YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Gift of
Edith and Maude Wetmore
in memory of their father
George Peabody Wetmore
B.A. 1867

RHODE ISLAND

Historical Tracts.

NO. 9.

PROVIDEXCE
SIDNEY S . RIDBK.
1880.

Copyright by
SIDNEY S. EIDER.
1880.

providence press company, printers.

TUUE REPRESENTATION of the
PLAN FORMED AT ALBANY,
in 1754, FOE
UNITING ALL THE BRITISH NORTHERN COLONIES,
in order to
THEIR COMMON SAFETY AND DEFENCE.
BY
STEPHEN HOPKINS.
with
INTEODUCTIONS AND NOTES,
BY SIDNEY S. EIDER.

PROVIDENCE
ilDNEV S. IJIDBK.
1880.

Copyright by
SIDNEY S. RIDER
ISSO.

PUBLISHER'S INTRODUCTION.

Thk Plan of Union, which is presented in the
following pages, is no new thing to the student of
American history. Mr. Sparks, in his edition of
.the works of Franklin, has given many pages to its
presentation and explanation ; Mr. Bancroft, in his
History, has also done it ample justice. It is
full of interest, and in the light of our subsequent
history, it must ever be regarded as one of those
"coming events which cast their shadows before."
The mass of the colonists were not in favor of the
proposition, but leading minds in every colony fore
saw the necessity of a unity of action between the
colonies, and thus they planted the seed which grew
and ripened into fruit a quarter of a century later.
The Plan was in no way more particularly con
nected with the Colony of Rhode Island than with
the other colonies represented in the Convention.
She, as did the others, sent commissioners, one of
them, Stephen Hopkins, the ablest man of his time
within her borders. It became necessary for him to

VI

publish a defence of his action as commissioner. His
best defence, as he conceived, would be the presenta
tion of the entire action of the Convention. This
he did in the first of the two pamphlets which fol
low ; to it he appended a few pages of personal
defence ; the reason for its publication was political.
Mr. Hopkins was a candidate for the Governorship
of Rhode Island, his opponents were using every
argument against him, and they seized with avidity
upon this Plan, which was obnoxious to many people,
hence his "True Representation." This was quickly
followed by the second of the pamphlets here pre
sented, "The Short Reply," by an anonymous writer,
signing himself " Philolethes." These pamphlets will
throw no new light upon the Plan itself, but they
are interesting in another way. They are among the
earliest, if not the very earliest, political pamphlets
issued in the Colony of Rhode Island. They throw
light on the political methods of the time, and they
present distinctly the arguments used among the
people to enlist their opposition to a union. This
opposition in a certain sense was not successful, for
Mr. Hopkins was elected Governor, and the Colony
did not reject the Plan. It neither accepted nor
rejected it. But its history will appear as we
proceed.

to THE MEMORY OF

STEPHEN HOPKINS

A RHODE ISLAND STATESMAN.

Stephen Hopkins was the son of William Hop
kins, whose ancestor, Thomas Hopkins, came from
England and was assigned land in Providence in 1638.
The town of Providence was an undefined tract,
including almost the entire northerly portion of the
Colony of Rhode Island. Within this town, on the
Chop mist hills, or as it was, in the Indian language,
Chapumiscook hills, the subject of this notice was
born on the 7th March, 1707, O. S.
Touching the early education of young Hopkins
there is neither record nor tradition. He had
not even the opportunity of an education in coun
try schools, for none existed in that locality. This
taunt is thrown at him in the " Short Reply" by
Philolethes. In 1726, at the age of nineteen, he was
married to Sarah Scott, a granddaughter of that
Richard Scott, whose famous letter concerning Roger
W^illiams has brought his name down to our times.

X HISTORICAL TRACT.
The art of surveying being in a new country one of
the utmost importance, Mr. Hopkins labored to
acquire it, aqd became celebrated for the accuracy of
his work. In 1730 the town of Scituate was formed
from a portion of the territory of the town of
Providence, and Mr. Hopkins, at the early age of
twenty-three, was elected its first moderator. In
1731 he became town clerk; in 1732 he was sent
as a representative to the General Assembly,
and was annually re-elected until 1738 inclusive.
He was president of the town council in 1735, and
was appointed by the Governor, John Wanton, a jus
tice of the peace, and subsequently one of the Jus
tices of the Court of Common Pleas. In 1739
he was employed to revise and correct the maps
of Scituate and Providence, and in 1740 he was
appointed surveyor of the proprietors' lands. In
1739 he became Chief Justice of the Court of Com
mon Pleas.
In 1742 he left Scituate and came to reside in
Providence, from which town he was immediately re
turned to the General Assembly He frequently held
the ofiice of Speaker of tht House until 1751 ;

MEMOIR OP STEPHEN HOPKINS. XI
during that vear he became Chief Justice of the
Superior Court of Rhode Island, to which position he
was returned by annual election until he became
Governor of the Colony in 1755. In 1754 he was
one of the Commissioners to the Albany Conven
tion. In 1753 his wife died, and in 1755 he mar
ried a second wife, Mrs. Anna Smith, widow of
Benjamin Smith. Mr. Hopkins's name stands first
on the petition for the charter for the Providence
Library Company, the second library charter granted
in Rhode island, that of the Redwood Library pre
ceding it seven years. P'rom 1755 to 1768 the great
political war, known as the Ward and Hopkins con
troversy, raged with violence. Of these thirteen
exciting political years. Governor Hopkins held the
office of Governor nine years. In the charter of the
Rhode Island College (now Brown University), the
name of Stephen Hopkins stands first among the
corporators ; at its first meeting Governor Hopkins
qualified himself as a member of the corporation.
He assisted West in his observations on the transit
of Venus in 1769, and to him Mr. West has dedi
cated his account of that event.

XII HISTORICAL TRACT.
He wrote the preliminary chapters of a history
of the town of Providence, which were printed
in the Providence Gazette, and were afterwards re
printed in the Massachusetts Historical Collections.!
In 1765 he published the famous tract, "The
Rights of the Colonies Examined," which was
reprinted in London. 2 From 1770 to 1775 he
1. An historical account of the planting and growtJi of Providence is the
name given to a series of articles published in the columns of the Providence
Gazette. They were written by Stephen Hopkins. The first number of the
Providence Gazette appeared October 20, 1762. In it was the first portion of the
historical account. Nothing further appeared until January 19, 1765, when the
part, first published was reprinted, and new matter added. From this time
until March 16, the same year, appeared at sundry times, the history, which
was never completed. It was reprinted in the Massachusetts Historical Col
lections, vol. 9, p. 197. It was highly and very justly commended by Judge
Staples. It is the intention of the publisher of these Tracts to reproduce
it in the series.
2. The " Rights of the Colonies" was first printed in a quarto pamphlet of
twenty-four pages, by William Goddard, in Providence, in 1765. Copies with
the same date bear upon the title page, *' Published by Authority." This
leads to the inference that Mr. Hopkins printed a first edition at his own
expense, and later the General Assembly ordered a second edition, upon
which the words, " Published by Authority " appear. The following year the
pamphlet was repj-inted in London, under the title "The Grievances of the
American Colonies Candidly Examined." The word "Rights" being con
sidered a little too harsh for English readers. Some copies of this edition
contain forty-seven pages, and other copies appear to contain forty-eight
pages, but this is owing to an error in paging. In the latter copies, page forty-
eight should have been forty-seven.

MEMOIR OF STEPHEN HOPKINS. XIU
again represented Providence in the General As
sembly. In 1770 he was once more elected Chief
Justice of the Superior Court, which position he
retained until August, 1776. In 1774 he, in
company with his great political antagonist, Sam
uel Ward, was elected to represent Rhode Island
in the Continental Congress ; that position Mr.
Hopkins held until 1780. Thus was combined in his
person, at the same time, three important official
trusts— Chief Justice of the Superior Court, Mem
ber of the General Assemblj', and Member ofthe
Continental Congress. Mr. Ward died in 1776,
just previous to the signing of the Declaration of
Independence. In 1776 Mr. Hopkins, in company
with his colleague in the Albany Convention, Dr.
Franklin, signed the Declaration of Independence.
He died on the I3th July, 1785, in the 79th year of
his age. Such is a brief summary of the life
of Stephen Hopkins.
The lack of a good biography of one of her
greatest men reflects no honor upon Rhode Island.
Sundry sketches by several hands have appeared in
various places. These may be mentioned in their
2

XIV HISTORICAL TRACT.
order of publication : Sanderson's, in his Biographies
ofthe Signers ; Goodrich's, in hisLives ofthe Signers ;
Beaman's, in his paper on the Hopkins Family in
the Historical Collections of the Essex Institute ;
and Wilkinson's, in his Memoirs of the Wilkinson
Family. Errors of various kinds appear in all these
sketches. For instance, Sanderson in his account
of the Plan of Union says : " The meeting of the
delegates was held on the eleventh of July, and
after the business with the Indians had been con
cluded, a committee, consisting of one member from
each colony, was directed to prepare and report
a Plan of Union. The essential principles of the
Plan were reported and afterwards agreed to on the
fourth of July." By reference to the following pages
all this will be seen to be quite incorrect. Again,
Sanderson says Mr. Hopkins was elevated to the
office of Chief Magistrate of the Colony in May,
1756, and occupied this dignified station seven years.
This also is quite incorrect. Mr. Hopkins was first
elected Governor in May, 1755, and filled the office
at sundry times during more than nine years. Mr.

MEMOIR OF STEPHEN HOPKINS. XV
Beaman makes hiih Governor in 1751, which was
not the fact, and makes no mention whatever of the
Plan of Union, nor indeed of many of those acts
which we should look upon as the crowning glories
of his life. Goodrich's may be dismissed with the
statement that he simply copied from Sanderson,
without acknowledgment ; perpetuating the errors of
his predecessor, and entirely omitting such parts as
will now be looked upon as the most valuable por
tions of Mr. Sanderson's narrative. Mr. Wilkinson's
being the most recent, he was enabled to avail him
self of the labors of his predecessors. He has given
us many things not before presented in their proper
connection, and his is upon the whole the best of
the sketches, notwithstanding its errors in dates.
Yet it appears that all these writers have failed to
give in sufficient detail the main events in the
life of Mr. Hopkins, nor can they be adequately
presented within the narrow compass of this little
tract. It is absolutely necessary to an understanding
of his life to note in detail the minute facts with
which their papers abound, but it is equally essential
that they be correctly stated.

XVI HISTORICAL TRACT.
The main circumstances of his career, it seems to
us, are that, notwithstanding the utter lack of oppor
tunities for earlj' education, he projected and prac
tically established the first public library in Provi
dence, that his name stands first on the list of those
who gave funds td establish Rhode Island College,
and that from the establishment of the institution
until the day of his death he labored constantly in
its behalf. That he was the man who earliest resisted
the encroachments of the British crown in matters
which concerned the internal government of the colon
ies. In the deposition of one of the witnesses against
him in the case of Hopkins v. Ward, it is alleged
that he in 1756 used this language : "What have the
King and Parliament to do with making a law or
laws to govern us by, any more than the Mohawks
have. And if the Mohawks should make a law or
laws to govern us, we were as much obliged to obey
them as any law or laws the King and Parliament
could make." * • * At the same time the said
Stephen Hopkins further said : " That as our fore
fathers came from Leyden and were no charge to
England, the States of Holland had as good a right

MEMOIR OP STEPHEN HOPKINS. XVU
to claim us as England had." That he was among
the first who saw the necessity of a unity of action
among the colonies, as is shown in his efforts in
behalf of the Plan of Union here presented and
for the establishment of a central government and
legislature for the whole as projected in the Plan,
and again referred to by him in the following language
at a later period : " Although each of the colonies
hath a legislature within itself to take care of its in
terests, and provide for its peace and internal gov
ernment, yet there are many things of a more
general nature quite out of the reach of those par
ticular legislatures, which it is necessary should be
regulated, ordered and governed." i
His love of scientific studies is well attested
by his labors in observing the transit of Venus,
in 1769. The observations made in Providence
became famous among astronomers for their ac
curacy. In publishing his " Account " Mr. West
dedicates it to Mr. Hopkins, who, he says, "was
pleased to accompany and assist us the whole time
that we were preparing for the observation."
1. Grievances of the American Colonies. London, 1766. p. 19.

XVIII HISTORICAL TRACT.
* * * He proceeds : " Much might be said with
respect to your honor's superior abilities in mathe
matics and natural philosophy, but without flattery,
these are the least of your acquirements when com
pared with your profound skill in civil police and
the wise government of a people."
In regard to the emancipation of his slaves,
Mr. Wilkinson in his memoir says: "In 1773 he
emancipated his slaves, and had in his last will and
testament, which was drawn and executed before
that date, decreed them liberty at his decease ; the
year following he secured an act in Rhode Island
prohibiting the importation of'negroes, and thus put
an end to this accursed traffic." We have labored
in vain to verify these statements. The last will
of Mr. Hopkins was executed the 20th of May,
1781. In it appear these words: "I give to
all my negroes their freedom, to take place imme
diately with respect to those of them who shall be of
age, and of the others, the males at twenty-one and
the females at eighteen." This certainly protes that
the last will of Mr. Hopkins was not executed before
1773, as stated ; furthermore, had he given freedom

MEMOIR OF STEPHEN HOPKINS. XIX
to his slaves in 1773 it would not have been necessary
eight years afterwards to grant them freedom in
his will ; we fail to find any deed of manumis
sion on the records, hence we conclude the first part
of the above statement is incorrect. As to the second
portion we find that Mr. Hopkins was a member of
the General Assembly in June, 1774, during which
month the act prohibiting the importation of negroes
was passed. The preamble to the act was a resolu
tion introduced at the town meeting ofthe freemen in
May of that year and passed. It is as follows :
" Whereas the inhabitants of America are generally
engaged in the preservation of their own rights and
liberties, among which that of personal freedom
must be considered as the greatest, and as those who
are desirous of enjoying all the advantages of liberty
themselves should be willing to extend personal
liberty to others, therefore be it enacted," &c.
There is nothing contained in the town records to
show that Mr. Hopkins was present at the meeting,
nor can we find anything to connect him with the
passage of the preamble or with the law itself,
nevertheless the style is very like his style and the

XX HISTORICAL TRACT.
mode of reasoning is his favorite mode. He may
have written it.
Finally his signature to the Declaration of Inde
pendence and his labors on the committee which
drafted the Articles of Confederation, furnish a
fitting close to a career so useful.
These, then, it seems to the writer are the events
which in Mr. Hopkins's life stamp him as a states
man. They are the seals upon his patent of nobility
and should be the, things around which his biographers
should longest delight to linger.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

The convention which formed the following Plan
arose from a request made by the Lords' Com
missioners for Trade and Plantations of England.
The British Government perceiving a prospect of
a war with France and signs of defection among the
Six Nations, suggested a general interview by com
missioners from the several colonial governments
for the purpose of conciliating the Indians and of
retaining them in the British interests, and also of
devising means of defending the frontiers against the
encroachments of the French in Canada.^ The con
vention was called to meet at Albany on the 14th
June, 1754, and the various colonial governments
were invited to send commissioners. The conven
tion met on the 19th instead of the 14th of June,^
1. R. I. Ool. Eec., vol. 5, p. 385. 2. Franklin's Works, vol. 3, p. 22.

XXll HISTORICAL TRACT.
and the following colonies were represented : New
Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecti
cut, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland ;
Virginia was represented by Lt. Gov. De Lancey,
of New York.^ The matter was laid before the
Rhode Island General Assembly at their June ses
sion, 1754. The session began on Monday, the
10th of that month, and an act was immediately
passed appointing two commissioners and defining
their powers. ** This law provided that His Honor
the Governor should issue his commission to two
persons who should be appointed by the General
Assembly. These commissioners were to be em
powered "to treat with the other commissioners
in the best manner they can to take such measures
as will be most effectual to secure and maintain
a lasting friendship with the Six Nations of Indians."
They were authorized to draw upon the General
Treasurer for the sum of one hundred pounds
sterling, to be expended in presents to the chiefs
of these nations. This sum, however, was neither
drawn nor expended. They were further directed to
1. Bancroft's Hist. U. S., vol. 4, p. 121. 2. E. I. Col. Rec, vol. 5, p. 384.

MEMOIR OF STEPHEN HOPKINS. XXIU
inquire "into what forts are built and building within
the limits of His Majesty's dominions in America,
by whom, their strength, and situation." They
were further directed "to let the commissioners,
on behalf of the other governments, know that this
government is willing and ready to do anything
necessary on their part, so far as they are able,
to support and defend the Six Nations of Indians
from any insults offered to them by the French
or any of the nations of Indians in that part of
America." Two members of the Assembly were
appointed to draw from the General Treasury the
sum of six hundred pounds, old tenor, with which
the commissioners were to defray their expenses.
If there should not be so large a sum (equal to
perhaps five hundred or six hundred dollars of
these days) in the Treasury, the two gentlemen,
Messrs. Edward Scott and Peter Bours,^ were to hire
1. These two gentlemen were members of the Literary and Philosophical
Society formed at Newport in 1730, out of which grew the Redwood Library.
They were both among the petitioners for the charter, and were both members
of its first board of directors.
Mr. Scott was its first Librarian, which office he held for three years. He
had for twenty years been master- of a grammar school at Newport. He
was a great uncle of Sir Walter Scott. He was admitted a freeman in 1727,

XX IV HISTORICAL TRACT.
the same on account and in behalf of the Colony.
The Assembly proceeded immediately to an election
of commissioners, which resulted in the choice of
Stephen Hopkins, Esquire, and His Honor John
Gardner,! Deputy Governor. The latter gentle
man declining the appointment. Captain Benjamin
Wickham^ was chosen in his place, who also
was one of the commissioners to revise the laws of the Colony, which resulted
in the Digest of 1744, and again appointed to the same office in 1748; in 17S6 be
was one of the committee to draft a law for a lottery to raise money with which
to rebuild Fort George. He died at Newport in 1768.
Mr. Bours or Bourse, as the name sometimes appears, was admitted a
freeman in 1728. His name appears ou the petition to the Lords' Commis
sioners of Trade of England to stop the issue of. the Bank of 1731. He was
Speaker of the House of Representatives in 1745.6, and was in the General
Assembly in either the upper or lower house from 1738 to 1754. He was one
of the committee to build the State House in Newport, which is still in use.
He was in 1741 to build a powder magazine and to stock it with powder. He
served on the Northern Boundary Committee, and in many other ways.
He died at Newport in 1761.
1. John Gardner was admitted a freeman in Kingstown in 1722 or 1724, was
one of the Governor's assistants (or senators) in 17.32, and for several years
thereafter. In 1743 he was General Treasurer, which position he held for five
years; in 1744 he was made Commissary General, to have charge of all
munitions of war. In 1754 he was elected Deputy Governor, and held the
office one year. In 1766 the Deputy Governor, Nichols, dying in office Gov.
Gardner was re-chosen, and retained the office until his death, in January 17G4
2. The first mention of this gentleman, so far as we can find in
Colonial affairs, was this election. He was one of the petitioners for the
Bedwood Library charter, and at sundry times a member of the General

MEMOIR OP STEPHEN HOPKINS. XXV
declining, the choice finally fell upon Martin
Howard, Jr.,^ Esquire, of Newport, who accepted
the position. 2 To these gentlemen the Gov
ernor, William Greene, issued his commission,
some paragraphs of which will be found at the
beginning of Mr. Hopkins's True Representation.
The convention assembled, as before stated, at Al
bany on the 19th of June. "America had never
Assembly. He was Lieutenant-Colonel of one of the Regiments raised for
Crown Point in 1756. He served the town of Newport in the General
Assembly for several years; the last mention of him in a legislative
capacity appears to be that of 1758. In 1709 he served the Colony as its Naval
Officer, having occasion to build a light-house for the Colony, there appears
to have been a deficiency in his accounts of upwards of sixtj^ pounds ; for
this sum the Colony obtained a judgment and execution, whereupon Colonel
Wickham applied for a lottery grant to dispose of his farm and pay his debts.
This was granted, but finding the tickets moving rather slowly, the Colonel
asked the General Assembly to purchase tickets enough in his lottery to
extinguish the claim of the State. This was done. The records do not
state whether the Colony drew the farm or not.
1. In addition to information concerning Martin Howard, Jr., in the note
on page 3 of this Tract, we learn that: "He was married on the 29th of
December, 1749, to Ann Concklin, at the house of Major Ebenezer Brenton,
the father of Ann, by the Eev. James McSparran, D. D., incumbent of St.
Paul's in Narragansett, the parish where the parties do now reside. James
Center, of Newport, married a daughter of Mr. Howard. She died, and Mr.
Center married another daughtev."— Updike's Hist, Narragansett Church.
p. 220.
2. R. I. Col. Kec, vol. 5, p. 386.
3

XXVI HISTORICAL TRACT.
seen an assembly so venerable for the States that
were represented or for the great and able men who
composed it," i The time of the convention was
at once, and largely, occupied in the discussion
ofthe Indian Questions presented. The delegations
from the Six Nations, although not large, yet com
prised some of the most distinguished chiefs and
orators of the time, particularly Hendricks, who
made many speeches before the convention, some ab
stracts of which appear in the manuscript copy of the
Records already referred to. As they are not neces
sary to an understanding of the pamphlets^ repro
duced we do not here reprint them. After an absence
of thirty-five days, the Rhode Island Commissioners
returned to their homes, 3 and laid before the General
1. Bancroft's Hist. U. S., vol. 4, p. 122.
2. The two rare pamphlets which form the basis of this Tract were published
in the folio form. The first, by Mr. Hopkins, contained fourteen pages, and
bears date March 29, 1756. The Short Reply by Philolethes contained six
pages, and bears date the 10th of April following. The former was noticed
by Mr. Bartlett in. his Bibliography of Rhode Island, but the latter appears to
have hitherto escaped the attention of Bibliographers. Their form was that
of the Acts and Resolves of the Rhode Island General Assembly, and fhe
style of printing the same.
3. The account of the expenditures of the two Commissioners which here
foUoweth presents some items of curious interest, sufficient, as we think, to

MEMOIR OF STEPHEN HOPKINS. XXVll
Assembly a report of their action, accompanied
by a certified copy of the original Record, to which
so much reference has been made. Touching the
Plan they say : "A Plan of a proposed union of all
the said colonies, which, from the facts set forth
in said representation (of the condition of the
warrant its reproduction. The Colony appropriated a hundred pounds
sterling for presents to the Indians. Two small items only for such uses
appear. The long journey on horseback, from Rhode Island to Albany, not
less than five days to go and the same to return, the necessary attendance of
a young man for the care of the horses, the hire of the horses, the charge
per day for the services of the Commissioners, the amount charged by Wendal
for board and lodging the two Commissioners, the keeping of these accounts
in three kinds of currency, all these things pertain to days that have long
since departed from our own time. /
THE ACCOUNT.
The Colony of Rhode Island to Stephen Hopkins and
1754. Maetin Howard, Jr. Dr.
R.I.OldTenor. Mass. Old Tenor. York Currency.
For expenses going to Albany, £3 6 0 £9 18 11 £0 11 6
Cash paid Colo. Lydias, 16 0 0
Cash paid Conrad Weiser for
ourproportion of provisions
supplied the Six Nations, 3 17 4
Cash paid Luttridge, 5 6 6
Cash to Mr. Wra.xall, ye Sec'y, 4 0 0
Cash to the Door Keeper, 10 0
Cash paid Wendal for lodging 2 16 0
Cash paid Colo. Johnson for
some belts of wampum, 16 0

XXVlll HISTORICAL TRACT.
colonies) was judged absolutely necessary to be
speedily effected ; it was therefore a resolution of
said board that the respective commissioners should
lay the same before the General Assembly of the
colonies they severally represented, whichfor our parts
we accordingly now do." Whereuijon the General

Cash paid the Sec'y for a copy

of the proceedings of ye
Congress, -
£3 2
0
Horse keeping,
5 10
0
Expenses home.
£39 0 0
1 10
0
Cash paid the young man
that attended us.
34 0 0
Hire of three horses.
140 0 0
Our time and trouble, .SS
days each, fiOs.
210 0 0
£426 6 0
£9 18 11
£43 lU
i
The Colony, Or.
By cash received of the General Treasurer, £600 0 0
Newport, the 14th June, 1755. Step. Hopkins,
SI. Howard, Jr.
New York Currency, £43 19 4; in old tenor, £443 2 0
Boston old tenor, 9 18 11; in our old tenor, 14 18 4
Charges in our old tenor, . 420 0 4
£884 0 4
Cr. By cash received of ye Colony, . 600 0 0
Balance due to the Hon. Stephen Hopkins and Mr. M. Howard, Jr., £284 0 4
This balance was paid to the two gentlemen in February, 1750.
MEMOIR OF STEPHEN HOPKINS. XXIX
Assembly "Do vote and resolve, and it is voted
and resolved that the foregoing report be, and
the same is, hereby accepted ; this Assembly never
theless reserving to themselves a further considera
tion whether they will accede to the general Plan
proposed." 1 No further action was taken in the
General Assembly until the following March (1755).
It appears in the "Short Reply to Mr. Hopkins's
True Representation," later in this Tract that the
agent of the Colony in London had written a letter
to Governor Greene, dated October 9, 1754, which
letter reached the Governor in December, informing
him : " That Parliament is like to meet for despatch
of business in about six weeks time, when I am
apt to think some application will be made to them
respecting the Union of the several governments
in North America, proposals for that purpose being
lately come to hand as they were agreed on by the
Congress at Albany." Whereupon the General
Assembly directed the Governor to write a let-
ter2 to the agent in London, "directing him to
be upon his watch, and if anything shall be moved
1. K. I. Col. Eec, vol. 5, p. 394. 2. E. I. Col. Eec, vol. 5, p. 424.

XXX HISTORICAL TRACT.
in Parliament respecting the Plan for an Union of
His Majesty's Northern Colonies projected at Albany
which may have a tendency to infringe on our
charter privileges, that he use his utmost endeavors
to get it put off until such time as the government
is furnished with a copy, and have an opportunity
of making answer thereunto." The Records of
Rhode Island disclose no further action with refer
ence to the acceptance or the rejection of the Plan.
Stephen Hopkins was elected Governor of Rhode
Island in the following month, and from this time
for several years the Ward and Hopkins controversy
raged with more or less vigor.
It is related by Mr. Sparks^ that the Plan was
rejected by all the colonial assemblies before which
it was brought. This is not, however, correct
so far as Rhode Island at least was concerned.
In England it was so unacceptable to the Board
of Trade that they did not even recommend it to
the King. It was doubtless the work of Franklin,
who, it was well known, had long before held views
favorable to some such arrangement, and had shown
1. Franklin's Works, vol. 3, p. 24.

MEMOIR OF STEPHEN HOPKINS. XXXl
to gentlemen in New York some "Hints" while on
his way to the convention. Touching its rejection
on both sides of the sea, Franklin says : " The
assemblies all thought there was too much prerog
ative in it, and in England it was thought to have
too much of the democratic." As before stated,
the Plan is printed entire in Franklin's Works, i
and beneath each article the reasons and motives for
its adoption.
1. Spark's Ed. Franklin's Works, vol. 3, p. 36, et seq.

A true Representation of the PLAN
formed at Albany, for uniting all the Brit-
i£h Northern Colonies, in order to their
common Safety , and Defence ; containing
Abflracts of the Authorities given by the fev-
eral Governments to their Commiffioners ;
and of fever al Letters from the Secretaries
of State, and Lords Commifjioners for Trade
and Plantations, concerning fuch an Union :
Together with a Representation of the State
of the Englifh and French Colonies in
North - America ; and the faid Plan of
Union, with the Doings of the Commifjion
ers thereon ; andfome Remarks on the whole.
BY
Stephen Hopkins.
providence, march twenty-ninth,
1755-

INSTRUCTIONS TO THE DELEGATES,

EXTRACTS FROM THEIR COMMISSIONS.

Paragraph in the Commission given by the Honor
able William Greene, Esq. ; Governor of the Colony
of Rhode-Island, to their Commissioners.
"I do therefore, by Virtue of an Act of the Gen
eral Assembly of this Colony, authorize, impower,
and commissionate you, the said Stephen Hopkins
and Martin Howard, jun.,i forthwith to repair to
1. Martin Howard, Jr., was an English gentleman; he came to Rhode
Island and was admitted a freeman, in May, 1726. He studied law, and prac
ticed his profession in the town of Newport. Little is known of him previous
to his appointment as the colleague of Mr. Hopkins, in the convention at Alba*
ny. He was the fourth choice of the General Assembly. Upon the enacting of
the stamp act, he was appointed one of the stamp masters for Newport. His

4 HISTORICAL TRACT.
Albany aforesaid, and there, in behalf of this Colo
ny, to meet and join with the other Commissioners,
in consulting what Methods are proper to be used, to
preserve the Friendship of the aforesaid Six Nations
of Indians, and their Attachment to the British In
terest in America. And also, what else may be nec
essary, to prohibit the French, and their Allies the
Indians, from encroaching on the Lands within the
Dominions of His Majesty. And in general, as far
as the Abilities of this Government will permit, to
act in Conjunction with the said Commissioners, in
every Thing necessary for the Good of His Majesty's
earnest advocacy of the acts of the Crown caused a great popular resentment
to manifest itself towards him, and in the riotous scenes of August, 1765, he
suifered both in body and estate fVom the acts of the populace. They first hung
him in eflfigy, and then burned the effigy; then they sacked his house, where
upon he took refuge on board the British Man of War, Cygnet, then lying in
the harbor of Newport. Thence he went to England, and was immediately ap
pointed by,the Crown to the position of chief justice of North Carolina, with a
salary of a thousand pounds, sterling, per annum. He returned at once to
America, to his post in North Carolina, and presented a claim to the Bhode
Island General Assembly for his losses by the riots in Newport, together with
his expenses to England, amounting to £970. Little notice was taken of this
claim and it was allowed to remain on the table until 177-1, when a committee,
to whom it had been referred, reported upon it, reducing the amount to about
£112. This amount the Assembly ordered to be paid whenever information
should be received that the money due from the Crown to the Colony for the

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 5
Subjects in those Parts. And to answer as far as we
can, the Designs of His Majesty's Instructions to this
Colony, communicated to us by the Earl of Holder-
nesse." Paragraph in the Commission given by his Excel
lency William Shirley, Esq. ; Governor of the Prov
ince of the Massachusetts Bay, to their Commission
ers. " And whereas, the Great and General Court or As
sembly of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay
aforesaid, have elected and appointed you to repre
sent and appear for the said Province, at the Con-
expenses of the latter in the Crown Point Expedition, was to be paid by the
Crown. As this claim was nearly twenty years of age, the resolution was
equivalent to an indefinite postponement. This was not satisfactory to Mr.
Howard, and accordingly the matter was brought up the following year, but
nothing appears to have been done in the way of settlement. Among the arti
cles destroyed was a family portrait by Sir Peter Lely. This, with three other
portraits, also destroyed, was valued in the inventory of his losses by Mr. How
ard, at £.35, which the committee considered as being altogether too high, and
materially reduced the amount. Mr. Howard does not appear to have been in
better favor with the people of. North Carolina than with those of Rhode
Island. He was driven from the bench in the riot at Hillsborough, in 1770, but
his judicial functions did not fully cease until 1774. He left North Carolina in
1777, and visiting Ehode Island, went the following year to England, where he
died in 1781, leaving a character but little respected by the best citizens with
whom he had been associated in the American Colonies.

b HISTORICAL TRACT.
vention aforesaid, for the Purposes above-mentioned.
As also, for entering into Articles of Union and Con
federation, with the aforesaid Governments, for the
general Defence of His Majesty's Subjects and Inter
ests in North -America, as well in Times of Peace as
War." 1
Paragraph in the Commission given by the Hon-
orabte Thomas Fitch, Esq ; Governor of the Colony
of Connecticut, to their Commissioners.
" Therefore in Pursuance of the said Act of As
sembly, you the said William Pitkin, Roger Wolcot,
jun., and Elisha Williams, Esqrs., are commissioned,
authorized, and impowered, in Behalf of His Majes
ty's Colony of Connecticut, to meet the Commission
ers appointed by His Majesty's other Governments
in America, at Albany, on the 14th of June next ;
and in Concert with such Commissioners, from His
1. Although a plan of union seems to have been a topic of conversation in
some circles, yet none of the delegates were instructed on that point, excepting
those from Massachusetts. The instructions of all the others were restricted
to a general concert of measures for securing the friendship of the Six Nations
and resisting the encroachments of hostile tribes and the French. — Spark's Ed.
Franklin's Works, vol. 3, p. 23.

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 7
Majesty's other Governments, as shall meet there, to
consult proper Measures for the general Defence and
Safety of His Majesty's Subjects in said Govern
ments, and the Indians in his Alliance, against the
French, and their Indians : And to use and pursue
proper Measures in Pursuance of your Instructions
from the said General Assembly, relating [to] the
Matter aforesaid."
Paragraph in the Commission given by the Honor
able Horatio Sharpe, Esq. ; Lieutenant Governor of
the Province of Maryland, to their Commissioners.
"And whereas, I have had Intimation, that the
Commissioners from the several neighbouring Colo
nies, will receive Instructions from their respective
Governments, to concert Measures with the Commis
sioners from the other Provinces, for the better se
curing these Indians for the future, in our Alliance,
and preventing their being alienated from our Inter
est, by the Artifices or Insinuations of our Enemies,
as well as for the more easy Defence of His Majes
ty's Dominions on this Continent. Yen shall, if any
Propositions of that Nature are made by the Com-

8 . HISTORICAL TRACT.
missioners, in Behalf of their respective Govern
ments, let them know, that this Province is also dis
posed to contribute to the Execution of any general
Scheme to promote such desirable Ends."^
Paragraph of a Letter from the Earl of Holder-
nesse, one of His Majesty's. Principal Secretaries of
State ; dated at Whitehall, the 28th of August, 1753,
directed to the Governor and Company of Rhode-
Island. 2
" And whereas, it may be greatly conducive to His
Majesty's Service, that all his Provinces in America,
should be aiding and assisting each other, in Case of
any Invasion : I have it particularly in Charge from
His Majestj', to acquaint you. That it [is] His Royal
Will and Pleasure, that you should keep up an exact
Correspondence with all His Majesty's Governors on
the Continent."
1. "Philolethes" in his Eeply to Mr. Hopkins's True Representation, com
plains of the omission by the latter of paragraphs from the Governor of Mary
land's Commission, and supplies them. They do not however appear to weak
en Mr. Hopkins's case.
2. This letter is printed entire in R. I. Col. Eec, vol. 5, p. 397.

THE PLAN OP UNION, 1754. 9
Two Paragraphs of a Letter from the Right Hon
orable the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plan
tations ; dated at Whitehall, the 18th of September,
1753, directed to Sir Danvers Osborne, Governor of
New-York, and laid before the Commissioners at
Albany.^ " When we consider of how great Consequence
the Friendship and Alliance of the Six Nations is, to
all His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in Ameri-
1. Sir D'Anvers Osborne was a brother-in-law of the Earl of Halifax, and
succeeded Clinton as Governor of New York. He arrived on the 6th of Octo
ber, 1753. "During the voyage across the Atlantic," says Bancroft, "the agi
tated mind of Osborne, already reeling with private grief, brooded despond-
ingly over the task he had assumed. On the 10th of October, he took the oaths
of ofice at New York, and the people who welcomed him with acclamations,
hooted his predecessor." "I expect the like treatment," said he to Clinton,
" before I leave the government." On the same day he was startled with an
address from the city council, who declared they would not " brook any in
fringement of their inestimable liberties, civil and religious." On the next, he
communicated to the council his instructions, which required the Assembly
" to recede from all encroachment on the (royal) prerogative and to consider
without delay of a proper law for a permanent revenue, solid, definite, and
without limitation," etc. With a distressed countenance and plaintive voice he
asked if these instructions would be obeyed. All agreed that the Assembly
would never comply. He sighed, turned about, reclined against the window
frame and exclaimed, " then why am I come here ? " Being of a morbid sensi
tiveness, honest and scrupulous of iiis word, the unhappy man spent the night
in'an-anging his private affairs, and towards morning hanged himself against
the fence in the garden. — Bancroft's Hist. U. S., 8vo., vol. 4, p. 103.

10 HISTORICAL TRACT.
ca in general, as well as to New- York in particular :
When we consider, that this Friendship and Alliance
is only to be gained and preserved -by making Pres
ents to them at proper Times, and upon proper Oc
casions ; and by an inviolable Observance of all our
Engagements with' them : And when we recollect the
Attempts which have been lately made, to withdraw
them from the British Interest, we cannot but be
greatly concerned and surprised, that the Province
of New- York should have been so inattentive to the
general Interest of His Majesty's Subjects in Ameri
ca, as well as to their own particular Security, as to
have given Occasion to the Complaints made by the
Indians ; but we are still more surprised, at the
Manner in which these Complaints were received,
the dissatisfactory Answers given to the Indians, and
at their being suffered to depart (tho' the Assembly
was then sitting) without any Measures taken to
bring them to Temper, or to redress their Com
plaints.  And this leads us to recommend one
Thing more to your Attention, and that is, to take
Care, that all the Provinces be (if practicable) com
prised in one General Treaty, to be made in His

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 11
Majesty's Name; it appearing to us, that the Prac
tice of each Province making a separate Treaty for
itself, in its own Name, is very improper, and may
be attended with great Inconveniency to His Majes
ty's Subjects."
Paragraph of a Letter from Sir Thomas Robinson,
one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State ;
dated Whitehall, the 5th of July, 1754, directed to
the Governor and Company of Rho de-Island. i
" Although you have neglected to give any An
swer to the Earl of Holdernesse's Letter of the 28th
of August last, yet as I cannot doubt of your Re
ceipt of that Letter, wherein the King's Orders were
signified to you, not only to act vigorously in De
fence of your Government, but to be likewise aiding
and-assisting His Majesty's other Colonies in Ameri
ca, to repel any hostile Attempts made against them ;
I am now, by the King's express Command, to en
force to you the said Directions, in the strongest
Manner, and to acquaint you, that His Majesty ex
pects your immediate Observance of them."
1. This letter la printed entire in E. I. Col. Rec, vol. S, p. 397.

12 HISTORICAL TRACT.
Two Paragraphs of a Letter from the same Sir
Thomas Robinson ; dated at Whitehall, the 26th of
October, 1754, directed to the Governor and Com
pany of Rhode-Island.'
" And cannot fail to excite you to exert yourself,
and those under your Care, to take the most vigor
ous Steps to repel your common Danger, and to
shew that the King's Orders which were sent you last
Year by the Earl of Holdernesse, and were renewed
to you in my Letter of the 5th of July, have at last
roused that Emulation and Spirit that every Man
owes at this Time to His Majesty, the Public and
himself.  But with Regard to such other Articles
which are of a more general Concern, It is His Ma
jesty's Pleasure, That the same should be supplyed by
a common Fund, to be established for the Benefit of
all the Colonies collectively, in North America : For
which Purpose, you will use your utmost Endeav
ours, to induce the Assembly of your Province, to
raise forthwith as large a Sum as can be afforded, as
their Contribution to this common Fund, to be em-
1. This letter is printed entire in E. I. Col. Eec, vol. 5, pp. 406, 407, 408.

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 13
ployed provisionally, for the general Service of
North-America, (particularly for paying the Charge
of levying the Troops to make up the Complement
of the Regiments above-mentioned) until such Time
as a Plan of general Uiii(jn of His Majesty's North
ern Colonies, for their common Defence, can be per
fected.'* 2

EXTRACTS

FROM THE

ORIGINAL RECORD OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF
THE CONVENTION.

The first mention in the Records of the Conven
tion of a Union of the Colonies, occurs on the 24th
of June. The Convention had been in session five
days.' Every entry in the records, relating to the
Plan of Union, from the first entry of June 24, to
and including July 8, is herein presented. The rec
ord of July 9, and all after that day, has been so ac
curately given in his "True Representation," by Mr.
Hopkins, that it does not need repetition in this
place. It is perhaps needless to say that this section
1. An original certified manuscript copy of the Record of the Proceedings
of the Convention, was deposited in the oflSce of the Secretary of State of
Rhode Island. It is a folio, comprising forty-seven closely, but clearly written
pages, the first seven of which comprise the commissions of the delegates.

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 15
of this Tract does not appear in Mr. Hopkins's
pamphlet. At a Meeting at the Court House, June 24, p. m.
" A motion was made that the Commissioners de
liver their Opinion whether a Union of all the Colo
nies is not at present absolutely necessary for their
security and defence. The question was accordingly
put, and it passed in the affirmative unanimously.
His Honor, the Lieut. Gov. (De Lancey, of N. Y.)
made a proposal as a branch of Indian affairs under
the consideration of this Board, to build two Forts
in the Indian country to protect them, their wives,
and children, as the best expedient to secure their
fidelity to His Majesty, which proposal the Board de
termined to proceed upon after they had considered
some method of effecting the Union between the
Colonies. On Motion, that a committee be appoint
ed to prepare and receive Plans or Schemes for the
Union of the Colonies and to digest them into one
general Plan for the Inspection of the Board, Re
solved, that each Government choose one of their

16

HISTORICAL TRACT.

own number to be of that committee. Accordingly
were appointed
Thomas Hutchinson, Esquire, for Massachusetts Bay.

Theodore Atlsinson,
William Pitkin,
Stephen Hopkins,
Benjamin Franklin,
Benjamin Tasker,

New Hampshire.
Connecticut.
Rhode Island.
Pennsylvania.Maryland.

" It was left with his Honor to appoint one of His
Majesty's Council, for the Government of New York,
and he named
William Smith, Esquire, for New York."
At a Meeting at the Coukt House, June 28, p. m.
"The Committee appointed the 24th instant, to
prepare and receive Plans or Schemes- for the Union
of the Colonies, presented short hints of a Scheme,
for the purpose of which copies were taken by the
commissioners of the respective Provinces."
At a Meeting at the Coukt ^ouse, June 29, p. m.
" The Hint of a scheme for the Union of the Colo
nies was debated on, but came to no conclusion."

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 17
At a Meeting at the Coukt House, July 1, a. m,
" A motion was made that a committee should be
appointed to draw up a Representation of the pres
ent state of the Colonies, which was agreed to, and
the gentlemen who were appointed to prepare and
receive Plans and Schemes for the Union of the
Colonies, the 24th ulto., should be a committee for
this purpose. The Plan for a Union of the Colonies
was debated, but the Board came to no resolve upon
it." At a Meeting at the Coukt House, July 2, a. m.
"After debates held on the Plan of an Union, it
was moved, if i the Board should proceed to form a
Plan of Union of the Colonies to be established by
an Act of Parliament. Whereupon it was moved to
put the previous Question, which passed in the nega
tive. The question was then put whether the Board
should proceed to form a Plan of Union ofthe Colo
nies to be established by Act of Parliament, which
passed in the affirmative."
1. This is correctly printed from the original manuscript. The meaning
probably is, " ShaU the Board proceed," etc.

18 HISTORICAL TRACT.
At a Meeting at the Coukt House, July 4, 1754, a. m.
" The Plan for the Union of the Colonies was de
bated, but nothing finally determined on.i Same
day, afternoon session : The Plan for a Union was
further considered, but no resolves made thereupon."
At a Meeting at the Coukt House, July 5, 1754.
" (After a long time consumed in Indian speeches.)
The Board then proceeded to consider the Plan for a
Union, but did not go through with it."
At a Meeting at the Court House, July 8, 1754, p. m.
" The Board proceeded in their consideration upon
a Plan for a Union, but did not go through with it."
At a Meeting at the Court House, July 9, 1754, a. m.
" The Plan of the Union was debated and agreed
upon, and Mr. Franklin was desired to make a Draft
1. It is stated by Arnold, in his History of Ehode Island, vol. 2, p. 188, that
this Plan of Union " was adopted by the delegates on the fourth day of July."
Reference is made by Arnold, to Belknap's History of New Hampshire, wherein
the same statement appears. (Vol. 2, p. 221. Boston, 1813.) This is not quite
correct as shown by the Original Eecord ; had It been the fact it would certainly
have been a most singular coincidence.

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 19
of it, as now concluded upon. (Same day, after
noon session.) All the Commissioners being pres
ent except Mr. Franklin (absent by his appointment
in the morning) the Draft of the Representation,
&c., was read and considered. Paragraph by Para
graph, some amendments made, and the whole was
agreed to and ordered to be minuted as follows."

^o"-

Here we return to Mr. Hopkins's Pamphlet.
At a Meeting, &c., on Tuesday, 9th July, 1754.
PEESENT :
THE HON. THE LIEUTENANT GOVEKNOE OF NEW-YORK, AND
THE FOUE GENTLEMEN OF THE COUNCIL OF NEW-YOEK, AND
ALL THE COMMISSIONEES, EXCEPT ME. FEANKLIN, ABSENT
BY HIS APPOINTMENT IN THE MOENING.
"The Draught of the Representation,^ &c., was
read and considered. Paragraph by Paragraph, some
Amendments made, and the whole was agreed to,
and ordered to be minuted as follows :
" That His Majesty's Title to the Northern Conti-
1. The Eepresentation, &o., means the present state ofthe Colonies referred
to under the date of July 1. The entire document appears in the "True Eepre
sentation," of Mr. Hopkins, as does everything else contained in the Original
Eecord from this date.

20 HISTORICAL TRACT,
nent of America, appears to be founded on the Dis
covery thereof first made, and the Possession thereof
first taken in 1497, under a Commissron from Henry
the Vllth, of England, to Sebastian Cabot.
" That the French have possessed themselves of
several Parts of this Continent, which by Treaties,
have been ceded and confirmed to them : That the
Rights of the English to the whole Sea Coast, from
Georgia, on the South, to the River St. Lawrence,
on the North, excepting the Island of Cape-Breton,
in the Bay of St. Lawrence, remains plain and indis
putable. "That all the Lands or Countries Westward from
the Atlantic Ocean to the South Sea, between 48
and 34 Degrees of North Latitude, were expressly
included in the Grant of King James the First, to
divers of his Subjects, so long since, as the Year
1606, and afterwards confirmed in 1620 ; and under
this Grant, the Colony of Virginia claims an Extent
as far West as to the South Sea ; and the ani;ient Colo
nies of the Massachusetts-Bay and Connecticut, were
by their respective Charters, made to extend to the
said South Sea ; so that not only the Right to the

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 21
Sea Coast, but to all the Inland Countries, from Sea
to Sea, have at all Times been asserted by the Crown
of England.
" That the Province of Nova Scotia or Accadia,
hath known and determinate Bounds, by the original
Grant from King James the First ; and that there is
abundant Evidence of the same, [and of the Knowl
edge] which the French had of these Bounds, while
they were in Possession of it ; and that these Bounds
being thus known, the said Province by the Treaty
of Utrecht, according to its antient Limits, was
ceded to Great-Britain, and remained in Possession
thereof, until the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle, by
which it was confirmed ; but by said Treaty it is
stipulated. That tjtie Bounds of the said Province
shall be determined by Commissioners, &c.
" That by the Treaty of Utrecht, the Country of
the Five Cantons of the Iroquoise, is expressly ac
knowledged to be under the Dominion of the Crown
of Great-Britain.
"That the Lake Champlain, formerly called Lake
Iroquoise, and the Country Southward of it, as far
as the Dutch or English Settlements, the Lake On-

22 HISTORICAL TRACT.
tario, Erie, and all the Countries adjacent, have by
all antient Authors, French and English, been al
lowed to belong to the Five Cantons or Nations ;
and the whole of those Countries, long before the
said Treaty of Utrecht, were by the said Nations,
put under the Protection of the Crown of Great-
Britain. "That by the Treaty of Utrecht, there is a Re
serve to the French, a Liberty of frequenting the
Countries of the Five Nations, and other Indians in
Friendship with Great-Britain, for the Sake of Com
merce ; as there is also to the English, a Liberty of
frequenting the Countries of those in Friendship
with France, for the same Purpose.
"That after the Treaty of Utrecht, the French
built several Fortresses in the Country of the Five
Nations, and a very strong one at a Place called
Crown-Point, to the South of the Lake Champlain.
" That the French Court have evidently, since the
Treaty of Aix la Chapelle, made this Northern Con
tinent more than ever, the Object of its Attention.
" That the French have most unjustly taken Pos
session of a Part of the Province of Nova-Scotia ;

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 23
and in the River St. John's, and other Parts of said
Province, they have built strong Fortresses ; and
from this River they will have, during the Winter
and Spring Season, a much easier Communication
between France and Canada, than they have hereto
fore had, and will be furnished with a Harbour more
commodiously situated for the Annoying the British
Colonies by Privateers and Men of War, than Louis-
bourg itself.
" That they have taken Possession of, and begun a
Settlement at the Head of the River Kennebeck,
within the Bounds of the Province of Main, the
most convenient Situation for affording Support, and
a safe Retreat, to the Eastern Indians, in any of
their Attempts upon the Governments of Nerw-
Englaud. " That it appears by the Information of the Na
tives, the French have been making Preparations for
another Settlement, at a Place called Cghass, on Con
necticut River, near the Head thereof, where 'tis
but about ten Miles distant from a Branch of Merri
mack River; and from whence, there is a very near
and easy Communication with the Abnekais Indians,

24 HISTORICAL TRACT.
who are settled on the River St. Francois, about
forty Miles from the River St. Lawrence ; and it is
certain, the Inhabitants of New- Hampshire, in which
Province this Cohass is supposed to lie, have been
interrupted and impeded by the French Indians, from
making any Settlement there.
"That since the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle, the
French have increased the Number of their Forts in
the Country of the great Lakes, and on the Rivers
which run into the Missisippi, and are securing a
Communication between the two Colonies of Louisi
ana, and Canada, and at the same Time, putting
themselves into a Capacity of annoying the Southern
British Colonies, and preventing any further Settle
ments of His Majesty's Dominions,
" That they have been gradually increasing their
Troops in America, transporting them in their Ships
of War, which return to France with a bare Com
plement of Men, leaving the rest in their Colonies ;
and by this Means, they are less observed by the
Powers of Europe, than they would be, if Trans
ports as usual heretofore, were provided for this
Purpose.

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 25
" That they have taken Prisoners diverse of His
Majesty's Subjects, trading in the Country of the
Iroquoise, and other inland Parts, and plundered
such Prisoners of several Thousand Pounds Sterling ;
and they are continually exciting the Indians to de
stroy or make Prisoners the Inhabitants of the Fron
tiers of the British Colonies ; which Prisoners are
carried to Canada, and a Price equal to what Slaves
are sold in the Plantations, is demanded for their
Redemption and Release.
"That they are continually drawing off the In
dians from the British Interest, and have lately per-
swaded one Half of the Onondago Tribe, with many
from the other Nations along with them, to remove
to a Place called Oswegachie, on the River Cadarac-
qui, where they have built them a Church and Fort ;
and many of the Senecas, the most numerous Na
tion, appear to be wavering, and rather inclined to
the French. And it is a melancholy Consideration,
that not more than 150 Men of all the several Na
tions, have attended this Treaty, altho' they had
Notice, that all the Governments would be here by
3

26 HISTORICAL TRACT,
their Commissioners, and that a large Present would
be given.
" That it is the evident Design of the French to
surround the British Colonies, to fortifj' themselves
on the Back thereof, to take and keep Possession of
the Heads of all the important Rivers, to draw over
the Indians to their Interest, and with the Help of
such Indians, added to such Forces as are already
arrived, and may be hereafter sent from Europe, to
be in a Capacity of making a general Attack upon
the several Governments ; and if at the same Time,
a strong Naval Force be sent from France, there is
the utmost Danger, that the whole Continent will be
subjected to that Crown : And that the Danger of
such a Naval Force is not meerly imaginary, may be
argued from past Experience. For had it not Been
by the most extraordinary Interposition of Heaven,
every Sea Port Town on the Continent, in the Year
1746, might have been ravaged and destroyed, by
the Squadron under the Command of the Duke
D'Anville, notwithstanding the then declining State
of the French, and the very flourishing State of the

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 27
British Navy, and the further Advantage accruing to
the English, from the Possession of Cape-Breton.
" That the French find by Experience, they are
able to make greater and more secure Advantages
upon their Neighbours, in Peace than in War. What
they unjustly possessed themselves of, after the
Peace of Utrecht, they now pretend they have a
Right to hold, by Virtue of the Treaty of Aix la
Chapelle, until the true Boundary between the En
glish and French be settled by Commissioners ; but
their Conquests made during War, they have been
obliged to restore.
" That the French Affairs relative to this Conti
nent, are under one Direction, and constantly re
garded by the Crown and Ministry, who are not in
sensible how great a Stride they would make towards
an Universal Monarchy, if the British Colonies were
added to their Dominions, and consequently, the
whole Trade of North-America engrossed by them.
" That the said Colonies being in a divided, disu
nited State, there has never been any joint Exertion
of their Force, or Council, to repel or defeat the
Measures of the French ; and particular Colonies are

28 HISTORICAL TRACT.
unable and unwilling to maintain the Cause of the
whole. "That there has been a very great Neglect of the
Affairs of the Iroquoise, as they are commonly
called, the Indians of the Six Nations, and their
Friendship and Alliance has been improved to private
Purposes, for the Sake of the Trade with them, and
the Purchase or Acquisition of their Lands, more
than the Public Services.
" That they are supplyed with Rum by the Traders,
in vast and almost incredible Quantities ; the Laws
of the Colonies now in Force, being insufficient to
restrain the Supply. And the Indians of every Na
tion, are frequently drunk, and abused in their
Trade, and their Affections thereby alienated from
the English ; they often wound and murder one an
other in their Liquor, and to avoid Revenge, fly to
the French ; and perhaps more have been lost by
these Means, than by the French Artifice.
" That Purchases of Land from the Indians by pri
vate Persons, fpr small trifling Considerations, have
been the Cause of great Uneasiness and Discontents ;
and if the Indians are not in fact imposed on and in-

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 29
jured, yet they are apt to think they have been ; and
indeed, they appear not fit to be entrusted at Large,
with the Sale of their own Lands : And the Laws
of some of the Colonies, which make such Sales
void, unless -the Allowance of the Government be
first obtained, seem to be well founded.
" That the Granting or Patenting vast Tracts of
Land to private Persons or Companies, without Con
ditions of speedy Settlements, has tended to prevent
the Strengthening the Frontiers of the particular
Colony where such Tracts lie, and been Prejudicial
to the rest.
"That it seems absolutely necessary, that speedy
and effectual Measures be taken, to secure the Colo
nies from the Slavery they are threatened with : that
any farther Advances of the French should be pre
vented ; and the Encroachments already made, re
moved. " That the Indians in Alliance or Friendship with
the English, be constantly regarded under some wise
Direction or Superintendancy. That Endeavours be
used for the Recovery of those Indians who are late
ly gone over to the French, and for securing those

30 HISTORICAL TRACT.
that remain. That some discreet Person or Persons be
appoi:nted to reside constantly among each Nation of
Indians ; such Person to have no Concern in Trade,
and duly to communicate all Advices to the Superin-
tendants. "That the Trade with the said Indians" be well
regulated, and made subservient to the Public Inter
est, more than to private Gain.
" That there be Forts built for the Security of each
Nation, and the better carrying on the Trade with
them. That warlike Vessels be provided, sufficient
to maintain His Majesty's Right to a free Navigation
on the several Lakes.
" That all future Purchases of Lands from the In
dians be void, unless made by the Government where
such Lands lie, and from the Indians in a Body, in
their public Councils. That the Patentees or Pos
sessors of large unsettled Territories, be enjoined to
cause them to be settled in a reasonable Time, on
Pain of Forfeiture.
"That the Complaints of the. Indians, relative to
any Grants or Possessions of their Lands, fraudu
lently obtained, be inquired into, and all Injuries re
dressed.

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 31
" That the Bounds of those Colonies which extend
to the South Seas, be contracted and limited by the
AUeghenny or Apalachian Mountains ; and that
Measures be taken, for settling from time to time.
Colonies of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects, West
ward of said Mountains, in convenient Cantons, to be
assigned for that Purpose. And finally, that there be
an Union of His Majesty's several Governments on
the Continent, that so their Councils, Treasure, and
Strength, may be imployed in due Proportion,
against their common Enemy." All which is sub
mitted.At a Meeting in the Court-House at Albany, on Wednes
day, THE 10th op July, 1754, p. M.
PRESENT:
THE HON. JAMES DE LANCEY, ESQ., LIEUTENANT GOVEENOE
OF THE PEOVINCE OF NEW- YORK : JOSEPH MUERAY, WILLIAM
JOHNSON, JOHN CHAMBEES, AND WILLIAM SMITH, ESQES., OF
THE COUNCIL OF THE SAID PEOVINCE OF NEW-YOEK.
COMMISSIONERS FOR THE SEVERAL STATES.
" Samuel Wells, John Chandler, Thomas Hutchin
son, Oliver Partridge, and John Worthington,
Esqrs., for the Massachusetts.

32 HISTORICAL TRACT.
"Theodore Atkinson, Richard Wibird, Meshec
Weare, and Henry Sherburne, jun., Esqrs., for New-
Hampshire. "William Pitkin, Roger Wolcot, jun., and Elisha
Williams, Esqrs., for Connecticut.
"Stephen Hopkins and Martin Howard, jun.,
Esqrs., for Rhode-Island.
"Benjamin Tasker, jun., and Abraham Barnes,
Esqrs., for Maryland.
"John Penn, Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, and
Benjamin Franklin, Esqrs., for Pennsylvania.
" The Consideration of the Plan of an Union was
resumed ; which Plan is as follows :
" Plan of a proposed Union of the several Colo
nies of Massachusetts-Bay, New-Hampshire, Con
necticut, Rhode-Island, New-York, New-Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina,
and South Carolina, for their mutual Defence and Se
curity, and for the Extending the British Settle
ments in North-America.
" That humble Application be made for an Act of
the Parliament of Great-'Britain, by Virtue of which
One General Government may be formed in Ameri-

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754.

33

ca, including all the said Colonies ; within and under
which Government, each Colony may retain its pres
ent Constitution, except in the Particulars wherein a
Change may be directed by the said Act, as hereafter
follows. "That the said General Government be adminis
tered by a President General, to be appointed and
supported by the Crown ; and a Grand Council, to be
-chosen by the Representatives of the People of the
several Colonies, met in their respective Assemblies.
" That within Months after the Passing of such
Act, the House of Representatives in the several
Assemblies, that happen to be fitting within that
Time, or that shall be especially for that Purpose
convened, may and shall chuse Members for the
Grand Council, in the following Proportions ; that is
to say :

Massachusetts-Bay ,

7

Pennsylvania,

6

New-Hampshire,

2

Maryland,

4

Connecticut,

5

Virginia,

7

Rhode-Island,

2

North-Carolina,

4

New- York,

4

South Carolina,

4

New-Jersey,

3

—

48

34 HISTORICAL TRACT.
" Who shall meet for the first Time at the City of
Philadelphia in Pennsylvania, being called by the
President General, as soon as conveniently may be,
after his Appointment.
" That there shall be a new Election of Members
for the Grand Council every three Years ; and on
the Death or Resignation of any Member, his Place
shall be supplyed by a new Choice, at the next Sit
ting of the Assembly of the Colony he represented.
" That after the first three Years, when the Pro
portion of Money arising out of each Colony to the
General Treasury, can be known, the Number of
Members to be chosen for each Colony, shall from
time to time, in all ensuing Elections, be regulated
by that Proportion (yet so as that the Number to be
chosen by any one Province, be not more than
seven, nor less than two).
" That the Grand Council shall meet once in every
Year, and oftener if Occasion require, at such Time
and Place as they shall adjourn to at the last preced
ing Meeting, or as they shall be called to meet at
by the President General ou any Emergency ; he
having first obtained in writing, the Consent of

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 35
seven of the Members to such Call, and sent due
and timely Notice to the whole.
" That the Grand Council have Power to chuse
their Speaker, and shall neither be dissolved, pro
rogued, nor continue sitting longer than six Weeks
at one Time, without their own Consent, or the
special Command of the Crown.
" That the Members of the Grand Council shall be
allowed for their Service, Ten Shillings Sterling per
Diem, during their Session and Journey to and from
the Place of Meeting, twenty Miles to be reckoned
a Day's Journey.
" That the Assent of the President General be
requisite to all Acts of the Grand Council ; and that
it be his Office and Duty to cause them to be carried
into Execution.
" That the President General, with the Advice of
the Grand Council, hold or direct all Indian Treaties,
in which the general Interest or Welfare of the Colo
nies may be concerned ; and to make Peace or de
clare War with Indian Nations. That they make
such Laws as they judge necessary for regulating all
Indian Trade. That they make all Purchases from

36 HISTORICAL TRACT.
Indians for the Crown, of the Lands now not within
the Bounds of particular Colonies, or that shall not
be within their Bounds, when some of them are re
duced to more convenient Dimensions. That they
make new Settlements on such Purchases, by grant
ing Lands in the King's Name, reserving a Quit-
Rent to the Crown for the Use of the General
Treasury. " That they make Laws for regulating and govern
ing such new Settlements, 'till the Crown shall think
fit to form them into particular Governments.
" That they may rafse and pay Soldiers, and build
Forts for the Defence of any of the Colonies, and
equip Vessels of Force to guard the Coast, and pro
tect the Trade on the Ocean, Lakes, or great Rivers ;
but they shall not impress Men in any Colony, with
out the Consent of its Legislature.
" That for those Purposes, they have Power to
make Laws, and lay and levy such general Duties,
Imposts, or Taxes, as to themselves appear most
equal and just, considering the Ability and other
Circumstances of the Inhabitants in the several Colo
nies, and such as may be collected with the least In-

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 37
convenience to the People ; rather discouraging
Luxury, than loading Industry with unnecessary
Burthens. " That they may appoint a general Treasurer and a
particular Treasurer in each Government, when nec
essary ; and from time to time, may order the Sums
in the Treasuries of each Government, into the Gen
eral Treasury, or draw on them for special Pay
ments, as they find most convenient ; yet no Money
to issue, but by joint Orders of the President Gen
eral and Grand Council, except where Sums have
been appropriated to particular Purposes, and the
President General is previously impowered by an
Act, to draw for such Sums.
" That the general Accounts shall be yearly set
tled, and reported to the several Assemblies.
"That a Quorum of the Grand Council, impow
ered to act with the President General, do consist of
Twenty-five Members ; among whom there shall be
one or more from a Majority of the Colonies.
" That the Laws made by them for the Purposes
aforesaid, shall not be repugnant, but as near as may
be agreeable, to the Laws of England, and shall be
4

38 HISTORICAL TRACT.
transmitted to the King in Council, for Approbation,
as soon as may be, after their passing ; and if not
disapproved within three Years after Presentation,
to remain in Force.
" That in Case of the Death of the President Gen
eral, the Speaker of the Grand Council for the Time
being, shall succeed, and be vested with the same
Power and Authorities, and continue 'till the King's
Pleasure be known.
"That all Military Commission Officers, whether
for Land or Sea Service, to act under this General
Constitution, be nominated by the President Gen
eral, but the Approbation of the Grand Council is to
be obtained, before they receive their Commissions.
And all Civil Officers are to be nominated by the
Grand Council, and to receive the President Gen
eral's Approbation, before they officiate. But in
Case of Vacancy, by Death or Removal of any Offi
cer, Civil or Military, under this Constitution, the
Governor of the Provinces in which such Vacancy
happens, may appoint, 'till the Pleasure of the Presi
dent General and Grand Council can be known.
" That the particular Military as well as Civil Es-

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 39
tablishments in each Colony, remain in their present
State, this General Constitution notwithstanding;
and that on sudden Emergencies, any Colony may
defend itself, and lay the Accounts of Expence
thence arisen, before the President General and
Grand Council, who may allow and order Payment
of the same, as far as they judge such Accounts just
and reasonable.
After Debate on the foregoing Plan :
" Resolved, That the Commissioners from the
several Governments, be desired to lay the same be
fore their respective Constituents, for their Consid
eration ; and that the Secretary to this Board, trans
mit a Copy thereof, with this Vote thereon, to the
Governor of each of the Colonies, which have not
sent their Commissioners to this Congress.
"Ordered, That all, His Majesty's Governments
on this Continent, may have Liberty from time to
time, to take Copies of the Proceedings of this Con
gress, or any Parts thereof, paying for the same ;
and that no other Copies be delivered by the Secre
tary."

40 HISTORICAL TRACT.
The Board continued in session until the 11th of
July, and then His Honour, the Lieutenant-Govern
or of New-York, and the Commissioners of the sev
eral Governments, rose without any further adjourn
ments. MR. HOPKINS
ENTEliS UPON HIS PERSONAL DEFENCE.
Thus having seen Abstracts of the Authorities
given the Commissioners who were at Albany, and
of those Letters from the Crown, which occasioned
such Authorities to be given ; together with the
State of the British and French Colonies in America,
and the proposed Plan of Union, formed in Conse
quence of the whole : From an impartial View
thereof, let every Man judge. Whether it was not
the Intent of all the Colonies who sent Commission
ers, that they should form some General Scheme or
Plan, for the Safety and Defence of the English
Colonies, and the Indians in their Alliance ? Look
into the Commission from Governor Greene ; and
after full Powers are given to do every Thing rela
tive to the Indians in Alliance with us. What mean

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 41
these following Words ? " And also, what else may
be necessary to prohibit the French, and their Allies
the Indians, from encroaching ou the Lands within
the Dominions of His Majesty. And in general, as
far as the Abilities of this Government will permit,
to act in Conjunction with the said Commissioners,
in every Thing necessary for the Good of His Majes
ty's Subjects in these Parts. And to answer as far
as we can, the Designs of His Majesty's Instructions
to this Colony, communicated to us by the Earl of
Holdernesse." Surely such Words as these, have
some Meaning ; and if the Commissioners were so
unhappy as quite to mistake their Meaning, let those
penetrating Wits who think so, shew to the World,
how they are to be understood. But if those Au
thorities were too extensive, let them be blamed who
gave such Authorities, and not those who executed
them in the most sparing Manner possible. And
will any Man believe, such exact Likeness in Sub
stance, should be in the Authorities given by every
Government to to their Commissioners, without hav
ing any Conference together about it, if the Direc
tions from the Crown had not pointed it out to them

42 HISTORICAL TRACT.
in so plain a Manner, that they all understood them
alike ? And is it not as plain, from the Letters since
received from the Secretaries of State, that they all
understood them in the Sense the King intended
them? Altho' all this were allowed, yet some may say.
If you had Powers given you to enter into some
such General Scheme, you ought not to have con
sented to one so hurtful and destructive of our Lib
erties as this is ! Whether the Plan formed at
Albany, be a good one, or a bad one, I shall not un
dertake to determin ; yet let it be considered, that
the Rhode-Island Commissioners were but two of
the whole Number, and therefore were far from
being able to govern or form Things as they might
think best ; neither did they ever pretend they could
not be mistaken ; and Errors of Judgment will
always be forgiven by Men of Candor.
And now let us examin what the Commissioners
did relating to this Plan, and we shall find, they did
no more than form it, and agree to lay it before the
General Assemblies of the Colonies from whence
they came, for their Consideration. They did not,

THE PLAN OP UNION, 1764. 43
as is talsly asserted, order it to be sent home. They
did not establish it as an Act or Ordinance of the
Board of Commissioners, as they all might have
done, by the Authorities given them. They did not
leave it in the Power of any one to obtain a Copy of
it, and send it Home ; but strictly forbid their Sec
retary to give any Copy, except to the Colonies.
Nor did they ever agree to any Thing more, than to
carry it to their respective Governments, and lay it
before their Constituents, And agreeable to the
Resolve of the Board of Commissioners, those from
Rhode-Island, did lay this Plan, with all other
their Proceedings at Albany, before the General As
sembly, at their Session in August last, for their
Consideration. Was this criminal ! Was this be
traying their Trust ! Or was there any Thing more
in this, than their Duty ! Even Envy and Igno
rance joined together, cannot say there was ! And
those who have been bold enough to assert. That any
Thing more relating to this Plan of Union, was
done, suffered to be done, or connived at, by the
Commissioners, are hereby publicly called upon, to
prove their Assertions, or confess their Falshood.

44 HISTORICAL TRACT.
Once more, let us hold up this so much talked of
Plan of Union, and view it in another Light: And
here, to do my Adversaries all the Justice they can
possibly desire, I will, for Argument-sake, confess
it to be as bad as they represent it to be. Viewing
it in this Light, it must be found contrary to, and
subversive of our happy Constitution, and all those
valuable Privileges we enjoy under it. This de
structive Plan was laid before the General Assembly,
for their Consideration, in the Month of August last :
This gave an Opportunity to those Patriots belong
ing to the Council, who now say so much against
this Plan, to have exerted themselves in Defence of
our Liberties, so much in Danger, and prevented
the Dismal Effects so much feared. Well ! What
have these Champions for Liberty, done in this Mat
ter? Have they not let it lie before the Assembly
between six and seven Months, without taking it
once under Consideration ? Or, Have they ever re
jected it? or so much as once in all this Time,
moved to have one Word wrote Home, to prevent
its taking Place? Was it bad, as they say 'tis, then
certainly 'twas their Duty to have done all in their

THE PLAN OP UNION, 1754. 45
Power to prevent its taking Effect. All Men must
confess, the Plan was either good or bad ; if 'twas
good. Why do they blame it? if 'twas bad. Why
have they done Nothing about it?
Now, let every sober-minded Man determin.
Whether these Men can be real Friends to the
Colony, who placed in the foremost Offices, and in
trusted with its Safety, could let a Thing so danger
ous to its Interest, lie unobserved by the General
Assembly, near seven Months, 'till perhaps it may
be too late to prevent it ? And then to serve a pri
vate Party Turn, suddenly to roar out. The Colony
is in Danger ! All who have Eyes, will see thro'
such thin Disguises, and be assured, that the De
signs of those Men, are only to blast the Reputation
of one of the Rhode-Island Commissioners, who at
present may seem to stand in their Way, and not to
do the Colony any Service ; for if that had been the
Case, they would have told us these Things sooner.
What could the Commissioners for Rhode-Island
have done more ? or what could they have done less
than they did, relative to this Plan? It was not in
their Power to procure a better ; and whether it was

46 HISTORICAL TRACT.
good or bad, it was equally their Duty to lay it be
fore the Assembly who sent them : They did so,
and did no more ; and every Member of both Houses
of Assembly can bear Witness, I have never used
the least Endeavour to induce them to accede to it.
If it is bad, as some are pleas'd to represent it,
Must not every Man say. They who have suffered it
to lie thus long, are the very Men who have be
trayed their Trust, and the Interest of the Colony ?
Real want of Merit occasions these Men's En
deavour to rise upon the Ruin of their Neighbour's
Reputation. But can the Faults of my Neighbour,
make me fit for an Office ? And can the valuable
Privileges of this Colony be safe in those Hands,
where every Thing else seems to be neglected, but
what will serve their private Purposes ? As I am a
Candidate for an Office, I sincerely desire all Men
may put their Country's Interest in the first Place,
and give their Votes only where they think 'tis most
safe ; and assure themselves, such a Conduct will
perfectly please the Colony's, and their Friend,
Stephen Hopkins.
Providence, March 29, 1765.

Short REPLY TO m
Mr. Stephen Hopkins's Vindication, and
falfe Refleftioxis againft the Governor and
Council of the Colony of Rhode - If and,
&c. BY
Philolethes.
rhode island, april tenth,
1755-

Let the Reader in the first Place, observe, the
above named Gentleman introduces his pompous
Piece, with Abstracts of the Authorities given by
the several ¦ Governments to their Commissioners,
and of several Letters from the Secretaries of State,
together with a Representation of the State of the
English and French Colonies in North- America ;
and then proceeds to his sophistical Arguments, to
clear himself from Imputation of Guilt, with Re
spect to his Conduct at Albany, and false Charges
against the Heads of the Legislature ; and concludes
with his ungentleman-like Reflections upon all who
shall animadvert.
In the first Place, the Public may be assured, that
the above named Gentleman has grossly abused
them, by printing only particular Paragraphs of the
Commissions given by the several Governors to the
Commissioners, in order to deceive his Readers, neg-
s

50 historical tract.
lecting whatever Words or Sentences did not an
swer his Purpose. To demonstrate the Gentleman's
Fallacy, I shall only mention one Paragraph in the
Commission given by Horatio Sharpe, Esq., Govern
or of Maryland, to the Commissioners of that Prov
ince, which is as follows : " But you are to under
stand, that you are not impowered to stipulate or
engage, that this Province will advance any Sum of
Money, or Number of Men, towards erecting Forts,
or garrisoning them, or to such Purposes; but you
shall only well observe, what Proposals are made by
the other Commissioners, and endeavour to learn
how far the Execution of what they may propose,
can be necessary or useful, and consider well the
Reasonableness of any such Propositions, and to
make Return, &c." This is what the above-named
Gentleman has not printed ; and if any Gentleman
will give himself the Trouble to examin the original
Commissions in the Secretary's Office, he will find,
that such Parts as are not for his Purpose, he has
omitted ; and yet this Gentleman has the Front to
assert in his 13th pag.* referring to the Plan formed
1. Ants, p. 43.

the plan op union, 1754. 51
at Albany, That "they did not establish it as an Act
or Ordinance of the Board of Commissioners, as
they all might have done, by the Authorities given
them ; " which last Sentence is false in fact.
Secondly : His printing Paragraphs of the Let
ters from the Ministers of State to the several Gov
ernments, is to insinuate to his Readers, that His
Majesty and the Ministers of State had ordered
them, or at least expected that such a Plan should
be established, which is contrary to Magna Charta.
I am perswaded, the British Parliament were sur
prised that the Governments should petition for a
Confirmation of a Plan, which, the Instant it was
established, would revoke all His Majesty's Govern
ors Commissions in North-America, and destroy
every Charter, by erecting a Power above Law, over
the several Legislatures. [Note. — Some of the
Letters from the Ministry, were dated Octob. 26,
which was after the Plan got Home, and was the
Foundation of said Letters.] *
Thirdly : As to the Representation of the State
of the English and French Colonies in North-Ameri-
1. Mr. Hopkins expressly states this fact. Ante, p. 12.

52 HISTORICAL TRACT.
ca, we are all sensible, that if the French are suf
fered to do what they please, they will soon increase
their Numbers, and put themselves into such a Posi
tion, as to annoy and disturb the English Colonies ;
and the only Union of the Inhabitants of the several
Governments, is true Protestant Principles, which
leads them forth to fight for their King and Country
freely, without Force or Compulsion, and therefore
we want no arbitrary supream sovereign Court of
Jurisdiction over a free People, to lay Taxes, Im
posts, and Duties upon our Laud, Trade, and Mer
chandize ; but are ready, when our most gracious
Sovereign cornmands, to oppose the comrnon Enemy,
and not desist, till there are any to trouble us or our
Posterity. But what good End will be answered,
for the Governments to be obliged to conform to
this Plan of Union ? Why this ; a Number of mer
cenary Gentlemen will heap to themselves Riches
out of the public Stock ; and those Gentlemen who
have purchased all the Lands to the Rivers and
Lakes, when the Colonies have built a Row of
Forts, and are at the Expence of keeping a standing
Army in them, which may cost the smallest Colony

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 53
Ten Thousand Pounds Sterling per Annum, will en
hance their Estates to ten Times their present Value,
and build them convenient Houses for the Fur Trade,
at the several Government's Expence.
Fourthly : We are now come to the Plan of
Union ; in which the Names of those who compos'd
this august Congress, are first inserted, and then the
several Governments : And here observe, they say,
" That humble Application be made for an Act of
Parliament of Great-Britain, by Virtue of which.
One General Government may be formed in Ameri
ca, &c." Now, How was this Application to be
made? It is not said. That humble Application be
made by the several Governments, if they acceded
to said Plan ; nor was the President of said Con
gress at Albany, ordered (by any Thing that ap
pears) to wait any fix'd Time, to receive the Assent
or Dissent of the several Governments ; nor have
the Governments been informed by that Congress
that they ever designed to wait their Consent to said
Plan ; And how improbable is it, that thej' ever de
signed to wait for the Governments Resolve, when
neither Time, Place, nor Person was pointed out to

54 HISTORICAL TRACT.
receive the Governments Answer; Notwithstand
ing, the Plan is at Home, and by olir Agent'si Letter,
before the Parliament for Confirmation.
Fifthly : In his sophistical Arguments to clear
himself from the Imputation of Guilt, with Respect
to his Conduct at Albany, in the 12th pag.^ he makes
an artful Flourish, by saying, "Thus having seen
Abstracts of the Authorities given the Commission
ers, and those Letters which occasioned such Au
thorities ; the State of the British and French Colo
nies, the Plan formed in Consequence thereof: Now
let every Man judge, &c." All which did not im
power him to introduce an Authority over our Leg
islature, so as to destroy our Charter,^ as said Plan
1, Mr. Richard Partridge, a member of the Society of Friends, was the
Agent for the Colony of Ehode Island in London. He was an able and
judicious friend to it. He died in 1759, having for thirty-four years served the
Colony in the capacity of its agent. The letter here referred to by Philolethes,
has not been printed, so far as the Publisher knows. It was a few months since
in its proper volume at the ofi&ce of the Secretary of State, and it was the inten
tion Of the Publisher to reproduce it at this point, but on examination of the
volume it was found to have been recently abstracted. Its purport was to state
the fact that the Flan had reached London, and to ask instructions concerning
his conduct in reference to it. An extract fVom it appears on page 59.
2. Ante, p. 40. Very incorrectly quoted.
3. The Declaration of Independence, which took place twenty-two years
later, did not destroy this Charter. It continued to be the supreme law of the
State of Ehode Island, until 1842.

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 55
virtually doth. I shall pass to pag. 13, i where the
Gentleman saith, " Whether the Plan formed at Al
bany, be a good one or a bad one, I shall not under
take to determin " ; but forgets himself in pag. 14,2
and says, "All Men must confess the Plan was
either good or bad." What Authority has this Gen
tleman above all others, that every Man must confess
the Plan was either good or bad ? No doubt to con
ceal his own Sentiments ; should he declare it a good
Plan, he might be apprehensive of incuring the Dis
pleasure of the People in general : if a bad one, he
must sacrifice his Honor and Reputation with those
Gentlemen, who with him, approved of said Plan at
Albany. He goes on, and says, "What could the
Commissioners for Rhode-Island have done more?
or what could they have done less than they did,
relative to this Plan ? It was not in their Power to
procure a better ; and whether it was good or bad,
it was equally their Duty to lay it before the Assem
bly, &c." What Authority, or what Right had this
Gentleman to bring any Plan from Albany? If he
could not bring a good one, he might have done
1. Ante, p. 42. 2. Ante, p. 45.

56 HISTORICAL TRACT.
less, and brought none, by rejecting it. We have
bad Schemes enough in the Colony of Rhode-Island,
without bringing more into it. " Let it be consid
ered (says he) the Rhode-Island Commissioners were
but two of the whole Number," which consisted of
Twenty-seven. Now, upon a Supposition, that the
Plan is established at Home, then Rhode-Island is to
have Two out of Forty-eight ; and if Forty six of
the Grand Council should consent to lay Ten Thou
sand Pounds Sterling per Annum, upon our Colony,
being but Two, it is not in their Power to prevent
it.- But I desire to know, AVhether it was not in the
Power of* our sagacious Commissioners to protest
against said Plan, or [as] those worthy Patriots to their
Government, the Commissioners of Connecticut did ?
It was far from a good Pl6a, for consenting to said
Plan, because but Two in Number ; if but One, he
might have left it, and acquainted the other Com
missioners, That his Government did [not] authorize
him to dispose of the Government, and bring a Deed
of Conveyance for them to sign.
Sixthly: This penetrating, judicious Gentle
man, proceeds to his false Charges against the

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1764. 57
Heads of the Legislature, and concludes with Reflec
tions, which every candid Person must treat with
Contempt, in pag. 14. i "This destructive Plan (he
says) was laid before the General Assembly, in the
Month of August last : This gave an Opportunity
to those Patriots belonging to the Council, who now
say so much against this Plan, to have exerted them
selves, &c. Well I What have these Champions
for Liberty done in this Matter? Have they not let
it lie before the Assembly between six and seven
Months, without taking it once under Consideration?
Or, Have they ever rejected it? or so much as once
in all this Time, moved to have one Word wrote
Home, to prevent it ; and then to serve a private
Party Turn, suddenly to roar out. The Colony is in
Danger ! &c." Whkt Education the afore-named
Gentleman had in his Minority, I know not ; but
this I know, it is far beneath the Character of a
well-bred Gentleman to assert Falshoods against the
Heads of a Government, and make no Distinction
between them and the lowest Peasants. That this
Gentleman has falsly accused the Governor and
1. Ante, p. 44.

58 HISTORICAL TRACT.
Council, the Records will make appear; and the
Lower House can witness against him. I shall there
fore observe the Measures taken by the Governor
and Council, from time to time, relating to this
Plan. In August last, this cunning Gentleman pre
sented to the General Assembly, a Number of Sheets
in Folio, in which were contained a Variety of Mat
ters, and the Plan of Union artfully tack'd' to the
rest, which being read in the Lower House, the Re
port was received, and in Consequence, all their~Do-
ings, &c. No doubt, some Advocates, of Mr. Hop
kins's, discovered the Absurdity of said Plan, which
they conceal'd, to prevent any Reflections on his
Character : However, the Vote of the Lower House
was sent to the Governor and Council, who per
ceived the Fraud, of the Plan's being included with
their other Proceedings, and acquainted the Lower
House. That they concur'd with their Vote, reserv
ing a further Consideration upon the Plan of Union.
1. The report submitted by the Commissioners on their return, forms no
part of the Eecord of the Commissioners. Both documents can be seen in the
office of the Secretary of State. They do not appear to have ever been joined
together. Of what offence Mr. Hopkins was guilty in submitting the Plan, we
cannot now discover. It would have been an insult to all parties had he not
done so.

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 59
The Lower House confessed the Reserve just. Many
important Affairs lying before the Assembly, at their
Session in October following, prevented the Council
from proceeding to a further Consideration of the
Plan of Union ; and had no Suspicion of its being
sent Home, without the Privity of the other Colo
nies ; however, in December, Governor Greene re
ceiv'd a Letter from the Agent, dated Octob. 9,
1754, with the following Words contain'd therein :
"The Parliament is like to meet for Dispatch of
Business, in about six Weeks Time, when I am apt
to think, some Application will be made to them,
respecting the Union of the several Governments in
North-America, Proposals for that Purpose being
lately come to hand, as they were agreed on by the
Congress at Albany, &c." This Information sur
prised the Governor,! who in February Session, pre
sented to the Council the said Letter, and being re-
1. Why Governor Greene should have been surprised at the fact of sending
to the Home Government the report of the Doings of a Board of Commission
ers, which the Home Government itself had directed to be held, "Philolethes "
does not state, but he does say the Governor received the letter from Eichard
Partridge, the Colonial Agent, in December, 1754. He made no communica
tion of his surprise until the following March, notwithstanding the Assembly
had held BeBstoni In January, February and Maroh.

60 HISTORICAL TRACT.
solved to have something done, laid the Letter before
the Lower House, to induce them to pass a Vote for
a Letter to be sent Home, in order to prevent estab
lishing the said Plan : But a Gentleman, zealously
attach'd to Mr. Hopkins, made Application to one of
the Council, beging that they Avould not reject the
Plan, which would be a Dishonor to the Commis
sioners. Any Gentleman may discover the Reason
why some of the Lower House made use of every
Artifice to prevent the Plan from being deliberated
on, and no Vote obtain'd from the Lower House in
February Session, concerning the same. The Gov
ernor and Council being dissatisfied therewith, in
March following (when the Assembly met) sent to
the Lower House, the following Resolve in writing,
viz. : " To THE House of Deputies.
" Gentlemen: " Whereas the Plan proposed at the Congress at
Albany last Summer, in order -to an Union of His
Majesty's Northern Colonies, for their common De
fence, was not acceded to, when presented unto the
General Assembly in August, but by them reserved

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 61
for a further Consideration. And now this House
having duly examined and considered said Plan, do
find the same to be a Scheme, which if carried into
Execution, will virtually deprive this Government,
at least, of some of its most valuable Privileges, if
not effectually overturn and destroy our present
happy Constitution ; Wherefore, it is strongly rec
ommended to you. Gentlemen, That an authentic
Copy of all the Proceedings at Albany, be made out,
and sent forthwith to our Agent in Great-Britain,
with Instructions, That he exert himself to the ut
most, in order to prevent the said Plan of Union, or
any Thing contain'd therein, to the Purport or Effect
thereof, being carried or passed into an Act of the
Parliament of Great-Britain. Voted and past per Order,
Thomas Ward, Secy." '
1. Philolethes says this communication of Governor Greene's was sent to
the Upper House in March (1775). It passed the Upper House, and was sent to
the Lower House, where it was stopped by the friends of Mr. Hopkins. This
was seven months after the Eeport of the Commissioners and the Plan had
been submitted, and during these seven months the Assembly had held five
sessions, viz., August, October, January, February and March, so that Mr.
Hopkins seems not to be far out of the way. So far as the Editor can discover,
this document exists in no other place. No mention of it is made in the origi.
nal records of the Colony.
5

62 HISTORICAL TRACT.
Every Gentleman may now judge, Whether the
Governor and Council have not once moved, in six
or seven Months, concerning the said Plan? and.
Whether they merited such indecent Language as
this Gentleman has taken the Freedom to treat them
with. In his 14th pag. i there is a gross Reflection
on the Governor and Council, which ought not to be
pass'd ' over in Silence, where he says, " Can the
valuable Privileges of this Colony, be safe in those
Hands, where every Thing else seems to be neglect
ed, but what will serve their private Purposes, &c."
I shall here put this Gentleman in mind of the many
Neglects he has been guilty of, which the Records of
the Colony will evince. Was he not appointed one
of a Committee near three Years past, to prepare
the Case of the Northern Boundary Line, and pre
sent the same to the Governor, which he has neglect
ed to this Day, tho' repeatedly called upon by the
Governor, and those concerned ?2 Did not this Gen
1. Ante, p. 46.
2. Mr. Hopkins was appointed to this important position in October, 174S,
and his report was made in April, 1753. (E. I. Col. Eec, vol. 5, p. 347.) The
matter was not again disturbed until 1769, when Moses Brown petitioned to
have the case re-opened. In 1771, Henry Marchant, the Attorney General, was
sent-to lingland. In connection with sundry matters, among others was this
vexed question of the Northern Boundary.

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 63
tleman undertake to form a Letter near two Years
past, to send to our Agent, in order to recover our
Privileges in making Paper Money, and amused the
People, that he would even go Home himself, if the
Letter had not the proper effect? all which he has
neglected. 1 Let him also remember, how he engaged
in May last, to settle the Colony's Accounts with
Mr. Brenton (which has occasioned so much Uneasi
ness in the Government) promising, That he would
devote himself to the same ; and tho' he has fre
quently been urg'd by the Assembly to finish it, has
not yet found Time.^ How he undertook to answer
the Earl of Holdernesse's and Sir Thomas Robin-
1. Unfortunately the privileges of the Colony in making Paper Money were
never taken away, and there does not appear to be need of an effort to recover
that which had not been lost. Mr. Hopkins was appointed one of the commit
tee to prepare the Eeport of 1749. He was appointed to this position in Octo
ber, 1749. The Eeport was made at the next February Session, 17S0. There
had been no intervening session. In June, 1751, Mr. Hopkins was appointed
one of a " committee to examine the facts contained in a petition " concerning
the issue of Banks. His report was made during the same session. — E. I. Hist-
Tract, No. 8, p. 88.
2. In August, 1755, a committee consisting of Thomas Cranston, James
Sheffield and Benjamin Nichols, Esquires, was appointed to settle the " con
troversy which hath so long subsisted " with Jahleel Brenton Esq., and to re
ceive from him whatever appeared to be due from him to the Colony. Jahleel
Brenton, the father of the above (and possibly the son also), had been a bor
rower from the Colony, of money issued at sundry times in the various Banks.

64 HISTORICAL TRACT.
son's Letters, and a Letter from this Government
for Canon, &c. &c., all which he has neglected, tho'
our Liberties, Properties, and whatever we esteem
valuable, depended upon the Performance of them.
And the Inhabitants of this Colony must be sensi
ble, that this Gentleman is over fond of having all
Matters of Consequence committed to his Manage
ment ; and has his Admirers in the Assembly, who
(contrary to Decency and good Manners) nominate'
this Man of Wisdom, in Opposition to every other
Man, tho' he gives himself little concern about any
Thing, except in agreeing to the Plan of Union, ex
pecting, at least, to be a Member of the Grand
Council. I shall now conclude, with observing to the In-
This money was never repaid. The bonds and niortgages given by him to the
Colony for these loans still remain in the office of the General Treasurer, un
paid. No end of vexatious questions were raised to prevent a settlement, and
none was ever made. In 1775 the son left Newport, and joined the British
against the Colonies. His estates were confiscated. He entered the British
Navy, and was given the command of the Frigate Tortoise, 32 guns, which
ship was, in March, 1778, on the Ehode Island coast.
1. No greater compliment could be given to Mr. Hopkins than this schedule
of very important matters confided to him by his fellow members of the Gen
eral Assembly. This confidence began, however, long before any of the meas
ures here mentioned, and wa.; continued until the death of the aged statesman,
in 1785.

THE PLAN OF UNION, 1754. 65
habitants of this Colony, wherein this Gentleman
has endeavour'd to impose on them. 1. By omiting
Paragraphs in the several Commissions, which might
frustrate his Designs. 2. His inserting Paragraphs
of the Letters from our Prime Ministers, to Insinu ¦
ate, that they had them at Albany to form the Plan
by, when those Paragraphs in Sir Thomas Robin
son's Letter of Octob. 26, was wrote when the Plan
got Home. 3. His publishing the State of the En
glish and French Colonies, to justify the forming
said Plan, yet does not acknowledge, whether he ap
proves or disapproves thereof; altho' in his Defence,
he ingenuously confesses, that he was concerned in
the Forming of it. 4. His asserting the Plan was
laid before the Assembly between six and seven
Months, without the least Notice being taken of it
by the Council. 5. His Vindication of his Conduct
at Albany, proves him guilty of what he dare not
own nor deny. 6. His indecent Reflections against
the Governor and Council, should excite every Man
in the Colony to resent, and treat with the Contempt
it deserves. All which is submitted, by
Philolethes.
Ehodk-Island, April 10, 1755.

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