Yale Universty Library i II III III I 39002J04771664 YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY MATERIALS FOR HISTORY FEOM OEIGI^AL MAH"USCEIPTS. WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. BY FRANK MOORE, AUTUOE OF THE "DIARY OF THK AMERICAN BEVOLUTION," ETC. FIBST SERIES. NEW YORK: PRINTED FOE THE ZENGER CLUB. 1861. -bl^z. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by M. A Mooee, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. ADVERTISEMENT. The "Materials for History" consists of original papers, in the form of correspondence, military jour nals, private diaries, and such other documents as illus trate the history of America, more particularly that portion of it embraced in the period between the years 1700 and 1800. It contains entirely original matter, hitherto comparatively unknown, and affords much that is new upon disputed points, relative to the pri vate and social as well as military and political life of the country. A number consisting of not less than one hundred and twenty-five pages, printed on superfine paper in quarto form, is issued every three months. Four parts, or a year's subscription, complete a volume, with a full analytical index, and copious notes and illustrations. [TWO HUNDRED AND WITTY COPIKS PRINTED.] Fl-mOv WflUTEH Hiatorixnl bs CORRESPONDENCE HENRY LAURENS SOUTH CAROLINA. / INTRODUCTORY NOTE. Henry Laurens, a portion of whose correspond ence will be found in this volume, was a native of Charleston, South Carolina, at which place he was born in the year 1*723. His early life was devoted to mercan tile pursuits, in which he gained much applause for his scrupulous attention to business. At the commence ment of the revolutionary difficulties he was resident in Europe, where he used his utmost exertions to stay the violence of the ministerial party, and prevent the war ; but finding that unconditional submission on the part of the colonists was the only method by which har* mony could be effected, he returned to Carolina, deter mined to join his fortunes with those of his fellow- countrymen. He soon became celebrated ; was, in 1776, delegated to the Continental Congress, and, in 16 INTRODUCTORY note. the autumn of the next year, succeeded John Hancock in the presidency of that body. Resigning this position in 1778, he was soon after appointed minister plenipo tentiary from the United States to Holland. On his way there he was captured, and carried into Dart mouth, England, from whence he was removed to Lon don, and committed to the Tower. He remained a prisoner nearly two years, suffering severely from the cruel and unnecessary restraints and requirements of his warders. Soon after his release he went to Paris, and, with Franklin, Adams, and Jay, signed the prelimina ries of the peace of 1783. This was the last act of his political life. He died in South Carolina on the eighth of December, 1792, respected and beloved. LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. [HENRY LAURENS TO JOHN LAURENS.] Charleston, S. C, 14th August, 1116. Uncommon and exceedingly mortifying, my dear son, has been the late long interruption in our corre spondence. I find that I have not put to paper in any address to you since the 29th April, and unless certain letters referred to have reached you, I have no ground to hope that you have learned any thing concerning me since November last ; in the meantime, after long and anxious waiting, I have had the pleasure of receiving your letters of the 5th December from St. Augustine, and of 20th March by the hand of Mr. Read ; but that which you say was sent, via Virginia, franked by the postmaster, came no nearer to me than Cockspur, when it was either destroyed or returned in- the packet ; if Governor "Wright, who was there, had been possessed of my feelings, he would have sent a son's letter to a 3 18 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. father, notwithstanding the opposition of their political tenets.1 Once more I will attempt to present my love to you by the hands of Monsieur Rilliet, who, poor gentleman, is making another effort after many disappointments to regain a footing on his native soil ; you will see in the schedule of letters,2 he is already the bearer of several to you, which are now perhaps not worth carriage. I have not time to review them, and since they are writ ten and packeted, let them go. I told you in my last that I was going to Georgia I began my journey the 1st May, and at Wright's, Sa vannah, Broton Island, and New Hope, found crops of rice amounting to about thirteen hundred barrels, which I caused to be removed to places less exposed to the threatened depredations of picaroons from St. Au gustine, in such places that great value still remains. I have lately learned that each plantation is again well covered — the best crop, they say, that ever was borne 1 Sir James Wright, baronet, was the son of Judge Wright of South Carolina. He held at different periods the highest posts in Georgia, having been attorney-general, judge, and lieutenant-governor, before assuming the government of the colony in 1761. He was governor at the commence ment of the revolution, and was the last who administered affairs in the name of the king. He died in England. * Letters referred to : 26th November and 6th December, by Rainier from Georgia. — 4thj 8th, and 16th January, by M. Rilliet; copies by Snow Mobile, Captain Smith. — 22d February, 6th and 14th March, by M. Rilliet; copies by Mr. Demar via West Indies. — 16th and 19th March, by M. Rilliet. — 26th and 28th March, by Mr. Sandy Wright, to be forwarded through St. Augustine.— 29th April, by M. Rilliet. LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 19 at Broton Island — but what of that ? The whole will either be destroyed, stolen, or lie with the farmer to perish by time and vermin — no small sacrifice at the shrine of liberty, and yet very small compared with that which I am willing to make ; not only crops, but land, life and all must follow in preference to sacrificing liberty to mammon. In such sentiments I found the people of Georgia with a few exceptions, but none more hearty than our Highland friends, the Mclntoshes. Lachlan is colonel of a battalion upon continental es tablishment ; two of his sons, Lach and William, are subs ; his brother William commands a troop of rangers in pay of the colony, or, as I should now say, the State. Joe Habersham is major, and John a captain in the battalion ; in a word, the country is military. My negroes there, all to a man, are strongly attached to me — so are all of mine in this country ; hitherto not one of them has attempted to desert ; on the contrary, those who are more exposed hold themselves always ready to fly from the enemy in case of a sudden de scent. Many hundreds of that colour have been stolen and decoyed by the servants of King George the Third. Captains of British ships of war and noble lords have busied themselves in such inglorious pilfer age, to the disgrace of their master and disgrace of their cause. These negroes were first enslaved by the English ; acts of parliament have established the slave trade in favour of the home-residing English, and almost totally prohibited the Americans from reaping 20 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. any share of it. Men of war, forts, castles, governors, companies and committees are employed and author ized by the English parliament to protect, regulate, and extend the slave trade. Negroes are brought by Eng lishmen and sold as slaves to Americans. Bristol, Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, &c, &c, live upon the slave trade. The British parliament now employ their men-of-war to steal those negroes from the Amer icans to whom they had sold them, pretending to set the poor wretches free, but basely trepan and sell them into tenfold worse slavery in the West Indies, where probably they will become the property of Englishmen again, and of some who sit in parliament. What ^ meanness ! what complicated wickedness appears in this scene ! O England, how changed ! how fallen ! You know, my dear son, I abhor slavery. I was born in a country where slavery had been estab lished by British kings and parliaments, as well as by the laws of that country ages before my existence. I found the Christian religion and slavery growing under the same authority and cultivation. I nevertheless dis liked it. In former days there was no combating the prejudices of men supported by interest; the day I hope is approaching when, from principles of gratitude as well as justice, every man will strive to be foremost in showing his readiness to comply with the golden rule. Not less than twenty thousand pounds sterling would all my negroes produce if sold at public auction to-morrow. I am not the man who enslaved them; LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 21 they are indebted to Englishmen for that favour ; never theless I am devising means for manumitting many of them, and for cutting off the entail of slavery. Great powers oppose ^ne — the laws and customs of my coun try, my own and the avarice of my countrymen. What will my children say if I deprive them of so much estate ? These are difficulties, but not insuperable. I will do as much as I can in my time, and leave the rest to a better hand. I am not one of those who arrogate the peculiar care of Providence in each fortunate event, nor one of those who dare trust in Providence for defence and se curity of their own liberty while they enslave and wish to continue in slavery thousands who are as well en titled to freedom as themselves. I perceive the work before me is great. I shall appear to many as a pro moter not only of strange, but of dangerous doctrines ; it will therefore be necessary to proceed with caution. You are apparently deeply interested in this affair, but as I have no doubts concerning your concurrence and approbation, I most sincerely wish for your advice and assistance, and hope to receive both in good time. I finished my journey going round by Mepkin, and returned to Charleston the 1st June. Half an hour after I had entered my house, intelligence was brought of a fleet at anchor a little to the northward of Charles ton bar ; for the history of this fleet I refer you to Jack Wells' 1 paper of the 2d inst., and to certain notes which 1 Thomas, in his History of Printing, gives a brief account of John Wells, the editor here referred to. 22 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. I have added. His account, although true in general substance, is the most bungling and inaccurate of any thing I have seen from him; it would be easier to build a true and proper narrative at full length than to mend the botchery which he took a full month to com pose. I wish you or somebody else would publish a fair and honest compilation from his gazette and my papers. You know me too well to suppose I would in a little exaggerate or suppress. You may add as much of what follows as may appear to be necessary, but let the whole be cleverly done and introduced by such declaration of candour as these accounts are well en titled to ; nothing more abhorrent to me than publica tions of falsehood for truth. Upon the tremendous range of fifty-five sail of hos tile ships before our doors and in full view, after wish ing they had rather come as seekers for freights of rice, I thought it my duty to add to the dignity of vice- president of the colony (now State, observe) the several offices of engineer, superintendent of works, aid-de camp, and occasionally any other which could in the least contribute to the service of my country, then seeming to verge on a precipice, and to require the sup port of every man in it. I, who you know had re solved never again to mount a horse, I, who thought it impossible for me to gallop five miles in a day, was seen for a month and more every day on the back of a lively nag at half-past four in the morning, sometimes galloping twenty miles before breakfast, and sometimes LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 23 setting the horse fourteen hours in eighteen, and, what you will say was more extraordinary, I never got a tum ble ; but mark, he was a trotting horse. I will never cross a pacer again if I can avoid it. I have spoken so particularly of myself, not meaning to claim any singu lar or extraordinary merit, but because I know you will draw pleasing inferences of my state of health from an account of such exertions. The president1 was as diligent, as active as a man could be, and so much more useful than myself, as his authority, superior abil ities, and advantages of youth enabled him. Every man, except a few unhappy misled, whom the people call tories, and a few of a worse stamp, whom I call property men, was animated, discovered a love of coun try, and a boldness arising from an assurance of being engaged in a just cause. Charleston was in a very short time enclosed by lines, trenches, and redoubts ; wharves were cleared of all incumbrances ; streets strongly barricaded ; retrenchments within ; batteries erected for defence at practicable landings above the town. Thousands of men came in from the country, from North Carolina and Virginia, and all this with a degree of celerity as amazing as our former neglect had been. Much indeed are we indebted to General Lee, as well as to his seconds, the Brigadiers Armstrong and Howe ; these arrived at a critical time, and we were favoured by weather, which fortunately withheld the 1 John Rutledge was president and commander-in-chief of the colony of South Carolina at this period. 24 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. enemy from striking a sudden blow ; and every moment of the interval was improved to advantage on our side. General Lee at first sight was exceedingly displeased with the fort at Sullivan's ; wished we could save our stores and abandon it, although he acknowledged the exterior work was impregnable ; however, as that could not be done, he recommended some amendments, gave advice, orders, and his presence in the beginning of the action, to which, if we do not altogether owe the hon our of the twenty-eighth of June, we are certainly greatly indebted ; but, from the general's better knowl edge of the harbour and the vast importance of that post, he must now be of a different opinion. At the approach of the ships of war towards Sulli van's, the ramparts and parapets of Fort Johnson, where Colonel Gadsden had chosen his command, were seen covered by officers and soldiers, every one interest ing himself in the fate of the sister fortress, and stand ing ready in case of need to second her efforts. All the batteries round the town were at the same time man ned, guns loaded, every article in readiness for acting in turn. Troops of regulars and militia properly sta tioned for repelling all attempts to land ; engines and men at proper stands for extinguishing fires in the town. There was every appearance of an universal de termination to give General James Grant the flat lie. It was the fortune of his old friend Will Moultrie to speak first, and he monopolized the glory of the day. The country militia as well as the town continued LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 25 cheerfully to do duty on this frontier as long as one of the enemy's fleet remained in sight; the Active was the last ; she with a tender went about ten days ago to Bull's Island, the property of Captain Shubrick ; land ed forty white and twenty black men; killed by pla toon firing a few head of cattle ; augmented their black guard by stealing six more negroes, and then sailed off the coast or perhaps only a little out of sight. To hear Shubrick's overseer relate the manner of their firing on the cattle, and the very few of their shot which hit the mark, is droll enough, and serves to raise the contempt of those, who with single ball, at one hundred and fifty yards' distance, will hit the circle of an English crown. After the attack upon Sullivan's Island, seconded by ravages and murders by the Cherokee Indians on our western frontier, who probably acted in a concerted plan with the ships and troops, I believe there were few men here who had not lost all inclination for renew ing our former connexion with your king and his min isters ; however that might have been, the great point is now settled. On the 2d instant a courier arrived from Philadelphia, and brought a declaration of the 4th of July, by the representatives of the thirteen united colonies in congress met, that from thenceforward those colonies should be "Free and Independent States." You have no doubt seen the paper, or will in a few days see the copy often repeated at full length ; there fore I need not mark the particular contents. This declaration was proclaimed in Charleston with great 4 26 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. solemnity on Monday, the 5th hist., attended by a pro cession of president, councils, generals, members of as sembly, officers civil and military, one of which is near a hun dred feet. These are the only remarkable cascades in New Hampshire. Caverns there are none. The soil produces wheat, corn, grass, herbage, and a great variety of fruit and vegetables. Its natural growth is hickory, or walnut, oak, maple, locust, hemlock, birch, beach, ash, pine, chest nut, cedar, elmr spruce,, and a. variety of other sorts of wood. Its natural riches will be described under other heads. The number of inhabitants are about one hundred thousand. All religions are tolerated in New Hamp shire at this day. The principal sects are Episcopa lians, Congregationals, Presbyterians, and Baptists ; the three latter are very numerous, particularly the Congregationals and Presbyterians, the religious tenets of which differ but very little. There are some Qua kers, Separates, and New Lights, the number exceed ing!- small. LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 195 There is one college at Dartmouth, founded about ten years since, for support of which very large tracts of land were granted by the late Governor Went- worth, who was the founder. A number of Indian youths from Canada and the Six Nations have been educated at this university. The roads in New Hampshire are in general good, and its buildings neat, but not elegant, except in some few instances. The State House in Portsmouth is the only public building which may be called so in any degree ; and this was rather the effect of, chance than design, convenience being the only thing intended. when it was constructed. The administration of justice is nearly the same as in Great Britain, though the method admits of more litigation. There are two courts of justice, an infe rior and superior. All actions are brought before the inferior court in the first instance, from the judg ment of which either party may appeal to the supe rior, when a new trial is had. If the party aggrieved thinks proper, he may bring a writ of review within three years, and have another trial at the superior court, which is final in these courts. All facts are to be tried by a jury of twelve persons drawn out of boxes in the several towns, in which are written on small ballots the names of all the freeholders. In criminal causes a Grand Jury of between twelve and twenty-four are to find a bill or indictment, and the jury of trials are afterwards to determine the facts 196 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. and give their verdict for or against the defendant. In all capital causes our courts proceed with great ten derness, and our laws breathe the true spirit of human ity. A person who is to be tried for life has a right to a copy of the panel, consisting of thirty-six jurors, forty-eight hours before trial, and may object to twenty without a reason, and as many afterwards as he can assign a sufficient reason against. Our laws are in general the same as in Great Bri tain, differing only in instances where our local situa tion rendered such alteration necessaiy. The customs and manners are the same as you have observed in other parts of America. Its manufactures are principally coarse linens and woollens of all kinds, but neither in so great abun dance as to render foreign supplies unnecessary. Hats, pig and bar iron, pot and pearl-ash. The present commerce of New Hampshire is diffi cult to describe, being much embarrassed by the pres ent war. Its principal articles of export are masts, yards, spars, naval stores of all kinds, boards, plank, staves, hoops, shingles, fish-oil, pot and pearl-ash. Formerly ship-building formed a considerable part of our commerce ; merchants constructed ships on their own account, and loaded them with produce for the West India markets, where they sold the cargoes, took sugar on freight for Britain, and there sold the ves sels, and received the proceeds in dry goods, which they freighted to New Hampshire, the proceeds of the LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 197 cargo being received in the produce of the West In dies, and sent home on freight. These furnished the merchants with dry and West India goods, which were retailed to the inhabitants for lumber and other articles. Sometimes ships were laden with timber and other articles, and sent immediately to the British and other European markets ; sometimes vessels were sent to other colonies with produce, to barter for the pro duce or manufactures of other States. This formed the interior and exterior trade of New Hampshire. Your thirteenth question is answered in the descrip tion of the Pescataway River. The commercial productions of New Hampshire are already described. The articles which the inhabi tants are obliged to get from other countries are prin cipally wines, rum, sugar, cotton, fine linens, woollens, silks, stuffs, velvets, &c. ; in short, almost every kind of fine clothing. The weight of measures are the same as in Britain. Hard money passes at Qs. per dollar, which is 4*. Qd. in England. The income and expenses I am unable to give any accurate account of. The estates of the rebel tories have generally been confiscated for the benefit of the State. New Hampshire has no regular troops except three regiments in the army. A well-disciplined militia composes the force of the State. They have no pay but when called into actual service. Their numbers I 198 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. am unable to ascertain, but I think them at least twenty-five thousand. . They are by law compelled to be constantly equipped at their own expense, with arms, ammunition, &c, ready to take the field. The marine and navigation is in some degree already described. The constant building of ships rendered the shipping formerly very numerous. There are now a great number of privateers, letters of marque, and merchant ships. There is also a seventy- four gun-ship and a frigate building in that State. There have been no mines except iron as yet dis covered in New Hampshire, save a glass mine, if it may be so called, which is perhaps as great a curiosity as has yet been discovered in any part of the world. It was lately discovered by accident in this manner : A very large mountain about seventy miles from Ports mouth, upon being opened, was found to be full of a very clear glass of the isinglass kind, but much more transparent than any in Europe. It lays in large sheets, and may be cut into what form or size you think proper ; it is proof against fire, and cannot be broken. It is exceeding useful for lanthorns, &c, and by no means disagreeable for windows. This glass, though perhaps not equal in some respects to Euro pean glass, must claim a preference from its not being liable to be broken. The Indians inhabiting the State prior to the European settlements, answer exactly to the descrip tion given of them by all geographical writers. There LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 199 are none now remaining in the State, nor have they left any monuments or curiosities worth notice behind them. There are a variety of lakes in New Hampshire, of which Winnepesoka and Osseppee are the principal — - both of them large but irregular bodies of water, par ticularly the former. The advantages of fishing and beaver-catching on those lakes were sufficient to allure the unthinking native to settle in the neighbourhood of them, and leave the seacoast to our adventurous an cestors, whose unwanantable avarice wTas, in the course of a number of long and bloody wars, often punished with the most inhuman examples of savage barbarity. These wars, however, have at length terminated in the total extirpation of the savage race. Perhaps few countries have such a variety of ani mals ; for, beside all kinds of European animals, moose, elk, deer, wolves, catamounts, foxes, hares, beavers, rab bits, otters, minks, raccoons, squirrels, and other wild quadrupeds are found in greater abundance here than in any other country. Wild fowl are also found here in very great abundance. Our seas, rivers, and lakes, abound with fishes of almost every sort. The cod, mackerel, and whale fish ery furnishes principal articles in our commerce. I will as soon as possible furnish you with a sam ple of our glass. I have never heard of any extraordi nary stones being found in New Hampshire. Having answered your questions as fully as my time and materials will at present admit, I hope you 200 ' MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. will not think me influenced by any prejudice when I say that I really like the winter in New Hampshire, though long and severe. The clear, settled state of the weather, even in winter, renders its climate more healthy than that of most other States. Its harbour is the most commodious in America; its advantages for fishing, and the quality and quantity of its timber superior, and the fertility of its soil equal to any other State in the Union. And I think I do the inhabitants no more than justice, when I say that they possess a frankness of disposition, and a becoming hospitality, which is not to be found in many parts of America. I have the honour to be, very respectfully, dear Sir, your most obedient servant, Jno. Sullivan. [S. H. WEBB TO JOHN LAURENS.] Paramus, N. J , December, 1780. My dear Laurens : I find, on examination, that it is our old acquaint ance, Stephen De Lancey* instead of Oliver, who is * Stephen De Lancey was the eldest of two sons of Brig.-Gen Oliver De Lancey, and his wife Phila, daughter of David Franks, of Philadelphia; and brother of Gen. Oliver De Lancey, of the British army, Andre's intimate friend and successor as Adjutant-General of the British army in America, and Colonel of the 17th Light Dragoons; and of Susannah, the wife of Sir William Draper. He was bred a lawyer, and was a resident of New York city. When the American troubles culminated in hostilities, he took up arms on the royal side. In 1776, his father, then " Col. De Lancey," and 'a Councillor LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 20 1 the author of the Appeal. How a person of his seeming righteous character and bearing could so fal sify a plain state of facts, is beyond my comprehen sion. However, necessity knows no law, and veiy many times makes us diverge in strange ways from of the province of New York, raised at his own expense a brigade of three regiments of provincials, called " De Lancey's Battalions," of which he was appointed Brigadier-General. The second of these battalions had for its Colonel George Brewerton, and the Lieut.-Col. was Stephen De Lancey. The former died in 1779, and the Lieutenant-Colonel com manded the battalion till the close of hostilities. He served with his corps in Georgia and the Carolinas during the entire period of the British occupation, until the evacuation of Charleston, in 1782. He must not be confounded with his cousin, Stephen De Lancey, the eldest son of Peter De Lancey, of Westfarms, and Alice, the daughter of Gov. Colden, who was also a lawyer, and a loyalist, and Recorder of Albany, hut who did not take up arms ; nor with another Stephen De Lancey, also a first cousin, who was the second son of Lient.-Gov. James De Lancey, and a resident, during the war, of Salem, Westchester County, N. Y., and of Burlington, N. J., where he was a missionary, though never in orders. At the close of the war, Lient.-Col. Stephen De Lancey went to Eng land, and was appointed Chief-Justice of the Bahama Islands, and resided some years at New Providence, a precinct of which island is to this day called from him, De Lanceytown. Subsequently he was advanced to the higher post of " Governor of Tobago and its dependencies." In the year 1796 he revisited England, and after a lengthened sojourn there, sailed again for Tobago, hut was lost at sea, the vessel in which he embarked having foundered with all on hoard. He married, June 16th, 1773, Cornelia., eldest daughter of the Rev. Dr. Barclay, sister of Mrs. Col. Beverley Robinson the younger, and Col. Thomas Barclay, so well known in New York before and after the Revo lution. By this lady he was the father of Col. Sir Win. Howe De Lancey, Quartermaster-General of Wellington's sirmy in 1815, who fell at Water loo, and of Susan, who married Col. William Johnson, son of Sir John Johnson, Bart., and, after his death, Gen. Sir Hudson Lowe, Governor of St. Helena during the captivity of Napoleon the Great. 26 202 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. the path inclination marks out ; and we should prac tise charity, especially in our friend's case, as his ideas can have but little weight against our cause ; he being in the military service of the King, and an undergrade at that. When our troubles are over, we should see him again at Dr. B 's, and make him confess, or explain, or do both ; which, by the way, I think can . be done without serious trouble. I don't believe he is a loyalist at heart, although he makes pretence to an admiration of " his king." I have copied the paper, which is sent herewith, being unwilling to part with the original of so curious a jumble of ability and enor. The copy sent, how ever, contains all the corrections and markings of our mutual friends, A H and H L— — . If you honour me with a line before you sail, direct to Connecticut, as before. I hope to pass a long time there during this season. This goes by " old Kuyp," who will cany his sobriquet so long as there is any remembrance left for him. Truly your friend, S. H. Webb. Col. Laurens. APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA. The time is at length arrived that has been so long and often foretold would bring forward the destruc tion of your Continental currency. What the contin ual and rapid depreciation of it would soon have affected, the, Continental Congress have anticipated by LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 203 a single stroke. They were the first to set the exam ple of depreciating its value, and are the first also to produce its annihilation. By the late resolves of the 18th of March last, the Congress, regardless of all public faith and honour, have passed a complete act of insolvency in their own favour, and, like desperate adventurers who find they cannot hold out any longer, agree among themselves to break and" cheat their cred itors, with paying scarcely sixpence in the pound, [A mere opinion.] You, the unhappy creditors, the deluded, ruined, and devoted victims of their folly and ambition, are not even called upon or consulted. [Has he read Mr. Morris's letter?] It is their will and pleasure that it shall be so, and that is sufficient. [They represent the people, ergo they are the people.] You gave them power, and lent them credit. These they have traded upon to your destruction. [These shoes fit tory feet.] The first has enabled them to raise a standing army by which to overawe you ; the second, to defraud you of your substance, under pre tence that the bills of credit issued in your name were equivalent in value, and secure of redemption. Mil lions have accordingly been -emitted, and the faith and honour of the Congress most solemnly pledged to make good to the possessor the full nominal value stamped on each bill. Every reflecting man saw through the fallacy of the security, and refused it vol untary credit, until the great Doctor Franklin urged the necessity of spreading it among the people ; that 2C4 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. once done, said he, it will be their interest to circulate and give it credit ; and as to the sinking of it, that will be easy enough, for by the time that it answers our purpose, it will sink of itself by its own deprecia tion. The hint was adopted, and what it wanted in credit to give it general circulation, the bayonet and Tender Laws at last effected. The Doctor, though in part a true prophet, never dreamt that the war, which he knew must inevitably follow the declaration of independence, would outlive the forced credit of the money ; his calculation ex tended only to three or four years, within which time he imagined Great Britain would be obliged, from a want of resources herself, and the embanassments of a wicked opposition, to relinquish her claims upon America. Notwithstanding the Doctor is professedly a great politician, and can see deeper into a millstone than most other people, his idea, in this instance, has been evidently founded on wrong principles ; for the war still rages, and will be carried on in spite of the confederated powers of France and Spain, while Great Britain has a shilling to spend. [Doctor Franklin was right. England is bankrupt, and is every day adding to her debts, which she will eventually be obliged to fund, and in the end never pay.] The truth is, that so long as your assumed independence is in dispute, it will be impossible for you to furnish a real and sub stantial security for any paper money already issued, or which you may hereafter issue. [Paper money is LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 205 not very desirable at any time, and particularly so if it is not used in defence of freedom, instead of sla very.] You have nothing that can be called your own while that remains unacknowledged. Who among you, with his senses about him, would lend another a thousand, or hundred pounds in gold or silver, on the security of an estate, the title to which you knew to be claimed, and in dispute? [Stephen mistakes our manners. Of what value is an estate, if the owner has not the liberty to use it as he thinks best ?] Yet this is exactly your situation ; without the means of credit, or being able to command it, your independ ence and country both in dispute, your foreign trade trifling, — [This bubble of " foreign trade " should be pricked. Internal development is the work of all true Americans. We have lands such as no other na tion ever was blessed with, extending from the ocean to the far West, the boundaries of which never have been reached, and from the hills of New Hampshire to the South Sea. What do we want with foreign trade ?] — and of little consequence, scarcely sufficient to furnish you with even common necessaries, much less to enrich you by its profits, and possessed of so little gold and silver that you cannot supply enough for the necessaiy purposes of your small and preca rious commerce — how is it possible for you to afford a permanent and undoubted security equal to the re demption of any bills, either emitted or to be emitted ? The Congress, however, have boldly tried the experi- 206 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. ment, and what is the consequence ? Your own ruin, distresses, and feelings, can best give the answer ; to these I appeal ; they speak more to the purpose than a thousand arguments. The candid will acknowledge them, the disingenuous cannot conceal them. [Hum ! We'll see.] But, as if the Congress had not already brought sufficient ruin and misery on you, by damming the little remains of credit which your cunency had be fore their last curious resolves passed, they are now endeavouring to sink you, if possible, deeper in the gulf of destruction, out of which you are never to rise. Having, in order to quiet your well-founded apprehensions and repeated applications for that pur pose, resolved not to emit any more bills of credit on their own authority, and knowing that from the de preciation and worthlessness of the present money, to use their own words, " The community suffers great injustice, the public finances are deranged, and the necessary dispositions for the defence of the country are much impeded and perplexed," they have, by the same resolve, commanded (not requested) you to pro vide funds and issue other bills in lieu of the present, all of which they have also ordered to be called in by a small, gentle tax of fifteen millions of dollars monthly, equal to five millions six hundred and twenty- five thousand pounds Pennsylvania currency, or three millions three hundred and seventy-five thousand pounds sterling, according to the nominal value of the LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 207 bills as issued, and for which nominal value, from their and your public faith and honour pledged for its re demption, every possessor has a right to call upon them for the full sum stamped on its face. Yet this, it seems, is all to be destroyed without a single doit given to you in the room of it. I ask you, where is all the property, the substance, and produce, which you have been obliged to furnish for five years past for this trash ? You cannot say it is by you in money, as used to be the case formerly, when the farmer sold his produce for honest gold, or bills of credit founded on undisputed funds. Behold ! it has all vanished like a dream, and your supposed riches have taken unto themselves wings and flown away. This magical transmutation of something into nothing is the sleight- of-hand-work of the Congress, a body on whose wis dom you relied to preserve what you had, or might acquire from your labours, and to free you from taxes. Where is the faith, the honour, and all that was thought to be sacred in the Thirteen United States, and pledged for the redemption of your Continental money ? Is not the depreciation of it established by the resolves of Congress? Are not many thousands of your best friends absolutely ruined? And will you not lose all credit with foreign nations, and be come (as you deserve) a by-word among the people ? The Congress, however, have directed you to pro vide new funds, and to issue new bills on the credit of each particular State. By this subterfuge, after 208 MATEEIALS FOR HISTORY. having done all the mischief they could, and subject ing you to anarchy and distress, they mean to get their own necks out of the halter, and saddle you hereafter with the public misfortunes ; but, by imposing such iniquitous mandates upon you, do they not require you to make bricks without straw, and to attempt impossi bilities ? The several States, it is true, may strike and issue new bills, but can they furnish any new funds for the redemption of such bills of credit, and to the very large amount, as your necessities must oblige you to issue, in order to carry on the war ? They know, and you must all know, that you have no other than what you had before. These they commanded, and these they pledged most sacredly for the redemption of their own emissions, liquidated upon, and as quotad to each State ; — have they answered the purpose ? You are sensible, and feelingly so to your sorrow, that they have been totally insufficient. Can it be imagined that they will be more equal or adequate to the pur pose of public security now ? For the same reason that your funds failed before, for the very same they will and must fail now, — that of your independence being yet in dispute. You may mortgage and appro priate the lands within the limits of your several States, — nay, sell them, if you please, and all the property belonging to every individual, but I defy you to provide such an undoubted substantial and permanent fund in any one or all of them, as is indis- LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 209 pensably necessary both to redeem any new bills to be issued, or even preserve it from a much quicker de preciation than the last has undergone. You really, as I said before, have nothing that you can call your own ; every inch of ground, and every thing you pos sess, is in dispute, and liable to be taken from you, perhaps in the approaching campaign. It is in vain for you, or any of your political scribblers, (the famous Crisis-writer, who boasts himself to be the author of " Common Sense," a pedantic schoolmaster, not worth sixpence, nor possessing as much property in the country,) to assert that your independence is as established as fate, when the fact is, that at this mo ment it is more precarious than ever, and from every circumstance, both of a public and private nature, absolutely lost to you. The proposed mode prescribed to you by the Congress for issuing new bills of credit, is in fact the same kind of superstructure, varying only in form., and raised upon the very same and former weak foundation. It differs not in any one essential that can possibly add to, or insure the redemption of, the new bills intended to be issued on it. The Congress indeed direct that the new bills are not to exceed, when issued, one-twentieth part of the nominal sum of the bills brought in to be destroyed. That will depend on the credit your credulity may please to give it on its first emission and circulation, and on the demand your public necessities will require, as to the quantity, and which, (to judge from what is 27 210 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. past,) as well as the heavy and natural expenditures of war, cannot be very trifling, nor count in less than millions ; but for your comfort, these bills, they, fur ther direct, shall be redeemable in specie, within six years after the present, and bear an interest of five per cent., payable also in specie, either on their redemption here, or annually, in sterling bills of exchange, to be drawn on their commissioners in Europe. But where is that same specie ? — or how is it to be got at in a quantity equal to the full redemption of any sum you may, or must issue, for the immediate necessities of the war ? [Specie vs. Freedom ; the latter is ours above all other considerations.] They surely will not assert that it is now in the country; and if it is not, your present small exports and low state of trade cannot introduce it ; and as to a foreign loan, that has long been out of the question, as unattainable from any power in Europe. Neither do they inform you upon what certain funds or credit their sterling bills of exchange are to be drawn, or whether any are in the hands of their commissioners abroad. Who will take their bills without being first assured that they will be paid ? or who part with his substance here, for a shadow there ? Take it for granted, how ever, that the interest may be thus paid by their bills of exchange, will this also pay the principal ? It is this that ought to claim your attention ; for if left to chance, or the events of war, you will find few to give your new bills credit on the faith of such precarious LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 211 funds. The Congress, wishing to collect some gold and silver for present occasions, kindly resolve also that these precious metals shall be receivable in pay ment of the quotas of each State, on the fifteen million monthly tax, and at the rate of one Spanish milled dollar in lieu of forty dollars of the bills now in cir culation. No one doubts their hearty wishes to receive gold or silver in lieu of their present depreciated bills, and to finger it too ; but what man in his senses would make the exchange, more especially since passing these damned — [Stephen only writes so] — resolves, which virtually annihilate it ? or pay a silver -dollar in to them, at the rate only of forty for one, when upwards of sixty for one can be purchased anywhere almost throughout the country 2 These are but few of "the embarrassments that must naturally arise on the experiment to be Hiade on. this new plan to restore your public credit. There are many others not less perplexing, and left for yTour State financiers to find out and -combat If, after what has been already said, those friendly hints should be disregarded ; if you mean to save yourselves from utter destruction, or wish to retain what little the Congress have been pleased to leave you by their late paper experiment and public cheat passed upon your credit, name, and substance, you must not hesitate, one and all, boldly and positively to refuse every kind of credit or circulation to the new imposition ordered to be repeated upon you by their late resolves. If 212 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. you do not, you are undone, — [If we don't, we are]— for the security plausibly held out to you is really worse, if possible, than that of the former ; therefore do not temporize or give way in the least. Firm and manly resistance at first, is better than slavish repent ance at last. Remember, that if you sin again, you sin with your eyes open, and will richly merit the per dition that will inevitably await you, should you be so lost to all sense of interest, good policy, and regard for yourselves, families, and country, as again to trust that Congress, who, by their folly, weakness, wicked ness, and ambition, have already brought you to a state of ruin, and by this their new devised scheme, replete with madness tenfold, (should you adopt it,) will again sink you into wretchedness, misery, and irretrievable distress. Take, my countrymen, a serious view of your affairs as they stand at present, for you are not fools, nor want for comprehension or abilities to judge, if left to yourselves. [This Appeal has a quiet way of leaving us to ourselves.] You have a right to inquire, to have the truth laid before you, and to determine for your own happiness. Are you not free men ?— :the Congress say you are. [Just so, and we intend to continue so.] Assert, then, your privileges, and dis passionately examine whether you tread on a rock or a quicksand. Your situation, finances, and resources at home have already been stated to you. These, you see, in LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 213 every point of view, are upwards of sixty to one against you ; and every internal dependence to carry on the war by your own means and strength abso lutely inadequate. The probable reduction of Charles town, and the consequent probable submission of the two Carolinas, — [How about this ?] — (the principal funds on which you rely to support your foreign credit,) still lessens your abilities here. Abroad, your hopes and expectations are small and precarious in deed. Your great and good ally, France, as the Con gress have been pleased to style her, disgracefully repulsed at Savannah by a handfull of brave men, though opposed by the redoubtable D'Estaing, and some of the most veteran troops of that power, aided by Lincoln, with all his train ; the formidable fleet of France, intended to sweep the seas and coast of Amer ica, from south to north, last autumn, and to swallow the British fleet and army by surprise; — where are they ? The winds blew, and they were dispersed,. dis masted, shattered, and broke to pieces ; the remains are scarcely heard of, and no terror of it left. In the West Indies, the naval superiority of Great Britain, under the gallant Admiral Hyde Parker, is decisive beyond all comparison ; and almost every French island there, from various distresses, disappointments, captures, failure of reinforcements, and supplies of naval stores and provision, is now at the command of the active General Vaughan and his forces, and who, we doubt not, by this time, if not before, has 214 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. repossessed himself of those we lost ; La Motte Piquet, with a few French men-of-war, scarcely half ours in number, and not likely to be reinforced, being obliged to skulk, unable to oppose our progress, or afford re lief to his distressed station. [Take off about " twenty- two shillings in the pound," in receiving this assertion.] In the East Indies, the French have not a single possession left, — [True, for they're all right] — the islands of Bourbon and France excepted, and those, it is expected, are, or must soon fall to the brave Admi ral Hughes, and the victorious British troops in that part of the world. Of course, all their valuable trade there is at an end. In Africa, Goree and Senegal are again our own. In Europe and the Meditenanean we are gloriously and most decisively victorious, Admiral Sir George Rodney having, on the memorable 16th day of January last, completely surprised, captured, and totally destroyed the Spanish fleet, — [Plain murder] — consisting of eleven sail of the line, six or eight of which, including the Spanish Admiral himself, Don Juan de Langara, he has taken into Gibraltar, the siege and blockade of that place being immediately raised, and the Spanish army obliged to retreat with precipitation to Cadiz, to protect that important port from destruction. By this great stroke, and the pre vious capture also of the whole convoy and fleet of the Spanish Caraccas Company on the 8th of the same month, and by the same British squadron, not only one-fourth of the Spanish Armada (with at least ten LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 215 thousand seamen) is destroyed and lost to them, but seven capital ships-of-the-line added to our own list, exclusive of seventeen new ones launched from the English docks, and now nearly, if not quite ready, to join Admiral Hardy, and who, by these and other acquisitions, will, in the course of this summer, be at the head of upwards of eighty sail-of-the-line, — a fleet which scarcely all the maritime powers in Europe con joined can match. The destruction of the Spanish fleet, the dismasting of seven out of four-and-twenty French men-of-war sent after Admiral Rodney from Brest, and the whole obliged to put in to Corunna, shattered by a violent storm ; the fate of D'Estaing's formidable fleet, almost wrecked on this coast last fall ; and the dreadful mortality among the French seamen on board their grand fleet, — altogether, and when com pared with our own amazing efforts and increase of naval strength, puts it beyond all human doubt but that the boasted, united, and combined powers and views of the ambitious House of Bourbon, at sea, for this year at least, if not forever, are at an end. Britain again rides triumphantly Mistress of the Seas. The wealth of France and Spain lost on this element alone, cannot be estimated at less than twenty millons ster ling, in the depredations made upon their fleets and commerce, the former being reduced too low for any capital future attempts, and the latter almost totally ruined ; while Great Britain, on the contrary, is left now more at liberty to prosecute the war at home 216 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. with greater vigour and certainty of success, and here with every prospect of decisive advantage. The full and amicable settlement of the Irish discontents, now no more, puts a stop at once to the sanguine hopes you derived from that quarter, and renders your General, Mr. Washington's public and published orders on that occasion for a general festivity and Te Deum on the 17th of March last, rather premature and ridiculous. The discontents and low state of his army, chiefly com posed of Irish, perhaps required some inspiration of this kind to animate, and prevent them from deser tion ; but if he has no stronger influence to retain them in the Continental service, very few of them, I assure you, who now know that their nation is per fectly satisfied, and more our friends than ever from reasonable dispositions, will be taken in by such straw-catching artifices. This general picture, my countrymen, is drawn for your information. It is not a picture of fancy, but taken from the life, and is really founded in truth. Judge, then, of your present situation and future pros. pects. It is possible to suppose, as your leaders would have you believe, that your unhappy situation is mended, your prospects brighter, or that your inde pendence is as firmly established as fate. They de ceive you who tell you so. On the contrary, does not ruin, wretchedness, and distress, stare you full in the face, look which way you will ? And is not destruc tion to your country, to yourselves, and your wives LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 217 and little ones, hanging over you, ready to overwhelm you in unutterable misery and distress ? The events of war, it is true, are uncertain, and what appears favourable on our side to-day, may be reversed to- monow ; but this is by no means probable, from the great and decisive events that have taken place in favour of the Crown of Great Britain, though unallied and standing alone, — a circumstance that proves be yond the possibility of a doubt her power and re sources to be infinite and superior. You have it yet in your opportunity to be saved from further distress, the deprivation and the calamities of war. These certainly await an obstinate perseverance .in those who wilfully continue the rebellion ; while, on the other hand, the door of mercy is open to all those who will speedily return to their duty and allegiance, and on terms, if properly requested, that will render America the most free, and its inhabitants the hap piest of any country on the face of the earth, by insuring to them peace, liberty, and safety. A com mission of peace is again lodged in the British Com mander-in-Chief, Sir Henry Clinton. Embrace the benevolent invitation of your gracious Sovereign be fore it is too late, and give praise to Heaven for so great salvation. [This last for our particular consider ation. Who speaks first ?] A Loyal American.* * The Notes in brackets in this article, are the corrections and addi tions mentioned in the letter which precedes the Appeal. 28 218 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. [MOSES YOUNG TO HENRY LAURENS.] Paris, 10th April, 1782. Honourable Sir : By particular desire of the M. de La Fayette, I now make the following communications : — That immediately after the surrender of the Brit ish army under General Cornwallis, Colonel John Laurens requested of the M. that he would take an opportunity of learning his Lordship's opinion on the subject of an exchange between him and Mr. Laurens, then a prisoner in the Tower of London. The M. did so, and found the Earl exceedingly desirous of such an event taking place ; but said he was afraid the British Government would not consent to give up Mr. Lau rens for him. The M. asked him how it was that that Government made such a blunder as to commit Mr. Laurens, being a public Minister, and not a military man, to confinement upon such a charge ? The Eng lish nobleman answered that the blunder lay with the admiral at Newfoundland in sending that gentleman to England, but that he was exceedingly well used there, and treated with the greatest respect. The M. made answer, that America was under no obligation to Great Britain for such good usage ; that everybody knew the British Government dare not treat Mr. Lau rens with disrespect, because Congress would in that case order a most severe retaliation ; and so far as de pended upon him for the execution of such orders, his Lordship already knew his sentiments on the subject LAURENS' CORRESPONDENT 219 of retaliation, and he also probably knew that he had the honour to be ranked by Mr. Laurens among his particular friends; so that both from duty as an American officer, from principle, and friendship, no relaxation of any orders he might receive, could be expected, should his friend be ill-used. The English General expressed a strong desire that such an exchange should be proposed to General Washington, and said he would wait upon his Excel lency for the purpose, but that he was afraid of tres passing upon any part of the time of the American Chief in telling his story, as he had affairs on hand of much more consequence than the private ones of a cap tive officer ; he would therefore desire Mr. House, one of his aids, to confer with one of General Washing ton's aids : and thus the affair stood when .the Mqs. was ordered to another part of the Continent. The M. desired me to mention that he was ex ceedingly anxious to see Mr. Laurens on the Conti nent of Europe, both from public and private motives ; on the public account, because if a negotiation for peace was opened, Mr. Laurens was the only commis sioner of the five who was acquainted with the inter ests of the Southern States, and the only one who practically knew the general commercial interests of the whole Continent ; that Governor Jefferson had declined accepting the appointment, and therefore it was the more necessary that Mr. Laurens should be at liberty to act. He wished it on a personal account, 220 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. because it had been hinted before he left America, that notwithstanding the well-known attachment of Mr. Laurens to the cause of his country, it might have been more proper to appoint a man who never had had an opportunity of contracting prejudices in favour . of the enemy, by being much among them. The M. most heartily wished that Mr. Laurens would nego tiate the matter in such a manner, as that General Cornwallis should, as the most unexceptionable method to the British Government, propose, by letter, the ex change to him, (the Marquis,) and he would imme diately procure a French frigate to carry such proposi tion to Congress, or General Washington. The M. asked me if I had not heard that it was reported Mr. Laurens' intellects were somewhat im paired by the severe fit of sickness brought on him by the severity of his treatment in the Tower. I have the honour to be, Avith the most inviolable attachment, honourable Sir, your most humble and obedient servant, Moses Young. Henry Laurens, Esq. -". [MOSES YOUNG TO HENRY LAURENS.] Ostend, 30th June, 1782, Honoured and dear Sir : As you desired, I now enclose the American Peace Bill, and annex an intended one brought into the House of Lords by the Earl of Shelburne, which I have copied, and send as from Mr. Bridgen, who de- LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 221 sires me to present his and Mrs. Bridgen's best respects. The Messrs. Hartly also desire to be particularly men tioned ; Mr. D. H. is again in Parliament for King ston, (or Hull,) and is determined to oppose the last- mentioned bill in the House, because he thinks it holds out an idea to the people of England that the dependence of America on the British Crown is yet to be expected, and that something like bribes is meant to be offered to the Americans. I shall likewise put within this cover a letter directed to Miss Laurens, given me by Mr. Manning, and one which I found in the Post Office at Margate. Mr. Benjamin Vaughan thinks it one of the great est misfortunes of his life that Mr. Laurens refused to psrmit an explanation of the motives which induced him to mention to Lord Shelburne the affair of the Tavern Bill, because such an explanation was abso lutely necessary for reinstating . him in the good opin ion of Mr. Laurens. He declares most solemnly that his motive was no other than this : that as a warm friend to the independence of America, he made it his study to give Lord Shelburne and Mr. Laurens such information of each other's temper as he believed necessary towards a perfect understanding, and to the success of any negotiation that might be entered into ; in particular he was anxious that his Lordship might avoid every thing that would probably displease, and do every thing that would probably please Mr. Lau rens : that he mentioned the affair at the Tavern to 222 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. show the delicacy and jealousy of Mr. Laurens's honour, as he represented that of the United States of Amer ica, and must be treated with more attention than the British ministry might think needful to any British subject. Mr. Vaughan says it occasioned a breach be tween him and his brother William, who charged him with betraying that confidence which he placed in him alone when he mentioned the affair at the Hotel. Mr. B. V. wrote to Lord Shelburne on the subject, (a copy of which he promised me,) and showed me his Lord ship's answer, wherein he says he has not met with any thing of a long time that distressed him so much. He there proposes writing to Mr. Laurens, or that Mr. Vaughan himself shall write the letter, and he will sign it ; this Mr. Vaughan told me he declined accept ing of, depending upon his own personal explanation. Upon my arrival at Ostend, I found that I could not expect an answer to my letter written to Mr. Vaughan until after three days ; rather than wait so long, I took a passage immediately, went up to Lon don, and presented myself to that gentleman. He said he was glad I had come so soon, but had it not now in his power to make the adventure so consider able, because he had placed a moiety of £5,000 in another channel ; the remaining £5,000 he would ship under my direction and management in the line at first proposed, and desired I would look out for a vessel of about two hundred tons to charter. Several days I employed in this business, and met with several ves- LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 223 sels of Mr. Vaughan's description, to be made neutral by the owners ; but none of them would agree to his terms. At last he heard of a very fine Danish ship at Newry, in Ireland, of four hundred tons burthen, and was so well pleased with the account he had of her, and with the terms, that he chartered her at once to the islands of Grenada and St. Thomas, with liberty to touch at Madeira. She is to be principally loaded in Ireland with salted provisions, and the property in tended to be vested in her is from £10,000 to £12,000 sterling, on which I am to have the customary com missions on sales and returns. As my attendance during the loading of the ship is not necessary, Mr. Vaughan has given me a month, in order that I may apply to Dr. Franklin for the money due to me, and I am now on my way to Paris. If I should be so lucky as to get it there, it will enable me to take out to the West Indies twice or three times the amount in East India and Russia goods on my own account ; the amount I can here insure at a premium between six and eight per cent., and ship in different bottoms to the Continent of America. I have not much doubt but that Dr. Franklin will at least enable me to remit Babut and Labouchere fifty guineas. Mr. Vaughan has given me to understand that I may finish his busi ness at St. Thomas. In case of a probability of the war continuing a year longer, it would, I believe, be most for my own interest to settle on the island until peace is concluded. I know I could have consign- 224 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. ments from Philadelphia, and I think from France, Ireland, and probably from London. I now write to my friends at Nantes and L' Orient ; their answers will enable me to form some judgment of what business I may expect from France. The application to those in London and Ireland will be personal, and I shall write to America to prepare my friends for what I shall probably solicit from the Island of St. Thomas. Your commands, Sir, if directed to the care of Mr. James Falls, I shall receive here on my return to London. Permit me, Sir, to present my best respects to Mr. Henry Laurens, and to repeat my assurances of the most inviolable attachment to yourself and family, with which I am, honoured and dear Sir, your most faithful servant, Moses Young. The Honourable Henry Laurens, Esq, AN ACT To prevent in future any office to be exercised in any colony or plantation now or at any time hereafter belonging to the Crown of Cheat Britain, for any longer term than during such term as the grantee thereof, or person appointed thereto, shall discharge the duty thereof, and behave well therein. Whereas, the practice of granting offices in his Majesty's colonies and plantations in America and the West Indies to persons resident and intending to re side in Great Britain, (in consequence whereof such offices are exercised by deputy, and have been fre- LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 225 quently farmed out to the best bidder,) has been long complained of as a grievance by his Majesty's loyal subjects in those parts, who have been thereby ex posed to exactions and oppressions, as well as to incon veniences arising from neglect of duty. And whereas, such offices, if the persons holding the same were resident, and in person discharged the duties thereof, might have been and may still be a means of encouraging and rewarding the attachment of the inhabitants of his Majesty's colonies and plan tations to his royal person and government, and to the general interests of the British empire : May it please, &c, that from henceforth no office to be exer cised in any colony or plantation now or at any time hereafter belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, shall be granted or grantable for any longer time than during such time as the grantee thereof, or person ap pointed thereto, shall discharge the duty, and behave well therein. And be it further enacted by the authority afore said, that if any person or persons holding such office shall be wilfully absent from the colony or plantation wherein the same is or ought to be exercised, without a reasonable cause, to be allowed by the Governor and Council for the time being of such colony or planta tion, or shall neglect the duty of such office, or other wise misbehave therein, it shall and may be lawful for such Governor and Council to remove such person or persons from every or any such office. And in case 29 226 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. any person or persons so removed shall think himself aggrieved thereby, it shall and may be lawful to and for any such person or persons so aggrieved to appeal therefrom, as in other cases of appeal from such colony or plantation, wherein such a motion shall be finally judged of and determined by his Majesty in Council. Provided, always, that it shall and may be lawful for the Governor and Council of any colony or plantation to give such leave of absence as they shall see occa sion ; and in such case, as likewise in the case of vacancy occasioned by death, or a motion to provide for the due discharge of the duties of such office or offices, until the King's pleasure shall be known. Provided, also, that nothing herein contained shall operate to the prejudice of any subsisting grant of such office or offices, or to prevent any office being granted determinable at pleasure.* A TORY SKETCH OF HENRY LAURENS. History and Character of Mr. Laurens, late President of the Rebel Congress, now a prisoner in the Tower of London. Mr. Laurens was born in the year 1722. His countenance is swarthy ; his figure rather mean ; his stature rather below the middle size. He has quick piercing eyes, and a sharp meaning face, but such a * This act was endorsed by Mr. Young, as follows : 21st June, 1782. Presented by Lord Wycombe, (Shelburne.) and read a first time.— 24th June, 1782. Read a second time, and committed to a Committee of tho whole House to-morrow. LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 227 meaning as to put any person of penetration on his guard in dealing with him. His father was a saddler in Charlestown, a Frenchman by birth, and a Protes tant, and wished to breed his son Harry to his own trade. The young man, however, soon deserted his mechanic employment, and applied himself to com merce. He first came to London about the year 1740. He never lived as a clerk with Messrs. Rawlinson & Davidson, as has been so often asserted, but was for some years in that station with Mr. James Crokatt, a Carolina merchant in London. A lucky stroke in the way of insurance laid the foundation of his fortune. On his return to Charlestown, fortune smiled on his industry, and loaded him with riches. He was clear and indefatigable in business, and had the general character of being honest in his dealings; though at the same time he was always reckoned, what is not very respectable among merchants, a keen, sharp, and strict man. This is a very common character over all British America. He is a man of such incessant ap plication, that no degree of trouble can discourage him in the pursuit of an object of interest or ambition. His early education was very limited ; but when he became more affluent, by that unremitting attention which forms so remarkable a part of his character, he acquired a fund of miscellaneous literature. This fund, however, is said to be ill-digested ; it is rather a fanago. His address is so replete with industrious civility, he is so attentive to those with whom he con- 228 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. verses, and so careful lest an improper word should escape him, that a man of plain honesty and discern ment is infallibly led to conceive Mr. Laurens has some design on him, that he wishes to conceal something from his view, which he would readily see, were it not artfully shaded. By different men, this behaviour is differently thought of and denominated. The weak and ignorant, judging of him from this circumstance, call him affable and wise ; the more discerning think him insinuating and cunning. He certainly wants that sincere, open manliness of manner which a liberal education, natural .good sense, and a consciousness of integrity, always confer upon their possessor. Last war, in 1761, he was Lieutenant-Colonel of a regiment of militia in Gen. Grant's expedition against the Cherokee Indians. His military exploits are no where recorded. But in a private broil between Gen. Grant and a Col. Middleton, an American, and a militia colonel, he took part with Gen. Grant ; for very different purposes, as was supposed by those who knew him best, to what appeared to be his mo tives to the undiscerning part of mankind. The dis pute between Gen. Grant, then only Col. Grant, and Col. Middleton, terminated in a duel, which was not attended with any fatal consequences. In the time of the Stamp Act, 1764-65, Mr. Lau rens drew upon himself the hatred of the populace of Charlestown, by declaring their opposition to the act illegal and unconstitutional. They threatened him LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 229 with the effects of their resentment, but were induced by persuasion to leave him unmolested. After the repeal of the Stamp Act, the Americans looked for ward to new triumphs ; they demanded the repeal of the duties on glass and painters' colours. This was refused. They adopted the non-importation scheme. Mr. Laurens at first showed himself averse to this measure ; but when he saw that the different colonies were no longer to try their several strengths by sepa rate contests with the mother country, but were to concentrate their scattered powers by forming a Gen eral Congress, he eagerly entered into the scheme which he had formerly reprobated. Such stability was now given to the proceedings of the factious colo nies, that even a man of Mr. Laurens' art and wari ness thought it no longer unsafe to strengthen them by his approbation and concurrence. In this, as in the former struggle, the Americans came off victo rious. In the cessation of political struggles between the Stamp Act and the Glass Act, Mr. Laurens, who was of that sort of mercantile genius which often occasions the enterprising merchant to forget the laws of trade, or persuades him that he shall escape them, had a ship seized by one of his Majesty's cruisers. The vessel was brought into Charlestown, where Sir Egerton Leigh, who was manied to a niece of Mr. Laurens, was Judge of the Court of Admiralty. Sir Egerton, in this case, acted with the virtue of an old Roman, 230 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. and as a just judge. He condemned Mr. Laurens' ship. Such conduct astonished Mr. Laurens. Such a near relation to condemn one of his ships, roused his implacable resentment. He traduced Sir Egerton as an unjust judge over all the Continent of America. As most of the Americans were illicit traders, Mr. Laurens had many partisans. He wrote as many pamphlets against Sir Egerton as made a pretty large volume. These he circulated wherever the English language was read in that quarter. Many people re member to have seen a box full of them, addressed to different persons, no less than twelve hundred miles from Charlestown. When things began to assume a more settled ap pearance after the non-importation agreement was annulled, Mr. Laurens left Carolina and came over to Europe. He remained about three years out of America, the greatest part of which he spent in Eng land. About the beginning of 1775 he returned to Charlestown, in time enough to fan the kindling flame of rebellion. His wealth, his knowledge of trade, his well-known industry and assiduity in every scheme he entered into, and the information he had acquired from his residence in England, rendered him a most valuable acquisition to the American cause, and marked him out as the most proper person the Carolinians could elect to be President of their Provincial Con gress. But even here his habitual caution, and even cunning, were not laid aside ; for, notwithstand- LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 231 ing the decisive part which his actions demonstrated he had taken in the grand dispute, he still pretended he was averse to the measures which the Americans were pursuing, and that for his part he was absolutely forced into them by his countrymen. He dreaded the vengeance of Britain if she should prove successful, and thought to elude it by this shallow artifice. After having been chosen President of the Provin cial Congress of Carolina, he was sent as a delegate to the Continental Congress at Philadelphia. In 1777 he was elected President of the Continental Congress ; and in that station the infamous convention at Sara toga was entered into between Gates and Burgoyne. These things are yet recent ; and this nation still boils with indignation at American treachery in the refusal of Congress to fulfil the terms concluded upon by their own General, disgraceful as they were to this country. But few of us know that Mr. Laurens was the principal, if not the original adviser of this breach of the faith of nations. He even added insult to injury ; for instead of telling us openly, and with a manly confidence, that as the safety of the people was paramount to all conventions and stipulations between individuals, the troops could not be allowed to leave America, and as that event would enable us to make such vigorous exertions as would probably destroy their beloved scheme of independence ; he attempted to show that what he had done was agree able to the established notions of right, and this in a 232 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. train of argument which its absurdity rendered un answerable. It would be as difficult to prove the truth of an axiom of Euclid, as to demonstrate the falsehood of the reasons Mr. Laurens published to the world in vindication of his conduct. What has been said, may serve in helping us to form a more just and accurate notion of Mr. Laurens' character than what is generally entertained. In illus tration of what has been advanced, it may be affirmed, that if the ministry attempt to negotiate with the Americans through the medium of Mr. Laurens, he will outwit them. He will pretend to be a moderate man, and a friend to this country. Little regard will be paid to truth, where there will be no dread of im mediate detection ; for whatever an American may be in private life, honour and good faith enter not into his ideas of a politician. Time will be lost, opportu nities will be omitted, and Mr. Laurens will have the satisfaction of laughing at our credulity. If the na tion wishes for peace, let us treat with the Americans as our decl red enemies. We will then expect and be prepared against all the tricks of negotiation, which one nation employs against another. But let us not trust too much to the friendship and integrity of the breaker of the Saratoga Convention. Mr. Laurens is naturally of an irascible temper, but has generally the art to conceal it. His last voyage to England was to enter his eldest son in the Middle Temple for the study of the law. This son LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 233 was educated in true republican principles at Geneva. During Mr. Laurens' stay in England, opposition got hold of him, and a mutual game of deception was played betwixt them ; they thought they had made him a convert, and he thought he had made them the warm friends of America. He returned to America, as we have already mentioned, in the end of 1774, or beginning of 1775. His fortune there is very con siderable. He has great possessions in Carolina and Georgia; and at the commencement of the rebellion had a large sum in the English funds. His son soon after married here, but the rebellion breaking out in a few months, he went off for America. He has been in several stations in the army, and aid-de-camp to Washington, and was wounded in one of the skir mishes last year to the Southward.* * This paper is endorsed by Mr. Laurens, " A British Opinion of Me ; — correct in some points. It was published in a Political Magazine in 1780." INDEX Act relating to the dispensing of govern ment offices in the American Colonies, 224. Adair, James, 187. Adams, John, appointed a Commissioner to France, 70. Andrew, Benjamin, 42. Appeal to the people of America, by Stephen De Lancey, 202. Arbitrary arrests, cases of, 30. Arbuthnot, Admiral, 154. Armand, Independent Corps of, 145. Armstrong, John, Brig.-Gen., 23. Atkinson, John, commander of the " Re- veDge," 123. Baillie, Alexander, 41. Barclay, Thomas, Col., 201. , Henry, Rev. Dr., 201, 203. Baylor, Lieut.-Colonel, 175. Bland, Theodoric, 175. Board of Admiralty, 153. Bradford, William, Col., at Red Bank, 58. Brandy wine, description of the battle of, 52. Brewerton, George, Col., 201. Bridgen, , Mr., 220. Bull's Island, S. C, British attack on, in 1776, 25. Burgoyne, Sir John, surrender of, 57, 61. -, noticed, 231. Byron, Admiral, 154. Cameron, Alexander; see Indians, 26. Carhew, , Col., 175. Charleston, S. C, attack on, in 1776, 21. , fire in, 1778, 94. , affairs at, in 1780, 174. Chatham, Lord, 92. Cherokee Indians, ravages of the, 25. Clinton, George, Gen., 58. , Sir Henry, 150, 173, 175. , his "Commission of Peace," 217. Collier, Sir George, 150. "Common Sense," noticed, 158, 209. Confiscation, 50. Continental Congress, "Traits of the infamous practices of party in," 91. Continental Currency, 149, 152, 203, 204. Conway, Thomas, Gen., resignation of, 111. Cooper, , Rev., dismissed by his parishioners, 30. Cornwallis, Lord, noticed, 55. -, surrender of, 218. Cotton manufactures, 149. Counterfeiting Continental money, 106. Cowles, William, 34. Creek Indians, 28. Crokatt, James, 227. Cunningham, Robert, Col., 29. Currency; see Continental Currency. Dana, Francis, 156. Dartmouth College, N. H., 195. Deane, Silas, 35, 73, 77, 78, 82, 83, 87, 129, 131. 236 INDEX. Declaration of Independence, proclaimed at Charleston, S. C, 25. , noticed, 147, "Delaware," capture of the ship, 62. Delaware River, British operations on the, 62. De Lancey, James, Lieut.-Gov., 201. , Oliver, Gen., 200. , Oliver, Brig.-Gen., 200. , Peter, 201. , Stephen, notice of, 200. , Appeal to the People of Amer ica, 202. , Sir William Howe, 201. De Noailles, M., 114. D'Estaing, Count, 116, 121, 125, 154, 213. , wounded at Savannah, 163, 170. Diary of the American Revolution, 56. ' Dickinson, John, 68. Dilworth, on the Heights of Brandy- wine, 52. Disloyal Americans, 29. Drayton, W. H., Letter to John Laurens, 124. , noticed, 94, 115. Duchd, Jacob, Rev., venality of, 59. Dunmore, Lord, routed in Virginia, 31. , noticed, 124. Du Plessis, Mauduit, Letter to Henry Laurens, 95. " Ebenezer Battery," at Savannah, Ga., 169. Education, in South Carolina, 181. Elbert, S., Col., letter to Henry Laurens, 109. Elections, interference with, 43. Elphinstone, , Capt, 119. Emmerick, , Col., 146. England, Privy Council of, on the war with France, 69. Englishmen, the authors of American slavery, 19. Fabritius, M., 148. Fairfield, Conn., British descent on, 151. Falls, James, 224. Fleury, L., Maj., at Fort Mifflin, 63. , letter to Henry Laurens, 95. Florida, Howe's expedition into, 114. Fort Mercer, evacuation of, 67. Fort Mifflin, John Laurens' account of the attack on, 62. France, Treaty of 1778, 91. , operations of troops of, at Sa vannah, 213. Franklin, Benjamin, noticed, 38, 77, 80, 87, 202, 223. , constructs a chevaux-de-frise on the Delaware, 62. , mission to France, 152. Fredonia Harbor, naval battle near, 109. Gadsden, Christopher, 24, 105. Gates, Horatio, 58, 231. , letters to Henry Laurens, 110, 144. "Gazette of the State of South Caro lina," 119. Georgia ; see State Rights, 39. Germantown, Pa., the battle of, 56. Gervais, , Col., 55. Gloster, N. J., skirmish at, 71. Glover, General, 137. Gordon, William, Dr., 156. Grant, James, Gen., noticed, 24. expedition against the Chero kees in 1761, 228. Greene, Nathanael, Gen., at Fort Mercer, 67. , noticed, 70. Greene, , Col., of Rhode Island, 58. Gruel, J., 72. Gutridge, , the Carolina pilot, 123. Gwinett (Button), Mr., 43. Habersham, Joseph, noticed, 19. Hall, , Dr., 42. Hamilton, Alexander, letter to John Laurens, 154. his remarks on De Lancey's "Appeal," 202. Hancock, John, noticed, 16. , retires from the Presidency of Congress, 56. Hardy, Admiral, 215. Harnet, Cornelius, Col., 61. INDEX. 237 Hayward, Ed. L., letter to John Lau rens, 161. Hazlewood, , Commodore, 58. Heyward, Thomas, 94. Hogan, , Gen., 174. Hopkinson, Francis, 59.. Howe,' Robert, letter to, from Henry Laurens, 57. , letters to Henry Laurens, 126, 145. , noticed, 23, 31. Howe, Lord Admiral, 60, 125. Howe, Sir William, Gen., at Philadel phia, 56. , noticed, 60. Huger, Benjamin, Maj., 60. Humphreys, , his "lying news paper," 56. Hutchinson, Thomas, his History of Massachusetts Bay, 190. Hutson, Richard, 94. Indians, ravages of, 25, 26, 28. -, see Sullivan, 133. in South Carolina-, 187. Insurrection in the Carolinns, 28. Internal improvement advocated, 205. "Irish discontents" in Washington's army, 216. [Izard Ralph], letter to Henry Laurens, 86. James, , Capt., Royal Dragoons, 169. James' Island, S. C, British troops on, 173. Jefferson, Thomas, 219. Johnson, Sir John, 201. Johnson, Williamj Col., 201. John's Island, S. C, British troops on, 173. Kirkland, Mr., 30. Lafayette, Marquis de, 70, 125, 218. Langworthy, , Mr. 51. Laurens, Henry, portrait of, title-page. , letter to John Laurens, 1. Laurens, Henry, sentiments concerning the Declaration of Indepen dence, 26. , letter to Col. Gervais, 55. , letter to Gen. Robert Howe, 57. ,, letter to Maj. Huger, 60. , letter to John Adams, 70; , commissioned to Holland, 153. , description of South Carolina, 180. , some particulars concerning his capture and exchange, 218. , a Tory sketch of, 226. -, noticed, 116, 117, 157. Laurens, John, letter from Henry Lau rens to, August 14, 1776, 17. • , account of the attack on Fort Mifflin, 63. , at Rhode Island, 122. 124. , noticed, 55, 86, 173. Lee, Arthur, noticed, 37, 79, 85, 89, 147, 158. Lee, Charles, Gen., noticed, 23. , visits Georgia, 31. Lee, Henry, Maj., descent on Powles' Hook, 151. , complimented by Alexander Hamilton, 155. Leigh, Sir Egerton, 229. Lewis, Francis, letter to -Stephen Sayre, 147. , Frank, 152. , Morgan, Gen., 152. Lloyd, John, letters to Henry Laurens, 91, 99. Lincoln, Benjamin, Gen., 1G4, 213. -, Gen. Washington's confidence in, 176. Lord Dunmore ; see Dunmoee. Lovell, James, 144. Lowe, Sir Hudson, Gen., 201. Maitland, , Col., 1G3. Malcolm, , Col., 112. Manigault, , Mr., 57. Mansfield, Lord, 91. Marbois, M., queries to Henry Laurens in reference to the resources of South Carolina, 178. See John Sullivan. 238 INDEX Massachusetts, militia of, 116. Massachusetts Bay, Hutchinson's His tory of, 190. Mathews, John, 94. Maxwell, William, Gen., 55. McDougal, John, Gen., 112. Mcintosh, George, 41. , Lachlan, 19. , William, 19, 41. McPherson, , Lieut. (Royal army), 164. Middleton, Arthur, 105. Mifflin, Thomas, 68. Monmouth, N. J., 126. Morris, , Major, 125. — , Robert, letter on the unworthy conduct of his brother, 71. , noticed, 36, 203. , Thomas, 35, 71, 83, 92. Moultrie, William, Gen., 24, 175. Mowbray, , Capt. of St. Johns, 117. Moylan, Stephen, 145. Now England, the regiments of, " well- clothed," 68. , attempts to engross the advan tages of the Confederacy, 69. New Hampshire, militia of, 11G. , Gen. Sullivan's account of, 187. , the mountains of, 192. New Haven, Conn., British descent on, in 1779, 150. "New Lights," the, 194. Now York, the seat of war, 31. ¦ Volunteers, loyal, at the siege of Savannah, 163. North, Lord, pacific propositions of, 92. , speech in the House of Com mons, February 17, 1778, 99. Norwalk, Conn., British burn, 151. Outerbridge, of, 30. Mr., imprisonment Paine, Thomas, letters to Henry Lau rens, 100, 129, 157. , proposes the publication of his works, 158. Paper, scarcity of, during the Revolu tion, 158. Parke, John, Col., answer to Rev. Jacob Duchi, 59. Parker, Hyde, Admiral, 213. Paroles, dishonored, 29. Peronneau, — — , Mr., 42. "Perseus," British man-of-war, 117. Philadelphia, Pa., British capture, 56. -, British soldiers billeted on the inhabitants of, 71. Philadelphia Library Company, 120. Phillips, William, the Santee coaster, 117. Pinckney, C. C, Col., 55. Piquet, La Motte, 214. Pliarns, Penet & Co., 72. Port Royal Island, S. C, British troops on, 173. Powlos' Hook, N. J., 151. Prizes ; see Rosanna, 60. Property men, in South Carolina, 30. Pulaski, Casimir, Count, wounded at Sa vannah, 170. Putnam, Israel, 58. Queen's Rangers, The, 176. Religions in New Hampshire, 194. Religions in South Carolina, 181. Religious tests, 45, 105. "Revenge," the privateer, 123. Rhode Island, British attack on, in 1778, 117, 124. Richardson, Richard, Gen., 175. Rilliet, M., noticed, 18. Rivington, James, his " Royal Gazette," 151. Robinson, Beverley, Col., 201. Rodney, Sir George, attacks the Span ish fleet, 214. "Rosanna," the case of the schooner, 60. Ross, John, letter to Silas Deane, 35. , noticed, 78, 81, 85. Russia, the manufactures of, 148. Rutherford, Brig.-Gen., 27. Rutledge, John, noticed, 23, 93, 113. , resignation of, and reasons for it, 103. INDEX. 239 Salvador, , Mr., death of, 28. Saratoga, the surrender at, 232. Savannah, Ga., The Liberty Society in, 39. , Tory Journal of the Siege of 1779, 161. Sayre, Stephen, 147. Schuyler, Philip, Maj.-Gen., 138. Scott, Charles, Brig.-Gen., 142. Searle, James, 153. Sears, Isaac, 151. "Separates," the, 194. Seymour, Thomas, Capt., 123. Shelburne, Earl of, his Peace Bill, 220. Sheldon, , 145. Shubrick. , Capt., 25. Slavery, Henry Laurens' opinion of, 19. Smith, Samuel, Col., at Fort Mifflin, 58. , William, 72. South Carolina, property men in, 30. , Declaration of Independence adopted by the Assembly of, 31. , Articles of Confederation rati fied in, 93. , naval forces of, in 1778, 94. , the resources of, 180. , manufactures in, 183. Sparks, Jared, 59. Specie vs. Freedom, 210. Stamp Act, The, 228. State Currency, considered, 204, 208. State Rights, 39. St. Augustine, Fla., British fleet dam aged off, 118. , the expedition against, 127. Stirling, Earl of, letter to Henry Lau rens, 128. St. John's Petition, The, 41. Stono Ferry, S. G, British troops at, 173. Stony Point, Hudson River, 150. Stuart, Henry; see Indians, 26. Stuart, John ; see Indians, 26. Stuart, , Mrs., arrest of) 31. Sullivan, John, Maj.-Gen., letters to Henry Laurens, 116, 120. , urges Henry Laurens to remain Chairman of Congress, 120. Sullivan, John, Maj.-Gen., letter to Washington concerning his Indian expedition, 132. , expedition of, 138. , his account of New Hampshire, 187. , noticed, 125. Sullivan's Island, S. C, British attack on, in 1776, 24. Talbot, Silas, Maj., at Fort Mifflin, 63. " Tavern Bill," the affair of, 221. Thayer, , Maj., at Fort Mifflin, 63. "The Cabal," some account of, 155. "The Crisis," the writer of, 209. The "Liberty Society" of Savarmah, Ga., 39. The Royal Gazette, 151. Thomson, Charles, 144. Timothy, Peter, letters to Henry Lau rens, 117, 123. , sketch of, 119. Tomminy Hill, R. I., fortress on, 122. Troup, , Lieut.-Col., 112. Tryon, William, Gen., 150. Varnum, James M., Gen., 67. Vaughan, Benjamin, 221. Vaughan, William, 222. Vaughan, , Gen., 213. Verplanck's Point, N. Y., 150. Virginia^ Lord Duumore's operations in, 31. , tardiness of the troops of, 175. Virginia Light Dragoons, 151. Walton, George, 51. Washington, George, Gen., at Brandy- wine, 52. , the wants of, 55. , letter to John Laurens, 175. , confidence of, in Gen. Lincoln, 176. , called "Mr.", 216. , letter to Brig.-Gen. Scott, 142. , noticed, 55, 58. 114, 120, 132, 138, 144, 150, 219. 240 INDEX. Wayne, Anthony, at Stony Point; 150. Weare, Frederick, 70. Webb, Samuel H., Gen., letter to John Laurens, 200. Wells, George, Dr., 45. Wells; John, printer, 21. Wereat, John, letter to Henry Laurens, 39. , White Plains, N. Y., American camp at, 125. White Stone, Long Island, 152. Whitworth, , Lieut., 161. Wickes, Capt., 38. Will, Philip, 123. Williamson, Colonel, 25. Williamson, General, 175. Women, arrest of, 31. Wood, John, 46. Wood, Joseph, 43. Wright, James, Governor of Georgia, 17, 172. Wycombe, , Lord, Act in reference to offices in the Colonies, 224. Young, Moses, letters to Henry Lau rens, 218, 220.