having chosen Mr. Roberts to suc
ceed Underhill, the people of Dover return Fish to Exeter.
Winthrop says of such a release, " which was considerately
done, for it had been a dangerous precedent against them, being
a weak plantation, if the commissioners from the lords of the
council, who were daily expected, should have taken occasion
to have done the like by them, though they held themselves to
be out of that province which was granted to Sir Ferdinando
Gorges." It appears from this that the board who had charge
of the decree for bringing back New England to the national
church had appointed persons to visit Maine, to execute their
purpose so far as opportunity might afford. In view of such a
fact, it was indeed hazardous for the authorities of Dover colony
to countenance the forcible removal of an individual, charged
with verbal opposition to the king, from another plantation, en
tirely independent of them, and have him brought to answer be
fore their court. Had they not reversed the transaction, they
would have set an example in their deed, for the commissioners
expected at Maine, to deal with them in like measure for their
favor to the cause of confederacy against the will of the
crown. May 25. Francis Williams, governor of Portsmouth, and
others, as Adams states, grant fifty acres of land, " for a glebe,
to Thomas Walford and Henry Sherburne, church wardens, and
their successors " in that town. A parsonage house and chapel
were already erected on the premises. Mr. Mason had furnished
the chapel from England with a Bible, service books, and com
munion furniture. Richard Gibson officiated for them. He
had been employed at Richmond's Island. His wife's name was
Mary, who partook with him in the trials of his precarious and
shifting ministrations.
September 3. Underhill, having gone to Boston, under a per
mit, " is this day, vpon his publique penitentiall acknowledg
ment of divers scandalls, received againe into ye fellowship of
y= church " there. On October 7, he appears before the Gener
al Court of Massachusetts, and bewails his sins against God and
the commonwealth. They forgive him, but suspend the nullifi-

COLLISION OF PARTIES. 451
cation of his banishment till the end of the next court for
elections, which was June 2, 1641, when the sentence was re
voked. October 22. Larkham and forty more of Dover form a com
bination for their own government.
1641, April 13. Serious troubles had existed at Dover, be
tween Thomas Larkham and Knollys. The people of the lat
ter, for the most part, left him, and chose the former for their
pastor. Thus two churches existed as rivals. Larkham re
ceived all into his church, even immoral persons, who promised
amendment. He baptized any children offered, and introduced
the Episcopal service at funerals. A controversy began between
him and the magistrates, sustained by a portion of the inhabit
ants. Knollys and his .church excommunicated Larkham and
others who sided with him. Thus disciplined, he " laid violent
hanxls upon Knollys, taking away his hat on pretence that he
had not paid for it," whereupon a tumult arose. Some of the
magistrates joined Larkham, and raised a company to compel the
attendance of Underhill, one of their number, on their court
for trial. The captain, so threatened, gathered a party, profess
edly for self-defence and the preservation of the peace. He
then proceeded with his men to Larkham's house, they calling
themselves Scots, and their opponents English, " one carrying a
Bible upon a staff for an ensign, and Mr. Knollys with them
armed with a pistol." When Larkham perceived that he was
likely to be overpowered, he sent a dispatch to Governor Wil
liams, at Portsmouth, for assistance, who immediately complied.
Lechford adds, " The gentlemen of Sir F. Gorge's plantation
came in, and kept court with the magistrates of Piscataqua."
This was effected by an armed force, who surrounded Knollys's
house, where Underhill was, and who constantly guarded them.
Williams sat as judge at the trial of these and their associates.
The verdict was, that Knollys pay one hundred pounds fine,
and Underhill the same, and nine others be whipped for being
concerned in a riot. But neither sentence was executed. The
spirit and conduct of the parties on this occasion were an imita
tion of the eventful scene which had already begun in the moth
er country. The aid sent to Larkham was more readily given,
because the authorities of Portsmouth and Maine sympathized
with him in his zeal for the national church.
One reason assigned for the prosecution of Underhill was,
that he had advised a large part of the people at Dover to offer
themselves again to come under the protection of Massachusetts.
He forwarded a petition to that colony for assistance, who sent
Bradstreet, Peters, and Dalton to ascertain how matters stood.
These messengers succeeded to compromise the difficulties. On

452 TRANSFER OF TERRITORY. pN H
their advice, the excommunication of Larkham was recalled, and
the sentences against Knollys and his supporters repealed.
June 14. A change agreeable to those who were for the rev
olution in the mother country, and offensive to such as were op
posed to it, takes place. The nature of it may be learned from
the subsequent extract : " Whereas some lords, knights, and
gentlemen, and others did purchase of Mr. Edward Hilton and
some merchants of Bristol two patents, one called Wecohannet,
or Hilton's Point, or Northam, the other set forth by the name
of the south part of the River of Pasacataquack, beginning at
the seaside and thereabouts, and coming round said land by the
river unto the falls of Quamscott. And whereas also the inhab
itants residing at present within the limits of both the said
grants have of late and formerly complained of the want of
some good government amongst them, and desired some help in
this particular from the jurisdiction of Massachusetts Bay,
whereby they may be ruled and ordered according unto God,
both in church and commonwealth, and for the avoiding such
unsufferable disorders, whereby God hath been much dishonored
amongst them, these gentlemen, whose names are here specified,
George Willys, Robert Saltonstall, William Whiting, Edward
Holliock, Thomas Makepeace, partners in said patent, do, in
behalf of the rest of the patentees, dispose of the lands and ju
risdiction of the premises as followeth, being willing to further
such a good work, have hereby for themselves, and in the name
of the rest of the patentees, given up and set over all that pow
er of jurisdiction or government of the said people dwelling or
abiding within the limits of both said patents unto the govern
ment of the Massachusetts Bay, by them " to be governed.
The patent on the south side of the River Piscataqua and one
third of the territory, with all improved land in the other pat
ent, are retained by the grantees, as having a true interest there
in, except the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. In this manner,
Portsmouth and Dover, each having a distinct government,
come under the laws of the Bay colony. The great object of
their original proprietors, to have them under Episcopal order,
thus utterly failed.
August 22. The Boston church, having received Underhill
again to their communion, September 3d of the last year, grant
letters of recommendation to him and his wife Helena, a Dutch
woman, to the Exeter church.
September 28. It appears that Knollys and others had " lately
entered and taken possession of some part of Long Island ; "
for a note of Savage, in Winthrop, contains a protest of
James Forrett, an agent for the Duke of York, against such
an act.

JURISDICTION OF PISCATAQUA. 453
1640.] October 9. The General Court at the Bay order that the
people at Piscataqua be received under their jurisdiction.
November. Batchelor, who, as pastor of Hampton church,
had been excommunicated two years for immorality, is released
from such excision, but not restored to his office. Wilson
writes him a letter on this occasion, which should have witnessed
a repentance on the part of him so addressed never to have
been repented of.
Batchelor takes a dismission from his people. His wife,
Mary, according to the York Records, was ordered to receive,
in 1651, forty lashes for unchastity. In 1656, she petitioned
General Court for a divorce from her husband, who, she stated,
had gone to England and taken another wife. It seems from
her petition, that he had wrongfully left her ; but the punish
ment just mentioned shows that he had sufficient cause. He
is supposed to have been, at this date, over ninety-five years
old. His sojourn here was one of trials.
Earnestly desired by his aged father to return home, and hav
ing little attraction to detain him, Knollys embarked with his
wife and child, and reached London the 24th of the succeeding
month. Thus in his native land he labored diligently in the
vineyard of the gospel. After several years, he united with
the Baptist denomination, and did much to promote their partic
ular interests. Brook assigns to him twelve publications, includ
ing?- -t-WO- prp£»n_.a- Up flifirl wifVt +\\*± vopiiHhan cJ: *_** .aw. iw_T,fc
minister, September 19, 1691, in the ninety-third year of his age.
Prior to the current year, a meeting housb was erected on
Hog Island, one of the Isles of Shoals, where Mr. Hull was
a preacher. He appears to be the minister who had taken
his dismission from Weymouth.

RHODE ISLAND.
1640, February. About this date, Winslow informs us that a
" servant maid," who lived in Gorton's family, violently beat an
old woman, who was driving her cow from his field. The ag
gressor was complained of, and bound over for trial. When
the time came for her arraignment, Gorton refused to let her
appear, and declared that he would stand in her stead. This
was allowed, though with great reluctance. When the facts
were committed to the jury, he "said the court had perverted
justice, and wrested the witnesses with very many high and re-
proachfull termes." The cause went against him.
Among the charges in his presentment were his assertion

454 VIOLENCE OF GORTONISTS. fR Jg
" that the government was such as not to bee subjected unto,"
and that he insinuated that .the deputy governor had lost his
ears. When his sentence was pronounced, he appealed to King
Charles. " They told him hee should first have his punishment,
and then afterwards hee might complain." He " being com
manded to prison, emperiously resisted y" authority. The gou-
erner said, 'All you y' owne y° king, take away Gorton, and carry
him to prison.' Gorton replyed, ' All you that doe owne ye king,
take away Coddington, and carry him to ye prison.' When hee
was committed, Weekes, Holden, etc., his abettors, stopped the
way with such insolency, as the governour was forced to rise
from the bench, to helpe forward the command with his person
in clearing the way, put Weekes in the stocks, and was forced
to command a guard of armed men to preserve themselves and
the peace of the place. Taking occasion to search the houses
of that party that adhered to him, they found many of their
peeces laden with bullets ; and so they whiped him and ban
ished him. Gorton left Rhod Island with two other men,
Wickes and Holden, and so went to Providence."
February 16. The church of Boston have the subsequent
entry: " Our brethren, Mr. Willyam Hibbon, Captaine Edward
Gibon, and Mr. John Oliver were chosen and deligated by ye
church to goe to y° Iseland of Aquethnicke to inquyre of ye
state of matters amongst our brethren there, and to require some
siue amongst ym."
March 16. These brethren, having finished the commission
so assigned to them, give a relation of it, through Mr. Oliver :
" Now for the succes of owr jorny to our bretheren at the
Hand. We'aquaynted them with our purpose in cominge, and
desired y' thay would procure vs a meetinge y1 daye ; but for
reasons in thear owne brest, and because of the snowe, thay did
not thinke meete then to give vs a meetinge, but the next day,
thay promised and did give vs a meetinge, Mr. Ashpinwall, our
brother Easton, brother Sanphord, and others ; and we deliu-
ered owr message and the churche's letter, which thay read and
gaue vs satisfactory answers. The next day we went to Ports
mouth, where beinge entertayned at our brother Cogshell's
howse, we desired them to procure vs a meetinge to deliuer owr
message and the churche's letter. But when we expected a
meetinge, Mr. Cogshell sent vs word that by reson of a ciuell
meetinge yfc was befor apoynted, and but for a meetinge,* thay
did not know what power one church hath over another church,
and thay denyed owr commission, and refused to see owr letter ;
* This sentence is obscure in its original manuscript.

16401 CHANGE IN TITLES OF RULERS. 455
and they conseaue one church hath noe power ouer the member
of another church, and doe not thinke thay are tide to vs by our
couenant ; and soe were we fayne to take all thear answers by
going to thear seuerall howses. Mr. Hutchinson tould vs he
was more nearly tied to his wife than to the church ; he thought
her to be a seruant of God. We came then to Mrs. Hutchin
son, and tould her that we had a message to doe to her from the
Lord and from our church. She answered, ' There are lords
many and gods many ; but I acknowledge but one Lord : which
lord doe you meane ? ' We answered, ' We came in the name but
of one Lord, and that is God.' Then sayth she, ' Soe far we agre
and wheare we doe agree, let it be set clowne.' Then we tould
her we had a message to her from the church of Christ in Boston.
She replyed, she knew no church but one. We tould her, in
Scripture, the Holy Ghost calls the churches [spouses]. She sayd
she had but one spouse. We tould her we had in some sort as
many spouses as churches. But for our church, she would not
acknowledge it any church. Mr. Cotton said, ' Time beinge farr
spent, it will not be seasonable to speake much. We blesse
God with our brethren for thear protection in thear jorny assun-
der and together, and we finde thay haue faythfully and wisely
discharged their trust and care put vpon them.' " He then pro
posed that the church take the subject into consideration, and
make up their minds so as to decide, at some proper time, how
they should deal with then members at the Island.
Winthrop tells us that the letters of the messengers were ad
dressed to Coddington and other members of the Boston church
who lived on the island, to learn from them whether their reli
gious opinions were the same as they had maintained, and " to give
account of their unwarrantable practice in communicating with
excommunicated persons."
This month, Pocasset is named Portsmouth. It is ordered at
the island, that the judge shall be called governor, the elder next
to him deputy governor, and the other two elders magistrates.
June 14. Robert Harding, who had come from Boston to visit
his wife here, and accepted a captain's place, asks the advice of
the church there about his holding such an office.
July 27. Among the articles of government adopted by thir
ty-nine men of Providence is the clause, " We agree as formerly
hath been the liberties of the town, so still to hold forth liberty
of conscience."
August 6. Robert Lenthal, having lately come to the Island
from Weymouth, is made freeman. He had been invited to
preach for the people here. He is also soon employed to teach
school. The next year, he returned to England.
12. Francis Hutchinson, of the Island, having written to the

456 RECOMMENDATION WITHHELD. .R Ig
Boston church, under date of July 9th, has an answer prepared
and sent in the name of Cotton. The latter observes, " You
desired to be recommended to ye word of Gods grace according
to Acts xx. 32 ; and so to be dismissed from your covenant
with vs, because you being forced to attend vpon your parents
there where you live, you could not attend vpon ye dutyes of
ye covenant. But though we finde the church willing to gratify
you in any lawfull motion, because they heare a good report of
your constancy in y6 truth and faith of y° gospell, yet this mo
tion they neyther can nor dare assent vnto you, as wanting war
rant vpon Scripture light. The place which you quote doeth
not suite with your case." After various reasons for this posi
tion, he continues, " Were you gifted of God to preach ye
word to his people, or if there were elders y' could preach ye
same to you in a church estate, (as they did at Ephesus,) wee
should readily recommend you vnto them, and to ye word of
grace dispensed by ym. But we dare not recommend you from
a church to noe church. But y' which is y" summe of your re
quest, so farr as it is lawfull, wee would be loath to neglect.
Wee are desirous to recommend you to y° guidence and keep
ing of y6 grace of Christ in all our solemne assemblyes, and if
God will be pleesed to give your father to hearken to our coun-
sell, to remoove to any orthodox and orderly church, we shall,
at your request, be willing to recommend you to ym ; but further
to goe, the Lord doth not allow vs." He proceeds with regard
to Wilson, his colleague ; " Our teacher being thought by some
to say, that you forbore sitting at table with your mother,
though others deny it, and others remember it not, nor he him
self;" yet, that no wrong impression might remain, he publicly
asserted that he meant to communicate no such idea, " for in ye
generall he said indeede y* with excommunicate persons noe re
ligious communion is to be held, nor any civill familiar com
munion, as sitting at table. But yet he did put a difference be-
tweene other brethren in church fellowship and such as were
ioyned in naturall or civill neere relations, as parents and chil
dren, husband and wife, etc. ; God did allow ym ye liberty which
he denyed others. To your father, and self, and others of our
brethren, wee have written at large, to satisfy such doubts as
wee vnderstand by our messengers have troubled ym. The
Lord watch over you all for good, and keepe you spotlesse and
blamelesse, faithfull and fruitfull to him, to his heavenly king-
dome in Christ Jesus ; in whom wee rest, your loving breth
ren." This summer, a number of families, not permitted to enjoy
their religion at Christopher without persecution, left, and came
to New Haven. They dispersed in different directions, and

CONCILIATION OF THE INDIANS. 457
1641.] I
some returned to Ireland. They were accompanied to this
country by their minister, Mr. William Collins. This person
began to teach school at Hartford. A young man, Mr. Hales,
who came with him, reached the Island. Here he soon em
braced Mrs. Hutchinson's views. Collins wrote and cautioned
him to beware of her influence. Hales returned an answer,
which so affected his adviser, that he left Hartford suddenly,
and he soon reached the place of her residence. He too hs
tened to her speculations, received and zealously maintained
them, and he married one of her daughters.
September 26. On the subject of discipline, as discussed by
members of the Boston church, Matthew Button remarks, " I
would expresse my thoughts. I being at the island this weeke,
thay exprest themselves to me, y' if we doe send to them in a
church way, thay would not heare vs. Therfor I thinke the
best way wear to send priuet messengers to deale with them."
The pastor replies, " That hath bine done allready, and there
fore if thay will not hear the church, it is playne that the church
should take some other corse with them ; if thay will not hear
the church, ' let them be to the churches as heathens.' "
October 7. Coddington and Brenton, in behalf of the Island,
with agents for New Haven and Connecticut, are subscribers to
a letter laid before the legislature at the Bay. The object of it
is to suppress the feeling of some that the Indians ought to be
destroyed, and gain over these natives by justice and kindness,
and guard against any surprise from these tribes. The body so
addressed readily adopted the designated policy, and ordered
their mind to be forwarded to the gentlemen of New Haven
and Connecticut. But they Seclined to include those of the
Island, because, as it appears, the latter had entered into church
fellowship with excommunicated persons, and denied the right
of Boston church to discipline such of her members here as
had entered into a union of this kind.
November. The church at Boston send another letter of ad
monition to their members on the Island. It recapitulates the
proceedings of the legislature of Massachusetts and of the Bos
ton church with regard to them, and justifies both. It also dis
approves of their errors and disturbance of the peace in the
Bay, their remonstrance and Wheelwright's sermon, and gives
a view of the manner in which they wronged that church..
1641, March 8. Williams writes * to Winthrop, " Master-
Gorton, having foully abused high and low at Aquednick, is now
bewitching and bemadding poor Providence, both with his un-
cleane and foule censures of all the ministers of this country,
* Winslow's Danger of Tolerating Levellers in a Civill State.
3f 39

458 PERIL OF PROVIDENCE. [R Jg
(for which myself have in Christ's name withstood him,) and
also denying all visible and externall ordinances in the depth of
Familisme, against which I have a little disputed and written,
and shall (the Most High assisting) to death ; as Paul said of Asia,
I of Providence, (almost.) All suck in his poyson as at first
they did at Aquednick. Some few and myselfe withstand his
inhabitation and town priviledges, without confession and refor
mation of his uncivill and inhumane practises at Portsmouth.
Yet the tyde is too strong against us, and I feare (if the Framer
of hearts helpe not) it will force mee to little Patience, a little
isle next to your Prudence."
Lechford gives us the subsequent , extracts : " At the island
called Aquedney are about two hundred families. There was
a church, where one Master Clark was elder. The place where
the church was is called Newport, but that church, I heare, is
now dissolved. At the other end of the Island there is another
towne, called Portsmouth, but no church. There is a meeting
of some men, who there teach one another, and call it proph-
esie. At Providence lives Master Williams and his company,
of divers opinions. Most are Anabaptists. They hold there is
no true visible church in the Bay, nor in the world, nor any
true ministrie."
About this time, Francis Doughty, having left Taunton, comes
with his family to the Island. Assisted by his friends, he soon
applied to the Dutch authorities, and obtained a township at
Mespat, afterwards Newton, on Long Island.* He preached
here March 28, 1642. The next year, they were attacked by
Indians ; some were killed, and others fled to New Amsterdam,
where he was their minister, ©n the restoration of peace, he
went back, staid a half year, and returned to New Amsterdam,
where he dwelt several years. He claimed rents for the lands of
Newton, which brought him into a lawsuit. In April, 1647,
he lost his case. He appealed, which so displeased Kieft, the
governor, that he fined him ten dollars, and had him impris
oned twenty-four hours.
The same year, he settled in the ministry at Flushing, at a
salary of six hundred gilders, and remained there a year or
more. John Underhill charged him with preaching against the
rulers, and had the church doors closed upon him. Mr. Dough
ty, in 1648-9, went to the " Virginias," leaving his son, Fran
cis, to obtain the payment of his salary. He had a daughter,
Mary, married, in 1645, to " doctor of both laws, Adriaen Van-
der Donck."
May 24. Edward Winslow writes to Governor Winthrop
* Annals of Newton, Long Island.

OBJECTIONS AGAINST GORTON. 459
about Providence : " Miserable is the confusion that is amongst
the English. Gorton, who crieth downe all our churches and
church ordinances, Sabbath, etc., preacheth thrice a weake at
Providence. Hee finds acceptacon with almost halfe of them,
but the other part are resolued to remoue if he gett but admis
sion as a dweller. I had much conference with Mr. Williams
about his Anabaptistical tenents, and finde him very weake,
whose lones [lowness] I much pitty."
May 25. William Arnold addresses the selectmen of Provi
dence : * ". I doe not only approue of what my neighbours be
fore mee have written, and directed their reasons to a serious
consideration with vs concerning Samuell Gorton and his com
pany ; but this much I say, y4 it is allso euident, and may easily be
proued, y* [neither] ye sayd Gorton nor his company are fitt per
sons to bee receiued in and made members of such a body in
so weake a state as our towne is in at present. My reasons are,
first, Samuell Gorton having shewed himself an insolent, railing,
and turbulent person, not only in and against those states of
gouernment from whence hee came, as is to bee proued, but all
so here in this towne since hee has soiourned in this towne, in
such an inhuman behauiour as becomes not a man y* should bee
thought to bee fit by any reasonable men to bee receiued into
such a poor weak state as we are in at present." Secondly, he
expressed him scornfully and deridingly of one of our select
men, and, consequently, " of our siuill state." Thirdly, though
a majority of the town have denied them a settlement here, yet
they troublesomely continue their application ; their coming hith
er " hath brought the towne almost ye one halfe against ye other ;
yr aboad so longe hear amongst vs is in hope to geet ye victrey
ouer those y* layd ye first foundation of yB place, and afterwards
to trampel them vnder their feet, as some of their words hold
forth, or else driue them out to seeke new Prouidence." Fourth
ly, " Hee who is so well knowne to bee ye ringleader vnto ye
breach of peace, y' has been so notoriously euill to bee a truble
of all siuill stats where hee hath liued, y' are of farre greater
fore than wee are of ; what may wee then expect if hee geet
himself in with and amongst vs, where are so many as wee see
are dayly redey to tread vs vnder their feet, whom he calles his
friends." " if it be obiected, as some haue blasphemously sayd,
that wee are persecutors, and doe persecute ye saints in not rer
ceiuing of them into our towne fellowship, I answer, there can
not be proued ye least shew of any persecution of those persons
either by vs or any other amongest vs. They haue quiet aboad

* According to the manuscript published by Mr. Charles Dean, which, for its
pronouns of they, reads thay.

460 DENIAL OF MAGISTRACY. rR Ig
amongest vs, none molesting of them nor any thing they haue.
It cannot be proued but by their owne relation, ye which hath
been disproued, that they were sent out from those places from
whence thay came for religion ; nither are they medled with
here for any such matter ; but thay themselues, in their insolent
behauior, are more reddey to meddle and to disturb others.
Thay and others of their company and followers haue rather
been troublers and persecutors of the saints of God y* liued here
before any of them came ; and thay doe but waite their op
portunity to make themselues manifest in y' thay doe intend.
Ergo, it cannot be truly sayd that any persecution is or has been
offered by vs vnto them, if it could possibly bee sayd of them
y* thay are saints." In Winslow's book, the letter has the sub
sequent passage : " If it be further objected, that wee doe not
give them the liberty of men, neither doe wee afford them the
bowels of mercy to give them the means of livelihood amongst
us, as some have said, to this I say, 1. There is no state but in
the first place will seeke to preserve its owne safety and peace.
2. Wee cannot give land to any person by yertue of our com
bination, except wee first receive them into our state of com
bination, the which wee cannot doe with them for our owne
and others peace sake. 3. Whereas their necessity has been so
much pleaded, it is not knowne that ever they sought to find
out a place where they might accommodate themselves, and live
by themselves, with their friends and such as follow after them,
where they may use their liberty to live without order or con-
troule, and not to trouble us, that have taken the same course as
wee have done for our safety and peace, which they doe not ap-
proue nor like of, but rather, like beasts in the shape of men,
to doe what they shall think fit in their owne eyes, and will not
be governed by any state."
July. Part of the people * at the Island had recently become
Anabaptists. They declared against wearing arms, denied " all
magistracy among Christians," maintained that there have been
no true churches since those formed by the apostles and evan
gelists, nor " could any be, nor any pastors ordained, nor seals
administered, but by such, and that the church was to want
these" while remaining as she is.
18. We have the ensuing extract from Boston Church Rec
ords : " Our brother Francis Hutchinson was by our pastour
(with ye consent of y° church) excommunicated out of ye church
for sundry errors, but chiefely these : 1. For denying particuler
congregated churches since y° apostacy of Antichrist; 21y.
That there is or can be any presbytery without apostles or evan
gelists ; and, Sly, That Christ gave any power to pastours or
* Winthrop.

FREE MORAL AGENCY DENIED. 461
1641.J
teachers to baptize ; as also for giveing revyling speeches against
this our church of Boston, calling it a whore, a strumpett, vpon
this occasion, yfc by some of ye members it was said to be y9
spouse of Christ." The cherisher of these opinions seems to
have been among the Seekers of his day.
September 7. Collins and his brother-in-law, Francis Hutch
inson, having gone to Boston and been arraigned before the
magistrate, receive their sentences.* The record of the former
is, " Being found a seducer, and his practices proved such, he is
fined one hundred pounds, and to be kept close prisoner till his
fine is paid, and then he is banished on pain of death/' Of
the latter, " for calling the church of Boston a whore, strum
pet, and other corrupt tenets, he is fined fifty pounds, kept close
prisoner till the fine is paid, and then banished on pain of
death." On this subject, Winthrop has the remark, "We as
sessed the fines higher, partly that by occasion thereof they
might be the longer kept in from doing harm, and also because
that family had put the country to so much charge in the synod,
and other occasions, to the value of five hundred pounds at
least ; but after, (October session,) because the winter drew on,
and the prison was inconvenient, we abated them to forty and
twenty pounds. But they seemed not willing to pay any thing.
They refused to come to the church assemblies except they
were led, and so they came duly. At last we took their own
bonds for their fine, and so dismissed them."
Easton, who had preached at Newport, Coddington, Cogges
hall, and others, as Winthrop states, hold to the speculations,
" that man hath no power or will in himself, but as he is acted
by God, and seeing God filled all things, nothing could be or
move but by him, and so he must needs be the Author of sin,
etc. ; and that a Christian is united to the essence of God."
When they were showed the " blasphemous consequences " of
such positions, they denied the former, but still retained the lat
ter. Clark, who preached, Lenthall, Harding, and others pub
licly opposed such principles, which produced a schism among
the people.
October 7. The legislature of Massachusetts order letters for
Connecticut, New Haven, and Plymouth, to " advise about the
islanders of Aquidnett." They also require Samuel Hutchin
son to be examined by Wilson, Shepard, and Eliot. If they
find him sound in judgment, they are to give notice accordingly.
In this case, the Court of Assistants have leave to let him reside
in the colony. But if the ministers perceive him incorrect in
his views, a different course must be pursued. Richard Dum-
* General Court Records of Massachusetts. 39*

462 AID AGAINST RIOTERS REQUESTED. fR Ig
mer appeared, and gave " satisfaction only for his judgment."
He is referred to be discoursed with by Wilson and Eliot.
William Aspinwall is granted a safe conduct to go and satisfy
the council there, and if they think proper, he has leave to stay
in that colony.
November 17. A letter,* signed by thirteen men of Provi
dence, is directed to the authorities of the Bay. Several of its
passages are quoted : " We counted it meet to give you true
intelligence of the riotous carriages of Samuel Gorton and his
company, which came from the Island of Aquednick, which
with John Green and Francis Weston, two which have this long
time stood against us and the fairest ways of proceeding in order
and government for the peaceable preservation of ourselves and
families. Also six or seven of our townsmen have openly pro
claimed to take party with the aforenamed companies, and so in
tend, for aught we can gather, to have no manner of honest or
der or government either over them or amongst them. It would
be tedious to relate the numberless number of their upbraiding
taunts, assaults, and threats, and violent kind of carriage daily
practised against all that either care or counsel seek to prevent
or withstand their lewd, licentious courses." They state that in
a case of lawful seizure of cattle, belonging to Francis Weston,
for a just claim, a tumult was made, the attached property forci
bly rescued, and " some few drops of blood were shed on both
sides." " To relate the least part of their such words and ac
tions, the time and paper would scarce be profitably spent ; nei
ther need we to advise your discretions what is likely to be the
sad events of these disorders, if their bloody currents be not
either stopped or turned some other way. If it may therefore
please you, of gentle courtesy and for the preservation of hu
manity and mankind, to consider our condition, and lend us a
neighbour-like, helping hand, and send us such assistance, our
necessity urges us to be troublesome unto you to help us to
bring them to satisfaction, and ease us of our burden of them,
at your discretion, we shall evermore own it as a deed of great
charity, and diligently labor in the best measure we can, if you
should have occasion to command us in any lawful design."
Though Roger Williams did not sign the communication with
them, yet he felt as they did about their disorderly condition.
The answer to their letter said that Massachusetts had no right
to send an armed force to help them, unless they came under
her jurisdiction, and, if they did this, they would be assisted
against their lawless oppressors.
December 10. Collins and Francis Hutchinson are required to
depart from the Bay, and not return but " at their utmost peril."
* Hutchinson's Manuscript Collections.

MARRIAGE REGULATIONS. 463
1640.1

CONNECTICUT.
1640, February 5. A servant to Mr. Malbon, of New Haven,
was " sett in the stocks for prophaning the Lord's day and
stealing wine from his master, which he drunk and gave to
others." 25. Mrs. Ann Higginson, the widow of Francis, who died
at Salem, Massachusetts, having removed to New Haven, de
ceased here recently. At this date, a court divide her property
among her eight surviving children. As a woman who suffered
much, and exerted an excellent influence for advancing the best
interests of a new country, her memory deserves to be grate
fully and perpetually cherished.
April 10. As there was no place for the confinement of re
fractory persons in Connecticut, so that justice might be done
to them, the General Court order that a house of correction be
erected, twenty-four feet long and sixteen or eighteen feet broad.
Many having made agreements to many inconsiderately, to
the " great grief of themselves and friends," it is required by
the same authorities, that intentions of marriage, before being
[awful, shall be published " in some public place, and at some
public meeting, in the several towns where such persons dwell,
it least eight days before " they are married ; also, the magis
trate who performs the ceremony " shall cause a record to be
sntered in court of the day and year thereof."
18. Mr. Prudden is ordained at New Haven as pastor of the
Milford church by imposition of the hands of three brethren,
selected for this purpose from their members. Davenport and
Eaton attended on the occasion. John Sherman was chosen
teacher with Prudden, but he declined. This person was born
it Dedham, in Essex, December 26, 1613, and took his second
degree at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1633. Brought up by
pious parents, and edified with the preaching of John Rogers,
tie was remarkable for his youthful piety and devotedness to the
luties of his several relations. As a student, he distinguished
oimself in the studies of his course. Called to subscribe, when
•eceiving his degrees, he declined from conscientious scruples.
This brought upon him the taunts and sneers of being a Puri-
;an. But he knew the Master whom he professed and served,
tnd by him was endowed with a heroism which cowers before
lothing but transgression. He left England for this country
ibout 1634, and seems to have made Watertown, of Massachu-
letts, his principal place of residence. While here, he preached
n various congregations to much acceptance. On 29th of
vlarch, 1636, he, with others, was dismissed from the church

464 PERNICIOUS SPEECHES. rr. w
of his adopted home, for emigration to Connecticut. On May
1, he is present at the General Court as one of the committees,
who were soon after called deputies. So presented to us, he
was worthy of the important office which he now declines.
Mr. Ludlow receives a deed of what was afterwards the east
ern part of Norwalk, February 26, and Captain Patrick of the
middle division of it, April 20. A few families located them
selves there about these dates, and thus begin to prepare anoth
er position for the gospel.
April 25. The Enghsh of Hartford, " a good shot distance "
from Fort Hope, prevent the Dutch there from ploughing land,
which they claimed, and which was near them. Such preven
tion was used several years, and tended to widen the breach be
tween the parties immediately concerned.
June 3. In New Haven records is an order for watches to be
kept by armed men through the night, from an hour after sun
down till a half hour after daylight. If the watchmen, who
take their rounds two together, shall see cause to give an alarm,
they shall discharge their guns, to be answered by the sentinel
at the door of the watch house, and this seconded by the beat of
the drum ; if the watch perceive danger by fire, they shall cry,
Fire ! fire ! if by an enemy, they shall cry, Arm ! arm ! " all
the town over."
4. A man of Wethersfield is fined ten shillings for profanity,
and also to sit in the stocks there two hours the next training
day. Another, for immoral conduct, is adjudged to pay twenty
pounds, and stand on the pillory at Hartford next lecture day,
during the continuance of such religious service. On the 1 1th,
a third person is brought before the court, at Hartford, ipr
" casting out pernicious speeches, tending to the detriment and
dishonor " of the commonwealth. He is fined forty shillings,
and bound for his good behavior.
July. Rippowams, afterwards Stamford, is bought of its In
dian owners for New Haven. The price is " twelve coats,
twelve hoes, twelve hatchets, twelve glasses, twelve knives, two
kittles, and four fathoms of white wampum." The colony sold
it, October 30, to Andrew Ward and twenty-one others of
Wethersfield, for thirty-three pounds, who settled it the next
spring. September 1. The General Court of New Haven order that
" every man that is appointed to watch, whether masters or ser
vants, shall come eveiy Lord's day to the meeting compleatly
armed, and all others also are to bring their swords ; no man
exempted, save Mr. Eaton our pastor, Mr. James, Mr. Samuel
Eaton, and two deacons." They call Quinnipiak New Haven.
Samuel Eaton has a grant of Totoket, afterwards Branford,

ADVICE IN EMBARRASSMENTS. 465
1640.]
from New Haven, provided he obtain a sufficient number of his
friends in England to have it settled. He soon prepared to
comply with the condition. On his way from New Haven, he
called at Boston, where he was urged to settle with the church
there. But he declined, and embarked for his native land. He
collected a Congregational church at Duckenfield. He removed
to Stockport, where he preached in a free school house. His
situation here was rendered unpleasant by such as fancied them
selves wiser than their teachers. After he was ejected, he at
tended on the ministry of Mr. Angier at Denton, as many of
his own congregation did. His publications were, the Mys
tery of God Incarnate, against Knowles ; a Vindication of it,
against the same ; and the Quakers confuted. He assisted
Timothy Taylor in composing the Congregational Way justi
fied. He died January 9, 1664, aged sixty-eight. " He was
a very holy man, a person of great learning and judgment."
October 21. John Yonge,* and a considerable number of his
church from Hingham, in England, are reorganized at New
Haven. At the close of the month, they and others begin a
settlement at Yennicock, named Southold, on the east end of
Long Island. They agree to conform with the laws of the col
ony from which they so emigrate, and which had lately bought
their township. Their church afterward dispense with the rule
of electing only church members to office, and to be freemen ;
and New Haven, in 1648, send a committee to deal with them,
and they accordingly resume the practice, which continued
twenty years longer.
November 2. Hooker writes to his son-in-law, Shepard, at
Cambridge. His communication relates, among other topics, to
what he considered the involved affairs and perilous situation of
Massachusetts. Several passages, are quoted. " You say y' which
I long since supposed, the magistrates are at their witts ends.
But is ther then nothing to be done but to sink in our sorrowes ?
I say ours, because the evill will retch vs really more then by
bare sympathizing. Taking my former ground for graunted, y'
the weaknesse of the body is such, y* it is not able to beare the
disease longer, but is like to grow worse, and more vnfitt for
cure, which I suppose is the case in hand. Then I cannot see
but of necessity this course must be taken. The debtors must
reely and fully tender themselves and all they have into
the hands and be at the mercy of the creditors. The churches
and the commonwealth must make a privy search what have
beene the courses and synfull carriages which have brought in
and increased this epidemicall evill. When they have humbled
* See page 285 of this volume.
3 G

466 SPREAD OF FAMILISM FEARED. r_
[Com..
themselves unfeynedly before the Lord, then sett vp a reall ref
ormation ; leave the rest to the Lord, who will ever goe with
those y' goe his owne way.
" I cannot see in reason but if you can sell, and the Lord afford
any comfortable chapman, but you should remove. For why
should a man stay vntill the house fall on his head ? I will tell
thee myne wholl heart. Considering, as I conceave, your com
pany must breake, and considering things vt supra, if you can sell,
you should remoove. If I were in your places, I would re-
moove hither." After alluding to Mrs. Hutchinson's sentiments,
Hooker continues, " I vnderstand ther be severall persons by
the seaside with vs that way, but wether it be knowne to the ru
lers of the place, I know not. My heart is marvellous appre
hensive of hazards. Not many Sabbaths synce, Mr. Aspeyriall
was with vs, and it fell in my course to handle such a poynt as
this : The gospell is the rule of the revelation of a man's good
estate ; ergo we must expect no other revelation for our rule
besides this. The man, at night, supping with the governor,
graunted all y* was sayd in open profession, and yet in his con
ference let this fall, y* the first evidence was now graunted, on
all hands, by which you may see what intents they have, and
what correspondence and intelligence they hold. Myself and
my brother Stone are making out what forces we may agaynst
it, for we feare a suddayne alarum ; and ergo we would have our
people have ther weapons in a readinesse. The elders here in
the river conceave y* the printing of the synod would be now
seasonable and singular vse, to outface these delusions."
This year the people of Hartford buy Tunix, extending to
the Mohawk country, and afterward including Farmington and
Southington. Persons of the same colony purchase Woronoke,
subsequently known as Westfield, and soon begin a settlement
there. Robert Feaks and Daniel Patrick buy the township
called Greenwich for New Haven. But the first settlers there
declared themselves under the Dutch jurisdiction. Captain
Howe and others purchased from Indians on Long Island a tract
on its northern side, " from the eastern part of Oyster Bay to
the western part of Holmes's Bay to the middle of the great
plain." Settlements were soon formed here. Such a breaking
forth from the English so as to spread gospel influences, and oc
cupy more of the territory which the Dutch had strenuously
claimed, is very offensive to them, and increases the lack of kind
sympathy and intercourse.
1641, February 7. A committee of Connecticut legislature
are appointed to " consult with the elders of both plantations to
prepare instructions against the next court for the punishing of
the sin of lying, which begins to be practised by many persons
in this commonwealth."

SEPARATION OF PARTIES. 467
April 9. Though a late order was passed by the same court
against excess in apparel, yet it is transgressed ; therefore they
require the constables of the several towns to bring such offend
ers to trial, and also present all such as sell their commodities
at too high a rate.
Lechford remarks, " Master Fenwike with the Lady Boteler
at the rivers mouth in a fine house, and well fortified, and one
Master Higginson, a young man, their chaplain. The lady was
lately admitted of Master Hooker's church, and thereupon her
child was baptized."
The inhabitants of Wethersfield, having had no settled pastor
while there, to guide them in spiritual concerns, had fallen into
contentions and animosities. Great pains had been taken by the
ministers of their colony to reconcile them, but in vain. Dav
enport and some of his church visited them for the same pur
pose. They advised them, if there was no prospect of har
monizing their prejudices, that one of the parties form another
settlement elsewhere. This counsel was approved by a portion
of them, but the opponents could not agree which side should
depart. The church consisted of seven brethren, three of them
against four. The former claimed to be the church, and there
fore that they ought to remain. The latter maintained that
they were the majority, and hence they were not bound to seek
another residence. As the Watertown church, whence these
members emigrated, had not dismissed them, they sent brethren
to deal with the parties. But the labor was ineffectual. At
length, however, some of the chief inhabitants, who preferred
to dwell in peace under another colony than in discord under
their own, determined to move.
June 2. Some of the Connecticut people had faulted those
of Springfield for adherence to Massachusetts. So complained
of, Pynchon and others appealed to the authorities there, who
now renew his commission for the government of the plantation.
The legislature at the Bay order a letter for Fenwick. " It
grieves us to meet with any occasion that might cause difference
to arise between your people and us, standing in so near a rela
tion of friendship, neighbourhood,, and Christianity especially."
It then refers to his grant for a trading house at " Woronock,"
and lands to Robert Saltonstall, both in the vicinity of Spring
field, and claimed -by Massachusetts. It proceeds, " We desire
you to consider of it, as that which we apprehend to be an in
jury to us, and do us such right in redress hereof as you would
expect from us in a like case. We have thought meet upon
those occasions to intimate further unto you, that we intend (by
God's help) to know the certainty of our limits, to the end that
we may neithdr intrench upon the right of any of our neigh-

468 EXTENSION OF CHURCHES. [Conn.
hours nor suffer ourselves and our posterity to be deprived of
what rights belongeth unto us, which we hope will be without
offence to any; and upon this we may have some ground of
proceeding in our further treaty with you about such things as
may concern the welfare of us all."
7. The legislature of Connecticut had expressed their senti
ments as to what charges should be made by artificers and work
men, and hoped that they might be a law unto themselves; but
they perceive little reformation. For this reason, they order,
that " sufficient able carpenters, plow rights, wheelwrights, ma
sons, joiners, smiths, and coopers, shall not take above twenty
pence for a day's work, from the 10th of March to the 1 1th of
October, nor above eighteen pence a day for the other part of
the year, and to work eleven hours in the day sunimer time, be
sides that which is spent in eating and sleeping, and nine hours
in winter ; also, mowers for the time of mowing shall not take
above twenty pence for a day's work. All other artificers or
handicraftsmen and chief laborers shall not take above eighteen
pence a day for the first half year as aforesaid, and not above
fourteen pence per day for the other part of the year."
July 25. Mrs. Elizabeth Allen, now wife of Samuel Stone,
is recommended by the Boston church to the Hartford church,
of which he is minister, as colleague with Hooker.
August 30. The General Court of New Haven have the fol
lowing entry on their records : " Whereas there was a purchase
made by some particular persons of sundry plantations in Dela
ware Bay, at their own charge, for the advantage of public
good, as in a way of trade, so also for the settling of churches
and plantations in those parts in combination with this. And
thereupon it was propounded to the General Court whether
plantations should be settled in Delaware Bay in combination
with this town, yea or nay. And upon consideration and debate,
it was assented unto by the court, and expressed by holding up
of hands." Captain Turner is allowed " to goto Delaware Bay
for his own advantage and the public good in settling affairs
thereof. It is ordered that those to whom the affairs of the
town are committed shall dispose of all the affairs of Delaware
Bay, according to the intent of the agreement for combination
with this town in settling plantations and admitting planters to
sit down there." The next year the settlers there suffer greatly
from sickness and death.
September 9. A committee of the Connecticut legislature
are authorized " to further the league with the Bay."
October 10. While Peters was on his passage, a commission
is made out for him. It was signed by Haynes and Winthrop,
the former governor of Connecticut, and the latter sustaining a

16411 CHURCH PRACTICE RESTORED. 469
like office in Massachusetts. Its object was as follows : "Where
as the bearer, Mr. Hugh Peters, minister of Salem, is sent at
the public request to England to negotiate with the present Par
liament there about such matters as concern us, which we con
fide to his care and fidelity, this is to authorize him, if occasion
permit him, to go to the Netherlands, to treat with the West
India Company there concerning a peaceable neighborhood be
tween us and those of New Netherlands, and whatever he shall
further think proper touching the West Indies." Then several
propositions were subjoined, which contain fair offers for the
territory on Connecticut River, held and claimed by the Dutch
authorities of New Netherland, and a continual source of peril
ous controversy between them and the English in that vicinity.
In them the inquiry is made, on what conditions the company
would allow English emigrants to settle on their lands, where
they " can be employed in advancing the great work, being of
the same rehgion with themselves." The last proposition is,
" That the company would be pleased in all things to see the
inhabitants of New England, who number about forty thousand
souls, a people who covet peace in their ways, the planting of
the gospel above all things, and not to cause trouble or injury
in any manner whatever to the company."
A reason why Winthrop took part in the matter was, that
Massachusetts exercised jurisdiction over some of the land
conquered from the Pequods, and in the quarter liable to ag
gressions from the Dutch at Manhattan. Making a distinction
between the corporation of Hartford and its colony, Winthrop
remarked that the commission was not from the former. Not
careful of such distinction, O'Calleghan says that Winthrop was
mistaken, while, in fact, he was correct.
October 24. The church of Windsor having censured Pyn
chon, he replies to them denying the sufficiency of the cause.
This censure was predicated on a contract which he made to
supply Connecticut with a large quantity of corn. They were
dissatisfied about it, though he considered himself blameless
in the matter. 40

CHAPTER XIV.
Massachusetts. England. — Mr. Rashley. — Fast. — Virginia. — Education.
— Defence. — Fast. — Sins. — Council. — Elders. — Concord. — Seven Vials.
— Woburn. — Seamen. — Bulkley. — Conspiracy. — Hibbens. — Synod. — Par
liament. — Missionaries. — Virginia. — West Indies. — Mrs. Reyner. — Fast. —
Seamen. — College. — Union. — Catholics. — Graduates. — Embarrassments. —
Inhabitants. — State and church. — Ordination. — Excommunicants. — Carter.
— Jesuits. — Woodbridge. — Cotton. — Ball — Mrs. Tompson dies. — Fasts.
— England. — Baptists. — Salaries. — Commerce. — Laud. — Election sermon.
— Worship. — Confederation. — England. — Emigrants. — Lady Moody. —
La Tour. — Papal influence. — Endicott. — Negative vote. — Reconciliation. —
Apology. — Mission to Virginia. — Vineyard. — Robinson's Apology. — Peters.
— Thirty-two questions. — Westminster Assembly. — Brownism aud Presbyte
rianism. — Friars. — Errors. — La Tour and D'Aulney. — Covenant — Synod.
— College. — Preachers. — England. — League and Covenant.— Fine. — Gor-
tonists. — Warwick. — Gibbons. — Sabbath. — Morton. — Green and Norcross.
— Narragansett Bay. — Parker and Rogers. — : First fruits. — Indians. — Gos
pel westward. — College. — Students. — Missionaries. — Reports. — Mr. James.
Plymouth. Arms. — Scoffers. — Providence. — Preachers. — Baptism. —
Brewster. — Prosecutions. — Conspiracy. — Oath. — Penalty. — Scituate. —
Mr. Hull. — Confederation. — Mowers. — Mrs. Matthews. — Military. — Free
men. — Prayer. — Insurrection. — Councils. Maine. Georgeana. — Indians.
— La Tour. — D'Aulney. — Lygonia. — Wheelwright. — Union. — Mr. Hull.
— Letter. — Apology. — Safe conduct. — Missionaries. New Hampshire.
Maud. — Underhill. — Magistrates. — Episcopal bias. — Gibson. — Mr. and
Mrs. Maud. — Conspiracy. — Freemen. — Portsmouth. — Larkham. — Wheel
wright. — Parker. — Exeter. — Wheelwright. — Magistrates. Rhode Island.
Providence. — Distress. — Democracy. — Persons disfranchised. — Aspinwall.
— Mr. and Mrs. Hutchinson. — Gortonists. — Warrant. - — Agent for England.
— Throgmorton. — Elders Brown, Wickendon, and Dexter. — Deed. — Union.
— Sachems. — Miantinomo killed. — Mrs. Hutchinson slain. — Holden's letter.
— Commissioners. — Island. — Hostilities. — Cessation. — Gortonists impris
oned. — Charge. — Captive children. — Sentences. — Key of Williams. Con
necticut. Dutch. — Free school. — Stamford. — Denton. — Indian combina
tion. — Virginia. — Worship. — Synod. — Alarm.. — Dutch. — Arrowcoats. —
Support of religion. — • Education. — Courtship. — Absent husbands and wives.
— Publishment. — Shuffleboard. — Falsehood. — Profanity. — Ministers. —
Sabbath. — Heresy. — Crimes. — Marriage. — Union. — French. — Higginson's
petition. — Indians. — New Haven. — Freemanship. — Accusations. — Pequod
convert. MASSACHUSETTS.
1642, January 3. As calculated to have great effect on the
concerns of New England, the subsequent facts are presented.
Having more fully discovered, that some members of Parlia
ment corresponded with the Scots, so as to encourage them
(470)

APPLICATION FOR PREACHERS. 471
against him, the king orders Lord Kimbolton, with Messrs.
Pym, Hampden, Holies, Stroud, and Arthur Haslerig to be ap
prehended; whereupon the Commons resolve that, if any at
tempt be made to seize any of their members or papers, they
shall " stand upon their defence." On the 5th, the king goes
to the House of Commons, and demands the five members, who
were not there, and then he issues a proclamation for their ap
prehension. The house vote that this is a breach of their priv
ilege. On the 7th and 8th, a mob is raised in London to pro
tect them. They adjourn for seven days, and appoint a commit
tee to sit, in the meanwhile, at Guildhall. On the 10th, the
mob had become so violent, the king and his family move from
Whitehall to Hampton Court. The next day, the sheriff and
military companies of London, with an armed multitude, carry
the obnoxious members to their seats at Westminster. At the
same time, many vessels with colors and armed men proceed
from London bridge up the Thames, as abetters.
Thomas Rashley, according to Lechford, preaches this year
at Cape Ann. He was a member of the Boston church, 1631.
Calamy mentions one of his name as among the subscribers to
the Testimony of the County of Wilts, with the London minis
ters, in 1648, to the Truths of Jesus Christ. Mr. Rashley
is placed* among the ejected ministers, and as having one of
his residences at Abrey. Though but a line or two is left to
show his name, employment, and place, yet the relations he sus
tained indicate that he was worthy to suffer in a good and great
cause. April 14. A fast is kept on account of the troubles in Eng
land and colonial " occasions."
May 24. Richard Bennet, Daniel Gookin, John Hyll, and
others, to the number of seventy-one persons, direct the follow
ing letter : f " To the pastors and elders of Christ's church in
New England, and the rest of the faithful, to whom these pres
ents shall come, we, the inhabitants of the county of the Upper
Norfolk, in Virginia, send greeting in our Lord God everlasting.
Whereas, by the special grace and providence of God, we have
been moved to labor that the word of God might be planted
amongst us by faithful pastors and teachers, and by the same
providence been directed to you, (reverend and much esteemed,)
as by letter formerly, dated, viz., August 6, 1641, subscribed by
us, may appear more fully. At which time we had prepared all
things ready to send unto you for that end, but the season of
the winter then approaching constrained us to defer it until the
present. At which time we have greater cause to seek more
* Nonconformist Memorial. t Dunster Manuscripts.

-72 WAY PREPARED FOR PASTORS. rlv.[Mass.
:arnestly for the supply of our wants. In regard to the present
ncumbent having fully determined to leave us, hath given us
earning to provide ourselves. And in this vacancy, we have
hought it necessary to divide the whole county, being of very
arge extent, into three several parts, for the more convenient
nd easy assembling ourselves together to the public worship of
iod, and sanctify the Lord's day, every of which parts being
ntire within itself, and the inhabitants of which willing to
naintain a pastor. We have, therefore, for this very end, still
esolved to commend our necessities to your Christian and seri-
ius consideration, and do by these our letters earnestly desire to
>e supplied from you by such pastors as shall be selected,, nom-
nated, and commended to us by you, with consent of the
hurch, in such manner as we may hope for a blessing from God
iy their dispensations, being according to the order of the gos-
>el ; and such as shall be approved by Mr. Philip Bennet, our
gent herein, whom we commend unto you for the matter, as
Iso for his great willingness and earnest endeavor in this work,
o whom we give order, in our name, to choose such as by you
hall be commended to him, and so do faithfully promise to re
vive such pastors as shall be so commended and chosen for us ;
uovided, that being tried, they be found faithful in pureness
if doctrine and integrity of life. For although we are well
>ersuaded of your sincere affection to Christ's truth, and of your
loly walking in the order of the gospel, for which we do rev-
irendly and highly esteem you, yet we cannot rest on man's
>erson or doctrine further than shall be approved by the word
if God, and further than his preaching and government shall
>e according to the institution of Christ ; and being such, are
)ound by the command of God, and shall willingly receive them,
ubjecting ourselves to their teaching and discipline. And we
lave good hopes, and do earnestly pray, that the Lord, accord-
ng to his promise, will give us pastors after his own heart, which
fiall feed us with knowdedge and understanding. Unto his
nercy and truth, therefore, we commit ourselves and our spirit-
lal necessities, looking for supply of them from the riches of
lis grace, who doeth great things and unsearchable, and work-
;th wonders without number. And in special manner, we com-
nend this matter and ourselves likewise to your care over us, in
hat which concerns us, we highly resting in expectation of re-
urn of your answer, which we hope to receive by the presence
)f those whom you shall send unto us, in whom likewise we
ihall behold God's goodness and your Christian love to us."
June 14. The General Court require that the children whose
rarents neglect to educate them shall have the particular atten-
ion of the selectmen where they live, so they shall learn to

,„_<.-, HAVING TWO PASTORS CONSIDERED. 473
1642. J
read and understand the principles of religion, as well as the
capital laws.
In view of the great danger which threatens the common
wealth from foreign and domestic foes, they order every planta
tion to provide for the manufacture of saltpetre. Of the latter
foes were the Indians in general, who were reported to have
conspired throughout New England to destroy the colonists.
Though encouraged by the progress of liberty in England,
which had revived their charter rights, yet our fathers had much
to try their belief that they should found a heritage of tempo
ral and spiritual freedom for their descendants.
A fast is ordered, to be the 21st of the next month, " in re
gard of our own straits and the foul sins broken out among us,
and the distractions of our native country, Ireland, Holland, and
other parts of Europe."
The ministers are desired to consider a book before the court,
composed by Richard Saltonstall, and adverse to the continu
ance of the standing council. They are requested to hand in
the result of their examination of it the next session. At the
same time, the court vindicate themselves and the said council
from any improper motives. The latter body, formed, in one
of the most perilous exigencies of the colony, to assist by their
advice and action in preventing the prostration of its civil and
religious liberties, had done much good. But the spirit of
jealousy among the public, lest their continuance should lessen
the freedom of the commonwealth, is an indication that they are
vigilantly observed, and need make straight paths for their feet.
This year, it is enacted that " the treasurer of the country shall
defray the charges of the elders of our churches, when they are
employed by special order of the General Court."
July 28. The church * at Concord had not succeeded so well
in their agricultural pursuits as they anticipated. They were
doubtful about remaining there. They thought the support of.
two ministers more than they were able to afford. On this sub
ject a council assemble among them. They advise the church
not to move away, and to maintain their pastors as well as they
can. They also propose, that if either of the ministers has a
call elsewhere, he may convene a council to act on his dismission.
Another item of their result is, that the deacons should attend
to the payment of the pastoral salaries — a duty which had not
been required of them.
A book is brought from London containing sermons of Cot
ton on the seven vials, f They were published without the au
thor's knowledge. Some person, who heard them in Boston,
* Winthrop. t Baillie mentions the book as printed in 1641.
3 ii 40 *

474 MAGISTRATE AT FORMING A CHURCH. fMASs
took them down in short hand, and presented them to Humfrey
before he embarked for England. The latter had three hundred
copies for the manuscript. He intended it as a compliment to
Cotton, who, however, was grieved that such a work was given
to the public without his own revision and correction.
August 14. A church* of seven brethren is formed at Wo-
burn. The candidates and others assemble at eight o'clock in
the morning. The council and messengers are from seven adja
cent churches. According to the custom, that one or more of
the magistrates should be present on such occasions, to promote
order, prevent disturbance from erroneous opinionists, and en
courage the work, Increase Nowell attends. " After Mr. Syms
had continued in preaching and praying four or five houres,"
the persons entering into covenant, relate their spiritual experi
ence, state the doctrines of their creed, and are questioned, as
need seems to require, by members of the council. This body,
satisfied with their statements, depute one to give them the right
hand of fellowship. Speaking of the individuals thus formed,
and of their disposition to prepare the way for the settlement of
a pastor among them, Johnson remarks, " It being as unnat
ural for a right New England man to live without an able min
istry, as for a smith to work his iron without fire."
John, son of Rev. Peter Bulkley, graduates, this year, at
Harvard. He afterwards went to England, and settled in the
ministry at Fordham, whence he was ejected, 1662. Thus de
prived of his parish, he practised physic in the suburbs of Lon
don. He conversed on religious subjects, and prayed with his
patients. His every-day life adorned the doctrines of his Sa
vior, and so he preached powerfully to all with whom he was
concerned. In 1689, when he had reached his seventieth year,
he died at St. Katharines, near the Tower. His funeral sermon,
from Proverbs xiv. 32, was delivered by Mr. James, of Night
ingale Lane. He was " eminent in learning, and equally so in
piety." September 1. Tidings are brought from the authorities of Con
necticut, as Winthrop remarks, that discovery had been made
there, that the Indian tribes of the whole country were encour
aging each other to unite their forces, and endeavor to extermi
nate all the English. Order is immediately given to disarm the
Indians, which is partly executed. Still, after examining a few
of the chiefs, they gave satisfaction to the rulers here, that they
had no hand in the plot. The legislature, convened the 8th to
consider the proposal of Connecticut for war upon the Indians,
decide to answer them, that they do not perceive sufficient cause
* Johnson's Wonder Working Providence.

m SYNOD IN ENGLAND. 475
to begin such hostilities. At the same time, they are careful
to have the people guarded against surprise. One reason they
offer why they should delay to draw the sword is, that the men
who would be selected for it " were, for the most part, godly,
and would be as well assured of the justice of the cause as the
warrant of their call," which justice did not yet appear.
According tQ custom, Hibbens, who accompanied Peters and
Weld to England, being returned in safety, gives an account
to the Boston church " of all the good providences of the Lord
towards him in his voyage to and fro."
September 6. Letters reach Boston from members of both
houses in Parliament, and a few ministers, who " stood for
independency in the churches." They are of the same tenor
and addressed to Cotton of Boston, Hooker of Hartford, and
Davenport of New Haven. They invite them to attend a
synod in London for settling ecclesiastical government. An
extract from them follows : " The condityon whearein the state
of things in this kingdom doth now stand wee suppose you haue
from the relations of others, whearby you cannot but understand
how greate need there is of the healp of prayer and improve
ment of -all good meanes from all parts for the seatlinge and
composeing the affaires of the church. Wee doubt not these
advantages will be sutch as will fully answer all inconveniences
yoursealves, churches, or plantations may sustaine in this your
voyage and short absence from them. The sooner you come
the better." Of the lords who subscribed this communication
were Warwick, Say and Seal, and Brook; of the Commons
were Cromwell, Haselrig, and Marsham. The magistrates and
elders, in and near Boston, immediately consulted on so inter
esting a proposal, and the most of them thought it should be
complied with, but wished for longer time to consider. Hook
er did not approve of the plan, but Davenport and Cotton did.
While the subject was in agitation, news came of a rupture be
tween the king and Parliament, with advice from Peters and
Weld to have all decision on it suspended till further informa
tion. The advice was adopted, and finally it was concluded to
send no delegates.
Letters by Mr. Bennet from Virginia, desiring that they may
be supplied with preachers, had been received. The communi
cations were treated as highly important. The change in Eng
land, which had removed the former opprobrium cast upon dis
senters, and brought down the supremacy of the archbishops,
was favorable to their effectual acceptance. On a lecture day in
Boston, the letters were read publicly. In view of the state
ments thus made, the elders appointed a time for the special
aonsideration of them. When the day came, they assembled.

476 MISSIONARIES FOR VIRGINIA. [Mass.
They nominated three for the mission, Philips of Watertown,
Tompson of Braintree, and Miller of Rowley.
September 8. After this date, but in the same month, to en
courage the enterprise, the legislature voted, that if the churches
would consent to have them go, the magistrates would recom
mend them to the government of Virginia. On the 16th, Peter
Bulkley writes to Cotton, " If the business concerning Virginia
be finished, I desire to know how it stands."
One of the reasons assigned for the designation of the three
aforenamed was, that each of their churches would have a min
ister left if they should go. Philips declined the appointment,
and his colleague, Knowles, consented to take his place. Miller
did' not accept, because his health was insufficient. " The main
argument which prevailed with the churches to dismiss them
to that work, and with the court to allow and further it, was the
advancement of the kingdom of Christ in those parts."
Though a few calls of this kind had been answered as to
Maine and New Hampshire, yet the mission to Virginia was
considered more important in its relations than any other hith
erto encouraged by the church and state of Massachusetts.
Near the same date, two vessels, which had been gone almost
a year to Barbadoes and other West India islands, came home
with loads of cotton. They brought letters, entreating for a
supply of ministers. The elders, understanding that the people
there " were much infected with Familism," did not think it
well to act immediately, but wait for more information.
22. A general Fast is observed, appointed by the churches, as
desired by the legislature. Its prominent occasions are the rup
ture between the king and Parliament, the Indian conspiracy,
and excessive rains.
24. Cotton delivers a sermon to the captain " and divers godly
seamen " of a ship built and made ready for sea by Boston
merchants. It was intended to have this service on board of
the vessel, but, as she could not accommodate the audience, who
wished to be there, it was performed at the preacher's meeting
house. 26. An extract,* relative to learning, is from a letter of the
governor and " diverse of the ministers," forwarded to England.
" All things in the colledge are at present like to proceed as
wee can wish ; may it best please the Lord to goe on with his
blessing in Christ, and stir up the hearts of his faithful and able
servants in our owne native country, and here (as he hath gra
ciously begun) to advance this honourable and most hopefull
worke. The beginnings whereof and progresse hitherto (gen-
* The First Fruits of New England.

CORPORATION OF THE COLLEGE. 477
erally) doe fill our hearts with comfort, and raiseth them up to
much more expectation of the Lord's goodnesse for us hereafter
for the good of posterity and the churches of Christ Jesus."
September 27. As in 1636 the college was committed to the
care of six magistrates and six elders, and some of them had
left the colony, it is ordered * by the legislature that the corpo
ration of this seminary shall be the governor, deputy, and " all
the magistrates of this jurisdiction," and " the teaching elders "
from Cambridge, Watertown, Charlestown, Boston, Roxbury,
and Dorchester, with the president for the time being, to govern
it "in piety, morality, and learning."
A large committee are appointed to confer with delegates
from New Haven, Connecticut, and Plymouth, for the forma
tion of a union to preserve their several interests of church and
state, and particularly to avoid the threatened collision with
Indians. A proposal is made to include Maine in the compact.
October 6. A vessel comes f to Boston with a request from
La Tour, at St. Johns, for aid against D'Aulnay at Penobscot.
Its company are Catholics. They attend worship in the meet
ing house, and otherwise acted so as to secure the respect of the
people. A New Testament, with Marlorat's notes, was pre
sented to their commander by one of the elders, which he ac
cepted and promised to read.
7. Knowles and Tompson t depart for Taunton so as to meet
with the bark at Narragansett, which was to carry them on
their mission to Virginia. They have a letter from the gov
ernor to the like officer there, which explains the object of their
visit to his jurisdiction, and bespeaks his kind attention to them
while in that quarter. They stopped at New Haven, where
Mr. James, formerly of Charlestown, joined them in their gos
pel enterprise^ They met with so many detentions and difficul
ties, it was eleven weeks before they reached the port of their
destination. Such trials led them to doubt whether they had
not gone beyond the line of their duty. But when they reached
their field of labor, and met with much to encourage them, they
took a different view.
9. As cause of deep interest to the Christians of New Eng
land, who felt the importance, of having the churches and com
monwealth supplied with pious ministers and magistrates of
good education, the first commencement is held § at Harvard
College, and nine students graduate. But the hope with regard
to the continuance of these young men in this country was
* Holmes's Annals have this under 1643, but the General Court Records have
it under 1642. Winthrop, though not positively, seems to favor Holmes.
t Winthrop. t Cotton's Way of Congregational Churches cleared.
§ Mather's Magnalia says, " Commencement was formerly the second Tuesday
in August."

478 RELIGIOUS COMMONWEALTH. [Plym.
disappointed in the most of them, who, not able to find suitable
employment here, sought it in England. Remarking on the
design of those who founded this institution, Johnson says, it
was " to make the whole world understand that spiritual learn
ing was the thing they chiefly desired, to sanctify the other
and make the whole lump holy, and that learning, being set on
its right object, might not contend for error instead of truth."
October 18. All the elders* of Massachusetts meet at Ips
wich. The object of their convention is to consider the treatise
of Richard Saltonstall on the standing council, as they had been
requested by the General Court. They discuss three proposi
tions, laid down by him, in regard to the matter, which follow :
" 1. In a commonwealth, rightly and religiously constituted,
there is no power, office, administration, or authority, but such
as are commanded of God. 2. The powers, offices, and admin
istrations that are ordained of God, as aforesaid, being given, dis
pensed, and erected in a Christian commonwealth by his good
providence, proportioned by his rule to their state and condition,
established by his power against all opposition, carried on and
accompanied with his presence and blessing, ought not to be by
them either changed or altered, but upon such grounds, for
such ends, in that manner, and only so far as the mind of God
may be manifested therein. 3. The mind of God is never man
ifested concerning the change or alteration of any civil ordi
nance, erected or established by him as aforesaid, in a Christian
commonwealth, so long as all the cases, counsels, services, and
occasions thereof may be duly and fully ended, ordered, execut
ed, and performed without any change or alteration of govern
ment." The elders, in their reply, allowed these principles to be
sound, except " with this distinction in the first, viz., that all
lawful powers are ordained, etc., either expressly or by conse
quence, by particular examples or by general rules." They
clear the advocate for them from intentional wrong, and from all
actual breach of privilege, because he offered his views on the
subject in compliance with the invitation of the legislature.
23. An event f expected by the people here with much solici
tude, from counter movements of the royal and parliamentary
forces, already communicated to them, now takes place. It is
the severe battle of Edgehill. Both sides claim the victory,
and the next day give public thanks. Thus the. conflict assumes
a more serious aspect, and its order of occurrences, as they
come to the ears of our fathers, increases their hopes or fears
relative to their own civil and religious institutions.
* Winthrop. f Salmon's Chronology.

CONTINUANCE IN THE COLONY. 479
November. The situation of the colony as to fewness of emi
grants to its shores, in consequence of the revolutionary changes
in England, — as to embarrassments of its trade, depreciation of
its property, and scarceness of foreign commodities, — continues
a restless spirit in many of the people, which induces them to
look abroad for different residences. Some of them comply
with encouragement of the Dutch governor to settle on Long
Island, and others in the West Indies, and many to seek their
fatherland. The most of such as went away for fear of want
were brought to realize it in extremity. Among those who re
turned to England were Humfrey, the magistrate, John Phillips,
and three other ministers, and a schoolmaster. The question
whether the inhabitants should so leave the colony, for secular
advantage, was much discussed. Winthrop, whose conscien
tious resolve was to stand or fall with the country, says, " Ask
what liberty thou hast towards others, which thou likest not to
allow others towards thyself, for if one may go, another may,
and so the greater part, and so church and commonwealth may
be left destitute in a wilderness, exposed to misery and re
proach." It is far safer, like Moses, " to suffer affliction with
thy brethren, than to enlarge thy ease and pleasure by further
ing the occasion of their ruin."
21. Allen, of Charlestown, writes to Cotton, of Boston :
" You were pleased to express your willingness and desire to
have my scruples propounded y' might be made about ye great
buisyness, which the Lord hath bin pleased to direct you to
speak off, (which I hope may, through his blessing, be very vse-
full .to the churches and people of Christ both here and else
where.)" He then proceeds to give a condensed view of his
judgment on several questions.
1. About the power of magistrates. " It is to preserve and
defend the churches from injuries and disturbances," and not
" constraine them to walk according to the word."
2. About the power of " ye churches in matters ceremoniall."
They may " vary in the time of administration of yc Lord's
supper ; we here doeing it in ye morning, and suppose others
should doe it iu the evening, according to ye 1st institution and
y primitive practises, sprinkling in baptism, others dipping, the
time of church assemblings, for beginning, continuance. Some
things be arbitrary to the churches to doe them or not. Where
in are the churches of England to be blamed in takeing such
liberty?" 3. " About gathering churches. Question : whether any
Christians in a towne, haveing been baptized, are not to be ac
counted of y° church till such time as they breake out into some
scandall, for which they are to be censured. There was one

480 ORDINATION BY LAYMEN. [Mass.
with vs this very day expressing himselfe, and many others in
this country were of this judgment," whether " Christians may
not gather into church fellowshipp in consulto magistratu, from
Acts iv. 19, and from ye practice of ye apostolick times."
4. " About ordination. Qu. : whether imposition of hands
be a necessary ordinance, or arbitrary, (as y° Scots hold.)" He
then propounds queries relative to giving the right hand of fel
lowship, ministers pronouncing a blessing on the congregation,
administration of the seals of the covenant, admission of mem
bers, offences and censures ; " qu. : whether 'tis lawfull to haue
communion with an excommunicated person, or how farr. If
such be only as an heathen, then 'tis lawfull to eat and drink,
pray and converse, and deal ordinarily with him, and vnlawful
only to have communion with him at ye Lord's table."
10. " About baptizing of children of Christian parents, not
yet joyned in covenant to any particular church, for some rea
son, perhaps y* is unwarrantable, as suppose they are vncertaine
of abiding in y6 place where they are, or perhaps ye wife, being
godly, would joyne, but y husband will not suffer her, or y6
like." He argues that such children should be baptized.
November 22. An ordination * takes place at Woburn. Pri
or to the formation of the church there, Thomas Carter f
preached among them, which he was invited to do, November
3, 1641, when he was a member of the Watertown church,
where he seems to have been similarly employed. He contin
ued his labors till the present. He had his A. B. in 1629, and
his A. M. in 1633, at St. John's College, Cambridge. He
came over in 1635, and was admitted freeman 1637. " After he
had exercised in preaching and prayer the greater part of the
day, two persons, in the name of the church, laid their hands
upon his head, and said, ' We ordain thee, Thomas Carter, to be
pastor unto this church of Christ.' " Then one of the neigh
boring ministers prayed. Winthrop informs us, that as the
Woburn brethren had none among them " very fit " to impose
hands on Carter, it was suggested by some, that the ordinance
should be administered by elders from the vicinity. But others
objected, lest it should introduce a dependency on other church
es, and thereby a presbytery. The opinion of the latter pre
vailed. Thus a ceremony which has been long performed by
ministers of the council was rigidly reserved, by our early
churches, for a select number of the very church over which
the pastor elected was to be placed.
* Johnson.
t Massachusetts Historical Collections, s. 3, v. 8, p. 254. Here a Thomas Car
ter was about embarking, as a servant to George Gidding, for New England,
April, 1635, aged twenty-five ; which accords with the declared age of the minister
of Woburn.

REMARK OF FOREIGN JESUITS. 481
1642.] Mr. Parish, a merchant, who had lived " many years at the
Madeiras," visits Boston for purposes of traffic. He stated
that the priests and Jesuits there told him, when about to em
bark for this country, that the people of " New England were
the worst of all heretics, and that they were the cause of the
troubles in England, and of the pulling down the bishops
there." November 28. Thomas Dudley, of Roxbury, writes to John
Woodbridge, of Newbury, who had married one of his daugh
ters, " I have often thought of you and of the course of your
life, doubting you are not in the way wherein you may do God
best service. Every man ought (as I take it) to serve God in
such a way whereto he hath best fitted him by nature, educa
tion, or gifts, or graces acquired. Now, in all these respects, I
conceive you to be better fitted for the ministry, or teaching a
school, than for husbandry. I have been lately stirred up the
rather to think hereof by occasion of Mr. Carter's calling to be
a pastor at Woburn last week, and Mr. Parker's calling to preach
at Pascattaway, whose abilities and piety (for aught I know)
surmount not yours. There is a want of schoolmasters herea
bouts, and ministers are, or in likelihood will be, wanting ere
long." In compliance with this advice, Woodbridge prepared
himself to keep school and preach, probably under Thomas
Parker, colleague with his uncle Noyes.
This year, the True Constitution * of a particular visible
Church, by John Cotton, is printed in London. It discusses,
by way of question and answer, " what officers, worship, and
government, Christ hath ordained in his church." Several pas
sages follow : " Before prophesying, it will be seasonable to sing
a psalm, and by some of the teachers of the church, to read the
word, and therewith to preach it by giving the sense, and ap
plying the use. In dispensing thereof, the minister was wont
to stand above all the people, in a pulpit of wood, and the elders
on both sides. Where there be more prophets, as pastors and
teachers, they may prophesy two or three, and, if the time per
mit, the elders may call any other of the brethren, whether of
the same church or any other, to speak a word of exhortation
to the people. And for the better edifying a man's self, or oth
ers, it may be lawful for any, young or old, save only for wo
men, to ask questions at the mouth of the prophets.
The body of the church hath power from Christ to choose
and call her own officers and members, to send forth any of
them for her service, to inquire, and hear, and assist in the
* This and the two consecutive works are mentioned by the Bibliotheca Bri-
tannica as of 1642 editions.
3i 41

482 FASTS FOR THE CONFLICT IN ENGLAND. rMAS3
judgment of all public scandals. It is committed to the pres
bytery to call the church together, and to deliver the counsel
of God to them with authority, to prepare matters for the
church's hearing, and to propound and order them in the assem
bly ; to administer ordination and censures, and to dismiss the
assembly with a blessing, in the name of the Lord."
Another work of the same author is printed there. It is
called A modest and clear Answer to Mr. Ball's Discourse of
Set Forms of Prayer. It was considered as a desirable aid
in England about their ecclesiastical consultations.
1643, January. While Tompson is engaged in his mission
to Virginia, his wife Abigail dies.* She was " a godly young
woman, and a comfortable help to him." She left several young
children, which were " well disposed of among his godly
friends." Verses in the Records of the first Roxbury church,
written soon after her decease, imply that she died of a cold ta
ken while walking through the snow to public worship. They
represent her as saying to her beloved husband, —
" Yea, if thou lovest Christ, — as who doth more . —
Then do not thou my death too much deplore."
February. With regard to the eventful struggle between the
king and Parliament, the churches, as in Winthrop, keep several
fasts. Some of the magistrates doubt the propriety of having
so many of these seasons for the same cause. But the matter is
left to the discretion of the elders and their churches.
28. William Witter and Roger Scott, of Lynn, are arraigned
before the Quarterly Court at Salem. " William Witter, now
comeing in, answered humbly, and confessed his ignorance and
willingness to see light, and (upon Mr. Norrice, our elder, his
speech) seemed to be staggered, inasmuch as that he came into
court meltinglie." He was charged with speaking very inde
cently of infant baptism. He was sentenced to confess his fault
on a lecture day, and ask Mr. Cobbet's pardon for saying he
spoke against his conscience. Scott is presented " for common
sleeping at. the publick exercise upon the Lord's day, and for
striking him that waked him." This individual, not having
amended his fault, was sentenced, the next December, to be
"severely whipped."
March 5. As Winthrop relates, different views and plans of
raising clerical salaries exist. Some pay them by taxation, and
others by contribution. At Watertown, Mr. Briscoe considered
it oppressive to be assessed for such a demand, " because himself
and others were no members " of the church. He wrote a
* His next wife was Ann, the widow of Simon Crosby, of Rowley.

.^•.o-i FAVOR FROM THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 483
lo4.j.]book against it, and reflected on the officers of the church there.
The publication caused much excitement in the town, and not a
little in the colony." He and two more were convented before
the court. He was fined ten pounds because he did not acquaint
the magistrates with his grievance before he had it circulated
abroad, and he slighted the court. One of tbe publishers was
also fined forty shillings.
March 10. The House of Commons pass a special order in
favor of this and other colonies. They head it as follows :
" Whereas the plantations in New England have, by the blessing
of Almighty God had good and prosperous success, without any
public charge to this state, and are now likely to prove very
happy for propagation of the gospel in those parts, and very
beneficial and commodious to this kingdom and nation." With
this caption, they allow New England to export their produc
tions to the mother country and import thence such merchandise
as they need, free of all customs.
When the legislature voted, on the 10th of May, to have
record made of such kindness, they expressed themselves as
follows : " Whereas it hath pleased the Lord, who, of his free
grace and mercy, hath, from time to time, taken care of and
provided for the safety and good of his poor churches and peo
ple here in New England, so to move the hearts of the honora
ble House of Commons in England, as they have been pleased
to make a special order in our favor, for acknowledgment of
our humble thankfulness, and preserving a grateful remem
brance of the honorable respect from that high court, it is or
dered, that the said order, being sent to us under the hand of
the clerk of the said honorable House of Commons, shall be en
tered among our public records, to remain there to posterity."
What a striking contrast this is to the royal instructions, which,
for a series of years, had come to our rulers, commanding them,
on the penalty of being punished as traitors, to send back their
charter, and submit themselves to the tyranny of a general gov
ernor ! How it must have raised up the hands that had hung
clown, and encouraged the hearts that had been faint ! The re
mark of Chalmers, that this privilege was " gained by the in
trigues, perhaps by the money, of the agents," is more fanciful
than real, more dogmatical than demonstrable.
24. From the diary of Archbishop Laud, confined in prison
on charge of treason against the state, there was a purpose
to have him sent to this country. The record was, " One Mr.
Foord told me (he is a Suti'olk man) that there is a plot to send
me and Bishop Wren to New England within fourteen days.
On April 25, it was moved in the House of Commons to send
me to New England, but it was rejected. The plot was laid by

484 WITHDRAWAL FROM THE KING. ^^
Peters, Wells, and others." This movement for the primate's
banishment was intended to prevent his execution at the block.
About this time, Peters, in his prefatory remarks to Church
Government and Church Covenant, observes as follows : " I
do conceive that this sword will not be sheathed, which is now
drawn, till church work be better known. Presbytery and In
dependency are the ways of worship and church fellowship now
looked at, since we hope Episcopacy is coffined out, and will be
buried without expectation of another resurrection. We need
not tell the wise whence tyranny grew in churches, and how
commonwealths got their pressure in the like kind." This ac
quiescence in the downfall of hierarchy was vividly recollected
against Peters when it came to be revived.
May 10. Ezekiel Rogers * preaches the election sermon.
He was invited to such duty by freemen who had instruction
from the last court to meet at Salem for the nomination of some
new magistrates. Hearing that exception was taken to this call,
Rogers wrote to the governor, who advised him, though the
mode of his being chosen was irregular, to perform the service,
especially as it was publicly understood that he was to be the
preacher. When the governor and other magistrates took their oaths of
office, there arose a scruple about the clause " You shall bear
true faith and allegiance to our sovereign lord, King Charles,"
because he had* made war on the Parliament. On this account
the phrase was omitted ; and thus another virtual stand was tak
en against the crown and the crosier.
To destroy what had been a main cause of driving our ances
tors to these shores, a requisition of Parliament, passed the 5th,
is now executed. Their words are, " It is ordered, that the
book concerning the enjoyning and tolerating of sports upon the
Lord's day be forthwith burned by the hand of the common
hangman in Cheapside and other usual places. All persons,
who have any of the said books in their hands, are hereby re
quired forthwith to deliver them to one of the sheriff's of Lon
don, to be burnt according to this order."
The churches are to deal with their members who will not
become freemen. This develops the idea of our ancestors, that
Christians should avail themselves of their political as well as
religious privileges in order to keep the state under a salutary
influence. Military officers of the towns are required to appoint what
arms shall be brought to public worship on the Sabbath and
other days. * Winthrop.

CONFEDERATION OF THE .COLONIES. 485
May 19. Articles of confederation are agreed on at Boston by
commissioners from New Haven, Connecticut, Plymouth, and
Massachusetts. They are signed by all of them, except those
of Plymouth, who had no power to do this ; but the General
Court of the last colony accepted the articles on the 7th of next
September. Several reasons are assigned for so important a cov
enant, as follow in the subjoined caption : " Whereas we all
came into these parts of America with one and the same end
and aim, namely, to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity with
peace ; and whereas by our settling, by the wise providence of
God, we are further dispersed upon the sea coasts and rivers
than was first intended, so that we cannot, according to our de
sire, with convenience communicate in one government and ju
risdiction ; and whereas we live encompassed with people of
several nations * and strange languages, which hereafter may
prove injurious to us or our posterity ; and forasmuch as the
natives have formerly committed sundry insolences and outrages
upon several plantations of the English, and have of late com
bined themselves against us, and seeing by reason of the sad
distractions in England, by which they know we are hindered
both from that humble way of seeking advice, and reaping those
comfortable fruits of protection, which at other times we might
well expect, — we therefore do conceive it our bounden duty,
without delay, to enter into a present consociation amongst our
selves for mutual help and strength in all future concernment,
that, as in nation and religion, so in other respects, we be and
continue one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the
ensuing articles." These number twelve. In the first, the con
tracting parties take the name of the United Colonies of New
England. Second, they enter into the " league of friendship
and amity, for offence and defence, mutual advice and succour,
upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the
truth and liberties of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety
and welfare." Third, each colony were allowed "peculiar ju
risdiction and government within their limits." Fourth, the
charges of all just wars for either member of the confederation
were to be paid by all of them in proportion to their means.
Fifth relates to invasion and the mode of resistance. Sixth
states that the government of the whole union shall consist of
two commissioners from each colony, " all in church fellow
ship." The next four describe the duties of such officers. The
eleventh provides for a breach of the contract by any of the
parties, and the twelfth narrates the completion of the agree-
* French, Dutch, and Swedes. 41*

486 EXCITEMENT BY MEANS OF CATHOLICS. rMASg.
ment. The league, so made, was like that of the states of the
Netherlands. No document of the kind was ever formed for
nobler purposes. To. assert that the motives leading to it were
in no degree imperfect, would be claiming for it what could
never be entirely and truly demanded from any human instru
ment. But to maintain that it took as high a hold on the best
interests of man as any other, is justified by truth.
A Fast is recommended to be observed by the churches, on
the first day of June, for the distressed situation of England.
June 12. Lady Deborah Moody was admonished by Salem
church, of which she became a member, April 5, 1640, for de
nying infant baptism. To avoid further difficulty, she removes
to Gravesend, on Long Island. Her settlement was soon at
tacked by Indians, who were bravely beaten off. She was after
wards excommunicated by the church of Salem.
La Tour, the rival of D'Aulney, arrives, according to Win
throp, at Boston from Rochelle. He professed to be a less
strenuous Catholic than the other. The reason of his coming
hither was that D'Aulney blockaded the entrance to his fort at
St. Johns. La Tour and his men were entertained hospitably.
The report of his arrival, object, and reception was speedily
spread through the colony. It produced much excitement in
the churches. Some of the ministers preached against aid be
ing granted to La Tour, and others in its favor. The former
wrote to the governor, and expressed their fear lest such inter
course bring the colonists under Papal influence. So serious
an aspect did the subject assume, and so desirous were the per
sons who had engaged to assist La Tour in getting to his fort,
for advice, a meeting of the adjacent magistrates, deputies, and
elders is appointed. A principal question agitated before this
body was, whether " it were lawful for Christians to aid idola
ters, and how far we may hold communion with them." It
was agreed, on the one hand, that assistance rendered to La
Tour, as proposed by those who had agreed to accompany him,
and as countenanced by several of the principal members of
government, would advance and strengthen Popery. It was ar
gued, on the other, that, being in distress, he might be properly
relieved as an act of civility due from man to man. A further
objection was, that La Tour was not to be confided in as to his
stipulations for help, because Papists profess that it is right for
them to break their " promise with heretics." The reply to
this was, that whatever his creed might be, it was not for his
interest to deceive the English.
While this subject was under discussion, Endicott writes, on
on the 19th, to Winthrop : "lam glad that La Tour hath not
ayd from us ; and I could wish hee might not have any from

1fi.01 MISSIONARIES SILENCED. 487
lo4o.J the shipps. For as long as La Tour and Daulney are opposites,
they will weaken one another. If La Tour should prevail
against him, we shall undoubtedly have an ill neighbour. I must
needs say, that I feare we shall have little comfort in having any
thing to doe with these idolatrous French. The countrey herea
bouts is much troubled that they are so entertayned, and have
their libertie as they have to bring their soldiers ashore, and to
trayne their men. I leave all these things to your serious con
siderations, desireing the Lord to guide you therein to the glo-
rie and peace of the churches here."
June. About this time, the elders, as requested, give advice that
the question relative to the negative vote of the magistrates, as to
a case of slander concerning a lost sow, in Boston, of little im
portance in itself, but made the occasion of general and serious
division among the people, be left undisturbed.
They also promote a reconciliation between Saltonstall and
the most of the magistrates, who disapproved of strictures in
his book against the standing council.
Among the ministers who came to the court was Rogers, of
Ipswich. While earnest for the settlement of some matter be
tween that town and one of the Assistants, Dudley thus ad
dressed him : " Do you think to come with your eldership here
to carry matters ? " This was considered as needlessly rough,
and the speaker of it was prevailed on to make an apology.
20. Knowles returns from his mission to Virginia. He brings
letters from his people and others there to the elders here,
which were read publicly at the lecture in Boston. Great in
terest was taken in this work by our churches. They were in
formed that God had greatly prospered the labors of the mis
sionaries. They were further told, that " though the state did
silence the ministers because they would not conform to the
order of England, yet the people resorted to them in private
houses, to hear them as before. Tompson and James appear to
have returned with Knowles. The act of Virginia, passed the
foregoing March 2, forbidding any preachers to remain there
except them of the Episcopal order, appears to have been made
for the exclusion of those individuals. Their followers re
mained under the instruction of Thomas Harrison, a minister
of the country, who had altered in the manner and spirit of his
preaching through the influence of the missionaries.
Near this date, Mayhew, at the Vineyard, perceives that his
labors make some impression on the Indians. One of them,
named Hiacoomes, attends his worship, and appears seriously
inclined. For this he becomes an object of persecution from
Pakeponesso, an adjacent sagamore, and his tribe.
As an indication of the great interest which our fathers took

488 WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY. rMASg
in the ecclesiastical concerns of England, and how they desired
for the public mind here to be well informed in such matters,
the two subsequent books are printed at Cambridge : A lust
and Necessary Apologie of certain Christians, no lesse contu-
meliously than commonly called Brownists, or Barrowists.
The author of this work was the noted John Robinson. It was
written in Latin, and printed at Leyden, in 1619. Among its
several topics were those of baptism as not applicable to chil
dren of non-professors ; of liturgies, bishops, holy days, aside
from the Sabbath ; and of public celebrations of marriages as
unscriptural ; of speaking in the congregation by intelligent
brethren as justifiable ; of the church, as independent, in its
forms and doctrines, of the civil power. The other publication
was, A Discourse about Civil Government in a new Plantation
whose Design is Religion. It was written " to prove the ex
pediency and necessity of intrusting free burgesses, who are
members of churches gathered amongst them according to Christ,
with the power of choosing from among, themselves magistrates
and men to whom the managing of all public civil affairs of im
portance is to be committed." Some ascribe this work to John
Davenport, and others to John Cotton. Roger Williams assigns
it to the latter and other New England elders.
July 1. As a concern, likely to have a reaction on the church
discipline of this country, according to its final decisions, the
Assembly of Divines convene to settle the religious platform of
the kingdom, in the Jerusalem chamber of Westminster Abbey,
London. It consists of one hundred and eighteen Noncon
formist preachers and twenty-six laymen, each of whom is al
lowed by government four shillings a day for his service.
Relative to a subject of discussion in this body, ministers,
who were members of it, and who had been exiles in the Neth
erlands, publish a narrative. In this they say, " Wee did then
and doe here publiquely professe, we beleeue the truth to lye
and consist in a middle way betwixt that which is falsely charged
on us, Brownisme, and that which is the contention of these
times, authoritative Presbyteriall government."
13. A ship of war, fitted out by the Earl of Warwick, ar
rives at Boston, to obtain planters for Trinidad. But the desire,
previously exhibited for residence in the West Indies, had great
ly abated, and no emigrants would engage to go.
14. La Tour leaves Boston, bound for his besieged fort, and
accompanied with volunteers of our people. He had attended
public worship with Winthrop, who gives the account, and oth
erwise conducted so as to meet with general approbation.
Among his company were two friars. These, fearing lest they
should offend the inhabitants, declined visiting Boston, except

WAR WITH D'AULNEY OPPOSED. 489
once, when they called together on Cotton, with whom they had
a conference. One of them was " a very learned and acute
man." Immediately before his departure, he came and bade
adieu to Cotton, Wilson, and Winthrop, expressing his gratitude
for courtesies received.
The last of these makes the subsequent reflection : " Three
errours the governour, etc., committed in managing this business :
1. In giving La Tour an answer so suddenly. 2. In not advis
ing with any of the elders, as their manner was in matters of
less consequence. 3. In not calling upon God, as they were
wont to do in all public affairs before they fell to consultation."
Such concessions were the spontaneous language of deep and
ingenuous piety, as well as of enlightened Christian principle.
The nearer men approach their Maker, and the more they look
to him for heavenly wisdom, the safer they are in all perplexed
questions of duty.
With regard to the subject of La Tour's obtaining assistance
here, a communication is made to the magistrates and elders of
Boston and vicinity. This document is signed by Richard Sal
tonstall, Simon Bradstreet, Samuel Symonds, Nathaniel Ward,
Ezekiel Rogers, Nathaniel Rogers, and John Norton. Their
language follows : " The honour wee owe to the religion we pro-
fesse, the loyalty we beare to our native country, especially in
it's present condition, and the reference wherein it stands to the
kingdome of France, out of respect to the reputation of our
government and governors, our tender care of the souls and
lives of such as are committed to the trust thereof, the eye of
care we ought to have upon our friends in the east, our regard
to our Christian confederates, so lately combined with us, in
confidence of our piety and wisdome, and the religious discharge
of our own consciences and duties, will not permit us to be si
lent, so long as there is any roome left for us to speake." They
proceed to argue, that war, either directly or indirectly, with
D'Aulney, is wrong. They remark, " The ends of warre
ought to be religious. What glory is intended hereby to God,
we see not, and how our peace shall hereby be settled, we fore
see not, but suspect it will rather be a beginning than an end
of our troubles and feares ; if we doe not wholly suppress D'Aul
ney, we may be sure of it. He is already very strong, and if
our ships and munition fall into his hand, it will diminish from
us, and incourage, exasperate, and strengthen him." They pro
ceed, " We learne that some of the east have consulted to re-
payre to him in his ayd, least he should upon revenge annoy
and ruine them."
July 26. Endicott, declining to act with these persons, ad
dresses Winthrop in friendly and consolatory terms. He says,
3j

490 EVIL DESIGNS OF JESUITS. [Mass.
"I see no good use of such protestations as I heare of; but
they may prove more dangerous than the French business by
farre, if our God hinder not. Our prayers here are publiquely
and privately for a good issue of it, and that continually. I
hope God will looke upon your sinceritie in mercie, and will
heare our requests."
Winthrop replies to the Ipswich letter. He advocates the
course pursued as to La Tour, on the principle that it was bet
ter " to save a distressed neighbour " and thus " to weaken a
dangerous enemy," than do otherwise. He observes, " We dis-
claime to have any hand in yielding leave to any of ours to go
to warr upon Daulnay ; but this we owne, and no more — that
we gave leave to such as could be hyred, etc., to accompany La
Tour, and to conduct him to his owne place" He proceeds,
" Our intelligence was believed, which we heard long since,
and hath been more certainly confirmed of late, that the Jesuit
ical state have had an evil eye upon us, and not without cause,
(as themselves apprehend ;) and though we looke at this'as the
head of all foreign enmity, yet the Lord hath still saved us,
and that without any great impression of feare upon our spirits."
On this passage Hutchinson remarks, " They were in great fear
of the French when they settled, under Richelieu, at Port Royal,
and afterwards, when D'Aulnay came to Penobscot."
September 4. Winthrop states that an assembly or synod of all
the New England elders, being about fifty, and such ruling elders
as desired to sit with them, convene at the college in Cambridge.
" They had their diet there after the manner of scholars' com
mons, but somewhat better, yet so ordered as it came not to
above sixpence the meal for a person." Cotton and Hooker
presided. The principal occasion of such a meeting was, that
several ministers endeavored to promote Presbyterianism,
especially those of Newbury. Hutchinson says that the move
ment was made "to set up Presbyterian government under
the authority of the Assembly at Westminster." The conven
tion decided against " some parts of the Presbyterial way," and
the Newbury elders took their arguments into consideration.
7. During the session of General Court, John Wilson
sends the following to Governor Winthrop : " I make bold
to stirr vp further your pious hart, (ere the court be dissolved,)
if there be need thereof, to promote that godly motion, that
hath bene lately made by our teacher in the solemn assem
bly for a vniversall nationall couenant (for those weightie pur
poses) to be made before the Lord for the common good both of
our church and state. I was moved the more herevnto, because
I perceive all the elderes, whose mindes I had occasion to learne,
very well to approue, and not a little to desire the same." The

1643, LEAGUE AND COVENANT. 491
proposition to adopt such an instrument seems to have been
suggested by the great interest taken, at this time, in England
and Scotland, about the solemn league and covenant for the sup
port of liberty and religion.
September 18. Dunster, in reference to his salary, observes,
" I still sit down appeased, desiring no more but what may sup
ply me and mine with food and raiment, and to give every one
his own, to the furtherance of the success of our labors for the
good of the church and commonwealth."
A letter is received by the chief magistrate, this month, from
Philip Bell, governor of Barbadoes. It relates that "divers
sects of Familists " had appeared there, and caused great disor
der, so that it was found necessary to whip some of them and
banish others. It earnestly dcsiies that a supply of good min
isters may go hence to them. It was referred to the legislature
and elders, who, not being able to find preachers disposed to la
bor there, answered the communication accordingly.
25. Rev. Thomas Weld, in London, addresses his brethren
in the ministry here, with the consent of Hugh Peters, who was
away from that city : " The present condition of this kingdom,
y' is now vpon the vertical! point, together with y" incredible
importunities of very many godly persons, great and smale, (who
hapely conceive we by our presence doe more good here then
we ourselves dare imagine y' we doe,) haue made vs, after many
various thoughts, much agitation and consultation with God and
men, vnwillingly willing to venter ourselves vpon God's provi
dence here, and be content to tarry one six moneths longer from
you and our churches most desired presence, with whom our
hearts are without the least wavering fixed. Things cannot
long stand at this passe here, as now, but will speedily be better
or worse. If better, we shall not repent vs to haue bene spec
tators and furtherers of our cleare countries good, and to be hap
py messengers of ye good newes thereof vnto you. If worse,
we are like to bring thousands wdth vs to you." They desire
that the communication containing this extract may be read to
their respective churches.
As an event much calculated to strengthen the Protestant
cause in this country, " a solemn league and covenant for refor
mation, and defence of religion, the extirpation of Popery and
prelacy, etc.," is signed by Parliament, the Scotch commissioners
and the Assembly of Divines. This is done " in the church of
St. Margaret's, Westminster." John White, noted for his great
services in the work of settling this colony, opens the " solem
nity with prayer."
October 9. Phillips, of Watertown, petitions the court that
the fine imposed on John Stowers, one of his church, for bring-

492 OBJECT OF THE NEW COUNCIL. gg
ing Mr. Briscoe's book on baptism, from one " Prescod," to him,
at his own request, may be remitted. He affirms that he knows
Stowers to be " free from Anabaptistical opinions." A reason
why he wished to see the book published in London was, that
it contained his own views. His request was allowed.
October 17. Lucy Peas, supposed to be the wife of John
Peas, of Salem, is arraigned before the General Court, for hav
ing professed the opinions of Gorton. She renounces them, and
confesses her fault for blotting out something in the book which
she brought. She is allowed to go home.
The case of the man last named and of his followers, who
had been taken and guarded from Shawomet to Boston that they
might be tried for blasphemy and other alleged offences, is be
fore the same body, and receives much attention. Its particulars
are found under the head of Rhode Island.
November 2. As a matter of importance to the guardians of
the New England churches, Parliament appoint Robert, Earl
of Warwick, as governor general and lord high admiral of their
American colonies, with a council of five peers and twelve com
moners. Of the peers is Say and Seal, and of the commoners
are Henry Vane, Jr., and Oliver Cromwell. Though the power
of these commissioners was, in degree, like that of those with
Archbishop Laud at their head, yet the former encouraged dis
senters, while the latter was intended to crush their liberties.
The object of Parliament in conferring such authority is " chiefly
to the preservation and advancement of true Protestant religion
amongst the planters, and the further enlargement and spreading
of the gospel of Christ amongst those that yet remain there in
great and miserable blindness and ignorance." Another motive
which they assign for so doing, with regard to the colonists, is,
" fearing lest the outragious malice of Papists and other ill af
fected persons should reach unto them in their poor and low,
but as yet peaceable condition."
3. Thomas Marshall, a signer to the former, petition for
Wheelwright, applies to the legislature to be forgiven.
Lord Baltimore, a Papist, and his brother, Calvert, governor
of Maryland, sent a commission to Captain Gibbons, of Boston,
which empowered him to procure emigrants for that colony.
The conditions were, that they who moved thither should have
the free enjoyment of their religion, of all the privileges of the
country, and grants of land by the payment of an annual rent.
Protestant, as well as Papal, settlers were already there. The
offer, however liberal, was not accepted.
December 1. Endicott writes to Winthrop, that ship carpen
ters, employed at Gloucester, on a vessel of Mr. Griffen, were
complained of by the authorities there for violating the Sabbath,

PRESBYTERIAN MANUSCRIPTS. 493
lo4o. 1
and other immoralities, and that he was proceeding against
them for such offences.
December 3. According to Winthrop, , Morton, noted for his
career at Mare Mount, and his strenuous efforts in London to
break down Congregationalism in our colonies, returns to Mas
sachusetts. His zeal now found no better toleration there than
here. " Divers families going " from Watertown to the Vineyard
desire Henry Green, subsequently settled at Reading, to go with
them as their minister ; but he declined.
Another company from Watertown settle at Nashaway, after
wards Lancaster. Nathaniel Norcross, of their number, was
desired by the rest to become their minister. But they were ad
vised to defer his ordination till they had sufficiently prepared
their township.
10. As Hanbury informs us, Winthrop addresses a letter to
" his reverend and very godly brother, Mr. Hugh Peters," in
London. It referred to the manuscripts of Parker and others,
which had been sent from New England, on the subject of Pres
byterianism, then dominant in the mother country. Its words
were, " Our late assembly of about forty elders met, wherein
the way of our churches was approved, and the presbytery dis
allowed." About the same date, a different writer, in this coun
try, sends a communication to another clergyman in England,
concerning the same matter. He remarks as follows : " We
have had a synod lately in our college, wherein sundry things
were agreed on gravely ; as, 1. That the votes of the people are
needful in all admissions and excommunications, at least in way
of consent, all yielding to act with their consent. 2. That
those that are fit matter for a church, though they are not always
able to make large and particular relations of the work and doc
trine of faith, yet must not live in the commission of any known
sin, or the neglect of any known duty. 3. That consociation
of churches, in way of more general meetings yearly, and more
privately, monthly, or quarterly consultative synods are very
comfortable, and necessary for the peace and good of the. church
es. 4. It was generally desired, that the exercitatio of the
churches' power might only be in the eldership in each par
ticular church, unless their sins be apparent in their work.
5. That the parish churches in Old England could not be right
without a renewed covenant at least, and the refusers excluded."
The author of this statement observes, " England was never
quiet, but worse and worse since it hunted almost a little nation
of saints to New England ; though W. Rathband, joining issue
with A. S., will follow them with a blotting pen in print, even
to that kingdom too."
42

494 REMARKS OF MERCURIUS BRITANNICUS. iMass#
Warwick and other commissioners for the English colonies
grant a patent for the Narragansett Bay to Massachusetts. The
patent was bounded north and north-east on Massachusetts,
south and south-east on Plymouth and the ocean, on west and
north-west by Mahiggamencks, alias Narragansett. The whole
tract of it was about twenty-five miles, unto the Pequod River
and Massachusetts. The reason assigned for the grant is the
great charge which the grantees had been at for their settlement,
and for their usefulness in various ways, to England, and the
object of it to spread the gospel and evangelize the Indians.
December 17. Thomas Parker, of Newbury, writes to a mem
ber of the Westminster Assembly about the government of
New England churches. A few passages of it follow : " For
the sore afflictions of the church, and for those in particular
which you have suffered, and my poore sister and mother with
you. My cousin Noyse and myself have seen such confusion
of necessity depending on the government which hath been
practised by us here, that wee have been forced much to search
into it within these two or three years. Wee judge that the or
dinary exercise of government must be so in the presbyters as
not to depend upon the expresse votes and suffrages of the peo
ple. There hath been a convent or meeting of the ministers in
these parts, about this question, at Cambridge, in the Bay, and
there wee have proposed our arguments and answered theirs,
and they proposed theirs and answered ours ; and so the point is
left to consideration." This letter was printed the next year.
Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, of Ipswich, writes to a commoner of
Parliament about the sufferings of the mother country, and the
means of avoiding them. He remarks, " Ireland is made a
slaughter house by the Catholics." He disapproves of the se
vere strictures made by Mercurius Britannicus against the
king. He observes, " Since my setting pen to paper, we heard
so sad news as made me lay aside my pen, fearing no passage
would be to you ; but since again much better, blessed be the
God of mercy, that would not let us sink in sorrow, and the
comfort of our comfort is in the religious and blessed covenant
by you and the Scottish " commissioners. The fruits of the
revolution there were prospectively regarded here as either for
the weal or woe of our church. On the occasion of a Fast,
observed March 27, by the House of Commons, the letter was
read to them after sermon.
27. Of five ships which sail from Boston, one is bound to
London, with prominent men, who had assisted to strengthen
the spiritual foundations of the country. " Many prayers of
the churches went with them and followed after them."
New England First Fruits, published in London, this year,

„,,, FIRST FRUITS OF NEW ENGLAND. 495
1G4I3.J
gives the following quotation : " By stirring up some to shew
mercy to the Indians, in affording maintenance to some of our
godly active young scholars there, (at the college,) to make it
their work to study their language, converse with them, and car
ry light amongst them, that so the gospel might be spread into
those dark parts of the world." It relates that Indian boys and
girls live in English families, are civilized ; some of them can
read the books of their employers, and begin to " understand, in
their measure, the grounds of Christian religion." It mentions
two Indians, one a girl at Salem, who gave evidence of piety,
and another a man, who often called on one of the ministers
there to converse about the great salvation, and who visited the
adjacent natives for the same purpose.
It speaks of another, who came from a distance, adopted the
manners of the colonists, and was zealous for the institutions of
the gospel. It adds, " We dare not but hope that many of
them doe belong to the kingdome of God." Hugh Peters, as
a commissioner for this country in England, relates, " I had
been witness ' to the Indians receiving the gospel there in faith
and practice." The writer of the work thus expresses his
thoughts : " God meanes to carry his gospel westward in these
latter times of the world. See how God's wisdome produceth
glorious effects from unlikely meanes. Who would have thought
that the chasing away hence so many godly ministers should so
farre have promoted the praises of God, and should be a meane
to spread the gospel when they intended to ruine it ? They
blew out their lights, and they burnt clearer."
The author next considers the fruits as to learning. He ob
serves that " dreading to leave an illiterate ministery to the
churches," he and others thought and consulted how to prevent
so great an evil. While they were thus employed, Harvard be -
queathed property, and others contributed for the foundation of
a college. With reference to the scholars there, he remarks,
" We are confident, if these early blossomes may be cherished
and warmed with the influence of the friends of learning and
lovers of this pious worke, they will, by the help of God, come
to happy maturity in a short time."
Of the rules for the college, one says, "Let every student be
earnestly pressed to consider well the maine end of his life and
studies is, to know God and Jesus Christ, which is eternall life,
and, therefore, to lay Christ in the bottome, as the only founda
tion of all sound knowledge and learning. And seeing the
Lord only giveth wisedome, let every one seriously set himselfe
by prayer in secret to seek it of him." Another requires that
" every one shall so exercise himselfe in reading the Scriptures
twice a day "as to bear a good examination before his tutor.

496 APPLICATIONS FOR MISSIONARIES. rT}[Pl.TM.
An essential requisite for the first and second degrees was " god
ly life and conversation."
The book states that four applications for missionaries were
made "towards the end of last summer." One of these was
from Virginia, and the others from " Barbadoes, Christophers,
and Antego."
It answers various objections against the colony. " Many speak
evil of the place. Did not some do so of the land of Canaan
itself? Yet Canaan was never the worse. Some have been pun
ished there for their delinquencies, or restrained from their ex
orbitances, or discountenanced for their ill opinions ; and hence,
being displeased, take revenge by slanderous reports. Let such
deal fairly, and aboveboard, and come and justify any thing
against the country to our faces while we are here to answer ;
but such never yet appeared in any of our presence to avouch
any thing in this kind, nor (we believe) dare do it without
blushing." Thomas James, after this time, returns to England. During
his trials at Charlestown, and subsequently, he approved him
self as a faithful servant of Christ. Thus he had preparation
to buffet the afflictions which awaited him, and perform the du
ties which devolved upon him. He was resettled at Needham,
Suffolk. Not complying with the act of uniformity, he lost
his parish, but still continued to instruct those who waited on
his ministry in the same town. Here he died about 1678, aged
eighty-six. Though his successor in the parish would allow no
other ground to receive his body, except " the unconsecrated
corner," still he left good evidence that his Saviour joyfully wel
comed his soul, purified from sin, and fitted for an inheritance
with saints in light.

PLYMOUTH.

1642, January 24. It is agreed at town meeting in Governor
Bradford's house, that the inhabitants of Plymouth, on each
side of it, shall bring six muskets with shot and powder, and
the town other six, every Lord's day, to the meeting, with their
swords and furniture to every piece, ready for service, if need '
require. March 1. Mr. Thomas Star, Hugh Tilley, Joshua Barnes,
and William Nicholson, of Yarmouth, are charged with being
scoffers and jeerers at religion, and making disorder in their
town meetings. On trial they were heavily fined.
17. Taking into consideration that Providence is reputed to

COMBINATION OR LEAGUE. 497
1643.]be within the limits of Plymouth colony, and that the riotous
there have obtained the upper hand, and grievously oppress their
worthy townsmen, the grand jury propose that the place be
taken under the protection and rule of this government.
Morton writes, " About these times the Lord was pleased
of his great goodness richly to accomplish and adorn the colony
of Plymouth (as well as other colonies in New England) with
a considerable number of godly and able gospel preachers.
Where gospel dispensation flourisheth, there prosperity in other
respects may usually be expected."
July 7. Chauncey, at Scituate, still adheres to his practice of
immersion. He had baptized two of his own children in this
way. A woman of his congregation, who had a child of three
years old, and wished it to receive such an ordinance, was fear
ful that it might be too much frightened by being dipped, as
some had been. She desired a letter from him, recommending
her to the Bogton church, so that she might have the child sprin
kled. He complied, and the rite wras accordingly administered.
September 7. John Stockbridge, wheelwright, of Scituate, is
fined five pounds for contemptuous speeches against the govern
ment. Elisha Beesbeach, of the same town, gives bond to ap
pear and answer for a libel against Mr. Charles Chauncey.
18. Frances Clarke, now wife of Mr. John Reyner, is recom
mended by Boston church to Plymouth church.
27. The General Court, " having intelligence of a conspiracy
intended by the natives to cut off all the English in this land,
adjudge it absolutely needful and requisite to make speedy prep
aration throughout the government for a defensive and offensive
war against them, as if they were presently to be sent forth."
They depute Edward Winslow, Timothy Hatherly, and Miles
Standish to contract with the Bay authorities for such a purpose,
" and to treat with them about a further combination or league,
but not to conclude that without consent of the court here."
They designate a council of war.
November 1. As John Hassell, of Seaconck, refused submis
sion to the civil and ecclesiastical rules of Plymouth, the
Court order him to pay twenty pounds, if he do not take the
oath of fidelity or remove by the next March session. He was
fined forty pounds the previous September, with several others
of various towns.
This year, Jonathan, son of William Brewster, a chief found
er of the colony, takes his first degree from Harvard. He soon
goes to the land of his ancestors. He was ordained over a par
ish at Norfolk, and gained an estimable reputation. He had the
degree of Bachelor of Divinity from Dublin. Another per
son of his surname landed at Boston. Under date of October,
3 k 42 *

498 CONTROVERSY AT SCITUATE.
|_IrIiTM.
1663, Hull writes in his diary," About this time, here arrived
Mr. Nathaniel Brewster, a very able and pious minister, in Mr.
Prout's ship from London. Mrs. Norton entertained him and
his family in her house. After a. while, when our church had
tasted his gifts, they desired his frequent labor amongst us, who,
together with Mr. James Allin, that came hither about August,
1662, carried on the public ministry in our church." 0n the
authority of Wood, Farmer states that Mr. Brewster settled at
Brookhaven, L. I., in 1656, which seems not to harmonize with
Hull's account. Thus recalled to dispense the words of eternal
life, he died 1690, leaving children John, Timothy, and Dan
iel, thought, but not proved as grandson of Elder Brewster.
1643, February 2. William Vassall and others, being three
males and two females, of Scituate, declare themselves to be the
first church, independent of those members who had called
Chauncey, and renew their former covenant.
22. Chauncey writes to the elders and church, of Roxbury,
and disapproves of the course adopted by Vassall and his asso
ciates, and denies that these are a regular church.
After this, they have a declaration entered on their records,
that the ministers, at their last meeting in the Bay, judged them
to be free from Chauncey's church, from the time when the last
body refused to commune with them. In March, Vassall and
his associates answer a letter of Chauncey, and complain of his
allegations against them.
March 7. Ordered, that a warrant be issued for the constable
of Yarmouth to " apprehend Mr. Joseph Hull, if he do either
exercise the ministry amongst them or administer the seals, to
bring him before the next magistrate, to find sufficient sureties
for his appearance the next General Court to answer his doings,
being an excommunicant."
June 6. Edward Winslow and William Collyer are empow
ered to subscribe the articles of confederation, now read in the
court, in their names, with Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New
Haven, and affix thereto the common seal of the government.
7. Vassall and other brethren of Scituate say to Rev. John
Wilson, that Chauncey " hath rejected the church state, in
which he stood when he was ordained pastor ; for, in the public
assembly on the Lord's day, he declared it, and then admitted
members anew, who were members with us before, and refuseth
communion with us because we will not do the like, sending
messengers to us for that purpose." With regard to themselves,
they remark, " As for that some may think that we incline to
ward the Scottish discipline, I conceive the difference in that to
be more in words than in substance, and not that we differ much
in the main ; and this is the great matter that causes reports to

ARTILLERY ELECTION SERMON. 499
grow, like snow balls, bigger and bigger by rolling. But those
that know us fear not our inclining to the bishops, or to receiv
ing profane persons to the sacraments."
August 19. " Mowers that have taken excessive wages, viz.,
three shillings per diem, shall be presented, if they do not make
restitution." 27. Katharine Matthews, wife of the minister bearing this
surname, is dismissed from the Boston church to Yarmouth
church. 29. To advance the military art, a company of Plymouth,
Duxbury, and Marshfleld is established. It is required to con
sist entirely of freemen. It is ordered that their " exercise be
always begun and ended with prayer, and that a sermon be
preached at their annual election of officers." The like privi
lege is granted to Sandwich, Barnstable, and Yarmouth.
October 10.* General Court assemble "upon occasion of the
insurrection of the Indians against the Dutch and English there,
and have plotted to cut off the English, and to begin with the
Dutch, many of whom they have already cut off." They order
thirty men, their proportion, to be forthwith ready for action.
They take measures that places be prepared for defence in Yar
mouth and Barnstable, if the people there do not agree on such
locations. Towards the close of this year, the church with which Vassall
was connected give a statement of facts, and lay them before
the elders of Plymouth patent, and also of the Bay. The reply
of the former body was, that the church was regularly consti
tuted, as left by Mr. Lothrop ; but those including Vassall had
not been regularly formed. The answer of the latter body,
though not preserved, appears, from references to it, to have
been " of a different tenor."

MAINE.

1642, March 1. Though his native country is filled with dis
tractions, which threaten the downfall of the throne and all its
nobles, Sir Ferdinando Gorges still attempts to prosecute his
plan with regard to his province. He grants a charter of ex
tensive privileges to Agamenticus, so that from a borough it
may become a city. By this document, he incorporates a terri
tory of twenty-one square miles, and the people on it as a body
politic, and, in compliment to his own surname, calls the place
Georgeana. The mayor and aldermen, as justices, ex officio, are
authorized to appoint " two or four " officers, called " sergeants

500 MAINE RELATIVE TO THE UNION. .^
of the white rod," who are to serve all judicial precepts. Twp
fairs are ordered " vpon the feaste daies of St. James and St.
Paul." June 22. The Indians of this quarter, as Winthrop relates,
are infected with the spirit of conspiracy, fostered by the differ
ent tribes of New England against the colonists. Some of
them, as the commencement of their hostile purpose, intended
to kill Edward Winslow at the trading establishment of Plym
outh. They knew that he was in the habit of walking within
the pahsadoes. One of their number prepared his gun to shoot
him. But as he was about to aim his piece for this purpose,
Winslow, who had begun his accustomed round, cut short his
walk, and suddenly retired to the house, unconscious that a plot
was laid against his life. Thus one of the most eminent pro
moters of Congregational order in our country was still pre
served, by the hand of Providence, for further usefulness.
October 6. A shallop, under the command of La Tour's lieu
tenant, arrives at Boston. The object of the former is to obtain
assistance against D'Aulney at Penobscot.
November. The captain of a Boston vessel, on his passage
home from a voyage to St. John's River, met D'Aulney at Pem
aquid. The latter showed him the copy of an arrest for La
Tour, and declared that if any of the vessels here traded at the
ports of his opponent, he would sequester them. The authori
ties of Massachusetts were less disposed to fall in with the wishes
of D'Aulney, because nearer and a stronger Catholic, than with
those of La Tour.
1643, April 7. Lygonia, or the Plough Patent, is revived, be
ing purchased by Alexander Rigby, a pious lawyer, republican
in his politics, and Episcopal in his religion. " He appoints
George Cleaves governor, who had lived at Spurwink thirteen
years." 17. Wheelwright, aware that a majority of the people at Ex
eter were about to imitate the example of their neighbors in
coming under the protection of Massachusetts, and still indis
posed to apologize for the cause of his banishment, takes a deed
of four or five hundred acres of land from Governor Gorges, at
Webhannet, afterwards Wells, for his residence. Hither he and
some of his friends soon come. Here they and others formed
a church, of which he was chosen pastor.
June 19. A reason why Maine was not invited to join the
union of Massachusetts and other colonies was, as Winthrop
states, " because they ran a different course from " the Bay,
" both in their ministry and civil administration."
About this time, Mr. Hull, recently from Plymouth colony,
is preaching at Agamenticus, and continues such labor there
the next vear.

,.,„, APOLOGY OF WHEELWRIGHT. 501
lo42.J June 28. Governor Thomas Gorges writes to Governor Win
throp, " It cannot be unknown to you the fears we are in, since
La Tours promise of ayd from you ; for my part, I thought fitt
to certifye soe much unto you, and I doubt not only these parts
which are naked, but all N. E., will find D'Aulnay a scourge.
He hath long wayted (with the expence of near eight hundred
pounds per month) for the apprehending of this supply ; and if
all his hopes shall be frustrated through your ayd, you may con
ceive where he will seeke satisfaction.' If a thorough work
could be made, that he might utterly be extirpated, I should
like it well ; otherwise it cannot be thought but a soldier and a
gentleman will seeke to revenge himself." Gorges remarks
that he expects to sail soon for England. So strong was D'Aul
ney, and so feared by some of Maine that he would destroy
them, because La Tour obtained forces at Boston to break up his
siege of the fort at St. John, they consulted about repairing to
assist him, as a means of turning away his displeasure from them.
September 10. Wheelwright addresses a letter to Governor
Winthrop. He acknowledges that, after " mature considera
tion," he is convinced that there was, in reality, no such great
difference between his views of justification and those of the
Massachusetts authorities as to warrant his former remarks
against them, and his course of opposition to their government.
He further owns that he is deeply pained for his conduct in
these respects, though he intended well, and is ready to make
satisfaction to those whom hp has offended. On the 17th of
October, he is granted a safe conduct to and from Boston.
The book called New England's First Fruits informs us that
a minister from the Bay had preached at Agamenticus, and been
instrumental in the conversion of some to Christ, "who bless
God that ever he came thither." It also relates that, after this,
various persons, who visited Massachusetts from Saco, and saw
the beneficial effects of their religion, went back, and lamented,
among their neighbors, the immoral condition of their settle
ment. " Hereupon, with joint consent, two of their men were
sent, in all their names, earnestly to intreat us to send a godly
minister to preach the word unto them, which was done accord
ingly, not without good success to the people there and diveis
places about them."

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1642. About this spring, Daniel Maud preaches for a congre
gation at Dover, who had desired elders of the Bay to send

502 TRIAL AND RELEASE OF GIBSON. _N_ H
them such a supply. From instructing a school in Boston, he
had come among new scenes, duties, and trials. With reference
to his engagedness in the ministerial office, Johnson represents
him as " both godly and diligent in the work." The Dover
records have the following, on August 11 : " It is ordered that
Mr. Daniel Maud and Mary his wife shall enjoy the house they
now live in during their lives, provided he continue amongst
us as teacher or pastor, if it please God to call him to it."
May 9. Underbill, who understood the Dutch language, had
been on to see the governor of New Amsterdam, who offered
him encouragement to reside under his jurisdiction. But the
Boston church advised him to reside at Stamford, because under
New Haven authority, and "in a church state." Accordingly
they provided a passage for him and his wife to that place. He
was representative from Stamford to the General Court of New
Haven colony, in 1643. He removed to Flushing, L. I., 1646,
thence to Oyster Bay, where he is supposed to have died in
1672. Passion, more than principle, greatly imbittered his cup
of life.
18. The Massachusetts legislature appoint Thomas Wig
gin, Thomas Wonnerton, Edward Hilton, and William Wal-
dron, as magistrates, to hold quarterly courts with their com
missioners. The Episcopal bias of the towns, in general,
though however thus united with the Bay, kept them from
yielding in all points.
At the same session, Gibson, as. Winthrop says, is arraigned.
The charges against him were, that, " being wholly addicted to
the hierarchy of England," and exercising "a ministerial func
tion in the same way," he had written a letter to Larkham, of
Dover, in which he denied the title of Massachusetts to Piscat
aqua, and encouraged the people there to revolt from them.
He was committed to the marshal. In three days after, he con
fessed that he wrote the letter, and submitted himself to the
court. Considering that he was to leave the country in a few
days, they release him.
September 8. Directions are given by Massachusetts legisla
ture to Wonnerton : " Upon credible information of a general
and bloody design of the Indians against all the English in this
country, and of great supply of powder and guns, which they
have from some of the English in the eastern parts, who, living
alone and under no government, cannot, by any ordinary ways
of justice, be punished or restrained," they give him authority
to do what he can to prevent such disorder, and thus lessen the
peril of desolation to civil and epclesiastical interests.
27. Each inhabitant of Piscataqua, who was previously free
here, is allowed by that colony the liberty of a freeman in the
management of municipal affairs and election of deputies to

,„.„, FREEMEN BUT NOT CHURCH MEMBERS. 503
1642.] their General Court, though he be not a church member. Could
the Bay authorities have had the submission of Piscataqua with
out such liberty, they would undoubtedly have preferred it, rath
er than granted this indulgence, which tended to weaken its op
posite and continued rule for their previous jurisdiction.
The same legislature desire the elders to consider the spiritual
condition of Strawberry Bank, and send them a preacher.
Larkham leaves Dover for England. There he appears to have
reformed in what were here considered as eccentricities, if not
irregularities. He became pastor at Tavistock, Devonshire.
Here his labors were abundant and divinely blessed. After his
ejectment, he died in the same place, at the house of his son-in-
law, not daring to venture abroad, lest he should be apprehend
ed and imprisoned. His decease was in 1669, aged sixty-eight.
Calamy says of him, " He was a person of great sincerity, strict
piety, and good learning, lamented by pious persons of all per
suasions in these parts."
As a petition had been made that- Wheelwright, still under
the order of banishment, might have a passport for Boston, the
General Court there decide that, if he will ask for it himself,
he shall not be denied. This business probably concerned the
subject of Exeter's coming under the protection of Massachu
setts. On the request of Northam or Dover, they are granted
the privilege of being freemen without church membership, as
had been generally allowed to Piscataqua.
December. James Parker, of Weymouth, accepts a call to
preach at Portsmouth. He became freeman in Massachusetts,
1634, was deputy to General Court from 1639 to 1643, was "a
godly man and a scholar." He was on a visit to England in
November of the former of these two years. His labors among
the people of Portsmouth, during the winter, were very useful.
1643, May 10. As the greater part of the inhabitants at Ex
eter had petitioned that the jurisdiction of the Bay might be
extended so as to include them, they are granted the privilege.
This caused the removal of Wheelwright and some of his
friends to a township subsequently known as Wells.

RHODE ISLAND.

1642, March 1. The subsequent passage from the records of
Plymouth colony show that the deplorable condition of Wil
liams and his friends had come before them for consideration :
" The plantacon of Providence having in it many honest and

504 THEOCRACY FOR DEMOCRACY.
peaceable people, who groan under the want of government, and
the riots and disorders falling out thereupon, the place being
reputed within the government of Plymouth, lest worse things
may fall out to the further and greater trouble of the colony or
honest people there, being overpressed by violent and turbulent
persons, should submit or subject the place to another govern
ment, we desire that a seasonable consideration may be had there
of for prevention of future mischiefs, if the place be within
this government, as it is generally reputed."
March 16. At a General Court of fifty-eight freemen on the
island, they lay aside their form of theocracy, and declare that it
shall be " a democracy or popular government," and that the
power of enacting and executing laws is " in the body of free
men orderly assembled, or a major part of them." They fur
ther enact " that none be accounted a delinquent for doctrine,
provided it be not directly repugnant to the laws established."
The last rule was confirmed the 17th of next September.
At this session, " it is ordered that Richard Carder, Randall
Holden, Sampson Shotton, and Robert Potter be disfranchised
of the privileges and prerogatives belonging to the body of the
state, and that their names be cancelled out of the record. " The
next day another order is issued, that if those persons, with
John Weeks, " shall come upon this island armed, they shall be
by the constable, calling to himself sufficient aid, disarmed and
carried before the magistrate, and there find sureties for their
good behavior ; and further, be it established, that if that course
shall not regulate them, or any of them, then a further due and
lawful course by the magistrates shall be taken in their sessions,
provided that this order hinder not the course of law already
begun with John Wickes."
17. Robert Lenthall, who had preached at Weymouth, and
been made freeman at Newport, May 20, 1638, though subse
quently to the last date he made an apology in the former
place, had recently gone to England.
May 18. William Aspinwall, having been reconciled to the
Boston church, March 27, on his petition to the legislature of
Massachusetts and certificate of his good conduct, is restored by
them to his former liberty and freedom as an inhabitant there.
This year, William Hutchinson, a respectable merchant, died
at the Island. With strong affection for his wife, who was ban
ished from the Bay for the spread of her speculations, he resided
with her at Pocasset. Here he shared with her in the trials to
which her situation and continued zeal for her sentiments ex
posed them in a new and divided colony. Thus deprived of
her chief earthly support, she and the rest of her family, and
some others, went to reside in the Dutch jurisdiction at Pelham

PROCEEDINGS OF GORTONISTS. 505
Neck, near New Rochelle. Gorton relates that one reason of
her removal was, that she supposed the Island would come un
der Massachusetts, and thus herself, sons Francis and Mr. Col
lins, as persons banished from that colony, would be under the
necessity of seeking another residence. He also states that
they visited Providence to prevail on him to emigrate with
them. With regard to the prospect of such a change of juris
diction to the hands of the Bay authorities, Randall Holden
writes, " The Island being at such divisions within itself, some
earnestly desiring it should be delivered " to these rulers, and
others not.
It appears that Gorton and his followers, being refused a set
tlement at Providence, had moved to Papaquinepaug, in Paw-
tuxet purchase. His encouragement to do this was, that Robert
Cole, one of the thirteen who bought the tract, and a favorite of
Gorton, gave him half of his undivided lot, and John Green,
another of the proprietors, and a chief proselyte of Gorton, gave
him half of his divided land there. After the Gortonists were
so befriended, they, discovering that " Pawtuxet mens deeds
from Myantenomy to bee weeke," bought the "lands againe
ouer y" heades of those men that had dwelt there three or four
year before, who had bought ye sayd lands of Socannanoes, ye
true howner and sachim of Pautuxet lands." Thus successful
in their intrigue, they told William Arnold and William Car
penter that they must leave their property or become tenants.
They claimed the remainder of Cole's lot, who gave them the
other in their necessity. Considering themselves as fallen into
hands which had before given proof that they acted on the max
im that might was right, Arnold, Carpenter, and Cole, as their
only resort, sought protection from the Bay authorities.
September 8. William Arnold, and his son, Benedict Arnold,
William Carpenter, and Robert Cole and company, of Pawtux
et, no longer able to bear the misrule occasioned by Gorton
and his adherents, place themselves under the jurisdiction of
Massachusetts. William Arnold is appointed by the authorities
there to keep the peace on the territory of himself and his asso
ciates. This month, the colonists of the Island, according to Staples,
in order to have their government on a surer foundation, resolve
to send an agent to England for the purpose of procuring a
charter of their territory. As Williams was the person selected
for this important mission, it appears that Providence came to
the same conclusion.
October 2. John Throckmorton, who advocated the cause of
Roger Williams at Salem, and was with him at Providence, has
leave from Governor Keift, to settle, with thirty-five English
3l 43

506 BAPTIST CHURCH AT PROVIDENCE. lg
families, in his jurisdiction. Pie and his associates accordingly
locate themselves on land towards Westchester. The place so
occupied was called Throg's Neck, probably after the first syl
lable of his surname, sometimes spelt Throgmorton.
October 28. The governor and Assistants of the Bay order a
warrant for Gorton. This document states that he had endeav
ored to deprive the four persons, who recently came under their
protection, " of their lawful interest, confirmed by four years
possession, and otherwise to molest them." It notifies him that,
if he have any legal claim against them, he has liberty to try it
in their court, but if he " proceed to any violence," he must
expect forcible resistance.
Perceiving that he could not continue his policy, which many
of his neighbors complained of as contrary to courtesy and jus
tice, unless he opposed himself to the power of such authorities,
he and his supporters soon remove to Shawomet. Four of his
followers were banished in the spring from the Island, and
another was then named with them as under a like sentence.
November 20. Thus having changed his residence, he and
eleven others * reply to the above warrant. The answer is long,
and in various parts irrelevant and unintelligible. It has vari
ous authoritative passages, more suited to offend than conciliate.
One of them follows : " Behold, therefore, you despisers, the
vanity and abomination of all your baptisms ; how prejudicial
they are to the cross of Christ."
We are informed by Staples that Chad Brown and William
Wickendon, this year, take charge of the Baptist church at
Providence. The same author states that the latter person was
succeeded, the next year, by Gregory Dexter. Farmer and Ben
edict relate that Wickendon went from Salem to Providence in
1639. Dexter was a native of London, had been a stationer
there, and preached before coming to this country.
A letter of Richard Scott, subjoined to the New England
Firebrand Quenched, published 1673, says that Williams left
the Baptists and turned a Seeker, a few months after he received
baptism at Providence. Scott was of the Baptist church for
years, but when writing as above, was of the Quakers. His
evidence conflicts with that of Staples, based on the collections
of Edwards, that Williams continued elder of the Providence
church to 1643.
1643, January 12. Miantinomo grants a deed of Shawomet,
which " now comprises the town of Coventry, and nearly the
* John Weeks, Randall Holden, John Warner, Robert Potter, Richard Wa
terman, William Waddle, Richard Carder, John Greene, Nicholas Power, Francis
Weston, and Sampson Shotton.

,„,„., SECLUSION FROM THE UNION. 507
1G4J.J
whole of the town of Warwick," to Gorton, though the fee of
this territory was in Pumham, who was the chief of its Indian
inhabitants. Relative to this matter we have a statement from Winthrop :
" Sacononoco and Pumham, two sachems near Providence, hav
ing under them between two and three hundred men, finding
themselves overborne by Miantunnomoh, the sachem of Narra
gansett, and Gorton and his company, who had so prevailed as
he forced one of them to join with him in setting his hand or
mark to a writing, whereby part of his land was sold to Gorton
and his company, for which Miantunnomoh received a price,
but the other would not receive that which was for his part, al-
ledging that he did not intend to sell his land, though, through
fear of Miantunnomoh, he had put his hand to the writing, they
came to our governor, and did desire we would receive them
under our government." From the conduct of Gorton at Plym
outh, the Island, Providence, and Pawtuxet, and his exclusion
from each of those places, there can be little doubt but that he
used the forcible process, which rendered the sale void in the
eye of equity.
May 19. As neither Providence nor Rhode Island inclined to
unite either with Plymouth or Massachusetts, as the condition
of admission to the confederation of the adjacent colonies, and
these considered the government of the two former plantations
not strong and safe enough to admit them on the basis of inde
pendent colonies, they were left out of the league. No doubt
the inhabitants here considered this as a grievance, while they
who so omitted them judged themselves right, because they felt
bound to hold no immediate connection with persons who. had
been excommunicated and others who sustained them, unless
they confessed that the charges for which they were so hardly
dealt with were true, and called for repentance.
June 22. It being proved before the legislature of the Bay,
that Pumham, sachem of Shawomet, and Sacononoco, sachem
of Pawtuxet, were not under the jurisdiction of Miantinomo, the
two first of these three chiefs make the ensuing contract : We
" do voluntarily put ourselves, subjects, lands, and estates, under
the government of Massachusetts. We do promise for ourselves,
and all our subjects and posterity, to be true and faithful to the
said government. And we do promise to be instructed in the
knowledge and worship of God."
Respecting this event, Weld adds the subsequent postscript to
the preface of the work on the Antinomians : " I think it fit to
add a comfortable passage of news from those parts, written to
me very lately by a faithful hand, which, as it affected my own
heart, so it may do many others, viz., that two sagamores or

508 EXECUTION OF MIANTINOMO. rT>
JK. Is.
Indian princes, with all their men, women, and children, have
voluntarily submitted themselves to the will and law of our God,
with expressed desires to be taught the same ; and have, for that
end, put themselves under our government and protection, even
in the same manner as any of the English are ; which morning-
peep 'of mercy to them (saith he) is a great means to awaken
the spirit of prayer and faith for them in all the churches."
September 7. A session of the commissioners of the United
Colonies commences at Boston. Their records give the ensu
ing relation : Some of Sequasson's men, a sagamore, " allyed to
and an intimate confederate of Myantinomo " shot an arrow or
two at Uncas, as he passed down Connecticut River. The chief
thus assailed referred the matter to " the English," as he and
Miantinomo made a treaty to do in case of difficulty between
them, and they endeavored to make peace ; but Sequasson insist
ed on war, and was conquered. Miantinomo marched suddenly,
with nine or ten hundred men, against Uncas, who had not half
so large a force to defend himself. Still Miantinomo- lost the
battle, and was delivered into the hands of Uncas. Bound to
consult the colonial authorities, Uncas brought his prisoner to
Hartford with this intention. Shortly before the capture of
Miantinomo, a Pequod, in subjection to Uncas, tried to kill the
latter, but only wounded his arm with an arrow, and fled to the
former chief for protection. The Pequod, supposing that he
had slain Uncas, boasted that he had performed such a deed.
But when he heard that he had failed in his purpose, he " was
taught to say," that Uncas had wounded himself, and that he
was hired to spread his first story. " Myantinomo, being sent
for by the governor of the Massachusetts vpon another occation,
brought the Pecott with him ; but when this disguise would not
serue, and that the English out of his owne mouth found him
guilty, and would have sent him to Vncus, his sagamore, to bee
proceeded against, Myantinomo desired he might not be taken
out of his hands, promising he would send him to Vncus to
be examined and punished ; but contrary to his promise, and
feareing, as it appeares, his owne treachery might be discovered,
he, within a day or two, cutt of the Peacott's head, that he might
tell no tales." The commissioners, in view of these considera
tions, "though they have had many concurrant testymonyes
from the Indians in seuerall parts of the countrey " of Mianti-
nomo's " treacherous plotts by guifts to engage all the Indians
at once to cutt off the whole body of the English in these
parts," advise Uncas that he may justly put such an enemy to
death in his own jurisdiction. This lamentable deed was ac
cordingly done. The commissioners, for approving it, have
had full measures of reprobation from various quarters. But

TRAGIC END OF MRS. HUTCHINSON. 509
1643.]
as umpires between two chiefs, who had agreed to submit their
controversies to them, they felt bound to render what they be
lieved a righteous verdict. They were fully convinced that Mi
antinomo sought directly and indirectly to take the life of Un
cas, and that he had killed one of the latter's subjects, whom he
had promised to deliver up, that he might be dealt with as a
traitor. With these facts before them, they could not truly as
sert but that even English law demanded the execution of Mi
antinomo. The kindness of this chief to settlers on his terri
tory deservedly endeared him to their hearts. But while such
benevolence was a pleasant memorial of his character to them,
it was severity to others which caused his sorrowful death.
When Gorton heard that Miantinomo was captured, he and
his company forwarded a letter to Uncas, and threatened him
with retaliation from the English if he refused to free the pris
oner. But the story already told shows the application to
have been unsuccessful.
September. Indians, participating in the purpose to destroy
all the colonists, and having just killed some of the Dutch,
come to the place where Ann Hutchinson and others from
Rhode Island had recently taken up their residence. They pre
tend friendship, but soon commence the work of destruction.
They kill her and most of her family, including her son-in-law,
Collins, part of Messrs. Throckmorton and Cornhill's families,
" in all sixteen, and put their cattle into their houses, and there
burn them." Several women and children of this unoffending
village flee, and are saved by a boat, which came in time to re
ceive them. Thus closed the varied and afflictive course of Mrs.
Hutchinson. Though unsuccessful in her attempts to gain the
control of religious opinion in New England, yet she continued
zealous in her purpose, and able in her efforts.
12. The legislature of Massachusetts send notice to Gorton
and most of his company, that they are requested to appear
there and answer complaints of Pumham and Sacononoco for
" injurious and unjust dealing toward them." They offer those
so addressed safe conduct to and from the Bay. But Gorton
and his neighbors, on the reception of the proposal, declined it,
and sent back word that they were subject to no government
except of Old England.
15. Randall Holden, in their behalf, sends a letter to the Bay
authorities, in a strange and caustic style. It begins with the
ensuing passage : " To the great and honnored idoll generall
now set vp in the Masachvsets, whose pretended eqvity in dis-
trebvtion of., ivstis vnto the soales and bodies of men is nothinge
else but a meere devise of man, accordinge to the anchant cus
tom and sleights of Satan, transforming himselfe into an aniell
43 *

510 EXPEDITION AGAINST THE GORTONISTS. rn
[R. Is.
of light to subiect and make slaves of that species or kind, y'
God hath honnored with his own image." They affirm that
they will drive Pumham from his lands, because he complained
of their conduct towards him ; that they will meet force with
force ; in connection with a sneer at the use of wine in the
Lord's supper, they boast of their superior spiritual enlighten
ment, they charge the Indian murder of Mrs. Hutchinson and
her children upon those to whom they so express themselves.
In this month, the commissioners of the union resolve, that,
as complaints, weighty and of great consequence, have been
made against the Gortonists, and if they refuse the proposition
of Massachusetts, they will justify that colony in forcibly'seek-
ing redress of such men.
Gorges, in his description of New England, says that Gorton,
after refusing to obey the citation of Massachusetts authorities,
wrote " a pamphlet of daring expressions against the government,
mocking also at the sacraments and at the mysteries of the New
Testament." September 19. The General Court at the Bay, with these
things before them, order three commissioners,* guarded by
forty soldiers, to visit Shawomet, and try to settle the accusa
tions there. This expedition was attended by Thomas Parris
as surgeon and John Bulkley as chaplain. In their com
munication to the Gortonists of this date, the court say, " You
have returned us no other but contemptuous and disdainful an
swers. If you will make good your own offer to us of doing
us right, our people shall return and leave you in peace; other
wise we must right ourselves and our people by force of arms."
The inhabitants of Aquedneck, being in need of powder, are
allowed to buy a barrel of it in the Bay, on condition that they
appropriate it for the defence of the Island.
28. Hearing that the commissioners and the guard approached,
Gorton and his company dispatch a letter, and charge them to
keep off from their lands at their peril.
29. The commissioners answer that if he and his supporters
do not comply with the requisitions made of them, they shall
compel them to submit. These communications were made by
John Peas, of the Bay, who had come thence to prevail on his
father-in-law, Francis Weston, formerly of Salem, to escape.
October 2. Chad Brown and three others of Providence,
who had prevailed on the parties to cease from the hostilities of
attack and defence, write to Massachusetts authorities. They
desire these to allow the difficulties -to be settled by arbitrators,
«
* George Cooke, Humphrey Athcrton, and Edward Johnson. The first was
captain and the second lieutenant of the soldiers with them.

GORTONISTS FUGITIVES, NOT A STATE. 511
some of whom, as another letter from the commissioners says,
are to be of that town or Aquedneck. This subject was consid
ered by a legislative committee, convened at Boston, and several
of the adjacent elders. They concluded that the proposal should
not be granted. Their reasons for this decision follow : Gorton
and his men would offer no terms of peace till military force
came against them. They were within the jurisdiction of the
Bay. " They were no state, but a few fugitives, living without
law or government." The men whom they would have to
judge their case " were rejected by all the governments of the
country." "Their blasphemous and reviling writings, etc.,
were not matters fit to be compounded by arbitrament, but to
be purged away only by repentance and public satisfaction, or
else by public punishment." The instructions of the commis
sioners were given by General Court, who were not in session,
and therefore could not be immediately altered.
October 3. With such a conclusion in view, Winthrop re
plies to Brown and his associates. His words in relation to
Gorton and others are, " We have often sent to them to plead
their title to the land, and to make answer for their blasphemies,
and that we lately sent them safe conducts for their coming and
returning ; for all which we have received from them nothing
but storms, contempt, and revilings, in the worst expressions
they could cast them into ; so that the promise of protection
made by us to Pomham, etc., the vindication of God's honor,
and many reasons concerning our safety, have necessarily put us
upon this course with them ; notwithstanding which, if any of
them will, in peaceable manner, repair unto us, under the con
duct of our commissioners, no violence shall be offered by our
soldiers there, and our justice here ; but if they refuse and of
fer violence, let the hurt they receive be upon their own heads."
In the mean while, the Gortonists denied the charges so laid
against them, and declared that they were unrighteously perse
cuted. When the commissioners received information from the Bay,
they required their men to invest the fortified house of their
opponents. These " hung out the English colours," and stood
on the defensive. After several days of occasionally exchan
ging shots, the Gortonists agreed to surrender, and go to Mas
sachusetts. 13. Strictly guarded, they reach Boston, being nine in num
ber. They are brought into a hall of the governor, where
many are assembled. He states the cause of their capture, and
that they were taken as prisoners of war. They plead their in
dependence of Massachusetts, and that, though they yielded, it
was not as prisoners. They are sent to the common prison.

512 CIVIL MATTERS, NOT OPINIONS. rn T
[R. Is.
On the 15th, they attend worship, on condition that they may
speak after sermon. Cotton preaches on the topic of Demetri-
us's plea for selling Diana's silver shrines. After he closed,
Gorton asks leave to offer remarks, and is allowed. He as
sumes the position that there is nothing but Christ in the church,
and therefore all ordinances, ministers, sacraments, etc., are as
useless as the shrines of Diana.
October 17. The legislature assemble according to an adjourn
ment. A principal subject before them relates to Gorton and his
adherents. Winthrop relates, that when these were arraigned,
they declared, that " they were not within our jurisdiction. To
this was answered, they were either within Plimouth or Mr. Fen
wick, and they had yielded their power to us in this cause. If
they were under no jurisdiction, then had we none to complain
unto for redress of our injuries, and then we must either right
ourselves and our subjects by force of arms, or else we must sit
still under all their reproaches and injuries. As for their opin
ions, we did not meddle with them for those, otherwise than
they had given us occasion by their letters to us, and by their
free and open publishing them amongst us, for we wrote to
them only about civil controversies between them and our peo
ple, and gave them no occasion to vent their blasphemings and
revilings." Gorton states, in his defence, that the magistrates and elders
reduced their questions to four, for him to answer in writing :
Whether the fathers who died before the advent of Christ de
pend for justification and salvation on his sufferings and death 1
Whether the sufferings, obediences, and death of Christ on the
cross are not the only price of our redemption ? " Who is that
God whom he thinks we serve ? What he means, when he
saith, We worship the star of our god Remphan, Chion, and
Moloch ? " The respondent so gave affirmative replies to the
two first questions, and so explained the two last as to harmonize
essentially with his judges. He relates that the governor said,
" These answers they agree with him in, but not in the former
writing." With reference to the Gortonists on this occasion,
Winthrop said, " They excel the Jesuits in the art of equivoca
tion." After several examinations, the court agree on the sub
sequent charge against Gorton and those of his company who
coincide with him in creed, as collected from " their letter and
speeches." " Upon much examination and serious consideration
of your writings, with your answers about them, we do charge
you to be a blasphemous enemy of the true religion of our Lord
Jesus Christ and his holy ordinances, and also of all civil au
thority among the people of God, and particularly in this juris
diction." When asked if they were thus chargeable, they an
swered negatively.

16431 SENTENCE AGAINST THE GORTONISTS. 513
Solicitous for the children of Mrs. Hutchinson and others
retained by the Indians, who killed their parents, the court
write to these Indians, and request them to deliver up such cap
tives. For a lamb killed by the soldiers who went after Gorton and
his friends, and owned by Stukely Westcott, they order com
pensation to be made.
The elders were asked what the word of God taught as to
the punishment of the accused, if proved to be blasphemers.
Their reply was, — and it could be no otherwise, — that the
Scriptures required them to suffer death. The same was demand
ed by their code of laws, recently adopted. All the magistrates,
save three, believed "that Gorton ought to die," according to
such authorities. On October 20, commission is given by
Massachusetts to William Benedict and Stephen Arnold, Rich
ard Casmore and Christopher Hawksworth, to apprehend John
Green and his son John, Richard Waterman, and Nicholas
Power, who escaped from Shawomet before it was taken, and
bring them to Boston for examination. They are also empow
ered to seize the cattle of Green, Sen.
November 3. When the matter was discussed before the
whole court, all agreed on the following : " It is ordered, that
Samuel Gorton shalbe confined to Charlestowne, there to be set
on worke, and to wear such bolts or irons as may hinder his es
cape, and so to continue during the pleasure of the court, pro
vided, that, if he shall break his said confinement, or shall, in
the meane time, either by speech or writing, publish, declare, or
maintaine any of the blasphemous or abominable heresies
wherewith he hath been charged by the Generall Court, con
tained in either of the two books sent unto us by him or by
Randall Houlden, or shall reproach or reprove the churches of
our Lord Jesus Christ in these United Colonies, or the civill
government, or the publicke ordinances of God therein, (unlesse
it be by answer to some question propounded to him, or confer
ence with any elder, or with any other licensed to speak with
him privately, under the hand of one of the Assistants,) that
immediately upon accusation of any such writing or speech, he
shall, by such Assistant, to whom such accusation shall be
brought, be committed to prison, till the next Court of Assist
ants, then and there to be tryed by a jury, whether he hath so
spoken or written, and upon his conviction thereof, shall be
condemned to death and executed." John Weeks was to be
confined at Ipswich, Randall Holden at Salem, Robert Potter
at Rowley, Richard Carder at Roxbury, Francis Weston at Dor
chester, and John Warner in Boston, on the same conditions.
Four others were captured with them. Their names were
3 M

514 KEY OF THE INDIAN LANGUAGE. fR. Is.
Christopher Holmes, John More, Richard Harkot, and William
Waddle. The first was fined five pounds, the second the same
amount, or to serve till it is paid, and the third was ordered to
serve Mr. Batter one year. These three did not sign the letter
of November 20, the year before. Waddle was confined to
the limits of Watertown, at the pleasure of the court. Should
he escape, he would be punished at their discretion.
Richard Waterman was bound in one hundred pounds to ap
pear at the May court, and not depart without leave. What of
his property had been taken was to help pay costs.
Nicholas Power, denying that he set his hand to the first
book, was admonished and dismissed.
The General Court require that all the cattle of Samuel Gor
ton and John Green, which have been seized or shall be seized
and sent to Massachusetts, shall be appraised and sold, to
pay the expenses — amounting to one hundred and sixty
pounds — of the forces who captured, and of the court who
tried the prisoners, and apply the surplus towards the supjDort
of them.
Here ends the sad task of arranging the results of a remark
able trial. They had the sanction of the United Colonies, who
looked on them as an evil necessarily inflicted on the sufferers
for the greater good of their several commonwealths. Viewed
in the light of what capital law and faith were then in such a
portion of New England, and of what they are now, will ac
count for the wide difference of expression as to these results,
which existed in that period and exist in the present.
This year, Roger Williams's Key to the Indian Language of
New England is published in London. A prominent object
with him in giving this work to the world was, to aid in the
spread of the gospel among the people who spoke such a tongue.
His words are, " A man may by this helpe converse with thou
sands of natives all over the countrey ; and by such converse it
may please the Father of mercies to spread civilitie and (in his
owne most holy season) Christianitie ; for one candle will light
ten thousand, and it may please God to blesse a little leaven to
season the mightie lump of those peoples and territories."
In reference to the conversion of the Indians, he expresses
himself in the subsequent terms : " Many solemne discourses I
have had with all sorts of nations of them. I know there is no
small preparation in the hearts of multitudes of them. I know
their many solemne confessions to myself, and one to another,
of their lost, wandering conditions."

REVIVAL IN VIRGINIA. 515
UA-l \ CONNECTICUT.
1642, January 22. Sir William Boswell writes from the
Hague to Dr. Laurence Wright, in England, who favored the
colonists, complaining of Dutch aggressions. He says that for
him to have any such evil redressed, Parliament must notice
the matter, and show that they '•' take care of our people and
plantacons in those partes." It is supposed that Governor
Hopkins, then in London, promoted such correspondence.
February 25. At the General Court of New Haven, " it is
ordered, that a free school shall be set up in this town, [New
Haven,] and our pastor, Mr. Davenport, together with the magis
trates shall consider what yearly allowance is meet to be given to
it out of the common stock of the town, and also what rules and
orders are meet to be observed in and about the same."
April 6. Rippowams, to which Andrew Ward and twenty-
one others had lately moved, is named Stamford. Richard
Denton accompanied and dwelt with them as their minister.
He received his A. B. at Catherine College, Cambridge, in 1623.
He is said to have been a minister at Halifax, Yorkshire, and
have immigrated to the Bay 1635, joined the Watertown peo
ple, who first occupied Wethersfield, and continued with them
till he left, as just stated. The party with whom he settled at
Ssamford probably endeavored to have him as their pastor at
Wethersfield, which may have been the cause of their division.
He remained at the former place till some time in 1644, when
he and some of his people settled at Hempstead, L. I.
July 15. William Durand, of Upper Norfolk, in Virginia,
writes to John Davenport. He says, that he and others there
had heard the latter preach in. London, and that he had received
much benefit personally from his instructions. He mentions
the letter previously sent to New England for pastors. He
states, that, though generally there is great wickedness in Vir
ginia, a revival of piety had been among some of them. He
remarks, " We have good hope that the Lord will set up the
true profession and practice of religion, to which we are in
duced by the hope he hath given to all Christians, by the pros
perous proceedings of the present Parliament in England."
He requests Mr. Davenport to advance the sending of ministers
to Virginia. He observes, that he and his friends had thoughts
of applying in England for pastors, but they concluded, that
thoso of the best qualifications for building up Zion among
them could be obtained from New England.
August 26. The General Court of Connecticut, alarmed by
reports of a combination among the Indians to destroy the

516 SYNOD IN LONDON. [Conn.
colonists of New England, order a letter for the legislature of
Massachusetts on the same topic. Among their various precau
tions, they command, " that there shall be a guard of forty men
to come compleate in their arms to the meeting every Sabbath
and lecture day, in every towne within these libertyes vppon
the riuer."
September 6. Letters, each of the same tenor, reach the Bay
from members of both Houses in Parliament and a few minis
ters. They are communicated to Cotton of Boston, Hooker of
Hartford, and Davenport of New Haven. They request these
persons to visit London, and unite with a synod there for assist
ing in the formation of a church government. Hooker was
averse to accepting the invitation, but Davenport was differently
inclined. The rupture between the king and Parliament, and
its results, caused the subject to subside and remain at rest.
17. The General Court of New Haven order, that "when
any alarm is made upon the approach of any enemy, every sol
dier in the town is to repair to the meeting house forthwith, ex
cept only in case of some present assault in or near the place
where he is, or at least some discovery of Indians coming in a
hostile manner."
29. The legislature of Connecticut reply to a letter from
the Dutch authorities. The former complained that the latter
had, this year, broken up their settlements on Long Island.
New Haven considered themselves as alike maltreated by the
Dutch, who destroyed their truck house at Delaware, and did
them other damage, the whole loss to the amount of one thou
sand pounds.
October 4. Still fearful of Indian aggression, the Connecticut
authorities order, that " ninety coats be provided, basted with
cotton wool, and made defensive against Indian arrows."
December 1. Capital laws are established by Connecticut.
They number twelve, as those adopted at the Bay. Such a
code affixes the penalty of death to idolatry, witchcraft, and
blasphemy, the same as in Massachusetts. It is also enacted,
that, " whereas diuers persons departe from amongst vs, and
take vp their abode with the Indeans in a prophane course of
life," whoever thus offends shall be imprisoned in the house of
correction three years at least, and be fined or corporally pun
ished, as the particular court may decide.
Near this date, a book is printed at Cambridge, Massachusetts,
from the pen of John Davenport. It discussed the subject of
having the civil government administered by church members.
It has sometimes been incorrectly attributed to Cotton. It was
probably composed with reference to the constitution of New
Haven, which was to be adopted.

.„,,., COMBINATION OF THE PLANTATIONS. 517
1643.J 1643, April 6. General Court at New Haven order that
" Messrs. Eaton and Gregson, as commissioners for this jurisdic
tion of New Haven, shall go with other commissioners for oth
er plantations into the Bay of Massachusett to treat about a
general combination for all the plantations in New England, and
to conclude and determine the same as in their wisdom they
shall see cause, for ihe exalting of Christ's ends, and advancing
the public good in all the plantations."
19. After considerable delay, seven prominent members of
the Guilford church are chosen as its seven pillars. Of these
are Whitfield and Higginson.
May 19. The following extracts are given from New Haven
laws : •" That none shall be admitted freemen, or free burgesses,
within this jurisdiction, or any part of it, but such planters as
are members of some one or other of the approved churches of
New England ; nor shall any but such be chosen to magistracy,
or to carry* on any part of civil judicature, or as deputies or Assist
ants, to have power or vote in establishing laws, or in making
or repealing orders, or to any chief military office or trust ; nor
shail any others, but such church members, have any vote in
any such elections. This court, thus framed, shall first, with
all care and diligence, from time to time, provide for the main
tenance of the purity of religion, and suppresse the contrary,
according to their best light and directions from the word of
God." " People of God, orthodox in judgement, and not scandalous
in life," may form themselves into a church by approbation of
magistrates and elders of the colony. No person who joined
a church, gathered without such approbation, or "who is not a
member of some church in New England, approved by the
magistrates and elders of this colony," shall " be admitted to
the freedom of this jurisdiction."
" Whoever neglect to help in supporting the ministry where
they live shall be called on to set down what proportion they
will give yearly to such an object. All who refuse to pay any,
or subscribe not according to their means, shall be assessed at a
just rate with others. If any refuse to pay after being so taxed,
they shall be made to pay. If any move from a plantation, and
leave land there unimproved, they shall pay a one third tax of
the lowest rate there ; but if they settle near where they lived,
and improve the land, it shall be assessed a two thirds of the
tax they paid before."
Ordered, that " all parents and masters do duly endeavor,
either by their own ability and labor, or by improving such
schoolmaster, or other helps and means, as the plantation doth
afford or the family may conveniently provide, that all their
44

518 NEW HAVEN LAWS. [Conn.
children and apprentices, as they grow capable, may, through
God's blessing, attain at least so much as to be able duly to
read the Scriptures and other good and profitable printed books
in the English tongue, being their native language, and in some
competent measure to understand the main grounds and princi
ples of Christian religion necessary to salvation."
Whoever attempts to gain the affections of a young woman,
without consent of her parents or guardians, shall pay forty
shillings for the first offence, four pounds for the second offence,
and for the third be fined, imprisoned, or corporally punished.
If there be husbands who live in the colony while their wives
are away, or the reverse, the parties shall repair to such absent
companions, on penalty of twenty pounds.
They who intend marriage shall be published three times at
some public lecture or town meeting.
Persons who sell strong liquors or wine shall not allow the
game of shuffleboard' in their premises, on fine of t-wenty shil
lings for each trespass. Whoever play at such a game shall
pay five shillings each ; whoever shall play for money shall for
feit double the value of the stakes.
Lying so as to injure any person shall, for the first offence,
be fined ten shillings ; for the second offence, twenty shillings.
If the fines be not paid, then the criminal shall be punished
by stocks, for the first offence, one or two hours ; for the sec
ond, three or four hours ; and for the third offence, be publicly
whipped. Cursing and swearing, for the first offence, ten shillings ; for
the second, twenty shillings. If the fines be not paid, the cul
prit shall be put in stocks one or two hours for the first offence ;
three or four hours for the second ; for the third offence, he
shall be publicly whipped, or, if the offence be aggravated,
shall suffer higher punishment.
Ordered, that if any treat a minister or his preaching, while in
the congregation, with contempt, they shall be punished accord
ing to the degree of their offence. Whoever neglects to attend
worship on the Sabbath, Fast, and Thanksgiving, without suffi
cient cause, shall be fined five shillings for every such trespass.
Profanation of the Lord's day shall be punished by fine, im
prisonment, or corporal punishment ; and if proudly and with
a high hand against the authority of God, with death.
Heresy. Though no person should be constrained to believe
against his conscience, yet if any go about to subvert Christian
faith, or endeavor to draw others to embrace error, they shall
be fined, banished, or " otherwise be severely punished," as the
magistrates shall decide.
Idolaters, those guilty ef witchcraft and blasphemy, children

THE SEVEN PILLARS OF CHURCHES. 519
above sixteen years old, who curse or smite parents or stub
born sons, shall suffer death.
June 19. To the pillars of Guilford church other members
are added. Higginson is elected as colleague with Whitfield.
Trumbull says that the latter " had not separated from the Epis
copal church when he came to New England. As he came
over in orders, and his church came generally with him, there
is no intimation of his installation." Though this may be so,
his church and its ordinances, as well as his own practice here,
were Congregational. "The confessions of faith" in this and
the churches of New Haven and Milford, " contained a sum
mary of Christian doctrine, and were truly Calvinistic." The
first electing of " seven pillars in these three churches appears
to have been peculiar to them."
The Guilford records furnish the subsequent extract as to
the principles of civil and ecclesiastical polity professed by its
inhabitants : " Then the feoffees in trust for purchasing the
plantation resigned their rights into the hands of the church.
And those four of them also which were chosen to exercise
the civil power did also express that their trust and power
for that work was now terminated. Then it was agreed in full
meeting, that the civil officers, having resigned up this trust into
the hands of the church, to the intent, as the record expresses
it, that all power and authority might be rightly settled within
the church, as most safe and suitable for securing of those
mayne ends which wee propounded to ourselves in our coming
hither and setting downe together, namely, that we might settle
and uphold all the ordinances of God in an explicit Congrega
tional church way, with most purity, peace, and liberty, for the
benefit both of ourselves and our posterity after us ; we do
therefore, now, all and every of us, agree, order, and conclude,
that not only such planters as are also members of the church
here shall be called freemen, and that such freemen only shall
have power to elect magistrates, deputies, and all other officers
of public trust or authority from among themselves, and not
elsewhere, in all matters of importance, concerning either the
civil affairs or government here." They are to take an account
of all such officers for the honest and faithful discharge of their
several places respectively, and to deal with and proceed against
them for all misdemeanors and delinquencies in their several
places according to rule, unto which magistrates, deputies, and
officers, " we do freely submit ourselves in all lawful commands,
provided that they be yearly chosen, from time to time, and
provided also that no lawes nor orders be by them made except
before all the planters then and there inhabiting and residing
have due warning and notice of the meeting, or what is to be

520 RULERS TO CONSIST OF FREEMEN. [Conn.
done, that so all weighty objections may be duly attended and
satisfyingly removed. It was further agreed that all orders
should be made in General Court by a majority of the freemen,
and that all action in particular courts by a major vote of the
magistrates and deputies, the magistrates having the casting
vote." All were warned, whether freemen or planters, to attend
the courts specially, at the beat of drum and roll call. Each
freeman was fined twelve pence for tardiness, and two shillings
sixpence for total absence, and each planter six pence and twelve
pence for like offences. The same penalties were ordered for
such as left the sessions until orderly dismissed.
July 5. The Connecticut legislature remark, "Whereas the
prosperity and well being of the commonwealths do much de
pend upon the well government and ordering of particular fam
ilies, which in an ordinary way cannot be expected where the
rules of God are neglected in laying the foundation of a family
state," they order that no persons, male or female, who have
not the legal disposal of themselves, shall marry without the
consent of their parents or guardians, on penalty of the " severe
censure of the court."
6. The General Court of New Haven accept the articles of
confederation agreed on by the commissioners, in Boston, 19th
of May. They call Manunkatuck Guilford. They order that
five pounds from Stamford, five from Guilford, and two from
Yennicock, " shall be forthwith raised and paid into the treas
ury of New Haven, towards the charges about the combina
tion." " A letter from Mr. Winthrop was read, wherein he laid
down divers reasons why the Massachusetts gave liberty to the
Frenchmen late arrived there, to get what help they could in
that jurisdiction to assist them in their enterprise at the French
plantation." 22. The Dutch governor, as Winthrop informs us, having
recently written to the authorities of Massachusetts to know
whether they would interfere, if he forced Plartford to give
them what they considered satisfaction for complaints, a reply,
after some delay, is sent to him. This communication affirms
that the rulers in the Bay feel bound to protect Hartford, as
a member of the Union ; that the difficulty relates to a small
piece of land, which ought to be settled by arbiters ; that it is
" not worthy to cause a breach between two people so nearly
related, both in profession of the same Protestant religion."
August 9. John Higginson, of Guilford, dates a petition to
the legislature of Massachusetts. This document informs us
that he was employed by the synod at Cambridge, in 1637, to
record, in short hand, all their proceedings ; that he was

INNOVATION ON THE LAW FOR FREEMEN. 521
1643.]requested to prepare the chief of them for the press ; that he
did this at the expense of much time and pains ; that he pre
sented it to the General Court there, May, 1639, who accepted
it, and supposing that, if published, it would yield one hundred
pounds profit, they offered him such overplus for his labor.
The petition further shows, that the compiler, when about to
have the copy printed, was advised by some of the elders to
defer the issue of it, because they feared that if it were given
to the public, it would tend to increase disputes in the colonies
and England, though other elders expressed themselves differ
ently ; that he, therefore, returned the manuscript to the legis
lature, May, 1641, desiring to be excused from any more care
about it, and be paid a due compensation ; that the magistrates
and part of the ministers did not approve of his decision, and
that it was concluded he should be remunerated when the treas
ury was better supplied. The petition relates, that Higginson
might have sold the manuscript for fifty pounds. The result of
his application at the session of October 17 is, that he may
have the work published, and the income thereof, but nothing
more is tendered. He did not see his way clear to accept this
offer. He waited till he was settled at Salem, and then he soon
had a large grant of land.
October 26. Fearful that late innovations at Milford might
prove disastrous to their spiritual concerns, unless disapproved,
the legislature of New Haven colony adopt the ensuing resolu
tion : " Whereas this plantation att first with generall and full
consent layde the foundations thatt none butt members of
aproved churches should be accounted free burgesses, nor should
any else have any vote in any election, or power or trust in or
dering of civill affayres, in which way we have constantly pro
ceeded hitherto in our whole court with much comfortable fruite
through God's blessing. And whereas Stamforde, Guilforde,
Yennicock have, upon ye same foundations and ingagements,
entered into combination with vs, this court was now informed,
thatt of late there have beene some meetings and treatyes be
tween some of Milforde ande Mr. Eaton about a combination,
by which it appeareth thatt Milforde hath formerly taken in as
free burgesses six planters, who are nott in church -fellowship,
which hath bred some difficulty in. the passages of this treaty ;
butt att present it stands thus : the deputies of Milforde have of
fered, in the name ofthe church ande towne, first, thatt the pres
ent six burgesses, who are not church members, shall nott, at
any time hereafter, be chosen either deputies or into any public
trust for the combination ; secondly, thatt they shall neither
personally nor by proxie vote att any time in the elections of
magistrates ; and, thirdly, thatt none shall be admitted ffreemen
3n ' 44*

522 INDIAN AGGRESSIONS FEARED. [Conn.
or free burgesses hereafter att Milforde, but church members
according to the practice of New Haven. Thus far they grant
ed, butt in two particulars they made the six ffreemen desire
liberty ; first, y' the said six ffreemen, being already admitted by
them, may continue to act in all proper particular towne busi
ness wherein the combination is nott interested ; and, secondly,
thatt they may vote in the election of deputies to be sent to the
Generall Courte for the combination or jurisdiction ; which, soe
to be chosen ande sent,, shall alwayes be church members. The
premises being seriously considered by the whole courte, the
brethren did express themselves as one man, clearly ande fully,
thatt in the foundation layde for civill government, they have at
tended their lights, and should have failed in their dutye had
they done otherwise, ande professed themselves carefull, and re
solved nott to shake the said groundworks by any change for
any respect, and ordered thatt this their vnderstanding of their
way and resolution to maintain itt should be entered with their
vote in this business as a lasting record. But not foreseeing
any danger in yielding to Milforde with the forenamed cautions,
itt was by generall consent and vote ordered thatt the consocia
tion proceed in all things according to the premises."
October 27. To reconfirm their rule in this respect, the court
adopt the succeeding article : " It was agreed and concluded,
as a fundamental order, not to be disputed or questioned here
after, thatt none shall be admitted to be free burgesses but such
as are members of some one or other of the approved churches
in New England." They also readopt the most of this article :
" The court shall, with all care and diligence, provide for the
maintenance of the purity of religion, and suppress the contra
ry, according to their best light from the word of God, and by
the advice of the elders and churches in the jurisdiction, so farr
as it might concern the civill power."
Stamford, by their letter to the legislature of New Haven,
think they have sufficient cause of war with the Indians, and
the colony should not wait for the consent of the confederation,
and that if their houses were burned by the Indians, the colo
ny should bear the loss. The court signify that such opinions
should not be allowed.
November 10. Apprehensive lest the Indian conspiracy
against all foreign settlers should break out upon them," as it
had on the Dutch, the Connecticut legislature adopt the ensuing
regulation : " Whereas it is observed, that the late order for one
in a family to bring his arms to the meeting howse euery Sab
bath and lecture day hath [not] bine attended by diuers per
sons, it is now ordered, that whosoeuer hereafter shall, at any
tyme, neglect the same, shall forfeit twelve pence for euery
neglect."

PEQUOD CONVERT. 523
This month, the same authorities state that, on a full hearing
of " many clamors " against Rev. Henry Smith, of Wethers
field, they had " found that most of their accusations were mis-
taks, wherein Mr. Smith was much wronged, both by false re
ports and vniust surmises."
The Key of Roger Williams gives an account of Wequash,
a Pequod captain : " Two dayes before his death, as I put up
to Quinnihticut River, it pleased my worthy friend, Mr. Fen
wick, whom I visited at his house in Saybrook Fort, at the
mouth of that river, to tell me that my old friend Wequash
lay very sick. I desired to see him, and himselfe was pleased
to be my guide two miles where Wequash lay. Amongst other
discourse concerning his sicknesse and death, (in which hee
freely bequeathed his son to Mr. Fenwick,) I closed with him
concerning his soule. Hee told me that some two or three
years before, he had lodged at my house, where I acquainted him
with the condition of all mankind, and his own in particular ;
how God created man and all things ; how man fell from God,
.and of his present enmity against God, and the wrath of God
against him until repentance. Said he, ' Your words were never
out of my heart to this present ; me much pray to Jesus Christ.'
I told him so did many English, French, and Dutch, who had
never turned to God nor loved him. Hee replyed in broken
English, ' Me so big naughty heart, me heart all one stone ! ' —
•savory expressions using to breath from compunct and broken
hearts, and a sence of inward hardnesse and unbrokennesse. I
had many discourses with him in his life, but this was the
summe of our last meeting untill our generall meeting." Mr.
Shepard wrote of this Pequod to a friend in London, " We
quash, the famous Indian at the river's mouth, is dead, and cer
tainly in heaven. Gloriously did the grace of Christ shine
forth in his conversation a year and a half before his death.
He knew Christ, he loved Christ, he preached Christ up and
down, and then suffered martyrdom for Christ. When he died,
he gave his soul to Christ, and his only child to the English, re
joicing in this hope, that the child should know more of Christ
than its poor father ever did."

CHAPTER XV.
Massachusetts. The Scotch army. — Indians. — Gortonists. — Narragan
setts. — Answers. — Covenant. — Presbyterianism. — Virginia. — Missionaries.
— Gookin. — Herle. — Elders. — King. — Parliament. — Deputy arraigned. —
Fast. — Sermons. — Nantasket. — Nashaway . — Church candidates. — Passa-
conaway. — Norcross. — Phillips. — Infant Baptism. — Antipsalmists. — Ana-
baptism. — Baptism. — Sabbath breakers. — La Tour. — Ship taken. — Par
ties. — Redknap. — Misinterpretation. — Prosecutions. — Weld. — Rathband.
— Ecclesiastical. — Antinomianism. — Cotton's Keys. — Castell's petition. —
Spaniards. — Ministry. — Students. — Vineyard, Andover, Haverhill, and
Wenham churches. — Fast. — Indians. — Negative vote. — Anabaptists. —
Contributions. — Poor scholars. — Agents. — Morton. — Land. — Church gov
ernment. — Sermons. — Indian children. — Hingham. — Infant baptism. —
Castle. — Opinions.  Convention. — Publications. — Churches. — Gibbons.
— Army. — J. Holland, — William Ames. — D'Aulnay. — Manstealing. — Na
tives. — William Knight. — Agents recalled. — Mr. Pocock. — Strangers. —
Anabaptists. — Lynn. — Rope for the neck. — Unity. — The seals. — Petition
of Baptists. — Plea. — Answer to Ball. — Apollonius. — Francis Higginson. —
George Downing. — Shepard. — Cotton and Cobbett. — Baptism. — Baylie.
Plymouth. Captain North. — Witherell. — Death of Brewster. — Mayo. —
Seaconck. — Newman. — Plymouth church. — Nauset. — Oath. — Sion's Vir
gins. — Trade. — Holmes. — Aquidnaj. — Protest. — Synod. — Witherell. —
Marshfleld. — Toleration. Maine. Wheelwright. — Cleaves. — Vines. —
Union. — Communication. — D Aulnay. — Parties. — Wheelwright's grant. —
Gorges. — Macworth. New Hampshire. Fishery. — Batchelor. — Diffi
culties. — Synod. — Slave. Rhode Island. Gortonists. — Charter. — Ad
dress. — Submission of chiefs. — Exposition. — Morton's charge. — Church at
Newport. — Defence. — Waterman. — Bloody Tenet. — Indians. — Divisions.
— Union. — Williams arrives. — Intercourse. — Bad neighbors. — Charter. —
Intruders. — Instructions. — Letter. — Narragansetts. — Island neutral. —
Treaty. — Township. — Gortonists. — Partridge. Connecticut. Monthly
fast. — Death of Wyllys. — Moral law. — Excommunication. — Branford. —
Pierson, Hewett, Denton, and Bishop. — Southampton. — Allen's charge. —
Ministers. — Poor students. — Patent. — Fenwick's agreement. — Military. —
Uncas. — Whitman. — Synod. — Treatises. — Letter of Fenwick. — The seals.
— Apollonius. MASSACHUSETTS.
1644, January 15. In compliance with an earnest request of
Parliament, a Scotch army, having been raised to invade Eng
land and contend with the royal forces, now pass the Tweed.
The deeds and success of these troops do much to encourage
the friends 'of Parliament, and secure their final triumph, and,
consequently, to benefit the colonies of New England.
February 5. Referring to the wish of Indians, from the Mer-
(524)

EVANGELIZATION OF INDIANS. 525
rimack to Tecticutt or Taunton, to come under the jurisdiction
of this colony, Winthrop notes, " We now began to conceive
hope that the Lord's time was at hand for opening a door of
light and grace to those Indians." Such a movement not only
lessened the dread of conspiracy among the Indians, but, also,
afforded encouraging signs of what the churches had desired
and sought as to the spread of the gospel among the natives
around them.
March 7. Apprehensive that the Gortonists would spread
their doctrines by being retained in confinement, the legislature
order them to be set at liberty, and leave their jurisdiction in
fourteen days.
8. Cutshamekin and Squaw Sachem, Mascononoco, Nashaco-
wam, and Wasamogoin, the two last sachems living near Wa-
chusett Hill, put themselves, subjects, lands, and estates under
the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and to be taught in the Chris
tian religion. The subsequent questions are put to these chiefs,
who give the accompanying replies : —
. 1. Will you worship the only true God, who made heaven
and earth, and not blaspheme ?
Ans. We do desire to reverence the God of the English,
and to speak well of him, because we do see he doth better to
the English than other gods do to others.
2. Will you cease from swearing falsely ?
Ans. We know not what swearing is.
3. Will you refrain from working on the Sabbath, especially
within the bounds of Christian towns ?
Ans. It is easy to us ; we have not much to do any day,
and we can well rest on that day.
4. Will you honor your parents and all your superiors ?
Ans. It is our custom to do so — for inferiors to honor
superiors. 5. Will you refrain from killing any man without just cause
and without just authority ?
Ans. This is good, and we desire so to do.
6. Will you deny yourselves fornication, adultery, incest,
rape, sodomy, buggery, or bestiality ?
Ans. Though some of our people do these things occasion
ally, yet we count them naught, and do not allow them.
7. Will you deny yourselves stealing ?
Ans. We say the same to this as to the sixth question.
8. Will you allow your children to learn to read the word of
God, so that they may know God aright, and worship him in
his own way ?
Ans. We will allow this as opportunity will permit, and,
as the English live among us, we desire so to do.

526 LEAGUE — PRESBYTERIANISM. [Mass.
9. Will you refrain from idleness ?
Ans. We will.
After they had so replied, they presented the court with
twenty-six fathoms of wampum. The court, in return, ordered
them five coats, two yards each of red cloth, and a pot full of
wine, the last then deemed requisite to grace the donation, but
now, by many, a useless, if not hurtful addition.
In reference to the transaction, Cotton observed, " God hath
begun to open us a door, in that divers of their sachems and
sagamores have submitted themselves to the government of the
English." It is recommended that other members of the colonial confed
eration, and the elders, be consulted about the adoption of a
covenant in matters of religion and civil liberty. This is a
movement in consequence of a similar league among the Eng
lish and Scots, Winthrop informs us, that one object of the
proposition was " for yielding some more of the freeman's priv
ileges to such as were no church members, that should join in
this government." Nothing decisive was done on this subject.
Richard Mather is desired " to prepare himself to preach to
the assembly at the next Court of Elections."
April 2. Baylie, in his letter to Spang, about the proceedings
of the Assembly of Divines, with regard to church government,
says, that, the Independents have small prospect of success ;
that " not any one in the assembly, when they have been heard
to the full in any one thing, is persuaded by them." He then
adds, " The brethren of New England incline more to synods
and presbyteries, driven thereto by the manifold late heresies,
schisms, and factions broken out among them ; also the many
pens that have fallen, more sharply than we, on their Apolo
getic Narration." Though this writer, being a strong Presby
terian, believed what he wished, but few of our elders were
disposed to adopt his mode of church polity.
18. As soon as Knowles, Tompson, and James, being
obliged to leave their parishes in Virginia by a law passed on
the 2d of the preceding month, are on board of a vessel to
come away, the Indians rise and massacre the inhabitants, great
and small, to the number of five hundred. Thus, while regret
ting to forsake their promising fields of usefulness, they are
thankful for such providential protection. They return to New
England ready for any good work of the gospel to which they
may be called. Though not prospered with a continuance at
the south, as they had reason to expect, their motives failed not
to be approved and rewarded by the Most High.
May 20. A vessel arrives at Boston with passengers from
Virginia. She brings intelligence of the great massacre there.

PARTIES AGAINST PARLIAMENT FORBIDDEN. 527
1644.] Among the prominent reasons why such emigrants come hither
are this slaughter, accompanied with a mortal sickness, and
particularly the previous order of Governor Robert Berkley,
that all who would not conform with the rules of Episcopacy
should depart from his jurisdiction.
One of them was Daniel Gookin, son of Daniel Gookin, from
the county of Kent, in England, who came from Ireland to
Virginia in 1621. He attended the ministry of Tompson
while in that colony, and received much spiritual benefit
from his preaching. The Magnalia contains the following
lines : — " Gookin was one of these : by Tompson's pains,
Christ and New England a dear Gookin gains."
Near this time, a pamphlet is printed in London, which was
sent thither, after the synod or assembly at Cambridge, the last
year. It was composed by Richard Mather, of Dorchester,
and William Tompson, of Braintree. Its title was an An
swer to Mr. Charles Herle his Book against the Independency
of the Churches. In their preface, they express themselves
as follows, in reference to the Westminster synod : " The
Father of mercies blesse the reverend and grave assembly,
whereof we hear yourselfe is a member, that they by wise and
holy indeavours " may have " the truth cleared and all cor
ruptions removed in the doctrine, worship, and church covenant
in England, to his praise and glory."
May 29. At a session commencing at this date, the legisla
ture appoint their deputies " to advise with their elders and free
men, and take into serious consideration whether God do not ex
pect all the inhabitants of this plantation will allow, to all that
are called to country service, a proportionable allowance, answer
able to their places and employments." They require that the
petition of Mr. Blackleach, in' reference to the Moors, " be
committed to the elders to inform " them " of the mind of God
herein." They enact, that, " as the civil wars and dissentions in our
native country, through the seditious words and carriages of
many evil-affected persons, cause . divisions in many places in
America, some professing themselves for the king, and others
for the Parliament, not considering that the Parliament them
selves profess that they stand for the king and Parliament
against the malignant Papists and delinquents in that kingdom,"
— no person, either by word, writing, or action, shall form a
party for the king against the Parliament on the penalty of be
ing treated as guilty of great offence.

528 COURSE OF PARLIAMENT QUESTIONED. [Mass.
William Jennison,* captain of a military company at Water-
town, and a valuable member of society, is called to answer for
having expressed his doubts, the last year, while a deputy to
the General Court, whether Parliament had proceeded constitu
tionally. He was offended " that, being a church member, and
in public office, he should be openly produced merely for matter
of judgment, not having been first dealt with in private, either
in a church way or by some magistrate, which seemed to some
of the court to have been a failing." Being allowed further
opportunity to consider the subject, he finally sided with the
Parliament. They order, in reference to " our native country, sickness,
drought, and other dangers to ourselves," that a Fast be ob
served the 3d of July.
Permission is granted for the printer to publish Richard
Mather's election sermon and John Norton's artillery sermon.
Nantasket, now having a minister, Marmaduke Matthews,
and twenty houses, is named Hull.
Passaconaway, the Merrimack sachem, and his son, place
themselves under the protection of the government, and agree
to learn the Christian religion. He becomes responsible that
another son of his will similarly engage himself.
The petition of Norcross and others, who had selected him
for their minister, is granted for a settlement at Nashaway. He
took his A. B. at Catharine Hall, Cambridge, 1636, was made
freeman of Massachusetts May 10, 1643. He left his people
two years after the town was allowed them, returned to England,
and was ejected from Walsingham after the restoration of
Charles II.
Anabaptism had so spread in New England, that an order
for the banishment of those embracing and refusing to give it
up " after due conviction," was prepared, " the last court," by
the magistrates, and forwarded to the elders for their advice.
Thomas Painter, of Hingham, who had lived in several other
places, had become an Anabaptist. He would not suffer his
wife, a member of the church, to have her child baptized. He
was presented, and required to cease from such opposition. But
" still refusing and disturbing the church," and asserting that
the baptism of the colony was anti-Christian, and affirming the
same before the court, they sentenced him to be whipped, be
cause not able to pay a fine. Winthrop adds that this punish
ment was " not for his opinion, but for reproaching the Lord's
ordinance, and for his bold and evil behavior both at home and
in the court." * This is placed by Winthrop under July 1 5.

ANTIPSALMISTS — WORSHIP. 529
1644.] July 1. Rev. George Phillips,* of Watertown, dies. Win
throp pertinently says of him, "A godly man, specially gifted,
peaceful in his place, much lamented of his own people and
others." He had lately composed a book, printed in London
the next. year. It was A Reply to a Confutation of some
Grounds for Infants Baptisme. As also concerning the form of
a church, put forth against mee by one Thomas Lamb. Here
unto is added a Discourse of the Verity and Validity of Infants
Baptisme, etc. He states, that a reason for so discussing these
topics was, that Nathaniel Briscoe had desired his opinion about
them in writing, and then he or others, without his knowledge,
sent it to England, and there had it published. On this, he re
marks, " It put me into a kinde of wonderment to see my name
put forth in print, and as author of a treatise, who never wrote
any such treatise." In his preface, he says, " Now, deare
Christian reader, as you love God's truth and desire the blessing
of it upon your owne soul, consider if it doth not deeply con
cern you all, to tremble at the calling in question such a pre
cious and comfortable truth as this of baptizing believers' in
fants is." In a preface to Phillips' works, Thomas Shepard, of
Cambridge, mentions " Antipsalmists," or opposers to the sing
ing of psalms, as among the troublers of the churches.
7. As a specimen of care to have punctual attendance at
the sanctuary, as well as evidence of inclination to forsake it,
we have the following extract from the Salem records : " Or
dered that twoe be appointed euery Lord's day to walk forth in
time of God's worship, to take notice of such as either lye
about the meeting house, without attending to the word or or
dinances, or that lye at home or in the fields, without giving
good account thereof, and to take the names of such persons,
and to present them to the magistrates, whereby they may be
accordingly proceeded against."
Among the various instances in which our fathers were care
ful how they proceeded to constitute churches, we have the fol
lowing : Near this date, a public assembly meet at Wenham
to witness the formation of a church, there. But the magis
trates and elders, invited to attend on the occasion, think that
the candidates are not sufficiently prepared, and they advise a
postponement of the service, which is accordingly done.
August 1. Near this time, we have the facts contained in
the subsequent paragraph from Winthrop : An adjourned ses
sion of magistrates and elders is held at Salem. There La
Tour renews his petition for aid against his rival, D'Aulnay.
* Mrs. Phillips, who seems to be his widow, in October, 1644, is to make over
one hundred pounds of her estate to Samuel and Elizabeth Phillips, grandchildren
of Richard Sergeant, and probably children of her husband's tir.t wife.
3 o 45

530 CHRISTIANS AIDING ANTICHRISTIANS. [Mass.
Two questions formerly presented are again discussed. 1.
" Whether it were lawful for. true Christians to aid an anti-
Christian. 2. Whether it were safe " for the colony " in point
of prudence." A part of the advisers present thought that it
would be better to write D'Aulnay before giving ^assistance to
La Tour, and to ask satisfaction for several alleged grievances.
This proposition is accepted and accomplished. Another ques
tion for advice was the capture of a Bristol ship, with a com
mission from the king by a London ship with a similar docu
ment from the Parliament. The capture was in Boston harbor,
not far from Charlestown. Such a procedure was noticed by
several of the ministers, in their sermons, as a breach of their
patent. They also exhorted their hearers to consider and treat
the act as a violation of their liberties. Still a majority of the
council decided that the captors should retain their prize.
Some of their reasons follow : " The King of England was en
raged against us, and all that party, and all the Popish states of
Europe ; and if we should now, by opposing the Parliament,
cause them to forsake us, we could have no protection or coun
tenance from any, but should be open as a prey to all men.
Again, if we, who have so openly declared our affection to the
cause of Parliament, by our prayers, fastings, etc., should now
oppose their authority, or do any thing that might make such
an appearance, it would be laid hold on by those in Virginia
and the West Indies to confirm them in their rebellious course,
and it would grieve all our godly friends in England, or any
other of the Parliament's friends." Thus prominent members
of most churches identify themselves with the dominant party
in England against the cause of Popery and Episcopacy. Anoth
er topic laid before the assembly was a difference between the
magistrates and deputies of the General Court, on the question
whether the former of these two bodies had any more power
than the latter during recess of the court, unless specially del
egated to them. The eiders were desired to effect a reconcilia
tion between the two houses on this point, which office of me
diation they accepted.
August 27. The Essex records furnish the ensuing extract :
" Goodman Joseph Redknap, for not suffering a child of his to
be baptized, the court order, that a warrant be directed to his
wife, for carrying of their child next Lord's day to be baptized,
which if her husband shall withstand, and not suffer her so to
do, that then this court doth order, that the constable at Lynn
shall forthwith carry him to the prison at Boston." He was
afterwards prosecuted several times before the same tribunal,
because he left the meeting house when infant baptism was about
to be administered, and for absence from worship. He was a

DISCUSSION OF CHURCH PRACTICES. 531
wine cooper from London, admitted freeman of this colony,
1634, and died in Boston, 1686, aged one hundred and ten.
The following persons are presented : " William Hewes, and
John, his son, for deriding such as sing in the congregation,
tearming them fooles ; also William Hewes for saying Mr.
Whiting preached confusedly ; also John Hewes for charging
Mr. Cobbett with falsehood in doctrine. William Hewes and
John, his son, shall pay fifty shillings apeece for a fine, and y*
it be injoyned they shall make an humble confession at Lynn,
at a public meeting, which according to it, ye court will consid
er of their fines."
" John Stone, of Gloucester, for scandalizing Mr. Blinman,
with charging him with a false interpretation of Scripture, as
also saying, that if an angel from heaven should preach the
same, he would not believe it, and that there were others of his
mind, and also further in a discourse with James Smith tending
to the reproach of the doctrine delivered by Mr. Blinman," is
fined fifty shillings, and the court fees and those of the wit
nesses. This year, Thomas Weld, the colonial agent, still in London,
published a book there. It is called An Answer to William
Rathband, his Narration of the Opinions and Practices of the
Churches lately erected in New England. Selections from the
work show the common topics of controversy in England rela
tive to our ecclesiastical affairs.
In giving them, as charges by Rathband and replies by
Weld, let the words affirmed, by the former, and replied, by the
latter, be understood after their surnames.
Rathband. That as the New England churches agreed with
the discipline of Plymouth church, and that this was after the
pattern of John Robinson, and he a separatist, therefore such
churches had no communion with Episcopalians.
Weld. That these churches varied from separatists in some
particulars, and agreed with them in others. He observed, we
hear " preaching and praying in the assemblies in England, and
also in private communion."
Rathband. The churches here had no platform.
Weld. That, though they had no such form, yet they did not
account it unlawful, but left it to the liberty of their respective
bodies. Rathband. That our churches disowned others, who differed
from them in discipline.
Weld. That they did own the Episcopal churches of England
as sister churches. .
Rathband. That our churches more rigidly imposed their
" patterne " than any other churches ever did.

532 OCCASIONS OF PUBLIC PUNISHMENT.
I iW A S S .
Weld. There has been no attempt among us " to suspend,
excommunicate, deprive, banish, and imprison any for dissent
ing from us in matters of discipline, as of late in England, for
nonconformity. We have, indeed, civilly and ecclesiastically
censured divers there amongst us, but it was for obstinacy in
weighty points in religion, sedition in state, scandalous practices,
as also manifest contempt of the churches of Christ there, but
not any for conformity in church discipline." He remarked
further, " Though we denie the officers of one church power to
represent their church in her judicature, etc., yet sometimes we
are forced to use messengers to represent the whole body, as at
the constitution of a new church and private examinations of
members to be admitted.
Rathband. With regard to the last point, that all candidates
for admission to the churches here were required to give a
public relation of their faith and experience, and wondered
" that we should be so harsh as not to betrust the elders and
some private men with their examinations."
Weld. " He is againe besides the truth, for in the churches
where we have lived many yeares, we have seene such a tender
respect had to the weaker sex (who are usually more fearfull
and bashfull) that we commit their triall to the elders and some
few others in private, who, upon their testimony, are admitted
into the church, without any more adoe." The elders, without
laymen, are often empowered to conduct such examinations.
Rathband. The churches here received no members of other
churches to their communion, unless having letters of recom
mendation. Weld. Professors here were often admitted to commune with
churches not their own, without letters, though these creden
tials were required of communicants coming from England.
" Our practice is in removal of ministers to have counsell and
assistance from sister churches."
Rathband. " A member cannot remove from a church with
out consent sought and obtained." •
Weld owned and justified this. If a pious member depart
without consent of his church, they commend him for what he
is, but not for removing without regular dismission.
Rathband. The ordination of ministers by laymen is not
right. Weld. It is lawful in some cases, because if the people have
power to elect officers, which is the greater, why not ordain
them, which is the less ?
Rathband. " That in our practise we usually confound the
pastours and teachers office," both " equally teaching and apply
ing the word without any difference."

.„,,, THIRD WAY OF COMMUNION. 533
1644.] Weld. It is not so. The teacher deals in doctrine, and the
pastor in exhortation. Where only one minister is settled, he
performs both offices. In reference to contributions, the week
ly ones are properly intended for the poor, though some church
es appropriate the surplus to their ministers. They are accord
ing to the general ability of the members. As to the ministerial
salary, the churches usually determine on it twice in a year,
and agree " to raise it either from the churches treasurie (so
much of it as there is to be had) or by a contribution to be
made on purpose."
Rathband. Congregationalism here has been attended with
Antinomians and Familists.
Weld. The same denominations exist in Old England.
Rathband. John Cotton says that " it may be lawful for any
(except women) to aske questions at the mouth of the proph
ets " (elders).
Weld. " True it is in the times of the opinions, some were
bold in this kinde, but these men are long since gone. The
synod and sermons have reproved this disorder, so that a man
may now live from one end of the yeere to another in these
congregations, and not heare any man opening his mouth in
such kinde of questions."
Rathband. Among the prominent men here, " some grow
shie of the word independent, some utterly renounce it, yet
most owne it."
Weld. If independent mean that one church is not in the
power of another, we own the word ; but if construed as indi
cating recklessness of advice from magistrates and councils, we
do not own it in this respect.
Rathband. If; is reported that Peters and Weld were sent by
the churches to London, to negotiate for them.
Weld. They were commissioned, not by the churches, but by
the General Court for " weighty matters."
Rathband. The third way of communion in our churches,
disapproved. A passage from a letter of Thomas Parker, of
Newbury, is quoted : " Popular government is one cause of
schismes in New England."
Weld. " Blessed be God, that under that government of ours,
which you call, or rather miscall, popular, the very neck of
schismes and vile opinions, brought to us from hence [England]
was broken ; when here amongst you, where there is not such a
government, they walke bolt upright amongst you, and crowe
aloude." A Short Story of the Rise, Reign, and Ruin of the Antino
mians, Familists, and Libertines, that infected the Churches of
45*

534 PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL. [Mass.
New England, is published in London. Its preface was by
Mr. Weld, and the rest of it by Governor Winthrop.
A second edition of the Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven,
by John Cotton, is printed in London. Its object is to " recon
cile some differences about discipline." It has a preface by
Rev. Messrs. Thomas Goodwin and Philip Nye. They remark
that the greatest commotions have originated from controversy
as to the "power and liberties of the rulers and ruled," and
that " the like hath fallen out in churches, and is continued to
this day in the sharpest contentions, who should be the first ad
equate and compleat subject of that church power which Christ
hath left on earth ; how bounded, and to whom committed.
This controversie is in a speciall manner the lot of these present
times." Speaking of Cotton's object in the book, they observe,
" Now the scope which this grave and judicious author in this
his treatise doth pursue, is to lay forth the just lines and terriers
of this division of church power unto all the several subjects
of it, to the end to allay the contentions now on foot about it.
And for the particular subjects themselves, he follows that divis
ion which the controversie itselfe hath made unto his hands ;
to wit : 1. What power each single congregation hath granted
to it to exercise within itselfe. And, 2. What measure, or
rather kinde of power, Christ hath placed in neighbor churches
without it, and in association with it." In handling these two
inquiries, Cotton argues that the elders and brethren of a
church are competent to regulate all its internal concerns, and
that if such a body walk disorderly, then other churches in fel
lowship with it may meet in synod by the elders and messen
gers ; and, if they do not reform their irregularities, they may
withdraw their communion from them. This was then denomi
nated the "middle way betweene Brownisme and Presbyteriall
government." William Castell, parson of Courteenhall, in Northamptonshire,
offers a petition to Parliament for the propagation of the gospel
among the Indians of America. One reason which he offers
why the Christians there should enter on this work was, that
the colonies here were not likely to continue, because they have
been hindered, of late years, by the authorities of England, from
advancement, and particularly that the Spaniards in America,
being more powerful than the colonists, and strongly prejudiced
against their religion, and their retaining possession of the -plan
tations which they inhabit, would very likely destroy them, as
they had St. Christopher's. His petition was recommended to
Parliament by a considerable number of ministers.
September 9. The commissioners of the union assemble at

AID FOR POOR SCHOLARS. 535
1G44.]Hartford, and agree to advise each legislature of their jurisdic
tion to pass a law for the due support of gospel ministrations ;
"that those that are taught in the word in the seueral planta-
cons be called together, that euery man voluntaryly set downe
what he is willing to allow to that end and use ; and if any
man refuse to pay a mee'te proporcon, that then hee be rated by
authoryty in some just and equall way ; and if after this any
man withhold or delay due payment, the ciuill power to be ex
ercised as in other just debts." The mode of contribution con
tained in the first of these clauses had been practised by the
New England churches ; but the legal compulsion, proposed in
the latter, appears to be a new method for sustaining Christian
ordinances, and shows that the experiment of voluntary taxa
tion had not been satisfactorily successful. •
For the aid of poor scholars at the college, who may be fit
ting for church and state, Thomas Shepard proposes to the com
missioners, that they recommend to their colonies that every
family give one peck of corn a year, or its equivalent, being
twelve pence. The commissioners readily comply with the re
quest. The same authorities allow Massachusetts to have Mar
tha's Vineyard in their jurisdiction.
September 19. As it was the intention of the planters at An-
dover and Haverhill, according to Winthrop, to have a church
gathered in each of these places, and they had notified the magis
trates and elders to this effect, a meeting is held at Rowley for
such a service. The reason for convening here was because
" of their remoteness and scarcity of houseing." The organi
zation, however, is not made, as expected. The cause of this
disappointment is, that most of the candidates for the proposed
churches decline to give a relation " how God had carried on
the work of his grace in them," seeing they had done it when
admitted to the churches whence they came.
October 8. After a second trial, a church is formed at Wen
ham, and John Fisk, who had preached for them about a year,
becomes their minister. He was born in ii\e parish of St.
James, Suffolk, England, about 1601 ; took his A. B. at Kings
College, Cambridge, 1625 ; began to preach in his native coun
try ; but hindered by restraints of conformity, he studied phys
ic, and was regularly licensed to practise. Several of his an
cestors were sorely persecuted in the reign of Mary. On the
decease of his father, he decided to make New England his
home, so that he might freely engage in the ministry. He em
barked in disguise to avoid detention. After passing Land's
End, he and John Allin discovered themselves as ministers.
They preached two sermons a day, and engaged in devotional
services on the passage. Mr. Fisk married a lady of fortune

536 INSTRUCTION FOR INDIANS. [Mass.
and piety. She came with him. He was made freeman 1637.
He first taught school at Newton. Thence he moved to Salem,
and followed the same employment, and assisted Peters in
preaching three years. He liberally applied his pecuniary means
for the benefit of the colony.
October 30. The legislature appoint the 19th of December
for a Fast. The causes assigned for this are, the prevalence of
" erroneous and corrupt opinions," the distresses of war in Eng
land, and " the weighty occasions in hand there and here."
The county courts are appointed to " take care that the In
dians in their jurisdictions be civilized and instructed in the
knowledge and worship of God."
November 13. Among the questions, to which the elders
give replies, at the request of the General Court, is, whether
the magistrates are, by patent and election of the people, the
standing council of the commonwealth in the recess of the
legislature. They answer in the affirmative.
In accordance with previous steps taken by the magistrates
to prevent the further spread of anti-Pedobaptist opinions and
practices, the subsequent law is passed : " Forasmuch as expe
rience hath plentifully and often proved that, since the first aris
ing of the Anabaptists, about one hundred years since, they
have been the incendiaries of the commonwealths and the in-
fectors of persons in many matters of religion, and the troublers
of churches in all places where they have been, and that they
who have held the baptizing of infants unlawfull have usually
held other errors or heresies together therewith, though they
have (as other hereticks used to do) concealed the same till they
spied out a fit advantage and opportunity to vent them by way
of question or scruple ; and whereas divers of this kind have,
since our coming into New England, appeared amongst our
selves, some whereof have (as others before them) denied the
ordinance of magistracy, and the lawfulness of making war, and
others the lawfulness of magistrates and their inspection into
any breach of the first table ; which opinions, if they should
be connived at by us, are like to be increased amongst us, and
so must necessarily bring guilt upon us, infection and trouble
to the churches, and hazard to the whole commonwealth ; — it is
ordered and agreed, that if any person or persons, within this
jurisdiction, shall either openly condemn or oppose the baptiz
ing of infants, or go about secretly to seduce others from the
approbation or use thereof, or shall purposely depart the congre
gation at the ministration of the ordinance, or shall deny the
ordinance of magistracy, or the lawfull right and authority to
make war, or to punish the outward breakers of the first table,
and shall appear to the court wilfully and obstinately to con-

,„.,_ LAW AGAINST BAPTISTS. 537
]()44.J tinue therein after due time and means of conviction, every
such person or persons shall be sentenced to banishment."
This enactment bore severely upon a denomination whose
subsequent precept and example manifested that they were, in
general, far from indulging the reckless and ruinous notions of
German adherents to Stubner and Jack of Leyden, though hon
estly suspected of such indulgence by most of the leading men
in New England. The authors and abettors of it were desirous
to tolerate religious freedom, so far as they deemed best for the
highest good of the commonwealth. They, however, found
this, as Christian legislators ever have, a very difficult point 'to
be settled. They felt, as many do now, that they must bound
their toleration short of atheism and infidelity ; but where to fix
the line exactly, they were not fully satisfied. Thus situated,
they failed to grant so large a license for departures from their
creed as they would have done if having had the experience of
their successors. It was not that they were either cruel, or fa
natical, or weak, that they showed less liberality in their day
than is now manifested, but because they had no sufficient
examples of experience to warrant them in being more lenient
to what they really dreaded as exceedinglv injurious. The test
of toleration at Providence and Rhode Island had been far from
affording them, in its results, reason to hope that it would pro
mote the blessings of well-ordered schools, churches, and com
munities. Hence, with their views, they would have been in
consistent to have acted differently, though it is wished, that the
light of experience had enabled them to adopt a legislative pol
icy which allows all denominations who base their principles
on the Bible, and so maintain them as neither to corrupt the
morals of the people nor subvert the pillars of civil order.
Letters of thanks are ordered for Richard Andrews, haber
dasher, of London, for his gift of five hundred pounds ; to the
Lady Armine for hers of twenty pounds per annum ; and to
the Lady Moulson for her donation of one hundred pounds,
which she appropriated to the college.
The order passed by the confederate commissioners, for each
family to pay one peck of corn or twelve pence a year, for poor
scholars at the college, is adopted by this colony.
On the advice of Weld, as Winthrop relates, John Pocock
and others, in England, are commissioned to act for the colony
as follows : " to answer for us, on all such occasions as may be
presented to the Parliament concerning us or our affairs, but
not to engage us without our consent ; to receive all letters
and other despatches of public nature or concernment to us ;
to advise us of all such occurrents as may happen touching-
our colony ; to receive all monies or other things due to us,
3p

38 ARCHBISHOP LAUD EXECUTED. [Mass.
•om any in England, bv gift or otherwise, and to dispose of
aem, according to direction, under our public seal."
Thomas Morton, formerly sent home from the colony, for his
pposition to its rulers, has his case presented. Emanuel Down-
lg is desired to obtain further evidence against him, besides his
3tter to Wilham Jeffery in 1634. The prisoner is to remain
1 durance unless he find bail for his appearance. Winthrop
dds, that he was fined one hundred pounds, though with no
leans of paying it, and set at liberty, so that he might leave the
irisdiction ; that he soon went to Agamenticus, and died within
vo years afterwards. Thus Morton closed his stormy career.
'or his resistance to the dissenters here, he expected reward
¦om Laud till the prostration of his primacy, and then he had
one to sustain his hopes.
1645, January 10. Archbishop Laud, whose policy towards
few England had rendered his name familiar to its population,
i beheaded on Tower Hill, in London, notwithstanding he pro-
uced the king's pardon. Under one of the general charges
gainst him, which affirmed that he tried to subvert Protcstant-
un and introduce Romanism, he was accused of persecution
swards such clergymen as fled to this and other countries.
^hile he did not deny the deeds of his administration, as the
rimate of England, he disclaimed the motives which were im-
uted to him. He forgave his accusers, and, as his last words,
xid, " Lord Jesus, receive my spirit."
At the request of Hugh Peters, a motion was made in the
louse of Commons to release the bishop, and send him to some
art of America. But his benevolent interference was ineffect-
al. After the execution of Laud, Parliament granted his jui-
ate library to Peters. Among the contents of this collection
ras a manuscript of the three last books of Hooker's Ecclesias-
ical Polity, which had not been published. Wood, in his
Ithena Oxonienses charges Peters with altering them so as
3 suit the views and purposes of Parliament. But Baxter, of
¦otter information and candor on this point, explicitly states
hat they had undergone no such alteration.
April. Though the magistrates considered that the deputies
ad no right to select a preacher of the election sermon, still
he latter body, as Winthrop relates, had chosen John Norton
3r the service. Without knowing it, the former body had in-
ited Edward Norris. The query comes before the magistrates,
diich of these ministers should deliver the discourse. To sup-
ress controversy on the subject, they again yield to the elec-
ion of the deputies.
Among the benefactors abroad, who contributed to support
he cause of reformation here, was Union Butcher, who was " a

PRESBYTERIAN DISCIPLINE. 539
1645.] clothier, near Cranbrook, in Kent," and " did (for divers years
together, in a private way) send over a good quantity of cloth,
to be disposed of to some godly poor people."
April 2. Peters preaches a thanksgiving sermon before Par
liament and the Assembly of Divines. It was entitled God's
Doings and Man's Duty. Though it shows him as a supporter
of rational liberty, yet it presents no proof of his rudely tramp
ling on royalty, with which he was afterwards charged.
May 5. The schoolmasters of Boston, while required to teach
their pupils reading, writing, and ciphering, are also required
to instruct Indian children free of charge.
14. Much difficulty having occurred at Hingham about the
election of military officers, a petition, signed by eighty-one
men of the town, is laid before the General Court. At the
head of this instrument was Peter Hobart, their minister.
Winthrop says that Hobart dealt with Eames, one of the offi
cers concerned, in a Presbyterian way, and, of course, without
consulting the brethren, and that this produced a division
among them. An abstract of the petition runs thus : " The
matter for accusation, as we conceive, is for certain words spo
ken by some concerning the liberty and power of General Court
and our own liberty granted to us by the said court, and to the
country in general ; and also it doth concern the liberty of the
Eaglish free-born member of that state ; and further it hath oc
casioned such disturbance and schism in our churches, and trou
ble to some of our members for witnessing against the delin
quent ; whereby the power of the ordinances of Jesus Christ
in his church is slighted, and the free passage thereof stopped,
to the endangering of the liberty of the churches amongst us,
if timely remedy be not by their wisdom provided."
When the synod met, " severall off the members off Hing
ham, vppon admonysion of the court, did refer it to the court
to speake to thee elders to consider the cause, and send some of
themselfes to see iff it may please the Lord by advice and help
to reconsider their differences, and settle them in a way off
Christ." On the question whether the Castle should be supplied with
preaching, the legislature say to Richard Davenport, its com
mander, " There is no constant minister to be expected ;. but
the Lord having furnished yourself with able gifts, you are to
take care of the garrison as your own family."
" Whereas it is found by too common and sad an experience
in all parts of the colony, that the forcing of labourers and oth
er workmen to take wine in pay for their labour is a great nur
sery or preparative to drunkenness and unlawful tippling, occa
sioning the private meetings of profane persons, whereby youth

540 DIFFERENCES OF OPINION. [Mass.
is drawn aside to lewdness, the good creature of God notoriously
abused, the hearts of good people much sadenned, the profession
of religion scandalized, and the Lord greatly dishonoured, it
is therefore ordered and ordained, by this court, that no labour
er or workman whatsoever shall, after the publication and pro
mulgation hereof, be inforced or pressed to take wine in pay for
his labour."
May 25. John Tombes, informed of the law made here, the
last year, against the Baptjsts, sends from the Temple, in Lon
don, a pamphlet of an examination, which he had made of Ste
phen Marshall's sermon on infant baptism, dedicated to the
Westminster Assembly, to the ministers of New England. He
accompanies this with a letter, desiring that they would exam
ine the matter and become more lenient in the controversy.
Cotton informed him that his communication was left with Cob-
bet to answer.
June 10. Respecting the differences of religious opinion here
and in England, Henry Vane writes to Governor Winthrop,
" The exercise and troubles which God is pleased to lay vpon
these kingdomes and the inhabitants in them teaches vs patience
and forbearance one with another in some measure, though there
be a difference in our opinions, which makes me hope, that,
from the experience heere, it may also be deriued to yourselues,
least whilest the Congregationall way amongst you is in its
freedome, and is backed with power, it teach its oppugners
heere to extirpate it and roote it out from its owne principles
and practice."
July 1. A meeting is held by the clergy of the United Colo
nies at Cambridge. The reason for this convention is given by
Winthrop : " Many books coming out of England, some in de
fence of Anabaptism and other errours, and for liberty of con
science as a shelter for their toleration, etc., others in mainte
nance of the Presbyterial government (agreed upon by the As
sembly of Divines in England) against the Congregational way,
which was practised here." The synod examine replies by
some of their number to such publications, and decide that, it
is best to have them sent over to England, so that they may be
printed and circulated there. One of such productions was by
Hooker, of Hartford, in reply to a publication of- Samuel Ruth
erford, a Scotch minister, called the Diuine Right of Presbiter-
ies, and to another of Samuel Hudson, entitled the Essence and
Vnitie of the Church Catholike Visible. It is called Survey
of the Summe of Church Discipline. Davenport also pre
sented his Power of Congregational Churches.
4. After protracted consideration, the legislature finally
agree that the Hingham petitioners shall be fined. They as-

lfi 4 . DEPARTURE OF CLERICAL CANDIDATES. 541
semble in the Boston meeting house, where a large concourse
are collected to hear the result. Among the fined is Peter Ho
bart, their pastor. The decision was not the end of difficulty
between the colonial authorities and the Hingham church. The
great question about legislative power and the liberty of the
people, both civil and ecclesiastical, still continues to throw up
its troubled waters. In reference to such a state of things,
Winthrop remarks, . " It may be observed, that while we sym
pathize with our native country in their calamities, and confess
our own compliance with them in the provocations of God's
wrath, (as in many days of humiliation, and one even in the
time of this court,) we should be hastening, by all our skill and
power, to bring the like miseries upon ourselves."
About this time, as the same author informs us, the demand
for preachers is so great in England, three of this profession
embark for that country. One of them is John, son of Rev.
Peter Bulkley, of Concord. He was among the first graduates
at Harvard, in 1642. He became minister at Fordham, Eng
land, whence he was ejected in 1662. He retired to Wapping,
and there sustained the reputation of an eminent physician.
Another is his classmate, George, the son of Emanuel Down
ing, from Salem. He went to Newfoundland, and other ports
in the West Indies. After preaching and receiving several
calls in these places, he reached England, and officiated as chap
lain of Colonel Okey's regiment. Having retired from this em
ployment, he sustained various and important trusts under gov
ernment. Serving Charles II. as faithfully as he had the Crom-
wells, he was raised to the rank of a baronet. At length, sum
moned to close his checkered but successful career, he died
1684, aged fifty-nine. He long since perceived, in the light of
eternity, that to fear God and work righteousness is the noblest
and safest end of human desires and efforts.
About this date, various publications are issued by divines in
England, on the question as to what should be the ecclesiastical
polity of their churches. The opponents of Congregational or
der instance the history of New England churches in the troubles
which they had met with relative to other denominations. But
its advocates take the other side. One * of the writers inquires,
" Why do not our congregational divines write to the brethren
of New England, and convince them of their error, who give
(as some say) the civill magistrate a power to question doctrines,
censure errors ? Sure we are, some have been imprisoned, some
* Independency Accused by Nine Severall Arguments, written by a godly,
learned minister to a Member of Mr. John Goodwin's congregation, and acquitted
by severall Replyes to the said Arguments by a Member of the same Church. It
was signed by J. P. London, 1645.
46

542 BANISHMENT FOR DISORDER.
I i.ilAE»9»
banished, that (pleaded) religion and meere conscience, and
were no otherwise disturbers of the civill peace than the Con
gregational way is like to be here. If Old England be said to
persecute for suppressing sects and opinions because threatening
the truth and civill peace, why may not the same name be put
upon New England, who are found in the same work and way ? "
The rejoinder says, " I suppose it easier to affirm than to prove
that any were imprisoned or banished meerely for their con
sciences. Magistrates deny persecution meerely for a man's
private conscience in the case of Mrs. Hutchinson."
Another author * observes, "- Our belief of New England is,
that they would suffer the godly and peaceable to live amongst
them, though they differ in point of church government from
them, because, so far as we could ever learn, they never ban
ished any but unpeaceableness with desperate erroneousness
was the cause of it."
July 4. Vindicia Clavium, or a Vindication of the Keyes
of the Kingdome of Heaven, into the Hands of the right
Owners, is licensed to be published in London. It contains
strictures on Cotton's Keys and Way of the Churches of New
England. Its author endeavored to show that these works of
Cotton manifested " the weaknesse of his proofes ; the contradic
tions to himselfe and others, the middle way of Independents
to be the extreme or by-way of the Brownists." The attempt
was, as usual in such controversy, commended by some and re
buked by others.
This year, the following work is published in London : A
Brief Narration of the Practices of the Churches in New Eng
land, written in private to one that desired Information therein,
by an Inhabitant there, a Friend to Truth and Peace. It treats
of discipline under six heads : gathering churches, calling offi
cers, worship, admission of members, recommendation and dis
mission of them, censure and excommunication. With refer
ence to the first, each candidate, who wishes to be a member of
the church about to be formed, " makes confession of his faith
in all the principles of religion, and then a declaration how God
hath carryed on the work of grace in his soule." Such as do
this, and are approved, proceed to " subscribe their hands to " a
covenant, " or testifie, by word of mouth, their agreement there
to." Concerning officers, the writer observes, " To the deacon
his office we would adde deaconesses, where such may be had,
according to which should be widowes of the church, faithfull,
approved, and full of good works, who may give themselves to
works of mercy cheerfully, and to be serviceable to those that
* A Defence of Sundry Positions and Scriptures alleged tojustifie the Con
gregational! Way. This was by Richard Hollingworth. London, 1645.

,„,„, TRANSLATION OF THE PSALMS. 543
1645.]are sick, when the deacons so conveniently cannot, and sometime
so modestly may not, send their help as that sex may." Dea
cons are ordained by elders, in the presence of the congregation,
on the Sabbath or other day of public meeting, with " prayer
and imposition of hands." Among the services of worship,
the word of God is read and expounded as occasion requires.
" Wee have endeavoured to translate the Psalmes, as neer the
originall as wee could, into meeter, because the former transla
tion was very defective." The Psalms are sung in the churches.
The sacrament is commonly administered once a month.
July 8- Townsend Bishop is presented for turning his back
on the ceremony of infant baptism at Salem. He had been a
prominent man. He soon left the town.
28. The legislature having requested the commissioners of
the United Colonies to hold an immediate session in Boston, to
confer on " such weighty matters as are thought meet by this
court to be presented them," these accordingly assemble.
August 19. The commissioners, being still in session, grant a
commission to Edward Gibbons, as commander-in-chief of the
forces intended to march against the Narragansetts. One of
their instructions is, " Lastly, (yet aboue all the rest,) we com
mend to your Christian care the vpholding of the worship of
God in your army, and to keepe such watch ouer the conuersa-
con of all those vnder your charge, as all prophanenes, ympie-
ties, abuse of the sacred name of God, luxury, and other disor
der may be avoyded or duly punished, that the Lord may be
pleased to go forth before you, and prosper- all your proceedings,
and returne you to us in peace, which we shall dayly pray for."
Jeremiah Holland graduates at Harvard. He went to Eng
land, and settled in the ministry at Northamptonshire.
William Ames, son of the noted William Ames professor in
Rotterdam, took his degree with Holland. After his father's
decease, he accompanied his mother to Massachusetts. Leaving
college, he soon embarked for England, and, in 1646, went to
Wrentham, where, in 1648, he was ordained colleague with his
uncle Philip. He published a sermon entitled the Saints Secu
rity against Seducing Spirits, preached at Paul's, before the city
government of London, in 1651. He was numbered among
the ejected ministers. He died at Wrentham, 1689, aged sixty-
six. " He was a very holy man, and in all respects an excel
lent person."
September 2. The commissioners of the Union say, in refer
ence to articles of agreement between Massachusetts and D'Aul
nay, of Penobscot, "Desireous that firme peace might be mayn-
tayned between the English and all thei__neighbours, that every
one might pursue the common intention of subduing this wil-

544 NEGROES BROUGHT FROM GUINEA.
derness for the use of man in that way for which the earth was
first given to the sonnes of Adam, and for bringing these barba
rous people first to civilitie, and so, by diuine assistance, to
the knowledge of the true God and our Lord Jesus Christ, it
seemes fitt and necessary that the articles (comprehending there
in all the said Vnited Colonies) should be confirmed."
October. About this time Richard Saltonstall petitions the
General Court that they would execute justice on Captain James
Smith and Thomas Keyser, of Boston, for importing negroes
from Guinea, and the latter for being concerned with "London
ers " in capturing and killing natives there. He remarks that
his oath as an Assistant, " that I would truly endeavor the ad
vancement of the gospell and the good of the people of this
plantation, (to the best of my skill,) dispencing justice equally
and impartially (according to the laws of God and this land) in
all cases wherein I act by virtue of my place," induced him so
to do. The court complied with his request.
As an advance in the continued purpose of the New England
colonies to evangelize the aborigines among them, the ensuing
order is taken by the legislature : " The court, being still mind
ful of its duty, doth endeavour, as much as in it lyes, y* all
meanes may be used to bring the natives to ye knowledge of
God and his wayes, and civilize ym as speedily as may be, and
y some such course may be taken as may cause ym to observe
those rules ; its desired y* notice may be given to ye reverend
elders, in their severall shires, of ye ready mind of ys cort, upon
mature deliberation, to enact what shalbe thought meete here
abouts, and of their desires y' they would take some paines
therein, and returne their thoughts about it to ye next siting of
ye Generall Cort."-
As the village afterwards Topsfield had supported preaching,
and desired to settle a minister among them, the people there,
who belong to Ipswich are to be free from taxes in the latter
place, or receive assistance thence for clerical and other
charges. Weld and Peters are instructed to leave their agency in Eng
land, because their presence here is desired. Mr. Pocock and
the rest of the commissioners are to have a letter of thanks for
their " pains and care " in attending to the affairs of this colo
ny in London. A petition is presented for the repeal of laws
against the entertainment of strangers above three weeks with
out license ; and also against the Anabaptists. The former law,
as previously stated, was made in the time of difficulty with
Mrs. Hutchinson, to prevent her followers from being stren°-th-
ened by emigrants of dike sentiments from England. The pe
titioners remark, in the language of Winthrop, as to these two

BOOK ON UNITY COMMENDED. 545
1G45.] enactments, " The offence taken thereat by many of the godly
in England, and that some churches there did thereupon profess
to deny to hold communion with such of our churches as should
resort thither. Whereupon they entreated the court, that they
would please to take the said laws into further consideration,
and to provide for the indemnity of such of ours as were to go
into England." Many of the legislature were disposed to sus
pend such laws for a season; but, on representation of the elders,
who feared that a measure of this kind would enlarge the Ana
baptists, beginning to increase fast in this country, and more in
England, they decided to let them stand.
Another petition is offered, from which an extract follows :
" Wee, whose names are vnderwritten, being, by the good hand
of the Lord, members of the church at Lynn, doe, in all humil
ity, intreate this honored court, whoe haue justlye censured one
Jenkinn Davis, formerlye in ffellowship with us, y' you would
please to remitte and take of that parte of his censure of wear
ing of a rope aboute his neck, which being to bee worne, as we
vnderstand, not for his life tyme, but vnto the court's pleasure."
The person here interceded for had been condemned for un
chaste conduct.
Another topic before the legislature relates to a treatise
recently come over. "Whereas, by the good providence of
God, there is come vnto our hands a book, lately printed in Eng
land, intitled Unitie our Dutie. It being principallie applyed
and presented to the godlie, reuerend, and learned brethren
of the Presbyterian judgment, and the dissentinge, godlie,
reuerend, and learned brethren, commonly called Inde-
pendant, contending together about church government,
earnestly dissuading them from bitter speaking and writing
against one another. It being a subiect in the generall ap
plicable to most Christian churches and states, and not vnsuite-
able to our present condition. It being also a work penned
with much wisdom, authoritie, and power, guarded by a spirit
of meekness, and profitable to all that will make good use of
it. This court being very willing to further the peace and vir
tue of the people here amongst vs, and to prevent all occasions
tending to the breach thereof, and finding this short treatise
speaking throughlie and fullie to the point, and may be a
meanes of blessing vs in that behalfe, each thought it meete to
cause the said booke to be printed and sent abroad into all. ye
partes of our jurisdiccon, whereby all may take notice of God's
will revealed in that particular." The elders are desired to se
lect some out of their body to recommend this work.
A Captain Partridge having arrived at Boston from England,
and on his passage, " maintained divers points of Antinomian-
3q 46*

546 ADMINISTRATION OF GOSPEL SEALS [Mass.
ism and Familism " was called to an account. He was referred
for the consideration of his opinions to Cotton, who argued him
off from some of them. But as he would not renounce what
the magistrates deemed hurtful errors, they decided, by a ma
jority of one or two, that he should leave the colony. He did
this, and, with his wife and family, retired to Rhode Island.
John Ward is ordained * over the church at Haverhill.
October 24. John Woodbridge is ordained f over the Ando-
ver church. He was son of Rev. John Woodbridge, of Wilt
shire, in England, born at Stanton, 1613, came to New Eng
land, 1634, settled at Newbury as a planter, where he was the
town clerk. By advice of his wife's father, Governor Thomas
Dudley, he prepared to teach school and preach.
November 5. A church is gathered at Reading, and Henry
Green ordained their pastor. He had resided at Watertown,
and became freeman 1640. His labors in the Lord were soon
closed. He died October 11, 1648. Winthrop remarks of
him, " He was a very godly man."
Ralph Smith, formerly pastor of Plymouth church, who
seems to have succeeded Thomas Jenner as a preacher at Man
chester in 1635, still continues his ministry there, they having
been a branch of Salem church.
6. Richard Mather, as desired by Hooker, expresses
his views contrary to those of the latter, who maintained
that no minister should administer the seals of the gospel out
of his own church. His language follows : " It seems an offi
cer of a church may lawfully dispense seals in another church
at their entreaty and request, because there is a communion be
tween churches, as sisters, by vertue of which they are to take
care and do for one another as each ones occasion and necessity
may require."
28. Allin, of Dedham, and Shepard, of Cambridge, date the
preface to their defence of the reply made to the Nine Ques
tions, % against A Tryall of the New Church Way in New Eng
land' and Old, by Rev. John Ball. They remark, we have too
much delayed to publish " an unanimous confession of that form
of wholesome words which is preached, received, and professed
in these churches of the Lord Jesus. There is the same faith
* Winthrop.
t This accords with the History of Andover, but Cotton Mather makes it Sep
tember 16, 1644, which probably refers to the failure at Rowley.
% On the 32d page of this work is the following extract : " In the title page it
is said, This treatise of Mr. Ball was penned a little before his death, and sent
over 1637. It seemes to bee a mistake of the printer; for the Nine Questions
themselves were sent over 1636, the answere returned 1638, but miscarrying,
another was sent 1639, from which time wee longingly expected a return, but
partly for the reason rendered in the epistle, and what else wee know not, wee
never, in so many yeares, received any, till this printed reply by a friend's means
came occasionally to our hands, in 1644."

,„.„_ GROUNDS OF CHILDREN'S BAPTISM. 547
lC4o.] embraced and professed in the churches, which is equally
received as orthodox doctrine of the gospel in the best reformed
churches. We perceive, by the first letters of our brethren,
how the withdrawing of Christians (in England) from the Lit
urgy was imputed to us. Many are apt to think that our very
act in forsaking the churches of God in our dear native country
and the cause of Christ there, together with the practice of
these churches, thought to be so different from the reformed
churches, have been not only a great weakening to the hands of
the godly, (that have stood by the cause of Christ,) but also
have caused great disturbance to the reformation in hand."
Such imputations against the churches here are denied by Al
lin and Shepard.
This year, the letter of Thomas Shepard, entitled New
England's Lamentations for Old England's Errors, is published.
He dated the preface of it December 10, 1644. He remarked
in the letter, " We never banished any for their consciences, but
for sinning against conscience, after due means of conviction."
The Way of the Churches of Christ, named on page 542, by
John Cotton, is printed in London. This author writes his
Grounds and Ends of Children's Baptism, published in 1647.
In it he makes the subsequent remarks : Satan " chooseth rather
to play small game, as they say, than to lose all. He now
pleadeth no other argument in these stirring times of reforma
tion than may be urged from a main principle of purity and
reformation, viz., that no duty of God's worship, nor any ordi
nance of religion, is to be administered in the church, but such
as hath just warrant from the word of God. And so he hopeth
to prevail either with those men who do believe the lawful and
holy purpose of childrens baptism to renounce that principle,
and so to renounce all reformation brought in by it, or else,
if they stick to that principle, then to renounce the baptism of
children, and so the reformation begun will neither spread far
nor continue long."
Thomas Cobbet also writes on the same topic, and the manu- ¦
script, printed 1648, is much commended by Cotton, in a pref
ace of Norton's Answer to Apollonius.
The following observations are made by Baylie, of Glasgow :
" The common doctrine of New England is Ainsworth's tenet,
that the people alone have all the power, and may excommuni
cate, when there is cause, all their officers. Mr. Cotton the oth
er yeare did fall much from them and himselfe towards Johnson,
teaching that the whole power of authority is only in the offi
cers, and the people have nothing but the power of liberty to
concurre ; that the 'officers can do nothing without the people,
nor the people any thing but by the officers ; yet that both offi-

548 NORTON ANSWERS APOLLONIUS. [Mass.
cers and people, or any of them, have power to separate them
selves from all the rest when they finde cause." Having con
sidered the principles of church independency, as carried from
Holland to New England, he says, " These five last yeers, the
chief of that party, from Arnhem, Rotterdam, and New Eng
land, have kept their residence at London, to advance, by com
mon counsels and industry, their way, in these days of their
hopes." He charges upon them, that they have retarded the
Presbyterian reformation, so that " there is nothing at all set
up for the comfort of the afflicted kingdom."
December 4. The Westminster Assembly receive a petition
from Independents, inclusive of Baptists, asking that they
might not be forced to " communicate as members in those
parishes where they dwell, but may have liberty to have con
gregations of such persons who give good testimonies of their
godliness, and yet out of tenderness of conscience cannot com
municate in their parishes." The Assembly answer, "This
opened a gap for all sects to challenge such a liberty as their
due, and that this liberty was denied by the churches of New
England, and we have as just ground to deny it as they."
20. Richard Mather dates the preface to his Plea for ye
Churches of Christ in New England, divided into two Parts.
The former conteyning a Survey of Mr. W. R. his Book, inti
tuled A Narration of Church Courses in New England ; where
in the manifold Mistakes and Misreports conteined in the said
Narration are discovered, weighed, and answered. The other
conteyning positive Grounds from Scripture and Reason for Jus
tification of y Way of y said Churches. The plea advocates
the baptism of children, whose parents had been baptized when
infants, but were not members of the church in full communion.
This subject becomes increasingly discussed, and afterwards gave
rise to what is termed the half-way covenant. The work was
printed in London, 1646.
22. John Norton, of Ipswich, dates an address to William
Apollonius. It precedes his reply to this author, pastor of a
church at Middleburgh, who had written for the purpose of com
posing certain political and ecclesiastical controversies in Eng
land. The production of this worthy foreigner was sent hither
by direction of the divines of Zealand. Norton undertook the
work at the request of the Massachusetts elders. He composed
it in the Latin language, and it was the first book by a New
England writer, in this tongue, issued from the press. It was
printed in London, 1648, with the signatures of the clergy un
der the Bay jurisdiction, of the president and fellows of the
college, of Joseph Emerson at York, Samuel Stone of Hartford,
and John Miller at Yarmouth. Among its remarks, a few are

. CAUSES OF EMIGRATION. 549
selected : " Be it so, that we are in the utmost parts of the
earth ; we have only changed our climate, not our minds. We
have altered our place, that we might retain the faith without
alteration." If the question be asked, why " these churches
left their country, this it was, viz., that the ancient faith and
pure worship might be found inseparable companions in our
practice, and that our posterity might be undefiled in religion.
We neither strive for truth without seeking peace, nor pursue
peace with the loss of truth. We may call to mind the com
monly received distinction between fundamentals and non-funda
mentals, and that brotherly fellowship is not to be refused with
men peaceable and otherwise orthodox, for the sake of non-
fundamentals."

PLYMOUTH.
1644, March 5. Mr. North, or Captain North, who came over
this summer, gave out some speeches tending to sedition and
mutiny, and is now called before General Court. He acknowl
edges his offence to them. They order him to leave the colony
in a month or two, and in the mean while he is required to car
ry himself inoffensively.
April 6. Vassall writes to Mr. Cotton. He says that the
brethren with him intend to call Mr. Witherell, who had resid
ed at Charlestown and Cambridge, was a member of Duxbury
church, and was teacher of grammar by profession.
16. Elder Brewster* dies in his eighty-fourth year. In ad
dition to the particulars already given of him, a few others are
now presented. Called to support a large family and many de
pendants, after reaching Holland he became impoverished. So
situated, he opened a school in Leyden, for members of the
university and others. To aid his pupils in acquiring a knowl
edge of English, he made a grammar. He was also connected
with others in establishing a press for publications which favored
the Puritan cause. As a ruling elder of Robinson's church, he
was among the first settlers of Plymouth. Of the exceeding
hardships endured by the Pilgrims, he had his full share. For
fhe several periods in which the church were destitute of a pas
tor, he was their spiritual teacher and guide, except in the ad
ministration of baptism and the Lord's supper, the particular
duty of ordained preachers. He was remarkably temperate in
* Morton gives his death as in 1643. His wife appears to have died by May
22, 1627. His children were Jonathan, Patience, Fear, Love and Wrestling.

550 OPPOSERS TO LEAVE THE COLONY [Pltm.
his food and drink. During the scarcities of provision fre
quent in the colonies at their first settlement, when oysters and
clams were among the chief dishes of his table, he would bless
God that he and his family were " permitted to suck the abun
dance of the seas and of the treasures in the sand." Bradford
remarked of him, he " had done much and suffered much for
the Lord Jesus and the gospel's sake, and hath borne his part
in weal and woe with this persecuted church above thirty-six
years in England, Holland, and in this wilderness, and done
the Lord and them faithful, service in his place and calling."
The graces of Christian character shone eminently in his pri
vate and public deportment. He was one of the " lively
stones " which helped to form the basis of our country's best
privileges and enjoyments. Better be a Brewster, as to the
great end of life, than a Brutus, however renowned for his
learning, valor, and patriotism.
May. About this time John Mayo preaches at Barnstable,
where he continued till 1646, when he labored at Eastham.
29. Until the question be decided by the confederate com
missioners whether Seaconck belongs to Massachusetts or Plym
outh, the legislature of the former colony say it may be under
them, as it was in 1641. Samuel Newman, about the date head
ing this paragraph, who moved from Weymouth, commences
his ministry at Seaconck, which, the commissioners decide at
their session of September 9, falls within Plymouth patent.
June. The church of Plymouth order Nauset to be explored
and purchased of the Indian proprietors. Though they in
tended to move thither, they concluded to sell their right to
Governor Thomas Prince, Deacon John Doane, and others, be
ing " divers of the considerablest " among them. These pur
chasers settled the township afterwards known as Eastham,
and thus extended the bounds of their ecclesiastical privileges.
August. That opposers to their institutions may not gather
strength, the legislature require that all refusing to take the oath
of fidelity leave the jurisdiction.
This year, Sion's Virgins, or a form of catechism, on the doc
trine of baptism, by John Lothrop, is printed in London.
1645, March 3. The authorities, having been invited to unite
with the other confederate colonies in a general trade, remark
as follows : " We do thankfully acknowledge their love and re
spect to us therein, but we conceive such a disproportion in our
estates to theirs, and so many thousands required therein, the
which we are not able to reach unto, and withall are very doubt
ful whether it may conduce to such a general good, and answer
the ends which are expected ; we cannot concur . with the rest
of the governments to adventure an estate therein."

MASKS FORBIDDEN. • 551
1645.] March 28. We are told by Baylies, that among the persons
to whom allotments of land are made at Seaconck is Obadiah
Holmes. He came from Salem, and was originally from Pres
ton, Lancashire, England. He was conspicuous among the
Baptists. April. Considering Aquedneck within their limits, Plymouth
send a messenger to prevent its inhabitants from becoming sub
ject to the charter conferred on Roger Williams and others.
About this time, Vassall and the brethren with him, after
correspondence with various ministers, proceed to take steps for
the settlement of Witherell at Scituate, though contrary to
the advice of the clergy in the colony, and of the church at
Duxbury, who decline to dismiss and recommend Witherell.
In accord.mce with this* they receive notes from the churches
in their patent of the subsequent tenor : " The church of
Plymouth is of the same mind together with the elders, which
sent unto you, hoping, in charity, that you will desist upon it
from your present and intended proceedings ; but in case you
should go on, notwithstanding the advice given, the church of
Plymouth. shall question communion with you."
June 4. The legislature pass the subsequent order : " Where
as some abuses have formerly broken out amongst us, by dis
guising, wearing visors and strange apparel to lascivious ends
and purposes, it is therefore enacted, that if any person or per
sons shall hereafter use any such disguisements, visors, strange
apparel or the like, to such lascivious and evil ends and intents,
and be thereof convicted by due course of law, they shall pay
fifty shillings for the first offence, or else be publicly whipt ;
and for the second time, five pounds, or be publicly whipt, and
be bound to the behaviour, if the bench shall see cause."
July 1. The clergy assemble at Cambridge. The ministers
of this patent are among them.
September 2. William Witherell, who was of Cambridge in
1635, becomes pastor of the second church at Scituate. On the
same day, before the ordination, Josiah Winslow, who came to
assist on the occasion, presents a note from Marshfleld church,
though without effect, desiring that the service may be delayed
till Witherell satisfies Duxbury church for his sudden departure
from them. Vassall and others of the church answer the re
quest, that, in their view, their minister had tendered all satis
faction to them which should be reasonably required, but added,
that he was ready to submit the question between them.
November 24. Edward Winslow writes to Winthrop. He
relates that, at a late session of the legislature, an important or
der was proposed and entered. After several days, violent op
position was made to. have the order rejected. A compromise
look place, so that it was left to the next General Court. " The

552 PROPOSED TOLERATION REJECTED. [Me.
first excepter having been observed to tender the view of a
scroule from man to man, it came at length to be tendered to
myselfe, and withall, said he, it may be you will not like this.
Having read it, I told him I utterly abhorred it as such as
would make us odious to all Christian commonweales." This
document proposed " to allow and maintaine full and free tol-
eracon of religion to all men that would preserue the civill
peace and submit unto government, and there was no limitacon
or excepcon against Turke, Jew, Papist, Arrian, Socinian, Nich-
olayton, Familist, or any other, etc. But our governor and di
vers of us having expressed that sad consequences would follow,
especially myselfe and Mr. Prence, yet, notwithstanding, it was
required, according to order, to be voted. But the governor
would not suffer it to come to vote, as "being that indeed would
eate out the power of godliness, etc." He adds, " By this you
may see that all the troubles of New England are not at the
Massachusetts. The Lord in mercy looke upon us, and allay
this spirit of division that is creeping in amongst us." This,
with the late movement at the Bay, indicates that there was a
great increase of desire for toleration in the confederate colonies
for doctrines which differed from their common belief. Such an
advance was greatly encouraged by a similar demonstration in
the mother country. At the same time, it was conscientiously
deprecated by many of the first planters, as more for woe than
weal.

MAINE.

1644, March 1. Wheelwright gratefully acknowledges the
receipt of his pass. He remarks, " Notwithstanding my fail
ings, for which I humbly crave pardon, yet I cannot, with a good
conscience, condemn myself for such capital crimes, dangerous
revelations, and gross errours, as have been charged upon me."
Winthrop replied, that he thought it would be more favorable
for him to appear before the General Court himself than to em
ploy others to speak for him, and that an ingenuous statement
of his feelings and opinions on the subject would not prejudice
his cause. Though Wheelwright put off attendance on the
legislature at Boston, yet in their session, which began May 29,
they removed the order for his banishment.
23. Cotton remarked of him, " Neither the church nor my
self did ever look at him either as an Antinomian or Familist ; "
therefore, after his banishment, having an invitation to settle
with the people of Rhode Island, he said of them, " Whilst

NON-ADMISSION TO THE UNION. 553
1645.] °°
they pleaded for the covenant of grace, they took away the
grace of the covenant."
March 23. Cleaves, designated by Rigby, to govern Lygonia,
had landed at Boston. He, knowing that Richard Vines, the act
ing governor of Maine, would oppose the setting up of another
body politic in what he considered his jurisdiction, desired the
legislature of Massachusetts to address him on the subject ; but
they declined, and proposed Winthrop, who complied. To com
mence his administration, Cleaves summoned a court to meet at
Casco. In counteraction of this, Vines called another at Saco
on the same day. The former invited the latter to leave the
question, which of the two should rule, to the magistrates of
the Bay, until it should be decided by Parliament. But Vines
ordered the bearer of such a proposal to be imprisoned, and the
next day took a bond for his appearance and good behavior.
Immediately Cleaves and about twenty-nine others petitioned
the Massachusetts authorities for aid, and offer themselves for
admission to the colonial union. With regard to the last prop
osition, a reply was given, that the commissioners of the union
had a rule " not to receive any but such as were in a church
way, etc.," which implied a renunciation of Episcopacy.
April 24. A letter from the commissioners and others in the
jurisdiction of Sir F. Gorges was handed to Governor Win
throp, by Vines, relative to the difficulty between him and
Cleaves. October 8. As a means of quieting the apprehensions here
lest D'Aulnay should commit hostilities against the people, is a
treaty of peace between him and Massachusetts, with the pro
viso, that it meet the approval of the confederate commissioners.
1645, June 3. The magistrates of the Bay, as Hubbard
relates, sit as arbiters in the case of Cleaves and Vines as to ju
risdiction over Lygonia. The former of these two appeared by
an attorney, and the latter in person. The magistrates, for want
of sufficiently attested documents, decline to give judgment, and
advise the parties to remain peaceably till the proper authorities
of the nation shall decide.
August. A General Court, with Vines as the deputy govern
or, convene at Saco. They confirm the grant of land made to
John Wheelwright.
October 21. At their session for elections, they decide, as%in
Williamson, that as they had no recent communication from Sir
Ferdinando, their lord proprietor, they should continue their
government until they had instruction from the proper source.
The reason why Sir Ferdinando had sent no orders, was the dis
tracted condition of the kingdom through the effects of civil
war He had joined the royal forces. He was in Bristol, when
3 K 47

554 PRINCIPLES OF FAMILISM.
taken by the parliamentary forces, the preceding September 9,
and confined in prison. His earnest desire for the prosperity
of Maine, as an Episcopal province, was no more to be followed
with pertinent and energetic action.
Several are presented and fined for breach of the Sabbath.
Arthur Macworth and others depose, that they never gave
order to Mr. George Cleaves, of Casco, to prefer any petition
or any articles in Parliament against Mr. Richard Vines,
nor did they know any thing of it till George Cleaves did
last come from England. In this connection, it is stated,
that there was a commission from Parliament, dated April 28,
1643, directed to John Winthrop, to examine articles presented
by Cleaves against Vines.
This year, John Wheelwright, Jr., has an apology, published
in London, for the principal persons who had favored Mrs.
Hutchinson's opinions, though he does not approve of all these
opinions. He occupies the greater part of the pamphlet in fa
vor of his father, Rev. John Wheelwright. He endeavors to
show, from the concessions of Weld, that his father did not
adopt the main principles of his sister-in-law, Mrs. Hutchinson.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1644, April 20. The people of Dover allow several men to
use the fishery at " Cocheco Fall and River," on various condi
tions. Of these is, that " the first they catch to be employed
for the use of the church, and the first salmon they catch to be
given to our pastor or teacher."
May 29. The people of Exeter had taken steps to settle
Batchelor, who had been dismissed from Hampton, among them
in the ministry. Informed of this, the General Court of the
Bay order a notice for them, stating, " that their divisions were
such that they could not comfortably, and with approbation,
proceed in so weighty and sacred affairs," and therefore they
are required " to defer gathering a church till they or the
court at Ipswich, upon further satisfaction of their reconciliation
and fitness, should give allowance therefor."
November 12. The same authorities empower Samuel Dud
ley, preacher, and others, of Salisbury, to examine the difficul
ties between Batchelor and the people of Hampton.
1645, July 1. The ministers of this colony attend the synod
at Cambridge, who now commence their session.
October 1. The legislature of Massachusetts require Mr.

GORTONISTS LIBERATED. 555
1644.] Williams, of Piscataqua, to deliver up a negro slave, brought
from Guinea by officers of a Boston vessel, so that they may
send him back, with one or more others, at the charge of the
colony, and a letter, expressive of their great displeasure at
such barbarous conduct.

RHODE ISLAND.
1644, January 12. On hearing that Cotton applied part of a
sermon to. him, Gorton writes about it to John Green, ruling
elder of Charlestown. He says that he himself preached the
gospel not like " those idol shepherds of the church of Rome,
who cannot speak unto the people, but in a way of so much
study and care." He requests that he may " expresse the word
of the Lord in the public congregation freely, without interrup
tion, either on the Lord's day or the ordinary lecture." He
states that the passage he would take to discuss was " the sound
ing of the fifth trumpet, Rev. ix." His application was not
answered. February 6. As a gauge of public opinion, which prevailed
among the most prominent colonists, concerning him and his
followers, we have a quotation' from Emanuel Downing's letter
to Winthrop : "I fear the Lord is offended for sparing the lives
of Gorton and his. companions, for if they all be as busy as this
[Holden] at Salem, there will be much evil seed sown in the
country. I hope some of them will be brought to trial next
court for breach of their order ; and if yet you shall -spare them,
I shall fear a curse upon the land. The good Lord direct here
in to do what shall be pleasing in his sight."
March 7. Informed that the Gortonists spread their opinions
in the places where they were confined, the legislature at the
Bay pass the following requisition : " It is ordered that Samuel
Gorton and the rest of that company, who now stand confined,
shall be set at liberty, provided that if they, or any of them,
shall, after fourteen days after such enlargement, come within
any part of our jurisdiction, either in the Massachusetts, or in
or near Providence, or any of the lands of Pumham or Saco
nonoco, or elsewhere within our jurisdiction, then such person
or persons shall be apprehended wheresoever they may be taken
and shall suffer death by course of law ; provided also, that
during all their continuance in our bounds inhabiting for the
said time of fourteen days, they shall be still bound to the rest
of the articles of their former confinement, upon the penalty
therein expressed."

556 CHARTER FOR PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. [R. Is.
March 10. Thus freed from their confinement, Gorton and
several of his company had collected in Boston, and visited va
rious families. The governor, hearing of it, commands them
to leave the town before noon, lest they should propagate their
doctrines. 14.* The commissioners lately appointed by Parliament to
direct the general affairs of their American colonists grant a
charter to Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport, " to be known
by the name of the Incorporation of Providence Plantations in
the Narraganset Bay in New England." They observe of the
people in these towns, they " have adventured to make a nearer
neighborhood and society with the great body of the Narragan
setts, which may in time, by the blessing of God upon their en
deavours, lay a sure foundation of happiness in all America."
The document so conferred did not go into operation for over
three years. Such delay was probably caused by the counter
acting claims of Plymouth and Massachusetts, and especially
by the recent charter, which the last colony had received from
the same authorities in England, and which gave them the gov
ernment of the Narragansett country.
26. The Gortonists address a request from Rhode Island to
Winthrop, that he would state to them explicitly whether the
act for their banishment was meant to exclude them from
Shawomet. They say, " We resolve upon your answer with all
expedition, to wage law with you, and try to the uttermost what
right or interest you can show to lay claim either to our lands
or outlives."
April 1. The reply to them is, that they were shut out from
the territory of Pumham and Sacononoco, which included their
settlement. 19. Gorton and some of his friends having been invited to
confer with Pessicus, the successor of Miantonomo, and Canon-,
icus, and informed them that they looked to the state of Eng
land for redress, these chiefs submit themselves and their sub
jects to the same government, and appoint Gorton, Weeks,
Holden, and Warner to act as commissioners to execute such a
purpose. The evident intention of this policy is to counteract
the power of the United Colonies.
Gorton informs us, that " shortly after his returne unto his
family in the Nanhyganset Bay, some of the most eminent and
approved church members among them of Massachusetts "
wrote to him, and desired that he would expound to them
Psalm ex. He further states, thai they asked this of him,

* Callender and Staples make this date the 17th, but Mr. Savage makes it the
14th.

.„.., BAPTIST CHURCH COMMENCED. 557
1044. J
because Cotton, of Boston, had recently explained the same por
tion of Scripture, but not to their satisfaction, and they were
pleased. with his mode of opening the Bible to them while he
was confined at the Bay. Like Mrs. Hutchinson, he believed
that he spake from the heart, as the Spirit gave him utterance,
in relation to divine truth. With this view, he applied himself
to the task proposed. He performed the work in his usual
style. It shows his extensive acquaintance with scriptural pas
sages, and sometimes much original speculation, but still, in most
respects, darkens counsel by a multitude of words. Except to
the author's followers, its comments were visionary, and laid
him open to the suspicions of infidelity. Understanding that
the Memorial of Morton subsequently charged him as the re
jecter of a future state, he said, " I then affirm that your record
is fetched from him who is a lyar from the beginning, in that
you declare I have spoken words (or to that effect) that there is
no state nor condition of mankind after this life."
About this year, John Clark founds * the first Baptist church
at Newport, and preaches for them. The ecclesiastical order
which had existed here appears, for aught of any thing to the con
trary, to have been Congregational. William Hutchinson and
other settlers desired Wheelwright, his brother-in-law, to become
their minister ; but, not sympathizing entirely with them in doc
trine, he preferred a people at Exeter, New Hampshire. Un
der 1638, Winthrop states that Clark, a prominent inhabitant,
was a physician and preacher, the last profession being men
tioned, with no change in denomination. Callender said that
the same person " carried on a public worship, at the first com
ing, till they procured Mr. Lenthal." In 1639, the reply of
New England divines to those of Old England said that there
prevailed " Anabaptism at Providence and Familism at Aqued
neck." This type of religion is accompanied with no evidence
but that its form was the same as when ejected from the Bay.
Under this year, Winthrop says that they of Aquedneck
"gathered a church." In 1640, March 16, a committee of the
Boston church is appointed to visit their brethren at the Island,
and ascertain how they walked. In their report, and in what
Hull says at the last of this year, the professors of religion on
the Island considered themselves in the relation of a regular
church. Lechford, as previously stated, said, in 1641, that
there was a church at Newport, and Clark was its elder or min
ister, but that he had been told it was now dissolved. From
the latter half of 1640 to the former part of 1642, Lenthal, a
minister who had officiated at Weymouth, succeeded Clark, and
* Rev. John Conner's Manuscript History of the Baptists.
47*

558 BLOODY TENET ISSUED. rT, T
[R. Is.
taught scholars on the Island. From these facts, the persons
who become a Baptist church had considered themselves mem
bers of a Congregational church at Newport, though Winthrop
and the Boston church thought them irregular for admitting ex
communicated members.
Comer, in his account, says of the body so formed, " main
taining ye doctrine of efficacious grace, and professing y baptiz
ing of only visible believers upon personal profession, by a total
immersion in water, though yb first certain record of this hon
ourable and religious action bears date October 12, 1648, at
which time it consisted of twelve members in full communion,
who were probably the first members."
May 29. The General Court at the Bay order, that, as Pum
ham and Sacononoco and their friends and men are exposed to
" the bloody-mindedness of the Narragansetts," ten armed men
go and build them a strong house of palisades, and guard them,
the chiefs paying the expense.
They require that Richard Waterman, " found heretical and
obstinate," be detained prisoner till the Quarter Court of Sep
tember, unless five magistrates see cause to send him away. If
this occur, he is to be banished from their jurisdiction.
About this date, Roger Williams's " Blovdy Tenent of Per
secution for Cause of Conscience " is printed in London. It is
addressed to both houses of Parliament. It contains an argu
ment against punishment for religious opinions, which he wrote
soon after he left Salem, and which he sent to John Cotton,
as though it were from a prisoner at Newgate. It also con
tains the reply of Cotton, in which this divine took the ground
that religious error, maintained "with a boisterous and arrogant
spirit against the civil peace," should be punished, and re
marked, " I forbear adding reasons to justifie the truth, because
you may finde that done to your hand in a treatise, sent to some
of the brethren, late of Salem, who doubted as you doe."
It then proceeds to discuss the positions of Cotton at large,
" in a Conference between Truth and Peace." The latter part
of it examines and answers, the Model of Church and Civil
Power, which, Williams says, was "composed by Mr. Cotton
and the ministers of New England, and sent to the church at
Salem." June 20. The Gortonists, through John Warner, their secre
tary, write to the authorities of Massachusetts, and relate the
submission of the Narragansetts to the crown. They state that
they had recently seen a sachem of the Maukquogges, or Mo
hawks, a powerful nation, who declared that this people would
not suffer the Narragansetts to be molested without "wai-re
unto the uttermost." With such allies, the Gortonists appear to

,„,_. A CONCILIATORY LETTER. 559
164o.|feel that they are competent to resist any further attempts of
the United Colonies for their apprehension.
July. Though the Gortonists feel strong by their connection
with the Narragansetts, the people of the Island are " in great
fear of the Indians," and are much divided in sentiment.
September 9. The confederate commissioners pass the ensuing
resolve : " Some of the inhabitants of Roade Hand haueing in
timated a willingnes to be received into and vnder the gouern-
ment of one of the colonies, the commissioners, considering that
by an vtter refusall, they may, by the discords and diuisions
among themselues, be exposed to some greate inconvenyences,
and hopeing many of them may be reduced to a better frame by
gouernment, thought fitt that if the major part and such as haue
most interest in the Hand will absolutely and without reserva-
con submitt, either the Massachusetts or Plymouth may receive
them." 17. Winthrop states that Roger Williams, accompanied with
a few families, arrives in Boston. He brings a letter from sev
eral members of Parliament to leading men of the Bay. It de
sires that a free and friendly intercourse be cherished between
them, as " good men driven to the ends of the world, exercised
with the trials of a wilderness, and who mutually give good tes
timony of each other." It urges that this may be so " because
of those bad neighbours you are like to find too near unto you
in Virginia, and the unfriendly visits from the west of England
and from Ireland."
1645, April. Plymouth, according to Winthrop, send John
Brown to the Island for the purpose of preventing its subjection
to the late charter authority conferred on Roger Williams and
others, because the former colony claim it as within their pat
ent. In reference to this matter, Morton uses the subsequent
language : " So these having there seated themselves, and
finding that it was a very fruitful and pleasant place, they soon
drew many more unto them, not only to fill up that Island, but
have also seated two more towns on the main ; therein (as is
judged) incroaching upon the just rights of the aforesaid colony
of Plimouth, and have of late, through misinformation, obtained
a patent, not only for the places forementioned, but have also
extended it into the heart and bowels of the known and pos
sessed rights of the said colony, endeavoring to requite the
kindness as sometimes, it is said, the hedgehog did by the
friendly cony."
Massachusetts despatch a commissioner for the like purpose
with regard to their jurisdiction at Pawtuxet and Mishawomet.
May. Pumham and Sacononoco complain to the legislature of
the Bay, that Indians, who belong twenty miles off and are allies

560 PROFESSION OF THE COLONIES. m T
[R. Is.
of the Narragansetts in their present war with Uncas, have
planted on their land without permission. The authorities so
applied to issue orders immediately to employ means for the re
moval of such intruders.
June 22. Roger Williams addresses John Winthrop, Jr., at
" Pequit : " "I have seene divers papers (returning now yours
thankfully) which are snatcht from me againe. I have therefore
beene bold to send you the Medula and Magnolia Dei."
July. The Massachusetts Bay authorities send a message to
Benedict Arnold, that he require the sagamore of aggressors on
the land of Pumham and Sacononoco to depart with his people.
They write to the Narragansetts that they desist from war with
Uncas. August 19. The commissioners of the union, at their session
in Boston, give full reasons why they are about to engage in
hostihties with the latter nation. In connection with them,
tfiey express themselves as follows : " The most considerable
part of the English colonies professe they came into these parts
of the world with desire to advance the kingdome of the Lord
Jesus Christ, and to enjoy his precious ordinances with peace ;
and to his praise they confesse he hath not fayled their expec
tations hitherto. They have found safety, warmth, and refresh
ing vnder his winges to the satisfaccon of theire soules ; but
they know and haue considered that their Lord and Master is
King of righteousness and peace, that hee giues answerable
lawes, and casts his subjects into such a mould and frame, that
(in their weake measure) they may hold forth his vertues in
their course and carriage not onely with nations of Europe, but
with the barbarous natives of this wilderness." After relating
the causes of the rupture, they proceed: "It clearly appears
that God calls the colonies to warr. The Narrohiggansets and
confederates rest on their numbers, weapons, and opportunities
to do mischeefe, as probably as of ould Asher, Amalek, and the
Philistines with others, did confederate against Israeli. So Sa-
than may stir up and combyne many his instruments against the
churches of Christ ; but their Redeemer is the Lord of Hostes,
the mighty one in battaile : all the shields of the earth are in his
hands, he can save by few and by weake meanes, as by many
and great. In him they trust."
In their declaration, the commissioners say that Mr. Williams
had informed them that the towns of the Island had engaged
to the Narragansetts that they would remain neutral.
27. Perceiving that the United Colonies were preparing to
attack them, the Narragansetts and the Nyantick Indians make
a treaty of peace with their commissioners. This must have
been a disappointment to the Gortonists, who appear to have

FASTS EVERY MONTH. 561
1644.] OQ
assumed a bold front, because they trusted that such tribes
would be able to take and maintain strong ground against Mas
sachusetts and her confederates.
October 4. The place in Pumham's territory which had been
occupied by the Gortonists is granted by Massachusetts to
thirty-two persons, a large part of whom were from Braintree
church, for a settlement. When some of them went thither to
make preparation, Mr. Brown, a magistrate of Plymouth, forbade
them, as Winthrop states, to proceed, because the land was
claimed by that colony. This broke up the enterprise. The
case being afterwards submitted to the confederate commission
ers, they confirmed what they had decided on previously, that
the township being relinquished by Pumham to Massachusetts,
this colony had a right to grant it as they had.
Captain Partridge, lately from England, charged with notions
of Antinomianism and Familism, leaves the Bay, by order of
authorities there, and, with his wife and family, comes to the
Island.

CONNECTICUT.
1644, January 3. The Connecticut legislature pass the subse
quent order : " The Courte, taking the state of our natiue coun
try into consideration, haue ordered that there shall be monthly
a day of humiliation keept through the plantation, according to
the course of our neighbours of Newhauen, and to begin vppon
Wednesday, 10th of this month."
March. Of those who did much to advance the best welfare
of Connecticut, but did not long remain to participate in the
results of his exertions, is George Wyllys. Looking forward
on his course of obligation, he is called to enter on eternal
scenes. He was son of Richard, who lived at Fenny Compton,
Warwickshire. At Knapton, not of this county, he owned, as
Trumbull relates, an estate of five hundred pounds a year. He
sent over William Gibbons, his steward, in 1636, with twenty
men, to purchase and prepare a tract of land for him at Hart
ford, as his domicile. In 1638, he brought over his family.
He was elected a magistrate in 1639, deputy governor 1641,
and governor 1642. His object in exchanging an abode in his
native land for one of a new country, was the fuller enjoyment
of gospel privileges. He and his wife were remarkable for
their devotedness to the cause of Christ. They walked before
their household and the world as the expectants of a blessed
immortality. He left a son, Samuel, about twelve years of age,
3s

562 JUDICIARY PRINCIPLES. [Conn;
who graduated at Harvard, 1653, and became eminent in piety
and respectable in official rank.
April 3. Still apprehensive of attacks from Indians, New
Haven legislature make the ensuing regulation : " It is ordered
that the fourth part of the trayned band in every plantation
shall come to the worship of God at the beating of the second
drum at the fatherst, with their arms compleat, their guns
ready charged, with their match for their matchlocks, and flints
ready fitted in their firelocks, and shot and powder for at least
five or six charges, besides the charge in their guns, under the
penalty of two shillings fine for neglect or defect of furniture,
and one shilling for late coming ; and also the sentinels, or they
who walk the rounds, shall have their matches ' lighted during
the time of the meeting, if .they be matchlocks."
They also confirm their previous principles of judiciary in the
following terms : " It is ordered that the judicial lawes of God,
as they were delivered by Moses, ande as they are a fence to
the morall lawe, being neither typicall nor ceremoniall, nor had
any reference to Canaan, shall be accounted of moral equity,
ande generally binde all offenders, ande be a rule to all the
courts in this jurisdiction in their proceedings against offenders
till they be branched .out into particulars hereafter."
June 3. Matthew Allen complains to the General Court of
Connecticut, that the Hartford church had unjustly excommu
nicated him. He is required to prove his charge, " that the
church may give answer thereto."
In the course of this year, as Trumbull relates, the subse
quent changes occur. As Samuel Eaton, to whom Totoket was
granted in 1640, did not settle the place as expected, it is now
disposed of to William Swain and others, of Wethersfield.
These occu'py it, afterwards called Branford, on condition of
being subject to New Haven government. Their number is en
larged by Abraham Pierson and part of his church and congre
gation, from Southampton, on Long Island. A church is soon
organized there, and he becomas their pastor.
Richard Denton, having been minister, three or four years at
Stamford, moves to Hempstead, Long Island, where he contin
ues the duties of his profession.
The Stamford church, thus destitute, depute two of their
brethren to seek for another minister. So commissioned, they
visit Boston on foot. Here they meet with John Bishop from
England, who had not yet finished his studies. He engages to
go back with them as they came. Pie long officiated at Stam
ford. September 4. Ephraim Hewett, minister of Windsor, finishes
his temporal pilgrimage. That he was eminent for talent and

MEANS TO STAY ERROR. 563
1644.]
zeal in his Master's service is indicated by the words of John
son, in his Wonder-working Providence, —
" And Huet had his arguings strong and bright."
September 9. The commissioners of the confederation permit
Southampton, on Long Island, to be under Connecticut.
In compliance with a letter from Endicott of the 2d instant,
" and vpon a serious consideracon among themselues how the
spreading course of error might be stayed, and the truths where
in the churches of New England walke set upon their owne
firme and cleare foundacons, the commissioners propounded to
and receiued from the elders now present at Hartford as follow-
eth : Question. Whether the elders may not be intreated seri
ously to consider of some confession of doctrine and discipline
with solid ground to be approued by the churches, and pub
lished by consent (till further light) for the confirmeing the
weake among ourselues, and stopping the mouths of aduersaries
abroad. Answer. Wee who are here present in all thankfull-
nes acknowledg your Christian and religious care to further the
good of our churches and posterytie, and do readily entertaine
the motion, and shall use our best dilligence and indeavour to ac
quaint the rest of our breethren with y', and shall study to an-
swere your desires and expectacons assoone as God shall giue a
fitt season." This movement was promoted by the example of
the Westminster Assembly, and led to a call for the synod at
Cambridge. October 25. As Matthew Allen had not substantiated, before
the Connecticut legislature, his charge of unjust excommunica
tion by the Hartford church, the former body send him a vote
of such import, and their request that he would bring his reply
by the 27th of November, and answer for his neglect of their
instructions. The same authorities pass the ensuing orders : " It is agreed
that the propositions concerning the mayntenance of mynisters
made by the commissioners of the Vnited Collonies shall stand
as an order for this jurisdiction, to be executed where there shall
be cause. The proposition concerneing the mayntenance of the
scollers at Cambridge, made by the said commissioners, is con
firmed, and it is ordered that two men shal be appoynted in eu
ery towne within this jurisdiction, who shall demand what euery
family will give, and the same to be gathered and brought into
some roome, in March, and this to continue yearely as y* shalbe
considered by the commissioners."
November 11. Transactions of the General Court of New
Haven. " The proposition for the relief of poor scholars at the

564 SAYBROOK COLONY SOLD. rn
[Conn.
college at Cambridge was fully approved ; and thereupon it was
ordered that Josiah Attwater and William Davis shall receive
of every one in this plantation whose heart is willing to contrib
ute thereunto a peck of wheat or the value of it." As the
Court " did see cause to put forth their best endeavours to pro
cure a patent from Parliament, and therefore desired Mr. Greg-
son to undertake the voyage and business, and agreed to furnish
him with two hundred pounds, of which, in proportion to the
other plantations, New Haven is to pay one hundred and ten
pounds in good merchantable beaver."
December 5. According to previous negotiations, Fenwick
agrees that the territory and other public property, with the in
habitants, from Narragansett River to Fort Saybrook, shall be
under the jurisdiction of Connecticut, if they come into his
power. The stipulation, on his part, for such a surrender, is,
that for ten years he shall have the use of the buildings at
tached to the fort, and certain duties on corn, biscuit, beaver, and
cattle, "exported from the river's mouth." Thus an important
change occurs as to the country, whither the company of Lord
Say and Seal and others intended to send emigrants to plant it,
and bless its population with the influences of the gospel.
1645, March 30. General 'Court of New Haven make orders
for the artillery company at New Haven. One of them is as
follows : " That once a upon the fourth day of the week
after the lecture is ended, the company exercise themselves in a
military way, for increase of their skill and activity against times
of service. And for this exercise, the first drum to beat at the
going out from the lecture, and the second drum one hour after,
and that, at every such exercise, every one of the company be
present upon the market place and answer at the call of his
name, and bring with him his musket and all other arms ap
pointed for such exercise."
June 2. Thomas Peters, in a consolatory letter to Winthrop,
of the Bay, says, " We have all need of patience. As tribu
lation hammers this piece of spiritual armour out for a shirt of
mail and armour of proof to the saints, so it is accompanied
with experience sweet and manifold."
20. A council of war is appointed by New Haven legislature to
prepare for aiding Uncas against the Narragansetts. On the 26th,
Zechariah Whitman is ordained teacher of the Milford church.
July 1. Among the members of the synod at Cambridge are
the clergymen of Connecticut and New Haven colonies. Dur
ing its session, Davenport is advised to have his work,* known
* Rev. Nathaniel Mather, in a preface to this book in 1672, says that it perished
" in the wide waves, with some other excellent manuscripts and precious Chris
tians.'

REPLY OF DAVENPORT TO PAGET. 565
1645.]
as the Power of Congregational Churches, sent to England,
and there printed for circulation. The same is done with re
gard to Hooker's Survey of the Summe of Church Discipline.
This was in reply to Mr. Rutherford.
That of Davenport was in answer to a treatise of J. Paget,
" intituled the Defence of Church Government exercised in
Classes and Synods." It was divided into two parts. 1. The
constitution of particular visible churches. 2. The privileges
and power given to such churches. In the discussion of these
two heads, the author agreed with previous treatises on ecclesi
astical order, composed by ministers of New England, and pub
hshed in the mother country.
These two works, having been lost in the first attempt to send
them across the Atlantic, were rewritten and printed in London.
Though the first sheets of Hooker perished in the ocean, the
copy of them agreed with the ideas developed before the synod.
Hence the volume containing the latter presents us with the
thoughts expressed in that body on topics which they considered
as of great moment. For this reason, the ensuing extracts are
given. In his preface he mentions a topic which most received
the attention and debates of those interested in church govern
ment, both here and in England. " Whether all ecclesiastical
power be impaled, impropriated, and rightly taken into the pres-
byterie alone, or that the people of the particular churches
should come in for a share according to their places and pro
portions, this is left as the subject of the inquiry of this age,
and that which occasions thoughts of heart on all hands."
Mr. Hooker says that he allows several points for which Mr.
Rutherford contends. Among them are the following : " Scan
dalous persons are not fit to be members of a visible church,
nor should be admitted. The faithfull congregations in Eng
land are true churches ; and therefore it is sinful to separate
from them as no churches. The members which come com
mended from such churches to ours here, so that it doth appear
to the judgement of the church whence they come, that they
are by them approved and not scandalous, they ought to be re
ceived to church communion with us, as members of other
churches with us in New England in like case so commended
and approved. To separate from congregations for want of
some ordinances, or to separate from the true worship of God
because of the sin of some worshippers, is unlawfull. Infants
of visible churches, born of wicked parents, being members of
the church, ought to be baptized." Not only did Mr. Hooker,
but also the other ministers of New England, agree to these po
sitions. The two last have been occasionally discussed in our
country ever since his day. 48

566 ORDINATION AT LARGE DENIED. [Conn.
Mr. Hooker proceeds to mention other principles of our ec
clesiastical polity : " If the reader shall demand how far this
way of church proceeding receives approbation by any common
concurrence amongst us, I shall plainly and punctually expresse
myself in a word of truth, in these following points, viz. : Visi
ble saints are the only true and meet matter whereof a visi
ble church should be gathered, and confederation is the form.
The church, as totum essentiale, is, and may be, before officers.
There is no presbyteriall church (i. e., a church made up of the
elders of many congregations, appointed classicwise, to rule all
those congregations) in the New Testament. A church con-
gregationall is the first subject of the keys. Each congregation,
compleatly constituted of all officers, hath sufficient power in
herself to exercise the power of the keyes, and all church dis
ciplines, in all the censures thereof. Ordination is not before
election. There ought to be no ordination at large, namely,
such as should make him a pastour without a people. The
election of the people hath an instrumental causall vertue
under Christ to give an outward call unto an officer. Ordi
nation is only a solemn installing of an officer in the office
unto which he was formerly called. Children of such, who are
members of congregations, ought only to be baptized. The
consent of the people gives a causall vertue to the compleating
of the sentence of excommunication. Whilst the church re
mains a true church of Christ, it doth not loose this power, nor
can it lawfully be taken away. Consociation of churches should
be used as occasion doth require. Such consociations and syn
ods have allowance to counsell and admonish other churches,
as the case may require. And if they grow obstinate in errour
or sinfull miscarriages, they should renounce the right hand of
fellowship with them. But they have no power to excommuni
cate, nor do their constitutions binde formaliter et juridice. In
all these I have leave to professe the joint judgement of all the
elders upon the river ; of New Haven, Guilford, Milford, Strat
ford, Fairfield, and of most of the elders of the churches in the
Bay, to whom I did send in particular, and did receive appro
bation from them under their hands. Of the rest (to whom I
could not send) I cannot so affirm ; but this I can say, that at a
common meeting I was desired by them all to publish what
now I do."
From terms used in the preceding positions, it is evident that
Mr. Hooker and his brethren of the synod, who requested the
publication of his book, understood church and congregation as
synonymous, and embracing no others than professors of 'reli
gion. In assigning his reason for the discussion of these topic*,
Mr. Hooker observes, " I can professe in a word of truth, that,

SEALS NOT DISPENSED ABROAD. 567
1645.]
against mine own inclination and affection, I was haled by im
portunity to this so hard a task, to kindle my rush candle, to
joyn with the light of others, at least to occasion them to set up
their lamps."
Besides the officers of the church, as pastors, teachers, ruling
elders, and deacons, Mr. Hooker enumerates widows, whose
duty was to visit the sick. He denied that synods had any
more than advisory power, and that they might be called by
civil government as well as by churches.
October 22. Fenwick, in a letter to William Leete, by which
he grants land to Rev. Henry Whitfield and the other inhab
itants of Guilford, remarks, "Rowling stones gather no mosse
in these times, and from our conditions now we are not to ex
pect great thinges. Small thinges, nay, moderate thinges, should
content us. A warm fireside and a peaceable habitation, .with
the chief of mercyes, the gospel of peace, is no ordinary
mercy." November 4. " Mr. Leech being complayned of for not
bringing his arms on the Lord's day, his answer was, that his
man brings his arms for him, which was satisfying."
6. As Hooker believed it incorrect for a minister to baptize
and administer the sacrament out of his own church, as stated
in Part II. p. 65 of his Survey of Church Discipline, he had
desired the elders of Massachusetts to give him their opin
ions. Accordingly a reply is prepared by Richard Mather,
who took different ground.
December 22. The questions of William Apollonius, for
softening down the collisions of opinion in England as to po
litical and religious concerns, communicated by the clergy of
Zealand to Massachusetts, had been also, about this date, sent
to the ministers * of New Haven and Connecticut. These nom
inated Davenport to draw up a reply, which he did with much
acceptance, as Norton did for those of the Bay.
* Rev. Samuel Mather's Apology.

CHAPTER XVI.
Massachusetts. Baptists. — Hobart arraigned. — Cotton. — John Oliver. —
The king. — Election sermon. — Salisbury. — Synod. — New London. —
Thomas Peters. — Child and others. — Winslow and Johnson. — Township
for Indians. — Mrs. Bowditch. — Nathaniel White. — Synod. — Lecture. — Gor
tonists. — Confederate commissioners. — Poor scholars. — Special providences.
— French negotiator. — Mohawks. — Hiacomes. — Idols. — Powows. — Gor
tonists. — Child and others. — Preaching to Indians. — Return of slaves to
Guinea. — Township for Indians. — New England's Jonas. — Scholars. —
Blasphemy. — Powowing. — Winslow. — Heresy. — Seekers. — Wanton gospel-
er. — Indian subjects. — Missionaries. — Union. — Advice of elders. — War
wick. — Reply of elders. — -The charter paramount. — Child and his associates
arraigned. — Powow. — Gortonists. — General governor. — T. Peters. — Math
er's reply. — Bulkley's Gospel Covenant. — Symond's letter. — Synod. — Mav
erick and Clark. — Strangers. — Feuwick's letter. — Freemen. — Trials for the
churches expected. — Appeals. — Courts for Indians. — Eliot's labors. — Jesu
its. — Child. — Indian youth. — Synod. — Sermon of Rogers. — Long hair. —
Non-freemen. — Mrs. Winthrop. — Nathaniel Mather. — Nathaniel Ward. —
Sermon at marriages. — Henry Waiver. — John Birden. — Publications. —
Toleration. — Singing psalms. — Bible in schools. — Papacy. — -Dand. — Par
sonages. — Indians. — Opposition to the gospel. Plymouth. Vassal. —
Mayo. — Liberties. — Winslow. — Bradford of the synod. — Yarmouth. —
Christianity formerly heard by Indians. — French preacher. Maine. Lygo
nia. — Colony of Gorges. — Vines. — Parties. — Papal missionaries. — Wheel
wright. — Lady La Tour captive ; soon dies. New Hampshire. Hampton-
— Parker. — Dover and Strawberry Bank. — Lord Say. — Wheelwright.
Rhode Island. Smith. — Jane Hawkins. — Gorton and others obtain a pass
through Massachusetts. — Narragansett and Nyantick sachems. — Discord at
the Island. — Shawomet. — Government. — Allowance to Williams. — Laws.
— Witchcraft. — Canonicus. — Warwick. — Divisions at Providence. — Gor
ton's Key. Connecticut. Ship lost. — College. — Saybrook. — Removing.
— Pillory. — Blasphemy. — Synod. — Indian plot. — Presbyterians — Weld's
publications. — Anabaptists. — Sabbath. — Ball's defence. — Dutch. — Thomas
Peters. — Eaton. — Fenwick. — College corn. — Guard. — Hooker. — Stoning-
ton. — Church discipline. MASSACHUSETTS.
1646, February 18. William Witter, of Lynn, is presented
before the Essex Quarterly Court, " for saying that they who
stayed while a childe is baptized doe worshipp the dy vill ; also,
Henry Collense and Martha West, deling with him about the for
mer speeche, speaks to him after this manner : that they who
stayed at the baptising of a childe did take the name of the
Father, Sonn, and Holly Ghost in vain, and broke the Saboth,
(and confesseth and justifieth his former speech.) Sentence of
(568)

DISCUSSIONS ON THE SABBATH. 569
1646.]
court is an injunction, next Lord's day being faire, that he
make a publique confession, to satisfaction, in the open congre
gation at Lyn, or else to censure at the next General Court.
And concerning his opinion, the court hath yet patience toward
him, till they see if he be obstinate, and only admonish him."
February 19. John Wood is arraigned before the same au
thorities, for professing Anabaptist sentiments and withholding
his children from baptism.
March 18. The marshal waits on Hobart, of Hingham, for
his fine. The latter declares the warrant illegal, because not
issued in his majesty's name, says that he has sent to his friends
in- England, and expects an answer soon, and therefore declines
to satisfy the demand of the officer.
26. For such neglect and encouraging some of his people to
rescue from the marshal what he had attached for his own and
others' fines, Hobart is arraigned before the Court of Assist
ants. April 3. John Cotton writes an argument to Thomas Shepard
to prove that the first day of the week, and not the seventh,
should be observed as the Christian Sabbath. This subject was
much discussed by New England ministers against objectors.
12. John,* son of Elder Thomas Oliver, of Boston, dies in
his thirtieth year. He left three children and a wife, Elizabeth,
daughter of John Newgate, and subsequently married to Ed
ward Jackson. He was admitted freeman 1640, and had a fair
prospect of advancement as a layman. But the call for minis
ters being loud, and feeling an obligation to hear it personally,
he consecrated himself to preach the gospel. He graduated at
Harvard 1645. As a candidate for the office of a spiritual
guide, he " was become very hopeful that way, being a good
scholar, and of able gifts otherwise, and had exercised publicly
for two years."
May 5. As an act which led Congregationalists of both Eng-
lands to apprehend that their order of ecclesiastical government
would be greatly depressed, the king places himself under the
protection of the Scots, who appeared to prefer that he should
reign with restrictions rather than their Presbyterianism should
not be the national platform.
6. The election sermon is preached by Mr. Norris. A com
mittee are appointed to consider the petition of some at Salisbury
to be a distinct church. On the 13th, supposing that more legal
restrictions were called for to " Anabaptists and other erroneous
persons," seventy-eight freemen of Dorchester, Roxbury, etc.,
* John Hull's diary says he died the 11th of April. Elder Oliver was a doc
tor.
3t 48*

570 PETITION AGAINST ERRORS. [Mass.
lay the subsequent petition before the legislature : " As the
prevaylinge of errors and heresies is noted by our Saviour in
the gospel, and elsewhere in the Scriptures, as a forerunner of
God's judgments, and inasmuch as the errors of the Anabap
tists, where they do prevayle, are not a litle dangerous to church
and commonwealth, as the lamentable tumults in Germany,
when the said errors were grown unto a height, did too mani-
festlie witnesse, and such good lawes or orders as are enacted
amongst vs against such persons havinge alreadie bene, as wee
are informed, a special meanes of discouraginge multitudes of
erroneous persons from comminge over into this countrie, which
wee account noe small mercie of God vnto vs, and one sweet
and wholesome fruite of the sayd lawes, it is therefore our
humble petition to this honoured court, that such lawes or or
ders as are in force amongst vs against Anabaptists or other er
roneous persons, whereby to restraine the spreadinge and divul-
ginge of theire errors amongst people here, may not be abrogated
and taken away, nor any waies weakened, but may still continue
in their force as now they are, that soe there may not be a dore
open for such dangerous errors to infect and spread in this coun
try as some doe desire. And soe yr petitioners shalbe ever
bound to pray for" the spirit of wisdom and zeale to guide you
in all your weighty affayres, and the gracious blessing of God
through Christ to be vppon you therein." One inducement for
the presentation of this paper was to counteract the petition to
the General Court at their last October session.
May 15. Believing it necessary for a synod of churches in
the United Colonies to assemble, consult, and recommend such
rules of ecclesiastical order as they deem best, the General
Court give their reasons for such a convention, and request that
it may be held. Their language on this occasion follows :
" The right form of church government and discipline being
agreed part of the kingdom of Christ upon earth, therefore the
settling and establishing thereof by the joint and public agree
ment and consent of churches, and by the sanction of civil au
thority, must needs greatly conduce to the honor and glory of
our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the settling and safety of church
and commonwealth, where such a duty is duly attended and per
formed ; and inasmuch as times of public peace (which, by the
mercy of God, are vouchsafed to these plantations ; but how
long the same may continue we do not know) are much more
commodious for the effecting of such a work than those
troublesome times of war and of public disturbances, as the
example of our dear native country doth witness at this clay,
where, by reason of the public commotions and troubles in the
state, the reformation of religion and the establishing of the

REASONS FOR A SYNOD. 571
1646.]
same is greatly retarded, and at the best cannot be perfected
without much difficulty and danger ; and whereas divers of our
Christian countrymen and friends in England, both of the min
istry and others, considering the state of things in this country
in regard of our peace and otherwise, have sundry times, out
of their brotherly faithfulness, and love, and care of our well
doing, earnestly, by letters from thence, solicited and called upon
us, that we would not neglect the opportunity, which God hath
put in our hands for the effecting of so glorious and good a
work as is mentioned, whose advertisements are not to be passed
over without due regard had thereunto ; and considering, with
all, that through want of the thing here spoken of, some differ
ences of opinion and practice of one church from another do
already appear amongst us, and others (if not timely prevented)
are like speedily to ensue, and this not only in less things, but
even in points of no small consequence, and very material ; to
.instance in no more, but only those about baptism and the per
sons to be received thereto, in which one particular the appre
hensions of many persons in the country are known not a little
to differ, for, whereas in most churches the ministers do bap
tize only such children whose nearest parents, one or both of
them, are settled members in full communion with one or other
of these churches, there be some who do baptize the children,
if the grandfather or grandmother be such members, though the
immediate parents be not. And others, though for avoiding
offence of neighbor churches, they do not as yet so actually prac
tise, yet they do much incline thereto, as thinking the more lib
erty and latitude in this point ought to be yielded, than hath
hitherto bee- done, and many persons, living in the country,
who have been members of the congregations in England, but
are not found fit to be received at the Lord's table here, there
be notwithstanding considerable persons in .these churches who
do think that the children of these also, upon some conditions
and terms, may and ought to be baptized likewise. On the
other side, there be some amongst us who do think that, what
ever be the state of the parents, baptism ought not to be dis
pensed to any infants whatsoever ; which various apprehensions
bein°- seconded with practices according thereto, as in part they
already are, and are like to be more, must needs (if not timely
remedied) beget such differences as will be dispjeasing to the
Lord, offensive to others, and dangerous to ourselves. There
fore, for the further healing and preventing of the further
growth of the said differences, and upon other grounds and for
the ends aforementioned, although this court make no ques
tion of their lawful power by the word of God to assemble the
churches or their messengers, upon occasion of counsel for any

572 CHARGES OF ELDERS AND MESSENGERS.
I J-VLASS-
thing which may concern the practice of the churches, yet be
cause all members of the churches (though godly and faithful)
are not yet clearly satisfied in this point, it is therefore thought
expedient for the present occasion, not to make use of that pow
er, but rather to express our desire that the churches will an
swer the desire of this present General Court that there be a
public assembly of the elders and other messengers of the seve-
eral churches within this jurisdiction, who may come together and
meet at Cambridge upon the first day of September, now next
ensuing, there to discuss, dispute, and clear up, by the word of
God, such questions of church government and discipline in the
things aforementioned, or any other, as they shall think needful
and meet, and to continue so doing till they, or the major part
of them, shall have agreed and consented upon one form of
government and discipline for the main and substantial parts
thereof, as that which they judge agreeable to the Holy Scrip
tures, which work, if it be found greater than can be well dis- _
patched and ended at one meeting or session of the said assem
bly, they may then, as occasion and need shall require, make
two sessions or more for the finishing of the same ; and what
they shall agree upon, they shall exhibit the same in writing to
the governor or deputy governor for the time being, who shall
present the same to the General Court then next ensuing, to
the end that the same being found agreeable to the word of
God, it may receive from the said General Court such approba
tion as is meet, that the Lord, being thus acknowledged by
church and state to be our Judge and Lawgiver, and our King,
he may be graciously pleased still to save us, as hitherto he hath
done, and glory may still dwell in our land, truth and peace
may still abide in these churches and plantations, and our pos
terity may not so easily decline from the good way, when they
shall receive the same thus publicly and solemnly commended
to them, but may rather add to such beginnings of reformation
and purity as we in our times have endeavored after ; and so
the churches in New England may be Jehovah's people, and he
may be to us a God from generation to generation. And as for
the cost and charges of said assembly, it is thought meet, just,
and equal, that those churches who shall think meet to send
the elders and messengers shall take such care, as that, during
their attendance at the said assembly, they may be provided for
as is meet, and what strangers or others shall, for their own ed
ification, be present at the assembly, they to provide for them
selves and bear their own- charge. And forasmuch as the plan
tations within the jurisdictions of Plymouth, Connecticut, and
New Haven are combined and united with the plantations with
in Massachusetts, in the same civil combination and confederacy,

.„,„, OBJECTIONS TO THE SYNOD. 573
1646.]it is therefore ordered and agreed, that the churches within
the said jurisdictions shall be requested to send their elders
and messengers to the assembly aforementioned, for which end
the secretary for the time being shall send a sufficient num
ber of copies of this present order or declaration unto the elders
of the churches within the jurisdictions aforementioned, or unto
the governor or governors, commissioner or commissioners, for
the said confederate jurisdictions respectively, that so these
churches, having timely notice hereof, may the better provide
to send their elders and messengers to the assembly, who, being
so sent, shall be received as parts and members thereof, and
shall have liberty and power of disputing and voting therein as
shall the elders and messengers of the churches within the ju
risdiction of the Massachusetts."
May 19. " The magistrates not being satisfied in the altera
tion of the bill about the synode or Generall Assembly, in the
point of the power of this court in such cases, it being generally
maintayned by all Protestant writers, that the civil magistrate
hath power in such cases, and the word of God approving the
same throughout the Old Testament in many parallel cases, and
no where contradicting it in the New, they think it expedient
(with reference to their concurrence herein) that such of the el
ders as shalbe at Boston the next Lord's day may be consulted
with herein, in the presence of the whole court." The house
choose a committee " to treate with our honnored magistrates
about this retourne." Winthrop says that the deputies made
the following objections : " First. Because therein the civil au
thority did require the churches to send their messengers to it,
(the synod) and divers among them were not satisfied of any
such power given by Christ to the civil magistrates over the
churches in such cases. Secondly. Whereas the main end of
the synod was propounded to be an agreement upon one uni
form practice in all the churches, the same to be commended
to the General Court, etc., this seemed to give power either to
the synod or the court to compel the churches to practise what
should so be established. To these it was answered, 1. That
the civil magistrate had power upon just occasion to require the
churches to send their messengers to advise in such ecclesiasti
cal matters, either of doctrine or discipline, as the magistrate
was bound by God to maintaine the churches purity and truth
in, (which was assented unto.) 2. That the end of the synod
was not to proceed by way of power, but only of counsel from
the word of God, and the court was at liberty either to establish
or disannul such agreement of the synod as they shall see cause,
which could put no more power into the court's hands than it
had by the word of God and our own laws and liberties estab-

574 REMONSTRANCE OF CHILD AND OTHERS. [Mass.
lished in that case. Whereupon it was ordered, that howsoever
the civil magistrate had authority to call a synod when they
saw it needful, yet in tender respect of such as were not yet
fully satisfied in that point, the ensuing synod should be con
vened by way of motion only to the churches, and not by any
words of command." Here we have another marked expres
sion of the popular wish to have the church treated and consid
ered as independent of civil power, and also for ecclesiastical
councils to be accounted as advisory, and not commandatory.
In the portion of the territory conquered from the Pequods,
and assigned to Massachusetts, John Winthrop, Jr., and others
had recently begun a plantation, afterwards known as New
London. Thomas Peters is among the settlers there.
A remonstrance and petition of Dr. Robert Child, Thom
as Burton, John Smith, Thomas Fowle, David Yale, Samuel
Maverick, and John Dand is laid before the legislature. In
this document, they reviewed what they construed as grievances
on themselves and others, who were unwilling to comply with
the conditions of freemanship, and still wished for all its privi
leges. They advance in it three principal charges. One is, that
Massachusetts did not acknowledge the fundamental laws of
England as the basis of their government, but their own patent ;
another, that the civil enjoyments of the jurisdiction are but
partially extended to persons who cannot conscientiously unite
with their churches ; third, that members of the Episcopal
church are denied Christian ordinances in the Congregational
churches here, because not united with them. They remark,
that " they are compelled, under severe fine, every Lord's day
to appear at the congregation, and notice is taken of such who
stay not till baptism be administered to other men's children,
though denyed to their owne." They complain of being forced,
in some places, to aid in maintaining ministers, who " decline re
ceiving them to their own churches." Then they present their
inductions. " Whence, as we conceive, doe abound an ocean
of inconveniences, dishonor to God and to his ordinances, little
profit by the ministry, increase of Anabaptisme, and those that
totally cdntemne all ordinances as vaine, fading of Christian
graces, decrease of brotherly love, heresies, schismes, etc. — the
whole body of the members of the church of England, like
sheep scattered in the wilderness, without a shepherd, in a for
lorn condition. We, therefore, humbly intreat you to give lib
erty to the members of the church of England not scandalous
in their lives and conversation, (as members of these churches,)
to be taken into your congregations, and to enjoy with you all
those liberties and ordinances Christ hath purchased, and into
whose name they are baptized ; or otherwise to grant liberty to

COURSE OF THE REMONSTRANTS. 575
settle themselves here in a church way, according to the best
reformations of England and Scotland ; if not, we and they shall
be necessitated to apply our humble desires to the honourable
House of Parliament, who, we hope, will take our sad condition
into their serious considerations, to provide able ministers for
us, or else, out of their charity, many estates being wasted, to
transport us to some other place, where we may live like Chris
tians, and not be accounted burthens, but serviceable both to
church and state." This was a difficult matter for the au
thorities to settle. The petitioners well knew, that as Parlia
ment were favorable to a Presbyterian form of government for
the church of England and Scotland, and had appointed com
missioners for the general supervision of New England, they
might hope, in case of an appeal from the General Court, to
succeed in their plan for fuller toleration. With considerations
like these, the legislature waved a reply, and laid the subject on
the table for their next session.
No sooner had Child and his supporters presented their peti
tion, than they forwarded copies of it to all who were disaffect
ed with the civil and religious order of the United Colonies,
whether residing in them or in New Netherland, Virginia, and
Bermuda. The Salamander of Winslow, containing this fact,
also holds the subsequent language in relation to the remon
strants : " They goe about to perswade the people that all the
priviledges granted and confirmed under the broad seale of the
governour and company of the Massachusetts belong to all free
borne Englishmen, which contrariwise belong onely to the said
governour and company, and such as they thinke meet to re
ceive." Through an incorrect appreciation of the two ideas
developed in this remark, by a wrong supposition that the for
mer was true, and not the latter, many a severe censure has been'
passed on the political and religious administration of our fa
thers, which they never deserved. In carrying out the represen
tation of such a mistake more at large, the same authority ob
serves, " The thing they would have is, that any Englishman
may, nolens volens, take his habitation in any government, be as
free as the best, thus breaking all order, charter, and peace of
societies. For if he be English borne (by their principles) no
government may refuse him, be he never so pestilent, whether
Jesuit or worse."
Johnson remarks about the remonstrants, " The matter they
petitioned for was a bottom to build their quarrel upon, under
the name of a Presbyterian government ; and this they supposed
would suit well with their bill of complaint, which they intend
ed for England ; not that they cared for a Presbyterian church."
As an indication of the progress which the sentiments of the

576 TOWNSHIP FOR CHRISTIAN INDIANS. [Mass.
petitions offered to the Plymouth and Massachusetts legislatures
had made, a law was ready to pass here, allowing men who had
joined no Congregational church equal privilege with those who
had, in all town concerns. Such an act, however, was put off,
because it had a bearing on the application of Child and his as
sociates. The latter document became the theme of public discourse.
The magistrates and elders, for the most part, held up its con
tents as perilously calculated to let loose upon society the dis
cordant and desolating elements of sedition.
May 26. A manuscript of this date,* and supposed to have
been composed by Richard Mather, contains a reply to nine rea
sons of John Spilsbery, for proving that infants should not be
baptized. June 2. In the case of Mr. Hobart, of Hingham, the jury
bring in a verdict, that, having found him " to be evil affected
to the government here established," to have uttered " divers
speeches tending to sedition and contempt of government, con
trary to the law of God and peace and welfare of the country,"
he be fined twenty pounds, bound for good behavior in forty
pounds, and appear at the next Court of the Assistants. Bel-
lingham and Bradstreet dissented from such a decision. Ho
bart, of course, with his views, considered himself greatly ag
grieved. 6. As an event soon heard by the colonists with no feelings
of indifference, the Lords of Parliament confirm an act, passed
by the House, March 14, for adopting Presbyterianism as the
national form of religion. Neal, who gives this information,
tells us that the Presbyterians were at the height of their pow
er in England, though they had not reached the top stone of
their aim, because Parliament still held a restraint upon them.
Bishop Kennet remarks on such a law, " As things stood, no
body was pleased. The Episcopalians and Independents were
excluded ; and because Parliament would not give the several
presbyteries an absolute power over their communicants, but
reserved the last appeal to themselves, neither Scots nor Eng
lish Presbyterians would accept it."
9. General Court of Massachusetts appoint a committee to
negotiate for a parcel of land, such as they and the Rev.
Messrs. Shepard, Allin, and Eliot shall think fit for a town
where Indians "may live in an orderly way." The great ob
ject of this movement was to bring such people under circum
stances more favorable for the reception of the gospel.
August 4. The wife of William Bowditch, of Salem, is pre
sented for withdrawing from the ordinance of baptism.
* In the American Antiquarian Society's Collections,

APPOINTMENT OF THE SYNOD QUESTIONED. 577
1646.] This year, Nathaniel White takes his first degree at Harvard.
He became pastor of a church at Bermuda, whence he and his
people were exiled to Bigothea or Elutheria. Here he, with
others, as a committee, writes, in 1650, a letter of thanks to
New England churches for donations sent them, to supply their
necessities. A daughter of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, as Winthrop says, is
returned to her friends in Boston, after a captivity of four years
among the Indians who had killed her mother and others. She,
being now twelve years old, was thus freed from her captors,
though lothfully on her part, by the Dutch governor of Minha-
does, to whom they delivered her on the treaty of peace. The
child so restored was, as Mr. Savage concludes, Susanna, who,
in 1651, married John Cole, of Boston.
In relation to various facts concerning the synod, we have in
formation from Winthrop. As the time for such a convention
approached, an order of the Massachusetts legislature propound
ed it to the churches of the confederation. Boston and Salem
churches at first declined to appoint delegates for such a body.
They objected because they supposed that, virtually, it " was
appointed by the elders, to the intent to make ecclesiastical laws
to bind the churches, and to have the sanction of civil authority
put upon them, whereby men should be forced, under penalty,
to submit to them ; whereupon they concluded that they should
betray the liberty of the churches if they should consent to
such a synod." The principal holders of this opinion had re
cently come from England, and brought thence the spirit which
prevailed there, among all denominations of Independents, for
throwing off legal restrictions with regard to ecclesiastical mat
ters. The commissioners had ordered the West India planta
tions and Somers's Islands, under their supervision, to allow
" liberty of conscience," and " had by letters intimated the
same " to the New England colonies.
It was argued by those who believed that the liberties or laws
of the colony empowered the elders to call a synod, without
leave from the civil authorities, that the latter had no right to
concern themselves in the matter. The reply was, that the el
ders were only so privileged " in case of extremity, if, in time
to come, the civil authority should either grow opposite to
the churches, or neglect the care of them, and not with any in
tent to practise the same, while the civil authority were nursing
fathers to the churches." The objectors stated, that, according
to report, the proposal for a synod came from the clergy, and
not from the legislature. The answer was, that " it was not for
the churches to inquire what or who gave the court occasion to
call the synod ; but if thev thought fit to desire the churches
3 u 49

578 BOSTON CHURCH YIELDS ITS POSITION. [Mass.
to afford them help of counsel in any matters which concerned
religion and conscience, it was the churches' duty to yield it to
them." They further argued, that the order for the synod
" expressed that what the major part of the assembly should
agree upon should be presented to the court, that they might
give such allowance to it as should be meet." To this it was
rejoined, " Where the order speaks of the major part of the
assembly, it speaks in its own language, and according to the
court's practice, where the act of the major part is the act of
the court ; but it never intended thereby to restrain or direct the
synod in the manner of their proceeding, nor to hinder them,
but that they might first acquaint the churches with their con
clusions, and have their assent to them before they did present
them to the court, for that is their care ; the court's care was
only to provide their own cognizance. And for that inference
which is drawn from that clause, that the court might give them
such allowance as should be meet, it is without rule, and against
the rule of charity, to infer from thence any such sanction of
the court as is supposed. For if they say only they will give
them such allowance as is meet, it cannot be inferred that they
will put any such sanction or stamp upon them as should be
unmeet." September 1. The synod meet at Cambridge. They write to
the Boston church, desiring them to comply with the wish of
their pastor and teacher and a minority of their brethren, for a
representation in that assembly.
Johnson inforrns us, that a main cause for such an assemblage
was " the many errors, in point of doctrine, that were daily
broached by some of our English nation, although the churches
of Christ -and the people under this government were free, at
least in open profession."
2. At a lecture delivered in Boston, by Norton, of Ipswich,
the most of the synod attended. He endeavored to show, that
the power of such a body was " only consultive, decisive, and
declarative, not coactive, etc. ; " that the legislature had authority
to convoke them, and the churches should comply accordingly ;
and that a refusal so to yield would be a " great offence and
scandal." 6. After various discussions, the Boston church have the sub
sequent vote recorded : " Our elders, with three of ye brethren,
were sent forth (according to ye minde of ye greater part of y"
church, declared by lifting vp their hands) as the churches mes
sengers vnto ye assembly of churches in this country yn held at
Cambridge, to consult, conferre, and to consider of sundry
questions and cases of conscience touching Christian religion
and y practice thereof in these churches." Exception, as

NEED FOR THE MAJORITY TO RULE. 579
Winthrop states, was taken at the conclusion, because it was by
a majority, and not by all the brethren, as it had been their for
mer practice. Reply was made, " that in some cases (as the
choice of officers, etc.) it is needful to have every man's con
sent ; but in other cases, as admission of a member, etc., it was
sufficient if the major part assented. In the present case it was
necessary, because the order of the court, and the letters of
the synod to us, required (both in duty and civility) that the
church should return answer, which the minor part could not
do ; therefore the major part (of necessity) must."
From subsequent facts, the Salem church made a decision
similar to that of the Boston church.
Concord church would have sent messengers to the synod,
had their minister been able to attend, or had they others whom
they considered fit for the occasion. Hingham had no delegates
there, probably on account of the late troubles with their
pastor. When the synod were about to disperse, the husband of a
woman cut off from Hingham church complained to them of
the act. They informed Mr. Hobart of the communication so
made to them, being unable to consider the matter for want of
time. A minority of Hingham church requested the adjacent
elders to come and consider the case. These laid the invitation
before their churches, who doubted whether they should
comply, because not desired so to do by the majority. " It
was answered, that it was not to be expected that the major
party would complain of their own act, and if the minor
party, or .the party aggrieved, should not be heard, then God
should have left no means of redress in such a case, which
could not be." A council was finally convened at Hingham.
On being inquired of, by the majority of the church there, why
they so assembled, the reply was, not to impose any decision on
them, but to give Christian advice. They were acknowledged,
heard the difficulties, and were the means of reconciling the
parties. After the synod had been together a fortnight, they adjourned
to the 8th of next June.
September 13. As a trial of patience to the Massachusetts
rulers, Holden arrives in Boston, and presents an order from the
commissioners in England for him, Gorton, and Green to have
an unmolested route to Shawomet, and live there without inter
ruption. In a few days, they accordingly allowed him to de
part. At the same time, they felt themselves thus called on,
because they had been incorrectly represented before Warwick
and the rest of the Board in London.
14. Mather, Allin, and Eliot preach, through an interpret-

580 COLONIES ADVISED TO RESIST ERRORS. [Mass.
er,* to the subjects of Cutshamekin, near Dorchester mill.
As these were disinclined to improve such opportunities, Eliot
gives his chief attention to the Indians who gathered at No-
nantum. September 18. The commissioners of the United Colonies,
except those of Plymouth, who wish for further time to consid
er the matter, recommend the subsequent items to their respec
tive General Courts : " Vpon serious consideration of the spread
ing nature of error, the dangerous growth and effects thereof in
other places, and particularly how the purity and power, both
of religion and ciuil order, is already much complayned, if not
wholy lost in a parte of New England, by a licentious liberty
graunted and settled, whereby many, casting off the rule of the
word, professe and practise what is good in their owne eyes ;
and vpon information of what petitions haue beene lately putt
vp in some of the colonies, against the good and straite waies
of Christ, both in the churches and in the commonwealth, the
commissioners remembering that those colonies for themselues,
and their posteritie, did enter into this firme and perpetuall
league, as for other respects so for mutuall advise that, the truth
and liberties of the gospell might be preserved, propagated,
thought it their duty seriously to commend it to the care and
consideration of each Generall Corte within these Vnited Colo
nies, that as they haue layd theire foundations and measured the
temple of God, the worship and worshippers by that straight
reed God hath putt into their hands, soe they would walke on
and build vp (all discouragements and difficulties notwithstand
ing) with an vndaunted heart and vnwearied hand, according to
the same rules and patternes, that a due watch be kept and con
tinued at the doores of God's house, that .none be admitted as
members of the body of Christ but such as hold foorth effectu-
all callinge, and thereby vnion with Christ the head, and that
those whome Christ hath receaued, and enter by an expresse
covenant to attend and obserue the lawes and dutyes of that
spirituall corporation, that baptisme, the seale of the covenant,
be administered onely to such members and their ymediate seed,
that Anabaptisme, Familisme, Antinomianisme, generally all er
rors of like nature, which oppose, vndermine, and slight either
the Scriptures, the Sabboth, or other ordinances of God, bring
in and cry vp vnwarrantable reuelations, inventions of men, or
any carnall liberty, vnder a deceitfull colloure of liberty of con
science, may be seasonably and duly supprest, though they

* Eliot informs us, that a Long Island Indian, taken in the Pequod war, and a
servant of Richard Calicott, was the first one who taught him the Indian lan
guage, and assisted him as an interpreter. This native afterwards became pious.

,„.„, HISTORY OF SPECIAL PROVIDENCES. 581
1646.]wish as much forbearance and respect may be had of tender
consciences seeking light as may stand with the purity of reli
gion and peace of the churches." The commissioners also rec
ommend to the colonies that they use endeavors to prevent
excess in the price of commodities, wages, dress, drink, and
" other sinfull miscarriages," so that " though the god of the
world, by vsurpation sett vpon his throane in the greatest parte
of America, yet this small portion may be vindicated as by the
right hand of Jehovah, and be justly called Emmanuell's land."
September 19. The ensuing proposals* are made by the con
federate commissioners : " Whereas the colonyes at present af
ford some help towards the maintenance of some poore schollers
in the colledge at Cambridge, it was propounded and thought
meete that some course be taken with the parrents and with
such schollers themselues as the case may require, that when
they are furnished with some competent measure of learninge,
they remoue not into other countries, but improve there partes
and abillities for the service of the colonyes, and for this pur
pose the commissione.s for the Massachusets were desired to ad
vise with the Generall Courte and elders there, for the ordering
such a course, and how such schollers may be imployed and in-
coraged, when they leaue the colledge, eyther in new plantacons
or as schoole masters,, or in ships, till they be called and fitted
for other service." " Whereas our good God hath, from the
first, don great thinges for his people in these colonyes in sundry
respectes, worthy to be written vpon our owne harts with a
deepe character and impression, not to be blotted out and for
gotten, and to be transmitted to posteritie, that they may know
the Lord and how he hath glorified his grace and mercy in our
foundacons and beginninges, that they also may trust in him
and walke with a right foote before him without warping and
declyninge, it is desired by the commissioners that all the colo
nyes, as they may, would collect and gather vp the many spe
ciall providences of God toward them, since their arrivall and
setling in theis partes, how he hath made roome for yem, how
his hand hath bin with them in laying their foundacons in
church'and commonwealth, how he hath cast the dread of his
people, w^eake in themselues, vpon the Indians, scattered their
counsells, broken their plottes and attempts, and continewed our
peace notwithstandinge their insolency and malice, made gra
cious prouisions for vs, and in all respects hath bin a sonne and
sheeld to vs ; and that memorialls being made, they may be
duly communicated and seriously considered, that nothing be
mistaken, but that history may be compiled, according to truth,
* Hutchinson's manuscript papers give the date 19th, but Hazard the 24th.
49*

582 INDIAN IDOLS REJECTED. [Mass.
with due waight, by some able and fitt man apointed there
vnto." September 20. Marie, with two other Frenchmen, reach Bos
ton, as Winthrop relates, to negotiate concerning the difficulties
which existed between D'Aulney and Massachusetts. This is
very likely the time when Gookin says that Marie applied to
our authorities, for he limits it to 1646 or 1647, and offered
them a large reward to assist the French of Canada in conquer
ing the Maquas or Mohawks. Gookin adds, " The English
were not willing to engage themselves in that affair, forasmuch
as the Maquas had never done any injury to the English, and
in policy and reason were like to be a good bulwark between
the English and French, in case a time should come of hos
tility between these two nations." No doubt, also, the' dis
inclination of our rulers to have any immediate connection
with Romanists, as they had repeatedly expressed themselves
with regard to D'Aulney, at Penobscot, was the source of
strong objection to any such alliance.
October. Hiacoomes still adheres to the English at Martin's
Vineyard, and instructs his countrymen as he has opportunity.
When he forsook their powows, they predicted that afflictions
would crowd upon him. But the reverse had ensued. While
many of their families were visited with sickness, his was blessed
with health. This wrought a change in their minds, and they
began to think the service of the Englishman's God was right.
Myoxes, a chief residing six miles off, sent for him. He com'-
phed with the request. He told him and his tribe what power
the gospel had over his views, feelings, and conduct. " Myox
es asking him how many gods the English did worship, he
answered, one ; whereupon Myoxes reckoned up about thirty-
seven principal gods he had. ' And shall I (said he) throw away
these thirty-seven for one ? ' Hiacoomes replied, ' What do
you think of yourself ? I have thrown away all these and a
great many more, some years ago, yet am preserved as you see,
this day.' 'You speak true,' said Myoxes; 'therefore I will
throw away all my gods too, and serve that one God with
you.' ': This visit gave a very decided and favorable turn to the
language and actions of those so visited. Still the influence of
the powows kept many from renouncing their heathenism.
7. The legislature assemble. They consider the necessity of
having an agent in London to answer accusations made against
them before Parliament. They say in reference to such defi
ciency, " from which we have lately suffered." They here re
fer to representations of Gorton and others. They declare that
if what is due to the colony is not paid, so as to send a commis
sioner of their foreign affairs, " we perceive a likelihood of

QUESTIONS OF CHRISTIAN INDIANS. 583
present dissolution of courts, and our own ruin not long after
to follow."
They appoint a committee to examine the replies, which are
returned, concerning the petition of Child and his associates,
and to deduce a report from them. They are also to confer
with Edward Winslow, of Plymouth, about his proceeding to
England as an advocate of their interests.
October 28. John Eliot and three other ministers visit No-
nantum to attend worship with Indians in the wigwam of Wa-
ban. After a short prayer in English is made, and a sermon,
one hour long, in the Indian language, is delivered, questions
propounded by the hearers are as follow : How they can know
Christ ? Whether Jesus Christ could understand Indians when
praying in their own language, and not in English 1 Whether
the English were ever so ignorant of God as they are ? " How
can there be an image of God, because it is forbidden in the
second commandment ? " If a parent be evil and his child
good, will God be offended with the child, because the second
commandment says he visits the sins of the fathers on their
children ?
November 4. The General Court order a revisement of their
laws, so that, as they express themselves, " we may manifest
our utter disaffection to arbitrary government." The Wonder
working Providence observes, that such a code " might be most
agreeable to the rule of Scripture ; in every county there was
appointed two magistrates, two ministers, and two able persons
from among the people," to present a meet and " competent
number with the former that were enacted newly amended."
The same body make a declaration as to the remonstrance
of Child and others. The former document runs a parallel be
tween the fundamental and common laws and customs of Eng
land and those of Massachusetts, and shows that there is no es
sential difference. It says that the remonstrance intimates as
though its language was that of many non-freemen, while none
but its seven signers have been willing to own it as such. It
speaks of Child as having taken a degree of doctor in physic,
at Padua, and the New England Salamander adds, that he was
on his second visit to Massachusetts, as a reported spy of for
eign Jesuits. It relates that the true reason why many men are
not admitted to the churches here, is their irreligious character.
It proceeds : " They are offended at our lawe against Anabap
tists. The truth is, the great trouble we have beene putt unto
and hazard, also, by Familistical and Anabaptisticall spirits whose
conscience and religion hath been only to sett forth themselves
and raise contentions in the country, did provoke us to provide
for our safety by a lawe, that all such should take notice how

584 NEW ENGLAND'S JONAS. [Mass.
unwelcome they should be unto us either comeing or staying."
It states that the law has not been enforced against Baptists,
who live peaceably among the rest of the population. It affirms,
that if, in some places, men are required to help support minis
ters, who decline to receive them as members of their churches,
it is not so in many other places.
Very probably actuated by the late case of Smith and Keyser,
the legislature pass the subsequent order : " Conceiving them
selves bound by the first opportunity to bear witness against the
heinous and crying sin of man stealing, as also to prescribe such
timely redress for what is past, and such a law for the future as
may sufficiently deter all others belonging to us to have to do in
such vile and most odious courses, justly abhorred of all good
and just men, do order that the negro interpreter, with others
unlawfully taken, be, by the first opportunity, at the charge of
the country for the present, sent to his native countiy, Guinea,
and a letter with him, of the indignation of the court therea
bouts and justice thereof."
They choose a committee to treat with " Mr. Sparhawk, or
any others whom they think fitt, about such parcels of land,
which they, with Mr. Shepard, Mr. Allin, and Mr. Eliot, shall
conceive meete to purchase, for ye incuragment of ye Indians
to live in an orderly way amongst us, and ye said committee
have hereby full power to agree and compound with ye said Mr.
Sparhawk or others, as aforesaid, for such lands, and order
them payment out of ye treasury for the same, so as hereafter
ye charge this purchase shall amount unto shalbe deducted out
of ye first gift y4 shalbe brought over, as given for ye good of
y" Indians, and further to set downe rules for their improuing
and enioying thereof."
When the Indians inclined to be instructed in Christianity
had land bought as a settlement for them, they were asked what
name they wished for the place. They answered Noonatomen,
which means rejoicing ; hence Nonantum.
November 5. Having been informed that Child and his asso
ciates in the remonstrance were going to England with their ac
cusations against the government here, Cotton, at a Thursday
lecture, takes occasion to speak of such devices as ruinous to all
engaged in them. He exhorts the passengers who may be
in the vessel, which shall bear the petition in question, to have
it thrown into the sea, lest, like a Jonas, it may expose them to
the peril of sinking. From such an allusion, the brother of
Child, having afterwards published his narrative, called it "New
Englands Jonas cast up at London."
11. Several elders preach again to the Nonantum Indians.
Of their inquiries, two follow. An aged man asks, whether it

,,.,,>¦, EMPLOYMENT OF COLLEGE STUDENTS. 585
lo40.

is too late for him to seek after God. How came the English
to differ so much from Indians in the knowledge of God, if
they all descended from one man? The narrator observes,
" We are oft upbraided by some of our countrymen, that so lit
tle good is done by our professing planters upon the hearts of
natives. Such men have surely more spleene than judgment,
and know not the vast distance of natives from common civility,
almost humanity itself. 'Tis as if they should reproach us for
not makeing the windes to blow where wee list ourselves."
November 26. Another meeting is held at the same place.
Some Indians had threatened to kill their countrymen, who at
tended on ministrations of the gospel. Waban teaches the
truths he hears to other Indians.
December 1. " In consideration of ye hazardos estate of our
native country and troubles thereof, of ye church of Bormoda, and
ye weighty cases in respect of our churches and commonwealth
here, with reference to any y4 seeke to undermine ye liberties
of God's people in either or both, ye corte hath appointed ye
24 of ye 10th moneth to be kept a day of publike humiliation."
They say, " Being sensible of ye necessity and singular use
of good literature in managing ye things of greatest concern
ment in ye commonwealth, as also perceiving ye fewnes of per
sons accomplished to such imployments, especially for future
times, have thought meete to propose to all and every our rev
erend elders and brethren y* due care be had, from time to time,
to improve and exercise such students, especially in divinity, as
through y good hand of God may issue forth of y6 colledges,
y* so, for want of imployment or maintenance, they be not
forced from vs, and we left destitute of help that way; to all
which intents and purposes, every church, which hath but one
officer, and can conveniently bear y charge of such scholler,
(which we hope most may do,) is hereby desired to request a
pore scholler to be helpfull to their officer, y' so they may im
prove their gifts, and y° church have some profe of ym against
times of neede."
Persons who keep houses of entertainment are forbidden to
allow tippling after nine o'clock at night, on penalty of five
shillings for every offence, and tipplers are to pay the same, or
be imprisoned or set in stocks.
It is probable that such opposition to the spread of Christian
ity, as mentioned under 26th of November, was a prominent
occasion of the following law in accordance with the spirit of
the Mosaic economy : " Albeit faith be not wrought by y°
sword, but by ye word, therefore such pagan Indians as have
submited ymselues to our government, though we would not
neglect any due helps to bring ym on to grace and to ye meanes
3 v

586 BLASPHEMY A CAPITAL CRIME. [Mass.
of it, yet we compell ym not to y° Christian faith, nor to y° pro
fession of it, either by force of armes, or by penall laws ; never-
theles, seing y° blaspheming of y° true God cannot be excused
by any ignorance or infirmity of human nature, ye eternall pow
er and Godhead being knowne by ye light of nature, and y°
creation of ye world, and common reason requireth every state
and society of men to be more carefull of preventing yG dishon
our and contempt of ye Most High God (in whom we all con
sist) yn of any mortall princes and magistrates, it is therefore
ordered and decreed by y3 corte for ye honour of ye eternall
God, whom onely we worship and serve, y* no person within y3
jurisdiction, whether Christian or pagan, shall wittingly and will
ingly presume to blaspheme his holy name,, either by wilfull or
obstinate deniing ye true God, or his creation or government of
ye world, or shall curse God, or reproach ye holy religion of
God, as if it were but a politick device to keepe ignorant men
in awe, nor shall utter any other eminent kind of blasphemy of
ye like nature and degree : if any person or persons whatsoever
within our jurisdiction shall breake this lawe, they shalbe put
to death."
In addition to this order, another is adopted : No Indians are
to "pawaw or perform outward worship of their false gods or
to the devil, in any part of our jurisdiction, whether they be
such as dwell here or shall come hither. If any shall trans
gress this law, the pawawer is to pay five pounds, the procurer
five pounds, and every assistant countenancing by his presence
or otherwise (being of the age of discretion) twenty shillings."
Thus were our authorities in earnest to break up the outward
form of idolatrous worship among the natives, whose priests
were equally zealous to preserve it from disuse, as the means of
continuing their system of religion.
As Governor Winthrop and Rev. John Norton, proposed
to accompany Winslow and act with him in England,
decline to go, he is authorized to obtain the best advice of
friends there which he can. The magistrates are desired to
write and use their influence so that he may be thus assisted.
A copy of the Child. petition, and consequent transactions there
on, is ordered for his use.
Among the important acts of the legislature still in session
are the following : " Though no humane power be lord over y"
faith and consciences of men, and therefore may not constraine
ym to beleeve or profes against their conscience, yet because
such as bring in damnable heresies tending to ye subversion of
ye Christian faith and destruction of y" soules of men ought
duely to be restrained from, such notorious impiety," ordered,
that if any nominal Christian in this jurisdiction deny the im-

ENACTMENT AGAINST SEEKERS. 587
mortality of the soul, the resurrection ; that transgression in the
regenerate is to be repented of, or "any evill done by ye out
ward man "is to be accounted sin ; that Christ gave himself a
ransom for our sins ; that " we are justified by his death and
righteousness ; " the morality of the fourth commandment; and
profess such heresy, he shall pay twenty shillings each month
for the first half year, and double that sum each month for the
next half year, and so continue on. If any person of this
character endeavor to "seduce others to y° like heresy," he is
to be fined five pounds for every such offence.
" Forasmuch as in these countryes, where ye churches of Christ
are, yc prosperity of yB civill state is much advanced and blessed
of God, when y" ordinances of true religion and publike wor
ship of God do find free p.issage in purity and peace, therefore,
though we do not iudge it meete to compell any to enter into
ye fellowship of ye church, nor force ym to partake in y° ordi
nances peculiar to the church, (which do require voluntary sub-
iection thereunto,) yet seeing y4 y word is of generall and com
mon behoofe to all sorts of people, as being ye ordinary meanes
to subdue ye harts of hearers not only to ye faith and obedience
to ye Lord Jesus, but also to civill obedience and allegiance
unto magistracy and to iust and honest conversation toward all
men," " ordered, y' wheresoever ye ministery of ye word is
established according to y° order of y° gospell throughout ys
jurisdiction, every person shall duely resort and attend there
unto upon ye Lords dayes, and upon such publike fast dayes,
and dayes of thanksgiving, as are to be generally held by ye
appointment of authority," except for good cause, on penalty
of five shillings for each offence.
Enacted, that if any person aim to subvert the order of the
churches by renouncing them or the ministry, or other ordi
nances, on " pretence y' ye churches were not planted by-any new
apostles, or y' ordinances are for carnall Christians or babes in
Christ, and not for spirituall or illuminated persons," he shall
forfeit forty shillings a month, so long as he continues such
practice. " Ordered, y* if any person shall sweare rashly and vainely,
either by ye holy name of God or any other oath," he shall pay
ten shillings or be committed to the stocks for not less than an
hour nor more than three hours.
" Forasmuch as ve open contempt of God's word and messen
gers thereof is ye desolating sinn of civill states and churches,
and y' ye preaching of ye word, by those whom Godt doth send,
is y° cheif'e ordinary meanes ordained of God for ye converting,
edifiing, and saving y» soules of ye elect through y" presence
and power of y° Holy Ghoast thereunto promised, and ye minis-

588 CONTEMPT OF THE MINISTRY. [Mass.
try of y° word is set up by God in his churches for those holy
ends and according to ye respect and contempt of y* same and of
those whom God hath set apart for his owne worke and impli-
ment, ye weale or woe of all Christian estates is much farthered
and promoted, — ordered," that if any one " contemptuously
behave himselfe toward ye word preached or ye messengers
thereof called to dispence ye same in any congregation, when he
doth faithfully execute his service and office therein, according
to ye will and word of God, either by interrupting him in his
preaching, or by charging him falsely with any error, which he
hath not taught, (in ye open face of ye church,) or, like a sonn
of Corah, cast upon his true doctrine or himselfe any reproach
to ye dishonour of ye Lord Jesus, who hath sent him, and to ye
disparagment of y' his holy ordinance, and making Gods wayes
contemptible and ridiculous, y* every such person or persons
whatsoever censure y6 church may passe) shall for the first
scandall be convented and reproved openly by ye magistrates at
some lecture, and bound to their good behavior," and for the
second offence pay five pounds, " or stand two howres openly
upon a block four foote high, on a lecture day, with a paper
fixed on his breast with this, A Wanton Gospeller, written in
capitall letters, y* others may fear and be ashamed of breaking
out into the like wickednes."
" Considering y* one end in planting these parts was to prop-
igate y" true religion unto ye Indians, and y' diverse of ym are
become subiects to ye English, and have engaged themselues to
be willing and ready to understand y" law of God, it is there
fore ordered, yc ye lawes which may be to reduce ym to civility
of life shalbe once in the' year (if ye times be safe) made knowne
to ym by such fit persons as ye corte shall nominate, having ye
help of some able interpreter with ym ; considering also that in
terpretation of tonges is an appointment of God for propigating
the truth, and may therefore have a blessed succease in the hearts
of others in due season, ordered, y' two ministers shalbe cho
sen by y elders of y* churches every yeare, at the Corte of
Election, and so to be sent, with ye consent of their churches,
(with whomsoever will freely offer themselves to accompany ym
in yt service,) to make knowne the heavenly counsell of God
among ye Indians in most familiar manner, by ye help of some
able interpreters, as may be most avaylable to bring ym to ye
knowledge of ye truth and their conversion to Jesus Christ;
and for ys end, y* something may be allowed ym by ye Generall
Corte, to give away freely unto those Indians whom they shall
perceive most willing and ready to be instructed by ym." Thus
were the plans and purposes of the legislature for a mission
among the original holders of the soil more fully brought into

REBELLIOUS CHILDREN TO SUFFER DEATH. 589
1646.J
practical form. Great were the satisfaction and hope of the
churches, that God was manifesting himself in spiritual vision
to the natives around them, who had long sat in the region and
shadow of death.
In conformity with the Mosaic code, it is enacted, that if any
child of sixteen years old, and of sufficient intelligence, curse or
smite father or mother, he shall suffer death, except the smiting
be done in defence of life and limb, or such parents have
brought up their children very negligently. A law of equal
severity is passed with regard to a disobedient and obstinate son
of like age and competency.
Every township is authorized to present " all idle and unprof
itable persons, and all children who are not diligently employed
by their parents," to the Quarterly Court, who may " dispose of
them for their own welfare and the improvement of the com
mon good." All wilful forgers " shall stand in the pillory
three lecture days, and render double damage to the party
wronged, and be disabled to give evidence or verdict to any
court or magistrates."
Several of the preceding laws had some of their features and
occasion for immediate application from the influence which
crossed the Atlantic from England to our shores. For years,
while Episcopacy there, with a high hand, sought to bring the
Congregational order and republican polity of our fathers un
der its own control, they endured severe anxiety, girded their
minds, and put forth their energies accordingly. But -when
that object of dread had disappeared in their native land, and
was succeeded by what they considered laxity relative to the
bounds of belief and Christian ordinances, they feared the re
sults not only in the mother country, but also in these colonies.
They perceived that such a state of things gave encouragement
to those whom they had withstood, and some of whom had al
ready been favored in their claims by the parliamentary com
missioners. Apprehensive lest delay and indecision on their
part would cut short the course they had pursued, and which
they felt bound to pursue, they devised and passed the enact
ments already cited. Their conduct has been and will be viewed
differently according to the faith of its examiners.
A serious controversy exists between Connecticut and Spring
field. The court advocate the refusal of that town to pay certain
duties, and add, " The propounding and standing upon an imposi
tion of customs to be paid at the river's mouth, by such as were
or are within our jurisdiction, hindered our confederation above
ten [?] years ; and there was never any paid to this day. "
Desirous for the advice of the elders on various questions,
the court as Winthrop informs us, invites them to meet in Bos-
50

590 RELATION OF THE COLONY TO ENGLAND. [Mass.
ton. Among such as complied was Hobart, of Hingham. He
is informed that suspicion rests on him of aiding in the prepa- -
ration of charges against the colonial authorities, which William
Vassall was about to take with him and lay before the commis
sioners in London. He denies the imputation. But, being de
sired to withdraw, on account of his late controversy with the
legislature, he complies.
Inquiry is made in the legislature, as to what relation the
government here hold to that of England. " All agreed that
our charter was the foundation of our government. Thereupon
some thought that we were so subordinate to Parliament, as they
might countermand our orders, and therefore advised that we
should petition the Parliament for enlargement of power. Oth
ers conceived otherwise, and though we owed them allegiance,
yet by our charter we had absolute power of government."
They also consider whether they should give the Earl of
Warwick and other commissioners the title assigned to them by
Parliament, lest it should imply that they consented to the
claims of authority, which such commissioners exercised over
New England.
The elders deliver their judgment on these matters, the next
day, through Mr, Allin, of Dedham. Their conclusion is, that
the charter gives full power of legislation, without dependence
on any higher tribunal. They propose that, if Parliament are
disposed to consider the complaints of our colonial rulers, they
should be made acquainted with them ; but if not, as their own
language is, " we must wait upon Providence for the preserva
tion of our just liberties." They are of the opinion that the
earl and his associates may be addressed by the title conferred
on them by Parliament, and still no charter right be compro-
mitted. Child and the other remonstrants are arraigned. He wishc.
to know why they are so called before the legislature, seeing it
was no real offence to offer a petition. He is told that it is not
for presenting a petition, but for false statements in such a doc
ument. He indulges himself in severe language, and appeals to
the commissioners in England. The governor replies that no
appeal of this kind will be allowed. Bellingham, Saltonstall,
Bradstreet, and " two or three deputies " dissent from such refu
sal. Winslow, referring to this subject, when in London, ob
served as follows : "For the matter of appeale from New Eng
land hither, which is three thousand miles distant, it will bee
found to bee destructive to them that there live ; for no coun
trey can subsist without government, or repaire so farre for it,
nor will any wise man accept a place in government where hee
shall bee exposed to goe so farre to give account of his actions,

16461 WRONGS FROM THE GORTONISTS. 591
though they bee never so just." Charges of sedition being
drawn up from the petition of the accused, they are allowed to
answer. This they do, but in no way to satisfy the court.
December 4. Eliot remarks, that being called " to another
place where the Indians used to meet," probably where Cut-
shamekin resided, he asked a powow why he prayed to Chepian,
the evil spirit. The priest so questioned did not reply.
After the Indian children were catechized, and a discourse
given on Ezekiel's yalley of dry bones, at Nonantum, on De
cember 9, the parents offer all their children to be educated by
the English.
A reply to the representations of Gorton and his associates,
and a notice of the efforts by Child and his friends, are con
tained in a communication to Warwick and other commissioners
by the Governor and Company of Massachusetts. These desire
that they may so use their charter privileges in reference to the
Gortonists, that their posterity may not " lament and say, Eng
land sent our fathers forth with happy liberties, which they en
joyed many years, notwithstanding all the enmity and opposition
of the prelacy and other potent adversaries : how came we then
to lose them, under the favor and protection of that state, in
such a season, when England recovered its own ? " They re
mark that by the documents forwarded " will appear the wrongs
and provocations we received from them, [Gortonists,] and our
long patience towards them, till they became our professed ene
mies, wrought us disturbance, and attempted our ruin, in which
case our charter (as we conceive) gives us full power to deal
with them as enemies by force of arms, they being then in such
place where we could have no right from them by civil justice. "
The commissioners of the United Colonies, perceiving " the
necessity of calling them to account, left the business " to us
for being executed.
They observe that the order of the parliamentary commis
sioners for . the Gortonists to repossess Shawomet had encour
aged the latter to threaten the Indians who had come under the
jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and thus to arrest the progress of
evangelizing them. They state that such indulgence had caused
a spirit of great insubordination among some under their laws.
They instruct Edward Winslow to answer the complaints
which Gorton had laid before the commissioners in London, and
slich other charges as may be made against them before this
board. Amon°' his secret orders, as preserved by Winthrop, was the
reply he should make about the proposition for a general gov
ernor of New England, which had been one of the principal
sources of anxiety to our ancestors while Laud was in power,

592 OBJECTIONS TO A GENERAL GOVERNOR. [Mass.
and was again brought up under the parliamentary commission
ers. Objections to it follow : " 1. Our charter gives us absolute
power of government. 2. On the terms above specified," (as
paying one fifth part of ore of gold and silver, etc.,) " we con
ceive the patent hath no such thing in it, neither expressed nor
implied. 3. We had not transported ourselves and families on
such terms," as having a general governor. 4. " Other planta
tions have been undertaken at the charge of others in England,
and the planters have their dependence upon the companies
there, and those planters go and come chiefly for matter of
profit ; but we came to abide here, and to plant the gospel
and people the country, and herein God hath marvellously
blessed us."
A vessel being to sail for England in about a week, Child and
his friends zealously circulate a petition to Parliament ; but they
obtain only twenty-five signers, the most of whom are young
men and strangers. This . new document prays for liberty of
conscience and a general governor.
The night before they intended to embark, order is given that
search be made for their papers. At Dand's residence some are
found, which Smith, being with him,, catches up to secure from
exposure. When the officer seized them, the latter said " hee
hoped, ere long, to doe as much to the governor's closet, and to
him, as he did for them." Among them is the petition of non-
freemen, just mentioned, and also another of the remonstrants
to Parliament. In the last document prayer is made for
" churches according to the reformation of England," and for
the removal of several customs here, which the petitioners call
grievances. Child, Smith, and Dand are committed to the custody of the
marshal till the vessels bound to sea shall have sailed. This
was on account of the new matter which appeared from their
papers. On giving sufficient bail, the first was allowed to be
confined to his house. The other two were kept in the house
of the prison keeper. A young man, Thomas Joy, who had
circulated the petition for the non-freemen, and otherwise busied
himself agaiust the authorities, was put in irons for several days,
when he confessed that he had done wrong, and was therefore
released. December 15. About this date, the ship sets sail for England
with a large number of passengers, which carries Thomas
Fowle and William Vassall. These are bearers of documents
like those for which the individuals just mentioned were de
tained. Their voyage was eventful in perils and deliverances,
and in the occasion of subsequent publications.
Thomas, the brother of Hugh Peters, has a call to resettle in

MALIGNAMTS — NEW JERUSALEM. 593
1647.]Cornwall, England, whence he was compelled to depart through
the influence of Sir Ralph Hoptou. The preceding May, he
was appointed by the authorities of Massachusetts to assist the
younger Winthrop in the concerns of their settlement in the
Pequod country. It is likely that his chief care, at the same
time, was to instruct the people in divine truth. He according
ly goes back to his former charge. Cotton Mather says that he
was " a worthy man, and a writer of certain pieces."
This month, Richard Mather dates the preface to his Reply
to Mr. Rutherford, or a Defence of the Answer to Mr. Herle.
This year, the Exposition of Daniel's Prophecy, by Thomas
Parker, is published in London. The Gospel Covenant, or the
Covenant of Grace opened, by Peter Bulkley, is printed there.
Mr. Shepard, of Cambridge, remarked, in reference to this
work, " The church of God is bound to bless God for the holy,
judicious, and learned labors of this aged, and experienced, and
precious servant of Jesus Christ."
1647, January 6. Samuel Symonds, of Ipswich, addresses a
letter to Winthrop. Relative to the paper of Child and others
laid before the legislature, he says, " I am informed that cop-
pies of the petition are spreading here, and divers (specially
young men and women) are taken with it, and are apt to won
der why such men should be troubled that speake as they doe ;
not being able suddenly to discerne the poyson in the sweet
wine, nor the fire wrapped up in the straw. And albei(i> I do
conceive this towne affords very few malignants, yet withall I
doubt not but here are some active spirits for such project once
sett on foote." In his reflections on the passing occurrences of
¦ New England, he cherishes the opinion, not uncommon in the
early period thereof, that the New Jerusalem had commenced,
and was to be perfected here. He asks, " Is not government
in church and commonweale (according to God's owne rules)
that new heaven and earth promised, in the fullness accom
plished when the Jewes come in, and the first fruites begun in
this part of New England, though neglected by many and op
posed by some ? "
He proceeds to give his view of the ends for which God
brought our fathers hither : " To stirre up the zeal of the
two nations to sett upon reformation of religion, and that with
good successe ; — to have liberty and power to sett up God's
owne ordinances in church government, and thereby to hold
forth matter of conviction to the Episcopacy and others, that
this our way of church government and civill government
may stand together ; — to exercise the graces of the richer sort
in a more mixt condition ; they shall have the liberty of good
government in their hands, yet with the abatement of their out-
3w 50*

594 PURPOSES OF IMMIGRATION. [Mass.
ward estates, and that the poorer sort (held under in England)
should have inlargement ; — to afford a hiding-place for some
of his people that stood for the truth while the nation was exer
cised unto blood ; — to have an opportunity to trayne up a god
ly, skillfull soldiery, which shortly may be imployed against that
blasphemous city ; and to these may be added (at least a sprin
kling) of godly seamen, formerly rare in the world ; — to make
this place a rendezvous for our deare English friends, when they
shall make their voyages to the West Indies, to dry up that
Euphrates ; — -to be hopefull instruments in God's hand to gain
these Indians to Christ's kingdome ; which mercy, if attained
in any considerable measure, will make us goe singing to our
graves." Among his concluding thoughts are these : " I think the
magistrates, etc., may justly long for a happy conclusion of the
synod, that they may attest to the government of Christ in his
church, and that they may, with renewed vigor, attend the
mighty providences in these tymes and opportunities for the
advance of Christ's cause, the elders being soe zealously sett
thereupon." January 30. While the Independents of Old and New Eng
land were anxious lest the retention of the king by the Scots
would enable them to compass their favorite object of making
Presbyterianism more fully the national religion, he is delivered
up by«them to the parliamentary commissioners, for the consid
eration of having the large amount of arrears due to them re
mitted. 31. The Indians at Concord adopt conclusions and regula
tions. Some of them follow : " They doe desire that they may
be stirred up to seek after God. They desire they may under
stand the wiles of Satan, and grow out of love with his sugges
tions and temptations. That they doe observe the Lord's day,
and whosoever shall prophane it, shall pay twenty shillings.
They doe all resolve to set up prayer in their wigwams, and to
seek God both before and after meats. There shall be no more
pawawing amongst the Indians " on fine of twenty shillings
from the performer and the like sum from the procurer.
March. The Assistants arraign Samuel Maverick and William
Clark for their active exertions in obtaining signers to the peti
tion of the non-freemen, intended for Warwick and the other
commissioners. Clark was a member of the Salem church.
Both of them are bound over to the General Court. Smith and
Dand, giving security for payment of their fines, relative to the
first petition, are bailed to appear at the same tribunal. Child
declines to give similar bonds, and is therefore committed to
prison. The reason for such particularity, as Winthrop ob-

,„.„, EXPLANATION AS TO GORTONISTS. 595
1647.] serves, was that " the cause was of so great concernment as the
very life and foundation of our government."
March 29. As a means of preventing the ingress of persons
unfavorable to the political and religious laws of the colony,
Boston vote as follows : " It is ordered that noe inhabitant shall
entertaine man or woman from any other towne or county as a
sojourner or inmate with an intent to reside here, but shall give
notice thereof to the selectmen of the towne for their approba
tion, within eight days after their coming to the towne, vpon
penalty of twenty shillings."
April 6. Mr. Fenwick, in England, writes to Governor Win
throp, " I am very sorrye that ye people begin to rise amongst
you, and labor to ingage a partie against your settled way. I
hope they shall get noe great incouragment from hence. What
freinds I have interest in, I will procure to appear for you in
your just case. One thing only I doubt will seeme strange
heare, that you confine all civil freedome within the lynes of
your church. How or when you may take it into consideration
amongst yourselves, or how dangerous it may be, or conuenient
to make alteration in that particular, I leaue to your owne wis
dom. The best service I conceaue for you heer wilbe to keep
off what we can the committees intermedling with your affaires
there. But if ye Lord raise troubles amongst you, your condi
tion is but as your brethrens heare haue bene, and for ought I
can see are like to continue. The Lord hath not yett made an
end with his churches. His people haue yett too much dross
to come out of ye fier, and this is their comfort, they can lose
nothing by it but what they will reioyce to haue taken away.
I never knew a saint loos by his sufferings, nor a wicked man
gaine by outward mercies. You haue need to be carefull of
your practise there, for whateuer you doe that may haue the
least shaddow of severitie, is highteiied here, and cast in your
brethrens teeth by those who in other things wilbe as much
against you as them."
May 25. The commissioners in London, through representa
tions of Winslow, date an epistle of the same tenor to each of
the confederate colonies. The communication, having particu-
. lar reference to Massachusetts, says, " Perceiving by your peti
tion, that some persons do take advantage, from our said let
ter " in favor of the Gortonists, " to decline and question your
jurisdictions, and to pretend a general liberty to appeal hither,
upon their being called in question before you for matters prop
er to your cognizance, we thought it necessary (for preventing
of further inconveniences in this kind) hereby to declare, that
we intended not thereby to encourage any appeals from your
iustice, nor to restrain the bounds of your jurisdiction to a nar-

596 ENCOURAGEMENT FROM THE COUNCIL. [Mass.
rower compass than is held forth by your letters patent, but to
leave you with all that freedom and latitude that may, in any
respect, be duly claimed by you ; knowing that limiting of you
in that kind may be very prejudicial (if not destructive) to the
government and public peace of the colony." It concludes,
" We shall for the future be very ready to give our encourage
ment and assistance in all your endeavours for settling of your
peace and government, and the advancement of the gospel of
Jesus Christ."
May 26. At the general election an effort is made, by the fa
vorers of principles advocated by Child and others, to choose a
governor and magistrates who would sustain their cause. The
attempt is successful no further than the election of Robert
Bridges, belonging to Lynn, for an Assistant.
As the Indians, who have the gospel preached to them, are
desirous to have " a course of ordinary judicature set up among
them," they are accordingly privileged. One or more English
magistrates are to hold Quarterly Courts with them, while their
sachems will have monthly ones for smaller causes. The fines
imposed on Indians are to aid in the erection of meeting houses
for them, or instruction of their poor children, or other public
use, as they may be advised, particularly by Eliot or any other,
who may commonly give them religious instruction. " And it
is the desire of this court, that those magistrates who shall at
tend the keeping of the said courts will carefully endeavour to
make the Indians understand our most useful laws, and those
principles of reason, justice, and equity, whereupon they are
grounded." It is ordered that Mr. Eliot have ten pounds for his great
pains and expense in teaching the Indians the knowledge of
God ; " that the twenty pounds per annum given by the Lady
Armin for that purpose may be called for and imployed accord
ingly. And it is desired that some care may be taken of the
Indians on the Lord's days."
As the " game called shovelboard " had caused great disorder
in houses of entertainment, " whereby much precious time is
spent unfruitfully, and much waste of wine and beer occasioned
thereby," an order is passed, that every keeper of such a house,
who allows this game to be played in his premises, shall forfeit
twenty shillings for each trespass, and every player of it there
shall be fined five shillings.
" The court taking into consideration the great wars, com
bustions and divisions which are this day in Europe, and that
the same are observed to be chiefly raised and fomented by the
secret underminings and solicitations of the Jesuitical order,
men brought up and devoted to the religion and court of

,„.__ ACT AGAINST JESUITS. 597
1647.]
Rome, which hath occasioned diverse states to expel them from
their territories, etc., for the prevention of like evils among
ourselves," it is ordered that no Jesuit or spiritual or ecclesiasti
cal person, (as they are termed,) ordained by the authority of
the pope of the see of Rome, shall come within this jurisdiction,
on pain of banishment ; if returning, shall suffer death, except
in cases of shipwreck, or coming on business with a messenger,
merchant, or master of a vessel. One inducement for the pas
sage of such an act was probably the strong suspicion that Dr.
Child, now in Boston prison, was on his second tour to this
country as a spy for the Jesuits of Europe.
May 26. As indicative of a pressure in the colony against
confining civil privileges to the freemen or church members,
the court allow non-freemen, who take an oath of fidelity to the
government, " to be jurymen, and to have their vote in the
choice of the selectmen for town affairs, assessment of taxes,
and other prudentials proper to the selectmen of the several
towns, provided, still, that the major part of all companies (of
selectmen) be freemen that shall make any valid act," and,
where there are no selectmen, to have a vote in the concerns of
business which falls to them. Such an allowance accords with
advice recently given by Fenwick.
31. As a specimen of the address now used by military bod
ies, the conclusion of a petition from members of a company in
Roxbury, desiring the General Court to confirm their choice of
a captain, is here given : " Thus praying for the blessing of
Heaven to be and rest upon all your counsels and endeavors for
the welfare of the poor churches of Christ, under your protec
tion, we rest your humble petitioners."
This month, a contract is made by masons with Henry Dun-
ster, president of the college, and Edward Goffe, to erect a brick
building at Cambridge, before the 1st of August, the next
year. The purpose of this edifice is to accommodate Indian
youth collected there to be educated.
June 8. The synod renew their session.
9. Ezekiel Rogers preaches to them and the legislature in
the forenoon. He refers to the petitioners connected with
Child's plan, and proposes that the chief of them receive the
penalties of justice. He objects to the practice of private breth
ren's making addresses in the time of worship, so as to disturb
and hinder the regular ordinances. He advocates the revival
of the ancient custom in England, which required children
to kneel and ask the benediction of their parents. He reproves
the fashion of men's wearing long hair. Some are displeased
with the zeal which he exhibits in several, of his topics.
In the afternoon, Eliot delivers a sermon to the Indians, in

598 SICKNESS DISPERSES THE SYNOD. [Mass.
their own language, in presence of the same audience, who
were deeply affected by the scene before them.
The legislature require that " twelve gallons of sack and six
gallons of white wine, as a small testimony of the court's re
spect to that reverend assembly of elders at Cambridge," be pro
vided. Winthrop states, " Sickness prevailed so as divers of
the members were taken with it, whereupon they were forced
to break up on the sudden."
The court give instructions that, on account of the insecurity
of the Boston jail, if all the prisoners of Dr. Child's company be
released, except one or two, these shall be put in irons, unless
they pay the charge for two watchmen.
June 14. Among the worthy females whose domestic and so
cial influence greatly contributed to advance the welfare of the
colony, was the wife of Winthrop, the daughter of Sir John
Tindal, knight. Called to part with her, the governor thus no
tices the dispensation, so deeply afflictive to himself: "Left
this world for a better, being about fifty-six years of age, a wo
man of singular virtue, prudence, modesty, and piety, and es
pecially beloved and honoured of all the country."
This year, Nathaniel, son of Richard Mather, graduates at
Harvard College. He had his birth in Lancaster, England,
March 20, 1630. After leaving college, he sailed for the land
of his nativity. Here he was presented, by Cromwell, in 1656,
with a living at Barnstable, Devonshire. On the restoration, he
was compelled to leave his charge, when he visited Holland, and
settled in the ministry at Rotterdam. A letter from Dublin, in
1674, says that he had succeeded his brother, Samuel, in that
city. He was subsequently installed over a Congregational
church in London. He died July 26, 1697, aged sixty-seven,
and was interred at Bunhill Fields, where a'tombstone marks the
resting-place of his dust, with a long inscription, in Latin, from
the pen of Dr. Watts. His published works follow : the Right
eousness of God, from Romans iii. 22, in two sermons at Pin
ners Hall, printed 1694 : Twenty-three Sermons delivered there
and at Lime Street, taken in notes of short hand, but the most
of them had his supervision ; Discussion of the Lawfulness of a
Pastor's officiating in another's Church, 1701 ; and a Fast Ser
mon. His epitaph speaks of " him as a man of great mental
endowments and literary accomplishments, which he consecrated
to the service of God."
Nathaniel Ward seems to have embarked, the first part of this
year, for the land of his nativity. Though his health was feeble
while here, yet he had been of great service to state and church.
Soon after his arrival there, he publishes the Simple Cobler
of Agawam, and A Religious Retreat to a Religious Army, as

SERMON DISALLOWED AT MARRIAGE. 599
1647.]applicable to various evils which he believed should be correct
ed. To the latter Hugh Peters made a reply, which brought
out from Mr. Ward A Word to Mr. Peters, and Two Words
to the Parliament and Kingdom. The writer of this pamphlet
is supposed to have been author of the Pulpit Incendiary, and
Mercurius Antimecharius, or the Simple Cobler's Boy with
his Lap full of Caveats ; and of the Humble Petitions, Serious
Suggestions, and Dutiful Expostulations of some Moderate and
Loyal Gentlemen, Yeomen, and Freeholders of the Eastern
Association, printed in 1648.
He closed his eventful career in 1653, aged eighty-three. Of
his children were John, minister of Haverhill, James, who re
turned with his father to England, became a physician, and a
daughter, married to Gyles Fyrmin.
His talents, acquirements, and piety were of high order.
From his entrance upon the ministry till the close of his life,
he devoted what measure of strength he had to advance the
temporal and spiritual good of his fellow-men. He held a rank
among the first, who are divinely blessed for strict and untiring
compliance with the rules of their stewardship.
July 26. At a session of the Commissioners of the Union,
commencing at this date, they consider several propositions of
President Dunster, relative -to the college. As to the contribu
tion of one shilling a family, in the confederate colonies, for
the college, which had exceeded fifty pounds a year, though
not fully complied with, they state that such aid was intend
ed for the help of " poore, pious, and learned youthes," and
should be appropriated to them so long as any of them were
there. August 4. As Winthrop informs us, Hobart, of Hingham,
visits °Boston to preach a sermon at the marriage of a man
who belonged to his parish. But the magistrates, being told of
it, desire him to forbear. The reasons for such procedure are,
that they consider him as opposed to the ecclesiastical and civil
government of the colony, and fearless in the expression of his
opinions ; that they are averse to introducing here the English
custom for ministers to perform the service at marriages, which
sermons on such occasions are likely to promote. They, how
ever, o-rant permission for suitable remarks by any elders who
may' be present. Notwithstanding such an objection, Cotton
Mather says that John Cotton delivered a sermon, " according
to the old usa°-e of New England," at the contraction of Rev.
Samuel Danforth with the daughter of John Wilson, which
couple were married in 1651.
This year, Henry Waiver graduates at Harvard. He subse
quently went to England, and was settled in the ministry, as

600 INFLUENCE OF NEW ON OLD ENGLAND. [Mass.
Hutchinson relates, in the county where his friends resided.
Waiver is a rare name for New England. A Martha Waiver
was admitted, in 1672, to the first church of Boston.
John Barden, or Birden, takes his first degree at the -same in
stitution. He subsequently went to England, where he
preached the gospel.
To comply with the demand of the public mind, in both
New and Old England, concerning religious as well as civil lib
erty, various productions issue, this year, from the press.
Among these are several from authors in Massachusetts, which
are printed in London. They follow : —
The Temple Measured, wherein are discussed most of the
Material Questions touching the Constitution and Government
of the Visible Church, with a Solution of Objections usually
framed against the Model and Platform of Ecclesiastical Polity
in New England. This is by James Noyes, teacher of the
church at Newbury. A writer of the preface states, that the
author, with some others, did not approve of Congregational
government here, and that he believed the elders have full pow
er to admit members, and the church is under the order of the
presbytery. He remarks, that in some things Noyes agreed
with the elders in New England, and in others with the West
minster Assembly, and "in others distant from both."
New England Jonas, cast up at London. This was published
by Major John Child, brother of Dr. Child, who was among
those prosecuted for their petition and remonstrance to our co
lonial authorities. It was a partial exhibition of facts, intended
to turn the public mind there against our civil and religious in
stitutions here. It quotes Mr. Bay lie, as remarking, in his Dis
suasive from Errors, that independency of churches came from
New England, and spread over all parts of Old England.
As a reply to the preceding work, Edward Winslow, the
agent of Massachusetts, though from Plymouth, publishes the
New England Salamander. This appellation is applied to Wil
liam Vassall. In the book the government of the United Colo
nies " is shewed to bee legall, and not arbitrary, being as neere
the law of England " as their " condition will permit." It
states that Noyes and Parker, of Newbury, and Hobart, of
Hingham, though Presbyterians, are not restrained by the Mas
sachusetts authorities in their forms of church polity.
The Day Breaking if not the Sun Rising of the Gospell with
the Indians in New England. Referring to John Eliot as its
author, Nathaniel Ward prefaced it thus : " Hee that pen'd
these following relations is a minister of New England, so em
inently godly and faithfull, that what he here reports, as an eye
or eare witnesse, is not to be questioned. Were hee willing

INQUIRIES ON LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE. 601
1647.]
his name should bee mentioned, it would bee an abundant if
not a redundant testimonial to all that know him."
The Simple Cobler of Agawam, a satirical and witty perform
ance, is published. It encourages opposition to royal govern
ment, though suited to moderate the excesses of the two parties
in England. The severe manner in which it handles denomina
tions different from that of the well-known author, Nathaniel
Ward, was common with every sect.
The Bloudy Tenent washed and made white in the Bloud
of the Lambe. It is from the pen of John Cotton. In it
" the great questions of this present time are handled, viz.,
How farre liberty of conscience ought to be given to those that
truly feare God ; and how farre restrained to turbulent and
pestilent persons, that not onely raze the foundations of godli-
nesse, but disturb the civill peace where they live ; also, how
farre the magistrate may proceed in the duties of the first table ;
and that all magistrates ought to study the word and will of
God, that they may frame the government according to it." It
is a reply to the Blovdy Tenent of Persecution for Cause of
Conscience, by Roger Williams, and also to his Answer to Let
ters sent by Cotton.
The' last author mentioned issues a Treatise on the Singing
of Psalms, as to .the duty itself, the matter, performers, and
manner. The book was composed to meet objections on these
several heads.
He also publishes the Grounds and Ends of the Baptism of
the Children of the Faithfull, opened in a Familiar Discourse
by Way of a Dialogue, or Brotherly Conference. He composed
this work as an- answer to another, brought to him by the son of
a church member in Lincolnshire, England. He relates that
the bearer of it joined a church- near Boston ; read books on
baptism, and withheld his child from this ordinance ; _ came to
him for advice, and was answered in writing by Benjamin Wood-
bridge, then residing at his house. Still the inquirer desired
Cotton to solve his doubts, which he accordingly endeavored
to do.
October 27. A session of the General Court begins. From
their transactions several passages are taken. As Dr. Robert
Child owes a fine of fifty pounds, assessed on him the last No
vember, and he has gone out of the jurisdiction, his stock in the
iron works at Lynn is to be sold by the auditor general, so far
as to satisfy the demand.
With regard to an important concern, " Whereas there is a
synod in being, and it is the purpose, besides the clearing of
some points in religion questioned, to set forth a form of church
government according to the order of the gospel ; . and to that
3x 51

602 CONFESSION OF FAITH PROPOSED. [Mass.
end there are certain members of the synod, that have in charge
to prepare the same against the synod. But this court conceiv
ing that it is as fully meet to set forth a Confession of Faith we
do profess touching the doctrinal part of religion also, we do
desire, therefore, these reverend elders following to take some
pains, each of them, to prepare a brief form of this nature, and
present the same to the- next session of the synod, that, agreeing
to one, (out of them all,) it may be printed with the other :
Messrs. Norris, Cotton, Mather, Rogers, of Ipswich, Shepard,
Norton, and Cobbett."
That the Bible may be more fully taught in schools, and the
pupils learn to exercise greater vigilance against the influence
of Papacy, and be led to a fuller practice of Protestantism, the
subsequent order * is passed : " It being one chiefe proiect of
y* ould deludor, Satan, to keepe men from the knowledge of yc
Scriptures, as in former times by keeping ym in an unknowne
tongue, so in these latter times, by perswading from ye use of
tongues, y' so at least ye true sence and meaning of ye originall
might be clouded by false glosses of saint-seeming deceivers, y*
learning may not be buried in ye grave of our fathers in y"
church and commonwealth, ye Lord assisting our indeavors, it
is therefore ordered, y* every towneship in this jurisdiction, after
ye Lord hath increased ym to ye number of fifty housholders,
shall then forthwith appoint one within their towne to teach all
such children as shall resort to him to write and reade, whose
wages shall be paid either by ye parents or masters of such chil
dren, or by ye inhabitants in generall by way of supply, as y"
maior part of those y* order ye prudentials of ye towne shall ap
point, provided those y' send their children be not oppressed
by paying much more yn they can have ym taught for in other
townes. And it is further ordered, y* where any towne shall in
crease to ye number of one hundred families, or householders,
they shall set up a grammer schoole, ye master thereof being
able to instruct youth so farr as they may be fited for ye univer
sity, provided y* if any towne neglect ye performance hereof
above one yeare, yn every such towne shall pay five pounds to
y" next schoole till they shall performe this order."
Dand, one of the remonstrants, if tendering a suitable ac
knowledgment and giving sufficient security for the payment of
fifty pounds, is to be set at liberty.
As some men " draw away the affections of young maidens,
under pretence of purpose of marriage," before their parents;
or others duly authorized, have given consent, " to the dishonor

* It stands under November 11, as do its subsequent legislative orders of the
same session.

16471 DISSIPATED YOUTH FROM ENGLAND 603
of God and damage of the parties," every such offender shall
pay five pounds for the first trespass, ten pounds for the sec
ond, and for the third be committed to prison, and remain there
as the Assistants shall determine.
" There being within this jurisdiction many members of
churches, who, to exempt themselves from all public service in
the commonwealth, will not come in to be made freemen, it is
ordered, that all such members of churches shall not be ex
empted from such public service as they are chosen to by the
freemen of the several towns, as constables, jurors, selectmen,
and surveyors of highways." The penalty of non-compliance
with this order is twenty shillings or less.
It is made lawful to assess the inhabitants of each town for
the purchase of a parsonage, and handing it down to their suc
cessive ministers.
" The court are not a little grieved that they cannot as they
would make such returns as might comfortably supply our occa
sions in England, and prove a comfortable encouragement to our
honoured and industrious agent to go through with what we
have betrusted him," and therefore they desire the capital, and
the towns near it, to advance their proportion of the colonial
tax, so that they may remit him some funds.
" Whereas sundry gentlemen of quality and others oft times
send over their children into this country, unto some friends
here, hoping, at the least, thereby to prevent their extravagant
and riotous courses ; " but such a purpose is prevented by per
sons who credit these children, so that they " are no less lavish
and profuse here, to the great grief of their friends, dishonor
of God, and reproach of the country ; " therefore such credit
ors, who trust youth of the preceding class, under twenty-one
years of age, without proper orders, shall lose their debt, and
such debtors, if incurring any penalty, and have not means to
satisfy it, shall answer for it as other delinquents in like cir
cumstances. Woronoke shall be reputed as a part of Springfield, and Mr.
Pynchon " is authorized to make freemen," in this town, " of
those that are in covenant and live according to their profes
sion." November. About this date, Shepard assigns two reasons
why it is time for the conversion of the Indians ; one, that
their hearts begin to bow ; another, that " the Lord hath
raised a mighty spirit of prayer in this behalfe in all the
churches." Eliot and others, of whom were some Indian converts, lately
went to Merrimack River, where Passaconaway resided. This
chief was counted a wizard and a powow. Though he left his

604 WISE ANCIENTS OF THE INDIANS. [Pltm.
people on the approach of the visitors, yet the most of them
heard the instructions of the missionary.
November 4. Cobbet, of Lynn, writes to Shepard, of Cam
bridge, on the subject of the Christian Sabbath.
9. Rogers, of Rowley, addresses Governor Winthrop, " I
pray God so to guide you all y4 with sweete consent against all
malignant spirits and your tender care- to giue all due content
to all godly and quiet persons, though some haue vnwarily bene
troubled and stirred by ye subtility of male-contents." At the
close he remarks, that there is no small conversation about a di
vorce granted by the General Court.
18. Thomas Mayhew, Jr., writes to Winslow in London.
He relates that after he had cured the son of Sagamore Towau-
quattick, this chief said, " that a long time agon, they had wise
men, who, in a grave manner, taught the people knowledge ;
but they are dead, and their wisdom is buried with them ; and
now men live a giddy life, in ignorance, till they are whitehead-
ed, and though ripe in years, yet then they go without wisdom
unto their graves." This sagamore and others of his subjects
requested Mayhew to give them religious instruction, and ob
served that " he should be to them as one that stands by a run
ning river, filling many vessels ; " so should he " fill them with
everlasting knowledge." Mayhew taught them once a month,
and then, at their special wish, once a fortnight. For such a
welcome to the gospel, the chief had an arrow shot at him while
asleep in the night. But he feared God more than man, and
held to his wise purpose.
In reference to the iron works at Saugus, Johnson observes
that it would be well for the proprietors abroad to consider
where their factory is, namely, " in New England, where the
Lord Christ hath chosen to plant his churches, to hide his peo
ple under the covert of his wings, till the tyranny of Antichrist
be overpassed."

PLYMOUTH.
1646, May 5. Kenelme Winslow, for calling the church
members of Marshfleld all liars, is committed to prison, as he
did not give security for his appearance.
19. A chief promoter of the plan for greater toleration to
Episcopalians, as petitioned for by Dr. Child and others to the
Bay legislature, is William Vassall, of Scituate. Winthrop ob
serves of this person, that he had used his influence with non-
members of churches, to petition the courts of the Bay and

,_.-. GOSPEL FORMERLY PREACHED TO INDIANS. 605
lo4o.J
Plymouth, " that the distinctions which were maintained here,
both in civil and church estate, might be taken away, and that
we might be wholly governed by the laws of England," and
that, if such an application did not avail, then to lay it before
Parliament. June. Nauset is called Eastham, and so incorporated. John
Mayo, about the same time, becomes the pastor of its inhab
itants. He had been minister at Barnstable.
July. The General Court order " that something be done to
maintain the liberties of the churches without intermeddling or
wronging each other, according to the statutes of England, that
they may live in peace."
November 4. The Bay legislature propose that this colony
" bear their just proportion in so weighty a business " as send
ing Winslow, as an agent for the confederation, to London.
December 4. Edward Winslow has a commission from Mas
sachusetts, empowering him to visit England, and answer before
the commissioners various charges made by Gorton and others.
1647, June 8. Among the members of the synod, who now
convened at Cambridge, is Governor Bradford, as a messen-
lger from the Plymouth church.
The latter end of this year, Eliot, Shepard, and Wilson visit
Yarmouth, to give advice concerning serious difficulties there.
They are favored in their endeavors. Eliot collects Indians
thereabouts, and preaches to them. They understand him with
some difficulty, so far as their dialect differed from that of the
Naticks. The principal sachem there would let but few of his
people attend. An old Indian told Eliot that he had heard
aged men speak of religious truths like those he delivered.
Shepard observes, ",I could not tell how those old Indians
should attaine to such knowledge, unlesse, perhaps, by meanes
of the French preacher cast upon those coasts many yeers
since."

MAINE.

1646 March. The troublesome question as to the extent of
Lygonia is decided by the commissioners for the New England
Plantations. This conclusion secured to Rigby his claim for
' such territory to the bounds of forty miles square. Cleaves
its deputy president, immediately summoned a court at Saco, and
showed that he was inclined to exercise his trust with energy
and usefulness. The commissioners desired Massachusetts to
afford him aid, if he should be resisted in his administration.
51*

606 CAPTURE AND DEATH OF MADAM LA TOUR. [Me.
Vines, who had long and faithfully stood for Episcopacy and
royalty, perceives that the republican influence of Parliament
is adverse to the interests of Sir Ferdinando Gorges in Maine.
After settling his affairs, he left Godfrey in his place of govern
or, went to England, and thence to Barbadoes.
June 3. The difficulties between the two colonies of Gorges
and Rigby are referred, as Winthrop says, to the Court of As
sistants at Boston. Agents for both parties appear there. Some
of the magistrates decide that the Massachusetts authorities
should nqt hear the matter ; others are of a different opinion.
It is concluded that the evidence be laid before the Assistants,
as the only supreme judges of that period, and a special jury,
by way of advice, and not of coercion. For want of conclusive
evidence, the subject is finally left as it was, and the parties are
counselled to live in harmony till it can be determined by the
proper tribunal in England.
As the successor of Father Biart* among the Cannibas,
Father Gabriel Dreuillettes is still with them. He baptized
many of them. As an envoy he twice visited Boston to " form
an alliance for the protection of the Cannibas and others of the
Abenakis against the invasion of their enemies, the Iroquois."
Through the influence of his religion on the Abenakis, they
could be easily induced by the French to fight against their
Protestant neighbors.
About this time, Rev. John Wheelwright, being reconciled
with the Bay authorities, leaves Wells to preach at Hampton.
164:7, April. D'Aulney, less in favor with the Protestants of
New England than La Tour, besieges the fort of the latter gov
ernor, at St. John. After a short but severe resistance, he cap
tured the place, with its heroic defender, the wife of La Tour.
He is reported to have had the rest of his opponents put to the
sword. With his prisoner and more than ten thousand pounds
in spoil, he returned to Penobscot. The captive, separated
from her husband and friends, bereft of her home and property,
and confined in the castle of an enemy, sunk under her trials,
and died in less than three weeks after she was taken.
July 19. Richard Vines, residing in Barbadoes as a doctor
and planter, writes Governor Winthrop. He mentions that
Mr. Parker and his family are well situated there, " opposed
by none, unlesse by Antinomians and such like."
* Maine Historical Collections, vol. i. p. 327.

ORDER FAVORABLE TO THE GORTONISTS. 607
1646.] NEW HAMPSHIRE.
1646, May 6. A committee are appointed at Boston to con
sider difficulties at Hampton. M
June 24. James Parker, who had preached at Piscataqua,
writes to Governor Winthrop from Barbadoes, whither he had
recently gone to labor in his profession. He describes the con
dition of society there as follows : " If I should be demanded
how I thinke things goe here, I would say, I am afrayde when
I consider off the profaneness off the place and the divisions
that are here and like to be ; soe much I certainly would say.
Had not a man greater arguments to carrie hither, and here, for
the present, to stay him, than temporals, he would faile. How
oft have I thought in my hearte, oh, howe happie are New Eng
land people ! "
November 4. During their session, under this date, the Gen
eral Court of Massachusetts consider petitions from Dover and
Strawberry Bank. They conclude to confer with the assignees
of Lord Say and others, who had conferred oU them jurisdiction
over the people there, so that these might have lands properly
secured to them. They affirm that unless such provision is
made, they shall feel themselves discharged from their engage
ment.

RHODE ISLAND.
1646 May. Among the seven petitioners to the legislature
of Massachusetts for less restriction in political and religious
laws is John Smith, who came to the Island from Boston, where
he had resided two or three years. He is at the latter place,
intending to embark with his wife for England.
2. Jane Hawkins, at Portsmouthj petitions the Bay authori
ties to visit her sons, James, Thomas, and Job, of Boston. Her
request was soon after disallowed.
15. Samuel Gorton, Randall Holden, and John Green, hav-
ino- gone to England to obtain redress for what they considered
as wrongs from the United Colonies, obtain an order from the
commissioners for New England. This injunction requires that
Shawomet shall be restored to Gorton and his followers, and
that he, with his friends, shall have liberty to land their goods
wherever they shall arrive, and have an unmolested pass to
their plantation. With regard to such permission, the grantors
of it say to the confederate authorities, " Our present resolution

608 LIBERTY AND EQUALITY.
is not grounded upon an admittance of the truth of what is
charged, we knowing well how much God hath honoured your
government, and believing that your spirits and affairs are acted
by principles of justice, prudence, and zeal to God, and there
fore cannot easily receive any evil impressions concerning your
proceedings." September 13. Holden arrives at Boston, and presents the
order of the commissioners to the governor. A/ter a few days,
the Assistants allow him a free pass through their jurisdiction,
though they feel themselves thus obliged to do from wrong
representations made against them in London, without sufficient
opportunity to rebut them.
Johnson affirms that, if the Simplicity's Defence of Gorton
had been understood when he and his friends were in England,
" surely they had never returned with so large a commission as
they boast of; for the Parliament have punished divers persons
for their blasphemies, and very like these should not have
escaped scot free."
Having taken possession of Shawomet, the Gortonists call it
Warwick, from gratitude to the Earl, who was at the head of
the Board for New England affairs.
14. The confederate commissioners, after narrating vari
ous counts which they held as breaches of treaty by the
Narragansetts and Nyanticks, and which they put in a dec
laration to the sagamores of these tribes, conclude, " Lastly,
as appeares by good evidence, by presents of wampum, they
haue beene practisinge with the Mohawks and other Indyans,
contrary to their couenants, soe that the premises to all the com
missioners and colonies doe justly render them a perfidious and
treacherous people, and accordingly in their owne season they
should proceede against them, and whateuer the consequences
proue, themselues are the authors of it."
November 4. A declaration of the General Court at the Bay,
in Hutchinson's Collections, makes the ensuing statement.
About eight years ago, amUmber of persons complained of not
having religious liberty ; they moved to Rhode Island, where
they proclaimed that -" no man should ever be molested for pro
fessing his judgment ; they thought themselves the onely happy
concording people under heaven. But, alas ! it was but a
dreame ; it was not of God, and therefore could not stand. For
this liberty and equality so fomented naturall corruption as
they presently fell at variance among themselves, and grew
three or foure opposite parts, which continue to this day, and in
stead of establishing church and civil state, have overthrowne
both." 11. Coddington replies to Winthrop, " For Gorton and his

,_..„n DEMOCRATIC FORM OF GOVERNMENT. 609
lo47.J
company, they are to me as ever they haue beene ; their freedom
of the Island is denyed, and was when I accepted of the place I
nowe beare. The commissioners have joyned them in the same
charters, tho we mentayne the government as before."
December 10. In their address, presented by Winthrop, to the
parliamentary commissioners, the Massachusetts authorities go
over the ground of their difficulty with the Gortonists. They
assert that the government of the United Colonies judged that
necessity required the latter persons to be taken by force and
tried for alleged offences, and assigned such a work to be per
formed by Massachusetts. They add, that the restoration of
Shawomet to Gorton and his associates had encouraged them to
threaten the Indians who had come under their protection, and
so to discourage the means of bringing such natives to receive
the gospel.
1647, May 18. The difficulties which had prevented an or
ganization of government under the charter for Providence
and Rhode Island Plantations being removed, committees from
the several towns assemble at Portsmouth for such a purpose.
Among the powers conferred on the delegates from Providence
was, to act for " the settling of the island in peace and union."
Of the orders passed by this new assembly, was one for the
grant of one hundred pounds to Roger Williams for his charges
and services in obtaining the charter.
The same body adopt a code of laws. The introduction has
the succeeding passage : "It is agreed that the form of govern
ment is democratical ; that is to say, a government held by the
free and voluntary consent of all or the greater part of the free
inhabitants. And now, to the end we may give, each to other,
notwithstanding our different consciences touching the truth as
it is in Jesus, whereof upon the point we all make mention, as
good and hopeful assurance as we are able, touching each man's
peaceable and quiet enjoyment of his lawful right and liberty,
we do enact these orders following."
One of them says, " Witchcraft is forbidden to be used in this
colony. The penalty imposed by the authority that we are sub
jected to is felony of death." Another, that no marriage shall
be lawful without consent of parents, " published orderly in
several meetings of the townsmen, and confirmed before the
head officers of the town, and entered into the town clerk's
book," on penalty of five pounds from the bridegroom and
bound for good behavior, and the like sum from each accessory.
A further follows : " Forasmuch as the consciences of sundry
men, truly conscionable, may scruple the giving or taking of
an o'ath, and it would be no ways suitable to the nature and
constitution of our place (who profess ourselves to be men of
3y

610 AFFIRMATION INSTEAD OF AN OATH. [R. Is.
different consciences, and not one willing to force another) to
debar such as cannot so do, either from bearing office among
us, or from giving in testimony in a case depending, be it en
acted by the authority of this present assembly, that a solemn
profession or testimony, in a court of record, or before a judge
of record, shall be accounted throughout the whole colony of
as full force as an oath ; and because many, in giving engagement
or testimony, are usually more overawed with the penalty, which
is known, than with the Most High, who is little known in the
kingdoms of men, it is therefore further agreed and ordered,
that he that falsifieth such solemn profession or testimony shall
be accounted among us a perjured person," pay the damage of
his perjury and five pounds, and be disfranchised.
The part relative to offences, thus closes : " These are the
laws that concern all men, and these are the penalties for the
transgression thereof, which, by common consent, are ratified
and established throughout the whole colony ; and otherwise
than thus what is herein forbidden, all men may walk as their
consciences persuade them, every one in the fear of his God.
And let the saints of the Most High walk in this colony with
out molestation, in the name of Jehovah, their God, forever
and ever."
With reference to such an organization of " colony govern
ment," Staples says in his Annals, it " did not put an end to
the feuds and divisions that had previously disturbed the tran
quility and prevented the growth of Providence." So it was
as to the rest of the colony. But as expressive of hope that
they should weather all storms, the General Court agree that
the seal of their jurisdiction shall be an anchor.*
May 28. Roger Williams writes to John Winthrop, Jr.,
" Concerning Indian affairs, reports are various ; lyes are fre
quent. Private interests, both with Indians and English, are
many. Yet these things you may and must doe : 1. Kiss truth
where you evidently upon youre soul see it ; 2. Advance justice,
(though upon a child'sgeyes ;) 3. Seeke and make peace, if
possible, with all men; 4. Secure your owne life from a re-
vengefull, malicious arrow or hatchet. I have bene in danger
of them, and delivered yet from them."
June 4. Canonicus, the chief sachem of Narragansett, dies
at a very advanced age. While regarded by the authorities of
the Colonial Union as hostile to their measures, he was grate
fully remembered by Roger Williams and the inhabitants
around him, as their well-tried benefactor. This clergyman
* Rhode Island, March 1641-2, adopted a seal,' having a sheaf of arrows
bound up, and the motto, Amor vinc.it omnia. United'with the main, they, March
1, 1663-4, modified the seal of 1647. so as to have the word Hope placed over
the anchor.

1647.'

INDIAN SACRIFICE OF GOODS. 611

gives an instance which shows the parental affection as well as
the kind of religion which the deceased sagamore exhibited.
It follows : " I saw with mine owne eyes, at my late coining
forth of the countrey, the chiefe. and most aged peaceable father
of the countrey, Caunounicus. Having buried his sonne, he
burned his own palace, and . all his goods in it, (amongst them
to a great value,) in a solemne remembrance of his Sonne, and
in a kind of humble expiation of the gods, who (as they be
lieve) had taken his sonne from him."
While here, it may not be amiss to give . an example of the
impression made by the belief and practice of Williams, in ref
erence to the Lord's day, on the Indian mind. It is from under
the hand of Thomas Shepard. " One thing more I remember
concerning Mr. Eliot's conference with a Narragansett sachim/
a sober man, this 3-ear, After he had taught this sachim the
means of salvation by Christ, he asked him why they did not
learn of Mr. Williams. He soberly answered, that they did not
care to learn of him, because he goes out and works upon the
Sabbath day. I name it to shew what a stumbling block to all
religion the loose observation of the Sabbath is."
July 22. In their letter to Massachusetts, Warwick and the
other commissioners observe, that they have more particularly
considered the exposition of Winslow respecting the conduct
of the Gortonists. They remark, that if it appear that Shawo
met " is within the limits of any of the New England patents,
We shall leave the same and the inhabitants thereof to the prop
er jurisdiction of that government under which they fall."
They also recommend that, in case this is so, the inhabitants of
that town may be allowed to remain and be " encouraged in all
fit ways, provided that they demean themselves peaceably, and
not endanger. any of the English colonies by a prejudicial cor
respondency with the Indians or otherwise, wherein if they
shall be found faulty, we leave them to be proceeded with ac
cording to justice."
December. As the divisions which had prevailed at Provi
dence still continue, Williams and seven others sign a contract
to do all they can for their suppression. So far as their active
influence extended, this was a beneficial measure. But such
were the dispositions it had to contend with, and the wide lati
tude they had to indulge themselves in, it could not avail
much. This year, Gorton publishes a book in England, entitled the
Incorruptible Key, composed of CX. Psalm, wherewith you may
open the rest of the Holy Scriptures. However he may have
thought himself clear and instructive in such exegesis of sacred
writ very few minds, if any, in our age, can comprehend the

612 LOSS SUSTAINED BY NEW HAVEN. [Conn.
general drift of his remarks. His expositions, like his social
deportment, were erratic, confined to no rule but his own
pleasure.

CONNECTICUT.
1646, January. The ship fitted out at New Haven to help
retrieve their losses sails * for England with several distin
guished promoters of the colony's temporal and spiritual inter
ests, and with some able manuscripts, as those of Davenport and
Hooker, relative to the discipline of the churches in the confed
eration. As well known, this was the last seen of such Chris
tian patriots and such copies on a subject then deeply absorbing
in their native land, still filled with the agitated elements of
revolution. The work of Hooker was entitled the Sum of Church Dis
cipline. It stood for the position that each church had power
to govern itself, but that there was need of consociations to dis
cipline such churches as did not walk in the faith and order of
the gospel. Its publication will be noticed. The work of Dav
enport was called the Power of Congregational Churches As
serted and Vindicated. This was in reply to the Defence of
Church Government, exercised in Classes and Synods, by J.
Paget. The first manuscript of it was written 1642. Its au
thor rewrote it 1652, but it was not printed till 1672, and
then in London. He held the position that when the children
baptized in infancy grew up and neglected to unite with the
church, and became irreligious, they should " be declared non-
members." *
March 16. " It was ordered the last General Court that men
and women should be seated in the meeting house (of New Ha
ven town) ; therefore it was propounded, that all the seats be
finished, for fear of want of room, and to avoid offence." " The
particular court, with the two deacons, taking in the advice of
the ruling elder," were appointed the next January 4th, " to
place the people in the seats." *
April 9. At a session of the Connecticut legislature, Mr.
Ludlow is desired to draw up a body of laws for the colony, and
lay them before the next General Court. The towns are re
quested to make collections for the college, and send them
thither in due season.
May. About this time, as Trumbull relates, a church is or
ganized at Saybrook. James Fitch, a student of Mr. Hooker;
* Trumbull puts this under 1047, but Winthrop 1646.

16461 PUNISHMENT F0R SLANDER AND BLASPHEMY. 613
is ordained for its pastor. The tradition is, that though Hooker
was present, the service was performed by two or three princi
pal brethren, who, being designated by the church for it, im
posed hands.
The people of New Haven have serious thoughts of seeking
for another residence. They are so inclined because their prop
erty was much reduced by the loss of their ship and other cas
ualties, and that they supposed their lands unfit for farms.
They had invitations to settle at " Jamaica, West Indies," and
in Ireland. But they concluded to remain, and still toil on
for the advancement of the cause which induced them to occu
py their position. Their faith in God was more than realized.
June 30. A man, for slandering Mrs. Mary Fenwick, as the
Connecticut legislature order, "is to stand on the pillory,
Wednesday, during the lecture, then be whipped, and fyned
five pound, and halfe yeares imprysonment."
July 7. New Haven court sentence Pawquash, an Indian,
for speaking blasphemously, four years ago, of Christian wor
ship, to be severely whipped. On the 16th August, they re
solve to maintain their trading house, though protested against
by the Dutch, and " leave the issue of things to God, whatever
they may be."
August. In a letter from Hooker to Shepard, he remarks,
•'' We are now preparing for your synod. My yeares and in-
firmityes grow so fast vpon me, y4 wholly disenable me to so
long a iourney ; and because I cannot come myself, I provoke as
many elders as I can to lend their help and presence. The
Lord Christ be in the midest amongst you by his guidance and
blessing." September 1. Messengers from Connecticut and New Haven
meet at Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Hooker writes to Shepard, " I renew thanks for the letter
and copy of the passages at synod. I wish ther be not a mis
understanding of some things by some, or that the bynding
power of synods be not pressed too much ; for I speake it only
to yourself, he that adventures far in that busines will fynd hott
and hard work, or else my perspective may fayle, which I con-
fesse it may be. I could easily give way to arguments, that
vr^e the help of a synod to counsell. I fynd Mr. Rutherford
and Apollonius to give somewhat sparingly to the place of the
magistrate, to putt forth power in the calling of synods, where
in I perceive they goe crosse to some of our most serious and
iudicious waiters."
9. The commissioners of the Union, after assembling at this
date consider the evidences of an Indian plot to have several
prominent inhabitants of Hartford murdered, and other demon-
5a

614 SET EORMS DEEMED UNLAWFUL. [CONI..
strations of conspiracy on the part of natives. They take ap
propriate steps to prevent such evils.
September 17. Extracts from a letter by Hooker to Shepard
follow : " I see that the Scotch party do seriously set themselves
to fortifye their Presbyterian side with the improvement of all
meanes to weaken the proceedings and the persons of the contra
ry side." As to Rutherford and Baylie, " I cannot be per
swaded but these men had a secret hand to provoke Mr. Weld
to set forth his short story touching occasions here in Mr. Vane
his reign, as also to publish to the world the answer to the thir
ty-two questions, and also to the nine, beyond all your expecta
tions." " By Mr. Burroughs and Mr. Bridges ther letters and
answers to you, I smell that which the wise hearted coming from
thence both observe and report, that they see those ministers
marvellously easy to receave such as will suite with them, into
ther assemblyes, though they expresse no power of sincerity or
godlines, whether it be to make ther part strong, or to provide
for ther mayntenance ; wise men think both ; though I know
nothing pro certo, yet I cannot but feare there is a pad in that
strawe. I like those Anabaptists and ther opinion every
day worse than other. The suppressing what books they please,
and the correspondences they hold here, and the cariages of
some subtle and closse spirited persons amongst you, y* seem to
me to keep pace and proportion with them per omnia, is an ill
presage, that vnlesse you be very watchfull, you will have an
army in the field before you know how to prepare or oppose.
The acting of the choice at Charlestowne and the peremptory
refusall by some to vndertake it, even so far as to crave a dis
mission from the church — this, to me, together wdth agitations
by the neighbor church, showes ther is some bottome deepe and
ther ayme recht further then will readily be conceaved." " My
notes of Paedobaptisme are out of my hand, else you might have
had them." He subjoins an argument for the observance of
the first day of the week, instead of the seventh, as the Chris
tian Sabbath.
Hooker to Shepard observes, as to Mr. Ball's defence, " I
had rather defend the cause vpon this supposeall, that all sett
formes are vnlawfull ether in publike or private, then to retyre
to that defence of Mr. Cotton's, that its lawfull to vse a forme
in private, or occasionally in publike."
22. Among the various trials with which the people here
have their faith tested are the continued difficulties with the
Dutch, especially those at Hartford. Kieft, the governor of
New Netherland, at the close of his letter to the commissioners
who had addressed him for a compromise, uses the ensuing lan
guage : " To conclude, we protest against all you commissioners

16471 CONTRIBUTION FOR THE COLLEGE. 615
mett at the Red Mounte, (New Haven,) as against breakers of
the common league, and alsoe infringers of the speciall right of
the lords, the states, and superiours, in that ye have dared with
out expresse commission to hould your generall meetinge with
in the limits of New Netherlande."
November 4. General Court of Massachusetts order letters
for Connecticut and New Haven, desiring them to bear their
just proportion of expense in Mr. Winslow's agency for the
United Colonies, while he is in England.
December 15. About this date, Rev. Thomas Peters sails
from Boston to resettle with his people in Wales. He intended
to go in the ship Supply, which sailed the 5th ult., and had his
goods on board ; but hearing the lecture of Cotton, who consid
ered some of her passengers like Jonas, he took back his things,
and waited for another opportunity. Cotton Mather speaks of
him as a respectable author of several publications.
This year, Samuel Eaton, formerly of New Haven, now
teacher of the church at Duckenfield, Chester, England, and
Timothy Taylor, as his pastor colleague, defend Congregation
alism against an epistle published by Richard Hollingworth.
They write, " We see no absurdity in Master Cottons and the
New England brethrens exposition, who make the four beasts
to be the officers of the churches, and the twenty-four elders to
be the members." Eaton, in speaking of his residence in this
country, says, " where if the High Commission at York could
have let him alone, he might probably have ended his days."
But as they fined him in several sums about fifteen hundred
pounds, while absent, and attached his estate at Wirrall,
Chester, he was under the necessity of going to extricate his
property from its involvement.
1647, January 4. " The contribution for the college was re
newed," and collectors chosen in New Haven colony.
April 6. Fenwick, in England, writes to Governor Winthrop
that proprietors of the patent, which he conveyed to Connecti
cut, were willing he should so do, as a means of repayment for
his charges, on which he should lose a considerable amount.
May 17. By the General Court of New Haven, " Robert
Bassett was desired to beat both the first and second drums on
Lord's days and lecture days upon the meeting house, that so
those who live far off may hear them the more distinctly."
" The governor propounded that the college corn might be
forthwith paid, and that considering the work is a service to
Christ to bring up young plants for his service, and besides it
will be a reproach that it shall be said New Haven is fallen off
from this service."
20. " It is ordered that there shalbe a gard of twenty men,

616 DECEASE OF THOMAS HOOKER. [Conn.
every Sabboth and lecture day, compleate in their arms, in each
seuerall towne vppon the river, and atte Seabrooke and Farm-
ington, eight apeece, ech towne of the sea coast ten, and as the
number of men increase in the townes, the gaurd is to encrease."
July 7. Among the severest trials of New Haven colony and
of the confederation, is the decease of Thomas Hooker, in the
sixty-second year of his age. His will mentions his wife, Su
sannah, and children, John, Samuel, Sarah, Joannah Shepard,
and Mary Newton. It has the passage, " However I do not
forbid my sonne John from seeking and taking a wife in Eng
land, yet I doe forbid him from marrying and tarrying there."
His complaint was an epidemical fever. When dying, he re
marked, " I am going to receive mercy," then closed his eyes,
and expired with a placid smile.
19. Samuel Stone, his colleague, writes to Shepard. Speak
ing of Hooker's death, he says, " Our light is eclipsed, our joy
darkened." He proceeds, " We shall doe what we can to pre
pare Mr. Hooker's answer to Rutherford, y4 it may be sent
before winter. I purpose to proceed in the answer to Dr.
Crispe ; but whether I shall finish it and get it written out fail-
before winter, I know not. If you will send me Saltmarsh,
I shall take him also, if I haue the whole winter." It appears
from the communication containing this passage, that Stone had
returned from the synod in Massachusetts, on account of the
epideinic, before Hooker died, and that, while there, the elders
had made arrangements for answering several writers in Eng
land. September 9. As the settlement afterwards Stonington had
been commenced by John Winthrop, Jr., under order from
Massachusetts, but was this year assigned to Connecticut by the
commissioners of the Union, the latter colony grant him au
thority there " to execute justice according to our lawes and
rule of righteousness."
October 28. In the Survey of the Summe of Church Disci
pline, the chief work of Hooker, an address to his church is
prefixed by Edward Hopkins and William Goodwin, two of
his parishioners. They state that after the first manuscript of
this work was lost, nearly two years before, he had concluded to
keep it unpublished. They add, " But at last he was overborn,
and condescended to what now is again endeavoured, though
before the full transcribing, he was translated from us to be ever
with the Lord." Then follow poetical notices of Hooker, by
his colleague, Stone, and John Cotton, and an epitaph by Eze
kiel Rogers. Morton's Memorial has a lamentation in verse,
on the deceased, by Peter Bulkley. The sheets, having been
forwarded to London, were published in 1648. The Rev.

,_.„... ARREST OF PRESBYTERIAN ADVANCEMENT. 617
J047.J
Thomas Goodwin, in his preface to them, dated April 17, has
the subsequent remarks : " I intend not to preface any thing by
commendation of either unto the reader which were, indeed, to
lay paint upon burnished marble, or add light unto the sun. I
beleeve, upon some conjectures, that the copy which perished,
and was throughout revised, and perhaps added to, by the author,
was more perfect than this."
Hooker composed his treatise principally in answer to objec
tions which he had to passages of Rutherford and Hudson, as
previously stated, and also in Robert Baylie's Disswasive from
the Errors of the Time, and in the Vinditice Clavium. Hub
bard says that it brought " the Presbyteriall career " in Eng
land " to a stand."
" This year, Samuel Hubbard and his wife, of Fairfield, hold
to the baptism of only visible believers." She was twice ar
raigned for her faith in this particular. They soon remove to
Newport, Rhode Island, and November 3, 1648, join Mr.
Clarke's church.

Having come thus far in the course of this work, its number
of pages indicates- that we should close its historical part, and
proceed to other appendages requisite for the present volume.
So spared " another leaf of finished time " to turn, may its rec
ord, that we improve the truth, presented here and from every
other source to our minds, so harmonize with Christian obliga
tion, as to secure the entry of our names on the book of eternal
life.
3z 52*

INDEX OE NAMES,
COMPRISING PERSONS, PEOPLE, VESSELS, AND PLACES.

When the several pages referring to the same names are denoted by tens or hundreds, these
figures will be expressed but once, except when intervened by words.

Abbot of Feme, 5.
George, Abp., 80.
Aberdecest, 53.
Abergavenny, 230.
Abenakis, 606.
Abigail, ship, 100.
Abishai, 357.
Abraham, 62, 259, 68, 336
445.
Abrey, Eng., 414, 71.
Acadie, 21, 3, 9, 46, 70.
Achasan, 120.
Acts, 162.
Adam, 400, 544.
Adams, John Quincy,237.
Nathaniel, 450.
Adey Web, 347.
Adlard, George, 427.
Africa, 18.
Africans, 333.
Agamenticus, 95, 1 54, 218,
92, 342, 445-8, 99,
500, 1, 38.
Agawam, 26, 142, 64, 5,
72, 598, 601.
Springfield, 252, 357,
9.
Agissawamg, 27.
Ainsworth, Henry, 15, 30,
69, 547.
Alcock, George, 160.
Mrs., dies, 141.
Alden, John, 93, 187.
Timothy, 225.
Aldersey, Samuel, 275.
Aldsworth, Robert, 188.
Aldworth, Thomas, 20.
Aleworth, Mr., 148.
Alexander VI., Pope, 4,
18, 43.
Sir William, 52, 70.
Alford, or Alfort, John,
328.
Allen, Elizabeth, 468.
John, 379.
Matthew, 562, 3.
Thomas, 228.

Allen, Thomas, 364, 6, 77,
9.
William, 291, 435.
Allerton, Isaac, 63, 93,
125, 61, 85, 212, 8.
Allin, Edward, 374, 5.
James, Rev., 498.
John, 144, 277,374,5,
535, 46, 7, 76, 9,
84, 90.
All Souls, 364.
Allum, Emanuel, 83.
Amalek, 560.
America, 18-23, 9, 32, 3,
6, 7, 9, 43, 8, 77,
130, 58, 61, 89, 90,
200, 5, 42, 4, 82, 3,
343, 65, 485, 527,
34, 8, 56, 81, 2.
Ames, Mrs., 328, 543.
Philip, 543.
William, 16, 31, 183,
229, 328, 435, 543.
WiUiam, 543.
Amsterdam, 14, 5, 23, 31,
8, 180, 7, 308, 44.
Andover, 417, 535, 46.
Andrews, Richard, 196,
537.
Andros, Edmund, 41, 124.
Androscoggin, 206, 396.
River, 396.
Angell, John, 26.
Thomas, 248.
Angier, John, 465.
Antego, 496.
Antwerp, 4, 6.
Apaum, 41.
Apollonius, William, 547,
8, 67, 613.
Aquedneck, 339, 50, 2, 85,
6, 419, 54, 7, 8, 61,
2, 510, 1, 51, 7.
Aquinas, Thomas, 5.
Arbella, Lady, dies, 141, 3.
ship, 129, 32, 4, 5.
Archer, John, 123.

Archer, Gabriel, 25, 6.
Archbishop of Prague, 18.
Argal, Samuel, 23, 48, 73.
Aristotle, 18.
Amine, Lady, 537, 96.
Arminius, James, 15, 32,
51.
Anthem, 548.
Arnold, Benedict, 505,
13. 60.
Stephen, 513.
William, 294, 352, 3,
459, 505, 13.
Arrowsick Island, 95.
Arundel, Earl of, 71.
Ashby, 102.
Asher, 560.
Ashton, Robert, 30.
Asia, 18, 458.
Aspinwall, William, 141,
263, 320, 3, 7, 9, 50,
401, 54, 62, 6, 504.
Assington, Eng., 264.
Atherton, Humphrey, 510.
Atkins, Thomas, 443.
Atwater, Josiah, 564.
Augsburg, 6, 9, 294.
Austerfield, 31.
Avery, John, 225.
Avery's Fall, 225.
Axmouth, 345.
Babel, 140.
Babworth, 31.
Babylon, 110.
Bacon, Leonard, 408.
Baconsthorpe, 307.
Baggerly, Mrs., 341.
Bagnall, Walter, killed,
155.
Baker, Wm., 323, 53.
Baker's Island, 134.
Balaam, 60.
Balak, 60.
Ball, John, 368, 419, 82,
546, 614.
Baltimore, Lord, 492.
(619)

620

INDEX OF NAMES.

Banbury, Eng., 342.
Barbadoes, 476, 91,6, 606,
7.
Barker, Elizabeth, 435.
Barnes, Joshua, 496.
Barns, John, 444.
Barnstable, Eng., 598.
Barnstable, 364, 93, 499,
550, 98, 604.
Barret, Walter, 394.
Barrington, Sir Francis,
369.
Barrow, Henry, 14.
Bartholomew, 328.
Henry, 261.
Basil, or Basle, 4, 5, 7, 9.
Basset, Robert, 615.
Bastwick, 230.
Batchelor, Mary, 453.
Stephen, 159, 61, 5,
209,38,40,346,61, 97, 453, 554.
Batcombe, Eng., 365.
Bates, Edward, 327.
George, 283.
Baytes, George, 398.
Batter, Mr., 514.
Baulston, Wm., 323, 8,
50, 1.
Baxter, Richard, 538.
Bay, 75, 7, 127, 37, 71, 3,
222,31,42,6, 50-2,
89, 90, 2, 3, 6, 8,
301, 2, 11, 44, 9,
50, 3-5, 7-9, 76, 80,
97-9, 405-7, 10, 8,
26, 7, 32, 50-3, 4,
7, 8, 62, 7, 8, 81,
94, 7-9, 507-16, 20,
52-61,4,6,7,604-8.
Bay of St. Lawrence, 19.
Baylie, or Bailey, Robert,
119, 235, 473, 526,
47, 600, 14, 7.
Baylies, Francis, 551.
Bayonne, 11.
Bear's Cove, 224.
Beauchamp, John, 154.
Bedfordshire, Eng., 228,
350.
Beesbeach, Elisha, 497.
Belknap, Jeremy, 22, 4,
46, 191, 448.
Bell, Philip, 491.
Belleau, Eng., 257.
Bellingham, Richard, 208,
19,38,75,436,576,
90.
Bendall, Edward, 328, 34.
Benedict, David, 506.
Bennet, Philip, 472, 5.
Richard, 471, 5.
Bennett College, 369, 79.
Berkley, Sir Robert, 527.
Berkshire, Eng., 183.

Bermuda Islands, 575, 7,
85.
Bernard, Richard, 365, 6,
73.
Berne, 5.
Biard, or Biart, Pierre, 46-
8, 606.
Biddeford, 49.
Biencourt, 47.
Biggs, John, 327.
Bigotha, 577.
Birden, or Barden, John,
600.
Bishop, schoolmaster,445.
John, 562.
of Exeter, 419.
Townsend, 543.
Black Point, 396.
Black Point River, 154.
Blackleach, John, 527.
Blackman, Adam, 409.
Blackstone River, 209.
Blackstone, William, 99.
137, 8, 50, 65, 209,
17, 446.
Bland, Mr., 229.
Blessing, bark, 193.
Blinman, Richard, 436, 7,
45, 531.
Block Island, 260, 96, 7,
9, 310, 1, 49.
Bocking, Eng., 264.
Bodmin, Eng., 172.
Bohemia, 18, 78.
Bohemians, 18.
Bonner, Edmund, 4.
Bonython, John. 153,446.
Richard, 246, 396.
Boston, Eng., 129, 36, 9,
42, 68, 257.
Boston, 116,27, 38. named
in honor of Cotton
142,5,9,51,3,4,7
60-5, 8, 9, 70, 1, 3
7,8,82,7,90.1,3-5 200,1, 3,4, 6, 8, 9.
12, 4, 20, 1, 4, 6-8!
30, 1,5-8, 40, 7-50.
5, 6, 61, 4, 5, 7, 9!
65-8, 70-5, 9, 85-7
9, 91, 8, 307-12, 8-
27,9, 32,3,5,41-3
7, 9, 58, 62, 4, 6, 9.
76, 7, 9, 86-9, 98, 9
402-4, 13, 4, 6, 7, 9
20, 2, 4, 5, 7-32, 6
42, 4-6, 50, 1, 4, 5
7, 60, 1, 5, 8, 71, 3
5-7, 9, 81, 5-9, 92
4,7, 9-504, 11,3,6
20, 6, 30, 1, 9, 41
3, 5, 52, 3, 5, 6-60.
2, 3, 73, 7-9, 82, 9.
90,5,7-601,6-8,15!
Boston Bay, 56.

Boston Fort, 258.
Boswell, Sir Wm., 515.
Bosworth, Zaccheus, 327.
Boteler, Lady, 466.
Bowditch, Mrs., 576.
William, 576.
Bowdoinham, 348.
Boye, Rice, 387.
Boynton, Sir Matthew,
283.
Bracey, Thomas, 214.
Bradford, William, 30, 1,
7, 9, 53, 63, 4, 8, 9,
70, 1, 4, 6, 9,80, 2,
3, 5, 8-90, 5, 7, 100,
10, 3, 4, 6, 25, 33,
5, 7, 48, 50, 3, 62,
6,75,84,7,93,215,
43, 309, 45, 444,
96, 549, 50, 605.
Bradshaw, 16.
Bradstreet, Simon, 208,
86, 361, 451, 89,
576, 90.
Braintree, Eng., 160.
Braintree, 79, 230, 397,
416,31,76.527,61.
Branford, Eng., 214, 562.
Branford, Con., 464.
Brazen Nose College, 183.
Brazil colony, 19, 20.
Brenton, William, 353,
420, 57.
Brereton Island, 56.
Brereton, Susanna, 56.
Sir Thomas, 56.
' Sir Wm., 56,102,313.
Brewen, Obadiah, 445.
Brewster, Daniel, 498.
Fear, 549.
John, 498.
Jonathan, 497, 549.
Love, 549.
Patience, 549.
Nathaniel, 497, 8, 549.
Timothy, 498.
William, 30-4, 6, 59,
69, 84, 93, 120, 62,
87, 290, 497, 8 ;
death, 549, 50.
Wrestling, 549.
Bridges, Robert, 596.
William, 614.
Brierly, Mr., 288.
Bright, Edward, 104.
Francis, 102, 4, 6, 9,
11, 2, 39.
Brinkes, Bryan, 154.
Briscoe, Nathaniel, 482,
92, 529.
Nazareth, 387.
Bristol, Eng., 20, 1, 6, 146,
61,88,91,226.313,87, 94, 5, 435, 530,
53.

INDEX OF NAMES.

621

British dominions, 43,
205.
Brittane, James, 373.
Broadhead, 469.
Bromley, Eng., 307.
Brook, Benjamin, 103,
308,42,409,42,53.
Brook, Robert, Lord, 192,
219, 49, 410, 75.
Brookhaven, L. I, 498.
Brown, Chad. 506, 10, 1, 2.
Edmund, 361, 419.
James, 328.
John, 102, 8, 9, 11,7,
8, 21, 2,3,8,32, 5,
237, 75.
John, 559, 61.
Joseph, 183.
Kellam, 119.
Richard, 151, 2, 63,
201, 377.
Robert, 12, 13, 31,
147, 8.
Samuel, 102,9,11,7,
8, 21, 2, 3, 28, 32,
5. 237, 75.
Sarah, 183.
William, 26.
Brussels, 5.
Brutus, 550.
Buet, Hugh, 422.
Bulgar, Richard, 328, 98.
Bulkley, Edward, 227, 8.
Edward, 436, 45.
John, 474,510, 41.
Peter, 227, 8, 59, 74,
312, 33, 4, 77, 436,
74. 6, 541, 93, 616.
Bull, 164.
Dixy, 189, 90.
Henry, 184.
Henrv, 328, 50, 1.
Bunhill Fields, Eng., 598.
Bunker, George, 328.
Burden, George, 327.
Burdet, George, 227, 348,
95, 7, 446, 7.
Burr, Frances, 379.
Jonathan, 378, 9.
Jonathan, 379, 425.
John, 379.
Simon, 379.
Burroughs, Jeremiah,614.
Burrowes, John, 362.
Burton, Thomas, 574.
Burwood. Thomas, 404.
Busher, 295.
Leonard, 291.
Bushrode, Richard, 74.
Bussaker, Peter, 261.
Butcher, Union, 538.
Buttercrambe, Eng., 229.
Butterfield, Samuel,
roasted to death,
300.

Button, John, 327.
Matthew, 457.
Cabot, John, 19, 23.
Caius College, 374, 9.
Calamy, Edmund, 414, 71,
503.
Calicott, Richard, 580.
Callender, John, 350, 403,
556, 7.
Calvert, Leonard, Gov.,
492.
Secretary, 71.
Calvin, John, flees, 6, 7,
15, 38.
Cambridge, Eng., 119, 52,
72, 84, 91, 214, 6,
7, 227-30, 44.52,57,
8,64,300,22,6,46,69, 71, 4, 8. 9, 97,
419, 80, 515.
Cambridge University,
Eng., 31, 103, 4, 35,
7,51,9,68,99,258,
307,8,414,7,9,42,8, 63, 80, 528, 35.
Cambridge, 172, 300, 26.
43, 64, 74, 8, 88,
406, 7, 14, 8, 9, 22,
65, 77, 88, 90, 4,
516, 20, 7, 29, 30,
40, 6, 9, 51, 4, 63,
4, 78, 81, 93, 7, 8,
604, 5, 13.
Canaan, 140, 311, 496,
562.
Canaanites, 60, 357.
Canada, 19,25, 582.
County of, 206.
Canaries, 25.
Cane, see Keayne.
Canne, John, 15.
Cannibas, 47, 606.
Canonicus, 68, 72, 155,92,
220,93,6,7,8,303, 52, 556, 610, 11.
Canterbury, Eng., 199,
284.
Capawack, 52, 75.
Cape Ann, 25, 53, 74, 8,
9, 85, 90, 110, 1,
212,25,74,437,71.
Cod, named, 25, 6, 8,
30,2,9,69.75,206, 18, 90, 350, 437.
Elizabeth, 347.
Henry, 21.
Porpoise, 153.
Sable, 218.
Carder, Richard, 327, 50,
1, 504, 6,13.
Carington, Edward, 323.
Carleton, Sir Dudley, 53.
Carpenter, William, 505.
Cartier, James, 19, 25.

Carter, Thomas, 228, 30,
480, 1.
Carver, Elizabeth, 63.
Carver, John, 33, 8, 40 ;
dies, 63, 6.
Casco, 153, 4, 448,553,4
Casmore, Richard, 513.
Castell, William, 534.
Castile, 18.
Castle Island, 164, 200, 8,
40, 56, 9, 89, 310,
539.
Catherine Hall, 414, 515,
28.
Caulken, or Cauken, 445.
Miss, 445.
Chalmers,George, 434, 83.
Chalons, Henry, 44.
Chaplin, Clem., 302.
Champernoon, Francis,
396, 9.
Champlain, Samuel de,
46.
Chariton, 15.
Charity, vessel, 54.
Charles River, 56, 163.
Charles, Prince, 17.
Charles I., 94, 171, 4, 89,
212,31,42,83,373,80, 400, 18, 54, 84.
Charles II., 124, 7, 255,
428, 528, 41.
Charles V., 5, 6, 8.
Charlestown, 100, 13, 5,
27, 33-5, 7-42, 5, 9,
60-3, 8, 72, 7, 200,
3. 7, 14, 41, 321,8,
30, 64, 79, 402, 20,
77, 9, 96, 513, 30,
49, 55, 614.
Charlevoix, 44, 6-S.
Chase, William, 443.
Chauncey, Charles, 346,
93, 441-4, 97, 8.
George, 346.
Cheeseborough,Wm., 444.
Chelmsford, Eng., 168.
Chepstow, Eng., 445.
Chepian, evil spirit, 591.
Chesapeake, 22.
Cheshire, Eng., 308, 615.
Chester, Eng., 615.
Chester county, Eng , 56.
Chickatalbot, 56.
Child, John, 600.
Robert, 574-6, 83, 4,6,
90,1-4,6-8,600,1,4.
Chion, 512.
Chitwood, Sir Richard,
228.
Cholderton, Eng., 183.
Christian, 7.
Christ's College, of Cam
bridge, Eng., 104,
35, 369.

622

INDEX OF NAMES.

Christ's College, Oxford,
410.
Christophers, 456, 96.
Cinque Ports, 203.
Clap, Roger, 128, 34.
Clapham, Eng., 258.
Clare Hall, 103, 374.
Clark, John, 49, 328, 39,
48,9,50,1,404,58. 61, 557,617.
Thomas, (?) 41.
William, 594.
Clark's Island, 41.
Clarke, Frances, 497.
Claybrook, 103.
Cleaves, George, 500, 53,
4, 605.
Clement, James, an as
sassin, 13.
Clement VII., 6.
Clifton, Richard. 30, 1.
Clotworthy, Sir John,231.
Cobbet, Mr., 148.
Thomas, 482, 531,40,
7, 602, 4. ||
Cocheco Fall, 554.
Cochichawick, 417.
Cockquaine, Rev.Mr.,435.
Coddington, Mrs., dies,
141.
William,132. 6, 43, 9,
208, 66, 85, 6, 9,
320, 6, 32, 4, 50-2,
401, 20, 53, 5, 7,
61, 608.
Coe, Robert. 253.
Coggeshall, Eng., 264.
Coggeshall, John, 178,
266, 320, 2, 5, 8,
32, 50,4,461.
Cohannet, Taunton, 345.
Coke, Edward, 147.
Colbron, William, 119,
45, 325, 6. 32.
Colchester, 374.
Colchester,Eng., 388, 414.
Cole, John, 577.
Robert, 177, 505.
Samuel, 327.
Coleman Street, London,
428.
Coligny.Admiral de, 9, 10.
Collins, Henry, 568.
Wm., 436, 57, 61, 2,
505. 9.
Collyer, William, 498.
Columbus, 18, 38.
Combe, Eng., 258.
Comer, 350, 558.
Commock, Thomas, 154,
246.
Compton, John, 328, 51.
Conambsquooncant, 159.
Conant, Roger, 77.
Governor of Cape

Ann, 78-80, 1, 9,
99, 100, 7.
Concord, ship, 25.
Concord, 227,30, 74,409,
36, 73, 541, 79, 94.
Coningsborough, 307.
Connecticut, 22, 4, visit
ed, 50, 9, 97, 156.
86, 92-4. 8, 200. 6,
14, 6, 20-2, 31, 9,
40, 2, 5, 8-53, 68,
75, 9, 89, 90, 8-305,
11,9,44,5,7,8,54-
9,77,404, 12,9,26,
57, 61, 3-9, 74, 7,
85, 98, 508, 15-23,
61-4, 72, 89, 612-7.
Connecticut River, 94, 7,
156, 93, 206.
Conner, John, 557.
Constable, Sir Wm., 283.
Constance, 4, 5.
Contentment,or Dedham,
260.
Conwyl Cayo, 146, 7.
Cook, or Cooke, George,
510.
John, 163, 4.
Richard, 327.
Cooper, Jane, 392.
Corbitant, 65.
Cornhill, in London, 184.
Cornhill, Mr. 509.
Cornwall, Eng., 228, 410,
593.
Corpus Christi College,
30.
Cotton, Elizabeth, 168.
John,119,29,34,6,9, 42-4,1,61,7-9,70-5,7, 82, 200, 2, 3, 15,
26, 34, 5, 8, 9, 48,
55-9, 61-4, 65-73,
5, 6, 86, 94-6, 308,
11,8, 20,4-6, 32,3,
5, 7, 42, 9, 51, 66,
8, 71, 6. 89, 90, 8,
400, 4, 8, 9, 14, 5,
9,21,7,9,38,9,41, 2, 9, 55, 6. 73-7, 9,
81,8-90,512,6, 26,
33,4, 40, 2. 6,7, 9,
52, 5, 7, 8, 67, 9, 84,
99, 601, 2, 14-6.
Richard, 168.
Sarah, 168, 9.
Seaborn, 169.
Count Nassau, 326.
Countess of Lincoln, 35,
147.
of Warwick, 198.
Courtenhall, Eng., 534.
Coventry, Eng., 308.
R. L, 506.
Crabe, Mr., 59.

Cradock,Matthew,99,l 00,
5,27,51, 65, 6, 76,
97, 235, 75, 340,
76,425.
Cranbrook, 539.
Crane, Robert, 264.
Crashawe, Mr., 22.
Crisp, Tobias, 616.
Critias, 18.
Cromwell, Oliver, 175,
283, 475, 92, 541,
98.
Crosby, Ann, 482.
Simon, 482.
Cross, or Crosse, Daniel,
392.
John, 397.
Crumwell, Thomas, 397.
Cummings, or Commins,
Wm., 328.
Cupheag, 409.
Curler, Jacob Van,192, 3.
Cushman, Robert, 33, 5,
65, 7, 85 ; death, 92.
Cutshamekin, 297, 8, 525,
80, 91.
Cuttyhuncks, 25.
DaIton,Timothy,397, 451.
Damaris Cove, 53, 69,
70, I.
Damariseotta, 95.
Dand, John, 574, 92, 4,
602.
Danforth, Samuel, 599.
Danish antiquaries, 29.
Darby, William, 74.
Darlcy, Sir Richard, 229.
Dartmouth, Eng., 25, 435.
D'Aulney, 245, 92, 3, 448,
77, 86-90, 500, 1,
29, 30, 43, 53, 82,
606.
Madam, captive, dies.
606.
Davenport, John, 101, 4,
6, 250. 308, 11,9,
32, 7, 56-8, 74, 400,
6, 8-11, 63. 7, 75,
88,515,6,40,64.5, 7, 612.
Davenport, or Damport,
Richard, 201, 328,
539.
Davidson, 31.
Davies, James, 45.
Richard, 45.
Robert, 46.
Davis, Jenkin, 545.
William, 564.
Davy, John, 327.
Day, Stephen, 343, 74,
439.
Dean, Charles, 459.
Dedham, Eng., 264, 463.

INDEX OF NAMES.

623

Dedham, 260, 76, 364, 9,
71, 4, 5, 546, 90.
Delaware Bay, 350, 468,
516.
Delft Haven, 38.
Demetrius, 512.
Denison, Edward, 328.
William, 328.
Denmark, 7, 184.
Denton, Eng., 465.
Richard, 515, 62.
Deptford, Eng., 435.
Derby, Eng., 168.
Derbyshire, 410.
Dermer, Thomas, 28 ;
wounded and dies.
29, 32, 6, 49.
Devon-hire. 129, 230, 345,
503, 93.
Dexter, Gregory, 506.
Thomas, 165.
Diana. 512.
Dickson, Andrew, 73.
Dieppe, 47.
Dineley, William, 323, 7.
Diodorus Siculus, 18.
Discovery, bark, 26.
Dives, 131.
Doane, John, 187, 550.
Dod, Mr., 158.
Dorchester. Eng., 74, 8, 9,
99, 130, 68, 300.
Dorchester, 28. 134, 8, 40,
58, 60, 7, 99, 200,
1. 3, 21, 40, 2, 5,
249, 51, 2, 60, 79,
342, 79, 403, 18.
25, 45, 77, 513, 27,
69, 80.
Dorchester, Con., 251,
300, 45.
Dorset. 129.
Dorsetshire, 448.
Dort, 18, 51.
Doughty, Francis, 345,
445, 58.
Francis, 458.
Mary, 456.
Douglass, William, 419.
Dover, Eng., 191.
Dover patent, 191.
Dover, N. H., 96, 191,
247, 343, 9, 50, 97,
8, 9, 400, 14, 48-50,
1, 501-4, 607.
Downing, Emanuel, 161,
4, 5, 202, 53S, 41,
55.
George, 541.
Downs, Eng., 168.
Draper, Henry. 307.
Dreuillettes, Gabriel, 606.
Dublin, Ire., 183,497,598.
Duckenfield. Eng., 465,
615.

Dudley, Joseph, 124.
Dudley, Samuel. 388,554.
Thomas, 99, 119, 32,
9, 42, 3, 5-9, 51, 2,
67, 208, 38, 56, 324,
5, 88, 416, 25, 81,
7, 546.
Dtigdale, William, 283.
Duke of Alva, 11.
Duke of Lenox, 29, 71,
206, 21.
Duke of York, 24, 5, 452.
Dummer, Richard, 285,
328, 53, 79, 461, 2.
Stephen, 353.
Thomas, 353.
Dunlap, William, 94, 7.
Dunster, Henry, 344, 418.
9, 33. 91, 597, 9.
Durand, William, 515.
Durham Co., Eng., 436.
Dutch, 22, 3. 33. 6. 7, 50,
93, 4. 7, 187, 92, 3,
216, 7,20-2,32,49,
95, 9, 301, 55. 7, 8,
63, 78, 406, 10, 7,
52. 8. 64, 6, 9, 79,
85, 99, 502, 4, 9,
15, 6, 20, 2, 3, 77,
613, 4.
Dutch. Osmond, 353.
Du Thct, 48.
Duxbury, 291,345,7, 499,
549. 51.
Dve, John, 153.
Dyer, William. 323, 7,38,
50.
Enmes, (Anthony?) 539.
Earl of Arran, 7.
of Arundel, 71.
of Carlisle, 206, 21.
of Dorchester, 168.
of Lincoln, 196.
of Marlborough,309.
of Southampton, 44.
of Stirling, 206, 437.
of Strafford, 256.
of. Warwick, 54, 154,
6, 68, 192, 7, 488,
92.
Earles-Colne, 229.
East Boston, 333.
Eastham, 550, 605.
East India, 129.
Easton, or Eason, Nicho
las, 328, 34,41, 53,
400, 4, 54, 61.
Eaton. Benoni, 388.
Nathaniel,387, 8, 419.
Richard, 308.
Samuel. 308, 58, 74,
408, 9, 11, 63, 4,
562, 615.
Theophilus, 308, 56,

7,88,404,6,11,64,517, 21.
Edgarton, 26.
Edgccomb, Sir Richard,
348.
Edgehill, Eng., 478.
Edinburgh, 373, 80.
Edlington, Eng., 442.
Edward VI., 8, 9.
Edwards, Mr., 506.
Egerton, Eng., 216.
Elbridge, Gyles, 188,395.
Elector of Saxony, 5.
Elector Palatine, 52.
Elford, John, 380, 403, 18.
Eliot,Jacob, 265,327, 417.
John, 152, 8, 63,202,
86, 324, 6, 418, 61,
2, 576, 9-80, 3, 4,
91,6,7,600,3,5,11.
Elizabeth Island, settled
temporarily, 25, 6,
437.
Elizabeth, Queen, 9, 12 ;
peril, 13, 4, 20, 5.
Princess, 16.
Elkins, Henry, 327, 34, 98.
Mary, 398.
Elutheria, 577.
Emanuel Collegc,137, 59,
68,84, 91,9,227,9,
30, 64, 322, 71, 8.
Emerson, Joseph, 548.
Emperor of Germany, 18.
Endicott, John, 99, 100.
5, 7-12, 21-5, 34-6
49, 50, 6, 67, 74, 5
7,208, 12,3,27,33.
54, 60, 74, 5, 90, 9.
300, 370, 426, 8
86, 9, 92, 563.
England, 5-16, 9, 21-3
5-7, 32, 5, 7, 41-6
51-9, 61, 7, 8, 70.
7-80, 3-5, 8, 9, 91
3, 8,9, 103-5, 10, 1
3-9, 21, 24-9, 31, 2
5-7, 40-3, 5, 6, 8-52
5, 6, 8, 9, 64-70, 2.
5-7, 80, 2, 3, 6
93, 5, 6, 8, 203-6.
9-17, 9,24, 7, 8,30-
2, 5-8, 43, 4, 9-51
3, 6-9, 61, 3, 4-70
4-80, 2-5, 8-90, 2.
5, 9, 301-12, 22, 9
32, 3, 40, 2-5, 7, 58
61, 3-6, 8-74, 7
82, 8, 91, 4-6, 8
400,3,7-10, 5, 6, 8
9, 22, 4-9, 34, 9
41-3, 7-50, 3, 63, 5
8, 9, 71, 3-6, 8, 9
81-90, 4-6, 501-5
9, 21-4, 7, 8, 31-8

624

INDEX OF NAMES.

40-8, 50, 3, 4, 6,
7, 61-3, 5, 9, 71,
4-7, 83, 4, 6. 90-5,
7-601,3, 5-8,11, 2,
5-7.
English of Great Britain.
5-26, 33, 7, 40, 4-7.
53. 186,227, 8, 59,
358,67, 70, 8,451,
69, 523, 6, 43, 78.
English of colonists, 57,
61, 2, 7. 8, 75, 82,
133, 8, 73, 89, 93,
218-20, 46, 9, 60,
78,92,6-8, 99,300-
4, 34, 41, 4, 5, 54,
403, 4, 74, 98, 500,
2, 5. 8, 9, 25, 43,
82. 96.
Epenow, 26, 9.
Episcopius, Simon, 32.
Eric, Bishop, 25.
Erickson, Lcif, 25, 9.
Essex countv, Eng., 102,
4, 152| 59, 68, 228,
9, 45, 64, 369, 453.
Essex county, 530, 68.
Estow, William, 397.
Europe, 5, 11, 18, 9, 36,
42, 3, 6, 57, 82, 4,
129,37,61,74,294,
307, 65, 78, 473,
560, 96, 7.
Europeans, 32, 40, 65, 71.
Ewar, Thomas, 323.
or Ewre, (Thomas ?)
310.
Ewes, Sir Symon4d', 371.
Exeter, Eng., 129, 419.
Exeter^ 348, 61, 98-400,
50, 2, 500, 3, 54, 7.
Ezekiel, prophet, 591.
Ezra, prophet, 37.
Fairbanke, Richard, 327.
Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 283,
435.
Fail-field, 354, 409, 566,
617.
Falls of Piscataqua, 398.
Falmouth, Eng., 25.
Fane, Henrv, 377.
Farel, William, 7.
Farmer, John, 291, 498,
506.
Farmington, 466, 616.
Faustus, or Faust, John, 5.
Fcaks, Robert," 466.
Fenny, Compton, 561.
Fenwick, George, 410, 2,
66, 7, 512, 23, 64,
7, 95, 7, 615.
Mary, 613.
Ferdinand, 43.
Feme, Abbot of, burnt, 5.

Fields, Robert, 353.
Finch, Catherine, 361.
John, 412.
Samuel, 361.
Fines, Charles, 132.
Firsby, or Frisby, 307.
Fish, Gabriel, 450.
Fisk, John, 535, 6.
Fitch, James, 612.
Fletcher, Mr., 79.
Fleet Prison, 244.
Flint, Henry, 228, 30,
387, 416.
Florida, 19.
Flushing, L. I., 458, 502.
Folsom, George, 154.
Foord, Mr., 483. '
Fordham, Eng.. 474, 541.
Robert, 427.
Forrett, James, 437, 52.
Fort Hope, 464.
Saybrook, 564.
Fortune, ship, 65-7.
Foster, Mr., 328.
Robert, 368.
Foway, 228.
Fower, Barnabas. 226.
Fowle, Thomas, 574, 92.
Fox, George, 378.
John, 7.
France, 6, 9-14, 19, 21, 7,
9, 30, 44, 6-9, 96,
164,89,218,79,92,
344, 489.
Francis and Mary, 10.
Francis I., 19.
Franker, 183.
Frankfort, 8, 9.
Freeborne, William, 328,
50, 1.
French, trade with Narra
gansetts, 71.
French, 19,30,4, 47, 8,67,
71, 5, 94, 138, 54,
64-6, 184, 9, 212,
8, 32, 43-6, 65, 84,
92, 344, 63, 73, 404,
85, 7, 90, 520, 3, 82,
605, 6.
Fresh Water River, 50,
94- .
Frobisher, Martin, 20.
Frobisher's Straits, wor
ship there, 20.
Frothingham, Wm., 323.
Fuller, Samuel, 100, 10, 27,
35, 6, 9, 47, 62, 86.
Thomas, 80.
William, 400.
Fyrmin, Gyles, orFirmin,
Giles, 170, 390,
599.
Gager, William, 141 ; dies,
142.

Gardiner, Christopher,
148, 50, 1-3, 5, 61,
3-5, 7, 76,85, 6, 210.
David, 250, 99, 300,1.
Gardner, Henry, 96.
Thomas, 74.
Gates Head, Eng., 436.
Gauden, Henry, 100.
Geneva, 6, 7, 9, 10, 19,
279.
church, 19.
George Bonaventure,
ship, 106.
Georgeana, 599.
George HI., 43.
German Protestants, 159.
German States, 18.
German}', 5-9, 16, 8, 78,
161, 84, 268, 307,
19, 27.
Gibbon, Gibbons, or Gib-
bins, Ambrose,
155,218, 9, 47.
Gibbons, Edward, con
verted, 116, 297,
335, 454, 92, 543.
William, 561.
Gibbs, Mr., 53.
Gibraltar, Straits of, 18,
32.
Gibson, Mary, 446, 50.
Richard, 292, 446,
50, 502.
Gidding, George, 480.
Gift, ship, 142.
(f-ift of God, a vessel, 45.
Gilbert, Humphrey, 20.
Raleigh, 45, 6.
Glamorganshire, 364.
Glasgow, 547.
Gloucester, 376, 414, 36,
7, 45, 92, 531.
Gloucestershire, 387.
Glover, Elizabeth, 343, 4.
John, 343.
Jose, 343, 4, 74.
Roger, 343.
Godfrey, Edward, 96, 154,
246, 396, 445, 606.
Goffe, Edward, 597.
Thomas, 99.
Gog, 205.
Gold, Elizabeth, 264.
Goldington, Eng., 228.
Golgotha, 28.
Gon. and Caius College,
374.
Goodwin, John, 541.
Thomas, 534, 617.
William, 616.
Goodyear, Moses, 154.
Gookin, Daniel, 527.
Daniel, 28, 471, 527,
82.
Gordon, Sir Charles, 164.

INDEX OF NAMES.

625

Gorgeana, 490.
Gorges, Ferdinando, 44,
8, 70, 1,3,4, 7,80,
1, 93, 5, 6, 127, 51,
5, 63, 5, 77, 81, 2,
8-90,200,6,16,7-9,
21, 6, 44, 6, 7, 92,
309, 47, 8, 72, 94-6,
446, 7, 50, 1, 99,
553, 606, 10.
Ferdinando, 81, 95,
181.
John, 56.
Lord Edward, 206,
21.
Robert, 56, 74, 6-8,
81, 3, 100, 2, 7, 8,
37, 55, 210.
Thomas, 396, 446,
500, 1.
Wm., 95, 246, 347.
Gorton, Eng., 274.
Gorton, Samuel, 274, 313,
45, 9, 51, 92, 403,
57-62, 92, 505-7, 9,
10-4, 55, 6, 79, 82,
91,605, 7-9, 11.
Gosnold, Bartholomew,
25, 6, 30.
Gott, Charles, 113, 5, 6.
Gourges, 20.
Grand Bay, 292.
Granite State, 96.
Graves End, Eng., 191.
L. I., 486.
Gravesend, 435.
Graves, Thomas, 113, 37,
67, 91.
Gray, Thomas, 56. 210.
Great Britain, 15,37, 119.
Great Budworth, Eng.,
308.
Green Harbor, 1 85, 437, 45,
Green, Henry, 493, 546.
John, Sen., 294, 319,
49, 51, 3, 7, 462,
505, 6, 13, 4, 55,
79, 607.
John, Jr., 513.
Green, Mr., 54.
Greenfield, Samuel, 397.
Greenland, 25.
Greensmith, Stephen, 272,
87, 310.
Greenwich, 466.
Greenwood, John, 14.
Gregson, Thomas, 517,64.
Gridley, Richard, 376.
Richard, 323, 7, 76.
Griffen, Mr., 492.
GriiFen, ship, 216.
Grosse, Isaac, 327, 98.
Guercheville, Madam, 47,
8, 71.
Guiana, 23, 33, 307.
4 A

Guilford, 407, 10, 517, 9-
21,66, 7.
Guinea, 544, 55, 84.
Guises, 9, 10, 12.
Gunnison, Hugh, 327.
Gunn, Jasper, 412.
Gurling, Captain, 246.
Gurnet's Point, 30.
Gustavus, 5, 161.
Hackluyt, Richard, Jr.,
18, 20, 1, 6.
Richard, Sen., 20.
Hadley, Eng., 378.
Haggai, 200.
Hague, 515.
Hales, Mr., 457.
Halifax, Eng., 515.
Hall, 220.
Ham, 130, 419.
Haman, Thomas, 44, 5.
Hamilton, Marquis of,
206, 21.
Hammon, Philip, widow,
386.
Hampden, John, 81, 2,
192, 283, 471.
Hampton, Eng., 136.
Hampton, 247, 361, 97, 8,
400,53,554,606,7.
Hampton Court, 471.
Hanbury, Benjamin, 391,
493.
Handforth, Eng., 56.
Handmaid, ship, 145, 6.
Harcourt, Robert, 22.
Harding, Robert, 327, 53,
76, 7, 86, 455, 61.
Mrs., 376, 7, 88.
Harkot, (Harberf?) Rich
ard, 514.
Harlakendine, Roger,
229.
Harlow, Edward, 26, 45.
Harris, William, 248, 94.
Harrison, Thomas, 487.
Hartford, Eng., 168.
Hartford. 192, 3, 222, 98,
300, 2, 3, 55-7, 405,
6, 10, 29, 57, 64,
6, 8, 9. 75, 508, 16,
20. 35, 40, 8, 61-3,
613, 4.
Harvard, Anna, 321, 64.
John, 321, 2, 64, 74,
7, 495.
Harvard College, 344, 88,
419,474,7,97,541,3. 62, 9, 77, 98-600.
Harvey, John, 242.
Harwood, George, 197, 8.
Haselrigge, or Haslerig,
Arthur, 283, 471,5.
Haslewood, John, 371.
Hassell, John, 497.

Hatfield, Eng., 369.
Hatherly, Timothy, 217,
497.
Haugh, Atherton, 286.
Haughton, Henry, 116,
24, 150.
Haule, John, 362.
Haverhill, Eng., 184, 264,
378.
Haverhill, 378, 417, 27,
535, 46, 99.
Hawkins, James, 607.
Jane, 334, 428, 607
Job, 607.
Richard, 334.
Thomas, 335, 607.
Hawkesworth, Christo
pher, 513.
Haynes, John, 208, 25, 38,
9, 99, 303, 406, 68.
Hazard, Ebenezer, 242,
83, 333, 99, 581.
Hector, ship, 258, 9.
Heddon, Eng., 229.
Heidelberg, 184.
Hehvys, Thomas, 32.
Hempstead, L. I., 515, 62.
Henrico, 22.
Henry III., 12, 3.
Henry IV, 13, 21.
Henry VII., 19.
Henry VIII., 5 ; excom
municated, 6 ; dies,
8.
Henry, Prince, 17.
Herle", Charles, 527, 93.
Herley, see Harlow.
Heme, 400.
Hertfordshire, 244, 346.
Hewes, John, 531.
William, 531.
Hewettor Huit, Ephraim
409, 10. '562, 3.
Heydon, Sir Christopher,
307.
Frances, 307.
Hiacoomes, 487, 582.
Hibbins, Anne, 424.
William, 426, 8, 9,
54, 75.
Higginson, Ann, 463.
Francis, 101-4, 6, 9,
10, 2, 14-6, 20, 1,
2, 9, 35 ; dies, 139,
46, 253, 378, 463.
John. 103.
John^ 253, 97, 301,
12, 469, 517, 9-21.
Hildersham, Arthur, 14,
7, 102, 3, 11, 29.
Hill, Valentine, 417.
Hilton, Edward, 96, 9,
155,91,397,9,452,
502.
William, 67, 89, 96, 9.
53

626

INDEX OF NAMES.

Hilton's Point, 452.
Hindersam, Margaret,
389.
Hingham, Eng., 214, 24,
369, 439, 65, 9.
Hingham, 224, 8, 30, 369,
432, 9, 529,39, 41,
69, 76, 9, 90, 9, 600.
Hippocrates, 358.
Hobamak, 65, 81, 2.
Hobart, Edward, 214.
Peter, 214, 24, 8, 539,
41, 69, 76, 9,90, 8,
9, 600.
Hobbamock, 87, 334.
Hobbamoqui, 87.
Hobbe, John, 313.
Hobson, Captain, 26.
Hocking, John, 187, 90, 1,
219.
Hog Island, 453.
Holden, Randall, 454,
504-6, 9, 13, 55, 6,
79, 607, 8.
Holland, 12, 6, 7, 31, 3,
9, 41, 3, 92, 101,
14, 25, 60, 8, 71,
83, 4, 6, 228, 9, 44,
9, 308, 44, 77, 8,
473, 548-50, 98.
Jeremiah, 543.
John, 245.
Holies, Denzil, 471.
Hollingworth, Richard,
542, 615.
Holliock, Edward, 452.
Holman, Ezekiel, 334,
402.
Mary, 380, 403.
Holmes, Abiel, 46, 344,
477.
Christopher, 514.
Obadiah, 551.
William, 186, 93.
Holmes's Bay, 466.
Hook, William, 345, 425.
William, 396, 445,
6.
Hooker, John, 616.
Richard, 538.
Thomas, 103, 60, 7,
8, 71, 98, 202, 3,
5, 7, 20, 1, 4, 3\, 8.
9,72,98,301, 10,2,
55, 7, 9, 79, 406, 7,
10, 22, 38, 43, 65, 6,
8, 75^490, 516, 40,
6, 65??, 612-4, 6.
Sarah, 616.
Susanna, 616.
Hooper, John, 8.
Hope, ship, 246.
Hopkins, 299.
Edward, 308, 515,
616.

Hopkins, Stephen, 63, 4.
Hopton, Sir Ralph, 593.
Horeb, 80.
Homingsheath, 379.
Horrocks, Elizabeth, 168.
Horsleigh, Eng., 387.
Hosford, William, 302.
Hospitium Novum, 104.
House of Commons, 55,
101, 494.
House of Good Hope,
193.
How, Daniel, 322, 466.
Howes, Edward, 166, 91.
Howland, John, 63, 93.
Hubbard, Samuel, and
his wife, 617.
William, 271.
William, 36, 46, 9,
74, 5, 89, 111, 6,
36, 51, 87, 90, 7, 9,
202, 26, 35, 47, 64,
71, 83, 95, 340, 62,
553, 617.
Hubberd, Benjamin, 323.
Huddleston, John, 69.
Hudibras, 75.
Hudson, Henry, 22, 3.
Samuel, 540, 617.
Hudson River, 36, 9, 206,
17, 21, 305, 437.
Hue's Cross, 162.
Hue's Folly, 162.
Huit, or Hewett, Ephraim,
409, 10, 562, 3.
Hull, 364, 528.
George, 302, 528.
John, 184, 351, 404,
98, 557, 69.
Joseph, 223, 4, 453,
98, 500.
Robert, 327.
Hume, David, 283.
Humfrey, or Humphrey,
John, 78, 102, 19,
65, 6, 92, 6, 208, 75,
416,7,26,43,74,9.
Humfrey, Susan, 196.
Hungary, 16.
Hunt, Robert, 21.
Thomas, 26, 8, 32,
40, 61.
Hunter. Joseph, 30, 3, 285,
307.
Hunting, John, 374, 5.
Huntingdonshire, 258.
Huss, John, 3.
Hussey, Christopher, 397.
Mary, 397.
Hutchinson, Ann, 201,
56, 7, 61, 3, 5-7, 70,
1, 2, 4, 86, 8, 301,
6, 9, 10, 3, 20, 3-9,
32, 3, 5, 7-9, 44,
52, 3, 70, 1, 3, 9,

86, 7, 400-2, 28, 55,
7, 65, 504, 5, 9, 10,
3, 54, 7, 77.
Bridget. 261.
Edward, 323, 7, 50, 1.
Edward, Jr., 335, 50.
Faith, 261.
Francis, 261, 436, 55,
60-2, 505.
Richard, 261, 327.
Samuel, 326, 461.
Susanna, 398, 577.
Thomas, 104, 240,
55, 61, 4, 9, 83, 5,
6, 88, 301, 19, 20,
55, 79, 90, 441, 62,
90, 581,600, 8.
William, 201, 61, 5,
88,327,38,50,402,
55, 504, 57.
Hyll, John, 471.
Independents, 42.
India, 22, 3.
Indies, 57.
Inniskean, Ireland, 436.
Inns Court, 407.
Ipswich, Eng., 246, 58,
308.
Ipswich, 28, 164, 72, 8,
83, 4, 200, 4, 5, 13,
4,71,326,8,41,64, *
90, 400, 78, 87, 90,
4, 513, 44, 8, 54,
78, 93, 602.
Ireland, 139, 96, 231, 47,
56, 417, 8, 86, 57,
73,94,527,59,613.
Irish, 200.
Ireton, Henry, 435.
Iroquois, 606.
Isaac, 336.
Isabella, 43.
Isle of Rhe, 189.
of Rhodes, 350.
Isles of Shoals, 49, 206,
19, 394, 453.
Israel, 60, 560.
Israelites, 357.
Iyanough, 65.
Jack of Leyden, 537.
Jack Straw, 156.
Jackson, Edward, 569.
Thomas, 392.
Jacob, Henry, 15-7, 216,
95.
Jamaica, 613.
James I., 15-8, 21, 9, 42-
4, 51, 2, 71,4, 171.
James, Sagamore, 173.
James River, 21.
James, ship, 191.
James, Mr., 474.
Thomas, 159, 61, 3,

77, 241, 402, 11,
64, 77, 87, 96, 526.
James, William, 380, 403.
Jeffries Neck, 416.
Jeffrey, Robert, 353.
William, 180, 341,
538.
Jenner, Thomas,332, 447,
546.
Jennings, Richard, 258.
Jennison, Wm., 326, 35,
528.
Jerusalem, 148.
Jessey, Henry, 184.
Jesus College, Camb., 103,
52, 230, 448.
Jews, 433, 552.
Joab, 357.
John, Evangelist, 270.
John, Sagamore, 100, 33,
55, 73.
Johnson, Goodman, 328.
Arbella, 141, 3.
Edward, 27, 138, 46,
70,97-9,266,97,9,
312, 41, 3, 64, 88,
437, 74, 8, 80, 502,
10, 63, 75, 8, 604,
8.
Francis, 14, 5, 547.
Isaac, 99, 115, 9,32,
8, 9, 41 ; dies, 143.
James, 327.
John, 334.
Jonas, 584, 615.
Jones, Mr., 39, 69.
John, 228, 30, 59, 74,
409.
William, 230.
Jordaine, John, 444.
Josselyn, or Jocelyn, Hen
ry, 127, 218, 46,
396.
John, 333, 41.
Thomas, 396.
Joy, Thomas, 592.
Julius II., 4.
Jyans, Matthew, 327.
Keayne, or Cane, Robert,
327, 424, 5, 42.
Keel, Cape, 29.
Kennebec, or Kennebeck,
44, 5, 7, 9, 96, 154,
87, 90, 206, 15, 8,
9, 92, 344, 95.
Kennebec River, 49, 92,
126, 91.
Kennebunk, 447.
Kennet, White, 576.
Kent, 15, 216, 7, 307.
Kent county, 435, 527,
39.
Keyser, Thomas, 544, 84.
Kiarlanes, 29.

INDEX OF NAMES.
Kieft, William, 458, 505,
614.
Kiehtan, 86, 7.
Kimbolton, Lord, 471.
King's College, 535.
Kings of Castile, 1 8.
King of France, 14, 5, 49.
King of Spain, 11.
King of Sweden's remark,
13.
King Road, Eng., 226.
King William, 328.
Kirby, Francis, 166, 7.
Steven, Eng., 378.
Kitchen, John, 386.
Kittery, 396.
Knapton, 561.
Knight, William, 271, 2.
Knollys, Hanserd, 342, 9,
99,448, 9, 51-3.
Knopp, William, 307.
Knower, Thomas, 158.
Knowles, Mr. 465.
John, 414, 22, 76, 7,
87, 526.
Knox, John, 10.
Krossanes, 30.
Laconia, 71, 96, 127, 247.
Lady Boteler, 466.
La Heve, 47, 246.
Lake, Arthur, Bp., 79.
Lamb, Thomas, 529.
Lambert, Edward R., 358,
419.
Lancashire, 17, 8, 226,
313, 42, 551.
Lancaster, Eng., 341, 598.
house of, 213.
Lancaster, 493.
Land's End, 110, 535.
Larkham, Thomas, 448,
51,2, 502, 3.
Larnet, William, 323.
Las Casas. 18.
La Tour, 218, 364, 477,
86-90, 500, 1, 29,
30, 606.
Laud, William, 51 ; pro
moted, 80, 117, 37,
9,44.51,61,4,6,71,9,81,9,92,5,7,200,
2-5, 15, 7, 21, 8, 9,
33, 40, 4, 70, 5, 82,
4, 308, 40, 70, 407,
9,14,23,46,83,92,
538, 91.
Lazarus, 131.
Lechford, Thomas, 374,
86. 416, 9, 22,4,7,
9, 30, 4, 44, 8, 51,
8, 66, 71, 557.
Leech, Mr., 567.
Leeds, Eng., 216, 442.
Leete, William, 567.

62,7

Legate, Bartholomew, 16.
Leicester, Eng., 102-5,
410.
Leicestershire, 168.
Leif, see Erickson, 29
49.
Lenox, Duke of, 71.
Lenthall, Edmund, 56.
Mary, 56.
Robert, 373, 455, 61,
504, 57.
Leo X., 4.
Lesearbot, 30, 44.
Leusdcn, Professor, 152.
Leveridge, William, 191,
247,91,345,7,442.
Leverett, Thomas, 154, 70,
236, 325.
Levett, Mr., 56.
Captain, 64.
Christopher, 77, 134.
Le Vilin, 48.
Levinston, Mr., 196, 7.
Lewis, Thomas, 153, 246.
Ley, Captain, 22.
Lord, 309, 10:
Leyden, 31, 3, 5, 6, 8, 41,
58, 64, 84, 5, 7, 9,
93, 4, 100, 10, 25,
• 62, 83, 378, 488,
549.
Lincolnshire, 30, 81, 103,
5, 19, 59, 68, 201,
57, 414, 601.
Line, or Lynde, Thomas,
328.
Lion, ship, 146, 8.
Lion's Whelp, 106.
Litherland, William, 327.
Little Harbor, 96.
London, 6, 14, 5, 7, 21, 3,
33, 5, 9, 45, 8, 54,
61, 8,9,83-6,9,90,
1,3, 5, 6, 9, 100,2,
4, 11,3,20, 1,3,5,
8, 37,45, 6, 8, 51,
3-8, 161, 6, 78, 84-
6, 8, 91, 6, 9, 201,
12, 3, 5, 9, 28-30,
2,40,4,7,9,58,61,
3, 4, 74, 5, 84, 5,
307-9, 42, 76, 87,
98, 9, 418, 9, 23, 8,
35, 7, 8, 42, 53, 71,
3-5, 81, 4, 8, 91-4,
6, 8, 506, 14-8, 23,
7, 30, 1, 3, 4, 7, 8,
40-8, 50, 65, 74, 9,
82,4, 90, 1,3, 5, 8,
600, 4, 5, 8, 12, 6.
Long Island, 285, 310,
50, 417, 8, 31, 52,
8, 66, 9, 79, 86, 98,
502, 5, 6, 62, 3, 80.
Long Island, Boston, 310.

628

INDEX OF NAMES.

Lord Mulgrave, 206.
Lothrop, or Laythrop,
John, 126, 43, 99,
200, 1, 16, 361, 93,
499, 550.
Low Countries, 10-12, 31,
266, 79.
Lowton, Eng., 226.
Ludlow, Roger, 249, 51,
2, 302, 10, 55, 409,
64, 612.
Luther, Martin, 4, 5, 19,
38, 43.
Lyford, John, 76-8; goes
south and dies, 80,
5-7 ; how sent over,
88, 9 ; expelled, 90,
6, 7, 110, 8, 237.
Lvgonia, 153, 500, 53,
605.
Lyme, Eng., 448.
Lyn, Henry, 152.
Lynn, 159, 61, 238, 40,
57, 373, 5, 417, 8,
3F, 82, 530, 1, 45,
68, 9, 96, 601, 4.
Lynn Village, 417.
Lyon, Richard, 418.
Machias, 218.
Mackworth, Arthur, 5, 54.
Madeiras, 481.
Madoc, 18.
Magdalen College, 183,
214, 7, 369, 414, 9.
Magdalen Hall, 308.
Magog, 205.
Mahiggamencks, 494.
Maine, 26, 44-9, 54,70, 1,
95, 6, 151, 3-5, 88-
90, 217,8, 45, 6, 8,
92, 3, 344, 7, 8, 94-
7,445-8,50,1,76,7,
99-501, 5, 6, 52-4.
Makepeace, Thomas, 373,
452.
Malbon, Richard, 463.
Malebarre, 30.
Manamack, 36.
Manawet, 26.
Manchester, 416, 546.
Manhattan, 23, 469.
Manhattan River, 22.
Mannit, 438.
Manomet Bay, 250.
Mansell, Sir Robert, 71.
Mansfield, Lady, 158.
Manton's Neck, 248.
Manunkatuck, 520.
Maquas, or Mohawks,
582.
Mauquogges, 558. See
Mohawks.
Marbleharbor, 151, 210,
225.

Marblehead, 25, 184, 212,
54, 74, 416, 31.
Marblehead Neck, 225.
Marbury, Edward, 201.
Mare, Mount, 80, 99, 493.
Marfield, 168.436, 551.
Mariana, 53, 96, 127.
Marie, 582.
Marlorat, Augustin, 477.
Marnham, 31.
Marquis of Hamilton,
206, 21.
Marshal, Thomas, 323.
Marshall, Christopher,
398.
Stephen, 540.
Thomas, 327, 492.
Marsham, Sir William,
241,2, 8,475.
Marshfleld, 445, 99, 604.
Marston-Lawrence, 346.
Martha, or Martin's Vine
yard, 24-6, 9. 394,
437, 8, 87, 535, 82.
Martin, Ambrose, 373.
Mary, 10.
Queen, 8 ; dies, 9,
264, 535.
Queen of Scots, 11.
Mary and John, ship, 45,
6, 129.
Maryland, 181, 95, 295,
492.
Masconomet, 28.
Mascononoco, 525.
Mason Hall, 96'.
Mason, John, 53, 71, 4,
96, 127, 55, 65, 89,
90, 206, 18, 9, 21,
44, 7, 58, 93, 348,
55,7,411,450.
John, 252, 99, 301,
3-5, 57.
Masonia, or Massonia,
206, 19.
Massachusetts, 18, 22-30,
51-6, 65, 8, 73-81,
2, 9, 98-124, 6-54,
6, 7, 89, 91-215, 7,
21, 4-44, 46, 8-51,
3-90, 2-5, 7-300, 3,
6-44, 5, 7-9, 51-6,
8, 60-91, 5, 400, 3,
5-7, 10, 2, 3-41, 4,
7-52, 7, 61-3, 5-9,
70-96, 8. 500-5, 7-
11, 3,4,6,7, 20, 3-
49, 50-61, 5, 6-604,
9,11,3,4,6. See
Bay.
Massasoit, 27, 61, 2, 4, 5,
71, 2 ; cured of
sickness, 81, 2, 156,
92, 248, 393.
Masse, Enemond, 46, 7.

Masters, John, 160.
Matabeseck, 422.
Mather, Cotton, 138, 214,
5. 25, 67, 71, 83,
308, 27, 42, 78, 439,
42, 77, 546, 93, 9,
615.
Margaret, 226.
Nathaniel, 564, 98.
Richard, 160, 226, 7,
35, 42, 60, 373, 9,
418, 25, 45, 526-8,
46, 8, 67, 76, 9, 93,
8, 602.
Samuel, 567, 98.
Thomas, 226.
Matson, Thomas, 259,
328.
Mattakeese, see Yar
mouth, 346.
Mattapan, 134.
Matthew, John, 26.
Matthews, Katherine,364,
499.
Marmaduke, 364.
Matthew, 364, 93,
443, 4, 89, 528.
Matthias, Archduke,
12.
Maud, Daniel, 226, 7, 501,
2.
' Mary, 502.
Maurice, Prince of Or
ange, 8.
Maverick, John, 129, 34,
7. 8, 50, 8; dies,
240.
Moses, 213.
Samuel, 137, 8, 73,
208, 27, 309, 33, 4,
41, 574, 94.
Mayflower, 39, 41 ; leaves
Plymouth, 62, 3,
125.
Mayhew, Thomas, Sen.,
437.
Thomas, Jr., 437, 8,
87, 604.
Mayo, John, 550, 605.
Meawtis, Thomas, 340.
Mode, Joseph, 205.
Medford, 183.
Melancthon, Philip, 6.
Melendez, 19.
Mellows, Edward, 323.
Oliver, 327.
Mendlove, Mark, 443.
Menno, 294.
Menunkatuck, 406, 7, 520.
Mercurius Britannieus,
494.
Merrimack River, 53, 71,
6, 127, 64, 200, 12,
47, 348, 61, 524, 5,
8, 603.

INDEX OF NAMES.

629

Merton College, 308.
Mespat, 458.
Mettanetig, 222.
Miantinomo, Miantono-
mo, or Miantono-
mi, 157, 92, 220,
93, 6-8, 303, 49, 52,
6, 505-9, 56.
Middleburgh, 13, 548.
Milford, 406, 10, 2, 63,
519, 21, 2, 64, 6.
Milford Haven, 26.
Miller, John, 374, 476,
548..
Millerd, Thomas, 258, 9.
Minerva, 180.
Minhadoes, 577.
Minuit, Peter, 94.
Misquamsquece, 392.
Mishawomet, 559. See
Shawomet.
Mishawum, 100, 8, 12,37.
Mitchel, Jonathan, Rev.,
300.
Matthew, 302.
Mohawks, 300, 49, 54, 5,
404, 66, 558, 82,
608.
Moloch, 7, 512.
Molton, John, 397.
Thomas, 397.
Momauguin. 404.
Monamet, 293, 4, 6.
Monhegan, or Monhigan,
28,48,9,71,4,6,96.
Monhegans, 303, 55, 6.
Monmouthshire, 230, 45.
Mononotto, 301, 54.
Monts, Sieur de, 21, 30;
a Calvinist, 44,6, 7.
Montowese, 404.
Moody, Lady Deborah,
417, 86. x
Moors, or Turks, 527.
More, John, 514.
Morrell, William, 77, 8.
Morris, Leonora, 398.
Richard, 178, 362,98.
Richard, 328.
Morton, Charles, 172.
Ephraim, 88.
George, dies, chil
dren, 88.
John, 88.
Nathaniel, 30, 75, 84,
8, 9, 92, 116, 7,27,
86, 217, 21, 4, 44,
7, 89, 91, 7, 309,
45, 6, 50, 92, 3,
403, 36, 97, 549,
57, 9, 616.
Patience, 88.
Sarah, 88.
Thomas, 27, 54, 75,
7, 9, 80, 7-9; sent to

England, 99, 112,
25, 39, 42, 6, 8, 51.
5, 63-5, 76, 80, 1,
210, 37, 44, 60,
493, 538.
Moses, 262, 8, 479, 562.
Mott, Adam, 353.
Moulson, Lady, 537.
Moulton, Robert, 328.
Mount Dagon, 80.
Desert, 23, 47, 71, *
Hope, 29.
Mansell, 71.
Wollaston, 80, 100,
7, 16, 25, 142, 60,
200,89,327,39,49,52, 87, 416.
Mousal, Ralph, 323, 61.
Movoshen, 44.
Moxon, George, 252, 312,
3, 58, 426.
Muddy River, 221.
Mulgrave, Lord, 206.
Munster, 7.
Muscongus, 154.
Musquctequid, 227.
Myoxes, 582.
Mystic, or Mistic, 133,
298, 301, 3.
Nahant, 25, 56.
Namasket, 150.
Nantasket, 56 ; preaching
here, 77, 89, 90, 1,
112, 26,34, 46, 54,
64,208,37,59,368,427, 528.
Nantz, 15, 284.
Nantucket, 24, 5, 9, 394,
437.
Narragansetts, 61, 5, 8,
71, 2. 93, 7, 156,
92, 206, 20-2, 96-8,
304,49,55,6,9,477,94, 507, 43, 56, 8-
60, 4, 608, 10, 11.
Narragansett Bay, 49, 71,
133, 237, 93, 303,
50, 494.
River, 564.
Nashacowam, 525.
Nashaway, 493, 528.
Nassau, Count, 326.
Naticks, 605.
Naumkeag, 100, 2, 3, 10,
2, 4, 7, 219.
River, 53, 79, 80, 1,
206.
Nauset, 550, 605.
Nausites, 32, 57, 61, 4.
Nazeing, Eng., 152.
Neal, Daniel, 37, 77, 144,
71, 264, 83,4, 308,
42, 80, 576.
Walter, 155,65,90,1.

Needham, Eng., 496.
Nepaupuck, 411.
Netherlands, 468, 86, 8.
New Albion, 54.
New Amsterdam, 232,
358, 406, 58, 502.
Newbury, Eng., 183.
Newbury, 183, 212-4, 25,
56, 328, 31, 4, 79,
431, 45, 81, 90, 1,
4, 533, 46, 600.
Newcastle, Eng., 436.
New England, 18, 22-30,
7, 9, 42, 4, 6, 8, 9-
53, 6, 70, i, 3, 4, 7,
8, 86, 90, 3, 5, 6, 7,
9, 102, 4, 9, 11, 6,
9, 20, 1,4, 7, 9,30,
9. 44, 6, 53, 6, 8, 9,
61, 3, 5-7, 71, 2, 4,
7,9, 81, 2, 6, 8, 9,
93, 9, 202-6, 8, 9,
12, 4, 7-9, 21, 2, 9,
30-2, 5, 40, 4, 9, 58,
9, 61,2, 5, 9, 71,5,
7, 8, 83, 91, 3, 304,
7-9, 11,20,2,7,30,
2-4, 40, 2-4, 8, 56,
65, 6, 9, 74, 85, 7,
91, 4-6, 403, 4, 7,
11, 7, 8, 22, 3, 7, 9,
34, 6-8, 42, 3, 7, 50,
69-71,3, 4,6-8, 80,
1, 3, 90, 3, 4, 7,
500, 1, 6, 9, 10, 4-
7, 9, 22, 4, 6-9, 31,
3-42, 4, 6-8, 52, 6,
7, 63, 5, 9, 72, o, 7,
80, 3, 4, 90, 3, 4, 9,
600, 4-8, 11, 5.
New England Company,
190.
Newfound Land, 19; ta
ken possession of,
20, 2, 4, 196, 283,
434, 541.
Newgate, John, 569.
New Hampshire, coast
surveyed, 49, 71,
96, 7, 127, 55, 65,
87, 8, 90-2, 218, 9,
46, 7, 93, 340, 8, 9,
97-400, 48-50, 76,
501-3, 54, 5, 7, 607.
New Haven, 214, 41, 85,
347, 56, 74, 88, 402,
4, 7-11, 2, 19, 31,
43,56,7,61, 3-6,8,
75, 7, 85, 98, 502,
15, 6, 7, 9, 20-2,
61-7, 72, 612, 3-7.
New Jerusalem, 205, 593,
New London, 445, 574.
Newman, Robert, 408.
Samuel, 342, 550.
53*

630

INDEX OF NAMES.

New Meadows, 271, 427.
New Netherland, 37, 40,
53, 92-4, 192, 3,
216, 50, 95, 468,
575,614, 5.
Newport visited, 49, 402,
58, 61, 504, 56-8,
617.
Newport, Christopher, 21.
New Rochelle, 505.
New Sarum, Eng., 225,
414.
New Somersetshire, 246,
347.
Newton, 158, 60, 8, 71,
99, 200, 1, 3, 20, 1,
2, 30, 5, 9, 63, 259,
74, 9, 85, 98, 301,
3, 11, 26, 32, 57,
536.
Newton, Con., 251, 300.
Newton, L. I., 458.
Newton, Mary, 616.
New York, 22, 4, 295.
Nicholas, Henry, 372.
Nicholson, William, 496.
Nihantick, 303.
Noah, 130.
Noddle's Island, 138, 208,
309, 33, 41.
Nonantum, or Noonato-
men, 580, 3, 4,
91.
Norcross, Nathaniel, 493,
528.
Norfolk, Eng., 135, 307,
69, 497.
Norfolk, 471, 515.
Norman, Samuel, 379.
Norris, Edward, 387, 414,
82, 538, 69, 602.
Eleanor, 387.
Northam, Eng., 448.
Northam, N. H, 96, 155,
452, 503.
North America, 113.
Northampton, Eng., 229.
Northamptonshire, 168,
229, 58, 534, 43.
North, Captain, 549.
North Glenham,Eng.,258.
North of England, 16.
North Riding, 229.
Northumberland, 229.
North Virginia, 20, 1, 9,
53, 182, 202, 3, 7,
10, 8, 32.
Norton, Francis, 95.
John, 242, 4, 5, 377,
489, 528, 38, 47, 8,
67, 78, 86, 602.
Mary, 498.
Norumbega, 28.
Norwalk, Con., 464.
Norway, 7, 9, 25.

Norwich, Eng., 30, 227,
379.
Nottinghamshire, 30, 258.
Nova Scotia, 21, 52, 3,
164, 89, 232, 45.
Nowell, Increase, 119, 39,
40, 9, 51, 2, 9, 77,
208, 75, 474.
Noyes, James, 183, 214,
, 481, 94, 600.
Nyanticks, 560, 608.
Nye, Philip, 123, 534.
O'Calleghan, 469.
Ockham, Eng., 407.
Odlin, John, 327.
Okey, Colonel, 541.
Olaf, 25.
Oldham, John, 77, 88-90,
1, 5, 9, 100, 7, 13,
53, 94, 220, 60, 96,
7, 9, 310.
Oldmixon, John, 22, 5.
Oliver, Elizabeth, 569.
John, 320, 7, 454,
569.
Mary, 370.
Thomas, 370.
Thomas, 163, 236,
¦ 327, 70, 569.
Olney, Thomas, 294, 334,
80, 403.
Orellana, 22.
Oriental parts, 96.
Orinoco, 22.
Osgood, John, 397.
Oxford University, 104,
39, 47, 83, 216, 26,
30, 308, 42-5, 64.
Oyster Bay, 466, 502.
Oyster River, 348.
Oxford co., Eng., 308, 42,
5, 409.
Paddock, Leonard, 56.
Padua, 583.
Paget, J., .308, 565, 612.
Painter, Thomas, 529.
Pakeponesso, 487.
Palatinate, 78, 105.
Palinurus, 134.
Palmer, Samuel, 308.
William, 397.
Paomet, 39.
Papaquinepaug, 505.
Pareus, 184.
Pariba, 20.
Paris, 6, 44.
Parish, Mr., 481.
Parker, Mr., 328.
James, 445, 81, 503,
606, 7.
Parker River, 183.
Robert, 31, 183.
Thomas, 182, 3, 205,

14, 481, 93, 4, 533,
93, 600.
Parris, Thomas, 510.
Parry, William, an assas
sin, 13.
Partridge, Captain, 545,
61.
Ralph, 291, 347.
Pasonagessit, 79, 80.
Passaconaway, 528, 603.
Passau, 8, 9.
Patcham, Eng., 379.
Patience Island, 458.
Patrick, Daniel, 326, 464,
6.
Patuxet, 41, 61.
Patuxetites, 32.
Paul III., 8.
Paul V., 47.
Paul, St., 162, 361, 71,
458.
Pawcatuck, 411.
Pawquash, 613.
Pawtucket, Pautuxet, Pa
tuxet, 61, 209, 17,
505, 7, 59.
Paynter, Henry, 131, 98.
Peach, Arthur, 392.
Peas, John, 492, 510.
Lucy, 492.
Peck, Joseph, 369, 439.
Robert, 369, 439.
Peckam, George, 20."
Pecksuot, 74, 5.
Peirce, John, 68, 9, 82.
Pejepscot, 396.
Pelham Neck, 504, 5.
Pell, William. 327.
Pemaquid, 95,188-90,206,
18, 46, 92, 500.
Penn, William, 68.
Penniman, James, 327.
Penobscot, 60, 92, 154,
84, 9, 243, 5, 92,
477, 90, 500, 43,
82, 606.
Penobscot Bay, 44.
Penobscot River, 44, 5, 7,
164.
Penowanyauquis, 392.
Penry, John, 14,31.
Pentegoet River, 47.
Pentucket, 417.
Pequods, or Pequots, 192,
3,202,21,2,60,74, 5, 86, 9, 90, 2, 7-9,
300-4,7,9-11,9,31,3, 44, 5, 9, 54, 5-7,
77,404, 10, 11, 69,
508, 23, 60, 74, 80,
93.
Pequod Harbor, 300, 3, 4.
Pequod River, 494.
Perkins, WiUiam, 58.
William, 437.

INDEX OF NAMES.

631

Pessicus, 556.
Peter House College, 244.
Peter, St., 366.
Peters, Elizabeth, 435.
Peters, Hugh, 79, 98, 9,
101, 15, 228, 9, 37,
56, 9, 66, 7, 324-6,
32, 4, 60, 1, 77-80,
410, 3, 26, 8, 34-6,
51, 68, 75, 84, 91,
3, 5, 533, 6, 8, 39,
44, 92, 9.
Peters, Mrs., 228.
Mrs., 435.
Thomas, 410, 564,
74, 92, 615.
Phelps, William, 251, 2,
302.
Philip of Spain, 12.
Philip II., 10, 1, 3.
Philip, 366.
Philip, Sagamore, 356.
Philistines, 560.
Phillips, or Philips, Eliza
beth, 529.
George, 132, 4-8, 40,
7, 50-4, 63, 253,
324, 34, 422, 76,
91, 529.
John, 364, 71, 9.
Mrs., 141.
Mrs., 529.
Samuel, 529.
Pierce, William, 79, 88, 9,
134, 49, 85, 333, 4.
Pierson, Abraham, 417, 8,
562.
Pigsgusset, 138.
Pinners Hall, 598.
Piscataqua, 71, 6, 99, 127,
55,89-91,206,8,18,9, 47, 92, 342, 52,
96, 8, 9, 447, 51-3,
81, 502, 3, 55, 607.
Piscataqua River, 96, 206,
19.
Plastow, Mr., 148.
Plato, 18.
Player, Gyles, 371.
Plough, a vessel, 154.
patent, 500.
Plymouth, Eng., 21, 41, 5,
128, 9, 54, 205, 18,
92.
Plymouth colony, 24, 9,
43, 9, 52-4, 57-70,
7-97, 9, 100, 7, 19,
24-7, 53, 6, 9, 64-7,
9, 80. 4, 8-94, 9,
203,4,7,9,15-7,9,21, 4, 5, 43-6,8-50,
2, 5, 75, 82, 9-94,
307, 11, 44-7, 50,
3,6,92-4,6,437,41-5,61,77,85,94,6-9,

500,3,4,12,49-52,6, 9, 61, 72, 6, 80,
600, 4, 5.
Plymouth town, 57, 71, 2,
5 6, 110, 2, 6, 8,
21, 6, 33, 4, 6-40,
5, 7, 9, 53, 6, 9, 61,
2, 5, 71, 4, 5, 84-7,
93, 203, 4, 24, 37,
45, 50, 79, 82, 90-
2, 392, 403, 42, 4,
96, 7, 9, 507, 31,
46, 83, 600.
Pocasset, 351, 455, 504.
Pockanoky, 27.
Pocock, John, 537.
Mr., 544.
Point Alderton, 30.
Pole, Cardinal, 8.
Poole, Elizabeth, 345.
Pope of Rome, 153.
Popham, Sir Francis, 46,
8.
George, 45, 6.
Porey, John, 69.
Pormont, Philemon, 398.
Port Royal River. 19.
Port Royal, 23, 46, 7, 8,
218, 490.
Porter, John, 327, 50, 1.
Portsmouth, 399, 449, 50,
1, 2, 5, 503.
Portsmouth, 351, 454, 5,
556, 607, 9.
Potter, Robert, 334, 41,
504, 6, 13.
Potter's Field, 141.
Pouomeneuheant, 159.
Poutrincourt, 30, 46, 7.
Powel, David, 18.
Power, Nicholas, 506, 13,
4.
Prague, 18.
Pratt, John, 235.
» Phinehas, 53, 4, 68,
71, 5.
Prescod, Mr., 492.
Preston, Eng., 551.
Presumpscot River, 155.
Prince Charles, 27.
Prince of Orange, 12 ;
assassinated, 13.
Prince palatine, 16.
Prince, or Prence, Thom
as, 93, 552.
Thomas, 32, 4, 45,
51, 3, 94, 116, 62.
220, 550.
Princess Elizabeth, 16.
Pring, Martin, 26, 44.
Prout, Timothy, 498.
Providence, W. I., 428, 9,
43. 59.
Providence, 209, 20, 93, 5,
341, 7, 9, 50, 2, 3,

5,86,402,3,16,22,
46, 54, 62, 96, 500,
3, 5-7, 10, 37, 55-7,
609, 10, 1.
Providence claimed by
Plymouth, 496, 8.
Prudden, Peter, 358, 406,
12, 43, 63.
Prudence Island, 458.
Prussia, 184.
Prychard, Henry, 445.
Prynne, William, 151.
Pughquonnuck, 409.
Pumham, 507, 9, 10, 1,
55, 6, 8-60, 1.
Purchas, Samuel, 22, 8,
32, 46.
Purchase, Thomas, 246.
396.
Pym, John, 283, 471.
Pynchon, Mrs., dies, 141.
William, 119, 208,
51, 2, 75, 310, 55,
426, 67, 9, 603.
Pyquag, 222.
Quadequina, 61.
Quamscott, 452.
Quarles, Francis, 341.
Quassacumcou, (perhaps
the last letter of
this word is an n,)
183, 212.
Quebec captured, 113.
Quinnipiack, 354-8, 404,
7, 10, 64.
Quentin, 47.
Quinnihticut, 523.
Raleigh, Walter, 20, 1, 5,
6, 156.
Rainsfoard, Edward, 327.
Raphael, 66.
Rapin de Thoyras, 42.
Rashley, Thomas, 376,
414, 71.
Ratcliffe, Radcliffe, or
Radcliff, Philip,
150, 1,63-5, 76,80,
210.
Rathband, William, 493,
531-3, 48.
Raymond, Eng., 135.
Razier, Isaac de, 94, 7.
Razilly, 246.
Read, Colonel, 228.
Reading, 417, 93, 546.
Rebecca, vessel, 2 51.
Redgers, Captain, 53.
Redgrave, Eng., 378.
Redknap, Joseph, 530, 1.
Red Mount, 615.
Reeves, widow, 380, 403
Rcmpbam, 512.
Revell, William, 123.

632

INDEX OF NAMES.

Reyner, John, 217, 346,
444, 97.
Reynolds, Dr., 171.
Reynold, Robert, 253.
Rhode Island, 49, 50, 71,
97, 155, 6, 92, 220,
48, 93, 8, 329, 40-2,
50,2,71,7,92,400-4,19, 22,53-62,92,
503-14, 37, 46, 52-
4, 6 ; condition of
membership in the
Union, 559, 607-12,
7.
Rice, Robert, 327.
Richedson, Ezekiel, 323.
Richelieu, Cardinal, 189,
490.
Richmond Island, 155,
292, 3, 450.
Rickingshal, Eng., 379.
Rigby, Alexander, 500,
605, 6.
Ripon, Eng., 152.
Rippowams, 464, 515.
Riton, Eng., 436.
Roanoke, 21.
Roberts, Mr., 450.
Robinson, Conway, 19.
John, 16, 30-5; versed
in Dutch, 36-9, 43,
53, 8, 9, 63, 4,
9, 76, 80-5, 7, 9;
death, 92, 5, 100,
10, 26, 7, 37, 43,
62, 245, 488, 531.
Roche, Francis la, 19.
Rochelle, 105, 486.
Rochester, 393.
Rocroft, Edward, 28 ; per
ished, 49.
Rogers, Elizabeth, 264.
Ezekiel, 369, 74, 89,
421, 2, 84, 9, 597,
604, 16.
John, martyr, 8, 264.
John, 264, 463.
Mr., 125.
Nathaniel, 258, 64,
487, 9, 94, 602.
Richard, 369.
Roily, Eng., 104.
Rome, 6, 8, 10, 81, 110,
153, 597.
Rosier, James, 44.
Rossiter, Edward, 145.
Rotterdam, 228, 9, 361,
78, 543, 8, 98.
Rowe, Owen, 240.
Rowland for an Oliver,
104.
Rowley, Eng., 369.
Rowley, 374, 89. 416, 76,
82, 513, 35, 46, 604.
Roxbury, 160, 3, 72, 7, 8,

201,12,52,98,326,8, 32, 5, 7, 62, 402,
18, 20, 6-8, 36, 77,
81,2,98,513,69,97.
Roxwell, Eng., 102.
Rumney Marsh, 200, 431.
Rushworth, John, 264,
82, 3, 380.
Russell, John, 167.
Ruth, 410.
Rutherford, Samuel, 540,
65, 93, 613, 4, 6, 7.
Rymer, Thomas, 242.
Saco, 95, 246, 92, 3, 396,
447, 501, 53, 605.
Saco River, 153.
Sacononoco, 505, 7, 9, 55,
6, 8-60.
Saddler, Anne, 379.
Sadler, John, 445.
Sagadahock, 48, 70, 1, 206,
19, 47, 347.
Sagadahock River, 45, 70,
95, 6.
Salem, 112, 3, 5, 9, 21, 4,
8,33-40, 4, 7-9, 51,
3, 65,71, 5, 87, 91,
6, 200, 1, 2, 13, 24,
5,26,7,31,5,7,40,
3,53,4,7,9,67,71, 4, 5, 85, 95, 328,
34, 41, 8, 53, 60, 1.
6, 70, 1, 4, 8-80, 7,
97,402, 3, 10,3,4,
6, 26. 8, 31, 2, 3. 5,
49, 63, 8, 82. 4, 6,
92, 5, 505, 6, 10, 3,
21, 9, 36, 41, 3, 6,
51, 5, 8, 76, 7, 9,
94.
Salem Village, 371.
Salisbury, Eng., 388.
Salisbury, 361, 74, 88,
446, 554, 69.
Salmon, Nathaniel, 283,
380, 478.
Salsbery, Mr., 54.
Salter, William, 328.
Saltonstall, Richard, 99,
119, 32, 9, 49, -65,
6, 80, 92, 248, 9,
473, 8, 87, 9, -544,
90.
Robert, 452, 67.
Saltmarsh, (John .) 616.
Samoset, 60, l.
Sanders, William, 397.
Sandwich, 247, 91, 345,
7, 93, 442, 99.
Sandy, Walter, 394.
Sandys, Sir Edwin, 33.
Sanford, or Sanfoard,
John, 327, 50, 454.
Sarah, 62.

Sassacus, 303, 5, 54, 5.
Saunders, John, 54, 74.
Saugus, 100, 71, 3, 200,
9, 64, 345-7, 61,
604.'
Saussaye, 47, 8.
Savage, James, 104, 329,
59, 452, 6, 556, 77.
Thomas, 327, 50.
Saxton, Giles, 215, 6.
Peter, 216, 442.
Say and Seal, William,
Viscount, 191,2, 6,
215, 9, 31, 48, 9,
52, 5, 99, 301, 48,
410, 7, 26, 75, 92,
564, 607.
Saybrook, 192,253,5, 75,
97, 9, 300, 1, 3, 12,
54, 410, 523, 612,
6.
Saybrook Fort, 299, 300.
Scandinavians, 25.
Schoolee, Mary, 313.
Schooler, William, 313.
Scituate, 30, 165, 215-7,
91, 345, 7, 92, 3,
442,4,5,97,8,551, 604.
Scots, 10, 373, 418, 51,
71, 80, 94, 524, 6,
69, 76, 94, 614.
Scotland, 5, 7, 9, 10, 5, 6,
51, 231,333,40,3,
70, 80, 419, 23, 6,
90, 8, 575.
Scott, Richard, 402, 3,
506.
Roger, 482.
Scrooby, 30, 1, 216.
Scruggs, Thomas, 328.
Seaconck, or Seekonk,
248, 497, 550, 1.
Seaton, Eng., 230.
Sedgwick, Robert, 379.
Segnouch, 444.
Seipican, 393.
Sentry Hill, 208.
Sequasson, 508.
Sergant, William, 397.
Sergeant, Richard, 528.
Sewall, Samuel, 183.
Seymour, Richard, 45.
Sharp, Samuel, 108, 159,
235, 449.
Thomas, 119, 49.
Shawme, see Sandwich,
345.
Shawmut, 138, 41, 2.
Shawomet, 492, 506, 7,
10, 3, 56. 79, 91 ;
called Warwick,
607-9, 11.
Shearman, Philip, 350, 1
Sheepscott, 95.

INDEX OF NAMES.

633

Sheffield, Deliverance,
413.
Lord, 74, 85.
Shepard, Joanna, 616.
Margaret, 230 ; dies,
240.
Thomas, 144, 72,
228, 9, 30, 9, 40, 2,
5, 56, 63, 5, 6, 71,
7, 86, 301, 12, 24,
7, 9, 30, 2-4, 6, 66,
422, 4, 38, 9, 43,
61, 5, 523, 9, 35,
46, 7, 69, 70, 84, 93,
602-5, 11, 3, 4, 6.
Thomas, 330.
William, 229.
Sherburne, Henry, 450.
Sherley, James, 85, 95,
125, 85.
Sherman, John, 253, 302,
463, 4.
Philip, 328, 50, 1.
Samuel, 328.
Shoal Hope, 25.
Shorthose, Robert, 260.
Shotton. Sampson, 504,
6!
Shropshire, 374.
Shuter, Mr., 148.
Siberia, 340.
Siculus, Diodorus, 18.
Sidney College, 252, 7.
Siloa, 115.
Silvester, Richard, 373.
Simmons, William, 21.
Six Mile Island, 300.
Skelton, Mrs., dies, 148.
Samuel, 197.
Samuel, 101-3, 6-9,
11, 4, 6, 9, 21, 2,
34, 5, 43, 4, 8-50, 9,
71,97,341, 66.
Skirbick, Eng., 257.
Skullard, Samuel, 397.
Smalkald, 6, 8.
Smith, Henry, 251,3,426,
523.
James, 531.
James, 544, 84.
John, appointed gov
ernor, 27, 8, 32, 48,
9, 139.
John, 31, 187.
John, 231, 48.
John, 373, 6, 574, 92,
4, 607.
Joshua T., 30.
Judith, 340.
Ralph,103,4,6,7, 12,
26,49,62,215,7,45, 90, 392, 444, 546.
William, 22.
Smith's Isles, 49, 53.
Smithfield, 8.
4b

Somers' Islands, 283, 4,
577.
Somerset, 129.
Somersetshire, 345, 65.
Somersetshire, Me., 446.
Sorbonne, 13.
Sourdis, Madam, 47.
Southampton, Eng., 183,
345.
Southampton, 38, 9.
Southampton, L. I., 417,
27, 562, 3.
Southold, L. I., 285, 465,
9.
Southington, 466.
South Sea, 129, 92.
South Virginia, 21, 7, 42,
53, 232.
South Wales, 147.
Southwark, 14, 17, 39,
216.
Sowams, 93, 192, 350.
Sowheag, 410.
Spain, 10-3, 32, 92.
Spaniards, 19, 20, 7, 44,
77; cruelty, 92, 166,
416, 29, 534.
Spang, William, 526.
Sparhawk, Nathaniel, 584.
Sparke, Michael, 146.
Sparrow, vessel, 53.
Speedwell, ship, 26.
Speedwell, ship, 37, 9, 41.
Spencer, John, 328, 53.
Spilsbery, John, 576.
Spire, diet at, 5.
Sprague, Ralph, 100.
Richard, 100.
William, 100, 323.
Springfield, 252, 310, 2,
57, 9, 405, 27, 67,
89, 603.
Spurwink, 500.
Spurwink River, 154, 5.
Squamscot Falls, 348.
Squanto, see Tisquan-
tum, 29, 61, 3, 7;
dies, 70.
Squantum, 114.
Squaw Sachem, 525.
Squib, or Squeb, Thom
as, 55, 71, 129, 34.
St. Alphage, 209.
St. Andrew's Church, 17,
307.
St. Anthony, 199.
St. Catharine, 474.
St. Christopher, 534.
St. Croix, 23, 44, 8, 181,
206.
St. Edmund, 379.
St. George, Island, 44, 5.
St. George's River, 95,
154.
St. Germain's, 10.

St. James's day, 500.
St. John's College, 103,
228, 30, 397, 480.
St. John, 205.
St. John, Right Hon. Ol
iver, 257.
St. Johns, 477, 86, 500,1,
606.
St. John's River, 500.
St. Helen's Chapel, 313.
St. Katharine's, 474.
St. Lawrence, Bay of, 19.
St. Margaret, Eng., 285,
491.
St. Mary, 161.
St. Mary's, Eng., 436.
St. Michael, 184.
St. Michael's Mount, 258.
St. Patrick, ship, 256.
St. Paul, 543.
St. Paul, (day,) 500.
St. Paul's Cross, 166, 261.
St. Peter, 13.
St. Saviour, 47.
St. Sebastian, 20.
St. Stephen's Church, 308.
Staffordshire, 409.
Stamford, Con., 464, 502,
15, 20-2, 62.
Standish, Miles, 65, 75, 6,
'9, 82, 91, 3, 9,292,
497.
Standon, Eng., 123, 84.
Stanhope, Sir Edward,
442.
Stanton, Eng., 546.
Staples, William R., 352,
403,505,6,56,610.
Star Chamber, 17, 179,
265.
Star, Thomas, 496.
State House, 160.
State Street, 160.
States General, 37, 53,
94, 193.
Steele, John, 251, 302.
Stickland, John, 253.
Stinnings, Richard. 392.
Stirling, Earl of, 437.
Stirling, Lord, 417.
Stith, William, 69.
Stockbridgc, John, 347,
497.
Stockport, Eng., 465.
Stoddard, Anthony, 436.
Stoke, d'Abernon,"307.
Stone, John, killed, 221,
2, 99.
John, 531.
Samuel, 167, 8, 71,
298, 303, 10, 55,
410,66,8,548,616.
Stonington, 616.
Slortford, Eng, 244.
Story, Sarah, 168.

634

INDEX OF NAMES.

Stoughton, Israel, 207,
14,87,310,22,5,6,
54-6.
Stowers, John, 491, 2.
Straehey, William, 25.
Strafford, Earl of, 256 ;
beheaded, 426.
Straits of Gibraltar, 18,
32.
Straten's plantation, 448.
Stratford, 409, 566.
Straw, Jack, 1 56.
Strawberry Bank, 503,
607.
Street, Nicholas, 345, 445.
Stroud, 471.
Stuarts, 175.
Stubner, 537.
Sturton, Mr, 26.
Styles, Francis, 249.
Sucking, 192, 222.
Sudbury, Eng, 135, 70.
Sudbury, 361, 419, 27.
Suffolk; Eng, 13,5, 258,
64, 85, 378, 9, 483,
96, 535.
Sullivan, James, 154.
Supply, ship, 615.
Surrey, Eng, 307, 407.
Susanna, Island, 56.
Sussex, Eng, 379.
Swaine,William,251,301, 2, 562.
Swampscott, 417.
Swampscott Falls, 348.
Swampscott patent, 191.
Swan, vessel, 54.
Swanekadock, 153.
Swansey, Eng, 364.
Swayne, Richard, 397.
Sweden, 5, 13.
Swedes, 159, 485.
Switzerland, 5.
Symmes, Sarah, 199, 203.
William, 199.
Zechariah, 199, 203,
324, 64, 474.
Symonds, Samuel, 489,
593.
Talbot, Moses, 187, 90,
1.
Talbot, ship, 106, 11, 2,
25.
Talby, John, 380, 404.
Talcot, John, 299, 302.
Tantum, 114.
TaiT, James, 353.
Tarrentines, 52.
Taunton, Eng, 345.
Taunton, 345, 431, 42, 3,
5, 58, 77, 525.
Tavistock, Eng, 503.
Taylor, Timothy, 465,
615.

Tecticutt, 525.
Tedbury, Eng, 387.
Terling, Eng, 159.
Thacher, Anthony, 225,
7, 74.
Benjamin, 225.
Judah, 225.
John, 225.
Mary, 225.
Peter, 225, 7.
Thacher's Woe, 225.
Thames, 14, 176, 283,
471.
Thet, 47 ; killed, 48.
Thomas, (Wm. .) 445.
Thompson, David, 28, 56,
96.
Thompson's Islandgrant-
ed, 28.
Thornton, J. Wingate, 85.
Thorwald, 29, 50.
Throckmorton, or Throg-
morton, John, 294,
380, 403, 505. 6,
9.
Throg's Neck, 506.
Tibbets, Walter, 445.
Tilly, Hugh, 496.
John, 74, 300.
Timasus, 18.
Tindal, Sir John, 598.
Tisquantum, 28, 9, 67.
Tombes, John, 540.
Tomlins, Edward, 427.
Tompson, Abigail, 482.
Ann, 482.
William, 342, 87, 97,
476, 7, 82, 7, 526,
7.
Tomson, Maurice, 376.
Topsfield, 271, 427, 37,
544.
Torcester, Eng, 168.
Tortugas, 333.
Totoket, 464, 562.
Touteville, Margaret, 229.
Towauquattick, 604.
Towcester, Eng, 229.
Tower Hill, 538.
Townsend, William, 327.
Toxteth, 226.
Trask, John, 387.
Trelawney, Robert, 154,
292.
Trevore, Captain, 165.
Treworthy, James, 399.
Trimountain, 142.
Trinidad, 488.
Trinity College, 159. 216,
28, 342, 5, 6,' 417,
42, 63.
Trumbull, Benjamin, 206,
21,60, 99,358,404,
8, 519, 61, 2, 612.
Tuck, Robert, 397.

Tunix, 466.
Turks, 6 ; capture a ves
sel, 91.
Turner, Nathaniel, 468.
Tweed, 524.
Twiller, Van, 193.
Twiss, William, 183, 205.
Tyndalo, William, 6.
Uncas, 303, 4, 56, 411,
508, 9, 60, 4.
Underhill, John, 237, 300,
1, 3, 4, 26, 7, 61,
97-9, 414, 49-52, 8,
502.
Helena, 452.
United Colonies, 24, 485,
540, 3. 4, 56, 9, 60,
3, 70. 5, 80, 91, 9,
600, 7, 15.
United Provinces, 12, 3,
6, 23.
United States, 43.
Unquowa, 409.
Usher, James, 183.
Utrecht, 12, 152.
Van Curler, Jacob, 1 92.
Van Twiller, 192, 3.
Vander Donck, Adriaen,
458.
Vane, Henry, 230, 5, 6, 8,
49, 56, 63, 5 7, 73-
5, 85-92, 6, 8, 9,
306-10, 3, 321, 4,
44, 52, 3, 404, 18,
92, 540, 614.
Vassal, William, 119,275,
393, 498, 9, 549,
51, 90, 2, 600, 4.
Vassy, 10.
Vatican, 4.
Vaughan, George, 247.
Venetian. 77.
Venner, Thomas, 428.
Verin, jane, 370.
Joshua, 248, 352, 3,
70.
Verneuil, Madam, 47.
Verrazano, John, 19, 49,
50, 71.
Villagagnon, 19.
Vilyn. 48.
Vincent. Sir Francis, 307.
Henry, 307.
Philip, 307.
Richard, 307.
Vines, Richard, 48. 9, 70,
95, 153, 246, 396,
447, 553, 4, 606.
Vineland, 24, 5, 9, 49.
Vineyard, 487, 93.
Viret, Peter, 7.
Virginia, 20-2, 9, 33, 5, 9,
42, 8, 9, 53, 5, 69,

INDEX OF NAMES.

635

77,9,80,91, 3,101,
85, 9, 99. 216, 31,
42,388,4_5, 58. 71,
5-7, 82, 7, 96, 515,
26, 7, 30, 59, 76.
Virginia, vessel, 46.
Waban, 583, 5.
Wachusett Hills, 525.
Waddle, William, 506,
14.
Wahginnacut, 156.
Wahquack, 159.
Wakeman, Samuel, 429.
Waldo patent, 154.
Waldus. or Waldo, Peter,
3.
Waldron, William, 502.
Wales, 18. 103, 47, 615.
Walfurd, Thomas, 100,
450.
Walker, John, 328, 50.
Walley, Edward, 345.
Walsingharn, Francis, 20.
Walsingham, Eng., 528.
Walton, Elizabeth, 230.
William, 228, 30,416.
Waiver, Henry, 599.
Martha, 600.
Wampanoags, 60.
Wapping, 541.
Wapyquart, Pequod sa
chem, 193.
Ward, Andrew, 251, 3,
302, 464, 515.
Elizabeth, 184,
James, 599.
John, 184, 378.
John, 378. 417, 27,
48, 546, 99.
Nathaniel, 123, 84,
204, 14. 62. 3, 325,
34, 78, 90, 417, 27,
39, 48, 598-600, 1.
Samuel. 184.
Wardell, Thomas, 327.
98.
William, 327, 98.
Ware, Eng, 346.
Wareham, John, 129, 34,
6, 50, 249, 52, 409.
Warner, John, 506, 13,
56, 8.
Warrall, 615.
Warren, widow, 243.
Warrington, Eng, 313.
Warwick, Countess, 103,
98
Earl of, Robert, 54.
81,192,475,87,92,4,579,90, 1,4,608,
11.
Warwick, 507.
Warwickshire, 410, 561.
Wasamogoin, 525.

Waterman, Richard, 294,
334, 506, 13, 4, 58.
Watertown, Con, 251,
300.
Watertown, 138, 41, 51,
2, 4, 7, 160, 3, 99,
201,12,21,2,53, 9,
96,326,41,77,410, 4, 22, 37, 63, 7, 76,
7, 80, 2, 91, 3, 506,
14, 5, 8, 28, 9, 46.
Watts, Isaac, 598.
Wayland, Francis, 296.
Wayte, Gamaliel, 327.
Richard, 327.
Weaver. Mr, 148.
Web, Adey, 347.
Webhannet, 500.
Wccohannct, 452.
Webster, Thomas, 299,
302.
Weed, Jonas, 253.
Weeks, John, and wife,
345, 92, 454, 504,
6, 13. 56.
Weld, Edmund, 436.
John. 436.
Joseph, 326.
Thomas, 150, 60, 3,
202,61, 87,311,20,
4, 6, 9, 32,77, 418,
20, 6, 8, 34, 6, 75,
84, 91, 507, 31-4,
7, 44, 54, 614.
Welles, Thomas, 299,
302.
Wells, 500. 3, 606.
Wenham, 529, 35.
Wentworth, Sir Thomas,
256.
Wequash, 523.
Wassacumcou, (its last
letter may be n,)
183.
Wessaguscus, 53, 4, 69,
71-6, 99, 162, 223.
West Chester, 506.
Westcott, Stukely, 294,
334, 80,403, 513.
West country, Eng., 155.
Westfield, 466.
West, Francis, 55, 71, 7.
Martha, 568.
Nicholas, 119.
West India Company, 53,
94, 193,468.
West Indies, 25,- 130, 333,
415, 7,8, 26, 8, 68,
76, 9, 88, 530,-41,
77, 94, 613.
Westminster, 214,471,88,
91, 4, 540, 8, 63.
600.
Westminster Assembly,
488, 540, 8, 63.

Westmoreland, 378.
Weston. Francis, 334, 41,
60-2, 506, 10, 3.
Lord, 189.
Thomas, 35, 6, 52-4,
6, 66, 8, 9, 71, 5-7,
82, 3, 6, 224.
Westwood, William, 249,
51.
Wethersfield, Eng, 369.
Wethersfield, 222, 53, 300,
1, 2, 57, 405, 10,2,
4, 64, 6, 515, 23,
62.
Weymouth, Eng, 77, 100,
331.
Weymouth, 54, 77, 100,
223,31,332,73,4,6, 431, 47, 53, 5,
503, 4, 50, 7.
George, 32. 44, 5.
Whalley, Edward, 345.
Wheeler, Thomas, 328.
Wheelock, Ralph, 374, 5.
Wheelwright, John, 257,
61, 3, 4, 6, 9, 71-5,
85-9, 93,309-11, 3,
8-24, 7-30, 2, 9, 48-
50,52,61,71,87,8-98, 9, 416, 57, 92,
500, 1, 3, 52, 3, 4,
7, 606.
John, Jr, 554.
Mary, 257, 398.
Whitcomb, Simon, 275.
Wbitaker, Alexander, 22.
White, John, 74, 8-80, 1,
98-100, 1, 23*, 9, 30,
1,491.
Nathaniel, 577.
Whitehall, 166, 76, 286,
360, 471.
Whitely, Eug, 73.
Whitfield, Henry, 407,
10, 2, 517, 9, 67.
Whiting, John, 257.
Samuel, 257, 64, 75,
531.'
William, 299, 302,
452.
Whitman, Edward, 16.
Zechariah, 564.
Whittingham, William, 8,
9.
Wiapoco River, 22.
Wickendon, William, 506.
Wickes, Francis, 248.
Wickliffe, John, 3, 4.
Wiggin, C, 191-
Thomas, 155, 61, 3-5,
91 (.), 219.
Thomas, 348, 97, 9,
502.
Wight, Daniel, Jr, 30.
Wilberforce, S, 20.

636

INDEX OF NAMES.

Wilbore, Samuel, 327,
350, I.
Willerd, George, 444.
Willet, Thomas, 396.
William, ship, 165.
Williams, Francis, 190,
399,450. 1, 554, 5.
(John .), 302.
John, 313.
Mary, 147, 235.
Roger, 49. 146, 7, 9,
53, 62, 5, 71, 4, 5,
7, 87, 202, 3, 8, 12,
3, 20, 4-6, 8, 31-7,
40, 3. 8, 57, 9, 67,
88, 93-8, 313, 39,
49, 50-3, 5, 60, 80,
402, 3, 44, 57, 8,
62, 88, 503, 5, 6,
14. 23, 51, 8-60,
601, 9, 10, 1.
Thomas, 243.
William, 146.
Williamson, Sir Joseph,
163, 200, 16.
William D, 46, 95,
154, 292, 394,553.
Wilson, John, 135, 7, 8-
41, 2, 9, 58-60, 2,
3, 70, 2, 3, 5, 201,
15, 28, 31, 8,63, 5-
8, 71, 2, 85,6,310-
2, 19, 24, 9, 31, 2,
7, 54, 5, 77, 428, 9,
45, 9, 453,6, 61, 2,
89, 90, 8, 599, 605.
Mrs, 158.
William, 135, 200.
William, 159.
William, 327.
Wiltshire, 183, 226, 471,
546.
Wincob, John, 35, 9.
Windsor, Eng, 135.
Windsor, 187,93, 222, 49,
52, 300, 2, 10, 44,
55, 7, 405, 6, 9, 10,
69, 562.
Winisimet, 173, 323.
Winnacunet, or Wini-
cowett, 247, 341,
97, 9.
Winslow, Edward, 53, 61,
4, 9, 81-90, 3, 7,
193, 215, 6. 44, 5,
52,92,344,92,403,25,41,4,5,53,7,8, 60, 97, 8, 500, 51,

75, 83, 6. 90, 1, 5,
600, 4, 5, 11, 5.
Josiah, 551.
Kenelme, 604.
Winter, Christopher, 392.
John, 155.
Winter Harbor, 49.
Winthrop, Henry,
drowned, 136.
John, 99, 104, 19, 23,
9, 32-43, 6, 9, 50-6,
60-2, 4-7,9-71,3-5,
7, 8, 80, 2-8, 92, 4,
9, 200-4, 8, 14, 5,
9, 20, 4, 5, 8, 31,
5, 6, 8, 9, 40-3, 8,
56, 7, 9, 60-5, 7, 8,
70, 2, 4, 7, 85-93,
6, 8, 9, 303, 7-13,
8, 9, 21, 3, 9, 30, 2,
3, 5, 40, 2-9, 52, 3,
5, 8, 9, 62, 4, 9, 70,
2-4, 6, 89, 90, 6-
400, 2, 3, 5, 6, 10,
2, 5-7, 20, 2, 4, 5,
7, 8,36,7,41, 2,4-
8, 50, 2, 5, 60, 1, 8,
9, 73, 4, 7-80, 2, 4,
6, 8-90, 2, 3, 500,
1,2, 7, 11, 2, 20, 5,
6, 8, 9, 34, 5, 6-41,
4, 6, 51-61,4,73,7,
9, 82, 6, 9, 91, 3-5,
8, 9,604,6-9,12,5.
John, Jr, 165, 6, 91,
201,28, 31,49, 50,
1, 86, 429, 34, 560,
74, 96, 610, 6.
Mrs. Margaret, 152;
death, 598.
Winwick, Eng, 226, 342.
Win-all, Eng, 615.
Wishart, or Wisehart,
George, martyr, 7.
Witherell, William. 549,
51.
Witter, William, 482, 568.
Wituwamet, 75, 6, 82, 4.
Woburn, 474, 80, 1.
Wolcot, Henry, 252.
William, 380, 404.
Wolfall, 20.
Wollaston, 79, 80, 219,
59, 64, 89, 334.
John, 219, 47.
Wonnerton, or Wonnar-
toh, Thomas, 245,
399, 502.

Wood, 198.
Anthony, 308, 538.
John, 443, 569.
Silas, 498.
Woodbridge, Benjamin,
601.
John, 481, 546.
Woodbury, John, 80, 1,
98, 9.
Woodhill, Eng, 228.
Woodhouse, Captain, 199.
Wopowage, 406.
Worcester, William, 374,
88.
Worms, diet of, 5.
Wormwood, Mr, 148.
Woronoke, 46.6, 7, 603.
Worstenholme, Sir John,
34, 5.
Wren, Matthew, Bp, 483.
Wrentham, Eng, 543.
Wright, Dr. Laurence,
515.
Robert, 148.
Wroxhall, Eng, 410.
Wyllys, or Willys, Geo.,
299, 452, 561.
Richard, 561.
Samuel, 561, 2.
Yale, David, 574.
Yardley, Eng, 346.
Yarmouth, Eng, 132,227,
8, 30.
Yarmouth, 225, 346, 93,
443, 96, 8, 99, 548,
605.
Yennicock, 469, 520, 1.
Yonge, Anne, 285.
Joane, 285.
John, 285.
. John, 285, 469.
Joseph, 285.
Mary, 285.
Rachel, 285.
Thomas, 285.
York, Eng, 615.
York, 95, 396, 7, 446, 7,
53, 548.
York co, 394.
York, house of, 213.
Yorkshire, 30, 73, 2f6, 29,
52, 369, 417, 42,
515.
'Zealand, 12, 3, 548, 67.
Zuinglius, 5,391.
Zurich, 5. ?

INDEX
TO THE SETTLEMENTS, GOVERNMENTS, COMPANIES, PUBLICA
TIONS, RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS, AND OTHER SUBJECTS CON
TAINED IN THIS VOLUME.

When the several pages referring to the same things are denoted by tens or hundreds, those
figures will be expressed but once, except when intervened by words.

Able ministry desired by
New England, 474.
Absurdities of Aquinas, 5.
Accusations against Mas
sachusetts, 152, 61,
3-7, 81,5,210, 1,9.
Accusations of Williams,
232.
Achasan league, 120.
Act to prevent intemper
ance, 330.
Action against Williams
delayed, 225.
Address of Morrell, 78.
of Winthrop and oth
ers, 132.
as to the charter, 362-
4.
to Mrs. Hutchinson,
323, 5.
to the lords commis
sioners, 362.
of a military compa
ny, 597.
Addresses in time of wor
ship, 597.
to a young woman
without leave of
her parents, to be
fined, 518.
Admiral appointed for N.
E, 55 ; proposed,
73, 7.
Admission to church, 169,
277, 361, 5, 6,81,
2, 430, 1.
Admission of inhabitants,
145, 292, 4.
to R. Island, 352,419.
of Piscataqua, Do
ver, and Exeter to
Mass, 502, 3.
of Arnold and others,
505, 75, 95.
Admission to the union of

N. E. colonies dis
allowed, 553.
Administration of gospel
seals, 367, 8, 546.
Admonition, 337, 40, 1,
402, 22.
Advent of Christ, 410.
Adventurers opposed to
colonists of Plym
outh, 59, 95, 126.
Adversity, 150.
Advice of Penry, 14.
of Robinson, 37, 8, 9.
of Hildersham, 111.
toBoston church, 159.
to Salem church, 243.
to Wilson, 201.
of Winthrop to Wil
liams, 248.
about holding office,
455.
to the United Colo
nies to resist er
rors, 580.
of elders, 123, 272,
311, 478, 87, 513,
73.
as to the charter, 589,
90.
about excommuni-
cants, 449.
Affair of Hocking's death,
187? 90, 1, 219.
Affairs of Laconia, 247.
of England, 95, 144,
418, 9, 22-5, 7, 70,
1, 6, 8, 86, 91, 4,
536, 41, 69, 76, 85,
94.
of Scotland, 373, 80,
424, 6, 569.
Affirmation for an oath,
609, 10.
Agency of Standish, 91.
of Woodbury, 98.
54

Agents of the Puritans,
33.
for England, 425-8,
34, 68, 9.
for the colonists, 537,
82, 3, 6, 91, 603, 5,
15.
Agreement of Pequods,
356.
of settlers, 407.
Agriculture, 107.
Aid requested against
rioters, 462.
Alarm, 99, 208, 12, 401,
64, 516.
Alchemy spoons, 404.
Allegiance to the pope
withdrawn, 6.
Alliance with German
princes, 12.
with Indians, 62, 5,
192, 525.
sought to protect In
dians in Maine, 606.
Amsterdam, 14.
American settlements, ob
ject of, 18-23.
Anabaptists^ 7, 117, 87,
386, 91, 402.
at Providence, 458,
60, 529, 36, 7, 44,
68-71, 4, 6, 80, 3,
614.
Ancient discoveries, 18.
Annotations on the Bible,
256.
Answer to petitioners for
Wheelwright, 273.
to nine questions,
366-8.
to thirty-two ques
tions, 380-6.
to Herle, 527.
of the Bay sanctioned
by Plymouth, 186.
(637)

638

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Anthropophagi, 303.
Antichrist, 35, 104, 201,
2, 427, 60.
Antinomians, 256, 71.
expected from Eng
land, etc, 285-8.
differences, 293, 309,
10,20,1,2,9,34,41,
2,4,9,61,2,71,3, 86-8, 5.33, 45, 6,
552, 61, 80, 606.
disarmed, 327, 8, 30,
53, 428, 56, 7, 65,
6, 554.
Antipsalmists, 427, 529,
31.
Antitrinitarians, 391.
Antwerp, 4, 5.
Apology of Robinson, 35.
for removal of the
cross, 202.
of Eliot, 202.
for proceedings of
General Court,269.
of Greensmith, 272.
for the churches of
N. E, 365.
of Knollys, 399, 448.
of E. Rogers, 421, 2.
of Dudley, 487.
of Robinson, 488.
for signing in favor
of Wheelwright,
416, 92.
of Wheelwright, 501.
of Lenthall, 504.
by J. Winthrop, Jr.,
published, 554.
Apostles' Creed, 421.
Apostles, new, expected,
403, 587.
Apothecary, G. Firmin,
170.
Appeal to the pope de
nied, 6.
to England, 1 58, 219,
87. 322, 47, 447,
575, 90,' 1,5, 6,605.
of Pynchon, 467.
Application of Magog to
America, 205.
for aid against the
French, 246.
Appointment of the syn
od questioned, 577.
Apprentices for the colo
nists, 53, 4.
Approbation of Norton,
242.
of Wilson's course,
272.
Approval of Plymouth,
126.
Arbitrary government,
583.

Arbitrators as to the Gor
tonists, 510, 1.
Arguments of Pequods
for war with the
English, 297.
Arians, burned, 16.
mentioned, 391, 552.
Armada destroyed, 13.
Arminianism, 18, 33, 7,
102, 346, 423.
Arminians, 33, 7, 51, 2.
Arms sold to Indians, 99.
of Massachusetts re
moved, 332. -
bearing of them, 178.
at public worship,
274.
taken from Antino
mians, 327, 8, 32.
. restored to them, 388.
worn, 404, 11.
for worship, 444, 64,
84, 96, 516, 22, 62,
7, 615, 6.
Arraignment of Williams,
202, 12, 32-5.
of Pratt, 235, 6.
of Wheelwright and
Greensmitb, 287.
of Wheelwright de
ferred, 310.
of remonstrants, 320.
of Wheelwright, 321.
of Burdet, 447.
of Gorton, 492, 512.
of Gibson, 502.
of Hobart, 569.
Arrest of Gardiner, 150.
for La Tour, 500.
Arrival of Leyden Puri
tans, 39.
of Endicott, 100.
of Winthrop, 134.
of Holden, trying to
the Bay authori
ties, 579.
Articles of faith, 115.
of confederation, 359,
405, 85.
Articles, twelve, 421.
Artillery company of the
Bay, 373.
of Plymouth, 499.
of New Haven, 564.
election sermon, 528.
Arts and trades deceitful
ly conducted, 105.
Asking questions in pub
lic of ministers,
533.
Assassins, 13.
Assembly of divines, 488,
539, 40.
Assignment of territory,
218.

Assimilation of opinions
between the set
tlers of Salem and
Plymouth, 110.
Assistance to Frenchmen,
364, 520, 9, 30.
Assistants of the govern
or, 77.
denied to be magis
trates, 207.
Association of ministers,
171, 2, 431, 40.
Asylum for non-conform
ists, 98.
Atheistical speeches, 377.
Athense Oxoniensis, 538.
Atlantic passage short
ened, 25.
Attachment to Rogers's
preaching, 258.
Attack of Indians, 100.
Augsburg confession, 6,
9.
Auricular confession, 7.
Authorities accused, 258.
Authority from the King
of France, 218.
Bad neighbors, 559.
Banishment of Oldham,
89, 91.
of the Browns, 117, 8.
of Morton, 142, 6.
of several, 148.
of Ratcliffe, 150, 63.
ofLyn, 152.
of Allerton, 212, 3.
of Williams, 224, 5.
of Smith, 231, 2, 70.
of Wheelwright and
Aspinwall, 322, 3.
of Mrs. Hutchinson,
326, 9.
of others, 334, 8-40,
51.
of Underhill and Mor-
ris, 361, 2.
of Buet and Mrs.
Hawkins, 422, 8,
51, 4.
of Collins and F.
Hutchinson, 462,
506, 37, 42.
of Captain North,
549, 58.
of Wheelwright re
pealed, 552.
not for conscience,
but disorder, 542,
7.
Baptism, 37.
not to be adminis
tered by a ruling
elder, 8$"
of Hilton's child, 89.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

639

Baptism of Cotton's son
Seaborn, 169.
of grandchild, 203,
77, 8,
of children, immer
sion, 345, 6, 67, 75,
81. •
ofWilliams,402-4,32.by immersion, of in
fants, 442, 3.
of children, 444. 5,
7, 80, 6, 92, 7, 530,
1, 6, 40, 3-5, 7, 65,
6, 8, 71, 83, 4.
of children, 34, 48,
120, 43, 60; rea
son for not bap
tizing at sea, 169,
381, 480, 547, 8.
for the sake of grand
parents, 571,4, 601.
not regeneration, 1 60,
368.
condition of admis
sion to church, 273.
not membership, 381,
479, 82, 91, 2, 530,
47, 76.
Baptist church, 402, 506.
formed at Newport,
R. I, 55.7, 8.
Baptists, 386, 403, 82, 506,
28.
law against them,
536, 7, 43, 4, 51,
68, 9, 70-2.
prosecuted, 617.
increase, 545.
Baronies for New Eng
land, 54.
Barrowists, 35, 488.
Battle at Edgehill, 478.
Beacon for alarm, 208.
Beaver trade, 99.
Beginning of Plymouth
town, 57.
Beheading Indians, 354,
411, 2.
Miantinomo, 508.
Lord Strafford, 426.
Benediction, 170.
of the pope desired,
47, 101.
Benefactions, 150, 9, 96,
8, 537-9.
Benefactors thanked, 198.
Beneficence, 115, 73, 238.
Benefit of perseverance,
186.
Bequest of Mason, 247.
Bible test of doctrine, 5.
new version of, 16.
use of reading, 396, 7.
on a staff, 451.
to be more fully

taught as a guard [
against Papacy, i
602.
Bigamy charged upon
'Gardiner, 150, 61.
Biboes, an instrument of
punishment, 142,
65, 341.
Bill of divorcement, 144.
Bishop for New England,
372.
Blasphemy, 174, 513, 16,
8.
capital crime, 586,
613.
Blessing of parents, 597.
Bloody statute, 7.
repealed, 8.
Bloody Tenet, 234, 558.
washed in the Blood
of the Lamb, 601.
Board of war, 208.
Boast of the Pequods,
299-301.
Body of laws proposed,
214, 62.
liberties, 439-41.
Books of Bernard, 365.
Book of Common Prayer,
99, 117,40, 71, 84,
343, 67.
of Martyrs, 256.
Books presented, 69.
prohibited, 386.
foreign, 419.
Book of Sports, 106.
revived, 171, 264,
407, 23.
abolished, 484.
of Stoughton, 207,
14.
of Saltonstall, 473.
on unity recommend
ed, 545.
Bound House, 247.
Boundaries, need of being
settled, 94, 467.
Boy lost, 64.
Branch churches, 431.
Breaches of the law, 401.
Brereton's tract of land,
56.
Bribery, as to landing the
Leyden Puritans
at Plymouth, 39,
40.
British freedom sustained
by Puritans, 52.
Brownism, 110.
Brownists, 12.
dispersed, 13.
suffer, 14, 31, 5.
nickname,38, 91,137,
40, 7, 8, 488, 542.
Building at Cambridge

for Indian schol
ars, 597.
Bull, Papal, 10.
Bundle of arrows, 12, 72.
Burial place of Thor
wald, 30.
Burdens of Plymouth,
125, 6.
of Massachusetts,422.
Bushrode plantation, 74.
Cage for punishment, 291.
Call of Higginson, 102.
of Wheelwright to
R. I. declined, 371.
Calling of the Jews and
Gentiles, 427, 33.
of ministers, 114, 36,
281, 384.
of Williams, 224.
Calvinists, 18, 33, 7.
Canon law, 12, 6.
Capital laws, 440.
Captives, 65, 354, 577.
Captivity and death of
Madame La Tour,
606.
Capture of French and
Dutch settlements,"
23.
of Quebec, 1 13.
by Turks, 91.
in Boston harbor,530.
Cards and dice to be de
stroyed, 148.
Case of Elder Brown, 151,
2.
of Williams, 213,31-
5.
of Sharp and Wil
liams, 235.
of Pratt, 236.
of Williams, 236-8.
of Wheelwright, 272-
4, 85-8.
of Mrs. Hutchinson,
323-7, 35-40.
of Underhill, 361,2.
ofR. Islanders, 461,2.
Cases of conscience, 207,
34, 5, 273, 352, 3.
Casualties, young Win
throp drowned,
136, 225, 6.
Catastrophe, 428, 9.
Catechizing, 86, 108, 15,
229.
Catechism, 428.
Sion's Virgin, 550.
Catholic Breviaries, 367.
church, 143.
influence, 243, 5, 6.
league, 12, 3, 6.
powers, 12.
Catholics persecute, 5.

640

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Catholics persecuted, 6,
15, 7, 52.
visit of, 477, 86-90.
Cattle first brought to
Plymouth, 87.
lost, 252.
of Gortonists seized,
514.
Caution to men of Dover,
397, 8.
Censure, 443.
its cause denied, 469.
Ceremonies ofthe church,
160.
Challenge from Canoni
cus, 72.
Change of government in
England, 200.
of office, 416.
Chaplain of forces* 286,
331.
Character of Endicott,
100.
of emigrants, 137.
of opponents, 163-6.
of Indians, 349.
of New England,
371, 2, 443.
Charge, 411.
Charge of Robinson, 37.
of Rapin, 42.
Charges against emi-
, grants, 131.
that Mass. had made
themselves a free
people, 210.
of Williams vs. roy
al authority, 174.
vs. Williams and Sa
lem church, 224.
vs. Mass, 258, 95, 9.
vs. Gorges, 446, 7.
vs.Rev.fienry Smith,
426, 523.
vs. Gortonists, 511,2.
of Child and others
vs. Mass, 574.
Charges for ministry, 362.
for elders and mes
sengers of the syn
od, 572.
Charitable aid, 150.
Charity for the national
church advised,
167.
Charters or patents, 18-23.
for Leyden church,
33-5.
Gorges, 102, 210.
Mass, 102, 5.
demanded, 176, 8.
declared void, 180, 1,
8, 97, 200, 7, 10-3,
7, 8, 35, 73, 83, 5,
90.

Charters or patents of
Maryland, 295,340,
62, 3, 76.
Maine, 394, 5, 404.
Mass, 437, 8.
York, 447.
Narragansett, 494, 9,
500.
R. Island, 505, 51, 6,
9, 61.
Con, 564.
basis of Mass. gov
ernment, 590, 2.
R. I, 609.
Chief beheaded, 412.
Children to be taught,
472.
to be bound out, re
bellious to suffer
death, 589.
of Indians sacrificed,
87.
of all parents to be
baptized, 447, 65,
71.
Christian Charity, trea
tise, 133.
union, 125.
experience, 365.
Christianity, propagation
of, 18-23.
Christians aiding anti-
Christians, 530.
perished, 564.
Chronological dates, 205.
Church constitution, 276,
8, 422, 81, 2.
government, 58, 9,
- 143, 277-86, 380,
432, 534, 47, 8.
members, 36, 272,
319, 65, 6.
number, 382, 3, 469.
to become freemen,
484.
regulate the town,
412.
liable to duties of
freemen, though
not freemen, 603.
formation, 241, 59,
64, 419, 20, 30, 80,
535, 66.
power, 431, 79, 519,
20, 34.
practice restored, 469.
Puritans, 51, 137.
purity is state safety.
255.
Church formed for emi
gration hither, with
its officers, 128, 9.
recommendation, 452.
number, how formed.

may advise, but
not control another
church, 59, 239,
431.
visible, denied, 458,
60.
find congregation sy
nonymous, 566.
officers, 34 ; to be or
dained, 59. 140, 1,
5,63,8-71,276,429,
30.
exempted from mili
tary duties, 357.
of Geneva, ^missiona
ries, 19.
of Rome, held to be
true, 151, 2, 63.
and state, 109, 272,
319, 41, 4, 5, 89,
419, 20, 8, 31, 9,
40, 593.
way of New England
extolled, 277.
Churches, gathering of,
241, 2, 59, 60, 76.
419, 29, 30, 45, 79,
517, 32.
desolated, 102.
poverty of, 438.
their liberties, 605.
requested to deal with
their members of
General Court,225.
tried with opinions
of Mrs. Hutchin
son, 266.
of N. England cited
for example by
Westminster As
sembly. 548.
of England, 20, 1, 3,
99, 136, 43, 4, 9^
243, 64, 362, 5-7,
70, 4, 81, 2; held
as true, 424, 7, 79,
519, 31, 2, 65.
of Bohemia, 18.
Puritan, 8, 9, 32-4.
of Frankfort, 8, 9.
of Geneva, 1 0.
of Southwark, 1 7.
of Scrooby, 30, 1.
compared, 34.
of Plymouth, 58, 9 ;
Episcopal there,88.
of Salem, 113, 4.
influenced, 119.
of Watertown and
Charlestown, 138,
9, 40, 1, 3.
of Boston and Salem,
145, 9.
of Watertown, 151, 2.
of Plymouth, 153.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

641

Churches, of Lvnn, 159,
61.
of Charlestown, 161,
2.
of Boston, Roxbury,
Lynn, 163, 5, 8-71.
of Boston, Charles
town, 177, 8.
of Newbury and Ips
wich, 183, 4.
of Plymouth, Green
Harbor, 185.
of Plymouth and Sa
lem, 187.
of Charlestown, 203.
of Saugus, 209.
of Newbury, 214.
of Scituate, Plym
outh, 217.
of Salem, 224-6.
of Hingham, 228.
of Boston and Salem,
235, 7.
of Lynn and Newton,
238, 9.
of Charlestown, Dor
chester, and Sa
lem, 241-3.
of Springfield, and
Wethersfield, 252,
3.
of Newton, Mount
Wollaston, Ded
ham, and Dorches
ter, 259, 60, 4.
of Saugus and Sa
lem, 264, 7.
of Topsficld, Con
cord, 271, 4.
of Scituate and Dux
bury, 291.
of Weymouth and
Roxbury, 331, 2.
of Boston, 337, 8.
of New Haven, 359.
of Dedham, 364; for
mation, 369.
of Dedham, Salisbu-
rv,and Weymouth,
373-5.
of Mount Wollas
ton and Salisbury,
388.
of Scituate and Yar
mouth, 393.
of Exeter, 398.
of Newport, 403.
of Guilford, MilfordJ
and New Haven,
410.
of Long Island, 417.
of Watertown, 422.
of Dorchester, 425.
of Providence, W. I,
428, 9.
4c

Churches of Gloucester
and Vinevard, 437,
8.
of Marshfleld, 446.
of Boston and Dover,
449.
of Boston, 454, 5.
of Newport, Provi
dence, and New
ton, L. I, 458.
of Boston, 460.
of Milford, 463.
of Wethersfield, 466,
7.
of Southold, L. I,
469.
of Virginia, 471, 2.
of Concord and Wo
burn, 473, 4.
of Scituate, 498, 9.
of Providence, 506.
of Guilford, New Ha
ven, and Milford,
517, 9.
of Wenham, 529, .35.
of Hingham, Tops-
field, 539, 41, 4.
of Lynn, 545.
of Haverhill, Ando-
vcr, Reading, and
Manchester, 546.
of Duxbury, Scitu
ate, and Marshfleld,
551.
of Exeter, 554.
of Branford, Stam
ford, 562.
of Salisbury, 569.
of Boston, Salem,
Concord, Hing
ham, as to synod,
573, 7-9.
of Eastham and Yar
mouth, 605.
of Saybrook. 612.
of th. Palatinate,
Rochelle, etc, 105.
Citation of Wheelwright,
321.
of Gortonists, 509.
Cities incorporated, in
tended, 54, 70.
City charter, 499.
Civil government, 168, 9.
Claim for territory, 19-23,
245.
of French, 292, 444.
of Plymouth on Prov
idence, 503, 4.
to Aquedneck, 581.
in Maine, 605, 6.
of Dutch to Connect
icut, 193, 249.
to New Netherland,
93.

Claim of Exeter, 398.
Classes, 280, 384.
Cleft stick for the tongue,
260, 341.
Clergy, Popish, corrupt,4.
Clergymen ejected and
vindicated, 15, 6.
Clerical advice to the le
gislature, 123, 4.
associations, 440.
opinion regarded,
207.
support, 169, 73, 4,
535.
Cloak of a preacher, 160.
Coat of arms, English, set
up, 20.
of Madame Guerche
ville set up, 47.
Dutch, 192.
Coats defensive against
arrows,
Code of laws, 214, 56, 62.
of Plymouth, 290, 1.
of Massachusetts,
334, 439-41.
of Connecticut, 516-
8, 83.
of Rhode Island, 609,
10.
of Connecticut, 612.
Coins for instruction, 158.
College proposed at Sa
lem, 254, 5.
at Newton, 263, 326,
32.
Harvard, 364, 74, 87,
8, 420, 76, 7, 95,
537, 99.
rules, 495.
students to be em
ployed, 585.
collections, 612, 5.
degrees, piety requi
site for them, 496.
Colleges intended, 55.
Collision at Kennebeck,
215.
of parties, 451.
Colonial changes, 79.
Colonies, 19-23, 45, 64, 74,
7-80.
destroyed, 19, 20.
useful, 53.
of Dutch and French
taken, 23.
Colonists, 106.
charged with rebel
lion, 161, 5.
preached against at
St. Paul's Cross,
' 166.
depart, 494.
at Brazil, part slain ,
massacre of, in
54*

642

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Florida, others at
Pariba, 19, 20.
Colonists restless, 415, 6,
24, 79, 604.
Colonization urged as a
duty, 22, 45.
wrong views of it,
131, 81, 2.
exertions, 190.
Colony of Massachusetts
not to be engaged
by their agents to
to Parliament, 537.
Colors with the cross, 201,
4, 13, 58, 9.
of Gortonists dis
played, 511.
Combination for resist
ance, 398.
'of Exeter, 399, 400.
at Dover, 451.
and league, 497.
Coming in of the Jews,
593.
Commencement at Har
vard College, 477.
of the new heavens
and new earth, 593.
Commerce, maritime, 1 ,
18-30,2,6-41,4-50,
4-6, 65, 7, 9, 71, 3,
4, 83, 90, 1, 4, 102,
23, 45, 6, 8, 65, 82,
5, 9, 93, 6, 212, 4,
5, 9, 20, 5, 6, 48,
50, 1, 6, 66, 83, 9,
307, 8, 42, 3, 78,
95, 410, 26-8, 34,
48, 76, 94, 500, 26,
30, 92, 612.
Commission to Archbish
op Laud and oth
ers for N. England,
199, 212, 5, 21.
of Harvey, 242.
of Winthrop, for the
mouth of Connect
icut River, 249.
to Winthrop and oth
ers for Maine, 348.
for Peters, 468, 9.
for Pynchon, 467.
Commissioner, Dutch, 94.
Commissioners for Eng
land, 425-8,34,537,
8, 44.
expected from Eng
land, 450.
of United Colonies,
540, 3.
Commitment of Green-
smith, 310.
Common stock unprofit
able, 174.
Commonwealth's right to

exclude injurious
persons, 288.
Commonwealth, religious,
478.
Communicants charged
with being unwor
thy, 160.
as estimated by Lech
ford, 422.
Communication on -assist
ing La Tour, 489.
Communion with excom-
municants, 455, 80.
church, 7, 31, 59,
143, 7, 9.
withdrawn, 160, 201,
26,59,77-9,361, 5-
70, 5, 9, 80, 2, 424.
weekly, 442, 55.
third way, 531-4.
questioned, 551.
Compact, 7, 8.
Scottish, 10.
of Leyden Puritans,
40. Cc
110,
Companies for N. and S.
Virginia, 21.
Company of London and
elsewhere, 21.
of Plymouth and
elsewhere, 21, 9.
for New England
modified, 29.
justified, 190.
for Plymouth sepa
rate, 91.
of Massachusetts
stock, 102, 56.
continued, 182.
connected with a
company for trade
in England, 197, 8.
of New Plymouth,
35, 6.
their dissensions, op
posed to the colo
nists, 85-90.
of Holland, 249.
of husbandmen, 151.
Compensation for public
men, 527.
Complaints against Mas
sachusetts, 147, 8,
163; referred to
the privy council,
164 ; not sustained,
165.
of non-communion,
143, 7.
of Weston, 359.
of Lechford, 419.
Compromise of difficul
ties, 425, 51,2.

Complutensian Bible, 4.
Concerns of La Tour and
D'Aulney, 500, I.
Conclusion of Massachu
setts to resist the
landing of a Gen
eral Governor, 204.
ofthe legislature that
Wheelwright had
committed sedi
tion. 273.
Conditional promises,
etc, 316.
Conditions for the New
Plymouth emi
grants, 35, 6.
Condolence, letter of, 441.
Confederates, 489.
Confederation, 405-7, 10,
2.
of German States, 18.
of N. England colo
nies proposed, 311,
63, 410, 68. 77 ;
agreed on, 485-8,
97; Maine left out,
500; Rhode Island,
507, 17, 22, 43,4;
Maine, 553; R.
Island, 559, 63.
hindered, 589.
Conference meetings. 276,
324.
Confession of Augsburg,
6.
of faith, 15, 7, 115, 6,
39,242,59,79,376, 81, 2, 91, 421, 2, 9,
30, 74, 93, 519, 32,
42, 6, 7, 63 ; New
England synod,
602 ; by a husband
for his wife, 169,
239.
of Lyford, 89.
Confinement of Raleigh
in the Tower, 21,3.
Conformity with national
church, 200.
Congratulation for the
escape of Massa
chusetts, 166.
Congregational church
in London, 17 ; at
Scrooby, 30 ; begin
to go to Holland
and Leyden, 31.
Congregation of Robin
son begins, 30.
ofthe Lord, 10.
Congregations of divers
denominations,
282.
Congregationalism tends
to freedom, 42, 3

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

643

97, 100, 9, 17, 8,
36, 66, 88, 415, 6,
21, 3, 4, 6, 569,
600.
of Skelton, 119.
Congregationalism ac
cused and vindi
cated, 531-3, 40-8,
66.
and Episcopacy, 429,
541-3, 5-8. -
CongregationaUsts, 42,
107.
Conquered territory, 357.
Conscience, liberty of, 6,
9, 11, 2, 4, 6, 33,
40, 294-6, 324, 52,
3, 71, 456, 547, 58,
74-8, 601, 9, 10.
Consecration of a settle
ment, 45.
Consent of parents in
marriage, 520, 602,
3.
Considerations for plant
ing New England,
104, 5, 46; colo
nizing, 220, 1.
Consociation of churches,
493, 566.
Conspiracy revealed, 81,
2.
suppressed, 133, 50 ;
Indians, 292, 7,
302, 40, 55, 473,
4, 97, 9, 500, 2, 5.
Conspirators, 75, 6.
killed, 81, 2.
Conquest of Pequods, 304,
5,9,11,9,45,57.
Constitution of a church,
481, 2, 66.
of Rhode Island, 350.
Consubstantiation, 37.
Consultation about opin-
ionsof Mrs. Hutch
inson, 261, 333.
Contempt of authority,
224, 328, 9.
Contention between Ar-
minians and Cal
vinists, 33, 79 ; in
the company of
Plymouth colony,
85-90.
at Weymouth, 331, 2.
Contentment, 567.
Contract of Plymouth ad
venturers, 93.
of Higginson, Skel
ton, and Bright.
102.
Contraction of marriage
sermon, 599.
Contrast, 483.

Contribution, 160, 2, 74,
389, 433, 535, 99,
612, 5.
Control of the Bay over
Connecticut, 249.
Controversy between
Baylie and Cotton,
119, 235.
Conversation with a jury,
386.
Conversion to religion,25.
may it beinstrument-
ally by laymen ?
282, 385.
of Indians, 487, 95,
501, 7, 8, 14, 23,
80.
Conveyance of Acadie,
70.
of Saybrook to Con
necticut, 564.
Cool deportment, 405, 6.
Copies of Cotton's and
others' opinions
circulated, 268.
Com contributed for poor
scholars, 535, 615.
Corporation of Harvard
College, 477.
Correspondence with the
Dutch, 92, 3.
the West India Com
pany, 94.
with bishops, 397.
Council for English
America, 21.
for New England, 28,
9, 53-6, 68.
counteracted, 77, 8,
90.
claim territory, 93, 5,
6, 156, 75, 6.
new one, 179, 81.
trials, 188, 203.
return charter, 214,
5, 7, 8, 492.
for Virginia, 35.
for R. Gorges, as
governor of New
England, 77.
in England and Mas
sachusetts at the
same time, 215.
for life, 240, 1, 56,
377,473,8,87,536.
Councils, ecclesiastical,
209,42,61,6,7,72, 5, 80, 332, 62, 84,
425,532,74,9,605.
of Constance and
Basle, 4.
Counterfeiter, 148.
Country divided, 181.
Courage as to the char
ter, 364.

Course of Parliament
questioned, 528.
Court members, miscon
duct, 329.
Courts among Indians,
596.
Courtship regulated by
law, 518, 602, 3.
Covenanters of Scotland,
380.
of England, 426.
Covenants, 115, 6, 39, 62,
203, 40, 53, 60, 7,
79, 329, 58, 9, 91,
3,407, 22,519, 42.
of Abraham, 259.
of works and grace,
261, 8, 315, 20, 1,
4, 5, 71.
proposed for New
England, 526.
Creditors of foreign dissi
pated youth, 603.
Crosses set up, 30, 44, 5,
7,8.
Cross, 162; in colors, a
relic of Antichrist,
201, 2, 4, 5, 8, 13,
33, 40, 56, 9.
Cruelty of Spaniards, 92.
of Pequods, .300-2.
Cure of Massasoit, 81.
Curse of Noah, 130.
Custody of Mrs. Hutch
inson, 328.
Customs required at the
mouth of Connect
icut River, 589.
Dangerous precedents,
450.
Dark prospect of settlers.
302.
Daughter of Ann Hutch
inson rescued, 577.
Day of solemn prayer.
36, 7.
Day breaking, 600.
Deacons, 33, 4, 58.
ordained, 115, 41. 5
63, 70. 87, 265, 390,
417, 542. 3.
Deaconesses, 58, 276, 390
1, 430, 542, 3, 67.
Dealing with Holman
334.
with R. Island set
tiers, 351, 404.
Death of Dermer, 29.
of Carver, 63.
of Squanto, 70.
of Lyford, 80.
of G. Morton, 88.
of Cushman, Robin
son, 92.

644

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Death of White, 99.
of young Winthrop,
136.
of F. Higginson, 139.
of Lady Arbella and
others, 141.
of Gager, 142.
of Johnson and Ros-
siter, 143, 5.
of Mrs. Skelton, 148.
of J. Russell, 167.
of Dr. Fuller, 186.
of Skelton, 197.
of J. Maverick, and
Mrs. Shepard, 240.
of W. Pierce, 429.
of Wm. Hutchinson,
504.
of Miantinomo, 508.
of Ann Hutchinson,
509.
of Wequash, 523.
of G Phillips, 529.
of Redknap, 531.
of Brewster, 549, 50.
of G. Wyllys and E.
Hewett, 561, 2.
of J. Oliver, 569.
of Mrs. Winthrop,
598.
of Madame La Tour,
606.
of Canonicus, 610.
of T. Hooker, 616, 7.
of Hocking, 187, 8,
219.
Debate of Robinson with
Episcopius, 32.
Debts to be paid with
goods, 420.
Decay of religion, 371.
Decision of the legisla
ture vs. Wheel
wright as seditious,
273.
Declaration of lords as to
Massachusetts,! 66.
of the Scotch church,
369.
of the English com
missioners as to
Gortonists, 595, 6.
Deed-poll of Peirce, 68.
of Shawomet, 506.
Defeat of the Pequods,
303, 4, 9, 45, 54, 6.
Defective experience in
religion, 242.
Defence, 68, 185.
of the colony, 196,
200, 4, 99.
of Congregational
ism, 542.
of reply to nine ques
tions, 546.

Defence of classes and
synods, 565.
Defenders of the faith,
5.
Defensive measures, 516.
Delay to answer about
the charter, 197.
Delinquents as to clerical
tax, 517.
Deliverance from enemies
to the colony, 185.
Democracy of Rhode Isl
and, 609.
Denominations in Eng
land, 483, 8.
Departure from Leyden,
37, 8.
of R. Gorges and
Morrell, 77, 8.
of Wollaston, 79.
of Lyford, 80.
of Winslow, 83.
of settlers, 84.
of Wilson and others,
149.
of Blackstone, 209.
of Williams, 237.
of colonists, 270, 1.
of Vane and others,
265,8, 310.
of Wheelwright, 327,
48.
of Mrs. Hutchinson,
352.
of Humfrey, 416, 79.
of La Tour, 488, 9.
of Wheelwright for
Maine, 500, 3.
of Mrs. Hutchinson
for Pelham Neck,
564, 5.
of clerical candidates,
541.
of students, 543, 4.
Deposition of ministers,
368, 82.
Depredation at Machias,
218.
Deputies united with the
assistants, 178.
their first session
with the assistants;
they are church
members, 182.
in court, 302.
of Salem ordered
back, 227.
of Boston ejected,
320, 61.
object as to the syn
od, 573, 4.
Deriders of religion slain,
184.
Descent of Christ into
hell, 167.

Description of New Eng
land, 27.
Designs against Massa
chusetts, 163-7.
of the French, 292, 3.
of settling Provi
dence, 294.
of Scotch Puritans
to change the gov
ernment of Britain,
200.
Desire of Robinson to
come and live at
Plymouth, 84.
to have Massachu
setts well reported
in England, 270, 1.
to abide in New Eng
land, 240, 343, 91.
Desolation of states and
churches, 587.
Destruction of Indians as
"of Ham," 419, 20.
Dethronement of Eliza
beth, 10.
Detrimental speeches,
318.
Devotions, legislative,! 23.
Dialogues of Timajus and
Critias, 18.
Diary of Laud, 483.
Diet at Worms, Spire,
5.
of Augsburg, 9, 294.
Diet, prices of, 330, 1.
Differences between the
French reformed
church and the
Leyden church, 34.
the ministers of Old
and New England,
277.
Difference between Ex
eter and Hampton,
398.
Difficulties of settling
church concerns,
141.
with the Dutch, 464,
6, 7, 516.
in the advancement
of Maine, 445, 6.
at Scituate, 498, 9.
in government, 553,
605.
at Hampton, 607.
at R. Island, 609, 10,
1.
at Charlestown and
Hartford, 614.
Difficulty at Plymouth,77.
at Cape Ann, 79.
Diocesan church, 415.
Diplomacy of Canonicus,
297.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

645

Disaffection in Boston,
287.
Disarmed persons, 327, 8.
Disbursements of Gorges
on Maine, 190.
of Mason on New
Hampshire, 219.
Discipline, ecclesiastical,
37, 152, 73, 209,
14, 24.
in Boston church,
266, 67, 318, 19,
32, 4, 420-2, 7, 31,
54-7, 69, 531,2,42,
62, 3, 601, 2.
of legislators re
quested, 225,. 7.
retracted, 235.
of Winthrop, 329,
436, 7.
at Hingham, 539.
of European
churches, 365.
Discord at Salem, 117.
at Charlestown, 177,
8.
Discouragement in colo
nizing, 46.
Discourse of Davenport,
358.
of Cotton on civil
government, 488.
Discovery of America,
18-23.
of Burdet's letter, 395.
Discoveries, ancient, 18.
of the Northmen, 24.
Discrepancies of opinion,
117.
Discussion : Is the church
of Rome a true
church . 151.
who freemen ? 408.
as to baptism by im
mersion, 346,, 7,
425, 31, 2.
about Episcopacy,
447, 8.
church practices, 531-
3.
Disfranchisement, 322, 3,
6, 93, 504, 610.
Dishonesty, 105.
Dismission of ministers,
368, 82.
Dismissions from
churches, 163,397,
8.
Disorder at Mount Wol
laston, 80.
Dispensing gospel seals,
169.
Displacement of Eaton
from the college,
387.

Disputes, 108, 321.
Disrespect to ministers
punishable, 518, 87,
8.
Dissatisfaction with Pe
quod expedition,
300.
Dissensions in Plymouth
Company, 85, 7.
Dissenters, 9, 11, 333, 77,
67, 8, 203, 9.
Dissipated youth from
England, 603.
Dissuasive from errors,
600.
Distinguished persons
meant to emigrate
to Connecticut,
249.
Divers writings circu
lated, 286.
Division at Rhode Island,
505, 59.
at Providence, R. I,
610, 1.
Division of New England
into twelve ¦ prov
inces, 206, 21.
Divisions in churches,
319, 21-3.
at Weymouth, 373, 4.
Divorce, 604.
Doctor becomes minister,
390.
Doctress, 334.
Doctrinal Puritans, 15.
Doctrines, 4-8, 15, 8, 31,
2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 51, 2,
8-80, 133, 4, 60, 7,
8,224, 31.42,56,7,
261-74, 7-89, 311-
19, 24-6, 32, 3, 5-7,
421,2,5,61,6,501, 4, 12, 8, 9, 27, 9-32,
57,8,68,78-80,6-8.
Donations to New Eng
land, 159.
to Dorchester church,
167, 6, 200.
for college, 263, 537-
9.
Downfall of the Pequods,
304, 5, 55.
dispersion, 304, 5.
Dress, costly, 198,362,86,
7, 466, 581.
Drinking healths, 145,
386, 581.
Drought, 528.
Drowning of young Win
throp, 136.
Drum used for a bell, 266.
to warn members of
court, 353, 520.
worshippers, 615.

Duel, 63, 4.
Dutch claim to American
territory, 23.
offer of a settlement
to the Puritans, 33,
6, 7, 53.
settlement in Con
necticut, 192.
hostility, 216, 7.
concerns, 520, 2, 613-
5.
Duties of pastor and
teacher, 385.
Dying exhortation, 429.
Ears cutoff, 150, 1.
of Winthrop threat
ened, 180, 416.
East India Companies,
129.
Earthquake, 341.
Ecclesiastical concerns, 3-
18, 58.
superintendent, 77, 8,
116,43.
communion, 380.
advice, 431.
discipline, 208, 9, 38,
420-4, 9-34, 6, 7, 43,
79-82, 8, 98, 9, 541,
3, 7, 8.
polity of Hooker,
538.
Edict of Nantes, 1 5.
Education, 55, 86, 102, 5,
254, 5, 63, 476, 7,
515, 7, 8.
of children, 472, 3,
517, 8.
Effects of losing the char
ter, 363.
Effectual calling, 580.
Ejection from religious
assembly, 445.
Elder used for reverend,
167.
Elders' wives, 362.
Elders, 281, 385.
charges paid, 473.
mediators, 530.
ruling, 34, 6, 114,
385.
magistrates and dea
cons excused from
military duty, 327.
Eldership's power, 493.
Elect, 587.
Election of Carver as
governor, 40.
stormy, 285, 6.
of old magistrates,
441.
sermons, 427, 84, 526,
8.
of a preacher, 538.

646

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Embarrassments, 420, 2,
4, 8, 38, 9, 65, 6, 9.
Embassy, 425, 6, 8.
Emblematical instruc
tion, 158.
Emigrants of Leyden
church, 32-41, 65.
restricted, 53, 4.
kinds of, 73, 81, 3.
for Virginia, 93, 4.
for New Hampshire,
96, 108.
reach Salem, 112;
Charlestown, 113.
expected, 115, 24.
arrive, 125, 6.
character, 130.
accused of faction,
131, 2.
for Dorchester, 134.
character, 137.
depart, 139.
motives, 148, 51, 2.
Boston, 159.
from Braintree, Eng.,
160.
for Scituate, 165,7,8,
171, 5, 6, 82, 9-91,
6, 9, 203, 9, 27, 8,
35.
for Connecticut, 198,
200, 21, 2, 39, 41,
8, 50.
many, 236, 48.
restricted, as to Crom
well and others,
282, 3, 9, 92, 309,
42.
numerous, 343, 61,
77, 91, 4,428.
invited to Maryland,
442.
driven to New Eng
land, 493, 4.
from Rhode Island,
505, 6.
from Virginia, 527.
sent away, 545, 6.
Emigration, considera
tions, 104, 5.
exertions for it, 190,
209, 417, 8, 28.
lessened, 487 ; causes,
459.
Employment of people,
256.
Enactment vs. Seckere
and Spiritualists,
587.
Encounter, deadly, 187,
90, 1.
Encouragement to Plym
outh colonists, 90.
to Mass, 196, 7,596.
Encroachments of French

at the eastward,
212, 43, 4.
Ends of war, 489.
Engagements of R. Island
freemen, 351.
English claim to Ameri
can territory, 19.
Enlargement of Plym
outh, 126.
Ensigns, 201,2, 8, 40, 56,
58, 9.
Entertainments on the
Sabbath, 16.
Episcopalians, 2, 31, 42,
51, 99, 147, 574,
604.
Episcopacy in Maine, 46,
8.
New England, 53, 4.
Weymouth, 77, 8.
Plymouth, 85-9.
Cape Ann, 90.
Salem, 117, 8, 65, 6,
224.
Maine, 292, 394, 5,
422.
church, 361.
Portsmouth, N. H,
449, 50.
in general, 5, 6, 21,
76-8, 96, 7, 100,43,
7,9.
expected triumph,
180-2, 8.
for N. England, 212,
44, 83, 92, 3, 422,
46-8, 52, 84, 502,
30, 53, 74, 606.
Episcopal calling of min
isters, 88.
service at funerals,
451.
•bias, 502.
Errors, 3-18, 31, 312, 3-8,
33.
at Rhode Island, 400,
1, 4.
at Connecticut, 465,
6.
confessed, 439, 536,
63, 9, 70, 8-80.
Escape of Luther, 5.
of Whittingham and
others, 8, 16.
from snares in Lon
don, 166.
of ministers, 168.
of Williams, 237.
Estates depreciated, 424.
Estimation of New Eng
land men, 443.
Eucharist, 7.
Evangelical union, 16.
Evangelization of Ameri
can Indians, 18-23,

6, 7, 29, 40, 9, 55,
82, 6, 101, 2, 4, 6,
9, 30, 53, 6, 267,
409, 33, 87, 95, 507,
8, 23, 6, 8, 44, 82-
9, 600, 1, 3, 4.
Example to attract the
Indians, 107.
Exchange of Mariana,
127.
of ministers, 432.
Excitement, 256.
in Boston, 274.
by Catholics, 486-90.
Exclusion of offenders,
14.2.
Excommunicants, 362,
86, 414, 31, 49, 52,
3, 6, 60.
Excommunication of the
king, 6.
church, 34, 160, 3,
233, 77. 332.
of Mrs. Wheelwright,
337, 41, 67, 8, 79,
80, 6, 7, 92, 403,
4. 14, 5.
of Mrs. Hibbins, 424,
5.
of Underhill, 449, 60,
1, 80.
of Lady Moody, 486,
93, 562, 3, 6, 79.
Excommunicated minis
ters, 498.
Execution of Nepaupuck,
411,2.
of Miantinomo, 508.
of Peters, 435.
of Laud, 538.
Exempts, 417.
Exertions of Gorges for
the colonies, 48, 9,
553. 4.
Exhortation of William
Pierce, 429.
Exiles return, 9, 13-6.
Expected downfall of Pu
ritanism, 180.
Expedition of Argal, 48,
65, 75. 82.
against Indians. 260,
90, 411.
against Gortonists,
510.
Expense caused by the
Hutchinson fami
ly. 461.
Expenditures, 125, 6, 8.
Experience of Governor
Winthrop, 268, 79,
, 535.
and principles of
Plymouth colony,
86.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

647

Explorations, 40.
Explosion in a meeting
house, 158.
Exposition of the 110th
psalm, by Gorton,
556, 7.
Exposure made by Rob
inson, 84, 5.
Expression of the Swe
dish king, 13.
of James I, 15, 7.
of Winthrop, as to
the colony, 198.
of Saxton, 216.
Extension of settlements,
356.
Extermination of Indians,
419,20. 57.
Extirpation of D'Aulney
proposed, 501.
Extortion, 172, 388, 466,
499, 531.
Extract from Morrell's
poem, 78.
Extravagant living, 104,
5.
dress, 198,362, 86, 7,
466, 581.
Factions in the Plymouth
Company, 87, 8, 91.
Fairfax correspondence,
283.
Faith, ancient, 549.
Faithfulness of Cradock,
235.
False doctrines publicly
rebuked, 317.
Families of Plymouth set
tlers, 57.
government of, 108.
Family worship, 108.
Family of Maverick, or
dered to Boston,
208.
Familists, 154, 256, 330,
5, 45, 9, 72, 85, 6,
425, 58, 76, 85, 6,
91, 523, 46, 52, 4,
61, 80, 3, 607.
Fare at public houses,
330, 1.
Farewell to England, 110.
of Wilson, 149.
of Sir F. Gorges, 396.
FarmofLady Moody,417.
Fast sermon of Hook, 442.
Fasts, 59, 82, 3.
at forming a church,
113.4,27,38,40,8,
52, 63, 70, 98, 203,
40, 68, 74, 91, 311,
35, 59. 69, 71. 4, 7,
471, 3, 6, 86, 518,
28, 36, 41, 85, 7.

Fasts, each month, f>61.|
left with elders and
their churches, 482.
Favor of many in Eng
land for New Eng
land, 197.
Favor from England, 483,
515.
Fears of the French, 490.
of Indians at Rhode
Island, 559.
Feast days of St. James
and St. John, 500.
Fellowship of churches,
278, 365-8, 431,
566.
Female meetings, 318,
24, 6, 7.
Fifth Monarchy sect, 428,
9.
Fifth of gold and silver
for the king, 219,
394, 592.
Fight of Standish with
conspirators, 75.
Fine for electing a non-
freeman, 256, 272,
353, 73,6.
of Brown, 377, 92,
461, 513, 20, 51.
Firearms not to be sold
to Indians, 55.
Firebrand quenched, 506.
Firelocks, 562.
Fires, 59, 60, 83, 4.
First fruits of New Eng
land, 476, 94-6,501,
593.
First salmon for the min
ister, 554.
First table, breaches of,
149, 536, 7, 601.
Fish for the earth, 63.
for the church, 554.
Fishery, 70, 4, 155, 65.
at Newfoundland,
196, 292.
Five Points, 18.
Flag struck, 256.
Flemings put to death,
11.
Flight of Calvin, 6.
of Cotton, Hooker,
and Stone, 167, 8,
71.
of Pequods, 349.
Flints, 562.
Fluctuations, public, 424.
Followers of Williams,
257, 8.
Forces against Pequods,
275, 86, 7.
Forcible removal, 450.
Foreign articles very cost
ly, 266.

Forgery, 416, 589.
Form of church govern
ment, 160, 256.
of prayer, 282, 367,
8, 482, 616.
Formation of churches,
369, 419.
Fortifications, 45, 6, 68, 9,
7, 5, 107.
Salem, 115.
to guard against
French Papists,
164.
at Plymouth, 185.
in Massachusetts, 200.
in Milford, 406.
for chiefs, 558.
Foundation of independ
ence, 42.
Four men, in case of war,
to be found for the
governor, by each
patentee, 56.
Fraud, 443, 4.
Free burgesses, members
of the church, to
choose rulers, 169,
408, 9, 15, 7, 21,
2.
Freedom, religious, 5-8,
106.
of the Massachusetts
Company, 123.
its support, 43.
Freemen, 69, 124.
clerical, 145.
to be church mem
bers, 150, 169.
oath, 182, 97.
privileges, 235, 41 , 55,
62, 72, 90, 352.
one readmitted, 376,
408, 9, 444, 69,
84.
allowed, though not
church members,
502, 3, 16, 7, 21.
must be church mem
bers, 522.
privileges, 526, 76, 95,
7, 603.
Free school in New Ha
ven, 515.
Freemanship, church
members must ap
ply for it, 484, 502,
3."
Free moral agency de
nied, 461.
Free trade, 55, 92.
French aggression, 243,
4.
threat, 245, 6.
assisted, 520.
captives, 28.

648

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

French claim to American
territory, 19, 21,
189, 245, 6, 92.
opposition to privi
leges of New Eng
land Company, 29.
preacher among In
dians, 605.
Protestant colonies
destroyed, 19, 20.
reformed churches,
34.
trade with Narragan
setts, 71, 2.
Friars burned, 5.
suppressed, 7.
prevent sale of In
dians, 32.
at Boston, 488, 9.
Friends to New England,
90, 1, 164, 5.
in Ireland and Scot
land, 231.
of Wheelwright dis
sent, 273, 4.
Fruit, 412.
Fugitive servants and
criminals to be de
livered up, 298.
Fundamentals, 549.
Funerals, 433, 4, 51.
Gantlet run, 89.
Gap for all sects, 548.
Gardening, 412.
General Assembly of
Scotland, 370.
General Court at Salem,
112.
General government, 54,
5, 70.
begun and terminat
ed, 77, 8, 199, 200,
_, 12, 3, 5, 7, 9, 44,
_8, 93.
ordered, 307, 9, 40,
591, 2.
governor, 54, 76, 7,
163, 4-6, 81, 8, 99,
200, 6-8, 15, 8, 89,
372.
Generosity of Winthrop,
198.
Gifts to Rome forbidden,
6.
Glebe, land for, 450.
Go and mend your man
ners, 90.
God's Promise to his
Plantation, 129.
Gog and Magog "as to
America, 205.
Gold mine, pretended, at
Martha's Vine
yard, 26.

Golgotha, 64.
Good news from New
England, 86, 97.
Good report of Plymouth
settlers, 82.
Goods of the Browns,
123.
Gortonists, 345, 403, 53,
4, 7-62, 92, 505-7.
brought to Boston,
509-14, 55, 6.
offensive attitude,
558, 61, 79, 82.
alleged wrongs, 591,
5, 6, 605, 7, 9, 11.
Government of Plymouth
formed, 40.
free, 43, 5, 6.
of Massachusetts, 108,
9.
of New England
threatened, 63, 4.
New Hampshire, 219.
Connecticut, 251, 2.
in Mass. more strict,
238-40, 262, 309,
10.
by church members,
255, 409, 516-20.
in the church, 432.
Maine, 246, 347, 8,
94-6, 445, 6, 553.
R. Island, 350, 401,
2, 55, 504, 609.
New Haven, 359,408,
9, 11.
Connecticut, 405, 6.
Milford, 412.
Massachusetts over
Dover and Ports
mouth, 452, 3.
New England, 307,
492.
attempts for its alter
ation, 593-tf.
New Hampshire, 607.
and patent of Mas
sachusetts to be ex
ercised in the colo
ny, 120.
of trade retained in
England, 123.
Governor appointed for
Mass, 100, 215.
general designed for
N. England, 163,
80-2.
Gown of a minister, 160.
Grace of the covenant
taken away, 553.
before and after
meals, 224, 6, 594.
Graduates at Harvard
College, 477, 8, 41.
emigration of, 581.

Grammar master, 549.
school, 602.
Grandchild, baptism, 203.
Grant to Mason, 53.
of money to Mrs.
Ames, 328.
to Roger Williams,
609.
Graves levelled and
sowed, 62.
Guard for the governor
of Plymouth, 292.
for governor of Mas
sachusetts, 326.
Guests, poor, 330, 1.
Guns granted Connecti
cut, 222.
Gunpowder treason, 16.
Halfway covenant, 203,
469, 548.
Handcuffs, 598.
Hanging of persons, 75, 6,
313, 92, 428.
Hard requisitions of Puri
tan ministers, 284.
Hazard of buying out op
posing stockhold
ers, 93.
Help for Massachusetts
colony, 131.
Heresies, 272, 422, 518,
58, 69, 70, 86, 7.
Hierarchy, 14, 84, 210,
293.
High Commission Court,
9,14,168,333,418,
26, 48.
Hinderance to R. Island's
adopting her char
ter, 551.
Holy days, 59, 291.
league, 1 1 .
Honor of being the first
settlers, 83.
Horse litter, 298.
Hospital burned, 60.
Hostilities, 6-8, 10-4,8-23,
6, 8-30, 36, 40, 6,
65, 8, 72, 192, 275,
97-305.
of Dutch, 516, 22, 59,
60.
Hourglass for the pulpit,
267.
House of Commons' pro
test, 52, 5, 101, 2.
stand on defensive,
473.
favor New England,
483.
of correction, 463.
of Good Hope, 193,
464.
Houses of the Northmen

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

649

near Mount Hope,
29.
of disorderly inhab
itants ordered to
be destroyed, 210,
41.
distance from meet
ing house, 262.
Huguenots massacred, 10,
47.
Hundreds, parishes, etc.,
395.
Husbandmen, most of
them prove Fami
lists, 154.
Husbands and wives, sep
arate, must return
to each other, 518.
Hypocrisy unmasked,403.
Idle to be put to service,
589.
Idleness prohibited, 169,
526.
Idolatry of Indians, 86, 7,
97, 438, 516, 8, 82,
6.
Idols of Indians rejected,
582, 6.
Ill reports, 415, 6.
Illuminated persons, 587.
Imitation in preaching,
438.
Immediate revelation,
257, 325-7.
Immersion in baptism,
346, 7, 402.
of infants, 442, 97;
Immoralities. 177, 463, 4,
6, 73. '
Imposition of hands, 141,
5, 170, 1, 613.
Imprisonment of Raleigh,
23
ofPenry, 31.
of Winslow, 244.
Improvident pleasure, 80.
Incendiaries, 83, 4.
Incorporated cities in
tended for New
England, 54.
Incorruptible Key of Gor
ton. 611, 2.
Indebtedness of our mer
chants to those of
England, 428.
Independence of England
desired, 283, 398,
426, 8, 84.
Independency, 9.
accused, 541.
Independents of Old and
New England, 526,
33, 45, 8.
Indian language, 514.
4d

Indians to be evangelized,
18-23.
kidnapped, hostile,
26-30, 2, 6.
resentment, 40.
detained, educated,
43, 4.
child baptized, 48.
in Maine, 45-9, 52.
conspire, 54.
trade in firearms,
evangelization, 55.
Sagamore of Nan
tasket, boy sent
back, 56.
hostile, 57.
welcome, 60-5, 8.
reproachful, 69-72.
accusation, 74.
conspirators killed,
75, 6, 81.
religion, 86, 7, 93, 7.
defeat, 100.
education,101,2, 6, 9.
trade, 111.
religion, 114, 30.
conspire, 133, 53, 5, 6.
have small pox, 1, 73,
92, 3, 202, 21, 2.
sympathy for them,
267, 74, 5, 86, 7, 9,
90, 2, 3, 6, 7-305,
28.
frightened, 334, 45, 9,
50, 2, 4-6, 94, 6. 7.
treaty, 404, 9, 10, 5,
9, 33, 8, 43, 4.
conciliation, 457, 69,
73, 4, 6, 85, 6, 8, 94.
education, converts,
495,7,9, 500.2, 6-8.
kill Mrs. Hutchinson
and others, 509, 10,
1, 5, 22.
conversion, 523, 4-6,
8, 34, 6.
children taught, 539,
43, 4, 55, 6, 8-60,
76, 9, 80-6.
instructed, 588, 91.
regulations, 594, 5.
courts, 596.
hear a sermon in
presenceof the syn
ods, school house
at Cambridge, 597,
8, 600, 1.
conversion, 603, 4.
the gospel anciently
preached to them,
605, 6.
unfriendly, 608, 10.
sacrifice of goods,
611.
plot, 613, 4.

Indulgences for sins, 4,
13.
Infant baptism by immer
sion, 497, 8.
baptism, 529, 36, 40,
3, 7, 76.
Infidelity charged upon
Gorton, 557.
Influence of Plymouth on
Salem, 119.
of Williams, 243.
of religious persua
sion, 362.
of New England
churches in Old
England, 277, 8,
483, 548, 600.
of a Papal missionary
on the French, 606.
Inhabitants, 127, 42, 5,
60, 241, 8, 9, 91,2,
4.
unworthy, 393.
mode of receiving
them, 400, 12, 595.
Innkeepers, 330, 1.
Innovations imputed, 122.
on the law, for free
men, 521, 2.
Inscriptions over men put
to death, 19, 20.
Insolent speeches, 123.
Institutes of Calvin, 7.
Instructions of Massachu
setts Company, 101.
of Vane, 249.
for Indians, 536.
Instructors, 86.
Insubordination at Mount
Wollaston, 79.
Intemperance punished,
177,261.
act, 330, 45, 93, 581,
96.
Intercourse between
Plymouth and
New Netherland,
92.
and Massachusetts,
100, 27.
with excommuni-
cants, 414, 31.
Interest, pecuniary, ex
travagant, 93, 126.
Interest of the council iu
Maine, 217, 8.
in captives, 513.
Interview between a
Christian and a
sachem, 28.
Invasion of the French
feared, 138.
from England, 228,
372, 401, 524.
Invitation for the people
55

650

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

of Plymouth to set
tle on Connecticut
River, 94, 7, 216.
from a sagamore,156.
to attend synod in
England, 516.
Inward light, 401.
Irish intend to emigrate,
200, 417.
Iron works at Lynn, 601 .
Islands of Naumkeag,
112.
Island granted to Mr.
Thacher, 274.
Jealousy between the
friends of Plym
outh and those of
Mass., 110.
Jesuits and Recollects,
113.
Jesuits proscribed, 18.
disliked, 46.
as missionaries, 47,
104, 30.
remark, 481.
designs, 490, 512, 83.
law against them,
596, 7.
Jews, calling of, 433,
6, 552, 4.
Joining the church, 430.
Journal of Higginson,
111, 2.
Journey to Plymouth,
161, 2.
of planters to Con
necticut, 222, 98.
Judge and elders, 401.
Judgment, according to
the light of the
age, 122.
Judgment against Cra
dock, 235.
the charter, 275.
Judgments predicted, 28.
Judicial concerns, 142, 50-
2, 8, 291, 371, 3, 4,
7, 89, 406, 43, 4, 7,
61,82,3, 91, 2,6-8,
604.
Judiciary principles, 562.
Jura Regalia, 207.
Jurisdiction of Piscata
qua, 453.
Justification of separa
tion, 31.
of Plymouth colony,
90.
Justification and sanctifi
cation, 318, 587.
Kennebeck patent, 126.
Ketches, carpenters to
build, 85.

Key of Indian language,
by Williams, 514,
23.
Keys of the Kingdom of
Heaven, 534, 42.
Kidnapping of Indians,
26, 8, 32, 40, 4.
negroes, 544, 84.
Kindness, effect of, 65.
Kindness of the Dutch to
the Leyden Puri
tans remembered,
94.
King Charles I. sold by
the Scots, 594. '
King's arms, 256.
Kneeling, 160.
at the sacrament, 168.
to receive the bless
ing of parents, 597.
Labor stopped, Saturday,
P. M, 108.
Laborers, price of their
work, 468.
Lands granted, 71.
in Maine, 95, 348.
in New Hampshire,
96, 159, 63.
Blackstone, 165.
Thacher, 227, 74.
Shepard, 240.
Higginson, 311.
Mrs. Glover, 344.
Salem village, 371, 7,
417, 20.
Lady Moody, 417.
Wheelwright, 553.
Land tax, 517.
Land to be sold only to
members of the
church, 341.
Last words of Avery, 225,
6.
Latin poem of Morrell,
78.
Laudian council, 179.
policy, 205, 6.
Law as to strangers ex
cites much contro
versy, 287, 8, 544.
against Baptists, 536,
7, 44, 5, 83, 4.
against excommuni-
cants, 415.
Laws passed at Agawam,
167.
of Massachusetts pro
posed, 214.
of Plymouth, 290.
against Seekers, 587,
9.
compend, 334, 88,
417, 39-41, 503-6.
of^ Connecticut, 516.

Laws of New Haven, 517,
8.
of Mass, 603-6.
revisement, 583.
of Rhode Island, 609,
10.
of Connecticut, 612.
Lawfulness of magis
trates, and their
inspection of the
first table, and of
war, denied, 536.
Lay exhortation, 244,
385.
ordination, 280, 1,
419, 80, 532.
Leagues, 7, 8, 10-3, 120.
League and Covenant,
491, 526.
League, colonial, 468.
Lectures, 169.
not before 1 o'clock,
170, 201, 3, 271, 2,
311,89,417.
Legal punishment, 441.
Legalists, 266, 71, 5. 309,
10, 20, 1.
Legislative devotion, 123.
Legislature have power to
convene a Synod,
578.
Leniency of Abp. Abbot,
80.
Letter D worn by a
drunkard, 177.
Letters of Penry, 14.
of Leyden church,
33, 48.
of Robinson, 38, 9, 64.
of Weston, 52,68,83.
of Hilton, 67.
of Shirley, 85.
of Lyford, Oldham,
88.
of friends, 90, 1.
to Dutch, 92, 3.
of West India Com
pany, 94.
of Endicott, Cradock,
100, 5-10.
of Mass. company,
111.
of Gott, 113,4.
of caution, 121, 2.
of Fuller, 135, 6.
of Cotton, 143.
ofF. Gorges, 151, 5
ofLyn, 152.
of Wiggin, Cotton,
161, 3.
of Downing and oth
ers, 164.
of Howes, Kirby, 166.
of T. Morton, 180.
of Winthrop, 1 85.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

651

Letters of Gorges, Mason,
190.
of Warwick, 197.
of benefactors, 198.
of Downing, 202.
of Mason, 218.
of Lords Say. Brook,
219.
of Salem church, 231,
5.
of Owen, 240.
of Marsham, Shep
ard, 241, 2.
of Vaughan, Mar-
sham, 247, 8.
of Cotton, 255.
of Neal, 277, 8, 90.
of Winslow, Gorges,
292, 3.
of Williams, 296.
of Winthrop, Jr, 299.
of Winthrop, 309.
of Laud, 340.
of Winslow, 344.
of Winthrop, 345,
of Green, 351, 2.
of Williams, 353.
of Davenport, 357.
of Winthrop, 359.
of Cotton, 366.
of Salem church, 379,
80.
of Fyrmin, 390.
of Burdet and Win
throp, 395, 7, 8.
of Knollys, 399.
of Fenwick, 412.
of Lechford, 424.
of Winslow, 441.
of Hooker, 443.
of Godfrey, 445, 6.
of Jenner, 447, 8.
of Boston church,456.
from Providence,461.
of Hooker, 465.
to Fenwick, 467.
from Virginia, 471,
2, 5, 6.
of Allen, 479.
of Dudley, 481.
of Endicott, 486.
of Winthrop, 490.
to Peters, 493.
of Parker and N.
Rogers, 494.
of T. Gorges, 501.
of Gibson, 502.
of Gortonists, 509,
510.
of Roswell, 515.
of Winthrop, 520.
of Tombes, Vines,
540.
of Winslow, 551, 2.
of Downing, 555.

Letters of Williams, 559.
of T. Peters, 564.
of Fenwick, 567.
of commissioners.
595, 6.
of Cobbet, E. Rogers,
and T. Mayhew,
Jr, 604.
of Vines, 606.
of Parker, 607.
of Williams, 610, 1.
of Hooker, 613, 4.
of Fenwick, 615.
revived, 4.
of recommendation,
365, 6, 532.
Leyden church, 31-8.
part of them prepare
to cross the Atlan
tic, trials, discover
Cape Cod, 39.
adventures, explora
tions, attacked, 40.
Liberties of New Eng
land threatened,
155,62,4,5,7,179,
80-2, 5, 6.
to be defended, 200,
3-5, 7, 8, 10-2, 7,
28-33, 42, 3, 244,
58, 75, 83, 4, 5, 9,
91, 307, 9, 10, 40,
8,62,3,4,72, 6,94,
5, 492.
undermined, 585.
Liberty in religion, 33.
basis of, 42, 3.
and public weal rec
onciled, 286.
of the churches, 539.
petitioned for, 548,
74-80, 605.
and equality as rep
resented in Rhode
Island, 607.
Library of Laud granted
to Peters, 538.
Like priest, like people,
366.
Litany, 8.
Litigation among Chris
tians, 236.
Liturgy, 8, 9, 277, 82, 547.
Loan of corn, 74.
to Weston, 76.
Location of settlement,
41.
Locks of Indian hair, 355.
Lodgers, 330.
London's plantation, 109.
Long hair, wearing it re
proved, 597.
Lord of the manor, 96.
Lords favor N. England,
427.

Lords bishops, 138.
Lords brethren, 138.
Lord's supper, 432, 3.
every Sabbath, 442.
Loss at Cape Ann, 79.
by Turks, 91.
by fire, 59, 60, 83, 4.
Lot, choice bv, 108, 12,
286, 7. "
Love for England, 443,
Lutherans, 37.
Luxuries. 266.
Lying, 466, 518.
Magistracy opposed, 402.
denied, 460.
Magistrates not to punish
breach of the first
table, 149.
not to be laid aside
without sufficient
cause, 182.
election of, 441.
at forming a church,
474.
power, 479.
dissatisfied as to the
bill for calling a
synod, 573.
as to the first table,
601.
power, 613.
Magna Charta, 214.
Magnalia, 138.
Maine settlements, 189.
Majority in the church,
277, 80.
should not always
rule, 368, 83, 4.
do rule, 432, 579.
Malcontents, 604.
Malignants, 593.
Manuscript of Morton,
172.
perished, 564.
Map of New England, 27.
Marginal notes on the
Bible, 256.
Market-place in Boston,
389, 90.
Marriage, 59, 163.
by magistrates, 244,
91, 387, 92, 433, 63.
public, 488, 518.
by consent of parents,
520.
sermon, 599, 602, 3,9.
Martyrs, 5-8, 11,3, 4, 6.
Masks forbidden, 551.
Masquerade, 16.
Massacre of Huguenots,
10.
at Virginia, 69, 526, 7.
Mass celebrated at Mount
Desert, 47.

652

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Match, 562.
Matchlocks, 562.
Maxim of James I, 42.
Maintenance of ministers,
174. 319, 31.
Means of reformation, 4.
to stay error, 563.
Measures to distance Pa
pists, 164, 5.
Mediators between Gor
tonists and Massa
chusetts, 510, 1.
Medical assistance, 110.
Medulla et Magnalia, 560.
Members of Massachu
setts Company ar
raigned, 235. •
Memorial of Independ
ents, 42.
Mechanics, price of their
work, 467, 8.
Meeting houses, 107, 160,
389, 90.
of New Haven, 412.
of Boston, 425, 33.
Meeting of Christian
friends, 125, 68.
Merchandise, foreign, 266.
imported free of du
ty, 483.
Message to Bradford, 74.
from the Gortonists,
510".
Messengers of the church,
532.
Metropolis intended for
New England, 206.
Middle way between
Brownism and
Presbyterianism, 534.
Military concerns, 115,
178, 275, 89, 90, 2,
6, 8, 9, 300, 2, 5,
11, 27, 44, 5, 77,
410, 1, 74, 5, 539,
62, 4.
commanders, 326.
companies have re
ligious service, 499.
operations, 354, 5.
office, advice, 455.
serious language, 597.
staff, 357.
officers must be
church members,
517, 43.
Ministers driven from
their parishes, 15,6.
praying with heads
covered, 34.
choice of, 35.
association, 171, 2.
meetings, 431.
cease from being of

the colonial • gov
ernment, 135.
of England, - hard
treatment. 283, 4.
who had had parishes
in England, 275.
negative on the ma
jority of their
churches, 277.
calling, 88, 135, 6,
275.
support, 331, 85.
advice concerning
laws, 434.
support, 482, 535.
chosen and deposed,
382.
one or more for a
congregation, 432,
73.
scarce in Maine, 448.
two for one church,
473.
invited to attend the
synod in London,
475.
need of them, 481,
91, 503.
traduced, 531.
and preachers of N
England, 77, 8, 85,
101, 3, 4, 6-8, 12,
4-22, 6, 9, 35-7, 9,
40, 6-9, 52, 3, 9,
160, 1, 3, 5, 7, 8,
82-4, 91, 9, 209,
14-7, 23, 4, 6-9, 33,
41, 2, 52, 3, 7, 8,
60, 4, 70-2, 4, 7-82,
5, 91, 2, 308, 12, 3,
21-7, 42, 5, 6, 87-9,
97, 402, 7, 10, 2, 4,
7-9, 22, 7, 34-7, 42-
8, 55, 8, 63-5, 71, 4,
80, 1-3, 93, 6-504,
15, 23, 8, 9, 35, 6,
41, 3, 6, 9, 50, 4,
62,4,9, 76,7,92,3,
8, 9,600,5-7,12, 3,
5-7. See Notices.
Ministerial exchanges,
281.
Ministry at Mishawum,
and Nantasket,112,
26.
at Salem, 114,6, 22.
at Plymouth, 125, 6,
497.
suspended at Lynn,
161.
of Shepard, 327.
of English church,
374.
denied, 458.
learned, 495.

Ministry of Plymouth col
ony, 497, 587, 8.
Misrepresentation of Rob
inson's people, 127.
of Mass, 147, 399.
Mission at Mount De
sert, 47, 8.
destroyed, 48.
Missions, 18, 9, 25, 46-8,
416, 33.
at the Vineyard, 437,
8.
at Virginia, 471, 2,
5-7.
needed, 496, 582-6, 8.
among cannibals,606.
Missionaries for America,
18, 9, 46-8.
for Virginia, 471,2,7.
desired for Barba
does and other
parts of W. Indies,
475, 6.
silenced in Virginia,
return, 487.
applied for, 491, 6,
501, 3, 15, 26.
for Indians, 588, 96,
606.
Missionary spirit, 105,
404, 8, 603.
Mistake of Chalmers, 434.
Model of church and civil
power, 558.
Monhegan patent sold, 96.
Monopoly of trade, 21.
Monthly fasts, 561.
Morellian order, 383.
Mortality, 57, 8, 61, 2, 4,
124, 37, 42-6, 8, 73,
220, 468.
Mosaic code of laws, 262,
3, 562.
Mother church, 132.
Motion for repeal of cen
sure agains .Wheel
wright, and of law
against entertain
ment of strangers,
320.
Motives of emigrants, 65.
Motto of James I, 15.
Mowers, 499.
Mr. a title of profession
al men and others,
167.
Murder of Bagnall and
another, 155.
charged on Morton,
163.
of Oldham, 296, 7,
310, 80.
of an Indian, 347, 53,
92, 525.
Mutiny of Oldham, 89.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

653

Name of Plymouth, 41.
of Boston, 142.
Narrative of Exiles, 488.
National church, 53, 107,
36, 264.
covenant proposed,
490.
Necessity of reforming the
churches, 15.
Necessities of Wessa
guscus, 74-6.
Need of arraigning Wil
liams, 177.
Negative vote, excite
ment, 487.
Negotiations of Williams
for land at Narra
gansett, 220.
Negroes imported, 333,
544, 55, 84.
Neutrality of Rhode Isl
and, 560,
New Albion, 54.
New-comers, precaution,
236, 362.
New England, 37.
intended for Episco
palian, 53-6.
New England's planta
tion. 146.
lamentation for Old
England's errors,
547.
Jonas, 584, 600.
New England churches,
their peril, 217.
Psalm Book, 418.
first fruits, 504.
Salamander, 583,
600.
New English Canaan, 27.
77, 87, 8, 113.
New fashions, 387.
New Heavens and Earth,
of Sewall, 183,
205.
New Jerusalem in Ameri
ca, 205, 593.
New Netherland, propo
sal for Leyden
Puritans to settle
there, 37.
New Testament of Tyn-
dale, 6.
Nicolaitan, 552.
Nine Questions, 277, 8,
366-8.
defended, 546.
No bishop, no king, 15.
Non-communion, 134, 43,
7, 50.
Nonconformists, 11, 98,
168,71, 180.
Non-freeman elected dep
uty, fine, 256.

Non-freemen, more privi
leged 597.
church members, 603.
Non-professors of reli
gion, 278.
Northmen settlements,
24, 5, 9, 50.
North-west passage to In
dia, 19.
Nose slit, 151.
Note book of Gardiner,
153.
Notes of Marlorat, 477.
Notice sent to the coun
cil, 93.
for Williams to an
swer, 202.
Notices of persons, mostly
colonial preachers :
Robert Hunt, 21.
Thomas Dermer, 29.
John Robinson, 30.
Dermer, and Edward
Rocroft. 49.
Carver, 63.
John Lyford, 77, 8,
85, 8.'
White, 99.
Higginson, Skelton,
Bright, and Smith,
103, 4.
Rogers, 125.
Lothrop, Smith, 126.
John Wilson and
Geo. Phillips, 135.
Blackstone and Mav
erick, 137, 8.
Wilson, Cotton, and
Higginson, 139,40.
Mrs. Pynchon, Cod
dington, Alcock,
Phillips, and Lady
Arbella, 141.
Mr. Gager, 142.
Isaac Johnson, 143.
Rossiter, 145.
R. Williams, 146, 7.
Gardiner, and Mrs.
Skelton, 148.
Ratcliffe, 150.
Lyn and Eliot, 152.
Batchelor, Weld, and
James, 159.
Cotton, 161.
Parker, Noyes, and
N. Ward, 182-4.
Fuller, 186.
Leveridge, 191.
Skelton dies, 197.
Lothrop, Symmes,
and his wife, 199.
Blackstone, 209.
Bracy, Hobart, 214.
Saxton and Lothrop,
215, 6.

Notices of Hatherly and
Reyner, 217.
Hull, 223, 4.
Avery, Thacher, and
R. Mather, 225, 6.
Bnrdit, Bulkley, and
Peters, 227-9.
Shepard, Jones, Flint,
Carter, Walton,
Vane, 229, 30.
John Maverick, Mrs.
Shepard, 240.
James, Mather, Nor
ton, 241, 2,4, 5.
Leveridge, Mason.
247, 8.
Davenport, 250.
Moxon, Smith, Hig
ginson, 252, 3.
Wheelwright, Whit
ing, 257.
Jennings, 258.
N. Rogers, 264.
William Knight, 271,
2.
Gorton, 274.
John Yonge, 285.
Ralph Partridge,
William Leverich,
Gibson, 291, 2.
Vincent, Davenport,
Eaton, 307, 8.
Moxon, 312, 3.
Harvard, 321, 2.
Knollys, Newman,
Tompson, 342-4.
Miss Poole, Hooke,
Street, Doughty,
Chauncey, Burdet,
345, 6, 8.
Knollys, 349.
John and Ann Har
vard, Phillips, and
Matthews, 364.
Peck, Mary Oliver,
Jane Veren, 369-
71.
J. Phillips, Lenthall,
Worcester, E. Ro
gers, Miller, John
Allin, Wheelock,
371-5.
F. Higginson, John
Ward, Jonathan
Burr, 378, 9. ' '
Thomas Allen, 379.
Eaton, Norris, Tomp
son, Flint, Wor
cester, and Dudley,
387, 8.
Tompson, 397.
Williams, and James,
402.
Whitfield, 407, 8.
Hewitt, Blackman,
55*

654

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Fenwick, T. Peters,
409, 10.
Prudden, 412.
Mrs. Peters, 413, 4.
Knowles, Rashley,
Walton, 414.
Pierson, Dunster,
Brown, 417-9.
Burr, Mather, 425.
Fordham, 427.
Peters, Weld, Bulk-
ley, Blinman, Per
kins, Mayhew, and
Shepard," 434-8.
Peck, Saxton, 439,
42.
Blackstone, Reyner,
Chauncey, Smith,
Hooke, Street,
Doughty, Blin
man, 444, 5.
Gibson, Burdet, 446,
7.
Knollys, Larkham,
Batchelor, Hull,
and Gorton, 448, 9,
51-4.
Lenthall, 455.
Doughty, 458.
Mrs. Higginson,
Prudden, Eaton,
463-5.
Fenwick, Lady Bote-
ler, J. Higginson,
466.
Mrs. Stone, 468.
Yonge, 469.
Rashley, 471.
J. Bulkley, 474, 80.
Carter, Woodbridge,
480, 1.
Tompson and Mrs.
Tompson, 482.
Green, and Norcross,
493.
James, 496.
Reyner's wife, Brews
ter, Hull, 497, 8.
wife of Matthews,
499.
Wheelwright, Hull,
500.
Maud and wife, Un
derhill, 501, 2.
Larkham and Par
ker, 502, 3.
Lenthall, 504.
Throckmorton, 505,
6.
Brown, Wickendon,
Dexter, 506.
Denton, 515.
Smith and Wequash,
523.
Gookin, 526.

Notices of Norcross, Phil
lips, 528, 9.
Fisk, 535, 6.
T. Morton and Abp.
Laud, 538
J. Bulkley, G. Down
ing, 541.
Holland, Ames, 543.
Woodbridge, Green,
R. Smith, Jenner,
546.
Witherell, Brewster,
Mayo, Newman,
Lothrop, 549, 50.
O. Holmes, F. Gor
ges, 553, 4.
Batchelor, Dudley,
554.
G. Willys, 561, 2.
Eaton, Pearson, Den
ton, Bishop, Hew-
ett, 562.
Z. Whitman and T.
Peters, 564.
J. Oliver, 569.
Hobart, 576.
N. White, 577.
T. Peters, 592, 3.
Mrs. Winthrop, N.
Mather, N. Ward,
598, 9.
Waiver, Birden. 599,
600.
Mayo, Wheelwright.
Baker, 605-7.
Canonicus, 610, 1.
T. Peters, S. Eaton,
T. Hooker, 615-7.
Novelties, 374.
Number sufficient for a
church, 239, 43, 80.
Nuns suppressed, 7.
Oath of allegiance, 175, 6,
8, 208, 10.
opposed by Williams,
212, 24, 34, 396,
411,84.
of fidelity, 497.
required, 550, 609,10.
of freemen taken,
150, 8, 9, 82, 290.
of governor, 109.
of supremacy re
quired of Catholic
emigrants, 29.
of witnesses, 326.
Obedience to authorities,
267.
Object of American set
tlements, 18-23, 98.
of religion far before
trade, 145, 485.
of an embassy to
England, 428.

Object of new council for
N. England, 492.
Objections to Plymouth
colonists answered,
85, 6, 91.
to emigration, 105,
30, 1.
to the Massachusetts
colony, 496.
to expressions in the
defence of Massa
chusetts. 167.
of Lechford, 429.
to assisting La Tour,
501.
to Gorton, 459, 60.
to mode of appointing
the synod, 573, 4.
to a general govern
or, 592.
Obligation signed by sub
scribers for Mass.
colony, 98.
Occasion of reproach to
be avoided, 188.
of enactments, 589.
Office, civil and ecclesi
astical thought not
consistent, 187.
Officers of Plymouth
church, 58, 9.
of churches, 390; 567.
Old comers, their benefi
cence, 444.
planters, 107.
Omission ' of Endicott
from the assist
ants, 213, 4.
Opinion that blasphemy
deserved death,
513.
of Williams, 149,
202, 3, 24.
of Vane, 265, 6.
of Smith, 231.
of J. Q. Adams as to
the banishment of
Williams, 237, 8.
of New England,240
of Plymouth colo
nists, 127, 43.
Opinions of Winthrop,
Vane, and Cotton,
288, 9.
of Menno, Jacob,
Busher, Cotton,
and Wayland, 294-
6.
of Chauncey, 443.
of New England
churches, 531-3.
difference of, 106.
of Mrs. Hutchinson,
201, 57, 61, 7, 83-
6, 335-7.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

655

Opinions of Wheelwright,
269, 70-2, 310, 3-9,
24,31,3,5-7,55-62, 540.
Opposers required to
leave Plymouth,
550.
Opposition to Wm. Pierce
and Winslow, 89.
to Mr. Hunt, 21.
to Mr. Robinson's
emigration, 84, 7,
9, 92.
of Williams, 208.
of Mass. and Plym
outh to R. Island,
in acceptance of
their charter, 559.
Order for the ministry at
Lynn to be sus
pended, 161.
to restrain emigra
tion, 175, 6, 203,
83.
for removal of Mav
erick, 208.
' repealed, 227.
for the arrest of Cra
dock, 275.
for a new government
in Mass, 309.
for disarming Anti
nomians, 327, 8.
for arrest of La Tour,
500.
in favor of Gorton
ists, 579.
Ordinances, need of, 85.
obligatory, 160.
Ordination, 281, 384, 5, 9,
480, 532, 46.
at large desired, 566,
613.
by bishops, 135, 6, 8,
41, 7, 51,63.
of church officers,
114.
question about it,l 16.
of ministers for New
England, 128, 9.
of Williams stopped,
149.
at Roxbury, 160.
in Boston, 170, 1.
• of Symmes, 203.
of Parker and Noyes,
214.
of Lothrop, 217.
of Bulkley and Jones,
274, 5.
of J. Allin, 375.
of Tompson and
Flint, 387, 8.
of Carter, 480.
Origin of English and

French claims to
territory in North
America, 19, 20.
Original sin, 422.
Orthodox, 549.
Outlawry, 275.
Overseers of the college,
332.
Overtures to come under
Mass, 399.
Pacification, 406.
Pad in the straw, 614.
Paganism, 585, 6.
Palisades for defence, 54,
406.
erected to defend
Pumham and oth
ers, 558.
Papacy feared, 164, 5,
285, 92, 602.
Papal claim to America,
18.
influence,, 52, 72.
see, 43.
mission, 46-8, 70.
Papers of remonstrants
seized, 592.
Papists, 16, 17, 78, 94,
150, 62, 4, 71, 89.
in Maryland, 195, 6,
391,415,48,77,86- 90, 2, 552.
Parents honored, 525.
Parish churches, 382.
taxes, 433.
Parishes of Old England,
279, 493.
Parliament, English, 6-9,
11,2.
dissolved, 17, 80, 1,
102.
preferred to the king,
527, 8, 30.
intended for N. Eng
land, 54, 96.
Parliament's care for N.
England, 515.
Parsonages, 160, 603.
Parties in the companyfor
New Plymouth, 91.
Legalists and Antino
mians, 320, 4, 601.
collision, 451.
separate, 467.
adverse to Parlia
ment disallowed,
527, 8.
Parting of friends, 149.
Pass of Wheelwright, 503,
52.
for the Gortonists,
608.
Passengers for England.
270, 308, 42, 3.

Pastor and teacher, 58,
114,63,276,81,333,
85,90,422,533.
Patent for Leyden Puri
tans, 35, 9.
for Mariana and Wes
saguscus, 53.
of Warwick, 54.
granted to Robert
Gorges, 56, 107,
66, 7.
of Peirce disliked, 68.
of Sheffield, for Cape
Ann, 85.
for New Haven, 564.
conveyed by Fen
wick to Connecti
cut, 615.
of Naragansett Bay
to Mass. 494.
Patents of N. and S. Vir
ginia, Acadie, 21.
for Naumkeagf 80, 1.
for Plymouth, 82.
for Kennebeck, 92, 5,
6.
for Mass, 97, 9.
of Gorges, 100.
for Plymouth at Ken
nebeck, 126.
several in Maine, 151,
3-6, 88.
sold to Lord Say and
others, 191.
in Connecticut, 192.
of R. Gorges, 210.
of F. Gorges, 218.
of Mason, 219, 21.
of R. Island, 404.
Patentees to supply sol
diers, 56.
introduced to others.
99.
Patriotism, 443.
Paupers for N. England,
73.
provision, 378.
Peace at Passau, 8, 12,
52, 62, 5, 72.
Peaceful policy, 219.
Pearl fishing, 394.
Pedobaptism, 614.
Peltry trade, 50.
Penalties for non-confor
mity, 7, 10, 2, 461.
Pentateuch, comments by
Ainsworth, 69.
People fit to found a plan
tation,^.
Peril of passage round
Cape Cod, 93.
of New England
churches, 217.
from contiguity to the
French, 489, 501.

656

INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

Peril of Providence, 457,
8, 62, 503, 4.
of R.Island, 504, 5.
Peppercorn, annual pay
ment, 219.
Pernicious speeches, 464.
Persecution, 5-20, 31,95,6.
charge of, 118, 35,
59, 61, 7, 8, 71.
of Peters, 228, 34, 64,
5, 8, 96, 428, 9, 532,
42, 58.
Perseverance for Plym
outh, 186.
Person as to the Holy
Spirit, 265.
Persons put to death, 5, 6.
committed to the
Tower, 81.
ordered away, 146, 8,
50.63, 334, 51.
killed, 30,2, 187, 90,
1, 215, 9, 96, 7, 9-
302.
disarmed, 327, 8.
Petition to worship in
private, 17.
for Wheelwright,
272, 3.
.of Scituate, 291, 329.
of John Higginson,
520, 1.
for propagating the
gospel, 534.
from Hingham, 539.
against heresies, 569,
70.
Petitions of Child and
others, 592, 4, 604,
5.
of Dover and Ports
mouth ; of Mrs.
Hawkins, 607.
Pictures and Paintings in
England, 164.
Pillory, 406, 64, 589, 613.
Piracy, 189, 90, 1.
Place for settlement
chosen, 41.
Plague among the Indi
ans, 27-9, 49, 61, 4,
97.
in London, 91, 268.
Plan to subvert Congre
gationalism, 89.
to recover the patent
of R. Gorges, 155.
to destroy the liber
ties of N. England,
163-5, 7, 79, 80, 5,
6.
for Wheelwright to
be minister of Bos
ton church fails,
263.

Plantation of Weston,
53, 4, 74-8, 86.
at Cape Ann, 74.
of trade at Kenne
beck, 126.
Plantations, 213, 22-4.
Plantation covenant, 359.
Planter's plea, 74, 130.
Planters of Conn, under
Mass, 222.
Platform of doctrine and
discipline, 208, 9,
280, 384, 415, 28,
531.
Pleading forbidden to
Lechford, 386.
for the covenant of
grace took away
the grace of the
covenant, 553.
Plot discovered, 75, 335,
99.
Plough patent, 1 53, 4, 500.
Plymouth town com
menced, 57.
church hindered in
obtaining pastors,
59.
interview, 161.
Poem of Morrell, 78.
Poor boys for New Eng
land, 53, 4.
people, 73.
scholars, to be as
sisted, 535, 7, 63,
4, 81, 5, 99, 612, 5.
brethren provided
for, 390.
improved in condi
tion, 593, 4.
settlement of, 378.
Pope, prediction as to
him, 415.
Popes, 4-6, 13, 5.
opinion, 35, 153.
Popery, 3, 4-22, 9, 48,
52, 94. 101, 51, 2.
62, 246, 68, 346,
423, 538.
Population of Mass., 114.
of Maine, 246.
of Dedham, 276.
of Maine, 292.
of Connecticut, 299,
393.
of N.England, 469.
Position of James I, 17.
Positions of Cotton, 200.
Poundage, 102.
Posterity of Ham, 130.
Poverty of the churches,
438.
of the country, 439.
Powder in meeting
houses, 158.

Powder, R. Island allowed
to buy some, 510.
Power, unchecked, dete
riorates, 4.
ofthe Presbyters, 280.
entirelyin the church,
519, 20.
of magistrates, 530,
613.
of Congregational
churches, 540, 65,
612.
Powwows of Indians, 60,
87, 438, 582, 6 91,
4, 603.
Practices of New Eng
land churches, 542.
Prayers of Christians de
sired, 132.
for the king advised,
167.
with the impenitent,
224.
in the camp, 303.
for departing friends,
494.
Preacher sent over, 85.
may officiate in a
cloak as well as in
a gown, 160.
of election sermons,
538.
Preachers for Virginia are
requested, 471, 2.
wanted in England,
541.
Preaching, 67, 106.
daily on the ocean,-
134, 83.
at Ipswich, 73.
at Williams's house,
237.
without notes, 258.
of Shepard, 266, 7.
to seamen, 259, 368.
in another's congre
gation, 368.
of Mrs. Hutchinson,
402.
two hours, 406, 531.
at the Castle, 539.
of Gorton, 555, 6.
to the Indians, 579,
80.
Precisians, 17, 8.
Prediction of the wrecked
mariner, 28.
Preference for Maine, 70.
of Massachusetts for
Parliament, 436.
for N. England, 607.
Preparation for the Sab
bath, 108.
for Williams to move,
220.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

657

Preparation at Seekonk,
248.
to make known the
approach of any
vessel with the gen
eral governor, 208.
for enemy, 516.
Prerogative of the king, 80.
Presbyter, duties, 383,493.
Presbyters, their power,
28C-.
Presbyterianism in Scot
land, 10, 5, 6.
Presbyterianism at New
bury, 214, 484, 91f
arrested, 617.
Presbyterian manuscripts,
493, 4, 8, 526, 39,
40, 5, 8, 65-7, 9.
approved by Parlia
ment. 575, 6, 600,
14.
Presents of Dod to Mrs.
Wilson, 158.
on alliance with In
dians, 526.
of wine to the Synod,
598.
Presentment, 443, 4.
of Mrs. Bowditch,
576.
Preservation of Willet,
396, 7.
of Winslow, 500.
Price of seceding stock
holders in Plym
outh colony, 93.
of land, 394, 404, 6,
464.
Prices of labor, 467, 8, 99.
of articles, 172, 581.
at public houses, 330,
1.
Priests not to marry, 7.
Principle of admission to
R. Island, 352.
Printing invented, 4.
Printing press imported,
343, 4, 74, 549.
Prison at R. Island, 353.
of Boston needs
watchmen, 598.
Prisoners tormented to
death, 300, 54.
Private brethren, prophe
cy, 432.
Privileges of religion,
115*
of Concord, 227.
of Hampton, 399.
of Rowley, 416, 7.
Probation of emigrants,
309.
Proceedings of the Ley
den church, 32-42.
4 E

Proceedings against Mor
ton, 113
against Mass., 215.
against Gortonists,
392.
of Boston church,
338.
of Gorton, 505, 6.
against Gortonists,
Baptists, etc., 530,
1.
Proclamation of James
I, 55.
of Charles I, 282.
Profanity, 243, 60, 464,
525,87.
punished, 341,441, 2,
518.
Profession of faith, 279,80,
376,81,2,4.91,526.
Profit on goods, 172.
Promise to the plantation,
129, 30.
to heretics, 486.
Promoters of coloniza
tion, 22.
Propagating the gospel,
33, 106, 30, 53, 483.
among Indians, peti
tion for, 534.
Property conveyed, 213.
of Skelton, 341.
appraised, 420.
depreciated,424,8, 79.
captured, 67.
lost by fire, 83, 4.
taken, 91, 184.
lost, 185, 9, 18, 245,
6, 52, 612, 3.
Prophesying, 59, 149, 62,
72, 8, 205, 44, 81,
385,419, 32,81.
Proposals for emigrating,
by Robinson's peo
ple, 33.
to include Maine in
the Union, 477.
to take Providence
under care of
Plymouth, 497.
to join the French
against the Mo
hawks, declined,
582.
Propounding candidates
for the church, 376.
Prosecutions, 139. 63, 9,
70, 9, 80, 245, 6.
of Greensmith, 272.
of Green, 349, 51,
376, 7, 443, 4, 97,
530-2, 68-9.
Prospect of New England
gloomy, 179, 80.
of Old England, 491.

Protection of Plymouth
colonists, 89.
to Hartford, 520.
Protest of clergymen, 17.
of the House of Com
mons, 52, 101, 2.
of the Dutch against
Plymouth men's
settling on Con
necticut River, 193.
of Endicott, 227.
of Saltonstall, 249.
of Wheelwright's
friends, 274.
of Kieft, 614, 5.
Protestant reformation, 3.
colonies destroyed,
19, 20.
success, 159, 61.
Protestants begin as a
name, 6, 7-43.
of France aided, 10,
15.
in England, 17, 78.
Protestantism, 3-18, 78,
602.
Providence to be waited
on, 590.
Providences, history of,
411, 581, 2.
Provinces unite, 12.
Provision for an Episco
pal preacher, 247.
Psalmody, 529, 31.
Psalm ex. expounded by
Gorton, 556, 7.
Psalms and hymns, 222.
Psalms translated by
Quarles, 342.
ofN. England, 418.
translated, 543.
Public city and planta
tion^ 70.
welfare, 133.
spirit, 238.
house, 330, 1.
witness to preaching,
267.
profession of faith,
279.
worship, 432, 3.
Publications, 4, 6, 13-6,
20, 7, 31, 2, 5, 51,
67, 9, 74, 8, 86, 96,
7, 104, 5, 29, 30, 1,
46, 54, 60, 83, 207,
34, 74, 86, 95, 6.
on Antinomianism,
329,65-8,73,8,386, 7, 9, 421, 4, 34-
6, 65, 73, 4, 7, 8,
81-4, 8, 91, 2, 514,
6,23, 7, 9, 31-4,8-
43, 5-8, 50, 4, 60,
5-7, 75, 6, 83, 4, 93,

658

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

8. 9, 99, 600, 1, 11,
2, 14-7.
Publishment of intended
marriage, 291,387,
92, 463, 609.
Punishment for offences
against church and
state, 142, 51, 210,
389.
standing in a white
sheet, 447, 63, 4,
83, 541-3, 65-7, 85.
Purchase in N. H, 348.
Puritan and Popish style
in chronology, 170.
Puritan principles, results
of them, 43, 117.
song, 391.
Puritanism, 52.
peril of, 84, 117, 71.
expected downfall,
180.
opposed, 224, 83, 4.
Puritans, 7-9, 11, 4, 5.
order against them,
17, 8, 30-8, 51, 2,
77.
leniency to them, 80,
137.
persecuted, 160, 4.
Purity of religion, 262.
to be promoted, 522.
Purpose of Leyden Puri
tans to settle in
New Netherland
disappointed, 39.
of colonizing Ameri
ca, 18-23, 98, 365.
of planting N. Eng
land, 593, 4.
to send Williams to
England, 237.
to move Laud to N.
England, 483, 4.
Quakers, 403, 506.
Question as .to transfer of
Mass. Company's
government to the
colony, 120.
as to plurality of
pastors in the same
church, 159.
whether a man may
be ruling elder and
magistrate at the
same time, 159.
proposed on the Sab
bath, 162.
as to government,
196, 7.
whether Hooker and
his company
should settle in
Connecticut, 198.

Question as to legal pun
ishment, 441.
whether lawful to aid
" idolaters," ap
plied to Catholics,
486, 588.
of power between
deputies and assist
ants, 530.
Questions, thirty-two,278-
82, 380-6.
in the congregation,
267, 71, 8~2, 318, 60,
1, 85, 481, 533, 97.
to Gorton, 512.
to, and answers from,
Indians, 525, 6.
relative to D'Aulney
and La Tour, 530.
put by Indians, 582-
5.
Quitrents, 394, 437.
Quoits, playing at, 389.
Quo warranto against
Mass. charter, 215,
340, 62.
Railing and reviling, 261,
379.
Raising hands, 408.
Rallying words, 161.
Rates at Saco, 292.
Readmission to freemen,
376.
Reasons why Robinson's
people leave Hol
land, 32.
for departure from
Charlestown, 138.
for forming a church
there, 161.
of Cotton and Hook
er, 203.
of Pratt, 235, 6.
for settling Connecti
cut, 220.
for the banishment of
Williams, 232-4.
for erecting college
at Newton, 263.
for calling Wheel
wright to an ac
count, 270.
why Maine was left
out of the Union,
500.
for hostilities with
the Narragansetts,
560.
for a synod, 570, 2.
Rebellious children to
suffer death, 589.
Recantation, 374.
Reception of Mrs. Win
throp, 152.

Reception of the Dutch
secretary, 94.
Recommendation of the
Browns, 109.
of Winthrop, Jr, and
Hibbins, 429.
withheld, 455, 6.
Reconciliation with the
. pope, 80, 153.
of leading men, 238.
Recovery of R. Gorges'
patent, 155.
Redemption, 353.
Referees in the Browns'
case, 121.
Reference of errorists to
ministers, 461, 2.
of Maine difficulties
to Massachusetts
assistants, 606.
Reformation, 3-1 9, 30,111.
Reformed church, 143.
Reformers, 3-8.
Refuge for the oppressed,
594.
Refugees, 8, 9.
Refusal of Morton, 112.
to act with R. Island,
419, 20.
Regard for Old England,
443.
for New England,
607.
Regret of Robinson for
the killing of In
dians, 82.
of Mason, 247.
Regulations by Mass. for
Connecticut, 251.
of synod, 312.
of Milford, 412.
Relation of faith and ex
perience, 381, 430,
532, 5, 42.
of a voyage, 475.
of Mass. to England
590.
Release of Green, 319.
Relief to N. England, 423.
7.
Religion of Indians, 86
7, 97, 114.
basis of Puritan set
tlements, 18-23, 98
145, 224.
Religious commonwealth.
110.
service on Ihipboard
227.
experience, 242, 365,
9, 70.
Remarkable preservation
of Thacher and his
wife, 225.
Remarks, 4.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

659

emarks of Queen Eliza
beth, 13.
of James I, 15, 7.
in Purchase, 23.
of N. England coun
cil, 26.
of Leyden church
agents, 34, 5.
of Chalmers, 55.
of Hudibras, 75.
of Morrell, 78.
of Fuller and F. Gor
ges. 80, 1.
of J. Robinson, 82.
of friends, 83.
of Blackstone, 138.
of Captain Smith,
139, 40.
of Neal, Allen, and
Shepard, 144.
of Sir Jo«eph Wil
liamson, 163, 4.
of Neal, 171.
of Gorges, 176, 7, 81,
90.
of N. Ward, 184.
of Bradford, 187.
on the Laudian com
mission, 217.
of La Tour, 218.
of Avery, 225, 6.
of J. Q. Adams, 237.
of Norton, 245.
of Williams, 248.
of Shepard, 256, 7.
of Neal and Rush-
worth, 264, 5.
of Neal, 283, 4.
of Williams, 293.
of Cotton, 296.
on the synod, 319.
of Gorges, 446.
of Johnson, 478.
of Jesuits, 481.
of Chalmers, 483.
of Mercurius Britan-
nicus, 494.
of Gorton, 512.
of Johnson, 575, 604.
of English commis
sioners, 608.
of Hooker, 616.
of Goodwin, 617.
lemember the Isle of
Rhe, 189.
.emonstrance of Child
and others, 574-6,
90-2, 601, 2, 4. 5.
.emonstrunts, 320, 3, 32,
61, 2. 416, 92, 574-
. 6, 83', 4, 6, 90, 4, 6-
8, 607.
emoteness of Andovcr
and Haverhill, and
scarcity of houses

in them, a reason
for meeting at
Rowley, 535;
Removal of Blackstone,
217.
of Wareham. 249.
of colonists, 479.
from a church, 277,
532.
of Laud to N. Eng
land intended, 483.
4.
of Wheelwright, 500,
3.
of Underhill, 502.
of Ann Hutchinson.
504, 5.
of Gorton, 506.
of Vines and Wheel
wright, 606.
of Cotton, 552. 3, 606.
of N. Haven, 613.
Removals troublesome,
239, 40, 415, 6.
Removing a candlestick,
221.
Rendezvous for W. India
voyages, 594.
Renunciation of ministry,
141.
Repentance of Oldham,
91.
Reply of Robinson to
Helwys, 32.
to charges of Gardi-
1 ner and others, 167,
86.
Reply of Cotton to Bay-
lie. 235.
to Skelton, 366.
to Ball, 368, 482,
546.
of elders as to Gor
tonists, 513.
to Herle against In
dependency, 527.
of Norton and Dav
enport, to Apollo
nius, 548, 67.
to charges of Gorton,
Child, and others,
591.
of Coddington as to
Gortonists, 608, 9.
Replies to Chauncey, 347.
of R. Mather, 160.
Report on Endicott's de
facement of the
cross in Salem col
ors, 213.
of wrongs from Gor
tonists and Re
monstrants, 591.
Representation of Pratt,
235, 6.

Reproachful speeches,
329.
Reproof, 266.
Reputation, 306,443.
Request of Providence
men for help from
Mass, 462.
Resistance to the general
governor, 204, 10,
11, 398.
to English authority,
310,48.
of Scotland, 370.
Restitution for a lamb,
513.
Restless colonists, 424,
79, 595.
Restoration to privileges,
160, 504.
of Underhill to the
Boston church,
450.
of Aspinwall, 504.
Results of Puritan princi
ples, 42, 3.
Retraction of Cotton, 144.
of Williams, 175.
of Knollys, 399.
of Flint, 416.
of Chauncey, 442.
Retribution, future, of In
dians, 87.
Return of R. Gorges, 77.
of Allerton, 93.
of T. Morton, 125,
493.
Revelation, immediate,
325, 7, 401.
Revels at Mount Wollas
ton, 80.
Reverend, use of. 167.
Revival of religion, 173,
501.
in Virginia, 515.
Revival of thecharter,438.
Revolt, 26.
Rich and poor associated,
593.
Right hand of fellowship,
170, 239, 429, 30,
* 74.
Right of self-government,
150.
Rights of church and
state, 420, 1.
Rioters rule Providence,
462, 96, 7, 503, 4.
Riotous carriages of the
Gortonists, 462.
Rise, etc, of Antinomian
ism, 329, 533, 4.
Rivalry between Wessa
guscus and Plym
outh proprietors,
52, 3, 98.

660

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Robbery of Plymouth
truck house, 184, 9.
Roll call, 520.
Rolling stones gather no
moss, 567.
Roman Catholics, excep
tion, 29.
Romanism, 3-18, 538.
Romish church, 151,2,63.
Root and Branch peti
tion, 423.
Rope worn about the
neck, 545.
Rose, red and white, 214.
Roses of York and Lan
caster, 214.
Rotation in office, 416.
Royal policy counter
acted, 183.
perquisite, 219.
Rulers to be chosen from
the freemen, 169,
519, 22.
of Maine, 246.
displaced, 402.
Rulers and ruled, 534.
Ruling elder, 58.
not to baptize, 84,
114, 5, 40, 59, 63,
70, 281.
ordained, 375, 85, 90.
432.
Rupture between Henry
VIII. and Pope
Clement, 6.
Sabbath sports, 16-8, 171,
423.
Sabbath at sea, 112.
¦ Sabbath observed, 23, 41,
59,61,108,328,45,7, 463, 82, 92, 3,
518, 29, 80, 7, 614..
violation, 290, 347,
492, 3, 518, 54,
611.
watches and wards,
341, 516, 29, 615,
6.
discussions, 569, 604,
14.
Sacraments, 59.
not to be adminis
tered by Brewster,
84-6, 201, 432, 3.
administered once a
month. 543.
Sacred, applied to the
king, 167.
Sacrifices of children, 86,
7.
of goods, 97, 611.
Sad thoughts in England
at departure of em
igrants, 196.

Safe conduct, 398, 9, 462.
Salaries, 102, 3, 40, 169.
72, 4, 9, 252, 81,
319, 31, 62, 76, 85,
9, 433, 82, 3, 91,
535, 63.
Sale of R. Island, 352.
of Saybrook colony,
564.
Salmon, first, for the min
ister, 554.
Salt maker, 85.
works, 155.
Saltpetre, 473.
Salute of ordnance, 135.
Salvation not out of the
church, 280.
Sanctification, 318.
Sassafras, medicinal, 25.
Savage policy, 54.
Scandinavian settlements,
24, 5, 9.
Scandalous persons not
to be received into
the church, 565.
Scarcity of food, 67, 9, 70,
4, 81-4, 135, 46,
250, 2.
of money, 420, 2, 4,
65, 6.
Schism in the Romish
church, 4.
Scholars, poor, employ
ment, 581, 5.
¦contribution, 535, 99.
Schoolmasters, 183, 4,
455.
needed, 481, 539, 49.
Schools, 86, 102.
in New Haven, 515,
39, 602.
Scoffers at religion, 496.
Scotch people intending
to become settlers
in N. England,196,
200.
declare against the
King of England,
333.
Scottish compact, 10.
covenant, 426.
discipline, 498.
Scriptures, rule of govern
ment, 112, 3, 411.
read in public wor
ship, 481. ¦
expounded, 543.
slighted, 580.
Scriptural government,
256, 411.
Scrooby church, 30.
begin to escape, 31.
before Southwark
church, 216.
Scurvy, 57, 112.

Sea fast, 112.
worship, 134.
Seal of Plymouth, 66.
of R. Island, 610.
Seals of the gospel not dis
pensable abroad,
169, 277, 81, 366,
7, 546, 67.
Seamen preached to, 259,
368, 476.
godly, 594.
Seat of government in
Maine, 95.
Seating in the meeting
house, 612.
Seceders at Salem to be
apprehended, 257-
9.
Secession from England,
283.
Seclusion of Maine from
the Union, 500.
of R. Island, 507.
Secret of state, 272.
Secrets in New England
published in Old
England, 301.
Sedition, 274, 87, 321,
401, 2.
not religion, occasion
of punishment,547.
imputed to Aspin
wall, 402.
of Captain North,
549, 91.
Seditious passages, 272.
writing, 320, 591, 2.
Seed plot of churches, 1 16.
Seekers, 403, 60, 587.
Seizure of Morton, 99.
Self-deception, 201.
Selling drink on the Sab
bath, 345.
Semi-Separatists, 31, 131.
Sentence passed on Mor
ton, 142, 6, 65.
on Ratcliffe, 150, 1.
on Lyn, 152.
on Smith and Wil
liams, 231-3.
on Wheelwright, pe
tition, 285, 322.
on Mrs. Hutchinson,
326, 37, 8.
on Green, 349.
on Gorton, 513, 4.
on Hobart. 576.
Separation of the Leyden
church, 31.
from national church,
16, 111, 78.
Separatists, 14.
confession of faith,
15, 6, 31, 110, 7,
37, 361.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

661

Sermons of Cushman, 67.
of Cotton, 182, 200,
66,8,9,473,4,512,
26.
of Wheelwright, 269,
70, 1, 3, 4, 324.
long, 406.
of Davenport, 319,
58, 411, 57.
of N. Ward, 427.
of R. Mather, 528.
of Norton, 528, 78.
of H. Peters, 539.
ofE. Rogers, Eliot,
597, 8.
not allowed at mar
riage, but at the
contraction of it,
599.
at election, 526, 8,
38.
Servants discharged, 111.
Services in forming
Southwark church,
17.
Set forms unlawful, 614.
Settlement, 18-23.
of Northmen, 24, 5, 9,
30.
of Elizabeth Island,
26.
of Plymouth named
for Plymouth of
England, 41.
at mouth of the Ken
nebeck, 45, 6.
of Weston, 52, 3, 74,
7.
of Monhegan, 71.
of Cape Ann, 74, 8-
90.
of Braintree, Naum
keag, 79, 80.
of Monametfor trade,
93.
of Maine, 95.
of Charlestown, 100,
3.
of Dorchester, 134, 7.
of Boston, 141, 2.
of Maine, 153-5.
of New Hampshire,
155.
of Connecticut, 166,
92, 3, 200, 16, 20,
2, 46.
of Weymouth, Hing
ham, 223, 4.
of Narragansett, 237,
48-50.
of Springfield, 252.
of Duxbury, Scitu
ate, 291.
of Providence, 293
4.

Settlement of Taunton,
Yarmouth, Sand
wich, 345-7, 61.
of R. Island, 350.
of Quinnipiack, 356,
7.
of Hampton, Salis
bury, and Sudbury,
361.
of Salem Village,
371. S '
of Rowley, Salisbury,
374, 88.
of Gloucester, 376.
of Yarmouth, Barn
stable, Rochester,
393.
of Hampton, 397, 9.
of Newport, R.I, 402.
of Milford, Guilford,
406, 7.
of Fairfield, Strat
ford, Saybrook,
410.
of Manchester, Brain
tree, Andover,
Reading, Haver
hill, Southampton,
416, 7.
of Sudbury, 419.
of Nantasket, Haver
hill, 427, 8.
of Portsmouth, R. I,
455.
of Norwalk, Stam
ford, Branford,
464.
of Farmington,
Southington,
Westfield, Green
wich, L. I, 4, 66.
of Delaware Bay,
468.
of Southold, 469.
of Vineyard, Lancas
ter, 493.
of Shawomet, 506, 61.
of Stamford, 515.
of Seaconck, East
ham, 550.
of Hampstead, L. I,
Southampton, 562,
3.
of New London, 574.
Settlement with disaf
fected stockhold
ers, 91,3.
Settlers of Plymouth, 43.
of Mass, 127.
must have leave, 142,
5.
at Mount Wollaston,
people of Hooker,
160, 241, 88, 9, 91,
2, 4, 320.

Settlers at Rhode Island,
329, 86, 92.
unworthy, 393, 412.
Partridge and fami
ly, 561.
Settlers killed by Indians,
297, 9-302.
Seven Articles, 33.
churches, 170.
pillars, 408, 9, 11,
517, 9, 20.
Seven plagues, 433.
Severity of Laud, 229, 30,
549.
Ship built for N. Eng
land, 73.
made unfit to bring
over a general
governor, 215, 58,
72.
Ships and soldiers in
tended against N.
England, 199.
of New Haven lost,
612, 3.
Shipwreck of Capt.Peirce,
185.
of Avery and Thach
er, 225.
Shuffleboard game, 518,
96.
Sickness, 57, 8, 61, 2, 8,
100, 12, 24, 37, 8,
42, 6, 73, 86, 220,
371, 528.
disperses the synod,
598, 616. See
Plague.
Simple Cobler of Aga-
wam, 597, 691.
Simplicity's Defence, 184,
608.
Singing psalms and
hymns, 59, 222,
76.
opposed, 427, 32, 81,
529, 31, 43, 601.
Sion's Virgins, by Lo
throp, 550.
Situation of England, 77,
8, 95, 144, 284, 5,
422, 3, 91.
of New England, 29.
of Mass, 479.
Six Articles repealed, 8,
22, 3.
principles of Perkins,
58.
Slanders against Plym
outh colonists, 85-
90, 347, 446, 604,
13.
Slavery, 333, 4, 71, 544,
55, 84.
Sleeping at meeting, 482.
56

662

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Smalkaldic league, 6, 8.
Small church have rights
of a large one, 382,
3.
Smallpox, 112, 173.
among Indians, 220.
Snow storm, 172.
Social harmony inter
rupted, 309.
Society, state of, 67, 479.
Socinian, 552.
Soldiers furnished, 219.
upright, 475.
godly, 594.
Solemn league and cove
nant, 491.
Song ofthe Puritan, 391.
Sorbonne, doctors of, 13.
South Sea corporation,
129.
Southwark church, 17, 39,
216.
Sovereignty aimed at by
Mass, 395.
Spanish match, 77.
Speaker of the Commons
held in his seat,
102.
Special providence, 231,
583.
Speculations of Mede and
Twiss, 205, 362.
of Mrs. Hutchinson,
335-7.
Speeches, injurious, 318.
Speedwell, ship, 37.
Spies, 148, 348.
Spirit of Plymouth colo
nists, 90.
of prayer for conver
sion of Indians,
603.
Sports on the Sabbath,
17,8, 171.
Standing in a white sheet,
447.
Star Chamber Court, 14,
7, 179, 265, 418,
26, 48.
State, extensive, planned,
54.
connected with the
church, 4, 409, 20,
1.
polity, 255.
Puritans, 52.
Statement of Gorges, 190.
of Sir Joseph Wil
liamson, 216.
of Mason, 219.
of Lechford, 419.
of Chalmers, 434.
as to Uncas and Mi
antinomo, 508, 9.
Rhode Island, 608.

Status Conventus sup
posed unwarrant
able, 226.
Stock subscribed for Mas
sachusetts, 98, 124,
8, 437.
Stockholders in Massa
chusetts Company,
99, 128, 74.
Stocks for offenders, 290,
1, 345, 7, 53, 77,
463, 4, 518.
Strange minister, prophe
sying, 419.
Strangers, 142, 1, 255, 6,
289-92, 320, 41, 62,
78, 92, 3, 544, 5,
95.
Strength of the colony,
200.
Stricter policy, 238, 40.
Strictures on Cotton's
letter, 366.
Strong waters, 330.
Style as to time, 170,
204.
Subjects of England,
classes, 9.
released from alle
giance, 13.
Submission, Christian,
142.
of Pumham and Sa
cononoco, 507, 8.
of Narragansetts to
England, 558.
Subscription document,
98.
Subsidy men, 282.
Subversion of gospel or
der, 587.
Sufferings of emigrants,
39-41.
in Maine, 46.
in Plymouth, 81-4.
in Mass, 100, 44, 5.
in Connecticut, 250-
3.
Sugar an article of trade,
94.
Sum of church discipline,
540, 65, 612, 6, 7.
Superintendent of New
England churches,
77.
Supervision of Connecti
cut by Mass, 249
50, 1.
Supplies for York, 218.
for New Hampshire,
218.
for defence in Con
necticut, 250.
Support of ministers, 319,
31, 62, 76, 85, 9,

433, 73, 82, 517,
35, 63.
Surplice not worn, 226.
Supremacy conferred on
Elizabeth, 9.
Surrender of the N. Eng
land charter, 197,
211-3, 372-6.
of the Gortonists,
511, 2.
Survey of Rathburn, 548.
ofthe Sum of Church
Discipline, 565.
Sympathy of Robinson,
64.
between colonists,
127, 242.
of Winslow for Win
throp, 441.
Synods of Dort, 18, 51,
280.
objected to, 301.
convene, 311.
closed, 313.
errors considered,
313-20, 55, 7, 84,
466.
in England, 475.
in N. England, 490,
1,3.
,in England, 516.
at Cambridge, 520,
1, 27, 34, 9, 51, 4,
63-6.
advisory, 567, 9, 70.
objections, 573, 4, 7-
9, 94, 7, 8, 601, 2,
5, 13.
Tardiness fined, 520.
Taxes opposed, 157, 8.
for war, 357.
for ministry, 433.
Teacher, 58, 281, 333, 85,
90, 533.
Temple measured, 600.
Terriers, 534.
Territory of New Eng
land divided, 181,
9, 90.
Testament of Tindale, 6.
of French, 28.
Thanks after sacrament
and meals, 224.
Thanksgiving, 59.
for supplies, 83, 136,
48, 52, 70.
for success of Protes
tants, 159, 61, 6.
for escape from plots,
167.
for deliverance from
enemies, 185, 97.
for conquest of Pe
quods, 307, 9, 10.

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

663

Thanksgiving, 291, 319,
57, 411.
for success of Parlia
ment, 436, 587
violated, 518.
Thatched roofs, 60, 83.
for meeting house,
158, 60, 252.
Theft, 371, 526.
Theocracy of R. Island,
350, 1.
laid aside, 504.
Theological parties, 15.
Thief hung, 75.
Third way of commun
ion, 368, 533.
Thirty-nine Articles, 11,
381.
Thirty-two questions,
278-82, 380-6, 614.
Thirty years' war, 1 8.
Threat "to turn the Ley
den Puritans
ashore, 40.
ofthe French, 154.
to the authorities,
258, 9.
of forces from Eng
land, 364, 98.
of the Mohawks, 558.
against Christian In
dians, 585.
Thursday lecture, 169.
Tilting and other amuse
ments on the Sab
bath, 16.
Times of the opinions,
533.
Tippling restricted, 585.
Tithes appointed for N.
England, 212.
Tithingmen, 395.
Titles of honor, 54.
of rulers, 455.
to Earl of AVarwick,
and other com
missioners, ques
tioned, 590.
Toasting, 145.
Toleration, 8, 9, 12, 6, 7,
234, 88, 9, 94-6,
574-80.
not boundless, 119,
295, 6.
proposed and rejected
in Plymouth, 551,
2, 604.
Torture of English cap
tives, 300.
Town privileges, 411.
Town schools, 602.
Township for Christian
Indians, 576, 84.
Townsmen, admission,
419.

Tracts, encouraging set
tlements in Ameri
ca, 20.
Trade subordinate to
planting the gos
pel, 20.
in firearms forbid
den, 55, 111.
of French with Nar
ragansetts, 72.
of the Dutch, 92-4.
declined by Plym
outh, 550.
Trade, 107, 26, 45.
at Conn, 186, 92-4,
216, 20, 1, 443, 4,
8.
Trading establishments,
221, 43, 4, 613.
Tradition of Higginson
family, 101.
Tragic end of Mrs. Hutch
inson, 509.
Trainings, 527.
Transfer of territory, 452.
Translation of the Psalms,
342, 543.
Transubstantiation, men
burned for deny
ing it, 6.
Treachery, 11.
of the Dutch, 40.
Treason charged upon
Mass, 161, 258,
87.
Treatise of Williams, 174,
5.
on standing council,
478.
Treaty for Huguenots, 10.
with Massasoit, 625.
as to Nova Scotia,
189.
with Pequods, 202,
21, 2.
with Canonicus, 297,
8.
with Miantinomo and
Uncas, 356.
with Massasoit, 394.
with D'Aulney, 553.
with Narragansetts,
560.
Trial of Lyford and Old
ham, 89.
of Massachusetts, at
White Hall, 166.
of Williams, 212, 24,
31.
of Wheelwright, 273,
4, 321, 2.
of Ann Hutchinson,
321-6.
of Underhill, 361, 2.
of Gorton, 392, 512.

Trial of Jennison, 528.
at court may be in
England, 179.
Trials of Puritans, 39, 40,
57-70, 144.
at Salem, 100, 24.
expected, 132.
at Plymouth, 186.
Tribute to the pope for
bidden, 6.
Trinity, 265, 568.
Troubles in England, 144,
268, 418, 9, 22-4,
70, 1, 6, 8, 82, 6.
ofNew England, 210-
12,33,552,95.
Truce for twelve years,
16.
Truck house of Plym
outh, at Penobscot,
and Kennebeck,
92, 6, 154.
in Connecticut, 186,
9, 93, 6, 243, 4, 9.
True churches, 279.
Trumpeters of the Dutch
secretary, 94.
Trust in God, 150.
Tumult at Rhode Island,
402.
Turf and twig, 22, 406.
Turk, 552.
Turks resisted, 6.
Turkish man-of-war, 91.
Twelve years' truce, 32.
men, 409.
Articles, 421.
Ultra separation disliked,
15.
Undermining liberties,
586.
Undertakers of the Plym
outh colony buy
out disaffected
stockholders, 93.
of Mass. stock, 124.
Union of the Seven Prov
inces, 12.
of England and Hol
land, 92.
in Christian effort,
125.
of Hampton and Do
ver with Massa
chusetts, 399.
United Colonies, 468, 77,
85,6,500,7,17,20,
2, 50, 3, 9, 60.
Unity our duty, 545.
Unlawful to separate from
churches because of
immoral members,
565.
Usurpation, 124.

664

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Utility of relinquished
colonies, 79.
Vatican assumptions, 4.
Veils, wearing of, 177.
Venetian wars, 77.
Verge, 95.
Vessel captured, 67.
at Damans Cove, 70,
90, 1.
Vices, 526.
Victualling houses, 330.
Views in England, of em
igration, 131.
Vindication by H. Gard
ner, 96.
of the Keys, 542.
Violence of Gortonists,
453, 4, 8-60.
Virginia Company, 33.
Visit to Massasoit, 64.
of John Woodbury
to England, 80, 1.
of Winslow to Mas
sasoit, 82.
of Endicott to Mount
Wollaston, 100.
to Watertown, 152.
of Canonicus's son,
155, 6.
fromBoston to Plym
outh, 162, 84.
of Miantinomo, 192,
349.
of Gorges, on ship
board, 226.
Visits to shipping re
stricted, 208.
Visors disallowed, 551.
Voluntary taxation for
the ministry not
successful, 535.
Voting in churches, 432.
Vow of Oldham, 91.
Voyage, Voyages, 18-36,
44-50.
of Leyden Puritans,
39.
Wages regulated, 169,
428, 581.
Wampum, 526.
Wanton Gospeller, 588.
War between Papists and
Protestants, 8, 10-
4, 8.
between the Indians,
49.

War against Pequods,
292, 302-5, 44, 5.
of Scots with Charles
I, 373.
in England, 484.
with D'Aulney, 489.
lawfulness of, denied,
536.
against Narragan
setts, 560.
Warrant to apprehend
persons at Salem,
257, 8.
for Gorton, 506, 10, 1.
for Gorton and oth
ers, 513.
Watch at sea set with
singing and prayer,
112.
Watches and wards on
the Sabbath, 341.
Watchmen, 208, 389, 464.
for Sabbath breakers,
529.
Way of the churches, 542.
West India Company, 53,
94, 193, 468, 9.
Westminster Assembly,
488, 91, 527, 40, 8.
Weston, settlement be
gun, 53, 4.
necessities, 74, 5.
deserted, 76.
resettled and given
up, 77, 8.
Whip with six strings, 7,
8.
Whipping, 150, 2, 210, 61.
post, 291,353, 61,71,
3, 9, 416, 54, 82,
518, 51, 613.
White Rod, 500.
Whittingham's church, 9.
Widows, 276, 430, 542, 3,
67.
Wine for church use, 266.
for drinking, 526.
forbidden to be paid
for labor, 539, 40.
granted to the synod,
598.
Wise ancients of the In
dians, 604.
Wish of Wonnarton, 245.
Withdrawal from com
munion, 226.
from the king, 484.
from the Liturgy, 547.

Witchcraft, 424, 40, 516,
8, 609.
Wizard, 603.
Women voting, 280.
do not vote in church
affairs, 383.
religious meetings,
318, 24, 6, 7.
as one believed, had
no souls, 400.
Wonderworking Provi
dence, 27, 583.
Word of God, rule of
government, 359,
405, 8, 12, 5.
Workmen, 172.
forbidden to take
wine for labor, 468,
539, 40.
Works of Robinson, 69.
Worship, private, pe
titioned for, 17.
in the colonies to be
Episcopal, 21, 242,
3.
at Frobisher's Straits,
20.at Newfoundland,
45.
at Cape Ann, 111.
at sea, 112, 34, 429.
under a tree, Charles
town, 137.
at Plymouth, 162.
penalty for neglect
of, 208, 432, 3, 518,
25, 9, 31, 549, 74.
in the camp, 543.
on Sabbath, Fast,
and Thanksgiving
days, 587.
in Episcopal church
es, 243, 343.
Wounded mortally, 429.
Wrecked Frenchmen, 32.
emigrants, 93, 4, 289,
90.
Year's experience, 65, 6.
Yellow fever, 28.
Yielding of magistrates
to deputies, 538.
Young men forbidden to
live alone, 300.
Youth corrupted, 539, 40.
sent to New England
for amendment,
603.