I for tie founding 'ef'.ii Cen^sij^ikktiCoionyl'' \ •Y^JE-WSIHPEKSinrY- • ILllBBIBAIKy • Gift of REV. WILLIAM H. OWEN This book was digitized by Microsoft Corporation in cooperation with Yale University Library, 2008. You may not reproduce this digitized copy of the book for any purpose other than for scholarship, research, educational, or, in limited quantity, personal use. You may not distribute or provide access to this digitized copy (or modified or partial versions of it) for commercial purposes. THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES IN AMERICA BY JOHN FISKE Nieuiv Nederlant is een seer sckoon aengenaent gesont en lustigh lantsckap daer Iiet voor alderley stagk van menschen beter e?t ruymer aen de /tost of gemackelycker door de werelt te geraken is als in Nederlant offte eeuige andere quartier en des wcrelts mijn bekent. Adrian van der .Donck, 1656. For I must needs tell you, if we miscarry it will be our own fault; we have nobody else to blame ; for such is the happiness of our Constitution that we cannot well be destroyed but by ourselves William Penn, 1679. IN TWO VOLUMES VOLUME II BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY (3Cfce Jftitaetjsibe press, ^Eambti&ge 1900 COPYRIGHT, 1899, BY JOHN FISKE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED NINTH THOUSAND CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. Peaceful transfer of New Netherland to English rule . . 1 Admirable character of Governor Nicolls . . 2, 3 Carr's shameful conduct at New Amstel . . . 3, 4 Fall of the republic of New Haven 5 The Connecticut boundary . 5, 6 Yorkshire, Dukes County, and Cornwall ... 6 Cartwright sails for England, but lands in Spain ... 7 Pleasant Saturday evenings in Boston . . . . 8, 9 Maverick moves to New York . . . . 9 Settlements west of the Hudson River .... 10 The grant to Berkeley and Carteret . . .10, 11 Founding of Elizabethtown . . ... 12 The name New Jersey (Nova Ccesarea) . . . .12 Unwillingness of New Haven leaders to he annexed to Con necticut 13 Exodus from New Haven to New Jersey . . . .14 Robert Treat and Abraham Pierson 14 Constitutional troubles in New Jersey . . . .15 Lord Berkeley sells out his interest to a party of Quakers 16 Nicolls returns to England, and is succeeded by Francis Lovelace 17 Abolition of the distinction between great and small burgh ers . 18 The first mail on the American continent, monthly between New York and Boston, starts on New Year's Day, 1673 19, 20 The postman's route 21 The English towns on Long Island protest against arbitrary taxation 22,23 Charles II. abandons the Triple Alliance, and joins with Louis XIV. in attacking Holland 24 iv CONTENTS. Admiral Evertsen's fleet in the West Indies . . . .24 Evertsen captures the city of New York, and names it New Orange .25 Anthony Colve is appointed governor of New Netherland . 25 The English towns on Long Island are refractory . . 26 Danger of an attack by the New England Confederacy . 27 How Governor Colve pulled down houses to improve his fort 27-31 Lovelace's purchases and debts . . . . 31, 32 Schemes of Louis XIV. ....... 33 Ingenious double-dealing of Charles II. ... 34, 35 The treaty of Westminster restores New York to the Eng lish 35 Conflicting grants and claims 36 The duke sends Edmund Andros to govern New York . 37 Character of Andros ........ 37 His early life 38 Anthony Brockholls and William Dyer . . . .38 Arrival of Andros in New York 39 The English towns on Long Island declare that they belong to Connecticut, but in vain 39 The oath of allegiance ; protest of leading burghers . 40, 41 Andros showed a want of tact in this affair . . . .42 Demand for a representative assembly ; the duke's letters 42, 43 Andros's zeal for municipal improvements ... 44 He tries in vain to reform the currency . . . . .45 And fulminates against excessive tippling .... 45 He lays claim to Connecticut for the duke . . . .46 King Philip's War breaks out ...... 47 Connecticut prepares to resist Andros, and Captain Bull baffles him at Saybrook ...... 48, 49 Invasions of the Mohawk country hy the French . 50, 51 Jesuit intrigues with the Long House ..... 52 Mistaken policy of the Duke of York .... 53 Journey of Andros into the wilderness . . . . .54 Arendt van Corlear and his melancholy fate ... 54 Corlear's village, Schenectady 54 Andros arrives in the Oneida country and holds a grand pow wow with the Indians 55, 56 He organizes a Board of Indian Commissioners . . .56 Robert Livingston ........ 57 Andros's relations with New England 58 King Philip in the Berkshire mountains . . .59 CONTENTS. v War with the Tarratines 60 Andros visits England, is knighted, and returns to New York 61 CHAPTER XI. NEW TOKK IN THE YEAR 1680. The great eomet, and how it was regarded in New York Approach to New York from the harbour ; Fort James Pearl Street and Broad Street .... The Water Gate and Maiden Lane Shoemaker's Land ; the Land Gate Bowery Lane and the Common .... The Collect, or Fresh Water ; Wolfert's Marsh . The Kissing Bridge ; the Bowery Village Kip's Bay and Turtle Bay Harlem The Great Kill, and Lispenard's Meadows . Origin of Canal Street Sappokaniean, or Greenwich ; Minetta Brook Visit of the Labadist missionaries, Bankers and Sluyter Thair experience at the custom-house . They cross the East River and pass through Brooklyn They are entertained at Gowanus by Simon de Hart They proceed to Najack (Fort Hamilton) . Their description of an Algonquin household They pass a hilarious night at Harlem, where they meet James Carteret They are charged a high fare for crossing Spuyten Duyvil . They compliment the good beer of Greenwich . But are not pleased with the New York dominies Rev. James Wolley praises the climate of Manhattan His Latin supper with the Calvinist and Lutheran parsons . Charges of heresy brought against Dominie Van Rensselaer Estates and revenues of New York Formation of an independent Classis The flour monopoly ........ 91 Affairs in New Jersey 92, 93 Andros asserts sovereignty over East Jersey ... 93 Carteret resists, and Andros deposes him . . . .94 Shameful arrest of Carteret 95 His trial, acquittal, and return to Elizabethtown . . .96 The duke relinquishes East Jersey to the Carterets . . 97 . 6263 . 6465 . 6667 . 6869 . 70 71 . 7172 . 73 74 . 75 76,77 . 7879 80-82 838485 8637 8990 91 92 vi CONTENTS. And West Jersey to Byllinge and his friends . . .98 Which brings William Penn upon the scene ... 98 CHAPTER XII. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. Religious liberty in Pennsylvania and Delaware . . .99 Causes of intolerance in primitive society ; identity of civil and religious life 100 Military need for conformity ..... 100, 101 Illustration from the relations of the Antinomians to the Pequot War 101, 102 The notion of corporate responsibility . . 102 Political and religious persecutions ... . 103 Reasons for the prolonged vitality of the persecuting spirit 104, 105 Evils of persecution ; importance of preserving variations . 105 From a religious point of view the innovator should be greeted with welcome ....... 106 Sir Henry Vane's " heavenly speech " . . . 107 Cromwell's tolerance ........ 108 Quietists and Quakers . . . . . . .108 Career of George Fox 109, 1 10 Origin of the epithet, " Quaker " 110 James Naylor and other crazy enthusiasts . . Ill Missionary zeal of the early Quakers ..... 112 Their great service in breaking down the Massachusetts the ocracy . . ....... 113 Charles II. and the oath of allegiance 1 13 Early years of William Penn .... . 114 His conversion to Quakerism .... . 1 15 It makes trouble for him at home . . . .116 Penn's services to Quakerism . . . . .117 His steadfastness and courage .... . 118 Some of his writings : " Innocency with her Open Face " . 118 If you will not talk with me, says Penn, I must write . 119 You call names at me instead of using argument . . . 120 If you do not blame Luther for asserting the right of private judgment, why blame me ? 120 When you persecute others, you assume your own infalli bility, as much as the Papists do .... 121 But you cannot hurt us, for if God is with us, who can be against us ? 121 CONTENTS. vii " No Cross no Crown "...-.. . . 122 Religion thrives not upon outward show .... 122 It is but a false cross that comports with self-indulgence . 123 Religion is not a fetish, but a discipline .... 123 Better resist temptation than flee from it . 124 The wholesomeness of solitude 125 The follies of fashion 126 " Thee " and " thou " .127 The use of " you " in place of " thou," says Penn, is undemo cratic 128 Memorable scene in the Lord Mayor's court ; futile attempt to browbeat a jury 129, 130 The recorder declares that England will never prosper until it has a Spanish Inquisition 130 Penn's marriage, and charming home in Sussex . . 131 He goes on a missionary tour in Holland and Germany 131, 132 Elizabeth, the Princess Palatine 132 Anna Maria, Countess of Homes 132 Penn preaches to the servants in tbe palace .... 133 At the inn he meets a young merchant of Bremen . . 133 Penn tells the ladies of his conversion 134 At which a Frenchwoman of quality is deeply moved . 134 A meeting on Sunday at the palace ; emotion of the princess 135 Penn takes leave, and goes to preach in Frankfort and neigh bouring towns 136 At Duysburg he gets a gruff greeting from Count von Falk- enstein .......... 137 At Leeuwarden he has a talk with " an ancient maid," Anna Maria Schurmann 138 He rebukes some fellow-travellers 138 Historic significance of the journey 139 How Penn became interested in West Jersey . . . 140 The founding of Salem on the Delaware .... 140 Beginnings of a Quaker colony in West Jersey . . 141 Peremptory demeanour of Andros . . 141, 142 Founding of Burlington . . .... 142 Thomas Hooton's letter to his wife 143 Penn's idea of a democratic constitution .... 144 High tariffs and " spoils of office " have introduced new phases of tyranny unforeseen by Penn .... 144 Andros claims West Jersey for the Duke of York . . 145 Penn's ingenious though defective argument 145, 146 Final release of the Jerseys .... . 146 vm CONTENTS. Penn's claim against the crown 147 How he conceived the " holy experiment "... 148 Boundaries of Penn's province ; seeds of contention . 148-150 Name of the new commonwealth ..... 150 The charter of Pennsylvania compared with that of Mary land . 151 Significance of the contrast 152 Influence of the king's experience with Massachusetts . 152, 153 Penn's humane and reasonable policy .... 153 His letter to the colonists ....... 154 A Quaker exodus 155 Penn comes to the New World 156 How Chester got its name ....... 156 The founding of Philadelphia ...... 157 Penn's opinion of the country ..... 157, 158 The Shackamaxon treaty ; Penn's skill in dealing with In dians 158, 159 Some incorrect impressions regarding the purchase of Indian lands 160 Not only in Pennsylvania and New Netherland, but in all the New England colonies, in Virginia, in Maryland, and in New Sweden, the colonists paid the Indians for their lands 160-162 The price paid to four Delaware chiefs for the tract between the Delaware and the Susquehanna . . . 162, 163 Increase Mather's " confusion of title " . . . 164 Unstinted credit is due to the Quakers for their methods of dealing with the red men ; nevertheless in the long peace enjoyed by Pennsylvania the controlling factor was not Quaker justice so much as Indian politics . . 164-166 Penn's return to England . . .... 167 CHAPTER Xm. DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. Andros returns to England, and in his absence the duke's customs' duties expire Igg And the collector, William Dyer, for insisting upon the pay ment of duties, is indicted for treason .... 169 The demand for a representative assembly is renewed . 170 The duke grants the assembly, and sends out Thomas Don gan as governor 170 j^j CONTENTS. ix 183,184, Meeting of the first assembly in Fort James Death of Charles II. ; the duke becomes king . Dongan and the Marquis Denonville play a game of diplo macy with the Long House 172, Louis XIV. plans the conquest of New York . But the warriors of the Long House checkmate him by in vading Canada James II. undertakes to improve the military strength of the northern colonies by uniting them under a single govern ment And sends out Sir Edmund Andros as viceroy New York is accordingly annexed to New England Tyrannical rule of Andros in Boston Dr. Mather detains King William's letter . Overthrow and imprisonment of Andros The old governments restored in New England New York is disturbed by rumours of war Causes of the anti-Catholic panic Jacob Leisler refuses to pay duties Character of Leisler Popular discontent in New York .... Fears of a French attack upon the city .... Nicholson's rash exclamation Leisler takes command of Fort James, and issues a " Decla ration" Nicholson sails for England ...... Leisler proclaims William and Mary, and Fort James becomes Fort William King William's letter arrives in New York . . 188, A committee of safety appoints Leisler to be commander-in- chief He assumes the title of lieutenant-governor He needs revenue and revives the Colonial Act of 1683 His authority is defied 191, His friend Jacob Milborne returns from a visit to England The French war parties The situation at Schenectady The massacre ......... Albany yields to Leisler 195, Election of an assembly ; Leisler calls together the first American Congress, May, 1690 Unsuccessful attempt to invade Canada .... Frontenac attacks the Long House 171 172 173 174 175 176 177177178 179 179 180 181 182183184 185 186186 ? 187 187188 189189190191 192 192193194195196 196197197 x CONTENTS. The king sends Henry Sloughter to be governor of New York, with Richard Ingoldsby for lieutenant-governor . 198 Leisler loses popularity . ..... 199 Two historical novels .... . . 199, 200 The marriages of Leisler's daughters . . . 200, 201 Arrival of Ingoldsby ........ 201 Leisler refuses to surrender Fort William . . 202 Ingoldsby therefore waits ....... 202 Leisler fires upon the king's troops ..... 203 Governor Sloughter arrives, and arrests Milborne and Leis ler 203, 204 Trial and sentence of the Leislerites 204 Execution of Leisler and Milborne ..... 205 Leisler's purpose was unquestionably honest . . . 206 His motives 207 The execution was ill-advised ...... 203 CHAPTER XIV. THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. Commanding position of the Dutch and Quaker colonies . 209 The war with France . 210, 211 Some effects of the accession of William and Mary . .211 Sloughter's representative assembly ..... 212 Death of Sloughter ; Benjamin Fletcher comes to govern New York 213 Peter Schuyler, and his influence over the Mohawks . 213, 214 He defeats Frontenac 215 Party strife between " Leislerians " and "Aristocrats " . 215 Fletcher rebukes the assembly ...... 216 His experience in Philadelphia . . . . . .217 And at Hartford 218 Causes leading toward the Stamp Act . . . .219 Penn's plan for a Federal Union . . 220, 221 The golden age of piracy ....... 222 The pirates' lair on the island of Madagascar . . 223 Enormous profits of the voyages ..... 224 Effects in the city of New York .... 225, 226 William Kidd, and his commission for arresting pirates 226, 227 Fletcher is accused of complicity with the pirates, and is superseded by Lord Bellomont ..... 228 More party strife ; Bellomont's levelling tendencies . . 229 The election of 1699 .... ... 230 CONTENTS. xi Strange rumours about Kidd ; Bellomont goes to Boston, where he receives a message from him .... 231 How Kidd turned pirate . 232233234 235 2352362372.37 238 The King's proclamation ; Kidd's desperate situation He lands in Boston ; is arrested and sent to London . His trial and execution . . . . Death of Bellomont Violent proceedings of the Leislerians . The Aristocrats petition the crown Shameful trial of Bayard and Hutchings The air is cleared by the arrival of Lord Cornbury . The question as to a treasurer for the assembly . . . 239 The governorship of New Jersey is united with that of New York ... 239,240 Disputes over salaries . 240 Lord Cornbury's debauchery and debts .... 241 A bootless expedition against Canada .... 241, 242 Visit of five Iroquois chiefs to Queen Anne's court . . 242 Arrival of Robert Hunter as governor .... 242, 243 Another abortive attempt against Canada .... 243 Difficulty of raising money for military purposes . . . 244 Constitutional discussions 244, 245 Hunter is succeeded by William Burnet .... 245 The Caughnawagas and their trade 246 Its dangers 247 Founding of Oswego, and closer relations with the Mohawk valley 247, 248 William Cosby comes out as governor, and has a dispute with Rip van Dam 248 WiUiam Bradford and John Peter Zenger ; their newspapers 249 Persecution of Zenger 250 An information is filed against him for libel, and his counsel, William Smith and James Alexander, are disbarred for contempt of court 250, 251 Whereupon the venerable Andrew Hamilton comes from Philadelphia to defend him 251 The words of Zenger's alleged libel 252 Departing from the English law of that time, Hamilton con tends that the truth of a so-called libel is admissible in evidence 253 Great importance of the step thus taken .... 254 Extract from Hamilton's speech .... 254, 255 His peroration 256 Triumphant acquittal of Zenger 257 Xli CONTENTS. CHAPTER XV. KNICKERBOCKER SOCIETY. The city of New York in 1735 258 The farm of Anneke Jans ....... 259 Narrow limits of the province ... . . 260 Some causes of its slowness of growth .... 201 Comparative weakness of the assembly . . 261 Whigs and Tories 262 Great value of New York at the present day as a " doubtful State" 263 The colonial aristocracy . . .... 264 The Connecticut type of democracy 264 Peasantry and populace of New York .... 265 The manors and their tenantry 266 Mrs. Grant's description of the Schuyler manor . . . 267 The mansion 268, 269 The servants' quarters 269 The bedrooms 270 The approaches 270 The spacious barn 270, 271 Mrs. Grant's description of Albany .... 272-274 A Flatbush country-house 274, 275 The stoop 275 The dining-room . 276 The cellar 277 The sideboard 277 Chests and secretaries ....... 278 Beds 279 A specimen inventory 280 Dress 281 Cheerfulness of New York 282 Amusements and holidays 283 Clubs and inns ......... 284 Reading and literature . 284 William Smith aud Cadwallader Colden .... 285 White servants 286 Negro slaves 286, 287 The negro plot of 1712 288 The " Great Negro Plot " of 1741 .... 288-293 Dread of Catholic priests 289 The war with Spain . . 290 CONTENTS. xiii Hughson's Tavern, and the informer, Mary Burton . 290 Alarms of fire . 291 The alleged conspiracy ; wholesale executions . . . 292 Revulsion of feeling 293 CHAPTER XVI. THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. Friendship between William Penn and James II. . . 294 Macaulay's hasty charges against Penn . . . 295 The Maids of Taunton 296 Macaulay's discreditable blunder ..... 297 Penn was not awake to James's treacherous traits . . 298 The affair of the Seven Bishops 299, 300 Penn's lack of sympathy with the popular feeling . . 301 Absurd stories about him 302 Suspected of complicity with Jacobite plots .... 302 Anecdote of Penn and Locke 303 William III. deprives Penn of his proprietary government . 304 George Keith's defection 304 The King restores Penn's government 305 His return to Philadelphia ....... 306 His home and habits 306 Some democratic questions 307 Disagreements between Delaware and Pennsylvania . . 309 The revised charter 309-311 Reasons why Penn could not fully sympathize with William III 311 Could Quakers fight in self-defence ? .... 311 Penn returns to England, leaving John Evans as deputy- governor .......... 312 Evans's folly ......... 313 Powder money 314 Penn's wretched son 315 Misdeeds of the Fords 315, 316 Penn's long illness and death 316 Character and accomplishments of James Logan . . 317, 318 David Lloyd .318 How Benjamin Franklin sought and found a more liberal intellectual atmosphere in Philadelphia than that of Boston 319 Attitude of Quakers toward learning 320 The first schools in Pennsylvania 321 xiv CONTENTS. Printing, and the Bradfords 322 The first American drama 323 Beginnings of the theatre 324 Agriculture, commerce, and manufactures . . ¦ 324 Redemptioners ......... 325 'Negro slaves ; Quaker opposition to slavery . . • 326 Crimes and punishments 327 Philanthropy • • 327 Andrew Hamilton's tribute to Penn . . 328 Significance of Pennsylvania's rapid growth 328, 329 CHAPTER XVII. THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. New York and Pennsylvania were the principal centres of distribution of the non-English population of the thirteen colonies .......... 330 The Jews ; their fortunes in Spain . . 331, 332 Their migration to the Netherlands 333 Arrivals of Jews in New Netherland and Rhode Island 333, 334 The synagogue in New York . .... 335 Jews in Pennsylvania, South Carolina, aud Georgia . . 336 Huguenots ; causes of their failure in France . . . 337 Effect of the extermination of the Albigenses . . 338, 339 Defeat of Coligny's schemes for a Huguenot colony in Amer ica ........... 339 First arrivals of Huguenots in New Netherland . . 340 Arrivals of Waldenses and Walloons .... 340, 341 Walloon settlements on the Hudson River . . . 341 Decrees of Louis XIV. against Huguenots . . . 341, 342 The dragonnades 342 The Huguenot exodus, and its lamentable results for France 342, 343 Huguenots in Massachusetts 344, 345 Huguenots in New York ; beginnings of New Rochelle 345, 346 The Jay family of Rochelle, and their migration to New York 346,347 Jay, Laurens, and Boudinot 347 Benjamin's West's picture of the Commissioners . . 348 Dimensions of the Quaker exodus from England . . . 348 Migration of Memionites and Dunkers to Pennsylvania . 349 The Ephrata Community 350 CONTENTS. xv Migration of Palatines to New York and Pennsylvania . 350, 351 Specimen of the Pennsylvania German dialect . 351, 352 The name " Scotch-Irish " 352 The Scotch planting of Ulster 353 Exodus of Ulster Presbyterians to America .... 354 Difference between Presbyterians in Scotland and in Ireland 354 Union of the Palatinate and Ulster streams of migration in the Appalachian region . .... 354, 355 Fruitfulness of Dutch ideas 355, 556 Appendix I. Some Leisler Documents. A. Affidavits against Nicholson 357 B. Leisler's Commission to be Captain of the Fort . 358 C. Leisler's Commission to be Commander-in-Chief 358, 359 D. Schuyler's Protest against Milborne . . . 359, 360 E. Leisler to the Officers of Westchester . . . 361 F. Leisler to his Commissioners at Albany . . 362, 363 G. Leisler to Governor Sloughter .... 363, 364 H. Dying Speeches of Leisler and Milborne . . 364-369 Appendix II. Charter for the Province of Penn sylvania, 1681 370-386 Index 387 MAPS. The Duke's Plan, or a Map of New Amsterdam, in 1661 . 62 From a facsimile in Harvard University Library. The original manuscript is in the British Museum. A MS. facsimile, made from the original in 1858 for Dr. G. H. Moore, is now in the possession of the New York His torical Society, and is the source of all the facsimiles printed in America. John Miller's Map of New York in 1695 .... 86 From a facsimile in Harvard University Library. The original MS. is in the British Museum. Part of Holme's Map of Pennsylvania, 1683 .... 158 From Winsor's America. The original was printed and published in London in 1683, and it has been repub lished in Philadelphia in 1846, and again in 1870. James Lyne's Map of New York in 1728 . . . 258 From an original kindly lent by General James Grant Wilson. I am informed by Mr. Wilberforce Eames that l CONTENTS. Mr. W. L. Andrews has an original without the date, which corroborates a suspicion that the date 1728 may have been absent from the map as first issued. Mont- gomerie's Ward, which appears on the map, was not created until 1731. THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLO NIES IN AMERICA. CHAPTER X. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. When baffled Peter Stuyvesant with an aching heart turned over to Colonel Richard Nicolls the fair province of New Netherland, and the old local names — not yet old in years but destined to be forever venerable in memory — gave place to the name and titles of the new master ; when the little town on the tip end of Manhattan Island became New York, and Fort Amsterdam, its quaint citadel, became Fort James, and far up in the northern wilderness Dutch Orange received Scotch baptism as Albany ; the revolution was more quiet A peaceful and peaceable than almost any other that rev0lutl0n- is recorded in history. Few political changes have been greater in their consequences. By transfer ring from Dutch into English hands the strategic centre of antagonism to New France, it brought about an approach toward unity of political de velopment in the English colonies and made it possible for them at length to come together in a great Federal Union. Such remote results were not within the ken of James, Duke of York. 2 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Thoughts of commerce rather than of empire filled his mind, and none could deny that the trade in peltries and the possession of a superb seaport were fit objects of princely care. A bigot and despot by natural temper, he had nothing to gain and everything to lose by exhibiting such qualities as Lord Proprietor of this Dutch domain. But for tact and moderation this bloodless con quest could hardly have been made ; without con tinued moderation and tact it might prove hard to keep. Conciliation was the watchword, and no better person could have been found to carry out Richard suc^ a policy than Richard Nicolls, one Nicoiis. Q£ tjje most genial and attractive figures in early American history. He was honest and sensible, frank but courteous in speech, open- hearted and liberal-minded, a man of refined tastes and an excellent scholar withal, fond of his Greek and Latin books, and speaking Dutch and French like a native. Wherever he went he won all hearts, and so it was in New Amsterdam. The citizens were undisturbed in person or property, and it was soon felt that their rights were better protected than ever before. The old Dutch local government of burgomasters, schepens, and schout was retained for a year, and then those officers were replaced by mayor, aldermen, and sheriff. A code of laws was promulgated, known as " The Duke's Laws," and none could complain of it as wanting in liberality. The patroons were con firmed in their estates, henceforth called manors, jury trial was introduced and the criminal code amended, and it was provided that no Christian THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 3 should be in any wise molested for his religious opinions. The arrival of Englishmen upon the scene brought the Church of England and its ser vices ; but everything was amicably arranged, and for a time the Dutch Reformed service was held in the morning and the English in the afternoon at one and the same meeting-house. While in these respects the Duke's laws were so liberal, they provided nothing like constitutional government for the people of New York. There was no legal check upon Nicolls's arbitrary will ; and if the four years of his governorship were long remembered as a kind of golden age in the history of the colony, it was purely because of Ag00d his admirable character. As Samuel autocrat- Maverick wrote to Lord Arlington, it was won derful how this man could harmonize things in a world so full of strife ; even the Indians felt the effects, and were " brought into such peaceful posture " as never before. One of the most important series of transactions under the first English governor of New York was that which determined the boundaries of the pro vince. Cartwright was sent up the North River, and met with no opposition at Reusselaerwyck, Fort Orange, and Esopus. The submission was as peaceful as it had been at Manhattan. On the South River it was otherwise. Sir Robert Carr was sent with two of the frigates to de mand the surrender of the Dutch fort at Can- at New New Amstel. The garrison were ready to submit to the inevitable, but the commandant, Alexander Hinnoyossa, was determined to resist. 4 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. A couple of broadsides from the frigates and a rush of English soldiers soon settled the business ; the fort was carried by storm, and of its defenders there were three killed and ten wounded. Carr now showed that he was made of very different stuff from Nicolls. He confiscated property for his private use and that of his son and friends ; he shipped the Dutch soldiers to Virginia, to be sold into servitude ; and he rifled people's houses, carrying away everything of value, even to the wearing apparel. It became necessary for Nicolls to follow him to the Delaware River and make him disgorge some of his plunder. The name New Amstel was changed to Newcastle, and Cap tain John Carr, son of Sir Robert, was put in com mand of the district. According to the charter which Lord Baltimore had obtained from Charles I., this whole western shore of Delaware Bay was part of Maryland ; 1 but the Duke of York showed small respect for his father's grants. He insisted upon keeping his own officers there, and thus Delaware remained an appendage to New York until 1682, when it was given to William Penn. The eastern boundary was the next matter that required attention. It will be remembered that the charter obtained by Winthrop in 1662 made Connecticut extend to the Pacific Ocean, but the charter granted to the Duke of York in 1664 made the province of New York begin at the Connecticut River. If this latter provision had been sustained, it would have spoiled Connecticut, crippled Massa chusetts, and prevented the existence of Vermont. 1 See my Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, ii. 144. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 5 The question had many complications. Both Con necticut and New Haven had exercised jurisdiction over portions of Long Island. The charter of 1662 extinguished the New Haven colony . . ^ . , Tall of the by annexing it to Connecticut, but the republic of -NT tt . , , . New Haven. JNew Haven people had resisted this pro vision. Stamford posed for the moment as an independent republic, but Connecticut claimed jurisdiction over Stamford and over Westchester County as well. The action of New Haven tended to simplify matters. By the Duke's charter New York would have swallowed that colony. So be tween two unpalatable cups New Haven chose the less bitter. The " Christless rule " of democratic Connecticut was not so bad as the equally Christ- less rule of despotically governed New York. New Haven preferred to submit to the Winthrop char ter. Everything now depended upon the justice and wisdom of Nicolls ; his representations would have great weight with the Duke of York and the king. Had he insisted upon the Connecticut River boundary he would probably have got it. But such a disregard for the Winthrop charter seemed to him both dishonourable and contrary to public policy, and he soon accepted a boundary line which seemed fair to all parties. Connecticut was to have Stamford, but Westchester County was to belong to New York. The dividing line was to start at Mamaroneck Creek and . >i ¦ 1 1 -i ¦ The Con- run north-northwest until it should, inter- necticut sect the southern boundary of Massachu setts, keeping always as much as twenty miles distant from the Hudson River. This sounded 6 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. reasonable enough, but people's knowledge of American geography was still very slender. New York historians have accused the Connecticut commissioners of playing a trick upon Governor Nicolls.1 Such charges are easy to make, but dif ficult to prove. It does not seem likely that the Connecticut men, had they correctly conceived the geography of the case, would have proposed a line so ridiculous as to invite speedy exposure. A line starting at Mamaroneck Creek and running north- northwest would have crossed the Hudson River at Peekskill and would have intersected the pro longed boundary of Massachusetts near the north western corner of Ulster County, five-and-thirty miles west of the river ! The error was soon dis covered, and was rectified in 1683, when the bound ary was placed very nearly in its present position, though it was long before all questions connected with it were settled. This decision furnished a basis for determining afterwards the western boundary of Massachusetts and still later that of Vermont. On the other hand, the whole of Long Island, having been expressly mentioned and given a cen tral place in the grant to the Duke of York, was declared to be his. Nicolls named it Yorkshire and divided it into three ridings. Nantucket and Yorkshire, Martha's Vineyard were likewise annexed co^ty, and to New York, and so remained until Cornwall. 1692> when they wepe handed oyer tQ Massachusetts. The name of Dukes County still 1 See, e. g., Brodhead's History of the State of New York ii. 56. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 7 commemorates the brief season when Martha's Vineyard was the property of James Stuart, Duke of York. The island of Pemaquid also, with a dis trict of mainland between the Kennebec and St. Croix rivers, called the County of Cornwall, was included in James Stuart's proprietary domain ; but this, with all the rest of Maine, was added to Massachusetts after the accession of William and Mary. While Nicolls was busy settling boundaries and making the change from Dutch to English rule as pleasant as possible for all parties concerned, his colleagues Cartwright and Maverick were wasting breath and losing their tempers in the effort to outwit or browbeat the magistrates and parsons at Boston, — such men as Bellingham and Norton, Leverett and Simon Willard. In the summer of 1665 Cartwright sailed for England, car- .... ,. ° . Cartwright rying with him papers tending to convict sails for the Massachusetts people of disloyalty, but land's -itt- ii- • -i , i -i i i" Spain. With this evidence he hoped to persuade the king to rescind their charter ; but in mid- ocean he was captured by a Dutch cruiser, who seized all his papers and set him ashore in Spain, jocosely remarking that the climate would cure the gout under which he was groaning. By the time Cartwright arrived in London the king was too busy with the Dutch war to molest Massachu setts. Thus the English capture of New Amster dam, with the resulting complications, would seem to have given a fresh lease of life for twenty years to the charter of the stiff-necked Puritan republic. After Cartwright's departure, Maverick stayed 8 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. some time in Boston, ready to welcome the news of a quo ivarranto ; but none such came. In Jan uary, 1667, Sir Robert Carr came to Boston from Delaware, intending to embark for England. One cold Saturday evening Carr and Maverick, with half-a-dozen boon companions, had grown some- pieasant what noisy over a steaming bowl of grog fveningJin at ^e Ship Tavern, when a constable Boston. stepped in and told them to break up and go home. They were desecrating the Sab bath, which it was then the fashion to regard as beginning at sundown of Saturday. But the com pany defied the constable and drove him away with blows. On the next Saturday evening the party again assembled at the tavern, but prudently adjourned across the street to the house of a mer chant named Kellond, where another constable, Arthur Mason, found them in a hilarious mood. He told them it was well for them that they were in a private house, for had he found them across the way he would have haled them off to prison. Angry words ensued, in the course of which Carr said that it was he who beat the con stable, and he would do it again. Mason retorted that it was lucky for the party that he was not the constable who found them at the tavern. " Sir Robert asked if he dare meddle with the king's commissioners. ' Yes,' says Mason, ' and if the king himself had been there I would have car ried him away ' ; upon which Maverick cried out, ' Treason ! Mason, thou shalt be hanged within a twelvemonth.' Sir Robert Carr spake to Sir Thomas Temple and some others of the company, to THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 9 take notice of what passed, and the next day Mav erick sent a note to Mr. Bellingham the governor, charging Mason with high treason for the words spoken." 1 The governor behaved with tact and bound Mason over with sureties to answer at the next court. Presently Maverick, whose wrath had had time to cool, asked permission to withdraw his charge, inasmuch as he felt satisfied that Mason's words, though " rash and inconsiderate," were not malicious and indicated no " premeditated design " against his Majesty's government. Bellingham ' astutely replied that " the affair was of too high a nature for him to interpose in." The sagacious grand jury found simply " that the words charged were spoken," and the verdict of the court was that Mason should be " admonished in solemn manner " by the governor. Thus were the skirts of Massachusetts cleared of any insinuations of complicity with treason in which gossip-mongers might indulge. Hutchinson is right in saying that though the anecdote may seem trivial, it is full of instruction. As for the pot-valiant Sir Robert Carr, he sailed for England and died suddenly the day after landing. Maverick found the social atmosphere of Boston too austere, and was glad to remove to New York and accept from the duke the present of a house on Broadway, where he seems to have spent the remainder of his days. The feeling of Nicolls toward Boston may be inferred from his remark, " Our time is lost upon men who are puffed up with the spirit of independ- 1 Hutchinson, History qf Massachusetts Bay, Boston, 1764, i. 254. 10 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. ency." He seems to have had no more sympathy than Stuyvesant with popular government ; and like his predecessor he found more or less trouble with the towns upon Long Island, which preferred the methods in vogue upon the Connecticut River to those of Manhattan. But his unfailing tact and good sense overcame all obstacles and made him a pattern for beneficent despots. His attention was soon called in an unexpected wa^ to the mainland west of the North River's month. Except for the settlements at Hoboken and Pavonia, and more recently at Bergen, in what is now Jersey City, little had been done in that _ , direction. The Passaic and Raritan riv- Settlementswest of the ers flowed through a wilderness as vet Hudson. P J untrodden by white men. Nicolls named this fair country Albania and felt a lively interest in its development. In 1664 he granted the region west of the Achter Koll, or Back Bay — which we now call Newark Bay — to several families from Jamaica on Long Island. From this place an Indian trail furnished easy overland access to the hamlets on the Delaware. The patentees — John Ogden, Luke Watson, and their associates — numbered in all some eighty persons. They had scarcely begun to take possession when Nicolls learned that the Duke of York had already given away the whole territory between the North and South Rivers. It was so easy for a prince to show his gratitude for favours received bv The gTant to J carte°rety™d maknl£ wholesale gifts of unknown land in America! The grantees were Sir George Carteret and Lord Berkeley of Stratton. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 11 The latter was brother of Sir William Berkeley, the famous governor of Virginia, and figures occa sionally in the history of that commonwealth and of Carolina. Carteret belonged to a family which had for several generations been prominent in the island of Jersey. He defended his island stoutly against the Roundhead soldiers, and he was the last commander on British soil to lower the king's flag. Both Carteret and Berkeley seemed worthy of a reward for their conspicuous and devoted loyalty, and one can easily fancy James's comfort able sense of generosity tempered with thrift as he looked over the map of New Netherland and marked off this spacious unknown wilderness to bestow upon his friends. But when the affair came to Nicolls's ears, he made such representations to the duke as to weaken his belief in the thriftiness of the transaction and cause him to repent of his haste. He persuaded Berkeley and Carteret to give back the land between the North and South rivers, in exchange for an extensive tract to the west of the latter. But this was encroaching upon Maryland, and gave rise to an altercation between the Duke of York and Lord Baltimore. The net result was that nothing further was done, and accordingly Carteret and Berkeley took possession of their proprietary domain.1 In August, 1665, Philip Carteret, a cousin of Sir George, arrived with several families and estab lished himself just behind the Achter Koll, in 1 Melliek, The Story qf an Old Farm, or Life in New Jersey in the Eighteenth Century, Somerville, N. J., 1889, p. 105 ; a mono graph of remarkable merit. 12 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. the very region which Nicolls had granted to Og den and his associates. The settlement EHzabeth- ° was called Elizabethtown, after Elizabeth, wife of Sir George Carteret, a lady of somewhat Puritan proclivities, concerning whom Pepys testifies that " she cries out against the vices of the court, and how they are going to set up plays already. She do much cry out upon these things, and that which she believes will undo the whole nation." 1 Philip Carteret undertook to sat isfy Nicolls's patentees by making compensation for the lands to which they laid claim, but Berkeley and Sir George refused to sanction this, on the ground that the Duke of York no longer owned the territory when his agent Nicolls made a grant of it ; so that the grant was simply void. Out of these circumstances grew various legal disputes which were not all disposed of until more than a century had elapsed. The province thus carved out of New Nether land was named Nova Caesarea, after the Latin The name name of the island of Jersey, the home of New Jersey. the Carterets. People, however, preferred the vernacular form of the name, and called it New Jersey. The form of government established by the proprietors, in their instrument known as the "Concessions," was a striking contrast to Nicolls's amiable despotism in New York. The sway of the governor, Philip Carteret, was limited not only by a council but also by an assembly elected by the people. Most liberal terms for pur chasing lands were offered to .settlers, and entire 1 Pepys' Diary, October 15, 1666. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 13 religious liberty was promised. The result of this was an immediate influx of settlers from New England. A party from the Piscataqua country founded Piscataway by the river Raritan ; others from Haverhill and Newbury made the beginnings of Woodbridge ; but the most important accession, in some respects, came from the lately extinguished republic of New Haven. There were many persons in that colony who could not endure the unwillini!. thought of annexation to Connecticut. Ha8veniea the stride of the third Wil_ liam of Orange into the historic foreground, and one more wicked and terrible war between English men and their Dutch cousins. And thus it happened that in the Christmas sea son of 1672, while the worthy Lovelace was setting afoot his postal scheme, a powerful Dutch fleet of fifteen ships, commanded by Cornelius Admiral x ... Evertsen's Evertsen, was cruising in the West Indies to harass the English. By rein forcements this fleet was increased to three-and- twenty warships, carrying, besides their crews, 1600 troops. After finishing their business in the West Indies, these Dutchmen, in July, 1673, visited Chesapeake Bay, destroying merchant vessels ; and thence they kept on for New York, which had from the outset been their ultimate destination. Its re capture had been planned in Holland. On the morning of August 7 the ships dropped anchor off Staten Island ; the next day they came up through the Narrows ; the next they were ready to proceed to extremities. The case was virtually a repetition of that of 1664. Governor Lovelace was absent on business, over on Long Island, but had he been on the spot THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 25 it would have made no difference. The garrison of Fort James numbered scarcely eighty men. There was a brief exchange of volleys between CaDture of the feeble fort and the majestic fleet, and New York by e , . the Dutch. a tew lives were sacrificed, but resistance was hopeless. Before sunset of August 9 the en sign of the Dutch Republic floated over the fort, and the city on Manhattan passed once more under the sway of its founders. Once more there was a general change of nomenclature. The province re sumed its old name of New Netherland, its eastern limit was pronounced to be that of the Hartford treaty of 1650,1 and the whole of Long Island was declared to belong to it, but no claims were made upon Martha's Vineyard, Nantucket, or Pemaquid. Westward the claim took in whatever had been ruled by Stuyvesant, including New Sweden. Fort James was rechristened Fort Willem Hen drick, after the new stadholder, and the city was called New Orange. Esopus, which had exchanged its Indian name for Kingston, was now called Swanenburg. Albany received the name of Wil- lemstadt, and its blockhouse that of Fort Nassau. As for Carteret's domain of New Jersey, it was baptized Achter Koll, or "Back Bay," from the broad sheet of water across which Elizabethtown was approached. A council of war was Anthony held by the officers of the fleet, and they ernor'ofN^ appointed Anthony Colve, a captain of Nethelland- infantry, to be governor of New Netherland. All the places mentioned as within his jurisdiction submitted gracefully, and some of them very cheer 1 See above, vol. i. p. 257. 26 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. fully, except on Long Island. There the Dutch towns, such as Brooklyn and Flatbush, rejoiced in the change of rulers ; even some of those towns where the English were a majority, such as Flush ing and Jamaica, made no resistance. But the purely English towns in the East Riding — South ampton, Easthampton, Brookhaven, Southold, and Huntington — were extremely unwilling to yield ; and although they succumbed for a moment to the inexorable situation,1 yet Southampton pub lished a protest and sent it all over New England, " in order to take off any aspersion cast upon us, as though we should freely submit to this foreign government." It became necessary for Governor Colve to " admonish " these froward eastern towns, but they did not cease to be thorns in the flesh. The appeal of Southampton was heard by sympa thetic ears. Connecticut joined in the protest, angry letters passed between Colve and Win throp, and presently Connecticut troops crossed the Sound. Scrimmages and reprisals on the high seas went on until Massachusetts also was aroused. 1 The " oath of fidellitj," which the inhabitants of these towns were required to take, is interesting- as a quaint specimen of Eng lish written by a Dutch secretary : " Wee do sware in the pre sents of the Almightij God, that wee shall be true & faithfull to y° high & mig-hty Lords y" States Gennerall of y° united Belgick Provinces, & his Serene hignesse the Prince of Orange, & to their Govern™ here for the time being, and to y" utmost of our power to prevent all what shall be attempted against the. same, but uppon all occasions to behave ourselves as true & faitful subiects in conscience are bound to do, provided that wee shal not be forced in armes against our owne Nation if theij are sent bij a Lawful commission from his Majesty of England. Soo help us God." New York Colonial Documents, ii. 602. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 27 Having seen some of her own ships captured and confiscated, Massachusetts decided that cc r\ i i i -ni n - Banger of an "(jrod doth call them to do something attack by tbe New in a hostile way for their own defence." England th i . •¦ i • t Confederacy. Plymouth acquiesced in this policy, declaring that " just ground of a war " existed. Rhode Island, which was not a member of the Confederacy, took measures to defend her har bours against Dutch attacks ; while the three con federated colonies were planning an expedition which might have threatened not only Long Island, but Manhattan itself, for Evertsen's great fleet had sailed for Europe, leaving one frigate and one sloop-of-war to sustain Colve's government. It was indeed a precarious situation which de pended upon the continued presence of a Dutch fleet in the midst of a European war that was strain ing Holland's resources. Fort Willem Hendrick, if good for anything, ought to be able to make it dangerous for hostile ships to enter either the East River or the North ; but as an instrument of war that fortress was now but little better than on the day when Dominie Megapolensis warned Stuyve- sant of the folly of using it. Houses had been built and gardens planted so close to it HowG„. as to interfere with firing. Colve felt ^Xfdown bound to make an effective weapon of it, h0U8es- and he decided that the offending houses must either be moved away or be pulled down. It was done as considerately as possible ; and here per haps a few extracts from the contemporary records will help to bring the situation vividly before us. It was announced that all persons injured in their 28 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. property by the proposed work should be indem nified, either in money or by a gift of real estate in some other locality. At a meeting held in the City Hall of New Orange, October 10, 1673, at rhe which were present Governor Anthony petitions. Colve, Councillor Cornelius Steenwyck, and three burgomasters, Johannes van Brugh, Johannes de Peyster, and iEgidius Liiyck, a num ber of petitions were heard, of which the following are samples : — "Peter de Riemer is willing to remove his house, but requests Muyen's lot or one at the Water side instead. "Lodewyck Pos requests the house next the City Hall ; otherwise 't will be impossible for him to move. " Jacobus van de Water request's Pattison's house in Pearl Street, or a lot as near his former resi dence as possible, with satisfaction. " George Cobbett says he is unable to move un less assisted. " Jan Dircksen Meyer says he knows not whither to turn, but finally requests a lot behind The Five Houses, in Bridge Street. "Andrew Meyer in like manner requests a lot there. " Gerritt Hendricks, butcher, says he has been ruined by the English and is unable to move ; re quests help and assistance. " Peter Jansen Slott, by his father, requests a lot behind the City Hall. " Simon Blanck requests accommodation for the winter, as his house cannot be moved ; asks a lot behind the Five Houses. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 29 " Peter Stoutenburgh, absent. " Martin Jansen Meyer says he is not able to move ; is offered the lot next to Kip in the valley, or recommended to look up another. " Lysbeth Tyssen is told that her small houses will be examined, to see whether they cannot be spared. " Peter Harmensen's little house is in like man ner to be examined. " Peter Jansen Mesier requests a place on the Water side ; otherwise cannot remove. "Ephraim Herman requests satisfaction with others. " Dr. Taylor's wife says that her husband is willing to risk his house, and to abide the result." Steen wyck and the three burgomasters were then authorized to make an appraisal of the houses and lots which were to be destroyed or surrendered, and likewise of the houses and lots which they should think proper to bestow as indemnity. By permission, two carpenters were added to this com mittee of appraisal. After their work had been done a proclamation was issued, October 16 : — " Whereas Fort Willem Hendrick and the city of New Orange situate on Manhatans Island is seriously encumbered and weakened by the houses, gardens, and orchards which lie so close under its walls and bulwarks that it is impossible to defend it properly when occasion requires against The procla. its enemies, unless at least some of those matlon- houses, lots, and orchards be demolished and re moved. It is therefore considered necessary by the Governor-General, by and with the previous 30 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. advice of his Council, to demolish, pull down, and remove the undernamed houses, gardens, and or chards, and the owners thereof are hereby most strictly ordered and commanded instantly to com mence demolishing and pulling down their houses, gardens, and orchards, and to remove them to such lots as are laid out within this city by the Govern or's order to that end and shall be shown to each of them by the Burgomasters." A list of the doomed estates follows. The pen alty for non-compliance with the order was forfeit ure of the indemnity. In order to meet this extraordinary public outlay, a temporary tax was imposed. " It is resolved and ordered to collect from now henceforth until said indemnity and damage shall be prompt paid to said persons and no longer, to wit : — "From all Beavers and peltries which will be exported from this government to Patria [the Netherlands] or elsewhere after the publication hereof, two and one half per cent. " From Duffels and Blankets imported from Patria or elsewhere into this government, two per cent. " And from powder, lead, muskets, wines, bran dies, distilled waters, and rum, five per cent." To this general proclamation was added the fol lowing specific notice : — " Willem van Vredenburgh: " You are hereby required and ordered, pursu- The specific ant to the Proclamation, to demolish from garret to cellar your house and lot lying and being in Broadway, and to remove to the THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 31 Company's garden, No. 1, for which removal you are allowed by arbitrators the sum of 330 florins, Wampum value, which shall be handed and paid you out of the extra duty which is ordered to be paid for that purpose." A note in the records informs us that " a similar order is sent to the house of all the others men tioned in the Proclamation, except Dr. Taylor, Lysbet Tyssen, and Peter Harmsen, whose houses shall be still further examined, in order if possible to spare them." 1 Colve was certainly a man of energy, for by the spring of 1674 his fortress was not only far ad vanced toward completion, but mounted 190 guns, collected from far and near, so that it might have made warm work for ships attempting to enter either of the rivers. To meet such expenses the treasury had recourse not only to extraordinary duties, but also to wholesale confiscations. As no articles of capitulation had been agreed upon when New York surrendered to Admiral Evertsen, and no fettering promises had been made, it was con sidered quite right and legitimate to confiscate all English and French property found in the city. Property belonging to persons actually living in Virginia, Maryland, or New England was ex empted from this seizure. Those who suffered most were the friends and agents purchases T and debts. of the Duke of York, among them .Love lace, the ex-governor. This gentleman was of a speculating turn of mind, and had bought sundry snug bits of real estate and parcels of chattels, but 1 New York Colonial Documents, ii. 630-635. 32 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. without always paying for them on delivery ; so that quite naturally he became involved in a Cre tan labyrinth of debt. One of his purchases has achieved fame as the initial step in one of the most pertinacious cases of litigation known to modern history. In 1671 he bought the greater part of the " Dominie's Bowery," a farm of sixty-two acres on the North River between the present Fulton and Christopher streets, and mostly west of West Broadway. Lovelace bought it of the heirs of Anneke Jans, the widow of the stout Dominie Bogardus, who has already played his part in our narrative. The hitch in the transaction, which afterward opened the sluices of litigation, was the fact that one of the heirs did not join in the sale to Lovelace. But for that worthy himself there was a more fatal hitch, when the Dutch governor confiscated this purchase with all the rest of his property in New Netherland. No sooner had Love lace returned from Long Island to Manhattan after its capture by the Dutch, than his creditors ar rested him for debt. Concerning the great catas trophe the unfortunate man thus wrote to Governor Winthrop : " To be brief — it was digitus Dei, who exalts and depresses as he pleases, and to whom we must all submit. Would you be curious to know what my losses amount to — I can in short resolve you. It was my all which ever I had been collecting ; too greate to misse in this wilder- nesse ... I am now intending for England, with all the conveniency I may, unlesse prevented." 1 He was told that he might go within six weeks if he 1 Brodhead, ii. 210. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 33 could first pay his debts, but as this was impossi ble, and there seemed to be nothing to be gained by holding him in durance, he was allowed to sail in the fleet for Holland. The burgomasters and schepens of New Orange had requested the States General to undertake the government of the province of New Netherland, so auspiciously won back. Their High Mightinesses assented to this, and appointed, for governor of the province, Joris Andringa, who had been secretary to Admiral de Ruyter. For the moment it looked as if New Netherland, set free from the narrow and selfish tyranny of the West India Company, was about to enter upon a period of enhanced prosperity under the more liberal and far-sighted policy of the States General. But it had been otherwise decreed. The prosperity was indeed to come, but under other rulers. Diplomacy quickly undid the work of Admiral Evertsen. This war, in which France and England were united against Holland, very closely concerned the interests of the House of Hapsburg, in Spain and Austria. The purpose of Louis tion in * .. Europe. Xiv. was to conquer and annex to France as much as possible of the ancient Middle Kingdom, or Lotharingia, and more especially Franche Comte and the Spanish Netherlands. It therefore became Spain's interest to defend her old adversary, the Dutch Netherlands ; and the inter est of the Empire was similar, since if France should succeed in swallowing Franche Comte she would next attempt to swallow Alsace. As for the Dutch, they were hard pressed by the united 34 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. strength of France and England, and willing to pay something for relief. Under these circum stances Spanish diplomacy prevailed upon the States General to make peace with England upon the basis of a mutual restoration of conquests and the payment of a liberal war indemnity from the Dutch into the English treasury. Upon such terms Charles II. was willing to make peace, the more so since the recent events had brought about the rise of his nephew, the Prince of Orange, to the head of affairs and the downfall of De Witt. Moreover, since Spain and the Empire were com ing into the lists against France, it became possi ble for Charles to gain his personal ends without the trouble of fighting. His abiding need was of money, to preserve as far as possible his of Charles independence of Parliament, and to sup port his innumerable mistresses. " There are two paymasters to whom he may apply. The one is Parliament, the other is Louis XIV. In these years he sets himself up to auction. As the feeling against France is constantly growing in Parliament, it becomes a principle with Charles that by opposing Louis he can obtain money from Parliament, and on the other hand that on condi tion of restraining, thwarting, or proroguing Par liament, he can obtain money from Louis. During this period Louis is contending against a great co alition. It lies with Charles to decide the issue of the European war, which is particularly dependent on hiin. He has ceased to aid France ; what if he should strike in on the other side? If Louis does not wish to see this happen, Louis must pay ! " 1 1 Seeley, The Growth of British Policy, ii. 213. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 35 In accordance with this Machiavellian policy, Charles prorogued his Parliament in 1675, and got ,£100,000 from his French cousin; in 1677 he made his demand greater and got £180,000 for a similar service ; in 1678 he wanted £600,000 for turning Parliament out of doors, and upon Louis's refusal our merry monarch turned around and got £600,000 from Parliament, in the expectation that it would be used in a war against Louis ! Such was the course upon which Charles was feeling inclined to enter at the beginning of the year 1674, and accordingly it became easy to de tach him from the alliance with France. At the eleventh hour Louis came forward with a handsome offer of money, but it was too late. A Thetreaty treaty was signed at Westminster, Feb- 0J£$&?* ruary 19, between the British king and 19>1674- their High Mightinesses at the Hague, and among its provisions was one which finally shaped the destiny of New Netherland, and made it an Eng lish province. On the 11th of July following, the treaty was proclaimed at the City Hall of New Orange. It marked the beginnings of greater changes than anybody could foresee. The end of the unnatural estrangement between English and Dutch was approaching ; children born that year in London and Amsterdam were still in the school room when the Prince of Orange was hailed as King of England. The treaty of Westminster did not put New Netherland back into the hands of the Duke of York. The crown lawyers decided that his title was extinguished by the Dutch conquest, and that 36 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. the treaty handed it over from the States General to Charles II. Accordingly that monarch granted it afresh to his brother. The new grant was not a confirmation of the old grant of 1664 ; it made no allusion to it and took no heed of several important things that had been done under it. It gave to the Duke of York the whole terri- conflicting tory between the Connecticut and Dela- ciaims. ware rivers, in utter disregard alike of Nicolls's arrangements with Winthrop and of the claims of Berkeley and Carteret. Thus were the seeds of further vexation and bickering plentifully sown. As for the sturdy Carteret, he entered his protest immediately and with so much vigour that he quite won over Charles, and then James thought it best to yield. But like a true Stuart he could not do anything without creating fresh entanglements. He had once granted New Jersey to Berkeley and Carteret jointly ; he now made a fresh grant of the eastern part to Carteret in severalty, while he took no notice of the western part, which Berkeley had sold to a couple of Quakers, and for which he had pocketed the purchase-money, £1000. Lord Berkeley had gone as ambassador to France ; and as for such little folk as Friends Byllinge and Fenwick, the duke had apparently forgotten their existence. The boundary between East Jersey and West Jersey was declared in Carteret's patent to be a straight line running from Barnegat Creek on the seacoast to a small tributary of the Delaware River next below the mouth of Rankokus Kill. The patent conveyed the territory of East Jersey to Carteret, but without any powers of sovereignty. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 37 As for Staten Island, concerning which some ques tion had arisen, it was "adjudged to belong to New York." The next thing to be done was to send a gov ernor to take possession of New York. Poor Love lace had fallen from favour. The Dutch had once confiscated his property; the Duke of EdmundAn- York now confiscated it again, to satisfy Jlewgov- debts due to himself, amounting — as he einor' said — to £7000. The unfortunate ex-governor died before his accounts were settled. For his successor the duke's choice fell upon an energetic young man whose name has left behind it in America some harsh and jarring memories, — Edmund Andros, major in Prince Rupert's regi ment of dragoons. Massachusetts writers have been apt to deal too severely with Andros, for it was in Boston that his hand was felt most heavily. To class him with vulgar tyrants would be grossly unjust. As to his personal integrity and his general recti- Hischarac- tude of purpose there can be no doubt. ter" His administrative ability also was unquestionable ; but while broad-minded in some ways, there were streaks of narrowness in his mind and he was defi cient in tact and sympathy. He was not the sort of man who would find it easy to wield arbitrary power according to James Stuart's notions without making it oppressive. But he was immeasurably better in all ways than the princes whom he served; and if his career in the New World had ended with his governorship of New York, his name would have escaped the odium which has been visited upon it. 38 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Andros belonged to a family eminent in the his tory of the little island of Guernsey, where his father was lord of the manor of Sausmarez and bailiff of the island. The father was also an offi cer of the royal household. Edmund was born in London in 1637, was brought up at court with the children of Charles I., and shared their exile. At that time he served for a while in the Dutch army, His early and became familiar with the Dutch lan- U£e' guage, while he could also speak French fluently. These were useful accomplishments in a governor of New York. Of the dozen or more languages in vogue there, next after Dutch and English came French, because of the large num bers of Huguenots and Walloons who had found homes in Manhattan. We shall have occasion hereafter to comment upon the peculiar comradeship between Quakers and Roman Catholics which signalized the courts of the last two Stuart kings. We may see an illustration of it in some of James's appointments for New York. Governor Andros was a member of the Church of England. With him was joined, Quakers and as lieutenant-governor, Anthony Brock- cathoiics. hollSj who wag a Roman Catholic, dis qualified from holding office in England ; while the collector of the port was William Dyer, for merly secretary of Rhode Island, whose Quaker wife had been cruelly hanged on Boston Common in 1660. On an October day of 1674 the English frigates Diamond and Castle sailed into the bay of New Tork, bringing Major Andros and his companions, THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 39 among whom was Philip Carteret returning to the governorship of New Jersey. The surrender of the city by Colve was an affair of bows and smiles and pretty speeches. Andros regaled the city officials in his cabin with " y" beste And'Jos Tn of vitayles and drink," and Colve, not to be outdone in hospitality, presented to his successor his own handsome carriage with three finely capar isoned horses. The liberal terms formerly granted by Colonel Nicolls were renewed ; the " Duke's Laws " were proclaimed once more in force ; city officers were appointed, of whom some were Eng lish, some Dutch, and some French ; and the An dros government seemed to be going into peaceful operation. At Albany and Kingston there was no opposition, but on the eastern end of Long Island there was grumbling. On November 14 Andros issued a proclamation reinstating the magistrates of the several towns who had been in office under Lovelace at the moment of the Dutch conquest. When this document was received on Long Island the towns of Southold, Easthampton, and TheLt>ngIs. Southampton held town meetings and in- land 'ob structed their magistrates to inform the governor that they were not under his jurisdiction, but un der that of Governor Winthrop of Connecticut. With the help of that colony they had cast off the rule of the Dutch, and they did not feel authorized to separate themselves from her without her ex press consent. Andros replied that if the three towns did not at once comply with his proclama tion they would be dealt with as if in rebellion ; at the same time he thanked Connecticut for her 40 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. services in restoring these towns to the Duke of York's allegiance ; and thus Winthrop and the three towns, on the whole, deemed acquiescence the best policy. More serious trouble broke out at Manhattan in the following March, when Andros issued a pro clamation requiring all citizens of the province of New York to take the same oath of allegiance which Nicolls had exacted in 1664. The articles The oath of °^ capitulation between Nicolls and Stuy- auegiance. vesant had contained provisions that the Dutch might " enjoy the liberty of their con sciences in divine worship and church discipline," that they might retain "their own customs con cerning their inheritances," that all public records should be respected, and various other safeguards against oppression. When Nicolls demanded the oath of allegiance, Cornelius Steenwyck and sev eral other burghers were unwilling to take it un less Nicolls should expressly declare that the arti cles of capitulation were " not in the least broken or intended to be broken by any words or expres sions in the said oath ; " and to this Nicolls read ily assented. Now the same objection was urged before Andros by eight leading burghers. Four of these — Cornelius Steenwyck, Johannes van Brugh, Johannes de Peyster, and Jacob Kip ¦ — had urged it before Nicolls ; the others were Nicholas Bayard, William Beekman, iEgidius Luyck, and Anthony de Milt. It was evident that the action of these gentlemen would deter mine that of many other citizens, and Andros saw fit to charge them with a wish to stir up rebellion. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 41 He insisted that they should take the oath without any qualification or proviso. Then the eight re cusant burghers replied that if they could not be allowed to take the oath now as they had taken it for Nicolls, they hoped they might be permitted to sell their estates and move away from New York. The governor answered by sending them to jail, from which they were released only on giving bonds to appear before the next court of assizes, to be tried for mutinous and inflammatory behaviour. The case came up in the following October, when the accusation was adroitly modi fied, and the defendants were charged with having violated an act of Parliament by engaging in trade without having taken the oath of allegiance. On this charge conviction was inevitable, and the pen alty was forfeiture of goods. Thus driven to the wall the recusant burghers were fain to secure a remission of the penalty by taking the oath uncon ditionally ; and such other citizens as had been waiting to follow their example presently came forward and took the oath likewise.1 The affair thus ended in a complete victory for Andros, but it was not to his credit for wisdom and tact that there should have been any such affair at all. His refusal to grant the very rea sonable request of the burghers was indeed not a heinous act of tyranny ; his inability to see any thing but sedition in it was a kind of weakness not uncommon with arbitrary rulers ; and his will ingness to remit all penalties on carrying his point 1 Minutes of Common Council, i. 9-11 ; Colonial Documents, ifi. 233-239. 42 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. was surely not the mark of a truculent temper. Andros The incident shows Andros in no worse wa°n7odfa light than that in which Stuyvesant often taot' appeared, but at the same time it plainly shows his inferiority to Nicolls. His want of tact was the more blameworthy in that Nicolls had once granted the same request that was now made, and no harm whatever had come of it. Andros showed himself in this instance incapable of pro fiting by his predecessor's experience. The popular discontent, which in the city and throughout the province had so readily acquiesced in the first change from Dutch to English rule, was still far from abated. Many of the best citi zens had hoped that the change would result in self-government with a regular legislative assem- Demaud for bly. The question had been more or less ativeaT11'" talked about under Nicolls and Lovelace ; sembiy. now y. wag br0Ugijt up afresh, and the demand for an assembly was so emphatic that Andros felt it necessary to consult his master about it. At first Andros was opposed to the demand, as we learn from the following letter written to him by the Duke of York, in April, 1675: — "Touching Generall Assemblyes wch ye people there seem desirous of in imitacon of their neigh bour Colonies, I thinke you have done well to dis courage any mocon of y* kind, both as being not at all comprehended in yor Instructions nor indeed The duke's consistent wth ye forme of govern m* al- letters. ready established, nor necessary for y" ease or redresse of any grievance y* may happen, THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 43 since y* may be as easily obtained by any peticon or other addresse to you at their Generall Assizes (woh is once a yeare) where the same persons (as Justices) are usually present, who in all proba bility would be theire Representatives if another constitucon were allowed." 1 But apparently in the course of that year the views of Governor Andros underwent some change, for in January, 1676, the duke thus advises him : — " I have formerly writt to you touching Assem bles in those countreys and have since observed what severall of your lattest letters hint about that matter. But unless you had offered what qualifi- cacons are usuall and proper to such Assemblyes, I cannot but suspect they would be of dangerous consequence, nothing being more knowne then [i. e. than] the aptnesse of such bodyes to as sume to themselves many priviledges wch prove destructive to, or very oft disturbe, the peace of ye governm4 wherein they are allowed. Neither doe I see any use of them woh is not as well pro vided for, whilest you and your Councell' governe according to ye laws established (thereby preserv ing evary man's property inviolate) and whilest all things that need redresse may be sure of find ing it, either at y" Quarter Sessions or by other legall and ordinary wayes, or lastly by appeale to myselfe. But howsoever if you continue of ye same opinion, I shall he ready to consider of any proposalls you shall send to y' purpose." 2 The last sentence, which I have italicized, indi- 1 Colonial Documents, iii. 230. 2 Id. iii. 235. 44 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. cates that the governor had suggested the feasible- bleness and prudence of yielding to the popular demand for a legislature. It seems, moreover, to show the duke in one of his gracious moods. No thing, however, came of the discussion, and the rule of Andros continued without constitutional check. There can be no question as to his faith fulness to his master, or as to his unflagging zeal for the interests of the city and province which had been committed to his care. In municipal reforms he was most energetic, and he found an able ally in the wealthy and accomplished Stephanus van Cortlandt,1 the first mayor of New York who was born in the city. Van Cortlandt's beautiful wife, Gertrude Schuyler, was an especial favourite with Mrs. Andros, and there was warm friend- improve- ship between the husbands, so that mayor supported governor with more than ordi nary alacrity. Van Cortlandt laid out and graded Broadway for some distance beyond the city wall ; and seven wells were sunk, which proved useful in cases of fire, though the water was too brackish for drinking. Andros was a stickler for cleanli ness and obliged every householder on certain stated days to set out by the wayside his litter and garbage in barrels or tubs, for the city's carts to take away. Andros also built a market-house on Broad Street, and a wharf on the East River, he had decrepit houses thoroughly repaired, or if not worth repairing and liable to become danger ous, he had them pulled down. Tidy housekeep- 1 His name is commemorated in Cortlandt Street, leading from Broadway down to the Pennsylvania Railroad's ferry. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 45 ing was a hobby to which he was always ready to give personal supervision. When building was going on he would stand by and give orders to the workmen, or would even in his zeal pick up a foot-rule and measure a board to see if it would fit. It goes without saying that trade and cur rency would engage the attention of such a man. He fostered trades and tradesmen with rules and regulations until it was a wonder that New York had any trade left. Even the quantity of brine in which the farmer might immerse his blocks of fat pork was minutely pre scribed. As for prices, they were of course fixed by ordinance. The currency of the province was in that unfathomable chaos which has always had so many admirers in the New World, — specie, beaver skins, white and black wampum, with relative values perpetually shifting, — and in the attempt to introduce something like order and stability Andros struggled manfully but in vain. Another crying evil was intemperance. It was said, perhaps with some exaggeration, that one quarter of all the houses in the city were places for retailing beer and spirits, and it could - . , . . Dram-shops. not be denied that the streets were too noisy with tipplers. The vehement mood in which Andros approached such matters is shown by his ordinance that if any man were to be seen drunk on the street, and the magistrates should be un able to discover where he had got his liquor, they were empowered forthwith to clap a fine upon every house in that street ! How far this super lative edict was enforced we do not know. 46 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. In spite of his zeal and diligence the prosperity of New York did not come up to its governor's wishes and expectations, and although induce ments were held out to immigrants, yet the popu lation did not increase so rapidly as was desired. It seemed to Andros necessary for the general welfare that the thriving towns and teeming fields of Connecticut should be added to his Andros covets con- province ; or, as he himself would have necticut * 1,15.1 honestly said, to assert the duke s right ful authority over this eastern portion of his pro vince. At the same time both Andros and the duke knew that some discretion was needful in proceeding against a colony chartered by the king, to say nothing of the facts that Connecticut single- handed was stronger than New York, and that she was loosely confederated with Massachusetts and Plymouth, upon whose aid in certain emergencies she could count. In the spring of 1675 Andros sent a message to Hartford, requesting the General Court to make arrangements for turning over that town and all the country west of the Connecticut River to the Duke of York. The court replied by alleging the award of the royal commissioners of 1664, which gave to Connecticut a boundary twenty miles east and lays °^ the Hudson River. Andros rejoined claim to it. that the al]eged award ha(J neyer beeQ confirmed by the king, and was now quite super seded by the new royal grant to the duke. The men of Connecticut refused to admit this claim, and their contumacy was declared by Andros and his council to be tantamount to rebellion. In June THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 47 " hee sent home Captn- Salisbury for England to let his Royal Highness know how impossible it was for this Government to subsist without the addition of Connecticut." 1 In the answer to Salisbury's message, which did not come for nearly a year, the duke's secretary wrote to Andros : " Upon the whole you will see that His Roy11 HEa is willing things should rest as they are at present, but he is not sorry you have revived this clayme because possibly some good use may be hereafter made of it." 2 But the ship that carried Captain Salisbury had scarcely sailed (July 2, 1675) when a courier from Hartford came spurring down the Bowery Lane (July 4) with the shocking news of the Breaking Indian massacre at Swanzey. The long- p^wf11181 drawn chapter of horrors known as King War' Philip's War had begun. Andros at once wrote to Winthrop : " I am very much troubled at the Christians' misfortunes and hard disasters in those parts, being so overpowered by such heathen. Hereupon I have hastened my coming to your parts, and added a force to be ready to take such resolutions as may be fit for me upon this extraor dinary occasion, with which I intend, God willing, to set out this evening, and to make the best of 1 Governor Dong-an's report of 1687 to the Lords of Trade, in O'Callaghan's Documentary History of New York, i. 187. Don gan goes on to say, " Much less can it subsist now without it, being at more expense than in the time of Sir Edmond, having lost Delaware, etc. ... I hope his Ma'y will bee graciously pleased to add that Colony to this which is the Centre of all His Dominions in America.'' 2 Colonial Documents, iii. 236. 48 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. my way to Connecticut River, His Royal Highness' bounds there." 1 If the good people at Hartford had been at all slow to dread the coming of Andros with his Da- naan gift of reinforcements, this last ominous allu- Connecticut S10n would have quickened them. They ?eSrest° promptly recalled the force which they Andros. j^ deSpatched in aid of Plymouth, and they sent Captain Thomas Bull, with 100 men, to hold the fort at Saybrook. The General Court was at once assembled, and unanimously adopted a protest against " Major Andros and all his aiders and abettors, as disturbers of the public peace of his Majesty's good subjects." It was resolved that they should " use their utmost power and endeavour (expecting therein the assistance of Almighty God) to defend the good people of the Colony from the said Major Andros's attempts." On the 8th of July Andros arrived at Saybrook with three sloops-of-war, and found the fort al ready occupied by Captain Bull, and the royal standard floating over it, upon which it was neither prudent nor proper to fire. Andros sent a mes sage up to Hartford, renewing his demand for ter ritory, and asking for a " direct and effectual answer," for which he said he should wait. As for his aid against Indians, he hinted that the Connecticut people did not seem over eager for it. , , t Captain Bull told him that if he wished Andros baf fled at to be helpful against Philip's Indians Saybrook. ihe had better lose no time in sailing to Mount Hope Bay. After two days Andros came 1 Connecticut Colonial Records, ii. 579. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 49 ashore and had an interview on the river's bank with Bull and his officers. Andros insisted upon having the duke's patent read aloud, but Bull's party refused to listen and walked away, saying it was no business of theirs. When the reading was finished, Andros said he should now depart unless they wished him to stay. The officers replied that they were not instructed to ask him to stay, but they had something to read aloud for his benefit, and they went on to read the protest of the Gen eral Court in which Andros was set down as a disturber of the public peace. He exclaimed that this was a poor requital for his kindness in offer ing aid against the savages ; and so the colloquy ended. As his vessels got under weigh he was courteously saluted by the guns of the fort, and the salute was returned. Then with swelling can vas the governor's ships sailed out of the beautiful river and sped away over the majestic waters of the Sound with prows turned southward for Long Island. When the affair was reported to the Hartford magistrates, they commended Bull and his officers for what they had done, but wished that it might have been done less mildly. It would have been well, they said, if the reading of the patent had been drowned in a boom and clatter of drums.1 Eighteen years later, as we shall see, a very doubtful tradition credits Captain Wadsworth with remembering this hint and acting upon it.2 1 Connecticut Colonial Records, ii. 262, 334, 339-343, 579-584. Dr. Trumbull's account, in his History of Connecticut, i. 330, per haps needs a little pruning. 2 See below, p. 218. vol. n. 50 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. From Southold, where Andros landed, he sent a few soldiers to protect his master's islands of Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard. He returned through Long Island to Manhattan, and exacted fresh assurances of good behaviour from all the Algonquin sachems in the neighbourhood. After a few weeks the rumour of Jesuit intrigues in the Mohawk valley led him to visit the Long House in person, to counteract this dangerous influence. The Iroquois league was now at the height of its power. These barbarians had never forgotten Champlain's attack upon them at Ticonderoga,1 and seldom let slip any opportunity for harassing the French. They became so vexatious that early in 1666 Courcelle, the governor of Canada, set out French with a party on snow-shoes to invade the ^Mohawk Mohawk country. Courcelle with much country. difficulty reached Schenectady, the most advanced outpost of New Netherland, where he first learned of the capture of the province by Colonel Nicolls. He was obliged to retrace his steps without chastising the barbarians, for, hard as the advance had been through a frozen wilder ness, he feared that sudden thaws and vernal mud might make retreat impossible. In the autumn of the same year Courcelle returned with the Mar quis de Tracy, lieutenant-general of New France, and a powerful force of 1300 men, and they suc ceeded in burning five of the Mohawk " castles," or palisaded villages, and destroying an immense quantity of food that had been stored for the win ter. The French beheld with astonishment how 1 See above, vol. i. p. 97. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 51 much these keen-witted barbarians had learned from the Dutch.1 Not only had they grown ex pert in the use of firearms and many carpenters' tools, but their forts were stout quadrangles twenty feet high, with formidable bastions at the corners. The destruction of these elaborate strongholds made a deep impression upon the dusky brethren of the Long House, for it showed them that their eastern door, at least, might be beaten in by On- ontio 2 and his pale-faced children. Governor Nicolls held that this French invasion of the Mohawk country was a trespass on the ter ritory of New York, since he recognized a kind of Dutch overlords hip over the Long House, and held that their rights of suzerainty had now passed over to the English. For a moment Nicolls dreamed of a general attack upon Canada, in which the New England colonies should take part, but such a scheme found little favour. A war against New France meant a war against Algon- quins and in aid of Iroquois, and was likely to infuriate the Algonquins of New England, whose love for their brethren of Canada may not have been strong, but whose hate for the Iroquois sur- 1 Parkman, Old Regime, i. 257. 2 Onontio (occasionally written Yonnondio) means Big Moun tain, and is the Iroquois translation of the name of Charles de Montmagny, who was governor of Canada from 1636 to 1648. All the French governors of Canada were thereafter called Onon tio by the Iroquois, among whom it was customary for the hered itary chief to inherit the name as well as the ofiice of his prede cessor. In like manner all the governors of Pennsylvania were called Onas, which means Quill, and is a translation of the name Penn. See Parkman's Jesuits, ii. 102. 52 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. passed the hatreds of hell. Nicolls encouraged the Mohawks to resist the French, but neither under his administration nor that of Lovelace were ade quate measures taken for securing a permanent Anglo-Iroquois alliance. Meanwhile the sagacious and indefatigable rul ers of New France were as ready to try persuasion as violence, and they found consummate instru ments in the Jesuits. These devoted missionaries addressed themselves to the task of converting the Iroquois to Christianity and turning their hearts _, . . to an alliance with Onontio. With the French in trigues with Mohawks, who had suffered the chief the Long ' House. damage from the French, the case was hopeless ; but the other tribes — Oneidas, Ononda- gas, Cayugas, and Senecas — were more ready to listen. Some headway was made, and a few tawny warriors were baptized, while Courcelle began build ing a fortress at Cataraqui, where the river St. Lawrence flows out of Lake Ontario. This strong hold, which was finished in 1673 by Frontenac, and bore his name for more than eighty years, stood on the site of the present city of Kingston. Its immediate purpose was to serve as a base for expeditions across Lake Ontario against the cen tral and western tribes of the Long House, and to cut off the lucrative fur trade in which these bar barians were the purveyors for the Dutch and English in New York. The moment when Andros was governor of New York was therefore a critical moment. If the Jesuit missionaries had won over the Long House, it is not improbable that New York would have THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 53 become, and might perhaps have remained, a French province. Possibly the formation A critioal of the American Union might have been moment- prevented. Certainly the history of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries would have been modified in many important particulars. There was imminent danger that the short sighted policy of the Duke of York would play directly into the hands of the French. For a while James did what he could to favour the Jesuit mis sionaries, wishing to see the heathen of the New World brought into the fold mistaken of Rome, and failing to realize that every P° l°y" point gained by those good Jesuits was a nail in the coffin of his own American interests. At times, however, he seemed to wake up to the grav ity of the situation, which Andros, being on the spot, understood much better than he. In the terrible summer of 1675, when the Wampanoags were working such havoc in the Plymouth colony and the Nipmucks in the central highlands of Massachusetts, while on the other hand the fron tier settlements in Virginia and Maryland were being goaded into a war set afoot by wandering Susquehannocks,1 it was clearly a time for preserv ing friendly relations with the formidable Long House. Scarcely had Andros returned from his Connecticut expedition when he made up his mind to go in person to the Mohawks and secure their favour and that of their confederates. His journey took him far into the Indian coun try. It was a pleasant voyage, of course, to Albany, 1 See Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, ii. 58-63. 54 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. making a brief stop at Esopus. After landing at Albany his party struck into the great Journey of J _ x J # ° Andros into Indian trail, the course of which has been the wilder- »ess. closely followed in later days by the Erie Canal and the New York Central Railroad. After a march of about sixteen miles they came upon the Mohawk River, at a for ding-place, where there was a tiny Dutch hamlet founded fourteen years before by Arendt van Corlear, a man of noble and generous nature. As a commissioner of Rensse- laerwyck he had long been well known to the Indians, in whose minds his name stood as a syno nym for truth and integrity. In 1667 this good Corlear came to a melancholy end. As Arendt van he was sailing on Lake Champlain he Corlear. n ° , , x passed a rock whereon the waves were wont to dash and fly up wildly, and Indian folk lore told of an ancestral Indian who haunted the spot and controlled the weather, so that passing canoes always threw a pipe or other small gift to this genius of the lake and prayed for a favourable wind. But Corlear not only neglected this wise precaution, but in his contempt for such heathen fancies made an unseemly gesture as he passed the rock ; whereat the offended spirit blew a sudden gust which capsized his boat and drowned him.1 The Indian name of the village founded by Cor lear was Onoaligone, but the village itself was Coriear's known to Indians and French simply as s'dSc- "Coriear's." The Dutch inhabitants, tady" however, transferred to it the Iroquois name Schenectady, which was originally applied to 1 Colden's History of the Five Nations, London, 1755, i. 32. THE ENGLISH AUTOCRATS. 55 the country about the site of Albany.1 At this Dutch village of Schenectady, the remotest western outpost of civilization, the governor and his ret inue made a brief halt. At that fording-place the trail divided, one branch crossing the river, the other following its windings closely upon the south ern bank. This southern trail would bring Andros through the three principal Mohawk castles ; the first one being on the west bank of Schoharie Creek at its junction with the river, the second at Canajoharie ; and the third on the site of the present town absurdly named " Danube," in Her kimer County. Soon after leaving this stronghold the trail passed from the territory of the Mohawks into that of the Oneidas, and there was An MAP OF NEW AMST] equotd Such an assault was contemplated by the war- Pequots and dreaded throughout the settlements, and the train-bands were making ready for war, when a certain number of Boston men refused to serve. There were a few persons of influence in Boston, called Antinomians, of whom the one best 102 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. remembered is Anne Hutchinson. According to them it made a great difference to one's salvation whether one were under a " covenant of grace " or only under a " covenant of works." The men who in a moment of supreme peril to the com monwealth refused to march against the enemy alleged as a sufficient reason that they suspected their chaplain of being under a " covenant of works," and therefore would not serve with him. Under such circumstances Mrs. Hutchinson and the other Antinornians were banished from Boston. A disagreement upon a transcendental question of theology was breeding sedition and endangering the very existence of the state. Those who defend the government of Massachusetts for banishing Mrs. Hutchinson rest their defence upon such grounds. Without feeling called upon to decide that question, we can see that the case is histori cally instructive in a high degree. Now when we come to early society, the military urgency is incessant and imperative, and all other things must yield to it. It is sustained by the feeling of corporate responsibility which is uni versal among tribal communities. The Corporate ° responsi- tribe is regarded as responsible for the acts of each one of its individuals. Re ligious sanctions and penalties are visited upon everything. What we call conventionalities are in the tribal stage of society regarded as sacraments, and thus the slightest infringement is liable to call down upon the whole tribe the wrath of some offended tutelar deity, in the shape of defeat or famine or pestilence. In such a stern discipline PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 103 there is no room for divergence or dissent. And such was undoubtedly the kind of training under which all our ancestors were reared, from far-off ages of which only a geologic record remains down to the mere yesterday that witnessed the building of the Pyramids. Under such rigid training were formed, through wave after wave of conquest, the great nations of prechristian times. It is not strange that it has taken the foremost races of men three or four thousand years to free themselves from the tyranny of mental habits which had been engrained into them for three or four hundred thousand. A careful study of the history of religious persecution shows us PoIitical and that sometimes politics and sometimes plrfe'cu- religion have been most actively con- tlons' cerned in it. The persecution of Christians by the Roman emperors was chiefly political, because Christianity asserted a dominion over men para mount to that of the emperor. The persecution of the Albigenses by Pope Innocent III. was largely political, because that heresy threatened the very continuance of the Papacy as part of the complex government of mediaeval Europe. Innocent, like the heathen emperors, was fighting in self-defence. So, too, a considerable part of the mutual persecu tions of Catholics and Protestants in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was simply downright warfare in which A kills B to prevent B from kill ing A. But if we consider the nature of the re ligious motives that have' entered into persecution, whether they have been dominating motives or have simply been enlisted in furtherance of political 104 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. ends, we find that they have always been rooted in the ancient notion of corporate responsibility. Let us get rid of the unclean thing lest we be cursed for its sake ; such has been the feeling which has more than anything else sustained persecution. The Spanish prelates, for example, who urged the banishment of the Moriscos, loudly asseverated that the failure to suppress the Dutch Netherlands was a mark of God's displeasure that such people were allowed to stay in Spain. Was God likely to aid the Spaniards in exterminating infidels abroad while they were so sinful as to harbour infidels in their own country? So when Queen Mary Tudor was led by domestic disappointments to fancy her self undergoing divine punishment, she quickly reached the conclusion that she had not been suf ficiently zealous in purging the kingdom of heresy, and this particular act of logic kindled the flames for more than fifty Protestants. In the sixteenth century this way of looking at things (which I now take pains to explain to my readers) would not have needed a word of explanation for any body ; it was simply a piece of plain common sense, self-evident to all ! Now inasmuch as this notion of corporate re sponsibility is a survival from the very infancy of the human race, since the rigorous restriction of individuality persisted through countless genera- Reasons for tions of men to whom it proved indispen- ionged°"vitai- sably useful, it is not strange that, since pirating ^ has come to be recognized as harm- spmt. fui an(j stigmatized as persecution, it has been found so hard to kill. The conditions of PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 105 tribal society long ago ceased to exist in Europe. Instead of tribes, the foremost races of men are organized in a complicated fashion as nations ; instead of tutelar deities they have reached sundry more or less imperfect forms of monotheism ; and with the advance of knowledge the conception of natural law has destroyed a host of primitive superstitions. Religion is no longer in the old materialistic way but in a much higher and more spiritual way implicated with each act of life. Part of this great change is due to the mighty influence exerted by the mediaeval Church as a spiritual power distinct from and often opposed to the temporal power. In Christianity the separa tion of church from state took its rise ; and while religion was made an affair of mankind, not of localities or tribes, the importance' of the individ ual was greatly increased. Now if we look at religious persecution from the point of view of modern society, it is easy to see that it is an unmitigated evil. The evo- Importanoe lution of a higher civilization can best be ^^^' attained by allowing to individual tastes, tl0DS' impulses, and capacities the freest possible play. Procrustes-beds are out of fashion ; we no longer think it desirable that all people should act alike. From a Darwinian standpoint we recognize that an abundance of spontaneous variation is favour able to progress. A wise horticulturist sees signs of promise in many an aberrant plant and care fully nurtures it. If you wish to produce a race of self-reliant, inventive, and enterprising Yankees, you must not begin by setting up a winnowing 106 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. machine for picking out and slaughtering all the men and women who are bold enough and bright enough to do their own thinking, and earnest enough to talk about it to others. Such an infer nal machine was the Inquisition ; it weeded out the sturdiest plants and saved the weaker ones, thus lowering the average capacity of the people wher ever it was in vigorous operation. As a rule it has been persons of a progressive type who have be come objects of persecution, and when they have fled from their native land they have added strength to the country that has received them. In the history of what has been done by men who speak English, it is a fact of cardinal importance that England has never had an Inquisition, but has habitually sheltered religious refugees from other countries. Such is the scientific aspect of the case. But it has a purely religious aspect from which we are From a reii- brought to the same conclusion. The of°vfew°the moment we cease to regard religious shouifbe truth as a rigid body of formulas, im- weicomed. parted to mankind once for all and inca pable of further interpretation or expansion ; the moment we come to look upon religion as part of the soul's development under the immediate influ ence of the Spirit of God ; the moment we concede to individual judgment some weight in determining what the individual form of religious expression shall be, — that moment we have taken the first step toward the conclusion that a dead uniformity of opinion on religious questions is undesirable. In the presence of an Eternal Reality which confess- PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 107 edly transcends our human powers of comprehen sion in many ways, we are not entitled to frown or to sneer at our neighbour's view, but if we give it due attention we may find in it more or less that is helpful and uplifting which we had overlooked. Thus, instead of mere toleration we rise to a higher plane and greet the innovator with words of cor dial welcome. Such a state of things, on any general scale, can hardly yet be said to have come into existence, but in the foremost communities many minds have come within sight of it, and some have attained to it. So in past times we find here and there some choice spirit reaching it. Espe cially in the seventeenth century, when Protestant ism was assuming sundry extreme forms, and when one of the symptoms of the age was the demonstra tion, by Hobbes and Locke, of the relativity of all knowledge, there were active leaders of men who attained to this great breadth of view. For exam ple, Sir Henry Vane, whom Milton, in that sonnet which is the most glorious eniySD66Cll tribute ever paid by a man of letters to a statesman, calls Religion's " eldest son," — Sir Henry Vane once exclaimed in Parliament, " Why should the labours of any be suppressed, if sober, though never so different? We now profess to seek God, we desire to see light ! " Roger Wil liams called this a " heavenly speech." It merited Milton's encomium : — "To know Both Spiritual and Civil, what each means, What serves each, thou hast learn'd, which few have done." It was greatly to the credit of Oliver Cromwell as 108 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. a statesman that he usually exhibited this large- cromweirs minded and generous tolerance. It was tolerance. Cromwell, for example, who encouraged Jews to come to England, where they had not been allowed since 1290.1 So a Rhode Island statute of 1684, the year after Roger Williams's death, and in accordance with his principles, expressly admits Jewish immigrants to all the rights and privileges of citizens. These men — Vane and Williams, Milton and Cromwell — had reached a very mod ern standpoint in such matters. Just at the zenith of Cromwell's career that notable phase of religious development known as Quakerism appeared upon the scene. Quakerism was the most extreme form which Protestantism had assumed. In so far as Protestantism claimed to be working a reformation in Christianity by retaining the spiritual core and dropping off the non-essential integuments, the Quakers carried this process about as far as it could go. There have always been two sides to Quakerism, the rational- Quietists istlc side, whereby it has sometimes drawn andQuakers. Up0n itself the imputation of Socinianism or Deism, and the mystic side, whereby it shows traces of kinship with various sects of Quietists. John Tauler, the mighty Dominican preacher in the days of the Black Death, seems in many respects a forerunner of the Quakers. Thomas a Kempis, author of the most widely read Christian book after the Bible, belonged to the same class of minds. Without much organization or machinery as a sect, such men were known in the thirteenth 1 Masson's Milton, v. 71. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 109 and fourteenth centuries as " Friends of God." A group of them which attained to some organiza tion in Holland about 1360 came to be known as " Brethren of the Common Life." It was among these people that Thomas a Kempis was trained at Deventer ; their influence upon Dutch culture was very great, and I dare say the mildness and toler ance of the Netherlands in matters of religion owes much to them. The founder of Quakerism, George Fox, was born in Leicestershire, in 1624, the son of a pro sperous weaver, known to his neighbours as " right eous Christopher Fox." An origin among Leices ter weavers is suggestive of Dutch influences, but in the lack of detailed evidence it is easy to make too much of such suggestions. At an early age and with scanty education, George Fox became a lay preacher. His aim was not to gather disciples about him and found a new sect, but to purify the Church from sundry errors, doc trinal and practical. The basis of his teaching was the belief that each soul is in religious matters answerable not to its fellows, but to God alone, without priestly mediation, because the Holy Spirit is immediately present in every soul, and is thus a direct source of illumination. From this central belief flowed two important practical consequences, both essentially modern ; one was complete tolera tion, the other was complete equality of human beings before the law, and hence the condemnation of slavery, in which Quakers have generally been foremost. Fox's extreme democracy was shown in the refusal to take off his hat, and in the avoid- 110 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. ance of the plural pronoun of dignity. His rejec tion of a priesthood extended to all ordained and salaried preachers. He cared little for communion with bread and wine in comparison with com munion in spirit, and set more value upon the baptism of repentance than upon the baptism of water. He regarded the inner light as a more authoritative guide than Scripture, since it was the interpreter to which the sacred text must ulti mately be referred ; but he was far from neglect ing the written word. On the contrary, his de ference to it was often extremely scrupulous, as when he understood the injunction, " Swear not at all," as a prohibition of judicial oaths, and the commandment, "Thou shalt not kill," as a con demnation of all warfare. Fox was a man of rare executive power ; " I never saw the occasion," said Penn, " to which he was not equal." He was a man of lofty soul and deep spiritual insight ; and before his commanding presence and starlike eyes the persecutor often quailed. It was customary at that moment of religious upheaval for independent preachers and laymen to invade the pulpits and exhort the congregations after the unceremonious manner described by Sir Walter Scott in " Woodstock." Unseemly brawls were apt to result, in the course of which the preacher was dragged before the nearest magis trate. Fox tells us how on one of these Origin of the . .-*/-» r /\ epithet, occasions, at Derby in 1650, he was "Quaker." ' . J ' taken before Justice Bennett, " who was the first that called us Quakers, because I bade him tremble at the word of the Lord." Fox and PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. Ill his early followers were often put in jail, not so much for teaching heresy as for breaking the peace. The absence of ecclesiastical organization made them seem like vagrant ranters, and their refusals to pay tithes, or to testify under oath, or to lift their hats before a magistrate, kept them perpetually liable to punishment for contempt of court. Cromwell was indisposed to annoy them, and his relations with Fox were friendly, yet be tween 1650 and 1658 several hundred Quakers were put into jail, usually for such breaches of custom and etiquette. It was, moreover, not always possible to distin guish offhand between the followers of George Fox and those of other enthusiasts who were swarming in England. Such a preacher was James Nayler, who had been a cavalry officer in Cromwell's army, but turned prophet and Crazy went stark mad, calling himself "the enthusia8to- Prince of Peace, the Fairest among Ten Thou sand, and the Altogether Lovely." This Nayler marched through the streets of Wells and Glas tonbury, while the people threw down their cloaks to serve as mats for his feet, and sang " Hosanna in the highest." On one occasion he was believed to have raised a dead woman to life. Other prophets, not easy to deal with, were those who thought it needful to remove all their clothing in order to " testify in the sight of the Lord." In a very few instances disciples of Fox seem to have taken part in such performances, but so little care was taken to discriminate that Quakers had to bear the odium of the whole. They were regarded as a set 112 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. of ignorant and lawless fanatics, like John of Ley den and the Anabaptists of Minister ; and until the truth about them came to be better understood, the general feeling toward them was one of hor ror and dread. Under these circumstances it was impossible for Quakers to avoid persecution had they wished to avoid it. But, on the contrary, they courted it. It was their business to reform the whole of Chris tendom, not to gather themselves into some quiet corner where they might worship unmolested. They were inspired by an aggressive missionary zeal which was apt to lead them where their com pany was not wanted, and so it happened in the case of Massachusetts. The ideal of the Missionary . zeal of the Quakers was flatly antagonistic to that Quakers. of the settlers of Massachusetts. The Christianity of the former was freed from Judaism as far as was possible ; the Christianity of the lat ter was heavily encumbered with Judaism. The Quaker aimed at complete separation between church and state; the government of Massachu setts was patterned after the ancient Jewish theo cracy, in which church and state were identified. The Quaker was tolerant of differences in doctrine ; the Calvinist regarded such tolerance as a deadly sin. For these reasons the arrival of a few Quak ers in Boston in 1656 was considered an act of invasion and treated as such. Under various penalties Quakers were forbidden to enter any of the New England colonies except Rhode Island. There they were welcomed, but that did not con tent them. The penalties against them were heav- PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 113 iest in Massachusetts, and thither they turned their chief attention. They came not to minister unto sound Rhode Island, but unto sick Massachu setts. The Puritan theocracy was their man of sin. They made up their minds to overthrow it, and they succeeded, because the party of the un enfranchised people in Boston were largely in sympathy with them. The furious scene in the council-room, when the venerable Endicott smote upon the table and threatened to go and end his days in England, marked the downfall of the theo cratic ideal. Henceforth there was to be room for heretics in Massachusetts. The lesson has since been well improved, and all that now remains is to set up, on Boston Common, the scene of their martyrdom, a fitting monument to the heroes that won the victory. The accession of Charles II. is commonly cited as the cause of this victory of the Quakers in Bos ton; but there can be no doubt that the chief cause, was the disagreement between the people of Boston and their theocratic government, and the moment when it proved impossible to execute the sentence upon Wenlock Christison, the battle was virtually decided. As for Charles II. , we shall see how his policy led him more and more to ex tend his favour to Quakers. At first their refusal to take the oath of allegiance cost them CharlesII, dear ; for many people, unable to under- o"tdh*o(e stand their scruples, could not see in aUcsianoe- such contumacy anything but an evidence of dis loyalty. Many were sent to Barbadoes and Ja maica, where they were sold into temporary slavery, 114 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. like that of the white servants in Virginia. In 1662 they were forbidden to hold meetings, and their meeting-houses were closed by the police. It is at about this time that William Penn may be said to have made his first appearance in his tory. He was born in London in 1644. His father, Sir William Penn, was a distinguished admiral in the navy of the Commonwealth, but afterward became a warm friend of Charles II. His mother was a Dutch lady, Margaret Jasper, daughter of a wealthy merchant of Rotterdam, — a fact which was probably of importance in view of Penn's future social relations and connections upon the continent of Europe. As a Early years , of William child Penn was educated at Chigwell, Penn. . ° where dwelt the eccentric John Salt- marsh, whose book entitled " Sparkles of Glory " is one of the most remarkable productions of Eng lish mysticism, and in some places reads like a foreshadowing or prophecy of Penn's own ideas. It is not unlikely that Saltmarsh's book may have suggested to Penn the memorable experience which he had at the age of eleven. One day when alone in his chamber " he was suddenly surprised with an inward comfort; and, as he thought, an ex ternal glory in the room, which gave rise to reli gious emotions, during which he had the strongest conviction of the being of a God, and that the soul of man was capable of enjoying communication with Him. He believed also that the seal of Divinity had been put upon him at this moment, and that he had been awakened or called upon to a holy life." x From that time forth he felt that 1 Stoughton's Penn, p. 8. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 115 he had a mission in the world. After the Chig- well school, he studied with a private tutor on Tower Hill, until he was sixteen, when he saw the formal entry of Charles II. into the city across London Bridge. Admiral Penn was that year elected to Parliament, and William was matricu lated at Christ Church, Oxford, where he remained two years. There he acquired a high reputation as a scholar and as an athlete, enthusiastic in field sports, a good oarsman, and a lover of Greek. Among the languages which he could speak fluently were Latin, Italian, French, German, and Dutch. At Oxford, along with sundry other students, he became converted to Quakerism, refused His conver- to wear surplices, forsook chapel wor- sionto . -, mi . Quakerism. ship, and got into trouble. There is a story that he was expelled from the college, but it is not well supported, and it seems more likely that his father took him away. He was then sent with some fashionable friends to Paris, in the hope of curing him of his Quaker notions. He was in his nineteenth year, tall, lithe, and strongly built, a picture of manly beauty, with great lustrous eyes under wide arching brows, a profusion of dark hair falling in curls upon his shoulders, a powerful chin, a refined and sensitive mouth. He seems to have been a skilful swordsman, for when attacked one evening on the street by a desperado who threatened his life, Penn overcame and disarmed the wretch without wounding him. He spent a year or more in hard study at the Huguenot col lege in Saumur, and then travelled for a year in Italy. After that he studied law at Lincoln's 116 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Inn, and presently visited Ireland, where he was thrown into prison for attending a Quaker meet ing at Cork. Sir William Penn, who was a good churchman, was shocked and disgusted at the sort of reputa tion his son was earning, and we get glimpses of contention in the household. " You may thee and thou other folk as much as you like," quoth the angry father, " but don't you dare to thee and thou Trouble at the king, or the Duke of York, or me." 1 home. Young William did dare, however, even so far as to wear his hat in the royal presence, which only amused the merry monarch. One day when William met him, the king took off his hat. " Why dost thou remove thy hat, friend Charles ?" quoth the young man. " Because," said the king, "wherever I am, it is customary for only one to remain covered ! " But the admiral did not take it so pleasantly ; he threatened to turn his obsti nate son out of doors without a shilling. Lady Penn implored, and one of the family friends, a nobleman of the court, insisted that Sir William ought to be proud of a son of such varied accom plishments and lofty character, in spite of a few eccentricities of demeanour. It is sad to relate that the father's threat was carried out ; but it was only for a time. Admiration for dauntless courage and high principle at length prevailed with the old naval hero, and he called his son home again and ever after held him in reverence. In 1670 the admiral died, commending William 1 For the use of these pronouns in the seventeenth century, see below, p. 126. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 117 with his last breath to the especial care of the Duke of York. William was left in possession of an ample fortune, and devoted himself to writ ing and preaching in defence and explanation of Quakerism. His learning and eloquence, with a certain sobriety of mind that quali- vices to fied his mysticism, made many converts ; nor is it unlikely that his high social position and gallant bearing were helpful to the cause in some quarters. It was largely due to Penn that current opinion gradually ceased to confound the disciples of Fox with the rabble of Antinomian fanatics with which England was then familiar, and to put them upon a plane of respectability, by the side of Pres byterians and other Dissenters. Again and again, while engaged in this work, Penn was thrown into prison and kept there for months, sometimes in the Tower, like a gentleman, but once for six months in noisome Newgate, along with common criminals. These penalties were mostly for break ing the Conventicle Act. The reports of the trials are often very interesting, by reason of the visible admiration felt by the honest judges for the bril liant prisoner. " I vow, Mr. Penn," quoth Sir John Robinson from the bench one day, " I vow, Mr. Penn, I am sorry for you. You are an in genious gentleman, all the world must allow you. and do allow you, that ; and you have a plentiful estate ; why should you render yourself unhappy by associating with such a simple people? " Some times the prisoner's ingenuity and resourcefulness would baffle the prosecutor, and in despair of other means of catching him the magistrate woidd ten- 118 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. der the oath of allegiance. But Penn's subtlety was matched by his boldness : once when the judge insulted him by a remark derogatory to his char acter, the reply came quickly and sharply, " I trample thy slander as dirt under my feet ! " And this boldness was equalled by his steadfastness : once the Bishop of London sent word to him in the Tower, that he must either withdraw certain statements or die a pris oner. " Thou mayest tell him," said Penn to the messenger, " that my prison shall be my grave before I will budge a jot, for I owe obedience of my conscience to no mortal man." During these years Penn kept publishing books and pamphlets, controversial or expository, wherein he argues and persuades with logic and with elo quence, and is not always meek ; sometimes the keen blade leaps from the scabbard and deals a mortal thrust. Mrs. Samuel Pepys read one of these treatises aloud to her husband, who calls it extremely well written and " a serious sort of book, not fit for every one to read." The titles of these books give an inkling of their savour : " Truth Exalted," "The Guide Mistaken," "A Seasonable some of Ws Caveat against Popery," etc. The one writings. which Mr. Pepys would not recommend to all readers was entitled " The Sandy Founda tion Shaken," which was clearly open to the charge of Socinianism. Grave accusations of heresies were brought against Penn, to which he made re ply in his " Innocency with her Open Face," some quotations from which will give us an impression of his style : — PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 119 " It may not be unreasonable to observe, that however industrious some (and those dissenters too) have been to represent me as a person dis turbing the civil peace, I have not violated any truly fundamental law which relates to external propriety and good behaviour, and not to religious apprehensions ; it being the constant principle of myself and friends to maintain good works and keep our consciences void of offence, paying active or passive obedience, suitable to the meek If youwm example of our Lord Jesus Christ. Nor °°thta^, i would I have any ignorant how forward muBt wrlte' I was by messages, letters, and visits, to have de termined this debate in a sober and select assem bly, notwithstanding the rude entertainment we had met with before ; but contrary to their own appointments our adversaries failed us, which ne cessitated me to that defence ; J and finding the truth so prest with slander, I cannot but say I saw my just call to her relief ; but alas ! how have those two or three extemporary sheets been tost, tumbled, and torn on all hands, yea, aggravated to a monstrous design, even the subversion of the Christian religion, than which there could be no thing more repugnant to my principle and pur- 1 A discussion in a Presbyterian meeting-house in London, between Penn with some friends and the Presbyterian minister, Thomas Vincent, had ended in an attempt to silence the Quakers by uproar. Penn persisted even after the lights were put out, but then yielded to Vincent's promise to meet him again in a fair and open discussion. It proved impossible, however, to make Vincent keep his promise, and so Penn had recourse to the press, and published his The Sandy Foundation Shaken. See Stough- ton's William Penn, p. 57. 120 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. pose ; wherefore how very intemperate have all my adversaries been in their revilings, slan- namesatme ders, and defamations! using the most instead of , . e , , ,. using argu- opprobrious terms ot seducer, heretic, blasphemer, deceiver, Socinian, Pelagian, Simon Magus, impiously robbing Christ of his divinity, for whom the vengeance of the great day is reserved, etc. Nor have these things been whis pered, but in one book and pulpit after another have been thundered out against me, as if some bull had lately been arrived from Rome ; and all this acted under the foul pretence of zeal and love to Jesus Christ, whose meek and gentle example always taught it for a principal mark of true Christianity to suffer the most outrageous injuries, but never to return any. . . . Tell me, I pray, did Luther, that grand reformer whom you so much reverence, justly demand from the emperor at the Diet of Worms . . . that none should sit upon his doctrines but the scripture ; and not wame in case they should be cast, that no other asserting sentence should be passed upon him than private what Gamaliel offered to the Jewish coun- why wame cii, If it were not of God it would not stand ; and if you will not censure him who first arraigned the Christian world (so called) at the bar of his private judgment (that had so many hundred years soundly slept, without so much as giving one considerable shrug or turn during that tedious winter-night of dark apostasy), but justify his proceedings, can you so furiously assault others ? " But above all you, who refuse conformity to PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 121 others, and that have been writing these eight years for liberty of conscience, . . . what preg nant testimonies do you give of your unwillingness to grant that to others you so earnestly whenyou beg for yourselves? Doth it not dis- Krs,Uyou cover your injustice, and plainly express ownTnMu-r that only want of power hinders you to much a? the act? But of all Protestants in general PaPistsd°- I demand, do you believe that persecution to be Christian in yourselves that you condemned for antichristian in the Papists ? You judged it a weakness in their religion, and is it a cogent argu ment in yours? Nay, is it not the readiest way to enhance and propagate the reputation of what you would depress ? If you were displeased at their assuming an infallibility, will you believe it impossible in yourselves to err ? Have Whitaker, Reynolds, Laud, Owen, Baxter, Stillingfleet, Poole, etc., disarmed the Romanists of these inhuman weapons, that you might employ them against your inoffensive countrymen ? Let the example and holy precepts of Christ dissuade you, who came not to destroy but save ; and soberly reflect upon his equal law of doing as you would be done unto. . . . Have a care you are not upon one of Saul's errands to Damascus, and helping the mighty against God and his anointed ; and rather choose by fair and moderate debates, not penalties ratified by imperial decrees, to cannotUhurt determine religious differences. . . . But God is with if you are resolved severity shall take its be' against course, in this our case can never change nor happiness abate ; for no human edict can pos- 122 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. sibly deprive us of His glorious presence, who is able to make the dismallest prisons so many re ceptacles of pleasure, and whose heavenly fellow ship doth unspeakably replenish our solitary souls with divine consolation." 1 It is interesting to see how Penn's argument partly anticipates that of John Stuart Mill, in his famous " Essay on Liberty." The extent to which the sense of an ever present God replenished his soul with divine consolation is shown in one of No cross hls most important works, " No Cross, no no crown. crown?» written in the Tower of London in the year 1668. It is as beautiful as its title, albeit we must make allowance for the peculiar prolixity which English writers of the seventeenth century seldom succeeded in avoiding. In spite of this drawback the book abounds in the elo quence that wins the soul : — " This made the prophet David say, ' The King's daughter is all glorious within, her clothing is of wrought gold.' What is the glory that is within the true church, and that gold that makes up that inward glory ? Tell me, O superstitious man ! is it thy stately temples, altars, carpets, tables, tapestries ; thy vestments, organs, voices, candles, lamps, censers, plate, and jewels, with the like furniture of thy worldly temples ? No such matter ; they bear no proportion with the thrives not divine adornment of the King of heaven's outward daughter, the blessed and redeemed church of Christ. Miserable apostasy that it is ! and a wretched supplement in the loss 1 Penn's Select Works, London, 1825, i. 163-165. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 123 and absence of the apostolic life, the spiritual glory of the primitive church. " But yet some of these admirers of external pomp and glory in worship would be thought lovers of the Cross, and to that end have made to themselves many. But alas ! what hopes can there be of reconciling that to Christianity, that the nearer it comes to its resemblance, the farther off it is in reality ? ... It is true, they have got a cross, but it seems to be in the room of It ig but a the true one ; and so mannerly, that it Jjjj£cr0ra will do as they will have it that wear it ; ^,PSu- for instead of mortifying their wills by ^gence. it, they made it and use it according to them ; so that the cross is become their ensign that do no thing but what they list. Yet by that they would be thought his disciples, that never did his own will but the will of his heavenly Father. " This is such a cross as fle,sh and blood can carry, for flesh and blood invented it ; therefore not the cross of Christ that is to crucify flesh and blood. Thousands of them have no more virtue than a chip ; poor empty shadows, not so much as images of the true one. Some carry them for charms about them, but never repel one Religion is evil with them. They sin with them gStSdi^' upon their backs ; and though they put pUne' them in their bosoms, their beloved lusts lie there too without the least disquiet. They are as dumb as Elijah's mock-gods ; no life nor power in them (1 Kings xviii. 27). . . Is it possible that such crosses should mend their makers ? Surely not. . . . 124 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. " Nor is a recluse life (the boasted righteousness of some) much more commendable, or one whit nearer to the nature of the true cross ; for if it be not unlawful as other things are, it is unnatural, which true religion teaches not. The Christian convent and monastery are within, where the soul is encloistered from sin. And this religious house the true followers of Christ carry about with them, Better resist w^° exempt not themselves from the th™nPfleion conversation of the world, though they from it. keep themselves from the evil of the world in their conversation. That is a lazy, rusty, unprofitable self-denial, burdensome to others to feed their idleness ; religious bedlams, where peo ple are kept up lest they should do mischief abroad. . . . No thanks if they commit not what they are not tempted to commit. What the eye views not, the heart craves not, as well as rues not. The cross of Christ is of another nature ; it truly overcomes the world, and leads a life of purity in the face of its allurements. They that bear it are not thus chained up for fear they should bite, nor locked up lest they should be stole away ; no, they receive power from Christ their captain, to resist the evil and do that which is good in the sight of God. . . . What a world should we have if everybody, for fear of transgress ing, should mew himself up within four walls ! . . . " Not that I would be thought to slight a true retirement ; for I do not only acknowledge but admire solitude. Christ himself was an example of it ; he loved and chose to frequent mountains, gardens, seasides. They are requisite to the PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 125 growth of piety ; and I reverence the virtue that seeks and uses it, wishing there were more ... , 1111 The whole- ot it in the world ; but then it should someness of i e >i ttti i r. solitude. be tree, not constrained. What benefit to the mind to have it for a punishment, not for a pleasure ? Nay, I have long thought it an error among all sorts that use not monastic lives, that they have no retreats for the afflicted, the tempted, the solitary, and the devout ; 1 where they might undisturbedly wait upon God, pass through their religious exercises, and being thereby strengthened may with more power over their own spirits enter into the business of the world again ; though the less the better, to be sure. For divine pleasures are to be found in a free solitude." 2 From such sweet reflections we come now and then upon quaint arguments in justification of sun dry peculiarities of the Friends, as for example their plainness of attire : " Were it possible that any one could bring us father Adam's girdle and mother Eve's apron, what laughing, what fleer ing, what mocking of their homely fashion would there be ! surely their tailor would find but little custom, although we read it was God himself that made them coats of skins. . . . How many pieces of ribband, and what feathers, lace-bands, and the like, did Adam and Eve wear in Paradise or out of it? What rich embroideries, silks, points, etc. had Abel, Enoch, Noah, and good old Abraham ? 1 It was such a want that the noble and saintlike Nicholas Ferrar sought to satisfy in his Protestant monastery of Little Gidding. See my Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, i. 205. 2 Penn's Select Works, i. 368-371. 126 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Did Eve, Sarah, Susannah, Elizabeth, and the The foiiieB Virgin Mary use to curl, powder, patch, of fashion. paint, wear false locks of strange colours, rich points, trimmings, laced gowns, embroidered petticoats, shoes with slipslaps laced with silk or silver lace and ruffled like pigeons' feet, with several yards of ribbands ? How many plays did Jesus Christ and the apostles recreate themselves at ? What poets, romances, comedies, and the like did the apostles and saints use to pass away their time withal? . . . But if I were asked, whence came them [these follies] ; I would quickly an swer, from the Gentiles that knew not God, . . an effeminate Sardanapalus, ... a comical Aris tophanes, a prodigal Charaxus, a luxurious Aris- tippus . . . [from] such women as the infamous Clytemnestra, the painted Jezebel, the lascivious Campaspe, the most immodest Posthumia, the costly Corinthian Lais, the impudent Flora, the wanton Egyptian Cleopatra, and most insatiable Messalina ; persons whose memories have stunk through all ages and carry with them a perpetual rot. These and not the holy self-denying men and women in ancient times were devoted to the like recreations and vain delights." 1 Or, as concerns the use of " thou " and " thee " for "you," the modern reader needs to be reminded of the English usage in Penn's time, which made the Quaker innovation seem especially heinous. The usage in English was like that in French to day, and analogous to the German, Italian, and Spanish usage. The singular pronoun was re- 1 Penn's Select Works, i. 482. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 127 served for solemn invocations to the Deity, or for familiar intercourse with the members of one's family, including the servants; for ad- "Thee„and dressing parents, however (especially the "thou-" father), or social superiors or equals outside the circle of familiarity, the plural was necessary. The rule was much like that which governs the use of the Christian name to-day ; you may call your wife, or sister, or brother, or children, or the housemaid, by the forename ; but to address father or mother in that way is felt to be disrespectful, and to address a lady so, unless she is an intimate acquaintance, is an unwarrantable liberty. In the seventeenth century, to " thou " (French tutoyer) a lady was as rude as to call her Lizzie or Jane ; to " thou " one's father was much like addressing him as Tom or Jack. Probably few things did so much to make the Quakers shock people's sense of the proprieties as their use of the pronouns, which was in later days imitated by the Jacobins of the French Revolution. " There is another piece of our non-conformity to the world, that renders us [i. e. makes us seem] very clownish to the breed ing of it, and that is, Thou for You, and that with out difference or respect to persons ; a thing that to some looks so rude, it cannot well go down with out derision or wrath." Nevertheless, says Penn, we Friends have good reasons and high authorities on our side. " Luther, the great reformer, was so far from condemning our plain speech that in his ' Ludus ' he sports himself with You to a single person as an incongruous and ridiculous speech, viz. Magister, vos estis iratus ? ' Master, are You 128 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. angry? ' as absurd with him in Latin as ' My mas ters, art Thou angry ? ' is in English. Erasmus, a learned man and an exact critic in speech, not only derides it, but bestows a whole discourse upon ren dering it absurd ; plainly manifesting . . . that the original of this corruption was the corruption of flattery. Lipsius affirms of the ancient Romans, that the manner of greeting now in vogue was not in use among them. ... Is it not as proper to say, ' Thou lovest,' to ten men, as to say, ' You love,' to one man ? ... Is it reasonable that chil dren should be whipt at school for putting You for Thou, as having made false Latin ; and yet that we must be (though not whipt) reproached, and often abused, when we use the contrary propriety of speech ? ... It cannot be denied that the most famous poems, dedicated to love or majesty, are written in this style [i. e. with Thou]. Read of each in Chaucer, Spenser, Waller, Cowley, Dry- den, etc. Why then should it be so homely, ill- bred, and insufferable in us ? This, I conceive, can never be answered. . . . [The other style] was first ascribed in way of flattery to proud popes and emperors, imitating the heathen's vain hom age to their gods ; . . . for which reason, You, only to be used to many, became first spoken to The use of one- I* seems the word Thou looked like piac" of m to° lean an(i thin a respect ; and there- undemo-18 f°re some, bigger than they should be, would have a style suitable to their own ambition. ... It is a most extravagant piece of pride in a mortal man to require or expect from his fellow-creature a more civil speech . . . than he is PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 129 wont to give the immortal God his Creator, in all his worship to him. . . . Say not, I am serious about slight things ; but beware you of levity and rashness in serious things. . . . But I would not have thee think it is a mere Thou or Title, simply or nakedly in themselves, we boggle at, or that we would beget or set up any form inconsistent with severity or true civility; . . . but the esteem and value the vain minds of men do put upon them constrains us to testify so steadily against them." x Other things in Penn's career beside the free circulation of his heretical books occur to remind us that in the England of Charles II. , in spite of grave shortcomings, we are in a free country. Attacks upon liberty are made in courts of justice, but are apt to fail of success. Such a damnable iniquity as the Dreyfus case, which has , , t j. -r-, , Memorable made every true lover ot .trance put scene in the . -. 1 i -r» • Lord May- on mourning, snows us that the .raris or-s court, of Zola still has lessons of vital impor tance to learn from the London of Congreve and Aphra Behn. In 1670 Penn was arraigned before the Lord Mayor's court for infringing the Con venticle Act and provoking a riot by speaking' in Gracechurch Street to an unlawful assembly. He argued his own case, and proved much more than a match for the recorder. The twelve jurors failed to agree, and were sent out again and again after a scolding from the Conrfc. At length they brought in the verdict, "Guilty of speaking in Gracechurch Street," but this was not enough. So they were locked up for the night " without 1 Penn's Select Works, i. 421-428. 130 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. meat, drink, fire, or tobacco," and next morning the question was put to them, " Guilty, or not guiity ? " The foreman replied, " Guilty of speak ing in Gracechurch Street," and stopped, where upon the Lord Mayor added, " to an unlawful as sembly." " No, my lord," said the foreman, " we give no other verdict than we gave last night." So these brave men were scolded again, locked up again for several hours, and again brought into court, but their spirit was not quelled. " Is Wil liam Penn, the prisoner, guilty or not guilty ? " asked the mayor. " Not guilty, my lord." Then the mayor, quite beside himself with rage, pro ceeded to fine each of the jurors in a sum equiva lent to about $30, with jail until it should be paid. " What is all this for ? " exclaimed Penn. " For contempt of court," quoth the Lord Mayor. But his was not the last word on the subject. The case was taken to the Court of Common Pleas, which summarily quashed the mayor's order and set free the sturdy jurors. Thus justice triumphed, and Penn straightway published his own account of the affair, in a pamphlet entitled, " The People's Ancient and Just Liberties Asserted." x In 1672 Penn was married to Gulielma Maria, daughter of Sir William Springett, a noted officer of the Parliamentary army who had lost his life in the Civil War. This lady was celebrated for 1 Penn's Select Works, i. 170-223. At one point in the trial, the recorder, John Howell, exclaimed : " Till now I never under stood the reason of the policy aud prudence of the Spaniards in suffering the Inquisition among them. And certainly it will never be well with us, till something like the Spanish inquisition be in England." Id. p. 194. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 131 • beauty, wit, and accomplishments, and had withal a handsome estate at Worminghurst, in Penn,8 mar. Sussex, overlooking the beautiful South SS™?* Downs. There all the things that make home' life delightful seemed to be combined, — books and flowers, cultivated friends, the supreme rest- fulness of rural England with its tempered sun shine, its gentle showers, and the tonic fragrance of the salt sea. In this blest retreat Penn spent his happiest days, but he was often called upon to leave it. One of his first visitors was his friend George Fox, who had lately returned from a jour ney through the American colonies, and had much to tell. The time had arrived when matters of business were to turn Penn's attention decisively toward America, but while these matters of busi ness were taking shape he visited Holland and travelled in the lower parts of Germany with a party of friends, holding meetings at all times and places, here and there meeting with re- t, • ii r»i- «. -^s uiission- buffs and insults, but finding many spirits ary tour in , ... Germany. to whom his words were an inspiration and a solace. There can be no doubt that this journey had far-reaching results in afterward turn ing the attention of Germany towards Penn's colo nizing work in America. Penn afterward published a diary of this missionary tour.1 A general out line of the route and a few of the interesting scenes must suffice for the present narrative. Leaving his wife at the beautiful Sussex home, Penn sailed for Rotterdam on a July day of 1677. Among his companions were George Fox, Robert 1 It is contained in his Select Works, ii. 398-503. 132 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Barclay, and George Keith, and at Rotterdam they held a great meeting at the house of Benjamin Furly, with such effect, says Penn, that " the dead were raised and the living comforted." With similar success they visited Leyden, Haarlem, and Amsterdam. There the party left Fox behind, but Furly accompanied them into Hanover. After talking with " the man of the inn " at Osnabrug, and leaving with him " several good books of Friends, in the Low and High Dutch tongues, to read and dispose of," the missionaries proceeded next day to Herwerden in Westphalia, where Eliza beth, the Princess Palatine, had her court. This Princess Elizabeth, sister of Prince Rupert, cousin Elizabeth. to Charles IL, and aunt to the German prince who afterward became George I. of Eng land, was a woman of liberal and cultivated mind. It may have been from her grandfather, James I., that she inherited her bookish proclivities. She had received lessons in philosophy from the im mortal Descartes, who was reported to have said that he " found none except her who thoroughly understood his works." She had for a time given protection to Jean de Labadie, and now she cor dially welcomed Penn and his companions. After a pleasant day with the Princess Elizabeth and her friend, Anna Maria, Countess of Homes, the party were invited to return next morning and continue their conference upon sacred themes. So "the next morning we were there between eight and nine ; where Robert Barclay falling into some dis course with the princess, the countess took hold of the opportunity, and whispered me to withdraw, PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 133 to get a meeting for the more inferior servants of the house, who would have been bashful to have presented themselves before the princess. And blessed be the Lord, he was not wanting to us ; but the same blessed power that had ap- • ¦ i- i Penn peared to visit them of high, appeared preaches to , . . ~ i i-i theservants. also to visit them ot low degree ; and we were all sweetly tendered and broken together, for virtue went forth of Jesus that day, and the life of our God was shed abroad amongst us as a sweet savour, for which their souls bowed before the Lord and confessed to our testimony. Which did not a little please that noble young woman, to find her own report of us, and her great care of them, so effectually answered. ... I must not here for get that we found at our inn, the first night at supper, a young merchant, of a sweet Amerchant and ingenuous temper, belonging to the ofBremel1- city of Bremen, who took occasion from that night's discourse, the sixth day at dinner and sup per, and the seventh day also, to seek all oppor tunities of conference with us ; and, as we have reason to believe, he stayed twenty-four hours in [Herwerden] on our account. . . . We asked him, in case any of us should visit [Bremen], if he would give us the opportunity of a meeting at his house ; which he readily granted us. So we gave him some books, etc. ... It being now three in the afternoon, we went to the princess's ; where being come, after some little time, the princess and countess put me in remembrance of a promise I made them in one of my letters out of England, namely, that I would give them an account (at 134 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. some convenient time) of my first convincement, Penn telis an^ °^ those tribulations and consolations tocSnwr-0' which I had met withal in this way of 8ion' the kingdom which God had brought me to. After some pause I found myself very free, and prepared in the Lord's love and fear to comply with their request ; and so, after some silence, began. But before I had half done it was supper time, and the princess would by no means let us go, we must sup with her; which importunity not being well able to avoid, we yielded to, and sat down with her to supper. " Among the rest present at these opportunities, it must not be forgotten that there was a countess, sister to the countess, then come in to visit her, and a Frenchwoman of quality ; the first behaving a French her self very decently and the last often lady. deeply broken ; and from a light and slighting carriage toward the very name of a Quaker, she became very intimately and respect fully kind and respectful to us. Supper being ended, we all returned to the princess's chamber ; where making us all to sit down with her, she with both the countesses and the Frenchwoman pressed from me the continuance of my relation ; . . . which, though late, I was not unwilling to oblige them with, because I knew not when the Lord would give me such an opportunity." The ladies listened " with an earnest and tender attention," and afterwards a meeting was appointed for the next day, Sunday, at two o'clock, in Prin cess Elizabeth's palace ; and so toward midnight the evening came to an end. The next day, at the PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. , • * 135 inn dinner, " there were several strangers that came by the post-wagon, among whom there was a young man of Bremen, being a student at the col lege at Duysburgh, who informed us of a sober and seeking man of great note in the city of Duys burgh. To him we gave some books. . . . The second hour being at hand we went to the meet ing ; where were several as well of the a meeting at town as of the family. The meeting thePalace- began with a weighty exercise and travail in prayer, that the Lord would glorify his own name that day. And by his own power he made way to their consciences and sounded his wakening trum pet in their ears, that they might know that he was God, and that there is none like unto him. O, the day of the Lord livingly dawned upon us, and the searching life of Jesus was in the midst of us ! O, the Word, that never faileth them that wait for it and abide in it, opened the way and unsealed the book of life. Yea, the quickening power and life of Jesus wrought and reached to them ; and virtue from him, in whom dwelleth the Godhead bodily, went forth and blessedly distilled upon us his own heavenly life, sweeter than the pure frankincense ; yea, than the sweet-smelling myrrh that cometh from a far country. . . . As soon as the meeting was done the princess came to me and took me by the hand (which she usually did to us all, coming and going) and went to speak to me of the sense she had of that power Emotionof and presence of God that was amongst thePrincess- us, but was stopped. And turning herself to the window brake forth in an extraordinary fashion, 136 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. crying out, : I cannot ^peak to you ; my heart is full ; ' clapping her hands upon her breast." "It melted me into a deep and calm tenderness, in which I was moved to minister a few words softly to her, and after some time of silence she recovered herself, and as I was taking leave of her, she inter rupted me thus : ' Will ye not come hither again ? Pray call here as ye return out of Germany.' I Penn takes *0^ her, we were in the hand of the Lord, leave' and being his, could not dispose of our selves ; but the Lord had taken care that we should not forget her and those with her." 1 From Herwerden our friends proceeded to Pa- derborn, " a dark popish town, and under the gov ernment of a bishop of that religion." Thence in floods of rain, with " only naked carts to ride in," to Hesse-Cassel, and thence to Frankfort. At every Frankfort place they made converts ; at Frankfort nefghbour- " a Lutheran minister was broken to hood. pieces," " a doctor of physic was affected and confessed to the truth." These things hap pened in the parlour of a young maiden lady, who declared herself ready to go to prison, if need be, for harbouring such preachers. At some places on the route the Quakers were forbidden to preach, but they paid small heed to the injunction. As they made a little circuit through Mannheim, Worms, and Mayence, and back to Frankfort, people thronged from neighbouring towns and villages, in coaches and wagons or afoot, in order to listen to them. Down the beautiful Rhine they went to Cologne, and so on toward Duysburg, 1 Penn's Select Works, ii. 414-418. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 137 near which towered the castle of the gruff old Count von Falkenstein. They carried a letter AgrufE of introduction to his daughter, " an ex- sreetins- traordinary woman," but on the way they met the father, who said that he had no need of Quak ers and ordered them to get out of his dominions. The walk to Duysburg was so long that when they arrived there they found the city gates shut and. had to sleep under the open sky. As they entered the city in the morning they met with a messenger from the young Countess von Falkenstein, " a pretty young tender man, near to the kingdom, who saluted us in her name with much love ; tell ing us that she was much grieved at the entertain ment of her father towards us, advising us not to expose ourselves to such difficulties and hardships, for it would grieve her heart that any that came in the love of God to visit her should be so severely handled ; for at some he sets his dogs, upon others he puts his soldiers to beat them." Our pilgrims begged the young man to assure the lady " that our concern was not for ourselves, but for her," i. e. since they understood her father's reputation for cruelty. A walk of eight English miles after dinner brought them to their next resting-place, and so they kept on, making some impression wherever they stopped, until they arrived at Am sterdam. Thence Penn set out once more, in company with a certain Jan Clans, and visited Leeuwarden, where he met " an ancient maid, above sixty years of age," Anna Maria Schurmann, the celebrated mystic and friend of Labadie, and " of great note 138 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. and fame for learning in languages and philoso- Anna Maria P^y-" This ancient maiden "told us of schurmann. ^er former life, of her pleasure in learn ing, and her love to the religion she was brought up in ; but confessed she knew not God nor Christ truly all that while . . . she never felt such a powerful stroke as by the ministry of Jean de Labadie. She saw her learning to be vanity, and her religion like a body of death." From Fries- land Penn entered Germany again at Emden, and after a stop at Bremen, returned once more to the Princess Elizabeth and her ladies at Herwerden. Thence after affectionate farewells it was a weari some journey to Wesel : " We rode three nights and days without lying down on a bed or sleeping, otherwise than in the wagon, which was only covered with an old ragged sheet. The company we had with us made twelve in number, which much straitened us. They were often if not always vain ; yea, in their religious songs, which is the fashion of that country, especially by night. They call them Luther's songs, and sometimes psalms. We were forced often to reprove and tes- Fellow- . , . i . travellers tify again st their hypocrisy, — to be full of all vain and often profane talk one hour, and sing psalms to God the next ; we showed them the deceit and abomination of it. . . . All was very well ; they bore what we said." From Wesel through the Netherlands the jour- At home ney was brief, and at the end of October, once more. after ^ absence of three monthS, Penn arrived at Worminghurst, and found wife, child, and family all well. " I had that evening a sweet PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 139 meeting amongst them, in which God's blessed power made us truly glad together." A charming picture is this of the highly gifted young man, with his noble face, commanding pre sence, and magnetic demeanour, going about to win souls to a higher life. It was because they felt the divine authority in the nature of his utter ances that his hearers were so "broken" and contrite. It was a renewal of Christ's teaching that religion is an affair of the inner soul and not of externals ; and there can be little doubt that the Christian ideal has been, on the whole, more perfectly realized among the Quakers than with any other sect of Christians. The importance of this journey in relation to the European peopling of the middle zone of the United States is obvious. It made Penn and his ideas familiarly known to many excellent men and women in Germany, persons of character and in fluence. At the time when he made the Historic journey his American schemes were Sfths'j™™ rapidly developing. We have now to ney" observe the manner in which his attention was directed to the New World. It will be remembered that in 1673 Lord Berke ley sold his half share in the province of New Jer sey to a Quaker, John Fenwick, in trust for another Quaker, Edward Byllinge. Fenwick, who is de scribed as a "litigious and troublesome person," soon got into a quarrel with Byllinge, and the affair was referred to William Penn as arbitrator. He adjudged one tenth of the Berkeley purchase to Friend Fenwick, along with a certain sum of 140 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. money, and directed him to hand over the other nine tenths to Friend Byllinge. At first Fenwick was sorely dissatisfied with the award, and refused Penn to abide by it, whereat he was gravely iSsTedin rebuked by Penn. Meanwhile Byllinge WestJersey. became insolvent. Presently Fenwick yielded, and made over nine tenths of the property to William Penn, Gawaine Laurie, and Nicholas Lucas, as trustees for the benefit of Byllinge's creditors. In 1675 Fenwick sailed for the Dela ware River with a party of colonists, and landed at the mouth of a small stream which the Dutch had called by the unromantic name of Varkenskill, or "Hog's Creek," hard by the Swedish settle ment of Elsingburgh. There he laid out a town and called it Salem. These proceedings Salem . r ° founded by aroused the ire of Andros, who demanded by what authority was Fenwick taking on airs of proprietorship within the Duke of York's dominions. Not getting a satisfactory reply, An dros summoned Fenwick to New York, and when he refused to come the summons was followed by an officer who seized the obstinate Quaker and carried him off to Fort James. Meanwhile an important question was settled between the proprietors in England. The joint proprietorship of New Jersey between Carteret and Berkeley had passed almost unconsciously into two proprietorships of East and West Jersey The lines between in severalty ; and the boundary between East and West Jer- the two had been declared to be a straight line running from Barnegat to Rankokus Creek. This was felt to be an inequitable divi- PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 141 sion, and in 1676 the matter was readjusted by what was known as the Quintipartite Deed, be tween Sir George Carteret on the one hand, and Penn, Laurie, Lucas, and Byllinge on the other. By this instrument it was agreed that the boundary between East and West Jersey should be a straight line running from Little Egg Harbour to the northernmost branch of the Delaware River in lat itude 41° 40'. In the summer of 1677 the good ship Kent, Gregory Marlow, master, dropped down the Thames with 230 passengers bound for West Jer- ... ... - . . Quakers go sey, including a small board ot commis- to West sioners for organizing a government for that province. As they were gliding down stream, King Charles in his pleasure barge came alongside and asked whither they were bound. Hearing the name West Jersey, he asked if they were all Quak ers, and gave them his royal blessing. On arriv ing at Sandy Hook the Kent dropped anchor while the commissioners went up to New York to pay their respects to Andros. The governor received them politely, but was particular to ask "if they had anything from the duke, his master? They replied, nothing particularly; but that he had conveyed that part of his country to Lord Berke ley, and he to Byllinge, etc., in which the govern ment was as much conveyed as the soil. The governor replied : ' All that will not clear me. If I should surrender without demeanour the duke's order, it is as much as my head is worth ; but if you had but a line or two from the duke, I should be as ready to surrender 142 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. it to you as you would be to ask it.' Upon which the commissioners, instead of excusing their im prudence in not bringing such an order, began to insist upon their right and strenuously to assert their independency. But Andros, clapping his hand on his sword, told them that he should de fend the government [of West Jersey] from them till he received orders from the duke to surrender it. He, however, softened and told them he would do what was in his power to make them easy till they could send home to get redress ; aud in order thereto, would commissionate the same persons mentioned in the commission they produced. This they accepted, and undertook to act as magistrates under him till further orders came from England, and to proceed in relation to their land affairs according to the methods prescribed by the propri etors." 1 This incident throws a strong sidelight upon the behaviour of Andros toward Philip Carteret. Nei ther personal friendship nor any other considera tion could avail against his mastiff-like fidelity to his master. By their well-timed pliancy Penn's com missioners probably saved themselves from forcible detention in Fort James. After coming to terms with the governor of New York, the immigrants went on to the Delaware River and proceeded Founding of far UP stream, above the Rankokus Burlington. QTQe^ as if ft were part Qf ^ft purpose to assert ownership of what had once belonged to East Jersey. Here they founded a village which 1 Smith's History of Nova Caisaria, or New Jersey, Burling ton, 1765, pp. 93, 94. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 143 they called Burlington, after the town in Yorkshire whence a goodly number of them came. Andros now, having sufficiently carried his point, released Fenwick. A letter from one of the settlers, Thomas Hoo- ton, to his wife in England, dated October 29, 1677, is full of interest : " My dear, — I am this present at the town called Burlington, where our land is ; it is ordered to be a town for the ten Yorkshire and ten London proprietors. I like the place well ; our lot is the second next the water side. It's like to be a healthful place Hooton's and very pleasant to live in. I came letter" hither yesterday with some friends that were going to New York. I am to be at Thomas Olive's house till I can provide better for myself. I intend to build a house and get some corn into the ground ; and I know not how to write concerning thy coming or not coming hither. The place I like very well, and believe that we may live here very well. But if it be not made free, I mean as to the customs and government, then it will not be so well, and may hinder many that have desires to come. But if those two things be cleared, thou may take thy opportunity of coming this [i. e. next?] summer." The two things that thus needed clearing up were surely of supreme importance to the colonists. In sending them to New Jersey, Penn and his col leagues supposed they were founding a self-gov erning community. Penn had drawn up a consti tution for it, providing that " no man was to have power over another man's conscience. A govern- 144 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. ing assembly was to be chosen by ballot ; every man was eligible to vote, and to be voted for ; craticcon- each elected member was to receive a shilling a day as the servant of the peo ple. Executive power was to be in the hands of ten commissioners appointed by the assembly ; and justices and constables were to be elected by popular vote ; and it is added, ' All, and every person in the province, shall by the help of the Lord and these fundamentals be free from oppres sion and slavery.' " Here we have democracy in quite modern shape, containing some of the features which are now found to be objectionable (such as an elective judiciary), as well as those which time and experience have approved. A friendly message, commenting on the above provisions, ex claimed, " We lay a foundation for after ages to understand their liberty as Christians and as men, that they may not be brought into bondage but by their own consent, for we put the power in the people." J Our worthy Quakers did not foresee New phases tlie day when the people, lured by the of tyranny. baft Qf hjgh tar;ffs an(j the „ spojlg Qf office," would consent to be brought into bondage under petty tyrants as cheap and vile as ever cum bered the earth. They would have been sorely astonished if told that nowhere could be seen a more flagrant spectacle of such humiliating bond age than in the great commonwealth which bears Penn's name. Now according to the claim which Andros as serted for the Duke of York, these Quakers were 1 Stoughton's William Penn, p. 119. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 145 merely landowners in New Jersey under the sover eign jurisdiction of New York ; their taxes were to be levied not by their own claims We8t J Jersey for representative assembly, but by the de- tl?eDu*le spotic governor of New York ; and at Newcastle on the Delaware there was a custom house, where goods imported into West Jersey had to pay duties into the New York treasury. Under such circumstances, no wonder that some of the settlers felt dubious about staying and bringing over their wives and children. Nevertheless, peo ple kept on coming and agitating, and as the pop ulation grew the question was more and more warmly discussed. In 1679 there was a strong anti-Catholic excite ment in England, due largely to Titus Oates and his alleged detection of a Popish plot in the pre vious year. The horrors in Scotland and the de feat of Claverhouse by the Covenanters at Drum- clog also produced a great effect ; and amid it all the friends of the Habeas Corpus Act, led by the Earl of Shaftesbury, wrenched from the king his signature to that famous measure. The Duke of York, as a Romanist, was threatened with exclu sion from the throne, and so strong was the feeling against him that he deemed it prudent for a time to leave the country. During his absence the West Jersey question was discussed. Penn argued that Berkeley's conveyance expressly included powers of government along with territorial pos session, and that the Duke of York had ingenious no authority to levy duties on the colo nists in West Jersey, or exclude them of their 146 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. " English right of common assent to taxes ; " and then, skilfully alluding to "the duke's circum stances and the people's jealousies," it was sug gested that since he had now an opportunity to free West Jersey with his own hand, " so will Eng lishmen here [in England] know what to hope for, by the justice and kindness he shows to English men there, and all men to see the just model of his government in New York to be the scheme and draft in little of his administration in Old Eng land at large, if the crown should ever devolve upon his head." 1 This argument was certainly defective in ignor ing the legal facts attendant upon the loss and recovery of New Netherland in 1673-74, which should have made it plain that Penn and his friends could have no rights of sovereignty over West Jersey without an explicit release from the Duke of York.2 Apparently their minds were not clear on this point ; or perhaps they acted upon the maxim of worldly wisdom that it is just as well to begin by " claiming everything." The hope of Penn's subtle and weighty argument lay not so much in this preamble as in the suggestion of the duke's true interests. So the duke evidently understood it, and in August, 1680, he lease of the executed a deed whereby he released all his powers of sovereignty over West Jer sey to Byllinge, Penn, and their colleagues. Two 1 Brodhead's History of the State of New York, ii. 339 ; an ex cellent aud scholarly work, though occasionally disfigured by a proneness to ascribe unworthy motives to New York's neigh bours, whether in Massachusetts, or Connecticut, or Pennsylvania. 2 See above, p. 30. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 147 months later he released to the Carterets all his powers over East Jersey, and due notification of these measures was sent to the peremptory An dros. Thus were the Jerseys definitively set free from New York. In the course of these discussions Penn had ac quired a wide knowledge of American affairs, and his mind was turned more and more to thoughts of colonization. The new settlements at Salem and Burlington were flourishing, and in England there were thousands of industrious and thrifty Quak ers who would be likely to flock to a new colony founded expressly in their own behoof by . i i i /t Penn's claim their trusted leader. Circumstances com- against the i i -r> crown. bined to favour such a scheme. Penn inherited the claim to a debt of ,£16,000 due from the crown to his father, and there was no way in which such a debt could more easily be paid than by a grant of wild lands in America. Penn, as he said of himself, was not destitute of " a moderate and seasonable regard " to worldly interests, and he was shrewd enough to see that such an American domain might prove to be better property than the hard cash, even if he were ever likely to get cash from the needy spendthrift who sat on the throne or the niggardly brother who was expected to succeed him. Uppermost in his mind, however, was the hope of planting a free and self-governing commu nity wherein his own ideal of a civil polity might be realized. Irrespective of nationality, from the banks of the Rhine and Weser, or from those of the Thames and the Severn, he might draw peo ple of various kinds and grades of free thinking, 148 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. and deliver them from the vexations which pur sued them in their old homes. The more The " holy . experi- he dwelt upon this scheme, the more it ment." r . seemed to him " a holy experiment " which with God's help it was his duty to try. " The Lord is good to me," he wrote to a friend, " and the interest his truth has given me with his people may more than repay [this claim upon the crown]. For many are drawn forth to be concerned with me, and perhaps this way of satisfaction hath more the hand of God in it than a downright pay ment. . . . For the matters of liberty and privi lege I purpose that which is extraordinary, and [to] leave myself and succession no power of doing mischief, that the will of one man may not hinder the good of a whole country." ] Penn's petition to the privy council asked for " a tract of land in America, lying north of Mary land, on the east bounded with Delaware River, on the west limited as Maryland, and northward to extend as far as plantable." The determining of these bounds was, as usual, attended with hard feelings and hard words. Lord Baltimore's char ter fixed his northern boundary at the 40th par allel of latitude, which runs a little north of the site of Philadelphia. This latitude was marked by a fortress on the Susquehanna River, and when the crown lawyers consulted with Baltimore's at torneys, they were told that all questions of en croachment would be avoided if the line Boundaries. - . - - , . „ were to be run just north ot this tort, so as to leave it on the Maryland side. Penn made 1 Clarkson's Life cf Penn, i. 288. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 149 no objection to this, but an inspection of maps soon showed that such a boundary would give his pro vince inadequate access to the ocean. Of all the English colonies, his was the only one that had no seaboard, and he was eager to get an outlet at the head of Chesapeake Bay. His position as a royal favourite enabled him to push the whole line twenty miles to the south of the Susquehanna fort. But this fell short of attaining his object ; so he persuaded the Duke of York to give him the land on the west shore of Delaware Bay which the Dutch had once taken from the Swedes. By fur ther enlargement the area of this grant became that of the present state of Delaware, the whole of which was thus, in spite of vehement protest, carved out of the original Maryland.1 Throughout the colonial period Delaware and Pennsylvania, though distinct provinces with separate legislative assem blies, continued under the same proprietary gov ernment, and the history of the little community was to a considerable extent merged in that of the great one. On the east the Delaware River was a bound ary sufficiently definite, and the circumstances of a later day determined at precisely what remote points in the interior the western limit should be fixed. Five degrees of longitude were allowed in the charter, but rather more than this was ulti mately obtained. The northern boundary is placed in the charter at the 43d parallel, but in the final compromise between the Penns and Calverts in 1760, when it was decreed that Mason and Dixon 1 See Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, ii. 144-146. 150 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. should run their division line at 39° 43' 26.3" north, the privy council also insisted that the Seeds of the northern boundary of Pennsylvania contention, g^ould be at 42° instead of 43°. This arrangement, like Penn's original charter, ignored the claim of Connecticut, under her Winthrop charter of 1662, to the strip of land between 41° and 42° as far as the Pacific Ocean ; an unsettled question which led to the Pennamite- Yankee con flicts, disgraceful alike to both parties. It has been truly said that Penn's charter was the source of more boundary disputes than any other in Amer ican history.1 It was Penn's intention to call his province New Wales, because he had heard that there were hills west of the Delaware River. But as the king for some reason objected to this, he changed it to Syl- vania, or Woodland. When the king had in hand the draft of the charter, with this correction, he added the name Penn before Sylvania. When Penn saw this he was not at all pleased. It had an egotistical look, and he insisted that his own name should be crossed off ; but Charles Name of the . new com- 11. was quick-witted. "We will keep monwealth. .,,.,11 lt, said he, " but not on your account, my dear fellow. Don't flatter yourself. We will keep the name to commemorate the admiral, your noble father." If there were any answer for this, Penn had it not forthcoming, and the king's emen dation remained. Penn afterward laughingly ar gued that, since in the Welsh tongue pen means 1 The subject is ably and succinctly treated in Hinsdale's Old Northwest, pp. 98-119. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 151 "hill," the compound Pennsylvania might well mean Hilly Woodland or Wooded Hills.1 The charter which made Penn lord proprietor of this goodly domain was drawn up by himself in imitation of the charter of Maryland, but differed from it in two very important particulars. Laws passed by the assembly of Maryland were valid as soon as confirmed by Lord Baltimore, and did not need even to be looked at by the king or his privy council ; but the colonial enactments of Pennsylvania were required to be sent to Tbe ci,artera England for the royal approval. It was, "^"imd1' moreover, expressly provided in the Maryland- Maryland charter that the crown should never im pose any taxes within the limits of the province ; and although nothing is said about the authority of parliament in such matters, there is no doubt that the proviso was understood to mean that the right of taxing the colony was entirely disclaimed by the government in England. For the views of Charles I. were unquestionably identical with those 1 See his letter to his friend Robert Turner, in Stoughton's William Penn, p. 169. The reader must pardon me for throwing the king's remark into the oratio directa, thus paraphrasing but scarcely amplifying what Penn tells us. The king spake as I have quoted him, or " words to that effect," as the lawyers say. It is said that Penn once told the Rev. Hugh David that he was himself of Welsh origin and descended from the Tudors. ' ' My great-grandfather, John Tudor, lived upon the top of a hill or mountain in Wales and was generally called John Penmunnith, which in English is John-on the-Hilltop. He removed from Wales into Ireland, where he acquired considerable property," and after ward removed to London. His Welsh nickname became abbre viated to John Penn, and in the new surroundings the old name Tudor was forgotten. See Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, i. 119. I relate the tradition for whatever it may be worth. 152 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. of his father, who declared in 1624 that the gov ernment of colonies was the business of the king, and that parliament had nothing whatever to do with it.1 But in the charter of Pennsylvania, half a century later than that of Maryland, the right of parliament to levy taxes in the colony was expressly maintained. The younger colony was therefore less independent of the mother country than her elder sister, and the position of Penn was distinctly less regal than that of Baltimore. This noticeable contrast marks the growth of the imperial and anti-feudal sentiment in England during those fifty years, the feeling that privileges like those accorded to the Calverts were too exten sive to be enjoyed by subjects. It also Significance J J , ,. . of the con- marks the great decline in the royal power and the concomitant increase in the power and importance of parliament. We see that august body putting forth claims to a voice in the imposition of American taxes, claims which the American colonies could never be brought to admit, but which were naturally resented and resisted with more alertness and decision by the older colonies than by the younger. The limitations in Penn's charter show also the influence of the conflict which had been going on , for twenty years between Charles II Influence of i p -»x the king's and the colony of Massachusetts. Thai; experience , * withMassa- stiff-necked Puritan commonwealth had chusetts. , coined money, set the navigation acts at defiance, prohibited the Episcopal form of worship, snubbed the royal commissioners, and passed laws 1 See Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, i. 218. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 153 inconsistent with those of England. Hence in the Pennsylvania charter we see imperial claims more carefully guarded. Massachusetts, moreover, had neglected to appoint an agent or attorney to repre sent her interests at the English court, for, in the rebellious phrase of a later era, all she asked was to be let alone. Accordingly the Pennsylvania charter required that such an agent should be em ployed. The toleration of Episcopal forms of worship was also expressly provided for. But in spite of these few limitations in the charter,1 Penn was allowed the widest latitude in shaping the policy of his colony, and nothing could have been less like the principles of the Stuarts than the kind of civil government which he forth with proclaimed. Absolute freedom of Penn,8 conscience was guaranteed to everybody. reTonS>iend It was declared, in language which to the policy' seventeenth century seemed arrant political heresy, that governments exist for the sake of the people, and not the people for the sake of governments ; and side by side with this came the equally novel doctrine that in legislating for the punishment of criminals, the reformation of the criminal is a worthier object than the wreaking of vengeance. The death penalty was to be inflicted only in cases of murder or high treason ; a notable departure from the customary legislation of those days. In Massachusetts, for example, there were fifteen capital crimes, including such offences as idolatry, witchcraft, blasphemy, adultery, bearing false wit- 1 These were probably added by Lord Chief Justice North, who revised the document. 154 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. ness, and cursing or smiting one's parents.1 In such wise, with his humane and reasonable policy, did Penn seek to draw men to his new colony. To all who should come he offered land at forty shil lings (equivalent to something between $40 and 150) for a hundred acres, subject to a quit-rent of one shilling a year. In April, 1681, Penn sent his cousin, William Markham, to be deputy-governor of Pennsylvania, and with him a letter to the colonists already settled west of the Delaware River : " My friends : I wish you all happiness, here and here after. These are to let you know that it hath pleased God, in his providence, to cast His l6tt6r * • » -_- to the you within my lot and care. It is a busi- colonists. l T ness that, though I never undertook be fore, yet God has given me an understanding of my duty, and an honest mind to do it uprightly. I hope you will not be troubled at your change and the king's choice, for you are now fixed at the mercy of no governor that comes to make his for tune great ; you shall be governed by laws of your own making, and live a free, and, if you will, a sober and industrious people. I shall not usurp the right of any, or oppress his person. God has furnished me with a better resolution, and has given me his grace to keep it. In short, whatever sober and free men can reasonably desire for the security and improvement of their own happiness, I shall heartily comply with, and in five months I resolve, if it please God, to see you. In the mean time pray submit to the commands of my deputy, 1 Colonial Laws of Massachusetts, pp. 14-16. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 155 so far as they are consistent with the law, and pay him those dues (that formerly you paid to the order of the governor of New York) for my use and benefit, and so I beseech God to direct you in the way of righteousness, and therein prosper you and your children after you. I am your true friend, — William Penn." 1 So great was the success of the " holy experi ment" that in the course of the first year more than twenty ships sailed for the Dela- AQUaier ware River,2 carrying perhaps 3000 pas- exodus- sengers. Penn did not come, as he had hoped, within five months of the date of his letter. Busi ness connected with the new colony was driving him, and probably for the next year not a man in the three kingdoms worked harder than he. It is worthy of note that at this time he was chosen a Fellow of the Royal Society. Devising a frame of government for his colony, making grants of land, sending out detailed instructions to his deputy, and keeping up a huge miscellaneous correspond ence, consumed all his time. In the midst of it all he did not forget to preach. He went with Fox one day to a meeting (once more an " unlaw ful assemblage " in Gracechurch Street !) ; and Fox informs us that while Penn was speaking " a constable came in with his great staff, and bid him give over and come down ; but William Penn held on, declaring truth in the power of God." Late in the summer of 1682 he sailed for the New World, leaving his wife and children in England. 1 Hazard's Annals of Pennsylvania, p. 502. 2 Proud's History of Pennsylvania, i. 216. 156 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. He sailed from Deal, in the ship Welcome, with a hundred passengers, mostly Quakers. Penn comes r , , i to the New In the two months voyage more than World. . . J . thirty of this company died of small pox. Toward the end of October Penn landed at Newcastle, amid the welcoming shouts of Dutch and Swedish settlers in woodland garb, the men in leather breeches and jerkins, the women " in skin jackets and linsey petticoats." 1 Penn showed his deeds of enfeoffment, and two of the inhabitants performed livery of seisin by handing over to him water and soil, turf and twig. Thence he went on to Upland, where there had been for some time a settlement. Turning to his friend and shipmate, Thomas Pearson, he said, " Providence has brought us here safe. Thou hast been the companion of my perils. What wilt thou that I shall call Chester this place ? " " Call it Chester," replied Pearson, who had come from that most quaint and beautiful city of old England.2 At this new Ches ter an assembly was held, which passed sixty-one statutes known as the Great Law of Pennsylvania. After visits to New York and Maryland, Penn sought the spot just above the confluence of the little Schuylkill and the great Delaware rivers, and there laid out the squarest and levelest city, no doubt, that our planet had ever seen.3 The plan was like a checkerboard, and the first streets were named after the trees and shrubs, pine and spruce, 1 Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, i. 19. 2 Smith's History of Delaware County, p. 139. This Pearson was maternal grandfather of the painter, Benjamin West. Id. p. 170. 8 But not so level as it has since become. Many inequalities have been smoothed out. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 157 chestnut and walnut, sassafras and cedar, that grew luxuriantly in the areas now covered with brick and mortar. The settlers at first came • n i i i iiii-i Founding of more rapidly than log huts could be built, pwiadei- so that many were fain to become troglo dytes for a while in caves along the river's bank. Building went on briskly, and settlers kept coming, until by the end of 1683, this new Philadelphia, this City of Brotherly Love, contained 357 dwell ings, many of them framed wooden houses, many of them stoutly built of bright red brick, and some times so uniform in aspect that a chalk-mark would seem needed to distinguish one from its neighbours, as in the Arabian tale of the Forty Thieves. The great city on the Delaware, like the great city on the Hudson, had its characteristic features strongly marked from the very outset. Penn was charmed with his woodland. In a letter he exclaims, " O how sweet is the quiet of these parts, freed from the anxious and trouble some solicitations, hurries, and perplexities of woe ful Europe ! " Again, he says, the land is like " the best vales of England wa- ion of the tered by brooks ; the air, sweet ; the heavens, serene like the south of France ; the sea sons, mild and temperate ; vegetable productions abundant, qhestnut, walnut, plums, muscatel grapes, wheat and other grain ; a variety of animals, elk, deer, squirrel, and turkeys weighing forty or fifty pounds, water-birds and fish of divers kinds, no want of horses ; and flowers lovely for colour, greatness, figure, and variety. . . . The stories of our necessity [have been] either the fear of our 158 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. friends or the scarecrows of our enemies ; for the greatest hardship we have suffered hath been salt meat, which by fowl in winter and fish in sum mer, together with some poultry, lamb, mutton, veal, and plenty of venison, the best part of the year has been made very passable." 1 As regards the climate, however, the writer does not find it a fickle always mild and temperate; in another climate. letter he says, " the weather often chan- geth without notice, and is constant almost in its inconstancy," — an excellent description of nearly all weather in the United States, except on the coast of California. One of the most famous events of Penn's first visit to the New World was his treaty with a tribe of Delawares or Lenape Indians under the elm- tree at Shackamaxon. Documentary evidence con cerning this affair is extremely deficient, but there is little doubt that such a treaty was made,2 prob ably in November, 1682, at Shackamaxon, under a great elm which was blown down in 1810. There is no, doubt that the Indians from the first were greatly pleased with Penn's looks and manners. None can appreciate better than the red maxon man that union of royal dignity with affable grace which characterized the handsome young cavalier. A lady who was pre sent at a conference between Penn and the In dians, near Philadelphia, gave some detailed accounts of it which were afterward used by the 1 Clarkson's Life of Penn, i. 350, 402. 2 Memoirs of Pennsylvania Historical Society, vol. iii. part 2, p. 143. WVy ^f 1^ A#W^Ml^ j ;l I I PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 159 antiquarian John Watson : " She said that the Indians, as well as the whites, had severally pre pared the best entertainment the place and cir cumstances could admit. William Penn made himself endeared to the Indians by his marked condescension and acquiescence in their wishes. He walked with them, sat with them on the ground, and ate with them of their roasted acorns and hominy. At this they expressed their great delight, and soon began to show how they could hop and jump ; at which exhibition William Penn, to cap the climax, sprang up and out danced them all! We are not pre- for the pared," continues the worthy Watson, " to credit such light gaiety in a sage Governor and religious Chief ; but we have the positive assertion of a woman of truth, who said she saw it. There may have been very wise policy in the measure as an act of conciliation, worth more than a regiment of sharpshooters. He was then suffi ciently young for any agility ; and we remember that one of the old journalists among the Friends incidently speaks of him as having naturally an excess of levity of spirit for a grave minister." 1 The testimony of the " woman of truth " seems to me eminently credible, as the act was highly characteristic. Penn, like Frontenac, knew in stinctively what chords in the Indian's nature to touch. The red men always remembered affec tionately their Onas, for by this Algonquin word, meaning " feather " or " quill," they translated the name of Penn ; the name thenceforth always desig- 1 Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, i. 56. 160 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. nated the governor of Pennsylvania, and it was an unshakable Lenape tradition that Onas was a good fellow. Of the Shackamaxon covenant Voltaire pithily observes that it was " the only treaty between savages and Christians that was never sworn to and that was never broken."1 The Quaker policy toward the red men was a policy of justice and truth, and deserves all that has been said in its praise. Nevertheless in connection with this sub ject sundry impressions have obtained Some incor- , . . , . ,. rectimpres- currency which are not historically cor rect. Many people suppose that Penn's conduct, in paying the Indians for the land which he occupied, was without precedent. There could not be a greater mistake. The Dutch settlers of New Netherland were careful to pay for every tract of land which they took, and New York writers sometimes allude to this practice in terms which imply that it was highly exceptional.2 But 1 " II commenga par faire une ligue avec les Americains ses voisins. C'est le seul traite entre ces peuples et les Chretiens qui n'ait point 6t6 jnr4 et qui n'ait point ete rompu." Dictionnaire philosophique, s. v. Quakers, in his Oeuvres, Paris, 1785, torn, xliii. p. 18. A new sight it was indeed, he goes on to exclaim, that of a sovereign to whom everybody could say Thou and address him with hat on, etc. : " C'^tait un spectacle bien nouveau qu'un souverain que tout le monde tutoyaient, et a qui ou parlait le chapeau sur la tete ; un gouvernement sans pretres, un peuple sans armes, des citoyens tous ^gaux k la magistrature pr&s, et des voisins sans jalousie. Guillaume Pen pouvait se vanter d'avoir apport^ sur la terre l'ag-e d'or, dont on parle tant, et qui n'a vrai- semblablement exists qu'en Pensilvanie." But the good Voltaire, in his enthusiasm, gets his geography mixed up, and places Penn sylvania *' au sud de Mainland." 2 " Of this purchase [of Manhattan Island by Director Minuit], PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 161 similar purchases by the Puritan settlers of New England occurred repeatedly. In the time of King Philip's war, Josiah Winslow, governor of Plymouth, said, in a report to the Federal Commis sioners : " I think I can clearly say that, before these present troubles broke out, the English did not possess one foot of land in this colony but what was fairly obtained by honest purchase of the Indians." x So the lands of the Providence plantation were bought from Canonicus by Roger Williams ; the island of Aqued- land from neck was duly paid for by Hutchinson and Coddington ; and Samuel Gorton obtained Shawomet by fair purchase.2 The first settlers of Boston found in that neighbourhood a solitary survivor of an Algonquin tribe extirpated by the recent pestilence, and they made a payment for the land to him. An Indian village at Beverly was afterward bought from its tawny occupants for £6 6s. 8d., equivalent to about $158, which was more than Minuit paid for Manhattan. In 1638 Davenport's company bought their New Haven lands for " 12 coats of English cloth, 12 metal spoons, 12 hoes, 12 hatchets, 12 porringers, 24 knives, and 4 cases of French knives and scis- so unique and rare an episode in the history of American coloni zation, there fortunately exists unassailable proof." Wilson, Memorial History of the City of New York, i. 158. 1 See Hubbard's Narrative, 13. For the general temper of New England legislation for Indians, see General Laws of Massa chusetts, pp. 74-78 ; General Laws cf Connecticut, pp. 32-34 ; Plymouth Records, iii. 74, 89, 167; iv. 66, 109 ; Winthrop's Jour nal, i. 120 ; Trumbull's History of Connecticut, i. 37. 2 Arnold's History of Rhode Island, i. 70, 125 ; ii. 112. vol. n. 162 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. sors ; " and in 1666 the pilgrims from the New Haven republic paid for the site of Newark in " 50 double hands of powder, 100 bars of lead ; of axes, coats, pistols, and hoes, 20 each; of guns, kettles, and swords, 10 each ; 4 blankets, 4 barrels of beer, 50 knives, 850 fathoms of wampum, 2 anchors of liquor, and 3 trooper's coats." So in 1610 Captain West bought the site of Richmond, in Virginia, from The Powhatan ; in 1634 Leonard Calvert bought the Algonquin village on St. Mary's River; and in 1638 the Swedish settlers paid for their land on the Delaware.1 It appears, therefore, that the custom of paying the Indians a price for their lands was not peculiar to the Quakers, or to the Quakers and Dutch. On the contrary, the European settlers on the Atlantic seaboard of the United States seem all to have entertained similar ideas on this matter. As for the proceedings at Shackamaxon, they seem certainly to have included the welding of a "chain of friendship," with the customary ex change of keepsakes and civilities. Whether any The price treaty of purchase was then made is un- Deidaware0ur certain. At all events, it can hardly chiefs. have been completed until a later date, for in 1685, after Penn's return to England, the council concluded a negotiation with four chiefs — Shakkopoh, Sekane, Tangoras, and Malibore — for a large tract of land extending from the Dela ware to the Susquehanna. The price paid was 44 lbs. of red lead, 30 pair of hawks' bells, 30 fathoms 1 See Ellis, The Red Man and the White Man, p. 337 ; and my Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, i. 274. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 163 of duffels, 60 fathoms of " Strandwaters ; " 1 of guns, kettles, shirts, combs, axes, knives, bars of lead, pounds of powder, pair of scissors, pair of stockings, glasses, awls, tobacco-boxes, 30 each ; 12 pair of shoes, 20 tobacco-tongs, 3 papers of beads, 6 draw-knives, 6 caps, 12 hoes, 200 fathoms of wampum. The worthy chronicler who cites this curious inventory tells us that he feels "almost ashamed " to name such a shabby compensation ; 2 but who can tell what might have been an ade quate price to the untutored Indian? We have no standard by which to estimate such things. Looking back at the situation from the vantage ground of our present knowledge, we must regard it as highly creditable to the early settlers in North America that they felt bound to give the aborigines some compensation for the lands of which they deprived them. When this had been done they could not understand why the Indians did not remain satisfied. But we can understand the case if we remember that alike in all instances the transaction was not like a free bargain and sale between members of a civilized community ; it was much more like an exercise of eminent domain, in which compensation is allowed. The white men came to America uninvited, and having come they did not ask the sionof , . . J T title." red man s permission to stay. It may be doubted if even William Penn would have con sented to abandon his "holy experiment" at the behest or entreaty of Shakkopoh, Sekane, Tango- 1 Duffels and Strandwaters were coarse kinds of cloth. 2 Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, i. 143. 164 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. ras, and Malibore. It was said by Dr. Increase Mather that " the Lord God of our fathers hath given to us for a rightful possession " the lands of "the heathen people amongst whom we live,"1 whereupon Dr. Ellis has wittily observed that " be tween holding lands by fair purchase from the Indians and receiving them as a rightful possession from the Lord God, there is certainly a confu sion of title." But in spite of the inconsistency, Mather gave expression to the principle upon which all the colonizers implicitly acted. Every where alike the bottom fact in the situation was that the white man came here to stay, without saying " By your leave." It has often been said, and is commonly sup posed, that the kind and just treatment of the Indians by the Quakers was the principal reason why more than seventy years elapsed before Penn sylvania suffered from the horrors of Indian war fare. This opinion seems closely connected with incorrect ^e notion that the red man is an excep- "bouTred tionally high-minded and peaceably dis- men' posed personage, who would never plun der and slay except under the stimulus of revenge for grievous wrongs. Such views appear to me inadequately supported. The red man is not, in deed, an unmitigated fiend, but in his wild state he is a man of the Stone Age, whose bloodthirsty policy is swayed by considerations of passion and self-interest, even as the policy of more civilized men is governed. The most successful way of 1 Mather's Brief History of the War with the Indians, Bos ton, 1676, ad init. PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 165 managing him is to keep him impressed with the superior power of the white man, while always treating him with absolute justice and truthful ness. Great credit is due to the Quakers of Penn sylvania for their methods of dealing with the Indians. Their way was the right way, and their success is one of the bright features in American history. Nevertheless it seems to me quite clear that in the long peace enjoyed by Pennsylvania, the controlling factor was not Quaker justice so much as Indian politics. If Penn's colony had been placed in New England, in the days of Pe quot supremacy, followed by the days of deadly rivalry between Narragansetts and Mohegans, it is not likely that its utmost efforts could have kept it clear of complications that would have brought on a war with the Indians. On the other hand, if the Puritans of New England had established themselves on the Delaware River about j^^^ fifty years after the founding of Boston, P°1Wca- they would almost certainly have been unmolested by Indians until after 1750. The powerful Iro quois tribe of Susquehannocks, after a long and desperate struggle with their kinsmen of the Long House, finally succumbed in 1675, left their old hunting-grounds, and wandered southward, work ing mischief in Maryland and Virginia. The red men with whom Penn made his Shackamaxon treaty were Algonquins, remnants of the once for midable confederacy of Lenni Lenape, called Delawares. They had been so completely broken in spirit by repeated defeats inflicted by the Long House, that they had consented to a treaty in 166 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. which they were described as " cowards " and " women," and humbly confessed themselves to be vassals and payers of tribute to the terrible Five Nations. Now the Long House, as we have seen, was the irreconcilable foe of Onontio, the power on the St. Lawrence, and the steadfast friend of Corlear, the power on the Hudson, whether Dutch or English. By the same token it was bound to befriend Onas. For the next seventy years, if any misguided Lenape had undertaken to ply the tom ahawk among Penn's people, Corlear had but to say the word, and the waters of the Susquehanna would soon swarm with canoes of befeathered Sen ecas and Cayugas, eager for the harvest of Lenape scalps. Under these circumstances a ruffianly pol icy, like that of Kieft in New Netherland, might have goaded the Delawares to hostilities ; but nothing short of that could have done it. Practi cally Penn's colony occupied an exceptionally safe position until its westward growth brought it within reach of the Algonquin tribes on the Ohio. These facts in nowise diminish the credit due to the Quaker policy, but they help us to a rational view of the Indian situation. Penn had much reason to feel contented with the success of his noble experiment. Within three years from its founding Philadelphia had 2500 inhabitants, while in the whole province there Penn's were more than 8000, — a growth as England? great as tbat 0:£ New Netherland in its first half century. Having made such an auspicious beginning, Penn heard news from Eng- PENN'S HOLY EXPERIMENT. 167 land which made him think it desirable to return thither. He heard of Quaker meetings broken up by soldiers, and the worshippers sent to jail. His presence was needed. He sailed in August, 1684, and arrived at his home in Sussex early in October. He expected soon to return to America, but fifteen years were to elapse and strange vicis situdes to be encountered before he was able to do so. CHAPTER XIII. DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. The founding of Pennsylvania helped to ac celerate the political revolution which had been preparing in New York ever since the first arrival of Andros. During the spring of 1680 many complaints against that energetic governor found their way across the ocean. Not only was fault found with his treatment of New Jersey, but it was said that he showed too much favour to Dutch shipping, and especially that he allowed Boston people to trade in furs with the Mohawks. These rumours led the duke to summon Andros Andros T . . returns to to London in order to lustity himself. England. . J J The governor sailed in January, 1681, expecting to return so soon that he left Lady Andros in New York. He had little difficulty in satisfying the duke as to his official conduct, but during his absence serious troubles broke out in New York, which had been left in charge of Brockholls, the lieutenant-governor. The duke's customs' duties, which had been imposed in 1677 for three years, expired in November, 1680, and Expiration by some oversight Sir Edmund neglected customs t° renew them by special ordinance. Af ter he had gone, divers merchants refused to pay duties, and Brockholls did not feel sure that DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 169 he had sufficient authority to renew them, a squeamishness for which the duke was far from thanking him. As soon as the merchants came to realize the weakness of the situation in which Brockholls was placed, the discontent which had smouldered during long years of autocratic rule burst forth in an explosion that had momentous consequences. William Dyer, the duke's collector of customs at the fort of New York, detained sundry goods for non-payment of duties. He was promptly indicted for high treason in taking upon himself " regal power and authority over the king's subjects " by demanding the payment of taxes that were not legally due. Brought to trial before °. -J & Indictment a special court, he began by pleading ofwuiiam " not guilty," but after a while called in question the competency of the court. The case was a somewhat novel exhibition of legal ingenu ity, which puzzled the judges, and it was decided to send Dyer over to England for trial. He was examined in London by the king's legal advisers, who found that he had " done nothing amiss," and presently he returned to New York to be " sur veyor-general of his Majesty's customs in the American Plantations." The excitement over Dyer's case found vent in a clamorous demand for a legislative assembly. People wagged their heads as they asked whether the arbitrary rule of a lord-proprietor was any bet ter than the arbitrary rule of a mercantile company. The old English and Dutch principle of "taxation only by consent " was loudly reiterated. At this 170 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. juncture the duke's release of the Jerseys and the founding of Pennsylvania seemed to bring things to a crisis. Here, said the men of New York, in these new colonies, almost at their very door, no Demand for laws could be made and no taxes levied aUveratent^ except by a colonial assembly of freemen. sembiy. Why could not James Stuart conduct the business of government upon as liberal princi ples as his friends, Philip Carteret and William Penn ? A petition was accordingly soon sent to the duke, in which the want of a representative assembly was declared an intolerable grievance. The document reached him at a favourable moment. He had been complaining that it was hard to raise a sufficient revenue in his province of New York, that his officers there were in difficulties and the air was full of complaints, so that he had half a mind to sell the country to anybody who would offer a fair price for it. " What," cried William Penn, " sell New York ! Don't think of such a thing. Just give it self-government and there will be no more trouble." James concluded to take the advice. Andros was made a gentleman of the king's chamber and presented with a long lease of the island of Alderney. In his place James sent a new governor to New York, with instructions to issue the writs for an election of representatives. With all his faults and in spite of his moroseness, this Stuart prince had many excellent men attached to him ; and the new gov- Thomas ernor for New York was one of the best Dongan. of them> Colonel Thomas Dongan, an Irishman of broad statesmanlike mind and all the DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 171 personal magnetism that the Blarney stone is said to impart. His blithe humour veiled a deep ear nestness of purpose, long experience with French men had fitted him to deal with the dangers that were threatening from Canada, and while he was a most devout Catholic none could surpass him in loyalty to Great Britain and its government. The arrival of Governor Dongan in New York, with the news of his errand, was hailed with vociferous delight. The assembly was duly elected and held its first meeting in Fort James on the 17th of October, 1683. Its composition • i r i The first forcibly reminds us of what places the assembly, Duke of York's province consisted. The places represented were Schenectady, Albany, Rensselaerwyck, Esopus, Harlem, New York, Staten Island, Long Island (under the name of Yorkshire in three districts called " ridings "), Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket, and distant Pemaquid. There were in all eighteen represent atives.1 Several wholesome laws were passed, and an admirable charter was drawn up and sent to England for the duke's approval. All this took some time, and before he had signed the charter an event occurred which wrought many changes. 1 This assembly divided New York and its appendages into twelve counties, the names of some of which are curious : New York, Westchester, Dutchess (after the duke's new wife, Mary of Modena), Albany (Ulster, after the duke's Irish earldom), Orange (after William, the duke's Dutch son-in-law, destined to supplant him), Richmond (probably after Louise de Keroualle's bastard), Kings, Queens, Suffolk (a good name for such a Puritan county), Dukes (including Martha's Vineyard and neighbouring islands), and Cornwall (comprising the Maine districts). See Brodhead's History of the State of New York, ii. 385, 386. 172 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. In February, 1685, a stroke of apoplexy carried off Charles IL, and the duke became king. His proprietary domain of New York thus became a royal province, one among a group of colonies over which he now exercised similar and equal control, and his policy toward it was altered. He did not sign the charter, but let it lie in abeyance while he was turning over in his mind an alternative scheme the outcome of which we shall presently see. Meanwhile the sagacious Dongan had his hands as full as they could hold of French and Indian diplomacy. Happily the determining feature of the situation was in his favour. We have seen Iroquois now tlie pivotal fact in early American pontics. history was the alliance between the Five Nations and the white men on the Hudson River, first Dutch, afterwards English. We have seen how they dealt with the Dutch, exchanged peltries for muskets, and then entered upon a mighty ca reer of conquest. How they destroyed the French missions in the Huron country in 1649 is one of the most lurid chapters in history. By Governor Dongan's time they had reduced to a tributary condition nearly all the tribes east of the Missis sippi and north of the Ohio and Potomac. They had lately wiped out of existence the formidable Susquehannocks, and now guaranteed the safety of Penn's new colony. We have seen how in 1675 they bestowed upon Andros the title of " Corlear," and promised to befriend the English as they had befriended the Dutch. Were they ready to go further, if need be, and attack Onontio himself, the Great White Father, in his strongholds upon DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 173 the St. Lawrence ? It was more than they had yet undertaken, and these dusky warriors of the Stone Age well knew the prowess of the soldiers of France. Dongan with a statesman's foresight knew that a deadly struggle between France and England for supremacy in this wilderness must soon begin, and his military eye saw that the cen tre of the fight must lie between the Hudson and the St. Lawrence. Either Louis XIV. must be checkmated in Canada or he would drive the Eng lish from New York. So Dongan's hands were full of Indian diplomacy as he sought to fan the fires of hatred in the Mohawk valley. His oppo nent, the Marquis Denonville, viceroy of Canada, was also an astute and keen-witted man, as one had need to be in such a position. No Russian game of finesse on the lower Danube was ever played with more wary hand than the game be tween those two old foxes. While their secret emissaries prowled and intrigued, their highnesses exchanged official letters, usually polite Some 8pioy in form, but sometimes crusty, and always lettors- lively enough, despite the dust of these two hun dred years. On one occasion the Frenchman lec tures Dongan for allowing West India rum to be sent to the Long House. " Think you that reli gion will make any progress, while your traders supply the savages in abundance with the liquor which, as you ought to know, converts them into demons and their wigwams into counterparts of hell ? " One seems to see the Irishman's tongue curl under his cheek as he replies, " Methinks our rum doth as little hurt as your brandy, and in the 174 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. opinion of Christians is much more wholesome." But presently the marquis gets a chance for a little fling. Dongan writes at the end of a letter, " I desire you would order Monsieur de Lamber- ville 1 that soe long as he stays among those people of the Five Nations he would meddle only with the affairs belonging to his priestly function. Sir, I send you some oranges, hearing that they are a rarity in your parts." In Denonville's reply the polite attention is thus acknowledged: "Monsieur, I thank you for your oranges. It is a great pity that they were all rotten." 2 In this diplomatic duel the Blarney stone pre vailed, and a black and grewsome war-cloud began gathering over Canada. Meanwhile in a chamber of the palace at Versailles the king was maturing his counterplot with the aid of a greater than Denonville, the wily and indomitable Frontenac. That picturesque veteran, now more than seventy years of age, was coming back to Canada, to under take what could be entrusted to no one less fertile in resources. In a word, he was to sur- Plan of . Louis xiv. prise .New lork and wrest it from the for conquer- * ing New Jlinglish, as the Lnglish had wrested it from the Dutch. A force of 1000 French regulars with 600 Canadian militia was to pounce upon Albany and there to seize boats, canoes, and small sloops wherein to glide merrily down the river. In New York harbour a French fleet would arrive in season to meet this force, which no de fences there were fit to resist. With the capture 1 A Jesuit very adroit and busy in political intrigue. 2 New York Colonial Documents, iii. 462-465, 472. DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 175 of New York the supply of firearms to the Long House would cease. The French could then over come that barbaric confederacy, after which their hands would be free to undertake the conquest of New England. Such was the ambitious scheme of the Most Christian King, but before coming to the latter part of it, New York, the first conquest, must be purged of its damnable heresies. The few Catholic inhabitants must swear allegiance to Louis XIV., and would then be protected from harm. Huguenot refugees were to be sent back to France. All the rest of the people were to be driven to the woods to shift for themselves. Their houses and lands were to be parcelled out among the French troops ; all their personal property was to be seized and a certain amount of it divided among the troops ; the rest was to be sold at auc tion and the money paid over into the French treasury.1 With these amiable instructions Frontenac was sent to Canada, but when he arrived, in October, 1689, he found things not as he had expected. It was indeed already known in France that the black war-cloud had burst over the colony, but the horrors of that summer had not yet been told. In all directions the ruins of smoking villages bore witness to the frightful ravages of the T • m, • , „ , The Iroquois Iroquois. Ihe environs ot Montreal defeat the were a scene of mournful desolation, the town itself had barely escaped capture, and the inhabitants, who had looked out upon friends 1 Mimoire pour servir d'Instruction sur VEntreprise de la Nou- velle York, 7 juin, 1689 ; New York Colonial Documents, ix. 422. 176 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. roasted and devoured before the very gates, were sick with terror. It became necessary for Fronte nac to send a force at once to Lake Ontario, where the French had abandoned Fort Frontenac after an unsuccessful attempt to destroy it, so that the Iroquois had forthwith occupied it and got hold of more muskets and ammunition than the red man's boldest fancy had ever dreamed of. The fur trade from the upper lakes had been cut off for two years, and so great had been the destruction of property that a military expedition down the Hud son was utterly out of the question. Thus it was that the scheme of Louis XIV. against New York collapsed at the outset, and thus it soon sank into oblivion, so that we are liable to forget how much we owe to those dreadful Iro quois. Meanwhile in these six years how James n. had it fared with the knightly Irishman for uniting - - . , . . aii the north- and his fair province ! James, as we era colonies. - i l i i have seen, had undertaken to grant consti tutional government to New York, and was about ready to sign a charter, when suddenly he became king and changed his mind. This change of pur pose had a military reason. In order to oppose a more solid front to Canada, James wished to unite all his northern colonies under a single military governor. Circumstances seemed to favour him. Massachusetts, the most populous and powerful of the colonies, had sustained a bitter quarrel with Charles II. during the whole of that king's reign, until just before his death he had succeeded in getting a chancery decree annulling the charter of Massachusetts. In 1686 James II. sent Sir DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 177 Edmund Andros to Boston to assume the govern ment over all New England. Poor little sir Bdmund Plymouth had never had a charter, and f^yltVew' those of Connecticut and Rhode Island EnsIand- might be summarily seized. As for New York, the king revoked his half-granted charter and annexed that province to New England. New Jersey soon met the same fate, and legal proceedings were be gun against the charter of Maryland. Apparently nothing was safe except the sturdy infant colony of William Penn, whose good-will the king could not afford to alienate. In August, 1688, Andros came in state to New York, and with due ceremonies the seal of that province was broken in his presence, and the seal of united New England was ordered to be used in its stead. Ex-Governor Dongan re- Newyork mained in the neighbourhood for about a ™ew Eng*-0 year, attending to some private business, land' and then went home to Ireland, where he after wards became Earl of Limerick. After a stay of two months in New York and Albany, Sir Edmund Andros returned to Boston in October, 1688, car rying off with him such of the New York public records as he wished to have on hand for refer ence, and leaving Francis Nicholson behind as his representative and lieutenant. No wonder if the good people on Manhattan Island resented this unceremonious treatment. Thus to ignore their natural and proper sentiments of local patriotism, and summarily annex them to New England, was an outrage of the worst sort, and put a severe strain upon such feelings of loyalty as they may have cherished toward James II. 178 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. But the strain did not endure long. The rule of Andros in Boston had already become insup portable. Arbitrary taxes were imposed, common lands were encroached upon, and the writ of habeas corpus was suspended. A strict and vex- The rule of , . . . Andros in atious censorship was kept over the press. All the public records of the late New England governments were ordered to be brought to Boston, whither it thus became necessary to make a tedious journey in order to consult them. All deeds and wills were required to be registered in Boston, and excessive fees were charged for the registry. It was proclaimed that all private titles to land were to be ransacked, and that whoever wished to have his title confirmed must pay a heavy quit-rent, which under the circumstances amounted to blackmail. The representative assem bly was abolished. The power of taxation was taken from the town meetings and lodged with the governor. And when the town of Ipswich, led by its pastor, John Wise, one of the most learned and eminent men of his time, made a protest against this crowning iniquity, the sturdy pastor was thrown into prison, fined £50 (£. e. at least $1000), and suspended from the ministry. In view of such facts the evil repute acquired by An dros in New England cannot well be said to have been undeserved. He earned it by obeying too thoroughly the orders of a master whose conduct Englishmen could not endure. Early in 1688 a commission headed by Increase Mather, president of Harvard College, was sent over to England to expostulate with James II. They found England DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 179 aglow with the spirit of rebellion. The flames burst forth when on the 5th of November (Guy Fawkes's day !) the Prince of Orange landed in Devonshire. Before Christmas the last Stuart king had fled beyond sea, leaving a vacant throne. It was of course a moment of engrossing busi ness for the great Dutch prince, and he took the occasion to prepare a short letter for the Dr Mather American colonies enjoining it upon them wmiam^ilng to retain all King James's arrangements letter' undisturbed for the present until leisure should be found for revising them. Dr. Mather did not wish to have any such instructions sent to Boston, for he saw in them the possibility that Andros might hold over until it would be awkward to get rid of him without interfering with some plan of William III. By skilful pleading with the new king, in which he was aided by Sir William Phips, the wily Mather succeeded in delaying the depar ture of the letter. This was in February, 1689, and it was not until late in March that the flight of James II. and the success of the Prince of Orange became known in Massachusetts. The glowing embers of rebellion were quickly overthrow fanned into a blaze. On the 18th of °£Andr°a- April armed yeomanry began pouring into Boston in response to the signal on Beacon Hill, and Sir Edmund saw that his hour had come. He tried to escape to the Rose frigate in the harbour, in the hope of finding a refuge in New York, but his Puritan foes had no mind to let him off so easily. He was seized and securely lodged in jail, and sev eral of his agents and abettors were also impris- 180 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. oned, among them Chief Justice Dudley, who had lately had the impudence to tell the people of New England that the only liberty left them was that of not being sold for slaves. Massachusetts then at once restored her old gov ernment as it was before her charter was annulled, and she caused this to be announced in England, explaining that it was done provisionally until the new king's pleasure should be known. The old gov- . ° L . . emments Obviously the improvement in her posi- restoredin . * New Eng- tion through Dr. Mather s astuteness was land. ° great. No one could interpret her rebel lion as aimed at any other sovereign than the de throned James. Instantly the other New England colonies followed suit. Plymouth, Rhode Island, and Connecticut quietly resumed their old govern ments. James's consolidated New England thus fell to pieces. There were people in New York upon whom these events were not for a moment lost. The lieutenant-governor, Francis Nicholson, was in an awkward position. If Andros had come away in the Rose frigate to New York, where he could direct affairs from Fort James, all would have been simple enough. If he had been killed there would have been no difficulty, for Nicholson would have become acting-governor. But as Andros was only locked up, Nicholson did not know just in what light to regard himself or just how much authority to assume. He belonged to that large class of commonplace men who are afraid of as suming responsibility. So he tried to get mes sages to Andros in his Boston jail, but found very little counsel or comfort in that way. DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 181 Nicholson's government in New York was sup ported by three members of the council. They were Dutch citizens of the highest social position : Frederick Philipse, the richest man in the pro vince, Stephanus van Cortlandt, mayor of New York, and Nicholas Bayard, colonel of the city regiment of train-bands. The other members of the council were scattered, some of them Eumours of as far away as Pemaquid. These three war" were the only ones present in the city. On the 26th of April they heard of the imprisonment of Andros, and the very next day they heard that Louis XIV. had declared war against Great Brit ain and the Netherlands. This report was pre mature, for war was not declared until May 7th, but the very air was full of premonitions of that bloody struggle which was to last for eight years. Small blame to Nicholson and his three councillors if the grim tidings disturbed them ! Small blame to the mass of worthy citizens if something like a panic was created ! There were many Huguenot refugees in the city ; they had been coming for several years, and especially for the last four years since the king had revoked the Edict of Nantes ; and they had been received with warm welcome. They knew, as everybody knew, that Louis XIV. had a very long arm. There never was a time when an attack by France seemed more formi dable than in 1689. The king had not yet been cast down from his pinnacle of military glory, and the spirit of Catholic propagandism had been tak ing fuller and fuller possession of him. We now know what his truculent purpose was with regard 182 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. to New York. Frontenac was just starting to exe cute it. Of course the burghers of New York did not know of those secret instructions to Frontenac, but they understood perfectly the danger of the situation. As for the frightful blow with which the Iroquois baffled the scheme of Louis XIV. (which for the sake of clearness we have men tioned by anticipation), it did not come till the summer of 1689, and still further time was needed to disclose its effects. In the spring of that year it was still in the future. It was not at all strange, then, that the elements of an anti-Catholic panic were rife in New York. Other things contributed to destroy confidence and Causes of make men distrustful of one another. In catholic' spite of all pretences of liberality, it had panic. always been the design of James II. to force the Catholic faith upon the American colo nies ; so he afterwards told Pope Innocent XL1 People were not wrong, then, in suspecting him. The two regiments of regular troops which Andros had brought to America were made up of Irish Catholics, and one had been commanded by Nich olson, who was now in command of New York. Nicholson was really an Episcopalian, but it was rumoured that he had knelt at the Mass once on Hounslow Heath in presence of King James, and many people believed him to be a Papist in dis guise. At the first news of war Nicholson directed the city train-bands to take turns in guarding Fort James, and a watch was placed upon Coney Island 1 Brodhead, History of the State of New York, ii. 531. DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 183 to look out for French ships. The money collected as revenue was placed within the fort for Jacob safety, and the new receipts after May- ^jf/"^ day were to be applied to building new dutles' fortifications. At this juncture a cargo of wine arrived from Europe, consigned to a well-known wine-merchant, Jacob Leisler. The duty was about a hundred pounds sterling, and Leisler refused to pay it, on the ground that Matthew Plowman, collector of the port, was a Roman Catholic, and that since King James's flight no duly qualified government existed in New York. This Jacob Leisler was a German of humble origin, born at Frankfort-on-the-Main. In earlier days he had been a soldier in the pay of the West India Company, and had come to New Amster dam a few years before its capture by the English. A residence of thirty years had made Charaeterof him one of the most prosperous and con- Leisler- spicuous citizens. Through his marriage with Elsie Tymens, a niece of Anneke Jans, he had become connected with the aristocracy, but was not cordially welcomed among such people. One can imagine that Van Cortlandt and Bayard might not feel proud of such a connection, and that oc casions would be afforded for Leisler to cherish resentment. Indeed, there had been a bitter quar rel, with one or two lawsuits between Leisler and these two gentlemen, so that their families were not on speaking terms. Leisler was a man of in tegrity, noted for fair and honourable dealing in matters of business. We hear, too, that he was kind-hearted and generous with money. But he 184 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. was evidently of coarse fibre, ignorant, stubborn, and vain, — just the man to be seized and domi nated by a fixed idea. His letters are those of a man with too little education to shape his sen tences correctly. He seems to have had something of the heresy-hunting temper, for we have already met him once in this narrative as deacon of Nieuw- enhuysen's church, bringing charges of " false preaching " against Dominie Van Rensselaer, losing his suit, and getting saddled with the costs of it. But his ruling passion was hatred of Popery, and his dominant idea was rooted in the dread of it. He could see no good in any Romanist ; his eyes were blind to the loyal virtues of such a man as Dongan, who was quite above and beyond his ken ; he believed Nicholson to be a Papist. These men had been servants of James Stuart, who was now harboured by the French king ; what were they staying about New York for if not to deliver it into the hands of the enemy ? The Boston men had struck with promptness and decision, New York must do the same, and Jacob Leisler would be God's instrument in bringing this to pass. Besides this dread of Popery, there was another feeling that Leisler represented. Long-continued arbitrary taxation and the repeated failure to ob tain representative government had caused much popular discontent. Though the population of the little city was scarcely more than 4000 souls, a dis tinction of classes was plainly to be seen. With out regard to race, the small shopkeepers, small farmers, sailors, shipwrights, and artisans were far apart in their sympathies from the rich fur trad- DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 185 ers, patroons, lawyers, and royal officials. The general disappointment sharpened the distrust felt toward people in high station, especially toward such as had accepted office from the Catholic king, who had not kept his promises. Vague Vague dem. • democratic ideas and hopes still hazier ocraticideas- were in the air. Along with the indignation at the recent attempt to annex the province to New Eng land, there was exuberant pleasure in the thought that the throne was now to be occupied by a Dutch king ; and there was a dim half -shaped notion that a prompt and fervid expression of allegiance to William of Orange would be helpful in winning from him a grant of popular liberties. Coupling all this with the fear that James's officials might betray the city to the French, we find, I think, a certain coherence among the notions that were teeming in Leisler's rugged and fanatical mind. A wealthy and prominent citizen, he was in lack of refinement and education like the mob, and so had its confidence, which was no doubt enhanced by his known integrity and energy. He may well have deemed himself marked out for the leader of a popular movement, and believed that he could establish a claim upon the good graces of William III. by saving for him his province of New York despite the diabolical plots of Catholic officials and the Dutch aristocrats who supported them ; for although such men as Bayard and Van Cort landt were thorough Protestants and deacons in the Dutch Reformed Church, they were none the less to Leisler's distorted fancy a " crew of Papis tical renegades." 186 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. It is clear that the feelings which found vent in Leisler's conduct had long been gathering in this little community. His refusal to pay his tax was followed by other refusals. Nicholson's act in •sheltering the public revenues within the fort was interpreted as part of a deep-laid plan for using them against the people. All through the month of May agitated whispers ran about the Fears of V, , n , ¦ i a French town ; a h rench fieet was coming, and attack. . _ - traitors in power were ready to welcome it. Popular imagination filled the woods on Staten Island with emissaries of Louis XIV., and it was said that Nicholson had gone over there by night to consult with them. Dongan was down at Nave sink, getting his armed brigantine ready to take him back to England ; in that golden age of pirates it was necessary for ships to go armed ; that innocent vessel was supposed to be intended for a part in the plot. At last on May 30 Nicholson got into an alter cation with an insubordinate lieutenant in Captain De Peyster's train-band. " Who commands this fort, you or I ? " shouted the angry governor. Probably the lieutenant made some reference to the city being in danger, which caused Nicholson to retort, " I would rather see the city Nicholson's ^ rashexcia- on fire than take the impudence of such mation. fellows as you," or words to that effect. What he really said may have been quite differ ent in purport, but at all events fire was men tioned, and that was fire enough to kindle insur rection. The rash remark was overheard, it was said that the governor had threatened to burn the DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 187 town, and next morning the streets were in an up roar. Leisler himself was captain of one of the train-bands. His company, led by Joost Stoll, the sergeant, marched to Fort James, shouting, " They have betrayed us, and are going to murder us." The lieutenant whom Nicholson had upbraided let them into the fort, and presently Leisler arrived there and took command. That command of afternoon while Nicholson and his three councilmen were in the City Hall discussing the situation, Captain Lodwyck, at the head of his company, entered the chamber and demanded the keys of the fort. There was no help for it, so the keys were given him. Two days of uncertainty followed, while Leisler seems to have been contending with sundry symp toms of timidity and scrupulousness on the part of some of the other captains. On June 3, an Eng lish ship from Barbadoes arrived at Sandy Hook. Rumour transformed her first into a French ship and then into a French fleet. Amid wild excite ment the militia turned upon their captains and forced them to sign a " Declaration " Tjfiislfir'fl prepared by Leisler, in which he an- "Decia- nounced that since the city was in dan ger and without any properly authorized govern ment, he proposed in behalf of the people to hold the fort until King William should send some duly accredited person to take command. When this announcement was read aloud to the multitude it was greeted with deafening sans for hurrahs. One week from that day the discomfited Nicholson sailed for England in Don- 188 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. gan's brigantine. He thought it best to see the king at once and make his own report. His depar ture left the three councilmen as the only regular representatives of royal authority in the province. But Leisler now assumed more dignity. Some of the insurrectionary party declared that there had been no lawful Christian government in England since the death of Oliver Cromwell. Leisler lik ened himself to Cromwell. He had turned out the traitors and the time had come when the Lord Jehovah must rule New York through the sword in the hands of his saints. News came that the new sovereigns William and Mary had been offi cially proclaimed at Hartford, and that post-riders were on their way to New York with a copy of the proclamation. Mayor Van Cortlandt and Colonel Bayard rode many miles out into the country to meet them, but Leisler's emissaries got ahead of those gentlemen and secured the proclamation first, so that next day it was read aloud by Leisler him self in the fort and by one of his captains in the City Hall, and he could claim the credit of having proclaimed the new sovereigns. At the same time he ordered that Fort James should henceforth be called Fort William. On the 24th of June a copy of that royal pro clamation which Dr. Mather had withheld from the knowledge of Boston reached New York and found its way into the hands of Mayor Van Cort- mv , . , landt. It continued all King James's The Vmg's . ° prociama- appointments provisionally until King William should have time to review the situation. Obviously, then, the government of DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 189 New York, since the imprisonment of Andros and the departure of Nicholson, was legally vested in the councilmen Philipse, Van Cortlandt, and Bay ard. If this proclamation had arrived a month earlier it would have cut away the ground from under Leisler's feet. Now he had such consoli dated popular support as to venture to defy it on grounds of his own. King William was evidently ignorant of the situation. He never would will ingly have entrusted responsible command to these " popishly affected, lying dogs," not he. These rogues must be put down, and the king must be told why. The very next day Leisler Leialer turned the city government out of doors, oommSer- and two or three gentlemen were roughly ln"chlef- handled by the soldiers, but Bayard escaped and made his way to Albany. Leisler called a con vention, and a committee of safety was organized which appointed him commander-in-chief over the whole province. While these things were going on, Nicholson was in mid-ocean on his way to England. The king, in ignorance of what had occurred, addressed a letter to him with words of advice and The Mng,a counsel ; the letter was not addressed to letter" Nicholson by name, but to " Our lieutenant-gov ernor and commander-in-chief of our province of New York in America." After sundry vicissitudes this letter reached New York early in December and was received by Leisler, who understood it to be addressed to himself.1 His vanity was tickled 1 The circumstances under which Leisler obtained the letter should be noted. The bearer of the king's despatches, John 190 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. to the bursting point. He had sent his friend, Joost Stoll, keeper of a dram-shop, and rather a laughable sort of envoy, to explain matters to the king; and now, doubtless, this was the sumes the response ! So Leisler at once assumed tenaut-gov- the title of Lieutenant-Governor, ap pointed a council, and took his seat next Sunday in the gubernatorial pew at church, to the intense disgust and chagrin of the aristocrats among the worshippers. The summer and autumn had been peaceful, save now and then for a few arbitrary arrests. But now troubles began to thicken about Leisler. Riggs, expected to deliver it to the three councilmen, but in pass ing through Boston he was told that he ought to deliver it to Leisler, who was actually in command at New York. To Riggs, coming from England, this was puzzling, for he was sure that there was nothing in the packet intended for any such person as Leisler. When Riggs arrived in New York late at night, he met Philipse and Bayard at the latter's bouse, and they sent for Van Cortlandt, who was out of town. On Van Cortlandt's arrival next morning, Riggs would have delivered the packet to the three councilmen in presence of each other. But early in the morning Leisler sent a party of soldiers who arrested Riggs and took him to Fort William. Van Cortlandt and Philipse, hearing of this, followed him thither, and an altercation ensued, in which Leisler called them rogues and papistical dogs who had nothing to do with government. He showed Riggs his commission from the council of safety, and prevailed upon him to deliver the packet to himself. He gave Riggs a written receipt for the packet. No doubt Leisler, as a " crank " with his brain dominated by a narrow group of morbid fixed ideas, believed that King William, the Protestant, could not possibly have intended his letters to be received by three ex-officials of King James, the Catholic. His subsequent logic, on opening the letter to Nicholson and under standing it to be addressed to himself, was crank logic. Leisler seems to have felt that others might dispute his conclusion, for he never allowed the contents of the letter to be made public. DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 191 As governor he needed revenue and began to look at the collection of taxes from a new pointL He revives of view. In default of any new statute, the colonial J ' Act of 1683. he proclaimed that the Colonial Act of 1683 with regard to customs and excise was still valid and would be rigorously enforced. That act, albeit passed by New York's first popular assembly,1 that assembly so long desired and prayed for, had never enjoyed popular favour; doubtless because it put an end to the two years of free trade which had ensued upon the departure of Andros in 1681. The history of this piece of legis lation was extremely curious. Passed by a popular assembly, it was disallowed by the Duke of York, but was nevertheless continued in operation by Governor Dongan and his council, for want of some thing better. But neither under Dongan nor under Nicholson was it very strictly enforced.2 Now by adopting this unpalatable act the unhappy Leisler at once sacrified a large part of his popular sup port. People tore down the copies of his procla mation from the walls and trees where they were posted. Merchants declared his title unsound and refused to pay duties to his collector. He retorted savagely with fines and confiscations. His author- Men were dragged to prison till the jails lty ls defied' were full. The fact that he could keep up such a course shows how strong at the outset must have been the popular impulse that brought him into power. 1 Colonial Laws of New York, Albany, 1894, i. 116-121. 2 Leisler himself had refused to pay duties under it. See Brod head, History of the State of New York, ii. 599. 192 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Outside the city his authority was more easily defied. When he appointed new sheriffs and jus tices, and ordered the old ones to give up their commissions, he was sometimes obeyed but often openly derided. Albany flatly refused to acknow ledge his authority. Late in the summer the mayor, Peter Schuyler, and his brother-in-law, Robert Livingston, called a convention and took measures for protection against the French, but they would have nothing to say to Leisler. About Jacob Mil- that *ime Leisler's old friend, Jacob Mil- home, borne, returned from a visit to Europe and became his most energetic supporter. Mil borne was an Englishman of Anabaptist proclivi ties. He had some book-knowledge and some skill in writing, and was determined to have all the ills in the world mended, say by the year 1700. If he had lived in these days he would have edited some anarchist newspaper. Leisler deemed him a trea sure of knowledge and capacity and sent him up the river with three sloops to tame the frowardness of Albany. His persuasive tongue won a number of adherents and succeeded in sowing some seeds of dissension, but Livingston and Schuyler were too much for him, and his mission was unsuccessful. This was in November, 1689, and Frontenac had arrived in Canada. As we have seen, the Iroquois had been there before him, and his grand scheme for conquering New York dwindled ignominiously into the sending of three scalping parties to destroy the most exposed frontier settlements of the Dutch and English. It was necessary to make some show of strength in order to retrieve in the minds of the DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 193 Indians the somewhat shaken military reputation of the French. The Algonquin allies The French must be encouraged and the Iroquois warPartles- foes confounded, and there was nothing, of course, that the red men appreciated more highly than a wholesale massacre. The distances to be traversed were long and difficult, and this made it all the easier to surprise the remote villages that some times forgot to be watchful against the diabolism that lurked in the forest. The first of the three scalping parties was sent to the Hudson River, the second into New Hampshire, the third into Maine. The first party consisted of 114 French Cana dians skilled in all manner of woodcraft, and 96 Christian Indians; their leaders were French noblemen, among them the famous LeMoyne d'Iberville, founder of Louisiana. The march of seventeen days was attended with terrible hard ships. It was an alternation of thawing and freez ing. On one day they were struggling against a blinding snowstorm, on another they were half drowned in the mud and slush of treacherous swamps, on another their ears and toes were frozen in the icy wind. Their coats and blankets were torn to shreds in the stubborn underbrush, and their stock of food, dragged on sleds, was not enough, so that they had to be put on starving rations. They could not have encountered more hardship if they had been a party of scientific ex plorers, and they fought their way through it all with the tenacity and the ferocious zeal of crusad ers. Their original plan was to strike at Albany, but as the limit of human endurance was approach- 194 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. ing before they could accomplish the distance, they turned upon Schenectady, some fif- Thesitua- J r . J -L - .. tionatsche- teen miles nearer, lhis little Dutch vil- nectady. „ - lage was the extreme frontier outpost ot the New York colony. Its population numbered about 150 souls. It was surrounded by a palisade and defended by a blockhouse in which there were eight or ten Connecticut militia. The Leisler affair had bred civil dudgeon in this little commu nity. Most of the people were Leislerites. The chief magistrate, John Glen, an adherent of Schuyler, was held in disfavour, and out of sheer spite and insubordination the people disobeyed his orders to mount guard. They left their two gates open, and placed at each a big snow image as sen tinel. The idea that they could now be in danger from Canada, harrowed and humbled as it had lately been by their friends the Iroquois, they scouted as preposterous. It was argued that the beaten French were not likely to be in a mood for distant expeditions. And so it happened that toward midnight of the 8th of February, 1690, in the midst of a freezing, lightly whirling and drifting snowstorm their fate overtook them. The French war-party, haggard and glaring, maddened with suffering, came with crouching stealth and exultant spring, like a band of tigers. Noiselessly they crept in and leisurely arranged themselves in a cordon around the sleep ing village within the palisade, cutting schenec- off all escape. When all was ready, a terrific war-whoop awoke the inhabitants to their doom. " No pen can write and no tongue DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 195 express," said brave old Peter Schuyler, "the cruelties that were wrought that night. The work was sharp and quick. About sixty were killed, and the other ninety captured. Then the butchers paused to appease their famine out of the rude cellars and larders of their victims, and to sleep until morning the sleep of the just. The Connect icut militia were all among the slain. The magis trate was strongly fortified in his house on a hill outside the enclosure, but he was not attacked. He had more than once rescued French prisoners from the firebrands of the Mohawks, and in re quital of this kindness Iberville not only spared him and his family, but in a spirit of chivalry gave back to him about sixty out of the ninety prisoners with polite and edifying speeches. Be fore noon of the next day, leaving Schenectady a heap of ashes, mangled corpses, and charred tim bers, the party started on its return march to Mon treal, carrying the other thirty prisoners to be tortured to death in a leisurely and comfortable way. The news of the disaster spread quickly through the Mohawk valley, and a sturdy com pany of warriors of the Long House pursued the French party with sleuth-hound tenacity until near Montreal, when at last they overtook them and partially amended the reckoning by killing fifteen or twenty. As a fresh demonstration of the danger from France, the affair of Schenectady served t • i 5 • • tt Albany to strengthen Leisler s position. He sent yields to Leisler. Milborne with 160 men to aid in defend ing Albany. As it was not a time when one would 196 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. feel like refusing help from any quarter, Milborne and his men were admitted into the town, and Leisler's authority was virtually recognized. When in April, however, he issued writs for the election of an assembly, his weakness was revealed. Imperative need of the sinews of war Election of , , . represents drove him to this step. Many people refused to pay taxes, and it was neces sary to call an assembly of representatives of the people. But some towns refused to choose repre sentatives on the ground that Leisler was usurping authority. This tone was taken especially by the Puritan towns on Long Island, which wished to be joined to Connecticut and always welcomed a chance to annoy the government at New York, whatever it might be. Leisler's next step was a memorable event in American history. He called for a Congress of Theflrst American colonies to concert measures cSTgrest °f attack upon Canada; and this Con- May, 1690. gresS) the first of a series which was by and by to end in the great Continental Congress, assembled in'New York on the first of May, 1690. None of the southern colonies took part in it. The Carolinas were in their early infancy, Virginia was too remote to feel keenly interested. The task of invading Canada was shared between New York, Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and Maryland. There were to be 855 men from these colonies,1 and the Iroquois sachems promised to 1 The several contingents were, New York 400, Massachusetts 160, Plymouth 60, Connecticut 135, Maryland 100 — total, 855 men. The New York contingent was disproportionately large ; DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 197 add 1800 warriors. As finally carried out, a part of the expedition, under Sir William Phipps, of Massachusetts, sailed up the St. Lawrence and laid siege to Quebec ; while the rest of the allied forces, under Fitz John Winthrop, of Connecticut, proceeded from Albany toward Montreal. But these amateur generals were no match for Fronte nac, and when they turned their faces Unsucce8s. southward it was with wiser heads but to'inv'a™''' sadder hearts than when they started. Canada- Boston preachers, with bated breath, spoke of " this awful frown of God." Leisler stormed and raved, and saw disguised Papists everywhere, as usual. The affair ended in bitter recriminations, and Massachusetts was driven to issue paper money, which plagued her till Thomas Hutchinson got her out of the scrape in 1749. What a picturesque creature was Frontenac ! We can seem to see him now, aristocrat and cour tier to the ends of his fingers, with his gleaming black eyes, the frost of seventy winters on his brow, and the sardonic smile on his lips, as he pre sides over a grim council of sachems ; we ,. -, 11111 • i • Frontenac see him as he suddenly daubs vermilion attacks the on his cheeks and seizes a tomahawk, and leads off the war-dance, screaming like a cougar and inflaming to madness those warriors of the Stone Age. Here it need only be said that after checkmating Leisler he devoted himself to clearing off scores with the Iroquois, and in 1696, in his seventy-eighth year, after one of the most remarka- on the other hand, Massachusetts furnished most of the naval force. 198 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. ble forest campaigns on record, he dealt the Long House a blow from which it never quite recovered. Again we may reflect how fortunate it was for New York that the Iroquois were there to serve as a buffer against this redoubtable foe. To go back to the May of 1690, the month of the Colonial Congress, — it saw Leisler's doom approaching. His friend Joost Stoll brought him evil tidings from London. The king had not so Appoint- much as deigned to look at that gro- Henry°f tesque ambassador. Not a scrap of no- sioughter. tice or attention could he get from anybody. But the king had shown favour to Nicholson by making him lieutenant-governor of Virginia. Still worse, he had appointed Colonel Henry Sloughter to be governor of New York, and Major Richard Ingoldsby to be lieutenant-gov ernor. New York was to have a free government with representative assemblies. One of the coun cilmen was to be Joseph Dudley, the founder of New England Toryism, who had been chief aid and abettor of Andros in Boston. And worst of all, among the old members of the council now reappointed were Philipse and Van Cortlandt and Bayard. As for Jacob Leisler, his existence had not been so much as recognized. There was a terrible sound to this news. Leisler's violence had not spared these members of the council. He had accused them of conspiracy against him. He had seized Bayard and the attorney-general, William Nicolls, and kept them for months in prison and in irons, suffering doleful misery. Now these " Papist rogues," as his distempered fancy DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 199 called them, were high in the great Protestant king's favour, while Jacob Leisler, most devoted of his Protestant servants, was ominously ignored ! I think we may safely suppose that such facts were too much for that poor distorted mind to take in. How could such things be ? Stoll must have been deceived ; he was a sturdy old toper and must have got things muddled. His news was simply incred ible. Only on the supposition that Leisler's mind was half dazed can we explain his subsequent conduct, which finally reached the heights of madness. Months were yet to pass before the catastrophe, for various affairs delayed the new governor and his party. Meanwhile Leisler grew more LeMer i0se8 and more tyrannical until petitions P°Pulanty- against him were sent to London, the dominies came in and rebuked him in the name of the Lord, old women taunted and defied him on the street, and the mob threw stones at him and called him " Dog driver," " Deacon Jailor," " Little Crom well," " General Hog," and other choice epithets. The great democrat had fallen from grace. It was said that the wedding in January, 1691, when his young daughter Mary was married to his staunch friend Milborne, was more like a funeral than a wedding. It seems proper here to make some mention of a historical novel, " The Begum's Daughter," by the late Edwin Lasseter Bynner, which is based upon the events of Leisler's time. Though it Twohistor. does not rise to the very high level of icalnovels- the same author's " Agnes Surriage," it is an ex- 200 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. tremely creditable piece of work. As a study in history, it reflects a trifle too closely, perhaps, the bitter feelings of the aristocrats, but after making a slight allowance for this, " The Begum's Daugh ter " gives us a truthful picture of the time, and is worth reading by all who are interested in Amer ican history.1 It was sorely against her will that Mary Leisler consented to become the bride of Jacob Milborne. It was generally believed that she entertained a very decided preference for Abraham Gouverneur, The mar- one °f *w0 JounE Huguenot brothers, Le?sier°s whose family has played an important daughters. part ;n American history. Against poor Mary's submissiveness to her father's despotic and violent will, Mr. Bynner has furnished us with an impressive contrast in the character which he attributes to her younger sister, Hester. The ele ment of domestic conflict needed in the story is supplied by having Hester betrothed to the hand some and gallant son of Van Cortlandt, while her father is determined that she shall marry Barent Rynders, the sensible but ungainly son of a black smith. Hester's will is as strong as her father's, and in spite of his blustering threats, although nearly benumbed with terror, she shows herself as unyielding as adamant. But after the great catas trophe, when her aristocratic lover imprudently identifies himself with the scorn and hatred felt by 1 Another story, In Leisler's Times, written by Mr. Elbridge Brooks for young readers, but interesting also to older readers, shows a decided leaning of sympathies in the opposite direction, and undoubtedly takes more liberties with the records. DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 201 his family for her unfortunate father's memory, the high-spirited girl instantly and irrevocably dismisses him. The novel skilfully surmounts whatever diffi culties there may be in the way of her transferring her affections to the worthy Barent Rynders. Such situations afford fine opportunities for psycholo gical treatment. As a matter of history, Hester Leisler married Rynders, while her widowed sister Mary, set free to consult her own inclinations, became the wife of the brilliant young Hugue not, Abraham Gouverneur. Mary's son, Nicholas Gouverneur, married Hester's daughter, Gertrude Rynders, and a son of this marriage, Isaac Gouver neur, was the grandfather of Gouverneur Morris, one of the ablest members of the immortal con vention that framed the Constitution of the United States. This eminent statesman was thus lineally descended from Jacob Leisler through two of his daughters. To go back to the winter day of 1691, which witnessed Mary's first dreary wedding, that same day saw the little fleet of the new governor, Henry Sloughter, far out on the broad Atlantic, struggling for its life. The ships were separated by the fury of the storm, and the Archangel frigate, with the governor on board, ran aground on one of the Bermuda Islands and had to wait for repairs. The other three ships, in one of which Arrivaio{ was Ingoldsby, the lieutenant-governor, Ing°ldsby- arrived in New York harbour on the 29th of Jan uary. A small force of regular troops was on board, and Ingoldsby sent word to Leisler to ad mit these soldiers into Fort William without delay. 202 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Leisler refused to recognize Ingoldsby's authority or to surrender the fort without a written order from King William or from Governor Sloughter. Unfortunately Ingoldsby had no official documents of any sort with him ; they were all in the Arch angel. After waiting four days he landed his troops with much circumspection and quartered Leisler them in the City Hall. He demanded su'rende? *^e release of Bayard and Nicolls, whom the fort. the king had appointed as councilmen. But this simply infuriated Leisler, and confirmed him in a notion which he had begun to entertain, that Ingoldsby and his company were Catholic conspirators who had escaped from England and now wished to seize the fort and hold New York for King James. In such wise did things remain for six weeks without any event of importance. Ingoldsby, aided by several of the newly named councilmen, began collecting militia to reinforce his regulars, but willingly took the advice of Governor Treat, of Connecticut, that he should bear with Leisler as ingoldsby patiently as possible until Sloughter's ar- waits. rival should simplify the situation. Mean while Leisler received from Governor Treat and from many friends grave warnings to take heed what he was doing and stop before it should be too late. All such friendly entreaties were lost upon the infatuated Leisler. On March 17th, quite losing his patience, he sent word to Ingoldsby to disband his forces, and gave him two hours to reply. Not getting a satisfactory answer, he fired upon the DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 203 king's troops, and a few were killed and wounded. And now occurred an incident of evil L6isierflres omen indeed. Leisler had ordered a £?°g,sthe militia garrison in the Vly blockhouse troopa' at the Water Gate to fire upon a party of Ingolds- by's troops in the Slip ; but at this juncture the men threw down their arms, abandoned the block house, and dispersed to their homes ! Nothing was done next day, but the next there after at nightfall the Archangel frigate arrived at the Narrows. Word was sent down to Sloughter to make all haste. He came Governor -i -, , . , Sloughter. up the harbour in a boat, went straight into the City Hall, and read aloud his commission as royal governor. After taking the oath of office he sent Ingoldsby to demand the instant surren der of Fort William, but with almost incredible fatuity Leisler insisted upon retaining it until a written order from the king addressed to him, Jacob Leisler, by name should be shown him. Evidently the poor man's mind was dazed. That in view of all that had happened the king should utterly ignore his faithful Protestant "lieutenant- governor " Leisler was a fact too strange for him to grasp. From a soul thus stiffened and be numbed no rational conduct was to be expected. Toward midnight a second demand was made, and then Leisler sent the diplomatic Milborne to ex plain that it was against the rules to surrender the fort in the night. Sloughter's only Arresto£ reply was to make a sign to the guards, MUborne- who forthwith seized Milborne and dragged him off to jail. 204 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. In the morning Leisler sent a conciliatory letter to the governor, disclaiming any wish to withhold the fort from him, but asking further explanation on certain points. Sloughter took no notice of the letter, but sent Ingoldsby to order the garri son of Fort William to ground arms and march out, promising full and free pardon to all concerned in the late proceedings except Leisler and his coun cil. The men instantly obeyed, and the forlorn usurper was left alone. In a few moments Bayard and Nichols, pale and haggard with ill usage, Arrest of were set free from their dungeon, and Leisler. Leisler was cast into it, with the same chain upon his leg that Bayard had worn for more than a year. On March 30th the prisoners were brought be fore a court over which Dudley presided. They were charged with treason and murder for refusing to surrender the fort upon Ingoldsby's arrival, and for firing upon his troops and thereby causing a wanton and wicked destruction of life. No notice was taken of Leisler's original usurpation of power, nor was any allusion made to the complaints brought against him for tyranny. After a week's trial Leisler and Milborne with six others were found guilty and sentenced to death. An appeal was taken to the king, but before it was Trial and b sentence of heard from, the tragedy was ended. All Leislentes. ° . were pardoned except Leisler and Mil borne. The pressure brought upon the governor to execute the sentence in their case was greater than could be resisted. The hatred they had aroused was so violent and bitter that their death DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 205 on the gallows was hardly enough to appease it. Sloughter himself seems to have regarded them as arrant knaves and unworthy to live, but he hesi tated about acting after an appeal had been made to the crown. One chief argument used to over come his hesitancy was a statement that the Mo hawks were disgusted with Leisler's management of the war and with his opposition to their esteemed friend and ally, Peter Schuyler. So angry were these barbarians, it was said, that they would re fuse to join in the attack upon Canada until Leisler should be put to death. Tradition asserts that some of Colonel Bayard's friends invited Sloughter to a wedding feast and plied him with wine and schnapps until he was induced to sign the death- warrant without knowing what he was about. This tradition cannot be certified, but as it was in existence as early as 1698, it may very likely have some foundation in fact. On a dark and rainy morning in May the unfor tunate Leisler and his daughter's bridegroom were led to the gallows, which stood near the • (« i ttt t-» ,-t -i • • Execution of present site of the World Building in Leisierand Park Row. A crowd was assembled in the cold rain to witness the execution, and in that crowd were two parties. Some wept and groaned at the fate of the prisoners, others declared that hanging was too good for them, — they ought to be burned with slow fires in the Indian manner. Milborne spoke in a tone of vindictive anger, but Leisler behaved with Christian dignity. He said : " So far from revenge do we depart this world, that we require and make it our dying request to 206 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. all our relations and friends, that they should in time to come be forgetful of any injury done to us, or either of us, so that on both sides the discord and dissension (which were created by the Devil in the beginning) may with our ashes be buried in oblivion, never more to rise up for the trouble of posterity. . . . All that for our dying comfort we can say concerning the point for which we are con demned, is to declare as our last words, before that God whom we hope before long to see, that our sole aim and object in the conduct of the govern ment was to maintain the interest of our sovereign Lord and Lady and the reformed Protestant churches of these parts." Concerning Leisler's essential integrity of pur pose there can be little doubt. His methods were arbitrary and many of his acts tyrannical, and the bitter hatred felt for him had doubtless adequate cause. It has been the fashion with some writers 1 to treat him as a mere demagogue actu- honestyof ated by no other motive than vulgar am- purpose. . bition. But this theory does not explain his conduct. Insane as was his persistence after Ingoldsby's arrival, it is not reasonable to suppose that during the two years of his rule over New York he can ever have deliberately intended to resist King William and bring about a revolution. Nor can it for a moment be allowed, as has sometimes been insinuated, that the anti-Catholic panic was either got up by Leisler or used by him as a blind for concealing his real intentions. There can be no doubt, as we have already seen, that there was 1 Brodhead, for example, can see no good in Leisler. DOWNFALL OF THE STUARTS. 207 plenty of apparent ground for the panic, or that Leisler's impulse in assuming the government was thoroughly honest. Unquestionably he believed himself, in holding New York against Papist con spirators, to be doing a great and needed service to his Protestant king ; and when he found himself simply ignored and set aside without a word, his mind was confronted with a fact too deep for him to fathom. There is something very pathetic in his utter inability to grasp the fact that there was nowhere a missive from the king addressed to him by name. Had things gone as Leisler hoped and expected, the aristocratic party and the friends of Andros and Tories like Dudley, and all who had accepted honours or office from James II., would have been snubbed by the new king, while his own prompt action in saving New York would have been cor dially recognized by making him gov- •' ° , r i His motives. ernor or at least a member of the coun cil, and thus the cause of democracy would be fur thered and helped. Thenceforth the name of Leisler would be inseparably associated with the firm establishment of representative government and the first triumph of democracy in the province of New York. In this dream Leisler was mistaken because he totally misconceived so many essential facts in the case, but the kind of ambition which it discloses is not a vulgar kind or such as to make it proper to stamp him with the name of dema gogue. Even as it is, even in spite of his blun ders and his failure, in spite of the violence and fanaticism which stain his record, Leisler stands 208 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. as one of the early representatives of ideas since recognized as wholesome and statesmanlike. More over, the name of the man who called together the first Congress of American colonies must always be pronounced with respect. As for the execution of Leisler and Milborne, it was of course entirely legal. They had caused a wanton loss of life while resisting the king's com missioned officers, and there was no court of that day, as there is no court of the present day, which would not regard such an offence as tion was iii- properly punishable with death. Never- advised. theless it was afterwards generally ad mitted that the execution was a mistake. It made martyrs of the two victims. Increase Mather de clared that they were " barbarously murdered," and there were many in New York who said the same. Four years afterward Parliament reversed the attainder against Leisler and Milborne, and their estates were restored to their families. But the legacy of hatred remained, and the spirit of dissension so earnestly deprecated in Leisler's dy ing speech, far from being buried in oblivion with his ashes, renewed its life from year to year, and it was long before it ceased to vex men's minds. CHAPTER XIV. THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. Whether from a commercial or a military point of view, the Dutch and Quaker colonies oc cupied the most commanding position in r . p Command- North America. It is that part of the ing position r of the Dutch continent which sends streams flowing in and Quaker ° colonies. divergent courses into the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the Atlantic Ocean, and the Gulf of Mexico. Through deep chasms in the Alleghanies, which run irregularly across it, those superb rivers, the Hudson, Delaware, and Susquehanna, flow into the Atlantic ; while the Mohawk, coming from the west, serves to join the valley of the Hudson with the Great Lakes; and in like manner the lovely Juniata, rushing down to join the Susquehanna, has its head-waters not far from the spot where the currents of the Alleghany and Monongahela unite to form the Ohio. With such pathways in every direction, whether for peace or for war, the New Netherland (curious misnomer for a region so mountainous) commanded the continent ; and could the Dutch settlement at Manhattan have been adequately supported, it might have threat ened or prevented the ascendency of England in the New World. It was partly owing to this advantage of position that the League of the 210 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Iroquois was enabled to domineer over the greater part of the country between the Atlantic and the Mississippi ; and through the divergent river val leys and across the chain of mighty fresh-water seas those ferocious but long-headed barbarians in their bark canoes established those lines of trade which modern civilization, with its steamboat and railway, has simply adopted and improved. For a century after its conquest by the English, New York, with the western mountains of Pennsylva nia, served as a military bulwark for New England and for the southern colonies. The hardest fight ing done in the War of Independence was the struggle for the possession of this vantage-ground ; and in the second war with England the brilliant victories of Perry and Macdonough maintained on Lakes Erie and Champlain the sanctity of the citadel of America. It was not, however, until the great immigration of Presbyterians from Ireland and the crossing of Lake Erie by the French that the Pennsylvania The war frontier acquired its military significance. with France. ^ the period wittl wllJeh we are dealing in the present volume, the vital point to be de fended in the citadel was the stretch of lakes and woodlands between Albany and Montreal. The upper Connecticut valley and the Maine frontier also presented opportunities to a watchful enemy. The danger was sufficiently constant to be an important factor in the policy of all the northern colonies ; in New York it was often the dominant factor. Of the twenty-five years which intervened between the accession of William and Mary and THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 211 the death of Anne, nineteen were years of deadly warfare between French and English, in the New World as well as the Old. Then, after a lull of thirty years, interrupted by a few local outbreaks like that of Norridgewock in 1724, we come to the final contests in which out of twenty-one years six teen are years of war. The burden, at first borne chiefly by New York and New England, comes at last to bear upon all the colonies ; but first and last New York takes the brunt of it. The strife which had begun with the diplomacy of Andros and Dongan, and which had broken out in blood shed in the time of Leisler, was thenceforth for ever present to the minds of those who sat in council at Fort William or in the City Hall on the island of Manhattan. Until the final overthrow of New France, the development of New York was powerfully influenced by the circumstances which made it the citadel of America. The accession of William and Mary, which precipitated this warfare with the French, marked in other ways an era in New York, as it did in other colonies, and notably in Maryland, Plym outh, and Massachusetts. It transformed Ma ryland into a royal province, and although the proprietary government was by and by to be re stored, yet the days of the old semi-independent palatinate were gone never to return.1 It abolished the separate existence of wiiiiam and Plymouth, and it changed the half-rebel lious theocratic republic of Massachusetts into a royal province. New York also became a royal 1 See Old Virginia and her Neighbours, ii. 170. 212 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. province after the fashion of Massachusetts, but the change was in the reverse direction. The days of the autocrats were over. Self-government gained much in New York, as it lost much in Massachusetts, from the accession of William and Mary. Hereafter New York was to be governed through a representative assembly. The first thing which Colonel Sloughter did after the arrest of Leisler was to issue writs for the election of such an assembly ; and the day on which it met in a tavern on Pearl Street, the 9th Arepresent. of APrll> 1691> marks the beginning of sembiyr continuous constitutional government in 1691. ~New York. James Graham, of the fa mous Grahams of Montrose, was chosen speaker of the assembly, in which the party opposed to Leisler had an overwhelming majority. This assembly declared its enthusiastic loyalty to Wil liam and Mary, while it ascribed its own existence, not to royal generosity, but to the inherent right of freemen to be governed only through their own representatives. Resolutions were passed, con demning the acts of Leisler. A grant was made for public expenditures, but only for a period of two years. The wave of anti-Catholic feeling at tendant upon the mighty war between William of Orange and Louis XIV. was revealed in an act prohibiting " Romish forms of worship " in New York. At the same time the king was requested to annex Connecticut, the Jerseys, and Pennsyl vania, with Delaware, to the province of New York, which would thus comprise the whole of the original New Netherland, and somewhat more. THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 213 In midsummer of that year the worthless Sloughter died so suddenly that suspicions of poison were aroused, but the particular suspicions were proved to be groundless, and a more prob able explanation was to be found in delirium tre mens. Major Ingoldsby then acted as governor until the arrival of Colonel Benjamin Fletcher in August, 1692. Fletcher was Benjamin i i- ¦ n • i Fletcher. a man of large stature, fair, florid, and choleric, with plenty of energy and a pompous demeanour. One of the conspicuous sights of the little city was his handsome chariot, drawn by six gaily caparisoned steeds and carrying Mrs. Fletcher and her daughters decked in the latest and most gorgeous European finery. He was devoted to the Church of England and to mis sionary enterprise ; as a soldier he was so prompt and vigorous that tbe Mohawks named him " Great Swift Arrow." Withal it was commonly whispered that he was a consummate adept in the art of feathering his own nest, making both reli gion and warfare redound to the increase of the credit side of his ledger. One of Fletcher's first acts was to go to Albany and take counsel of Peter Schuyler, its mayor. This gentleman, granduncle of Philip Peter Schuyler, the eminent general of the Schuyler- War of Independence, was a person of extraordi nary qualities. His skill in dealing with red men was equal to that of Frontenac, and the situation called for all such skill that could be had. The danger lay in the possibility that French diplo macy might succeed in detaching the Iroquois 214 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. from their English alliance. Their loyalty to the alliance was of course based much more upon hatred of Onontio than upon love for Corlear, and could they be brought to fear the French as enemies more than they respected the English as protectors, that loyalty was liable to be weakened. The French realized more clearly than the Eng lish the importance of the struggle in which they were engaged, and in comparison with their tire less efforts such energy as the English put forth seemed mere listlessness. In the persuasive tongues of Jesuits reinforcing the mailed hand of Fron tenac there was an element of real danger. To the board of Indian commissioners at Albany, and especially to the sagacious mayor, Peter Schuyler, eternal gratitude is due for the skill with which it was averted. The Mohawks entertained bound less respect for " Quidor " 1 (as the name Peter became in their guttural speech), and his influence over them was greater than that of any other man of his time. 1 "Quidor" had a happy knack of adapting himself to the customs and habits of his tawny friends, but once in a while it cost him a few qualms ; to judge from an anecdote told me in 1881 by one of the family, the late George Washington Schuyler, of Ithaca, N. Y. After a severe tramp in the wilderness, half starved with hunger and cold, Quidor came one evening upon an encampment of Mohawks, where he was cordially welcomed. In a few moments he was seated before a bright blaze, with a cala bash of hot soup, the most delicious he had ever tasted. Presently, when he dipped his rude ladle once more into the kettle and brought up a couple of parboiled human fingers, it gave him a queer turn, but he repressed all show of feeling and quietly asked a feathered chieftain, " What is this soup made of ? " The Indian as calmly replied, '' Of a Frenchman we killed this morning ; is n't it good ? " THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 215 Fletcher reinforced Albany with troops under Ingoldsby and returned to Manhattan, but the news soon came that Frontenac, with a large force of French and Algonquins, was on the way from Canada to invade the Iro'quois country. The active governor hurried up the river with further reinforcements, to find that in a battle near Sche nectady Peter Schuyler had defeated Frontenac. The retreat of the French into Canada De{eatof was accomplished at the expense of ter- the French- rible hardships and a heavy loss of life. Such victories for the English were a great help in sus taining the Iroquois alliance. To the Mohawks it seemed as if the English were not so much in earnest as the French, and they told Fletcher that if Corlear and all his friends would only join forces they could easily beat the life out of Onontio. But Fletcher was beginning to find that popu lar assemblies are crabbed and contentious bodies, and that it was hard enough to get his own people to behave rationally, let alone the difficulty of bringing the other colonies into line. The hatred between " Leislerians " and " Aristocrats " so far pervaded the community as to subordinate other interests. An attempt had been made to appease the friends of Leisler by appoint ing as mayor of the city Abraham de Peyster, who had been one of his more moderate adherents. The effect was good, but of course insufficient. In the legislature the two parties were far more anx ious to trip each other up than to aid the common cause. Besides, many of Fletcher's demands were 216 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. of very doubtful expediency, and the discussions upon these questions hindered prompt action upon matters of pressing moment. Fletcher was eager to have the Episcopal church established and sup ported out of the public revenues ; and he fur thermore wanted the grant of revenue to be made for the lifetime of the reigning king. But the assembly was too " big with the privileges of Eng lishmen and Magna Charta " to follow in the ways which the governor pointed out. Dudgeon grew high between the two branches of government. The assembly passed a bill to which Fletcher added an amendment. The assembly re bukes the fused to adopt the amendment, and was forthwith prorogued by the governor with petulant words : "You have shown a great deal of stiffness. You take upon you airs as if you were dictators. I sent down to you an amendment of three or four words in that bill, which, though very immaterial,1 yet was positively denied. I must tell you that it seems very unmannerly. There never was an amendment yet decided by the coun cil but what you rejected ; it is a sign of stubborn ill-temper. . . . You ought to let the council do their part. They are in the nature of the House of Lords, or upper house. But you seem to take the whole power into your own hands and set up for everything. You have had a very long session 1 O no, good irate governor ! very far from immaterial. If it were really of no importance, why this ruffled temper ? why so much asperity and gall ? The bill provided for the election of rectors by the church-wardens and vestrymen, the amendment providing that they must be collated by the governor ! No one but Mr. Toots could say " It 's of no consequence, thank you." THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 217 to little purpose, and have been a great charge to the country. Ten shillings a day is a large allow ance and you punctually exact it. You have been always forward enough to put down the fees of other ministers in the government ; why did you not think it expedient to correct your own to a more moderate allowance ? " J Even when it came to voting supplies for the defence of the colony against actual invasion, Fletcher found his assembly very intractable. But when he tried to exact authority outside of the col ony it was still worse. The difficulty of securing that concerted military action which the Mohawk chiefs recommended had led James II. to try to unite the northern colonies under the single rule of Sir Edmund Andros, unhampered by any repre sentative assemblies. To meet the same difficulty, William III. authorized Fletcher to take control of the militia of Connecticut and the Jerseys. In 1693 the king revoked the proprietary grant of Pennsylvania and Delaware to William Penn,2 and handed over the administration of those two colonies to Fletcher as royal governor. Fletcher accordingly spent a few weeks Phiiadei- in Philadelphia, where he found the good Quakers so mildly but inexorably intractable that he was fain to write to the king excusing himself from the charge of this additional burden. He left Pennsylvania as he found it, and the next year 1 Journal of the Legislative Council, i. 47, 48. Compare Gov ernor Spotswood's remarks in dissolving his assembly, in Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, ii. 371. 2 See below, p. 303. 218 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Penn prevailed upon the king to reinstate him in his proprietary rights. In Connecticut Fletcher had no better success. He visited Hartford in October, 1693, while the as sembly was in session, and demanded that the mili tary forces of the colony should be placed at his disposal, at the same time promising to retain Gov ernor Treat in the immediate command over them Fletcher at as ^ls lieutenant. These proposals were Hartford. fiatly ^fus^ an(j the angry Fletcher wrote to the secretary of state in London : " The laws of England have no force in this colony. . . . They set up for a free state." There is a tradi tion that one bright afternoon the train-bands of Hartford were drawn up before the place where the assembly was in session, and Fletcher ordered his secretary to read aloud his commission and in structions ; whereupon the sturdy Captain Wads worth, who had once hidden the charter of Connect icut in an oak-tree, ordered the drums to be beaten. A threatening gesture from Fletcher stopped the drummers, and the reading was begun again. Once more the drums resounded, and once more Fletcher silenced them. Then Wadsworth stepped up to the New York governor and declared that " he would make the sun shine through him " if he dared interfere again. And so the crestfallen Fletcher deemed it wise to retire from the scene.1 1 Trumbull's History of Connecticut, i. 393. I think it not un likely that this story affords an illustration of one of the normal ways in which legends grow. When Andros came to Saybrook in 1675 and tried to read the duke's patent to Captain Bull and his officers, they foiled him by walking away, but the Hartford magistrates are said afterward to have told them it would have THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 219 Such is the familiar tradition, but it rests on no good authority, and seems improbable. At all events Fletcher was baffled, and when the matter was referred to the privy council it was softened into an order that upon proper notice in war time Connecticut should furnish the governor of New York with 120 men. No wonder that an officer in Fletcher's position, wielding the forces of a weak colony against a formidable enemy, should fret at being unable to get control of the resources of his stronger neigh bour ; for in wealth and population Connecticut was at least twice as powerful as New York. Fletcher next appealed to Massachusetts for aid, but without success, for the Quebec affair of 1690 had overtaxed the extensive resources of that col ony, and she found it, moreover, necessary to guard her eastern frontier. But in the Jerseys Fletcher fared better, for their men and money were placed at his disposal. In the double difficulty of obtaining adequate supplies from the legislature and securing concerted action among different colonies, we see the princi pal causes which led seventy years later Causea ]ead. to the Stamp Act. Because there was §*&££$ no continental power which could raise Aot' troops and levy taxes for continental purposes, the been still better if they had drowned the reading with the noise of drums. (See above, p. 49.) Now for popular tradition to change Andros into Fletcher (one New York governor for another), Bull into Wadsworth (one Connecticut captain for another), and the hypothetical drumbeat into an actual drumbeat, would be the most natural thing in the world, exactly the sort of thing that popular tradition is always doing. 220 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. British Parliament, with an entirely friendly pur pose, undertook to perform the functions of such a continental power. The experience of those sev enty years proved that a single head for the Eng lish colonies was an absolute necessity. Either Parliament must be that head, or the colonies must enter into a Federal Union ; no third course was practicable. It was the conflict with France that taught this lesson, and therefore the calling of a Continental Congress at New York in 1690 by Jacob Leisler was an event of great interest and significance. Of the same order of importance was the Plan of Union presented by William Penn to the Lords of Trade in 1697. In order to ac complish by rational and constitutional means the ends which William III. was seeking when by a mere order in council he invested the governor of New York with arbitrary control over neighbouring colonies, Penn recommended a Federal Penn's plan . . for a Federal Union. As the earliest suggestion of so Union. . . bb great a step in constructive statesman ship, his plan must always be interesting. It pro vided for a Congress of two deputies from each colony to meet once a year, and to have for chair man or president a king's commissioner especially appointed for the purpose. The place of meeting might be New York, as conveniently central, and also because the province was a military frontier and under a royal governor. For further con venience this governor might be the king's com missioner, " after the manner of Scotland," and also commander-in-chief of the forces. The busi ness of the Congress should be " to hear and adjust THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 221 all matters of complaint or difference between province and province. As, 1. where persons quit their own province and go to another, that they may avoid their just debts though they be able to pay them ; 2. where offenders fly justice . . . ; 3. to prevent or cure injuries in point of commerce ; 4. to consider of ways and means to support the union and safety of these provinces against the public enemies. In which Congress the quotas of men and charges will be much easier and more equally set than it is possible for any establish ment made here [i. e. in England] to do ; for the provinces, knowing their own condition and one another's, can debate that matter with more free dom and satisfaction and better adjust and bal ance their affairs in all respects for their common safety." x Such was the first simple outline of the scheme which was further developed in Franklin's Plan, in 1754, and again in the Articles of Confedera tion, until maturity was reached in our present Federal Constitution. When we fully understand that it was the failure to adopt such wise schemes as those of Penn and Franklin that ultimately led to the Stamp Act,2 we shall be the better prepared to comprehend the American Revolution and to deal with it in a fair and impartial spirit. 1 Preston, Documents Illustrative of American History, p. 147. 2 This is too large a subject to receive full treatment in the ¦present volume. My next work in the present series will be de voted to the development of the English colonies from 1C89 to 1765, under the pressure of the struggle with New France, and it will thus lead naturally to my volumes on the American Revo lution. 222 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. The difficulties of Governor Fletcher were in creased by the prevalence of piracy on the high seas. I have elsewhere shown how the seventeenth century came to be the golden age of piracy.1 As a sequel to the long maritime wars in which the Dutch and English put an end to the supremacy of Spain, came the age of buccaneers, The golden ? ' & • ¦ j ageof when freebooters ot all nations joined hands in plundering the Spanish coasts of America. Spaniards had come to be regarded by many people as the enemies of the human race, insomuch that it was hardly deemed criminal to rob and slay them, and thus buccaneering retained a slight flavour of respectability. The buccaneer, however, was not apt to be a person of tender conscience, and frequently developed into the full- fledged pirate, whose hand was against everybody without distinction of race, politics, or creed. Piracy throve greatly in the seventeenth century because maritime commerce expanded far more rapidly than the naval facilities for protecting it. Never before had so many ships been afloat and traversing long distances, loaded with cargoes of such immense value. Moreover the practice of privateering, whereby civilized nations sought to supply the deficiencies in their naval force, was extremely liable to degenerate into piracy. The abominable tariff and navigation acts also, by which commerce was stupidly hampered, aroused in mer cantile communities a spirit of lawlessness which tolerated the vile pirate, very much as it aided and abetted the noble army of smugglers. If the pirate 1 Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, chap. xvi. THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 223 could afford to undersell the honest skipper, his customers could easily refrain from asking awk ward questions. The war which brought firebrand and tomahawk upon Schenectady brought many a pirate craft into New York harbour. The principal cruising ground of these rascals was the Indian Ocean, where the richly laden ships of the English and Dutch East India companies were continually passing between the coasts of Hindustan or the Spice Islands to the Red Sea or the Cape of Good Hope. After a pirate had captured one or more of these vessels and taken on board all the treasure he could carry, he would make for New York, where he iin pi* i ij ^e Plates' would pull out of his pocket some dog s- lair on ii p i , , Madagascar. eared letter-ot-marque and swear that he had taken all this Oriental stuff from Frenchmen as a lawful privateer. It was usually difficult to convict him of falsehood. A still more common practice was to sail to Madagascar with the plun der.1 The luxuriant tropical forests of that large island furnished an almost inaccessible lair for the pirates, and thither they repaired from all quarters. In the intervals between cruises many of them dwelt there in palisadoed castles with moat and drawbridge, approachable only through labyrin thine paths which for further defence were studded with sharp thorns to lacerate the ill-shod feet of the natives. There they guzzled stolen wines of finest vintage, kept harems that might have made the Grand Turk envious, quarrelled and murdered i There were several haunts of pirates on the African coast, but Madagascar was the most notorious and important. 224 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. one another, and indulged in nameless orgies, until they wearied of such pastime and sallied forth again to the business of ocean robbery. On the coast of Madagascar was a strongly defended mart or em porium where our pirates would meet some mer chant vessel from New York, and exchange their gold pieces and gems and Eastern shawls for rum or firearms or whatever else they needed. Then while the pirate was engaged in fresh robberies the merchant returned to New York, where those who bought her merchandise were not bound to know from whom she got it. The risks of such a voyage were considerable, for the merchant ship might itself fall a prey to some pirate, or it might be captured as a receiver of stolen goods by some Profits of East India Company's frigate on patrol. the voyages. £ut whJle faQ rJsks were nQt smaU5 the profits were prodigious. For example, the ship Nassau, which sailed from New York in 1698, " was laden with Jamaica rum, Madeira wine, and gunpowder. The rum cost in New York 2s. per gallon, and was sold in Madagascar for £o per gallon. The wine cost £19 per pipe, and was sold for £300 ; and the gunpowder we may suppose at a similar advance. In return the Nassau pur chased East India goods and slaves of the pirates, and, taking 29 of the latter as passengers, sailed for home. The pirates paid £4000 for their pas sage, and the voyage is said to have netted the owners £30,000." 1 A trade abounding in such profitable ventures was not easy to suppress. The pirates had conven- 1 Todd, The Story of New York, p. 171. THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 225 ient lurking-places in the West Indies and the Bahamas, and in the crooked sounds and deep inlets of the Carolina coast. Everywhere they had extensive dealings, underselling the regular mer chants and defeating the navigation laws. The citizens of Charleston and of New the city of -*t i , i ^ew York. York, who coveted their wares, knew also that their ships were apt to be formidable, and so treated them usually with politeness. Sometimes the pirate captain was a man of pol ished address and entertaining speech, who could make himself acceptable at dinner tables and in good society. One of them, we are told, before venturing ashore, was careful to send some silks and cashmeres, with a trifle or so in the shape of costly gems, to Mrs. Fletcher and her stylish daughters. For a dozen years or more the streets of New York might have reminded one of Teheran or Bassora, with their shops displaying rugs of Anatolia or Daghestan, tables of carved teakwood, vases of hammered brass and silver, Bagdad por tieres, fans of ivory or sandalwood, soft shawls of myriad gorgeous hues and white crape daintily embroidered, along with exquisite ornaments of ruby, pearl, and emerald. In the little town which had been wont to eke out its slender currency with wampum, strange pieces of gold and silver now passed freely from hand to hand ; Greek byzants, Arabian dinars, and mohurs from Hindustan, along with Spanish doubloons and the louis d'or of France. A familiar sight in taverns was the swaggering blade attired in blue coat trimmed with gold lace and pearl buttons, white knee- vol. n. 226 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. breeches and embroidered hose, with jewelled dag ger in his belt,1 paying scot for all who would lis ten to his outlandish yarns, and tipping everybody, from the pot-boy up (as it was whispered), even to the worshipful governor. The East India companies, English and Dutch, complained of this state of things, and all mer chants who felt interested in the navigation laws added their complaints. But the warships of William of Orange were so fully occupied in the waters about France 2 that the Indian Ocean was inadequately guarded. Under these circumstances a scheme was formed which was highly character istic of the age, and which introduces us to the most famous name, perhaps, in all the annals of piracy. Whether Captain William Kidd ever really de served such a grewsome renown is, however, more wmiam or ^ess questionable. He was certainly no ruffian, but an educated mariner who for the greater part of his life was esteemed a model of integrity. He was probably the son of a Presbyterian minister at Greenock, in Scotland. In his marriage certificate, in 1691, he is styled " gentleman." At that time he had considerable wealth and lived in a pleasant home on Liberty Street. In earlier days he seems to have been a navigator in various parts of the world. In 1695 King William was discussing with Richard Coote, Earl of Bellomont, and other members of his 1 See the description of Thomas Tew, in Todd, op. cit. p. 175. 2 Captain Mahan has treated this war in a masterly manner, in his Influence of Sea Power upon History, chap. iv. commis sion for ar- THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 227 council, the most feasible means of suppressing piracy, and it was decided to make it a private undertaking. A swift frigate should be sent to the East Indies, under a captain of tried courage and probity, the sea robbers should be vanquished and brought to justice, and their spoil should de fray expenses and leave a handsome profit. Rob ert Livingston and William Kidd happened to be in London, and Livingston recommended Kidd to Lord Bellomont as the very man for the enter prise. These three, with several members of the council, entered into partnership, and subscribed £6000. Kidd received letters-of-marque His authorizing him to capture French ves- JJ^g sels, and a special commission instructing P'rat6S- him to arrest all pirates wheresoever found, and bring them to trial. After reserving a royalty of 10 per cent, for the king, the proceeds of the cruise were to be divided among the partners. Kidd was to render a strict account of all prizes to Lord Bellomont, and Livingston became his surety.1 A 36-gun frigate, the Adventure, was duly equipped, and in May, 1696, Kidd sailed from Plymouth, with a crew of 80 men. In New York he picked up about 90 more, and in February, 1697, set sail for Madagascar. The civilized world saw nothing more of him for more than two years. In the mean time the Leislerites brought about the recall of Governor Fletcher. Two of them — 1 Kidd's name often appears in tradition as Robert Kidd, and is sometimes so given in books that should know better. I have sometimes wondered if this might have been a confusion arising from some vague memory of his connection with Robert Living ston. 228 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Leisler's son Jacob, and Abraham Gouverneur, who was presently to marry the widowed Mary Milborne — were very busy in London. They secured the restoration of Leisler's estates and the rehabilitation of his memory so far as that could be done by an act of parliament. Lord Bellomont, who was one of the king's most trusted Charges . n , against advisers, declared that the execution of Fletcher. . . . Leisler and Milborne was a judicial mur der. He was a nobleman of generous and lofty character and entertained sundry democratic no tions, so that he soon became a favourite with the Leislerians. They accused Fletcher of complicity with the pirates, or, at the very least, of accepting from them bribes or hush-money. It is difficult to He is super- *e^ how ^ar these charges were founded LodrddBeyiio- on ^act- Fletcher always resented them, mont' and they were not irrefragably proved ; but such charges are apt to be hard to prove, even when true. At all events, they led to the recall of Fletcher and the appointment of Bellomont to be governor of New York, with explicit instructions to move heaven and earth for the suppression of piracy. This appointment was made before Kidd sailed, but various causes delayed Bellomont so that he did not arrive in New York until April, 1698. In order to effect as much concentration as pos sible without creating disturbance, Bellomont was appointed royal governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, as well as New York. His grace ful and courteous manners made him generally popular, but his administration was not a tranquil THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 229 one. As Fletcher quarrelled with the Leislerians, Bellomont kept himself in hot water with the aris tocrats. He began by issuing a writ of restitution to put the families of Leisler and Milborne in pos session of their estates, and turmoil at More party once ensued, for many pieces of this pro- strUe- perty had passed into the hands of innocent pur chasers who were now despoiled. He tried to enforce the navigation laws and to confiscate ships and cargoes for non-payment of custom-house dues. This brought on a quarrel with the merchants and with the collector of the port, whom he cashiened for remissness in enforcing the laws. As the Leislerites had accused Governor Fletcher of re ceiving stolen goods from the pirates, so Bellomont in turn charged some of the members of his aristo cratic council with similar practices. Mrs. Bayard one evening wore an extraordinary diamond, which rumour said had been given to her husband as hush-money by some scoundrel who had robbed and murdered an Eastern princess. It was also reported that Gabriel Minvielle had under his bed a big chest full of gold dinars, which, could they have spoken, would have told just as foul a tale. And as for Philipse, why did his son go down to the Narrows in a pinnace, to meet some mer chantmen just come from Madagascar ? Bellomont was the more inclined to believe such rumours because of his engrained preju- i. . i tt ¦ t i Bellomont's dices against rich men. He was inclined levelling to regard great wealth as incompatible with perfect honesty. The immense landed es tates of the patroons and their feudal privileges 230 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. disgusted him. He lost no opportunity of attack ing land grants in which any flaw could be sus pected, and he even proposed a bill which should make it illegal for any person in the province to hold more than one thousand acres. With these levelling tendencies, which accorded well with his Leislerian sympathies, Bellomont was only too ready to believe ill of Bayard and his friends. He accused them of complicity with pirates and removed Bayard, with four other gen tlemen, from his council. In their place he ap pointed able and well-known Leislerians. Much commotion was thus excited throughout the pro vince, and the next election of representatives was fiercely contested. Never before in America had Eiect'on au electi°n day consumed so much grog of 1699. or broken so many pates. The aristo cracy suffered a crushing defeat at the polls, and the government thus became Leislerian in all its branches. This result created something like a panic among the merchants and great landowners, and a report was circulated that the Leislerians were intending to obtain compensation for all the damages which they had suffered since the beginning of the trou bles. The king felt it necessary to warn Bello mont against such a policy, which would tend to drive some of the best citizens away from New York. Bellomont replied that he was not so fool ish as to countenance such measures. But the complaints against him multiplied, and were pre sently complicated by a quarrel with the dominies. In the midst of these dissensions came the rumour THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 231 that William Kidd, the pirate-catcher, from whom nothing had been heard for two years, had himself turned pirate ! This was a rumours t -n mi about Kidd. dire mortification tor the governor. Ihe friends of the displaced councilmen could now wag their heads and cry, " Aha ! just see what sort of agents and tools this Earl of Bellomont, so prudish in all such matters, employs ! " We can fancy that the need for attending to the affairs of Massachusetts and New Hampshire afforded the governor some relief from goes to •n- 1 f • l Boston- this stifling atmosphere of contention and distrust. We can also see that it will be likely to go hard with Captain Kidd if ever he falls into the hands of honest Richard of Bellomont. Nevertheless it happened, curiously enough, that scarcely had the governor been a month in Boston when a message addressed to him by that mariner disclosed his presence in Narragansett Bay. The message informed Bellomont that he was A measage in a sloop with £10,000 worth of goods fromKidd- on board, and was entirely innocent of the acts of piracy which lying rumour had laid to his charge. Let us briefly note some of the events in this career of innocence. After a tedious voyage of nine months from New York, during which the stores were nearly exhausted and the crew threatened with famine, Kidd arrived off Madagascar in the autumn of 1697. He had encountered neither pirates nor French vessels on the way, and now at the island he found no prey ; all the pirates were off on busi ness. So Kidd filled his water-casks, bought food, 232 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. and sailed over to the Malabar coast without meeting a ship of any sort. Provisions and money were nearly all gone, and the crew insisted upon attacking the first ship they should meet, How Kidd , , , - , . , turned whether lawful prey or not, in order to P'rate- f T7-- i i rj. get the means ot sustenance. Kidd after ward stoutly maintained that he did not follow this advice until he was compelled by his starv ing and mutinous crew. However that may have been, he did follow it, and began by capturing a few ships of the Great Mogul. Probably his noble patrons in England, on payment of a goodly divi dend, would not inquire too closely into damage inflicted upon mere heathen. It seems probable that Kidd did not at first take willingly to this course. He had some disputes with his crew, in one of which he seized a bucket and struck a gun ner, William Moore, over the head, inflicting fatal injuries. The work of piracy went on, and pre sently it was not only heathen but Christian ships that suffered. So things went until December, 1698, when Kidd captured a large East Indiaman, named the Quedah Merchant, owned by Armenian traders and commanded by an English skipper. His own ship, the Adventure, was badly out of repair ; so he set ashore the crew of the Quedah Merchant, transferred to her his own armament and crew, burned the Adventure, and made for the pirate mart at Madagascar, where his cargo fetched £64,000, equivalent to more than a million dollars of the present day. Of this sum his own portion amounted to 1320,000. After losing two thirds of his men by desertion, and enlisting a new THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 233 crew, our amateur pirate sailed for the West Indies. There he was met by appalling news. Not only had his acts of piracy been reported in England, but a parliamentary committee had been appointed to inquire into the nature of his commission and the character of the partnership from which he had received it. A royal proclamation had , . , pc ¦ j- The king's been issued, moreover, ottering tree par- prociama- don to all pirates who would surrender themselves for acts committed before May-day of 1699. Only two pirates were excepted by name ; one was a fellow named Avery, one of the worst scoundrels of his time, the other was William Kidd. The reason for this was that Kidd's conduct re flected upon the whole group of powerful noblemen who had sent him to the East Indies. He was the agent not only of Bellomont, but of the Lord Chancellor Somers, of Orford the First Lord of the Admiralty, of the Earl of Shrewsbury, even in a sense of King William. The Tories exult- ingly threw his misdeeds in the face of these Whig statesmen ; it was their purpose to impeach the Lord Chancellor, and it pleased them to be able to say that he had a pirate in his employ. Under these circumstances the Tories desperate • ii n Tr- i i» -i situation. magnified the rumours of Kidd s vil lainies, while the Whigs could not incur the re sponsibility of contradicting them ; they must wash their hands of him as quickly as possible. Hence he was excepted from the offer of pardon. Had Kidd fully grasped the hopelessness of the situation, or had he been an unmitigated ruffian, 234 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. like Blackbeard or Olonnois, he would most likely have accepted an outlaw's career. With his power ful ship and vast treasure he might roam the seas and play the corsair, or seek refuge in some inac cessible spot. But one may fancy that a castle in Madagascar was not the sort of home that he wanted. The pleasant fireside in Liberty Street, where wife and children awaited him, may well have been in his thoughts ; and if he could make Lord Bellomont believe his story, there might be a good chance for him. So he bought at the island of Curacoa a small sloop, in which he put his gold coins, gold-dust, and jewels, and with a crew of forty men started for New York. At San Domingo he stopped and left the Quedah Merchant, with her armament of 50 guns and cargo of immense value. What became of her is not known. As Kidd stealthily approached New York he learned that the governor had gone to Boston. He con trived to get a letter ashore to his wife and chil dren, who joined him at Block Island. Arriving in Narragansett Bay, he sent to Boston the message already mentioned. Bellomont replied that if Kidd could satisfy him of his innocence he might count upon his protection. Accordingly on the Kidd lands ^rs^ day °^ July Kidd landed in Boston, andlf™' an(i Paid his respects to the governor, arrested. handing him a present of rare jewels for Lady Bellomont. With the approval of the coun cil Bellomont accepted the present, lest a refusal should put Kidd too keenly on his guard. As his story did not satisfy the governor, he was arrested on July 6, and the jewels were handed to a trustee THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 235 as part of the documents in the case. After a while Kidd was sent to London and kept in He is sent to prison more than a year while evidence London- was sought in the East Indies. In the spring of 1701 he was brought to trial for sundry acts of piracy and for the murder of William Moore. Kidd's defence as to the first charge was that he had only captured vessels sailing under French colours, except in one or two cases when his crew overpowered him and took the command out of his hands. As to the second charge, he averred that Moore was engaged in mutiny and rightfully slain ; nevertheless the homicide was unintentional ; he had not used pistol nor dagger, but only struck the offender with a bucket, and on the worst con struction was guilty only of manslaughter. The prosecution did not break down this defence, and one cannot read the report of the trial Higtriaiand without feeling that the verdict of guilty execution- was predetermined. Kidd was hanged in May, 1701. In spite of the unfairness of the trial, he had probably done enough to deserve his sentence ; but his preeminent notoriety is clearly due to other causes than preeminence in crime. Lord Bellomont's stay in Boston was little more than a year, and his acquaintance with New Hamp shire was limited to a fortnight. He was much liked in Boston for his personal qualities and his opposition to the Toryism represented by the friends of Joseph Dudley. For his own Death of part he liked the people of Boston, but Bellomont- as a liberal-minded Episcopalian he confessed he could not see how so much learning could coexist 236 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. with so much fanaticism as in some of the Puritan clergymen and professors. In the summer of 1700 he returned to New York. He had long been troubled with gout, and in the following winter died very suddenly.1 His death was the signal for an explosion which had long been preparing. It soon appeared that some of the reports which had been circulated as to the designs of the Leislerians were well founded. That party had a majority both in the assembly and in the council, and now that Bellomont's re straining hand was removed, they brought in a bill to enable the Leisler family to institute law suits for damages which they alleged they had sus tained at the hands of the aristocracy during the change from the House of Stuart to the House of violent pro- Orange. They also brought outrageous ofethegs charges against prominent members of Leisierites. ^ arist0Cratic party. They accused Robert Livingston of defalcation in his accounts, and petitioned the king to remove him from his office of secretary of Indian affairs ; they made a similar charge against the late Stephanus van Cortlandt, and brought suits against his widow. In view of the anticipated passage of their Leisler Act for damages, they invited all the injured per sons to bring in an inventory of their losses, and some astounding estimates followed, as when a rusty sword and dilapidated gun, which Governor Sloughter had seized, were valued at £40 (say, nearly f 800). 1 His mortal remains now rest in St. Paul's churchyard. See Mrs. Lamb's History of the City of New York, ii. 446. THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 237 This last step was unwise, for it seemed to herald a carnival of spoliation and created intense alarm. There was a rumour that Viscount Corn bury had been appointed governor, to succeed the Earl of Bellomont. A petition to the crown was prepared, urging that he might be sent Pet;tionto with all possible haste. It had more thecrown- than 600 signatures, including most of the aristo cratic leaders. The chief justice and solicitor- general, who were fierce Leislerians, saw fit to call this paper " seditious," and indictments for high treason were brought against Nicholas Bay ard and an alderman named Hutchings, at whose house the petition had been signed. What followed would have been a ludicrous farce had it not been so execrably wicked. The intention was to avenge the death of Leisler upon the person of his old enemy, Bayard ; and in the proceedings all law and decency were trampled under foot. In a scurrilous speech the solicitor- general accused Bayard of complicity with the pirates and of plotting to introduce Popery into New York. Such invective did duty for Shamefui evidence, a jury, half packed and half Bayard and browbeaten, quickly found a verdict of H"tchinss- "guilty," and the chief justice forthwith sentenced Bayard and Hutchings to be disembowelled and quartered. The poor alderman, it may be sup posed, was to atone for Milborne. At about the same time the Leisler Act was passed by the as sembly, and Livingston was turned out of his offices, while all his property was confiscated. A new governor, however, was even then on his 238 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. way from England. On March 7, 1702, the king breathed his last, and Anne ascended the throne. Edward Hyde, Viscount Cornbury, was grandson of the great Earl of Clarendon, the statesman and Lord corn- historian, and own cousin to Queen Anne. bury. The late king had appointed him gov ernor, and Anne at once confirmed the appoint ment. Cornbury was a trained soldier, and not wholly wanting in ability, but his character was far from estimable. He had gross vices, and some contemptible follies. His strong likeness to his cousin Anne attracted much notice and led him often to make a guy of himself by dressing in elaborate and sumptuous female attire, like a lady of the court. His name is now chiefly remem bered for this tomfoolery. Yet much good was effected by his coming to New York. One of his first acts was to dissolve the assembly. The recent scandalous trials were investigated, and those legal luminaries, the solicitor- general and the chief justice, absconded and hid themselves in Virginia under assumed names. Bayard and Hutchings were set free and reinstated in their property ; Livingston was replaced in his offices and estates ; the Leisler Act was quashed by the Lords of Trade ; and the public alarm was allayed. Having performed this much needed service, Cornbury went on unwittingly to perform another and soften the animosities between the Leislerites and the aristocracy by uniting them to some ex tent in opposition to himself. He thus introduced fresh grievances, but some of these were of a kind conducive to growth in constitutional liberty. He THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 239 obtained from the assembly a grant of £1500 for fortifying the Narrows against French fleets, and was very wroth at the sugges- for the tion that the assembly should appoint a treasurer to handle the money. What ! did they distrust his integrity? So the business was left to his integrity and three years slipped by, until one fine afternoon a French warship sailed in through the Narrows, and great was the commo tion. The batteries had not been built ; what had been done with the £1500 ? Cornbury protested that he had never seen the money, but the assem bly knew better. There was a sound, wholesome discussion, in the course of which the doctrine was plainly stated that the rights of a colonial assem bly were precisely the same as those of the House of Commons. The matter was referred to the queen in council, and it is an interesting fact that the assembly was sustained against the governor. Henceforth it appointed a treasurer and saw that his accounts were properly audited. It was not only with the New York assembly that Cornbury had contentions, for he was also governor of New Jersey. Since the overthrow of Andros, the history of the two provinces The of East and West Jersey had been a £en°r^ey plexus of difficulties which need not here thlteof New concern us, until in 1702 all the proprie- Tork' tors agreed in surrendering their proprietary rights of sovereignty to Queen Anne. Their ownership of their landed estates was not disturbed by this surrender. The two provinces were united into one, and thenceforward until 1738 New Jersey 240 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. was an appendage to New York, in much the same way that Delaware was an appendage to Penn sylvania. There was the same governor, but the assemblies were distinct and independent. This preserved the local life, and prevented New Jersey from being merged in New York, and Delaware from being merged in Pennsylvania. Any such absorption would have been a calamity, for what the civilized world most needs is variety and indi vidual colour in social development, and the more that local independencies can be preserved, in so far as such preservation is compatible with gen eral tranquillity, the better. Governor Cornbury's first demand upon the New Jersey assembly was for a yearly salary of £2000, to be granted for twenty years. When we bear in mind that this sum represented nearly $40,000 in Disputes our present currency, we shall appreciate oversaiaries. tke commeut of the Quaker member who turned upon Cornbury with the remark, " Thee must be very needy ! " The assembly voted only £1300 for three years, and thus began its bicker ings with the spendthrift governor. Such conten tions over salaries were flagrant during the eigh teenth century, and must be taken into the account if we would understand how the Townshend Act of 1767 led directly to the War of Independence. It was Cornbury's fate to antagonize not only the legislatures, but the dominies. There were but few Episcopalians in New York, though the civil cornbury's government was always trying to help that church, and people already noticed that it flourished better in Pennsylvania, under THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 241 Penn's grand policy of a fair field for all, and no favour. But Cornbury tried to help Episcopacy in his feeble way, by making warfare upon other sects, which in New York were in the majority. In such ways, but perhaps still more through his private affairs, he came to grief. He was steeped in debauchery and never paid his debts; and when, in 1708, Queen Anne yielded to the general clamour and sent out Lord Lovelace to supersede him, no sooner had he ceased to be governor than his creditors sprang upon him. Besieged with bills innumerable from butcher and baker and candle stick maker, the unhappy Cornbury was thrown into jail and stayed there till next year, when the death of his father made him Earl of Clarendon. Then he paid up his debts and went home, leaving unsavoury memories behind him. Lord Lovelace, nephew of the governor who succeeded Nicolls, lived but a few months after his arrival. His place was taken by our old acquaint ance, Ingoldsby, once more lieutenant-governor. Danger was again threatening from Canada. The strife of Leislerian and anti-Leislerian had ab sorbed the attention of the province, weakened its resources, and loosened its grasp upon the Long House, insomuch that Onontio had actu- Boot]ess . ally achieved a treaty which secured its agafust1™ neutrality. Peter Schuyler now per- Canada' suaded those barbarians to put on their war paint, and took command of them in person. A force of 1500 men from New York, New Jersey, and Con necticut, commanded by another of our old ac quaintances, Francis Nicholson, marched to Lake 242 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Champlain, while 1200 men raised by Massachu setts awaited the arrival of a promised British fleet which was to take them up the St. Lawrence. This force was to attack Quebec while Nicholson advanced upon Montreal. But the loss of the battle of Almanza made it necessary for England to send to Portugal the force designed for Amer ica; and so the expedition against Canada came to nothing. As a partial compensation for this disappoint ment, Nicholson, in the course of the next year, conquered Nova Scotia. Schuyler was more than ever impressed with the necessity of driving the French from the valley of the St. Lawrence, and in order to urge the matter upon Queen Anne's ministry he went over to England in 1710, taking with him five Iroquois chiefs.1 These barbarians visit of five made as great a sensation in London as cMefsto Pocahontas had done in the days of aSS Queen Anne's great-grandfather. They court- were received with much ceremony by the queen, on which occasion they made a solemn speech on the necessity for conquering Onontio, and presented her with a belt of wampum. It was agreed that Canada should once more be invaded, Arrival and Colonel Robert Hunter was sent out Hunted to be governor of New York. This Scot- governor. ^^ gen^eman was ^e ablest and best of the English governors since Richard Nicolls ; broad-minded and sagacious, cultivated and re fined, upright and genial, a thoroughly admirable 1 One of them was a Mohawk of the Wolf clan, grandfather of the great Thayendanegea, better known as Joseph Brant. THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 243 man. He was an intimate friend of Addison and Swift, and could himself write witty poems and essays. He had served with credit in King Wil liam's army, and now came to oppose the French arms in the New World. His arrival on such an errand was enthusiastically welcomed. The assem bly was less niggardly than usual, partly, perhaps, because it was voting away not real money but promissory notes. It issued £10,000 of this per nicious currency, hoping to redeem it within five years. There was a conference of governors at New London, and a plan was made essentially sim ilar to the former one. Nicholson, with the troops from Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey, and Schuyler's Indians, was to advance upon Mon treal by way of Lake Champlain ; while the Mas sachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island troops, aided by a powerful Eng- abortive lish fleet, should ascend the St. Law- against rence and take Quebec. But the enter prise failed ignominiously. On the last day of July, 1711, the fleet, commanded by Sir Hovenden Walker, sailed from Boston Harbour, carrying about 2000 provincial troops, with 5000 regulars under General Hill, commonly known about Lon don as " Jack Hill," brother of the Queen's favour ite lady, Mrs. Masham. The admiral, who had too much of the proud spirit that goeth before a fall, would not take the advice of his Yankee pilots ; wherefore during their second day upon the St. Lawrence several ships were wrecked upon ledges of rock, with the loss of more than 1000 lives. Then with preposterous logic a council of war decided 244 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. that the mighty river was impracticable for such vessels as theirs, and so the fleet returned to Eng land. The disaster was reported to Nicholson in time to prevent his imperilling his army. The affair ended in recriminations, and presently the treaty of Utrecht allowed New France another half century of life. Amid these incidents of war the business of legislation was encumbered with the usual difficul ties. The council, though by no means a tool in the governor's hands, was very apt to agree with his views of constitutional questions. The Difficulty '¦ of raising assembly, on the other hand, was almost money for . . military certain to differ from the governor on purposes. . . ° questions relating to revenue, if on no others. In most of the colonies military exigen cies made a greater demand upon the exchequer than people could comfortably meet. Hence the governor's requests did not usually meet with prompt or adequate response, and operations were apt to languish. There is no doubt that despotic Onontio could mobilize his forces much more speedily than constitution-hemmed Corlear. It was half a century of this sort of experience that led to the Stamp Act. Under these circumstances the constitutional po sition and functions of the council gave rise to im portant discussions. The council maintained that it was properly an upper house, like the Constitu- „ r t i ii. tionaidis- House ot .Lords, and this was generally cussions. , , o j the governor s opinion ; but the assembly insisted that the council was merely an advisory board. Especially jealous was the assembly of any THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 245 pretension on the part of the council to initiate or amend money bills. Then there was the burn ing question of the governor's salary, which the assembly usually insisted upon granting only for a year at a time, in order to keep a check-rein upon the governor. Sometimes an earnest patriot, like Hunter, bent upon getting things done, would furnish the money from his own pocket. From some of Hunter's letters to Dean Swift we catch glimpses of his feeling about the people's repre sentatives : " This is the finest air to live upon in the universe ; and if our trees and birds could speak, and our assemblymen be silent, the finest conversation also. The soil bears all things, but not for me. According to the custom of the coun try, the sachems are the poorest of the people. . . . I thought in coming to this government I should have hot meals and cool drinks, and recreate my body in Holland sheets upon beds of down ; whereas I am doing penance as if I were a hermit. ... I am used like a dog, after having done all that is in the power of man to deserve better treatment." Notwithstanding such expressions of feeling, and in spite of many altercations with the assem bly, Governor Hunter was greatly liked and ad mired, and there was much sorrow when private business called him back to England in 1719. His friend and successor, William Burnet, Hunterig who came next year, was another upright j^miLm and able governor. He was a son of Burnet- Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, the famous historian, and was himself a man of learning and accomplishments, with much practical sagacity 246 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. and rare personal charm. One of his first mea sures, however, was for a time extremely unpopu lar. There was far too much intercourse between the French and the warriors of the Long House. It was an excellent instance of the shrewdness with which Onontio made trade and religion sup port each other. Jesuit priests had made converts to Christianity even among their arch-enemies the Mohawks, and with these converts they formed a colony at Caughnawaga, a place on the right bank of the St. Lawrence, a short distance above Mon treal. These Caughnawaga Indians soon became a source of danger to New York. The most pro lific source of the furs which made so large a part of the wealth of the province was the country about the Great Lakes, inhabited by Ottawas, Sacs and Foxes, Pottawatomies and other Algon- The caugh- quin tribes, besides Dakotahs. These and Sr were commonly called the "Far Indi- trade' ans." Now since the English commercial policy, however narrow, was far more liberal than that of Louis XV., the best supply of goods for the Indians was in New York and Albany, not in Montreal. Knives and guns, powder and blan kets, were apt to be plenty and cheap among the English, while scarce and dear among the French. Accordingly the Caughnawagas soon became the middlemen in a brisk and lucrative trade. By way of the St. Lawrence and Lake Champlain they brought furs from the Great Lakes to Al bany and exchanged them there for tools and weapons, blankets and beads, which they forth with carried to Montreal and sold to the French THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 247 traders. It was often in this way only that the Frenchmen obtained the wares which they needed for getting furs from the " Far Indians." 1 Now this trade through the Caughnawagas was profitable to merchants in New York and Albany, as well as in Montreal. But every Caughnawaga was a Jesuit spy whose presence upon -n t i -i •„ j; Its ^gers. English soil was a possible source ot danger. Moreover, the use of the St. Lawrence route played into the hands of the enemy by divert ing trade from the safer avenue of the Mohawk valley. With a statesman's glance Governor Bur net comprehended the situation, and his action was prompt and decisive. He procured an act of the assembly prohibiting trade with Montreal under the penalty of £100 fine with forfeiture of goods ; while at the same time he bought Founding o£ the land at Oswego from the Six Na- ^3^a tions 2 and built a small fort there, and ^M^hawk as the assembly was slow in providing Talley' the money, he paid the expenses out of his own pocket. Much to the delight of the Long House, some forty young men, headed by Quidor's son, Philip Schuyler, came among them to carry on trade. It was decidedly for the interest of the 1 See Parkman, A Half-Century of Conflict, i. 15. 2 After the crushing defeats of the Tuscarora tribe of Iroquois in North Carolina, by Barnwell in 1712 and by Moore in 1713, the remnant of the tribe migrated into New York and were admitted into the confederacy of the Long House, as a sixth nation. The territory there assigned to the Tuscaroras lay south of the Oneidas and southeast of the Onondagas. For their career in North Carolina, see Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, ii. 297- 304. 248 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Six Nations to become the middlemen in a flour ishing trade between the "Far Indians" and Al bany. Accordingly the measures of Governor Burnet had lasting results, although his prohibit ory act was after a few years quashed by the Lords of Trade. The main course of the fur trade was in great measure diverted from Fort Fron tenac and Lake Champlain to Oswego and the Mohawk valley. Intercourse between the English and the Six Nations thus grew closer and the dan ger from Canada was lessened. Probably the action of Burnet was the most important event in the history of the Anglo-Iroquois alliance between the death of Frontenac in 1698 and the arrival of William Johnson in 1738. Upon the accession of George II. , Burnet was transferred from the governorship of New York to that of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. His successor, John Montgomery, died in 1731, and the next year came Colonel William Cosby, who had been governor of Minorca and acquired there cosby's a reputation for gross avarice. The mp vt^wltb principal event of his administration in New York was a money dispute with Rip van Dam, who as president of the council had conducted affairs during the interregnum after Montgomery's death. Out of this dispute grew a trial which excited intense interest throughout the English colonies, and deserves mention in every account of the development of political liberty. Since 1725 New York had had a newspaper, 1 The first newspaper printed in English America was " Public Occurrences, both Foreign and Domestic," Boston, September THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 249 edited by William Bradford, a gentleman who had come from Pennsylvania in 1693 and brought with him the art of printing. He was printer for the government, and his paper, the " New York Gazette," of which the first number appeared Oc tober 16, 1725, was to some extent a gov- Bradford ernment organ. One of Bradford's ap- aDdZellger- prentices was John Peter Zenger, a German who had come over from the Palatinate in 1710, being then a lad of thirteen. In 1733 Zenger started an opposition paper, called the " Weekly Journal." He had no money, but received help and encour agement from some of the ablest and best men of the province, including Lewis Morris, Rip van Dam, James Alexander,1 and others. In point of telling argument and bold sarcasm Bradford was no match for Zenger, and when sundry deeds of 25, 1690. Only this first number was printed. The first perma nent newspapers were as follows : — The Boston News Letter, Boston, April 17, 1704. The Boston Gazette, Boston, December 21, 1719. The American, Philadelphia, December 22, 1719. The New York Gazette, New York, October 16, 1725. The Maryland Gazette, Annapolis, June, 1728. The South Carolina Gazette, Charleston, January 8, 1732. The Rhode Island Gazette, Newport, September 27, 1732. The Weekly Journal, New York, November 15, 1733. The Virginia Gazette, Williamsburg, 1736. The Connecticut Gazette, New Haven, January 1, 1755. The North Carolina Gazette, New Berne, December. 1755. The New Hampshire Gazette, Portsmouth, August, 1756. See Isaiah Thomas's History of Printing, Worcester, 1810, 2 vols. ; Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, p. 129. 1 This eminent lawyer was a Scotch Jacobite who had found the old country too hot for him after the rebellion of 1715. His son, William Alexander, was the Revolutionary general com monly known as " Lord Stirling." 250 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Cosby were held up to scorn the governor writhed under the infliction. At last, in November, 1734, the council could endure it no longer. They pro nounced four numbers of the " Weekly Journal " " seditious " and ordered the common hangman to make a public bonfire of them in front of the pillory. The mayor and aldermen, however, pro nounced this order of the council illegal, and would not allow the hangman to obey it. The Persecution papers were accordingly burned by one of of zenger. ^e ^griff's negro slaves. Then Zenger was imprisoned on a warrant from the governor and council, who requested the assembly to concur with them in prosecuting him ; but the assembly simply laid the request upon the table. He was brought before Chief Justice De Lancey, and his counsel, James Alexander and William Smith, two of the foremost lawyers in the province, wished to have him admitted to bail, but as he was unable to find the excessive sum of £800 which was re quired, he was remanded to jail, where he con tinued to edit his paper by dictating to his clerks through a chink in the door. A grand jury was impanelled, but refused to indict him. Therefore the attorney - general filed an "information"1 against him for " false, scandalous, malicious, and seditious libels." Six months elapsed before the trial came on, and meanwhile the plain-speaking Zenger was kept in durance. His counsel, Smith 1 An information " differs in no respect from an indictment in its form and substance, except that it is filed at the mere discre tion of the proper law officer of the government ex officio, with out the intervention of a grand jury." Bouvier, Law Dictionary, s. v. ; Blackstone's Commentaries, iv. 308. THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 251 and Alexander, attacked the commissions of the chief justice and another judge as unconstitutional, because it had appointed them " during pleasure " instead of "during good behaviour." This was for many years a very sore point with the people, and the move of Smith and Alexander was hailed with applause. De Lancey had but one way of meeting it. He said, "You have brought it to that point, gentlemen, that either we must go from the bench or you from the bar ; " and he sum marily disbarred the two eminent lawyers for con tempt of court. Zenger was thus left without counsel, but the popular sympathy for him was increased, and his friends succeeded in engaging the ser- Andrew vices of Andrew Hamilton, of Philadel- Hamiltoa- phia, the greatest lawyer in the English colonies, the first, indeed, who attained a truly continental repu tation. The thoughts of all English America were then turned upon the poor German printer in a New York jail, and Hamilton undertook the case without fee or reward. If a government could use the law of libel to suppress freedom of speech and of the press, it would be the end of liberty in these colonies. All that Zenger had said, in the para graph chiefly relied on by the prosecution, was the plain truth. He said that judges were arbitrarily displaced and new courts erected without consent of the legislature, by which means jury trial was taken away whenever a governor felt so disposed ; and furthermore he declared that the tendency of such tyrannical acts was to drive residents of New York away to other colonies. But let us see his very words : — 252 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. " One of our neighbours of New Jersey being in company, observing [certain persons] of New York full of complaints, endeavoured to persuade them to remove into Jersey; to which it was replied, that would be leaping out of the frying-pan into the fire ; for, says he, we both are under the same governor, and your assembly have shown with a witness what is to be expected from them. One that was then moving from New York to Penn sylvania (to which place it is reported Thewordsof J K r r . the alleged several considerable men are removing} libel. , a/ expressed much concern for the circum stances of New York, and seemed to think them very much owing to the influence that some men had in the administration ; said he was now going from them, and was not to be hurt by any measures they should take, but could not help having some concern for the welfare of his countrymen, and should be glad to hear that the assembly would exert themselves as became them, by showing that they have the interest of the country more at heart than the gratification of any private view of any of their members, or being at all affected by the smiles or frowns of a governor ; both which ought equally to be despised when the interest of their country is at stake. ' You,' says he, ' complain of the lawyers, but I think the law itself is at an end.' We see men's deeds destroyed, judges arbitrarily displaced, new courts erected without consent of the legislature, by which it seems to me trials by juries are taken away when a governor pleases; men of known estates denied their votes, contrary to the received practice of the best expositor of THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 253 any law. Who is there in that province that can call anything his own, or enjoy any liberty longer than those in the administration will condescend to let them, for which reason I left it, as I believe more will." 1 If such plain speaking were to be in our days condemned as libellous, which of our newspapers could survive for four-and-twenty hours? Hamil ton admitted that this paragraph had Hamilton.s been printed, whereupon the attorney- arsument- general at once claimed a verdict for the crown. But the " information " had described the para graph as " false, scandalous, malicious, and sedi tious," and Hamilton fastened upon the allegation of falsehood. He declared that the paragraph simply stated plain and well-known facts. The ... Lord Mans- chief iustice and the attorney - general field's opm- •iii- f i-i ion, 1770. reminded him that the truth of a libel could not be admitted in evidence. This was the English law at that time, and a few years later Lord Mansfield, in commenting upon it, declared that " the greater truth, the greater libel." It was then held that the only question for the jury was the fact of publication. But the contrary view was pressing for recognition, and in the famous cases of Woodfall and Miller, in 1770, before the same eminent judge, the jury fairly took the matter into their own hands, deciding among themselves that certain expressions were not libellous, and return ing a peremptory verdict of not guilty.2 The ques tion was put to rest in 1792 by Fox's Libel Act, 1 Report of Zenger Trial, Boston, 1738. 2 Sir Erskine May, Constitutional History of England, ii. 115. 254 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. which declared it to be the law of England that Fox's Act the tru* °f a so-called libel is admissi- 1792. jjie jn evidence, and that the jury have a right to examine into the innocence or criminality of the writing and to give their verdict peremp torily without stating their reasons. We can thus see the vast importance of the step taken by the great Quaker lawyer, Hamilton, in 1735, when he insisted not only that the jury should listen to proof of the truthfulness of Zen ker's paragraph, but should also decide The " law of b L . ° \ - -. - the future" whether lt could properly be condemned in 1735. i r j as libellous, or not. Hamilton may be said to have conducted the case according to the law of the future, and thus to have helped to make that law. In the history of freedom of the press his place is beside the great names of Erskine and Fox. A few extracts from his speech must be quoted : — " Years ago it was a crime to speak the truth, and in that terrible court of Star Chamber many brave men suffered for so doing ; and yet, even in that court a great and good man durst say what I hope will not be taken amiss of me to say in this place, to wit : ' The practice of informations for libels is a sword in the hands of a wicked king, and an arrant coward, to cut down and Part of . Hamilton's destroy the innocent ; the one cannot be- speech. u , . cause of his high station, and the other dares not because of his want of courage, revenge himself in any other manner.' . . . Our Constitu tion gives us an opportunity to prevent wrong by appealing to the people. . . . But of what use is THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 255 this mighty privilege if every man that suffers1 must be silent ; and if a man must be taken up as a libeller for telling his sufferings to his neigh bour ? . . . Prosecutions for libels since the time of the Star Chamber have generally been set on foot at the instance of the crown or his ministers, and countenanced by judges who hold their places at pleasure. ... If a libel is understood in the large and unlimited sense urged by Mr. Attorney, there is scarce a writing I know that may not be called a libel, or scarcely any person safe from being called to account as a libeller. Moses, meek as he was, libelled Cain ; and who has not libelled the Devil ? for, according to Mr. Attorney, it is no justification to say that one has a bad name. . . . How must a man speak or write, or what must he hear, read, or sing, or when must he laugh, so as to be secure from being taken up as a libeller? I sincerely believe that if some persons were to go through the streets of New York nowadays, and read a part of the Bible, if it were not known to be such, Mr. Attorney, with the help of his innu endoes, would easily turn it to be a libel ; as, for instance, the sixteenth verse of the ninth chapter of Isaiah : ' The leaders of the people (innuendo, the governor and council of New York) cause them (innuendo, the people of this province) to err, and they (meaning the people of this province) are destroyed (innuendo, are deceived into the loss of their liberty, which is the worst kind of destruction).' " After concluding his argument, the venerable Quaker, who was then in his eightieth year, turned 256 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. to the jury with the following impressive perora tion : — " You see I labour under the weight of years, and am borne down with great infirmities of body ; yet, old and weak as I am, I should think it my Hisperora- duty, if required, to go to the utmost tlon" part of the land, where my service could be of use in assisting to quench the flame of pro secutions upon informations set on foot by the government, to deprive a people of the right of remonstrating and complaining of the arbitrary attempts of men in power. Men who injure and oppress the people under their administration pro voke them to cry out and complain, and then make that very complaint the foundation for new oppres sions. ... I wish I could say there were no in stances of this kind. But to conclude : the question before the court, and you, gentlemen of the jury, is not of small or private concern ; it is not the cause of a poor printer, nor of New York alone, which you are now trying. No ! it may in its con sequences affect every freeman that lives under a British government on the main of America ! It is the best cause, it is the cause of liberty, and I make no doubt but your upright conduct this day will not only entitle you to the love and esteem of your fellow-citizens, but every man who prefers freedom to a life of slavery will bless and honour you, as men who have baffled the attempt of tyranny, and by an impartial and uncorrupt ver dict have laid a noble foundation for securing to ourselves, our posterity, and our neighbours, that to which nature and the laws of our country have THE CITADEL OF AMERICA. 257 given us a right, — the liberty both of exposing and opposing arbitrary power ... by speaking and writing truth ! " After this eloquent appeal De Lancey's charge to the jury fell upon deaf ears. They had scarcely left the court-room when they returned . / Triumphant with the verdict, "Not guilty." The acquittal of . Zenger. scene of the trial was the new City Hall on Wall Street, which had been built in Bello- mont's time ; and never perhaps, not even on the day that witnessed the inauguration of George Washington as president of the United States, did it hear such a shout as that which greeted the acquittal of John Peter Zenger. The judges tried by threats to quell the tumult ; they might as well have tried to stop the flow of the North River. An English naval officer, Captain Norris, of the frigate Tartar, called out that hurrahs were as law ful there as in Westminster Hall, where they were somewhat loud when the seven bishops were ac quitted. At this popular allusion, renewed cheers upon cheers made the welkin ring. A public din ner was given to the venerable Hamilton by the mayor and aldermen, and when it was time for him to start for Philadelphia he was escorted to his sloop with drums and trumpets, like a conquer ing hero. Here we may leave, for the present, the story of the political vicissitudes of the Citadel of America. We may hope to resume the narrative in a later volume, in its connection with the mighty drama of the rise and fall of New France. At present some features of social life among the Knicker bockers demand our attention. CHAPTER XV. KNICKERBOCKER SOCIETY. At the time of the Zenger trial the population of the province of New York had reached 50,000, about one fifth of which was in the city on Man hattan Island. On the east side of the city the New York growth in half a century was noticeable, m 1735. though very slow if rated by modern standards. Houses had arisen pretty closely as far up as John Street, and more sparsely as far as Beekman Street. Especially noteworthy was the increase in wharves and docks, quays and ship yards, which came close upon one another all the way from Whitehall to near the site of the Catha rine Street ferry. Pearl Street was no longer the river bank, for Water Street had been raised above the waves. Looking across to the Brooklyn shore, you would have seen there a dozen or more wooden farmhouses. On the west side of the island the aspect of things was still more rural. There was no north erly and southerly thoroughfare west of Broadway, but cross streets were opened as far up as Cort landt Street, and on the North River were two docks. Up near the present foot of Chambers Street was a garden for popular resort, with a new bowling green or skittles ground. Most of the A Pi an oil the- City of Ne1 JAMES LYNE'S York from an aAual Survey ApOF NEW YORK IN 1728 KNICKERBOCKER SOCIETY. 259 open country between Cortlandt Street and the village of Sappokanikan or Greenwich, an area of more than sixty acres, was then known as the King's Farm. It was the land which the bloom ing widow Anneke Jans had brought to Dominie Bogardus, and it was long known as the Dominie's Bowery. In 1664 it was con- Anneke firmed by Governor Nicolls to Anneke Jans and her heirs. In 1671 five of the heirs sold the farm to Governor Lovelace, and in 1674 the Duke of York confiscated it, so that it was the Duke's Farm until 1685, when with James's accession to the throne it became the King's Farm. In Governor Fletcher's time Trinity Church was founded, and in 1705 Queen Anne granted this farm to the church. It happened that one of the sons of Anneke Jans had not joined in the sale to Lovelace, and the heirs of this son claimed that his failure to join invalidated the sale. At first the property was not of great value, but with the' growth of the city its value increased enormously, and suits in ejectment were brought against Trin ity Church by heirs who coveted the property. Between 1750 and 1847 not less than sixteen or seventeen such suits were brought, with a persist ency which seemed to learn no lessons from de feat. In 1847 Vice-chancellor Sanford decided that, after waiving all other points, the church had acquired a valid title by prescription, and all the adverse claims were vitiated by lapse of time. Above the Freshwater Pond in 1740 there had been little change since 1680, except that there were a few more country houses along the Bowery 260 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Lane. While we note the slow rate of growth in the city, we must also bear in mind the limited extent of the province. Its 50,000 in- itsofthe habitants lived on Long Island and the banks of the Hudson, all save some 2000 Germans who had come in Governor Hunter's time, and had pushed up the Mohawk valley be yond Schenectady, making settlements at German Flats, Palatine Bridge, and Stone Arabia. Far beyond these and quite alone in the wilderness stood the fortified trading-post of Oswego. The territory of the Six Nations, stretching northerly toward the Adirondacks, southerly into the Sus quehanna valley, and westward to Lake Erie, was of course claimed by Corlear as protector and over lord ; but for the present he had as little control over it as the Grand Turk has over Tripoli. It is important to remember, if we would do justice to the pivotal part played by New York in early American history, that so late as 1776, with a population of 170,000, she ranked only seventh among the thirteen states, while her geographical limits had scarcely changed since 1720. The su preme greatness of New York dates from a period subsequent to the Revolution, and in its origin was closely connected with the westward migration from New England, the settlement of the north western states, and the opening of the Erie Canal. In the colonial period the agriculture of New York was considerable, and a great deal of wheat was exported ; but the fur trade was always the controlling interest, and was often the source of immense wealth. Nevertheless, inasmuch as New KNICKERBOCKER SOCIETY. 261 York was preeminently the frontier colony against the French, and as it was made the scene of mili tary operations to a much greater extent than any other colony, it was always necessary to keep up an army. Besides the British regular forces, which were stationed on Manhattan Island, there was a colonial regular army of 2500, and there were more than 15,000 trained militia. These circum stances, as well as the actual frequency of wars between 1690 and 1760, entailed ruinous expense and oppressive taxation, and interfered seriously with the normal growth of the colony. Such a state of things had been to some extent ,, iiiiiAi i Some causes foreseen and dreaded by Andros and of slowness Dongan, as it was deplored by the later governors who had to contend with it. One of the worst ills was the chronic affliction of a depre ciated paper currency. By the end of the French wars New York had a public debt of £300,000, and the taxation, including direct levies upon real and personal property as well as duties on imports, was an acute annoyance. It was probably due to the prevalence of war fare that the power of the assembly was somewhat less and the arbitrariness of the governor comparative somewhat greater than in the other colo- ™heeaa™m°£ nies. After seventy years of arbitrary bly' rule, representative assemblies and incessant war fare began at just the same time in the Citadel of America, with Governor Fletcher. The most important part of the constitutional progress achieved by the assemblies came within the inter val of peace between the Treaty of Utrecht and 262 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. the War of the Austrian Succession. Usually the headquarters of the commanding general were in the city of New York, and various courtly visitors were attracted by the army. More than elsewhere the royal governor had somewhat the air of a sov ereign holding court, and the political atmosphere about him was thick and heavy with Toryism. The officials generally were demonstrative in their loy alty, keeping the king's birthday with festivities and speeches. Under such auspices a powerful Tory party was developed in New York, and in the War of Independence it was made to seem all the wwgs and more powerful in that the Tory John- Tones. gons controUe(j the military policy of the Long House. Nevertheless the Whig party in New York was also very strong and vigorous, nor was it by any means confined to the lower grades of society. Among the leaders of the Revolution ary party were the Schuylers and Livingstons, Van Rensselaers, Van Cortlandts, Morrises, Alexan ders, Clintons, and Jays. It is a common mistake to overrate the strength of New York Toryism. The truth is that both parties were very powerful in their leaders, while beneath there was a surging mass of people with uncertain proclivities, some strongly Whig, some strongly Tory, some inde pendent, some stolidly indifferent to everything outside of private business. The result was seen in excitement and disorder at elections, and occa sional violent vicissitudes in party supremacy. In Massachusetts or Virginia you could usually fore tell the action of the assembly upon an important question, there was so much homogeneity of thought KNICKERBOCKER SOCIETY. 263 among the members of those purely English com munities. But in New York the effects of the few independent thinkers and of the stolid mass were things with which it was difficult to reckon quanti tatively. Similar characteristics have dis- Great value tinguished the state of New York down °* f? The trugt thug confided to James was amply redeemed. There can be little doubt that he was really fond of the young Quaker, and felt in his presence something of the fascination that the brilliant mind will often exert upon minds too narrow and dull to understand it. Moreover, in this case James's policy happened to coincide with his personal inclination. It would be impos sible for any two sects within the limits of the Christian Church to differ more profoundly than the Roman Catholics and the Quakers. Yet cir cumstances were such in Penn's time that this radical hostility did not prevent the existence, for a moment, of something like a tacit alliance be- THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 295 tween the two ; and the same cruel king, who broke the legs and crushed the thumbs of his Scottish Presbyterian subjects with all the zest of an inquisitor, was glad to seize an occasion for setting free the Quakers who crowded the jails of England. This was because Quakers and Catho lics differed so far, though in opposite directions, from the opinions generally held by the English people that they were alike condemned by every body. Even the warmest advocates of toleration were wont to make an exception in the case of Catholics and Quakers, who for different reasons were regarded as hardly within the pale of Chris tianity. Hence Quakers and Catholics had, for the moment, an interest in common, as opposed to the intermediate Christian sects, and hence, both as duke and afterward as king, the Catholic James found it worth his while to befriend the chief of the Quakers. It was a singular alliance, that between the man for whom such words as pity and clemency were meaningless terms, and the man whose faith in the ethical teachings of Jesus was so genuine that he was eager to see them embodied in civil legislation and made the cornerstone of a new Christian state. It is strange to think of the champion of truthfulness and toleration as a Jacobite, leagued in political bonds of sympathy with a family whose very name has come to be almost a synonym for bigotry and falsehood. It is this singular alliance which once kindled the wrath of the hasty" ays prejudiced and impetuous Macaulay, and led him to bring some foul charges against Penn's integrity. 296 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Of Macaulay's charges, the only one that needs The Maids mention 1 is that which relates to the of Taunton. affair of the Maidg of Taunton. When the handsome Duke of Monmouth was making his silly attempt to dethrone James II. , and on a bright June day of the year 1685 rode into Taun ton with much bustle and parade, he was met in the market-place by a procession of school-girls, from ten or twelve to sixteen years, all in their prettiest summer gowns. They gave him a royal standard richly embroidered, and the good school mistress gave him a Bible, and all felt, no doubt, that they had done what was right. A few weeks later, when Monmouth had begged for life in vain, and the ghastly skulls of his adherents were bleaching over many a city gate, and the execrable Jeffreys was holding his Bloody Assizes, some of the queen's maids of honour asked the king for permission to threaten these poor children, of whose frolic they had heard, in order to extort blackmail from their parents. James granted the infamous permission. The story of the consequent distress and misery at Taunton almost makes one ashamed of belonging to the human race. One young girl was snatched from home and thrown into a dungeon, where she died of fever. Another 1 They were conclusively refuted by W. E. Forster, in his pre face to a new edition of Clarkson's Life of Penn, London, 1850 ; and by Hepworth Dixon, in his Life of Penn, London, 1851 ; and others. After Macaulay had replied to his critics, the matter was again taken up and treated with consummate ability, by John Paget, in his New Examen, London, 1861. Mr. Paget's evidence and arguments are absolutely conclusive, and leave Macaulay in a very sorry plight. THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 297 mustered courage to go into court and declare her innocence of evil intent and beg the hyena Jef freys for mercy. His only answer was to put on one of his hideous frowns and shout, " Take her away, jailer ! " She was led away shivering and sobbing, and died within a few hours, literally frightened to death. Out of such sufferings the queen's ladies tried to make £7000, but were obliged to desist long before their greed was sat isfied. Now, when Macaulay found that the name of the solicitor who represented the maids of honour in this devil's work was " Mr. Penne," it seemed to him to furnish welcome proof that anybody who stood high in favour with James II. must be more or less of a knave. So he seized the occasion for inculcating a moral lesson for the benefit of all admirers of the founder of Pennsylvania. " The maids of honour," says Macaulay, discreditahie " requested William Penn to act for them, and Penn accepted the commission. Yet it should seem that a little of the pertinacious scru pulosity which he had often shown about taking off his hat would not have been altogether out of place on this occasion."1 Macaulay went on to speculate ingeniously as to the arguments by which Penn might have succeeded in silencing the voice of conscience. Many of us can still remem ber how Macaulay's readers, more than forty years ago, were astounded by this grave accusation. But when, after more careful inquiry, it turned out that the " Mr. Penne " in question was not the 1 Macaulay's History of England, cabinet edition, ii. 235. 298 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. great Quaker at all, but a certain George Penne, a notorious pettifogger and pardon-broker at the vile Stuart court, the historian's moral lesson lost much of its point, and one could not help feeling that once more in this dull world there had been some very vigorous barking up the wrong tree ! None of the charges brought against William Penn have been adequately supported ; and so far was his character from deteriorating through his intimacy with James II. , that at no time in his life does he seem more honest, brave, and lovable than during the years, so full of trouble for him, that intervened between the accession of James and the accession of Anne. As for the king, Penn always maintained that, with all his faults, he was not so black as people painted him ; and this we may readily admit. A man who had and retained such friends as Nicolls and Dongan could not have been entirely devoid of redeeming traits. not awake But there was one side of James's char- treacherous acter to which Penn was not sufficiently awake. Unlike other Stuarts in many respects, James was as false as any of the race, but his treacherousness was more or less concealed under an appearance of honest and awkward dul ness. One would not look for Machiavelism in such a dense atmosphere. Nevertheless, James was able to impress Penn with the belief that in extending royal favour to Quakers he had the interests of religious liberty at heart, and, so .long as Penn was thus hoodwinked, his demeanour towards the king was liable to be such as to excite the suspicion of patriots, who realized how danger- THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 299 ous that personage really was. When the great Quaker came to be known as a royal favourite, and scores of people crowded his doorsteps, in order to obtain through him royal aid for their schemes, he was at once placed in a position that could hardly fail to be misunderstood. The difficulty of his position was well illustrated in the famous case of the Seven Bishops. It should be distinctly understood that in -l nan t-i i i '. . . i i The affair looi Jimgland was in serious danger, and of the seven . . . . . Bishops. that the interests of civil and religious liberty were gravely imperilled. All over Europe the Counter-Reformation had made alarming pro gress; and the ground gained by the peace of West phalia, in 1648, seemed for the moment lost again. The most recent great event was the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and Louis XIV. seemed as formidable as in later days Napoleon at Tilsit. Under these circumstances the intense anti-Catho lic excitement in England was natural ; it was one of the forms assumed by the instinct of self-preser vation. The new king of England intended to destroy Protestantism, and civil liberty with it, wherever he could. To achieve his ends he relied ultimately upon military force to be summoned from Ireland, and aid to be extended by the king of France, as well as upon the development of a strong party loyal to himself in England. For this latter purpose he offered favours to Dis senters, hoping to secure their support until the time when he should feel strong enough to desert and betray them. Hence his attempt, under the hypocritical pretence of liberality in matters of 300 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. religion, to annul the various test acts which, in the course of his brother's reign, had been passed against Presbyterians, Independents, Baptists, and Quakers, as well as Roman Catholics. Parliament would not repeal these acts, and so James tried to override them by a royal Declaration of Indul gence, thus setting himself up above the law. Such favours law-abiding Englishmen were slow to avail themselves of; there were many, like Richard Baxter, who suspected the trick and warned their fellow-dissenters. The king, by an order in council, commanded the ministers of all persuasions, in all churches and chapels through out the kingdom, to read his Declaration aloud to their congregations on two successive Sundays. Before the first Sunday arrived, a petition signed by Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury, and six suffragan bishops, protesting against the order in council, was served upon the king. When Sun day came, not more than two hundred clergymen in all England read the Declaration. In West minster Abbey it was read amid such murmurs that not a word could be heard. In another church the minister sarcastically observed that, though he was commanded to read it, the people were not commanded to hear it ; so he waited till all had gone out, and then read it to the walls.1 Forthwith the seven recalcitrant bishops were brought to trial on a criminal information for seditious libel ; and in the shouts with which Lon don greeted the verdict of " Not guilty " there resounded the death-knell of Stuart kingcraft. 1 Burnet's My Own Times, iii. 218. THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 301 Now, while this intense popular excitement was thoroughly sound, it cannot be denied that the refusal of the seven bishops was, on the face of it, a protest against a policy of religious toleration, and doubtless, among the motives by which they were actuated, there was something of narrow bigotry as well as of patriotism and reverence for law.1 It was therefore impossible for William Penn to sympathize with these prelates, or with the popular enthusiasm by which of sympathy they were supported. He did not suspect popular the king's double-dealing ; his zeal for perfect liberty of conscience was much greater than his dread of the Counter-Reformation ; and from Episcopacy he and his friends had met with little save contumely and oppression. Politically, while he was as far as possible from sympathizing with the Tories, Penn was clearly not a Whig. His ideals were strongly republican. With regard to the much-desired boon of religious liberty, the object of his lifelong yearning, it seemed too great a boon to refuse, no matter how objectionable the shape in which it might be offered. He would have preferred to see all test acts abolished by Parliament, but when a king undertook to over ride such vile laws, he could not find it in his heart to oppose him. Thus did Penn find himself, in this national crisis, quite out of sympathy with the national feeling. The natural results followed. He was called " William the Jesuit," an emissary 1 This view of the case is urged, with plausible eloquence but somewhat superficial argument, by Buckle, in his History of Civilization, i. 361-373. 302 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. in the pay of Rome ; he was accused of saying mass at Whitehall ; he was supposed to notions have prompted the king to his Declara tion of Indulgence ; and even the high handed arrest of the seven bishops was laid at his door, although he earnestly disapproved of it. No aspersion was too black to be cast upon him.1 He suffered all the more injustice because of the noble courage with which he declared his opinions, then as always. When William III. arrived, and it became fashionable to vilify or deride the exiled James, Penn's beautiful fidelity to his old guardian was unimpaired, and he had always his good word to say for the fallen prince. It followed from all this that many persons believed our good Quaker to be implicated in Jacobite plots, and in the year 1691 he pectedof felt that prudence required him to live with the y very quietly in obscure lodgings in the city of London. For an innocent man it seemed better thus than to seek safety abroad,2 and Penn was sure that he could satisfy William III. 1 Clarkson's Life of Penn, ii. 11. 2 Macaulay, indeed, makes him escape to Prance in the autumn of 1691, but his only authority is the Diary of the book-collector Narcissus Luttrell, as worthless a mess of rubbish as was ever printed. On the other hand, Paget has proved that Penn was in London during the whole of his " retirement." Macaulay goes on : " Scarcely had he again begun to harangue in public about the unlawfulness of war, when he sent a message earnestly exhorting James to make an immediate descent on Eng land with 30,000 men." (History of England, vi. 32.) The memorandum on which this charge is based is, as Macaulay tells us, " among the Nairne MSS. and was translated by Macpherson," whereat the reader is no doubt duly overawed. Macaulay ought THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 303 of his innocence of any complicity with Jacobite intrigues. For more than two years he continued to live thus in retirement, writing a number of admirable books and pamphlets, one of which, entitled " Fruits of Solitude," is in some respects the most charming of his works. During this period an incident occurred which deserves men tion for its intrinsic interest in coupling Penn's name with that of John Locke. In 1685, during Monmouth's insurrection, the great philosopher was in Holland. His patron, Lord Shaftesbury, had once supported Monmouth's claim to Penn and the succession, and there were dastardly Looke- creatures who whispered in King James's ear sus picions of Locke. At that time Penn wrote to Locke, offering him from the king full pardon and amnesty for whatever he might have done, and bidding him feel quite free to return to England ; for, quoth Penn most naively, " I am sure none can mistrust the king's word ! " But the sagacious Locke did mistrust it. He replied sententiously that " he had no occasion for a pardon, having committed no crime," and he stayed in the Netherlands. Now in 1691, while Penn was under a cloud, Locke stood very high in the favour of William III., and the spirit moved him to do something for his old Oxford friend. He made his way to Penn's lodgings in the city, and offered to secure for him from the king full pardon and grace for whatsoever complications he to have added that the writer of- the memorandum was one Cap tain Williamson, a hired spy of low character, whose unsupported statements are of no value. 304 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. might have been drawn into. One fancies it must have been with a merry laugh that Penn, in de clining the friendly offer, quoted against Locke his own sentiment, " the innocent need no par don." 1 King William was doubtless quite satisfied of ffiiiiamin. Penn's innocence of complicity with Ja- Pennrf'ws cobite schemes, but other circumstances govsrn-tary came in to influence his conduct toward ment' the proprietor of Pennsylvania. In the mighty and irrepressible conflict with the powers of darkness as embodied in Louis XIV., who could tell what would become of the Dutch and Quaker colonies that occupied the citadel of North America ? It would not do to leave Pennsylvania in the hands of men who had conscientious scru ples about drawing a sword or firing a gun. Mil itary policy forbade such a thing. Accordingly, in March, 1693, an order in council deprived Penn of his proprietary government. Pennsylvania was made into a royal province and consigned to the rule of Benjamin Fletcher, the soldier who then governed New York. This blow was made all the more shocking for Penn by the news of the defection of his Keith's de- old friend, George Keith, who had been one of his companions in the memorable Low German tour of 1677. Keith enjoyed a high reputation for linguistic and scientific attainments. In 1689 he was headmaster of the first Quaker school in Philadelphia, now known as the William 1 Stoughton's William Penn, p. 262 ; Fox-Bourne's Life of John Locke, ii. 24. THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 305 Penn Charter School, and there he began to find fault with his brethren for making too much of the Inward Light and too little of Christ and the Scriptures. His dissent grew more and more emphatic, and extended to such matters of detail as the condemnation of capital punishment. The Yearly Meeting at Philadelphia rejected his views, but he had many sympathizers, who were known for some time as " Keithian Quakers." It was not long, however, before Keith passed over to Episcopacy. After a visit to England he came back to America in 1700 as the first missionary of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, and travelled about the country making converts and organizing new Episcopal churches. Most of the Keithian Quakers likewise went back into the Church of England. The loss of his province, the defection of his old friend, and the knowledge that some of his fellow- Quakers suspected him of sympathy with Jesuits, were blows which it taxed all of Penn's buoyant strength to bear. Added to those calamities came the loss of his wife, in February, 1694. But soon after, in the midst of the valley of the shadow of death, there came voices of comfort. Renewed expressions of love and trust on the part of his brethren were followed, in August, 1694, The ^ by an order in council restoring to Penn pes^°™ sg0T. the proprietary government of his wood- ernment- land in the New World. Again we find him trav elling and preaching in England and Ireland : in 1696 he is married to Hannah Callowhill, a " de vout and comely maiden " of Bristol ; and in 306 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. 1699, with this new wife and his grown-up chil dren, William and Letitia, he comes once more across the wave to visit his woodland. When Penn arrived in Philadelphia, the city had scarcely recovered from the panic into toPhiiadei- which it had been thrown by a deadly visitation of yellow fever. But, in spite of the pale, scared faces, the evidences of prosper ity abounded on every side. There were more than 700 houses in the city, indicating a popula tion of not less than 4000 souls. There were some spacious and well-built brick warehouses, and two Friends' meeting-houses, as well as an Episcopal church. Here and there were gardens brilliant with roses, lilies, and carnations. Penn now dwelt for a while in the famous " Slate-roof House," at the corner of Second Street and Norris Alley, which was pulled down in 1867. But he much preferred a country home, called Pennsbury, in Bucks county, northeast of the little city. There in 1682 he had begun building a fine house, which cost him ,£7000. An inventory of the furniture mentions plush couches, embroidered chairs, cur tains of camlet and satin, and in the drawing-room such a carpet as was seldom seen outside of a palace. The silver and china were of the finest, and Penn's orders to his steward show that asceti- His home cism formed no part of his theory of life. and habits. Not yain display) but ref5ne(J an(i bounti ful comfort, was his ideal. He could appreciate a toothsome haunch of venison, and tells how " the old priest at Philadelphia had rare shads." With THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 307 such a companion he would sit till a late hour dis cussing learned questions over a stoup of good ale or wine/ He was much interested, like Washing ton, in the details of domestic affairs; and the devout maiden of Bristol, whose executive ability was marked and manifold, proved a most compe tent housewife. Between his rural mansion and Philadelphia, the Lord Proprietor used either to ride his horse by the river's bank, or to go on the river in a six- oared barge, of which he was very fond. " Above all dead things," he wrote to his steward, " take care of my barge." Once, on a stormy day, as he was fighting the waves with it, the governor of New Jersey overhauled him, and expressed sur prise that he should thus venture out HiB ready against such a wind and tide. Quick Wlt and pithy was the reply : " I have been sailing against wind and tide all my life." In the government of his New World province he encountered other adverse winds and tides than those of the Delaware River. From the outset, there was a human element of strife in the City of Brotherly Love. There was, first, the question as to how much or how little democracy might best comport with the proprietary rule. Penn was, for his age, an advanced democrat ; yet he never ceased to regard himself as a kind of patriarch who knew much better what was good Democratic for his little sylvan community than the iuestlons- people themselves. In this assumption he was 1 See Swift's letter to Stella, September 30, 1710, in his Works, ed. Scott, ii. 37. 308 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. very likely correct ; but it is one of the essential features of thorough-going democracy that those who do not know what is best should have a much greater part in governing than those who do know, since they are much the more numerous. In the minds of many people, democracy rests upon the colossal untruth that " one man is as good as another," 1 so that a large number are more likely to be right than a small number. In reality de mocracy rests upon the ubiquitous fact that all men are directly interested in securing good gov ernment, while its successes have often been due to its practical recognition of the truth that some men are born to lead and others to follow. The fact that William Penn was a born leader was too obvious to be questioned, and between him and his people there was not much contention. But with his deputies, when he was absent in England, the case was different. Constitutional questions at once came to the foreground, and one of the first was that which concerned the shares to be taken by the assembly and the council in the work of legislation. It was Penn's original intention to give the sole power of originating laws to the council, while all laws required confirmation by the assembly. But this scheme was never realized. By 1693 all power of law-making was absorbed by the assembly, while the council became a mere board of advisers to the governor ; and thence- 1 The only sense in which this can at all be said to be true is the Irishman's : " Why, Patrick," exclaims the landlord, whose mind is dallying with Bentonian ideas, " is n't one man as good aa another ? " " Faith, he is, your honour, and a d — d sight better ! " THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 309 forth for a hundred years the government of Penn sylvania was practically unicameral. Along with such questions there were disagree ments between the " province " and the t-» i Pennsylva- " territories, or between Pennsylvania ma and i-i ii Delaware. and Delaware, which resulted perma nently in separate legislatures for the two. There were also troubles between Quakers and non- Quakers, especially the members of the Church of England. Some increment of confusion and bit terness came from Keith's apostasy. Meanwhile the quit-rents failed to be collected, and each dis satisfied party was inclined to accuse its antago nists of surreptitious dealings with the ubiquitous pirates. Penn approached the situation in a most amiable spirit. " Friends," said he, " if in the constitution by charter there be anything that jars, alter it." The revised charter of 1701 comprised Therevi8ed but nine articles. The first grants liberty charter- of conscience to all who " confess and acknowledge Almighty God," which, on a strict interpreta tion, would have admitted Mussulmans and Jews, and would have excluded such persons as Denis Diderot or the late Mr. Bradlaugh. At the same time, the right to hold executive or legislative offices was restricted to persons " who profess to believe in Jesus Christ," a provision which ought hardly to have barred out Unitarians, but was sometimes used for that purpose. The second article " requires an assembly to be chosen yearly by the freemen, to consist of four persons or more from each county. This assembly 310 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. has full powers to choose its officers, to judge of the qualifications of its own members, to adjourn itself, to prepare bills and make laws, impeach criminals and redress grievances, ' with all other powers and privileges of an assembly, according to the rights of free-born subjects of England.' " The third requires the freemen to elect two or three people for each position of sheriff or coroner or other court officers, and the governor to choose among them ; or, if the governor fails to select, the first named shall serve. " The fourth declares that all laws shall be issued in the form, ' By the Governor, with the consent and approbation of the freemen in General Assembly met.' " The fifth allows all criminals to have the same privileges of witnesses and counsel as their prose cutors. "The sixth requires that all cases concerning property shall be decided by courts of justice, and not by governor and council. " The seventh prevents any one receiving a tavern license who is not recommended by the justices, and allows the justices to suppress a dis orderly public house. "The eighth prevents the forfeiture of the estates of suicides or intestates ; prohibits any law contrary to this charter without the consent of the governor and six sevenths of the assembly ; and pledges the Proprietor to observe inviolably the first article concerning liberty of conscience. " Lastly, the Proprietor binds himself and heirs not to destroy the liberties of the charter, aud THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 311 declares such actions, if attempted, to be of no force or effect." 1 Scarcely had this charter begun to go into oper ation when Penn felt it necessary to return once more to England. There was always a more or less powerful opposition to his lord-proprietorship, and he felt that he must be near the throne in order to protect his interests and ensure the suc cess of the holy experiment. The accession of Queen Anne, in 1701, was in many ways p ii -r» mi i i • i Divergence favourable to Penn. Ihe late king, who in policy be- could admire him for his fearlessness and William and his breadth of view, was never fully in sympathy with him. Something like a gulf divided the preacher of universal peace and brotherly love from the warlike king to whose lot it had fallen to defeat a most formidable conspir acy for depriving human civilization of all that it had gained since the days of Wyclif. Louis XIV. was the great champion of ideas and methods which would have made Europe no better than Cathay, of the spirit of civil and religious despotism, — the accursed thing which Voltaire afterward stigmatized as " The Infamous." The policy of Z/'Infame was one of blood and iron, and with blood and iron the mighty Dutchman must oppose it. Thus William of Orange was beset by a chronic temptation to interfere with the holy experiment. In 1701 he asked Pennsyl vania to contribute £350 toward erecting fortifi cations upon the northern frontier of New York, and thus a serious question was raised. Could a 1 Sharpless, A Quaker Experiment in Government, pp. 04 -66. 312 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Quaker legislature properly vote money for mili tary purposes ? Different opinions were expressed. could Qua- Some worthy Friends, who abhorred war- hTseif-gd" fare as much as any, nevertheless did fence? nofc feej i;,ouruj to sit still and let the enemy cut their throats. Others deemed it right to adhere to their principles and trust in Provi dence for the result. So for four days " there was an unpleasant parley," which ended in a post ponement of the vote, while sundry resolutions were adopted, vague and ambiguous enough for any modern political platform. Warned by such symptoms, Penn was careful to leave in the pro vince deputy-governors who were not averse to fighting in self-defence. In the Christmas time of 1701, Penn arrived once more in England ; before Easter return to the great king had passed away, and by Whitsuntide the gigantic war of the Spanish Succession had begun. Queen Anne was inclined to befriend Penn for her father's sake, and there was no further serious risk of his losing his province. Of his military deputies, however, one contrived, through excess of zeal, to make much trouble. The appointment of this man, John Evans, was one of a number of instances which seem to show that Penn was liable to err in his judgments of character. He was The deputy- i .... governor, apt to be too generous in his estimates John Evans. ° of men. Lvans was a youth of five-and- twenty or so, with some scholar-like traits which attracted Penn's admiration, but he soon showed himself unworthy of trust. There was not much THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 313 danger of an attack upon the little Quaker com monwealth on the Delaware River ; that commu nity did not extend westward enough, nor did the French- Algonquin conflagration, against which New York and New England were fighting, as yet extend westward enough ; the Five Nations, an insuperable barrier, stood between. But Evans, who was not a Quaker, believed in going forth to smite the hosts of Amalek, and to help the cause of England wherever it was imperilled. His call for troops met with no response, whereupon he resorted to an almost incredibly shameful and puerile trick. On a bright spring day in 1706, while the good people of Phila delphia were holding their annual fair, a courier came spurring into the town with consternation depicted upon his face, and announced that a dozen French warships were coming up the river. The governor straightway sprang upon his horse and cantered about the streets, waving a drawn sword and calling people to arms. At this sudden alarm, which was simply a brazen falsehood, some people threw their silver spoons and goblets into their wells for hiding, some ran out to the woods, some crowded into boats and hurried up the river, a few poor women were frightened into miscar riage ; but the scare was soon over, and the silly Evans became an object of scorn.1 The failure of 1 It is of course this false alarm to which one of the old settlers, Thomas Makin, alludes in his Descriptio Pennsylvania, 1729, dedicated to James Logan : — Sed semel hsec rumor mendax clamavit ad anna, Incola cui nimium credulus omnis erat. 314 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. this artificial attempt to create a panic, in the absence of the natural conditions, is instructive. Of the Quakers it is said that very few took part in the momentary excitement. Most of them were gathered at a religious meeting, and during the hubbub they went on quietly with their devotions. Only four Quakers were found under arms at the governor's place of rendezvous. Still bent upon contributing something to the war against Antichrist, the clumsy Evans persuaded the people of the Delaware settlements to build a fort Powder a* Newcastle, and to clap a duty on car- money, goes passing either to or from Philadel phia. This tax, which was known as " powder money," was a violation of Penn's charter ; where upon three stout Quakers — Richard Hill, Isaac Norris, and Samuel Preston, gentlemen of high consideration — ran a sloop down past the fort ress, at the cost of a bullet-hole in their main sail, and when the commander gave chase they captured him and carried him to Salem, on the Jersey shore, where, after some coarse rebuke from Lord Cornbury, who happened to be there, Hsec malesana die fuit acta tragcedia quadam, Cum convenerunt undique turba frequens ; Scilicet ut major fieret commotus in urbe, .Notior et mutis rumor ubique foret, Usque adeo fuit hac conf usus in urbe tumultus, Ut neque tunc leges, ordo nee ullus erat. Hie removere sua instanti properabat ab hoste, Ille nihil contra jussit ab urbe vehi ; Sed quodcunque sibi voluit dementia talis, Hsec damno multis est memoranda dies : Vespere sed tandem fuit hoc stratagema detectum, Fabula tuuc istam finiit acta diem. See Proud's History of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1797, i. 469. THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 315 he was sent about his business. This was the end of " powder money." Evans, moreover, disgusted people by his loose living. Rumour attributed to him scandalous ad ventures with Indian squaws and white women,1 and he seems to have been something of a tippler and a brawler withal ; for once the watchman, " Solomon Cresson, going his rounds at night, en tered a tavern to suppress a riotous as- Penn's sembly, and found there John Evans, wretched Esq., the governor, who fell to beating Cresson." 2 On such occasions one of the gov ernor's boon companions was young William Penn, the unworthy son of the Proprietor. The antics of this graceless boy nearly broke his father's heart. These troubles were presently followed by a dire calamity. For steward of his province Penn had appointed one Philip Ford, who turned out to be a scoundrel. It was a fresh illustration of Penn's weakest point, an occasional slowness in recognizing the bad side of human nature. With all the worldly wisdom of which he had so much, Penn now and then showed a streak of guilelessness that reminds one of Tom Pinch. This trait helps us to understand his belief in the honesty of James II. The wretched Ford died in 1706, leaving a very murky set of accounts, and a widow and son as unscrupulous as himself. In these days Penn, in spite of his wealth, often found himself in need of ready money. Large sums were sunk in his holy experiment ; his disso- 1 Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, ii. 273. 2 Id. ii. 481. 316 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. lute son had debts amounting to £10,000 ; and his daughter's husband, William Aubrey, a mean- spirited creature, extorted money from him. At one time Penn borrowed money of Ford, and mort gaged his province of Pennsylvania as security ; when he repaid the loan, he neglected to get back from Ford the bond and mortgage. So after Ford's death his widow and son brought against Penn a trumped-up claim for £14,000, and peti tioned Queen Anne to hand over to them the pro prietorship of Pennsylvania. The base attempt failed, but not until it had led to Penn's incarcer ation for nine months in the Fleet prison. By 1712 Penn was on the point of selling for £12,000 his proprietary government to the crown, while retaining the landed estates which Penn's ill- i • ?> -r, ness and he owned in Pennsylvania. But in the death. c 1 course of that year a paralytic stroke nearly put an end to his power of doing business. He lingered for six years, with memory failing until he could scarcely recognize his nearest friends. The contemplated surrender of the proprietary government was never made ; but after divers questions had been decided by the courts, it passed to the founder's three surviving sons by his second wife. Of these the eldest, John Penn, called " the American " because he was born in Philadelphia in 1700, died in England in 1746 without issue. The second brother, Thomas Penn, died in England in 1775, leaving two sons, John and Granville, both of whom attained distinction. The third brother, Richard Penn, died in England in 1771, leaving two sons, John and Richard, who THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 317 were successively lieutenant-governors of Pennsyl vania. When the proprietary government came to an end in 1776, it was in the possession of these heirs of Thomas and Richard. For seven years after the founder's death, while his three sons were still young, the interests of the proprietorship were managed with great ability by his widow. One of the most important personages in the Quaker commonwealth was James Logan, the friend of the founder and representative of his ideas. This remarkable man, a native of Ulster, was descended from the Scotch Logans of Resta- brig who lost their estates for connection with the mysterious Gowrie conspiracy. James Jame8 was an infant prodigy ; at the age of Logan' twelve his attainments in Greek, Latin, and He brew had attracted much notice, and he afterward attained distinction in modern languages, mathe matics, physics, and natural history. Penn brought him to Philadelphia on his second coming, in 1699, and for the next forty years he was always in some high position, — secretary of the province, member of the council, judge of common pleas, chief justice, mayor of Philadelphia, and, in 1736- 38, acting-governor of Pennsylvania. Like his friend Penn, he knew how to win and keep the confidence of the red men, and it was in honour of him that the chieftain Tagahjute received the name of Logan, long to be remembered for the tale of woe which cast such unjust aspersions upon the fame of Captain Michael Cresap.1 The singu- 1 See my American Revolution, ii. 98 ; revised and illustrated edition, ii. 102. 318 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Iar variety of his genius is shown by the fact that his friend Linnaeus, in compliment to his botanical attainments, named after him a natural order of herbs and shrubs, the Loganiacese, containing some 30 genera in 350 species, of which strychnos nux vomica is one of the best known. He published Latin essays on reproduction in plants, and on the aberration of light ; translated Cato's " Disticha " and Cicero's " De Senectute ; " and bequeathed to the city his library of 2000 volumes, comprising all the Latin classics, and more than a hundred folios in Greek, with the original edition of Ptolemy's " Almagest " and Timon's commentary, " from my learned friend Fabricius, who published fourteen volumes of his ' Bibliotheca Grseca ' in quarto, in which, after he had finished his account of Ptolemy, on my inquiring from him at Hamburg how I should find it, having long sought for it in vain in England, he sent it to me out of his own library, telling me it was so scarce that neither price nor prayers could purchase it." A very different figure was that of the stout Welshman, David Lloyd, whom Penn sent over in 1686 to be attorney-general of the province. At David various times Lloyd was member of the Lloyd' assembly and of the council, judge of admiralty, and chief justice of the commonwealth. Without any pretence to such profound and varied attainments as Logan's, he was a learned jurist and had an extensive knowledge of Welsh history and philology. In politics Lloyd represented the pop ular party, while Logan stood for the proprietary interests and prerogatives of the Penns, and the THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 319 strife between them was often intense and bitter. The general character of Pennsylvania politics early in the eighteenth century we have already indicated ; the details are so closely implicated with the struggle against France that they will be best treated in my future volumes which are to deal with that mighty conflict. Lloyd was conten tious, and his methods were sometimes objection able, but they surely helped to carry out Penn's democratic ideas to their logical conclusions.1 The associations connected with such men as Logan and Penn served at once to give something of a literary atmosphere to Philadelphia, which was greatly heightened after the return of Benjamin Benjamin Franklin from London in 1726. Franklil1' The founding of the Philadelphia Library in 1731, of the American Philosophical Society in 1743, and of the University of Pennsylvania in 1749-55, were evidences of the rapid development of the Quaker commonwealth in scholarship and in liter ary tastes. In these respects Philadelphia was in contrast with New York, and by the middle of the eighteenth century her reputation for culture was second only to that of Boston and Cambridge. The immense contributions made by Franklin to the higher life of Philadelphia are a striking com mentary upon the excellence of Penn's unflinching insistence upon " soul liberty." Franklin, though born in Boston, was hardly a product of the Puri tan theocracy. His parents, who did not quit their ancient home in Northamptonshire until a few years before his birth, were Puritans of a liberal 1 Cf. Sharpless, A Quaker Experiment in Government, p, 97. 320 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. type who had but lately left the Church of Eng land. The atmosphere of Boston was too stifling for the youthful Benjamin, who was born with the temperament of a free-thinker, and soon began to hear himself called an " infidel." There can be no doubt that this circumstance was potent in turning the young man's attention to the more lib eral Dutch and Quaker commonwealths,1 and thus his footsteps were led to Pennsylvania, which could furnish more work for printers than New York. Thus Boston's loss was Philadelphia's gain. In spite of their liberalism, the Quakers attached far less importance to education than the Puritans of New England. The majority of their preachers Attitude of ar,d instructors were men of high moral toward3 tone ail(l spiritual insight with scant learning. learning, like George Fox himself. Fox used to say that " God stood in no need of human learning," and that " Oxford and Cambridge could not make a minister." Quakers, in studying the Bible, depended upon their Inner Light rather than that critical interpretation of texts to which the orthodox Puritans attached so much impor tance. A knowledge of Hebrew, therefore, was not highly valued ; and as for Greek and Latin literature, it was the unsanctified work of pagans, while the poets of France and Italy dealt with worldly and frivolous themes. In these respects 1 " I was rather inclined to leave Boston when I reflected that I had already made myself a little obnoxious to the governing party, . . . and farther, that my indiscreet disputations about re ligion began to make me pointed at with horror by good people as an infidel or atheist." Franklin's Autobiography, ed. Bigelow, 1868, p. 106. THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 321 we must remember that Penn was as far from be ing a typical Quaker as Milton, with his pervading artistic sense, his love of music and the theatre, and his long curling hair, was from being a typical Puritan. George Fox and John Cotton are respec tively the typical men. The latter, who spent twelve hours a day in study and said, " I love to sweeten my mouth with a piece of Calvin before I go to sleep," could write and speak fluently in Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, besides carrying a ponderous burden of philological, metaphysical, and theologi cal erudition. Among the Puritan divines of New England, real scholarship was commonly found, and it was sometimes of a high order ; and this was because sound scholarship was supposed to be conducive to soundness in doctrines. This explains the founding of Harvard College in the wilderness in 1636. To the Quaker, whose mind was directly illumi nated by light from above, this elaborate equip ment was mere rubbish. It was therefore not strange that in colonial times the higher education in Pennsylvania owed little to Quakers. They were nevertheless careful, as people of practi- Thefirst cal sense, to teach their children "the sch00ls- three R's," and it was unusual to find a member of the community who could not write and cipher. The first school in Philadelphia was opened in 1683, when the town was scarcely a year old. In that humble establishment the master, Enoch Flower, taught reading for four shillings per quar ter ; for six shillings the pupil could add writing, and for eight shillings arithmetic likewise, to his 322 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. initial accomplishment. In 1689 the Society of Friends set up their public school, which was char tered by Penn in 1711. The impulse toward literary culture, given from the outset by Penn and his friends, was visible in the early establishment of a printing-press, the The Brad- ^rs^ one south of New England, by Wil- ford8' Ham Bradford, in 1685. In 1690 the same Bradford set up a paper-mill on the bank of the Schuylkill. After his removal to New York in 1693,1 his son Andrew kept up the press, with a considerable bookstore, and in 1719 issued the first newspaper in the middle colonies. In 1735 he was finely established as a bookseller at the sign of the Bible in Second Street, whence he after ward moved to South Front Street, and in 1741 began to publish " The American Magazine." In the following year Andrew's nephew, William Bradford, started the "Pennsylvania Journal," which was continued under that name until 1801, when it became " The True American." It was in Andrew Bradford's office that Franklin in 1723 found work as a compositor. The standard Eng lish books of the period could be found on the shelves of Philadelphia booksellers, and the de mand for such works as Robertson's " Charles V." and Blackstone's "Commentaries" was so great that they were reprinted. Among Pennsylvanians who attained distinction for scientific or literary achievement were the astronomer David Ritten- house, the botanists John Bartram and his son William, the self-taught mathematician Thomas 1 See above, p. 249. THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 323 Godfrey, one of the inventors of Hadley's so-called quadrant,1 and his son Thomas, author of the first American dramatic work, " The Prince The first of Parthia." This tragedy, rapid and American strong in action, and dignified, if some what monotonous and conventional in its language,2 1 This useful instrument, which is more properly called a sex tant, was invented by Thomas Godfrey and also by John Hadley. The Royal Society decided that both were entitled to the credit of the invention, and awarded to each a prize of £200. 2 On a. stormy night two arch-conspirators thus parley to gether : — Vardanes. — "Why rage the elements ? They are not cursed Like me ! Evanthe frowns not angry on them; The wind may play upon her beauteous bosom, Nor fear her chiding ; light can bless her sense, And in the floating mirror she beholds Those beauties which can fetter all mankind. Lysias. — My lord, forget her ; tear her from your breast. Who, like the Phrenix, gazes on the sun, And strives to soar up to the glorious blaze, Should never leave ambition's brightest object, To turn and view the beauties of a flower. Vardanes. — O Lysias, chide no more, fori have done. Yes, I '11 forget the proud disdainful beauty. "Hence with vain love ! ambition now alone Shall guide my actions. Since mankind delights To give me pain, I '11 study mischief too, And shake the earth, e'en like this raging tempest, Lysias. — A night like this, so dreadful to behold, Since my remembrance' birth I never saw. Vardaijes. — 'E'en such a night, dreadful as this, they say, My teeming mother gave me to the world. Whence by those sages who, in knowledge rich, Can pry into futurity and tell What distant ages will produce of wonder, My days were deemed to be a hurricane. Lysias. — Then, haste to raise the tempest. My soul disdains this one eternal round, Where each succeeding day is like the former. Trust me, my noble prince, here is a heart Steady and firm to all your purposes ; And here 's a hand that knows to execute Whate'er designs thy daring breast can form, Nor ever shake with fear. See Godfrey's Juvenile Poems, ed. Evans, Philadelphia, 1767. 324 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. suggests that, had not the author been cut off at the early age of seven-and-twenty, he might have won honourable mention among English poets. At the time when the first American drama was written, the stage was generally viewed with strong disapproval, except in New York, where the first theatre was opened in 1761, in spite of some feeble remonstrances. In Philadelphia a little company of players undertook in 1749 to give the ot the thea- public a taste of Shakespeare under im provised conditions, but the performance was suppressed by the magistrates. After two or three further abortive attempts, the Old South- wark Theatre went into operation in 1766, and the most vehement efforts to close it were unsuc cessful. It is worthy of note that, among the strait-laced persons who deemed it scandalous to look on at " Hamlet " or " Othello," there were not a few who took delight in cock-fighting and bull- baiting.1 The chief occupation of Pennyslvanians was agriculture, but there was also a brisk Agriculture ° and com- commerce, and towns grew up rapidly. Soon after the middle of the century, Philadelphia, with a population of 30,000, was the largest city of the English colonies ; Lancaster, with 10,000, was the largest inland town ; York was nearly as large ; while Wilmington and New castle, in Delaware, were thriving places. Wheat, The volume contains also, among- other things, a poem in penta meter couplets, entitled " The Court of Fancy," a sort of study after Chaucer. 1 Cf. Miss Repplier's Philadelphia, p. 69. THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 325 timber, and furs were exported in such quantities as to employ more than 500 ships and 7000 sailors. Sugar, wines and liquors, and most kinds of manu factured articles, were imported ; but some manu factures flourished almost from the start. The ale brewed in Philadelphia soon became deservedly famous. Bradford's printing - press and paper- mill have already been mentioned, and good Ger man glass was made at Germantown and Manheim. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the export of pig iron to England reached 3000 tons. In such a community negro slavery could not come to be regarded as an economic ne- S]aTeSand cessity. As a rule, every farmer owned servants- the house in which he dwelt, and the land which he cultivated with the aid of the members of his family and hired servants. But there were a good many indented white servants,1 partly convicts and kidnapped waifs, but in greater part Irish and German " redemptioners " who sold themselves into temporary servitude to defray the cost of their ocean voyage. In the eighteenth century, probably more such redemptioners came to Penn sylvania than to any of the other colonies. They were in general kindly treated. The regular term of service was four years, with five days addi tional for every day of truancy. They could not be sold out of the province without their consent freely given in open court, or before a justice of the peace ; and good behaviour entitled them at the end of their service to a suit of clothes and a 1 I have discussed the subject of indented servants at some length in Old Virginia and her Neighbours, ii. 177-189. 326 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. set of farm tools. These white freedmen often became useful and respectable members of society. From the first there were negro slaves in Penn sylvania, used mostly for household service, but seldom as field-hands except in Delaware. But the Quaker conscience was aroused on the subject of slavery at a time when other Christians could see nothing: wrong; in it. The Memorial Quaker od- position to of 1688, in which the German Friends slavery. of Germantown protested against "the buying and keeping of negroes," is still in exist ence. During the next half-century the assembly laboured assiduously to check the importation of slaves by imposing prohibitory duties on such traf fic. Some years before 1776 slaves had ceased to be brought into Pennsylvania. In 1758 the Yearly Meeting enjoined all Friends to set free their slaves, "making a Christian provision for them." Many complied, but a few held out until " in 1776 a declaration of independence for all slaves held by Friends was decreed, and monthly meetings were directed, after proper effort, to ex clude from membership all Quakers who refused to comply." 2 Long before the Revolution the prac tice of manumission had been sufficiently frequent to create a much larger class of free blacks than could be found in any of the other colonies. The Quaker spirit in dealing with pauperism and crime was equally admirable, although with regard to capital punishment it proved impossible to realize the ideal of Penn and confine the death penaHy to cases of murder and treason. The list 1 Sharpless, A Quaker Experiment, pp. 31-33. THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 327 of capital offences grew to fourteen, including highway robbery, horse-stealing, and counterfeit ing. In 1731 Catherine Bevan was burned alive at Newcastle for the murder of her hus- 1 i t • ii Crimes and band. It was intended to strangle her punish- .... .a r ... before the fire could reach her, but a sudden outburst of flame severed the rope and drove away the executioner, so that she died in torment. For larceny, fornication, and assault, the usual penalties were pillory and whipping-post. It was said that the indented white servants fur nished the great majority of offenders. In 1703 we find the grand jury presenting all persons known to play at cards in public ; nine persons at one time for selling strong drink without a license ; " John Walker for using Sassafras Street as a ropewalk ; " three barbers for " trimming people on First-day," etc.1 The practice in such matters was therefore not very different from that of the other colonies. But Pennsylvania was honourably distinguished for the good care of prisons and the humanity of prison discipline. Visitors from Europe remarked upon Philadelphia prisons as the best in Philan. the world. Philadelphia had also the thropy- only lunatic asylum in America that was managed upon something like modern methods. It had, moreover, an excellent hospital, a reform school, and no city in the world devoted a larger share of time and thought to philanthropic purposes. In all this we see the direct influence of Quakerism, and of the ideals of William Penn. 1 Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, i. 308, 309. i 328 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Indeed, to cite the words of the illustrious law yer, Andrew Hamilton, on retiring from his place as speaker of the assembly, in 1739 : " It Hamilton's . , - ..-,.. r, ., ,, tribute to is not to the fertility ot our soil or tne commodiousness of our rivers that we ought chiefly to attribute the great progress this province has made within so small a compass of years in improvements, wealth, trade, and naviga tion, and the extraordinary increase of people who have been drawn from every country in Europe ; it is all due to the excellency of our Constitution. Our foreign trade and shipping are free from all imposts except those small duties payable to His Majesty by the statute laws of Great Britain. The taxes are inconsiderable, for the sole power of raising and disposing of public money is lodged in the assembly. . . . By many years' experience we find that an equality among religious societies, without distinguishing one sect with greater privi leges than another, is the most effective method to discourage hypocrisy, promote the practice of moral virtues, and prevent the plagues and mis chiefs which always attend religious squabbling. This is our Constitution, and this Constitution was framed by the wisdom of Mr. Penn." Hamilton was right in attributing the extraordi- Significance nary increase of people drawn from all vanTa-sTapid parts of Europe to the excellency of growth. penn's ideas. Although Pennsylvania began her existence seventy-five years later than Virginia and fifty-two years later than the colony of Massachusetts Bay, although she was the young est of all the colonies save Georgia, yet before the THE QUAKER COMMONWEALTH. 329 Revolution she had come to rank next after Vir ginia and Massachusetts in populousness. The chief elements in this rapid increase were two great streams of immigration — the Palatinate German and Scotch-Irish streams — which were drawn thither in consequence of Penn's ideas. One of the most interesting aspects in which to consider Pennsylvania is as the chief centre of diffusion of the people who became afterward the pioneers of the democratic West. In our next and conclud ing chapter, something must be said concerning this matter. CHAPTER XVII. THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. The colonies of New York and Pennsylvania were not only more heterogeneous in population than any of the others, but they were the principal centres of distribution of the non-English popula tion from the seaboard to the Alleghany moun tains. In the New England colonies, Centres of . , distribution during the seventeenth century, the non- of the non- -w-% ,., , . >i English English element might most succinctly population. ,,.,,, • i i be described by saying that there was no such element ; in the eighteenth century it was extremely small, though not without importance. Virginia and Maryland also were at first purely English, but the tidewater region, in the eighteenth century, received some foreign accessions and the Appalachian region far more. Among the oldest colonies, therefore, New York was the only one which had any considerable foreign population, and there it formed a large majority of the whole. Of the younger colonies the two Carolinas had a large foreign element among the dwellers on the seaboard, and still larger in the back country. But all this mountain population, in the Carolinas as well as in Virginia and Maryland, entered the country by way of Pennsylvania ; and this migra tion was so great, both in its physical dimensions THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 331 and in the political and social effects which it has wrought, that Pennsylvania acquires especial in terest as the temporary tarrying-place and dis tributing centre for so much that we now call characteristically American. Of the different classes of non-English immi grants during the colonial times, while all were represented in the city of New York, the Jews and the French Protestants settled chiefly on the seaboard, and on the other hand the Germans and the so-called Scotch-Irish found their way in great numbers to what was then the western fron tier. We must devote a few words to each of these classes. The city of New York has always been the principal home of the Jews in the United States, and it was in connection with the Dutch enter prise in founding New Netherland that they were first brought here. It was from various quarters, but mainly from the Spanish peninsula that they had come to Holland. In all the history The Jews of this wonderful people there is no more m Spam- brilliant chapter than that of their career in Spain under the Mohammedan dynasties between the tenth and fourteenth centuries. In point of civ ilization, in the days when Philip Augustus and lion-hearted Richard went together on their cru sade, such cities as Toledo and Cordova were as far in advance of London and Paris as London and Paris are now in advance of Toledo and Cor dova, and in this Spanish preeminence the Jews played a foremost part. Such men as Ibn Gebirol and Maimonides were the great teachers of their 332 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. time, and influences wafted across the Pyrenees had much to do with the Albigensian culture in southern France. As the Christians in Spain slowly conquered and drove back the Mussul mans, the persecution of Jews began and steadily increased in virulence, until the year 1492, which witnessed the surrender of Granada and downfall of the last Moorish kingdom, saw also the abom inable edict which drove from their homes and their native land 200,000 honest and industrious Spanish citizens of Hebrew race and faith. In that eventful year, when an inscrutable Provi dence put into the hands of Spain the rich prize of America, did she enter upon that course of wholesale persecution which proved her to be un worthy of such opportunities and incapable of using them. The cost of Columbus's second voy age was partly defrayed with stolen money, the property of Jews who had been dragged on ship board and carried over to Morocco. Meanwhile several industries received a death-blow, and in particular many cities were left without a single physician or any person qualified to act as notary public.1 But the edict of 1492, savagely as it was executed, did not suffice to remove all Jews, and for the next century a large part of the work of the Inquisition consisted in burning them and seizing their goods. The revolt of the Netherlands gave them an opportunity for emigration of which they were not slow to avail themselves, and by the end of the sixteenth century they were to be found in all the 1 Graetz, Les Juifs d'Espagne, 121. THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 333 cities of Holland, especially in Amsterdam, where by Andrew Marvel was provoked to write . . . . -, , Their migra- a poem in which that city is said to have tion to the - , i c • „ t n Netherlands. its " bank ot conscience, where " ail opin ions find credit and exchange ;" yea, continues the poet, with what is meant for withering sarcasm : — " The universal church is only there." 1 Among these settlers in Holland were some from Poland and Germany, but the great majority were from the Spanish peninsula, and some of the most highly cultivated of these were Portuguese. Of such parents was born at Amsterdam, in 1632, Benedict Spinoza, one of the most exalted names in all the history of human thought and human character. In Holland, as usual, many of the Jews were bankers. They were liberal subscribers to the stock of the West India Company, and there were several Hebrew names on the list of directors. When the Dutch took possession of Brazil in 1624, a party of Jews went over and set tled there ; but in 1645 the Portuguese Jews in New rose against the Dutch and after nine and Rhode years of desultory fighting, compelled them to sign a treaty in which they gave up all claim to the country. As for the resident Jews, the Portuguese agreed to give them " an amnesty, in all wherein they could promise it," — too vague an assurance to be very assuring. In the autumn of that year, 1654, the barque Santa Caterina ar rived at New Amsterdam from Brazil, with 27 1 Daly, Jews in North America, 3. 334 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. Portuguese Jews on board, men, women, and chil- dren. They had apparently embarked in haste, taking such effects as they could, for upon their arrival at Manhattan the skipper sold all their goods at public auction to pay for their passage. Another party presently came from the Dutch island of Curacoa. These arrivals did not please Director Stuyvesant, who wrote home to the Com pany, begging that " none of the Jewish nation be permitted to infest New Netherland." Before getting an answer he contrived to annoy the new comers, so that some went to Newport, feeling sure of toleration there, while others stayed at Man hattan in the hope of being set right by the Com pany's orders. In that hope they were not dis appointed. The Company replied to Stuyvesant that his request "was inconsistent with reason and justice," and the States General followed this up with the act of July 15, 1555, " expressly permit ting the Jews to trade to New Netherland, and to reside there, on the simple condition that they should support their own poor." 1 This condition has been well fulfilled, for such a kind of person as a Jewish pauper has seldom been seen. The incidents here recounted were the begin nings of thrifty and valuable Jewish settlements in New York and Rhode Island. After the Eng lish conquest of New Netherland, the Duke of York was led, as we have seen, by considerations of expediency, to continue the liberal policy of the Dutch. The instructions to Governor Andros, on his first coming, were to give full toleration to 1 Daly, op. cit. 10. THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 335 persons " of what religion soever," but perhaps the failure to exclude Jews may have been due to oversight ; for this clause was omitted from the instructions to Governor Dongan, and when in 1685 the Jewish residents in New Amsterdam pe titioned for leave to build a synagogue, he referred the petition to the mayor and common council, who refused to grant it, on the ground that tol eration of public worship extended only to sects professing faith in Christ. But Dongan, himself an Irish Catholic, was a man of extremely liberal views. Next year, whether at his own instance or not, a fresh set of instructions was sent him, in which the omitted clause was restored. Probably Dongan took advantage of this to grant the Jews' petition, for neither Andros, who came back as his successor, nor Leisler, was at all likely to take such a step ; and we know that in 1691 T , The syna- the Jews had a place for public worship, goguein „„».,. , New York. In 1695 there were 20 families, or prob ably about 100 souls, in the city, and their little synagogue stood on the south side of the present Beaver Street, midway between Broadway and Broad Street. In 1712 an English clergyman in forms us that one can learn Hebrew in New York as easily as in Europe, because of divers ingenious and learned men of that nation that dwell there. In 1748 the Swedish traveller, Peter Kalm, tells of the fine shops, the large country estates, and the richly freighted ships belonging to the Jews whom he visited in New York. At that time they pos sessed all civil rights and privileges in common with the other inhabitants, except that of voting 336 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. for members of the legislature. In 1737 this point was decided by the New York assembly itself in a contested election case. The decision was that, since Jews did not possess the parliamentary fran chise in England, they did not possess it \n New York, in the absence of any special enactment for that purpose. It may have been because New York absorbed so large a part of the Jewish immigration that comparatively little was left for Pennsyl- Jewsin .r — , , Phiiadei- vania. Ihere were nevertheless a good many Jews in Philadelphia, and some were citizens of great influence. The name of Haym Salomon, a very wealthy Polish Jew, de serves to be coupled with that of Robert Morris for the financial aid which he extended to Con gress during the War of Independence. Mr. Salomon advanced to the United States nearly $700,000, not a cent of which was ever repaid. The difference in point of liberality between William Penn's idea of toleration and Cecilius Calvert's idea was shown in the fact that Mary land's deservedly famous Toleration Act extended only to Trinitarians. By that very act disbelief in the doctrine of the Trinity was made a crime jews in punishable with death. We need not be fina'and3™' surprised, therefore, that Jews did not Georgia. flock to Maryland. But in Georgia and South Carolina, where a more liberal policy was pursued toward them, a good many found homes and proved valuable citizens. At the time of the Revolution the principal Jewish population of North America was in Newport, New York, Phila delphia, Charleston, and Savannah. THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 337 The French Protestants next claim our atten tion. During the seventeenth century, while the colonization of North America was going on, they met with their final defeats in France, and there after continued to exist merely on sufferance until even that privilege was withdrawn. There was something extraordinary in this tragic end of a mighty struggle, and to us who look back upon it after this interval it is one of the most impressive spectacles in history. In 1558, when Elizabeth ascended the English throne, while Mar- The tin Luther's Reformation was not yet half H"*"™0*"- a century old, its prospects of success seemed at least as bright in France as in England. Within four years at least 2000 Protestant churches had sprung up in France, and with their local consis tories and provincial synods, sustaining a national synod, a powerful and aggressive Calvinistic or ganization was rapidly coming to the front. Half the aristocracy, including a large majority of the noblemen below forty years of age, were in favour of the Reform, and of the clergy a strong party comprising one cardinal, one archbishop, six bish ops, and hundreds of priests, were numbered among its friends. But on the other hand, not more than one tenth of the people had become Protestants. An educated rural middle class, such as played so great a part in England and planted Virginia and New England, did not exist in France. The peasantry through sheer conserva tism kept on in the old ways. The popular strength of the reformers was chiefly among the urban middle class, educated craftsmen, merchants, 338 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. and professional men ; this class was hampered in national action for want of rural support. Below it the populace, whether conservative or anarchist, looked upon the respectable middle class chiefly as fit subjects for plunder and murder. The mob of Paris, which in the midst of civilization for age after age remains an untamed primeval tiger, was the deadly enemy of the reformers. There was another circumstance ; the submission of the great nobles to the overshadowing power of the crown was not yet completed, so that the Protestant cause, when upheld by these nobles against the crown, ran counter to the popular instinct of na tional unity. In spite of all these drawbacks the Protestants made a noble fight, and had it not been for the untoward issue of another great struggle, more than three centuries earlier, they might very prob ably have triumphed. One of the blackest chap ters in European history is that which records the ruin of a brilliant civilization and wholesale Effect of the slaughter of a noble people in the thir- tton™ the" teenth century in what we are used to Aiwgenses. call thfl smth oi France_ It is a com monplace remark that religions thrive upon perse cution, and that truth is sure in the long run to prevail. It is nevertheless true that a sufficiently thorough persecution may inflict such damage upon mankind as many long ages may fail to re pair. Nothing can be clearer than that France has not yet recovered from the horrors wrought nearly seven hundred years ago in Languedoc. The Albigenses of France were exterminated. THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 339 When the last 200 of them were shut up within palisades in a high gorge of the Pyrenees and burnt to death in a holocaust, it was the end of all that their preachings and their modes of life could do for France. Could these influences have sur vived, in all probability the aspirations afterward represented by the Huguenots would have so far prevailed that the moral tone of the whole nation in the seventeenth century would have been far higher than it was, the absolutism reached under Louis XIV. might have been avoided and the awful retribution of 1793 might have been es caped. Every one will remember how in 1555 the great Coligny entertained the idea, which afterward passed from him to Sir Walter Raleigh, Defeatof of founding a Protestant state in Amer- chimes for ica. His two attempts, in Brazil and in cofony'™0' Florida, both ended in grim disaster. In Amerlca- 1603 a scheme not wholly dissimilar was put into operation by Henry IV., when he made a grant of Acadia to Pierre du Gua, the Sieur du Monts, a sagacious and valiant Huguenot knight, of Saint- onge. To him was entrusted the enterprise of founding a colony where liberty of conscience was to be respected. Under his auspices the first attempts were made in Acadia and Samuel de Champlain founded a trading-post at Quebec ; but the enterprise did not flourish. In 1610 the mur der of the great king deprived the Huguenots of their best friend ; and in the course of the next year the Sieur du Monts sold out his rights in New France to Madame de Guercheville, by whom 340 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. the work of colonization in the New World was handed over to the Jesuits. Thus all hopes of a colony where Huguenots might live peaceably were at an end. After Henry's death the Protestants in France saw more and more reason for anxiety lest the privileges which he had extended to them in the Edict of Nantes should be curtailed. The brief war which ended with the loss of Rochelle in 1628 was a heavy blow to them. The same First arri- u vais of reign witnessed the cessation of the meet- Huguenots , ° n th wi d m&s °^ *^e natlonal legislature, and pre sently with the failure of the Fronde rebellion the absolute despotism of Louis XIV. was riveted upon unhappy France. At this time many Huguenots fled to Holland, whence some of them made their way to New Netherland. The Bayards, one of whom was the wife of Peter Stuyvesant, were a prominent Huguenot family, and from this time more or less migration from France to the Hudson River was kept up. In April, 1655, occurred the awful massacre of Waldenses in Piedmont which called forth from John Milton that solemn denunciation, like the message of a Hebrew prophet : — " Avenge, 0 Lord, thy slaughtered saints, whose bones Lie scattered on the Alpine mountains cold," etc. The Elector Palatine, who was one of the leading Protestant powers of Germany, offered a refuge Arrivals of to *^e persecuted Waldenses, and many S wai-es made their way through Switzerland to loons. tke paiatinate, where some stayed while others kept on to Holland and so to America. A THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 341 colony of these interesting primitive Protestants was formed upon Staten Island in 1662. Many Huguenots also found a refuge in the Palatinate, as well as Walloons, who were beginning to suffer fresh molestation in the Flemish Netherlands. A party of such Walloons, led by Louis du Bois, made up their minds in 1660 to remove from the banks of the Rhine to those of the Hudson. They settled in Esopus, in what is now Ulster county, and there made the beginnings of the towns of Kingston and New Paltz, the name of which com memorates their brief sojourn on the Rhine. In 1661, in his twenty-third year, Louis XIV. took the government of France into his own hands, and in the same year entered upon a Decreesof series of measures designed to undermine agalns?IV" and neutralize the Edict of Nantes. It Husuenots- was decreed that Protestant boys might lawfully abjure the faith of their parents at fourteen years and girls at twelve years. This rule was soon made to justify the most shameless kidnapping. Any child who could be coaxed or bribed with trinkets to enter a church while mass was going on, or even to repeat a verse of Ave Maria in the street, was liable to be forthwith claimed as a Catholic and dragged off to some convent, and the courts paid no heed to the protests and entreaties of the outraged parents. Protestant schools were shut up by sovereign decree. Sometimes the build ings which they had erected for the purpose were confiscated and handed over to Jesuits. The dull egotist at Versailles had but to say what should be done, and it was done. Thus the five great Pro- 342 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. testant colleges, including that one at Saumur where William Penn had studied, were broken up. Protestant churches were shut up either on slight pretexts or without a word, or were now and then burned by a mob with the connivance of the magis trates. Huguenots, moreover, were excluded from many public offices, and were forbidden to prac tice law or medicine, or to print or sell books. Huguenot women were not allowed to be milliners or laundresses. Finally in 1681 began the infamous dragon- nades. All over the kingdom troops were quar- The dragon- tered upon Huguenot households, as if in nodes. an enemy's country, with liberty to com mit any outrage short of murder. Upon this device the king especially plumed himself. At the same time he issued a decree lowering the age at which children might abjure Protestantism to seven years. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes followed in 1685, but the great Huguenot exodus began in 1681. Immediately England, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and the Protestant states of Germany offered especial inducements to these people. They were at once to be naturalized, with all the rights and privileges of born subjects ; in England sums of money were subscribed toward the expenses of their journey thither, and all their goods were ad mitted free of custom-house charges ; in Holland they were exempted from all taxes for twelve years. Thus there came about such a migration The Hugue- as the civilized world has rarely seen ; not exodus. within twenty years something like a million Huguenots fled from their country, or at THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS 343 least seven per cent, of the entire population. As soon as the king discovered that such an exodus was beginning, he issued decrees forbidding Pro testants to leave the kingdom under heavy penal ties, and guards were stationed on the frontiers to intercept them, while cruisers patrolled the coasts. But these measures were ineffective, for popular sentiment was very far from keeping pace with the tyrant's besotted zeal, and many fugitives were helped on their way by compassionate Catholics. Drink-money, too, played exactly the same part as now and always. Guards for a small tip, instead of detaining refugees, would pass them on or even furnish them with guides ; and captains of ships were equally obliging. Where such methods were unavailable, people travelled on foot by night or disguised as peasants, driving a cow, or carrying a hod, or trundling a wheelbarrow ; wealthy men and women, clothed in rags, begged from door to door ; and so in one way or another the exodus was accomplished. Concerning the damage which this wholesale emigration inflicted upon France, little need be said, for the tale has often been told. It cannot be expressed in statistics. This seven per cent, of the total French population included a far higher proportion of skilled craftsmen, prosperous mer chants, professional men and scholars. So TerribIe l0S8 largely was the marine represented that toFranoe the French navy has never recovered from the loss. And then there was the weeding out of a certain earnest Puritan type of character which no nation can afford to weaken. Altogether this emigration was in many respects a skimming of cream. 344 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. The Huguenots were largely represented in the maritime provinces of Normandy, Brittany, Saint- onge, and Languedoc, and sometimes they made the voyage directly to America. But more often the first flight was to England or Holland, where parties were formed for crossing the ocean. There was no part of English or Dutch America where they were not welcome. They maintained friendly relations with the Church of England as well as with the Independents in Boston. Numbers came to Massachusetts and Virginia, but much greater numbers to New York and South Carolina. In Boston the marks of them are plentiful. Opposite the hotel named for Paul Revere, in the square named for James Bowdoin, comes the street named for Pierre Chardon, of Touraine, whence it is but a short walk to the public hall built by the grand son of Pierre Faneuil, of Rochelle. The notsinBos- family of Governor Bowdoin, or Bau- douin, was one of the most distinguished in southwestern France. The French look of the name is not always so well preserved as in those cases ; sometimes it is quite anglicized. Thus the name of the Salem family of Brownes, eminent in the eighteenth century, is simply the translation of Le Brun, from the island of Jersey ; and the name of Philip English, which is remembered in connec tion with the witchcraft panic, was L'Anglois, from the same island. So Olney represents Aulnoy, and Dabney, of Massachusetts and Virginia, is curtailed from D'Aubigne ; and not only such names as Gillet and Lambert, but now and then a Collins, or a Lewis, or a Basset, or a Lawrence, THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 345 may indicate French origin. Louis XIV., who had a capacity for details, liked to gather information concerning these refugees. Reports from Canada assure him that there are many of the " vile mis creants " on the Hudson River, and on a map of Boston, drawn for the king in 1693, the situation of the Huguenot meeting-house, on the south side of School Street, is shown by the words " renegats francois," French renegades. But not all settled in Boston. There were the Le Barons at Plym outh, and the Sigourneys, Bernons, Bondets, Ger- maines, and Martins at the village of Oxford, up in the Nipmuck country, until an Indian massacre dispersed them in 1696. Nowhere, however, did Huguenots fill a larger place than in New York. There came Jacques Desbrosses from Poitou, whose grandson was Presi dent of the Chamber of Commerce, the first organ ized mercantile society in America, and whose family name is left upon a well-known street and ferry. There came Etienne de Lancey, from Caen, whose son James was chief justice and lieutenant- governor of New York, and from the neighbouring city of Rouen came Guillaume Le Conte, i >ii Huguenots among whose descendants m these latter in New York. days are numbered two of the most emi nent men of science that our country has produced. In 1689 a party of these Frenchmen obtained from acting-governor Jacob Leisler a grant of land on Long Island Sound, where they founded the pretty town of New Rochelle. In 1693 they NewRo. built a church there, but before this was cheUe- accomplished the settlers used to walk every Sun- 346 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. day morning to New York, a distance of 20 miles, to attend the regular service at the Eglise du Saint Esprit, in Pine Street, and then they would walk back in the evening. Four times a year — at Christmas, Easter, Whitsuntide, and Michaelmas — the sacrament of the Lord's Supper was ad ministered at New Rochelle, but at all other times it was necessary to go to the city. First the young children were carefully gathered together and left in charge of faithful friends. Then the procession started, with measured tread keeping time to music as men's and women's voices joined with fervour in some grand old psalm of Clement Marot. At a half-way place where a huge rock was shaded by cedars and fragrant pines they rested and took lunch, and then went on their way. We are as sured that it was no unusual thing for men and women to do the 40 miles.1 For more than half a century they retained their native speech. In the ancient city of Rochelle, whence most of these devoted worshippers came, one of the most important families was that of the Jays, apparently a branch of the Jays who were lords of Monton- neau in Poitou. From that province, as early as 1565, the first Jean Jay whom we know, already converted to Protestantism, had come to live in Rochelle. His descendant, Pierre Jay, who was The Jay living there in 1685, was a wealthy mer- fanuiy. chant. One day in October a corps of 7000 fusileers from Beam marched into Rochelle 1 Bolton's Hist, of the County of Westchester, 1848, i. 400. A slight pinch of salt seems to be needed, which I will leave it for the reader to supply at discretion. THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 347 and began plundering as if in an enemy's coun try. The house of Pierre Jay was one of those that had been especially marked out for pillage. He succeeded in getting his wife and children out of the house, and, although the shore was closely patrolled on land by troops of cavalry and watched from the sea by warships, he contrived to elude this guard and put them safely on board a vessel that was just starting for Plymouth in England. After they had sailed out of harm's way they were missed, and Jay was forthwith thrown into prison for assisting them to escape. Some Catholic friends procured his release, but there was mani festly no hope of saving his property. He was expecting, however, one of his own ships from Spain, with a rich cargo of which he was sole owner. Taking into his confidence a bold and faithful pilot, he bade him watch out at sea for the ship and not let her come ashore but bring her to anchor off the island of Rhe. This was punctu ally done, and Jay, after lying hidden for some hours in the bottom of the pilot-boat, so near to a royal cruiser that he could hear the sailors talk, at length boarded his own ship and sailed away to Plymouth. Shortly afterward his eldest son, Auguste, returning from a voyage to Africa, found the homestead deserted and dismantled, and all the property of the family confiscated. He con trived to slip on board a ship bound for the West Indies, and after a while the family were all united in the hospitable city of New York. One of Pierre Jay's friends and neighbours in Rochelle was the ancestor of Henry Laurens, of 348 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. South Carolina, and in the next town, only eleven miles away, dwelt the ancestor of Elias Boudinot, of New Jersey ; — • three presidents of our Con tinental Congress from one little corner Three presidents of the coast of France ! In Benjamin West's well-known picture of the Ameri can Commissioners at Paris, in 1783, John Jay and Henry Laurens are standing while the others sit, and Laurens's face is turned with a satisfied expression toward Jay, who had detected and de feated the insidious scheme of France which would fain have made the independent United States stop short at the Alleghany Mountains. When all the past circumstances crowd in upon our memory, there is something deeply impressive in the pic ture. The Huguenots, as we have observed, were free to come to any of the American colonies, but showed a marked preference for New York and South Carolina. The choice of the Quakers, and of various German sects akin to them, was much more limited, and after the founding of Pennsylvania offered them such strong induce ments, they were sure to go there. For Dimensions i • i t» of the the Quakers the state which .renn founded Quakerexodus from ensured them a much greater and more England. ° useful future than they could have had in England, where they have dwindled in numbers to less than 15,000. In America there are prob ably not less than 150,000. From Pennsylvania they have been to some extent distributed in the west and southwest, and the civilizing work which THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 349 they have done, especially perhaps in the eigh teenth century in North Carolina, has been of ines timable value. It was the coming of the Quakers to Pennsylvania in 1681 that brought also the first Germans. They came and made their first home in Germantown, hard by Philadelphia, and the reasons for their coming were closely connected with the sympathy between their views and those of the Quakers. We have seen how William Penn, who was himself half a Dutchman, made visits occasionally to Holland, and extended them into preaching tours through portions of Germany. He thus discovered many kindred spirits and held out inducements for them to come to his new colony. The first to come were the Mennonites, who were spiritual descendants of the ,. , A. ¦ ¦ i , n i The Menno- mediaeval Quietists, and may probably mtesand have contained in their ranks a few Waldenses and Anabaptists. Their differences from the Quakers were so slight that they often held meetings together, and it was not uncommon to hear the Mennonites called German Quakers. In Germany and Switzerland they were savagely persecuted by Protestant and Catholic alike ; so they gladly followed Penn to the New World. Their leader, Francis Daniel Pastorius, was an enthusiastic scholar, studying science, philosophy, jurisprudence, or whatever came to hand, and reading eight or ten languages. The Mennonites were followed by the Dunkers, a sect of German Baptists who came to Pennsylvania between 1719 and 1729, leaving none of their number behind. There are said to be more than 200,000 in the 350 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. United States to-day. About 1732, under the preaching of a singular mystic, Conrad Beissel, a portion of this sect broke off as Seventh Day Baptists, and founded a community at Ephrata, in some respects analogous to those of the Shakers. An interesting feature of these German sects is their learning and their devotion to literature. The Ephrata Community printed religious books in handsome type upon very fine paper ; and they also knew good music. Besides these sects were the Labadists and Moravians, whom I must for the present dismiss with this mere mention.1 Another migration from Germany, of a different kind and far more numerous, was that which came from the Rhenish Palatinate. The nearness of that province to Alsace, Lorraine, and Franche- Comte, upon which Louis XIV. waged a war of conquest, often brought serious trouble upon it. The The first devastation of the Palatinate Palatines. fo ^574 jg ^ Qne dark spoj. upon ^ honourable career of Turenne, but it had a stra tegic excuse. The second devastation, in 1688, partly intended as a chastisement for harbouring Huguenots, was far more barbarously performed. Sad havoc was wrought at Heidelberg and Mann heim, and that beautiful country did not recover itself for more than two generations. Thousands of peasantry were reduced to a state of abject misery. This attracted the attention of British statesmen in the reign of Queen Anne, and a sys tematic effort was made to induce them to come to 1 See in this connection the admirable work of Saehse, The German Pietists cf Provincial Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1895. THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 351 England in order to be shipped to America.1 Thus in the years 1708 and 1709 more than 30,000 Germans crossed the Channel, and were soon after ward brought in English ships to New York and the Carolinas, but above all to Pennsylvania. This was but the beginning of a vast stream of migra tion in which Palatine peasants were taken down the Rhine to Rotterdam and there shipped to Philadelphia. Some, indeed, came to New York and settled in the Mohawk valley, where they gave us Nicholas Herkimer in the Revolutionary War ; but most went into the valley of the Susquehanna in such large numbers, and remained so long with out much intermixture, that their language still survives in the dialect which we call Pennsylvania Dutch, but which is really High German with a quaint admixture of English.2 vania , . ° , German. JMot all the Palatine immigrants tarried here, however ; there were some, and those, I dare 1 A competent scholar assigns the travels of Penn in Germany in 1671 and 1677 as the chief cause of the direction of this wave of migration to Pennsylvania. See Diffenderffer, The Germar- Exodus to England in 1709, Lancaster, 1897, p. 30. See, also^ Sachse, The Fatherland, Philadelphia, 1897, pp. 142-144. 2 For example, Emerson's verses : 'T was one of the charmed days When the genius of God doth flow, The wind may alter twenty ways, A tempest cannot blow; It may blow north, it still is warm; Or south, it still is clear; Or east, it smells like a clover farm ; Or west, no thunder fear have thus been rendered into Pennsylvania German : 'S waar eens vun de harrliche Daage Wann dar Himmel scheint uf ze sei ; Dar Wind maag zwanzig Wege jaage 'Es Wetter bleibt doch fei. 352 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. say, the most enterprising, who pressed onward and spread along the Appalachian frontier.1 Here they have played an important part, usually in association with a race of men of still more vigor ous initiative, the so-called Scotch-Irish. The name Scotch -Irish is an awkward com pound, and is in many quarters condemned. Curi ously enough, there is no one who seems to object to it so strongly as the Irish Catholic. While his The scotch- feelings toward the " Far-Downer " are insh. certainly not affectionate, he is neverthe less anxious to claim him with his deeds and tro phies, as simply Irish, and grudges to Scotland the claim to any share in producing him.2 It must be admitted, however, that there is a point of view from which the Scotch-Irish may be re garded as more Scotch than Irish. The difficulty might be compromised by calling them Ulstermen, or Ulster Presbyterians. It is said to have been the poet Edmund Spenser who first suggested to Queen Elizabeth — perhaps when he came to London in 1594 to look after the publication of his "Faery Queene" — the plan of putting into Ireland a Protestant population that Bloost's vun de Nard, 's is waarm un schee; Odder vun de South, 's bleibt hell ; Vun Mai-rige haer, mar riecht dar Klee; Vun Owet, clear wie 'n Bell. Zeigler, Drauss un Deheem : Gedichte in Pennsylviinisch Deitsch, Leipzig, 1891, — a charming little book. 1 A good account of this migration is given in Cobb, The Story of the Palatines, New York, 1897. 2 Amusing illustrations may be found in the correspondence appended to S. S. Green's excellent pamphlet, The Scotch-Irish in America, Worcester, 1895, pp. 42-59. THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 353 might come to outnumber and control the Catho lics. It was in 1611 that James I. began to put this scheme into operation, sending from Scotland and the northern counties of England a Presbyterian company of picked men planting of and women of the best sort, yeomanry and craftsmen like those who settled Massachu setts and Connecticut, with many generations of ancestry behind them on a far higher level of in telligence and training than the native peasantry of Ireland. At the beginning of the eighteenth century the percentage of illiteracy in Ulster was probably smaller than anywhere else in the world. There were then more than a million of these Presbyterians in Ulster. About 1720, when they began coming in great numbers to America, those families that had been longest in Ireland had dwelt there but three generations, so that there is surely some laxity of speech in calling them Irish without some qualifying adjective. The English experiment of thus Scotticizing Ire land was defeated by a crass policy of protection ism combined with petty religious persecution. Flourishing linen and woollen industries had sprung up in Ulster, and sundry legislative handi caps were laid upon them for the " protection " of native industries in England. Thus did govern ment treat its own pioneers as " foreigners " whom it was meritorious to plunder. At the same time divers civil disabilities were from Ulster enacted for Presbyterians. The result of this twofold tyranny was the largest exodus from Europe to America that ever took place be- 354 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. fore the nineteenth century. Between 1730 and 1770 more than half of the Presbyterian popula tion of Ulster came over to America, where it formed more than one sixth part of our entire population at the time of the Declaration of Inde pendence.1 A few of these Presbyterians came to New Eng land, where they have left their mark. But the great majority came to Pennsylvania and occupied the mountain country west of the Susquehanna. Thence a steady migration was kept up south westerly along the Appalachian axis into the southern colonies. Now there was one very im- Presbyte- portant respect in which these Presbyte- Pennsyi- rians of Ulster had come to differ from vama. their Presbyterian brethren in Scotland. In the " land of cakes " the kirk ruled things pretty much at its own sweet will, and was there fore in favour of keeping civil and spiritual affairs united. But in Ulster, whether in relation to their Catholic neighbours or more especially to the Eng lish parliament, Presbyterians were in a harassed minority, and therefore became convinced of the desirableness of divorcing church from Union of the . . Palatinate state. Accordingly, m spite of a very streams of rigid theology, they stood for a liberal migration. ° . "•" J principle, and other Protestant sects, such as Lutherans, Mennonites, and Dunkers, found it possible to harmonize with them, espe cially in the free atmosphere of Pennsylvania. 1 Much detailed information may be found in the Proceedings of the Scotch-Irish Congress, published annually since 1889, first at Cincinnati, afterwards at Nashville. THE MIGRATIONS OF SECTS. 355 The result was the partial union of two great streams of immigration, the Ulster stream and the Palatinate stream. It influenced South Carolina and Maryland most powerfully, completely reno vated society in North Carolina, and broke down the sway of the Cavalier aristocracy in Virginia. While it sent southward men and women enough to accomplish all this, enough more remained in Pennsylvania to form more than half its popula tion, raising it by 1770 to the third place among the thirteen colonies, next after Virginia and Mas sachusetts. From the same prolific hive came the pioneers of Kentucky and Tennessee, with their descendants throughout the vast Missis- widespread sippi valley and beyond. In all these re8Ult8- directions, as I have elsewhere shown,1 this sturdy population, distilled through the Pennsylvania alembic, has formed the main strength of Ameri can democracy, and its influence upon American life has been manifold. In thus taking our leave of the Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America, we must not forget that the close association between them was due to no mere accident of contiguity. William Penn was Dutch on his mother's side, and one sees in all his political ideas the broad and liberal temper that characterized the Netherlands be- ~ ., , -, ,, . Fruitfulness tore and beyond any other country in of Dutch Europe. The two great middle colonies present a most interesting subject of comparative study because both have been profoundly influ enced by Holland, but in the one case the Dutch 1 Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, chap. xvii. 356 THE DUTCH AND QUAKER COLONIES. ideas have been worked through the crucible of an individual genius, while in the other case they have flowered with random luxuriance. In the cosmopolitanism which showed itself so early in New Amsterdam and has ever since been fully maintained, there was added to American national life the variety, the flexibility, the generous breadth of view, the spirit of compromise and conciliation needful to save the nation from rigid provincial ism. Among the circumstances which prepared the way for a rich and varied American nation, the preliminary settlement of the geographical centre by Dutchmen was certainly one of the most fortunate. APPENDIX I. SOME LEISLER DOCUMENTS. AFFIDAVITS AGAINST NICHOLSON. The deposition of Nicholas Brown Aged Twenty three Years, the said Deponent declares that he being in the Service of ye late King Anno One thousand six hundred Eighty Six some time in July & August, did see Frances Nicholson Ye late lieu' Governor of Ye fort at New York Several times in Ye Masse, but espe cially two times in Ye Kings tent at Hunsloheath in old ingland, being there to Exercise his devotions, & did Ye the same upon his Knees before the Alter in the papist Chappel, where the Mass was said, that himself, this deponent is ready to Confirm and declare upon Oath in testimony of the truth & have hereunto Set my hand, In New York this 12th day of Septemr Anno 1689. Signed Nicholas Brown". 1689 the 13th 7ber in New York Then appeared before me NichlB Brown & Sworn be fore me the aforesaid to be the truth. Signed G. Beekman Justice. 358 APPENDIX. B. COMMISSION FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. APPOINTING JACOB LEISLER TO BE CAPTAIN OF THE FORT. There being a Present necessity that a Capt. of Ye fort at New Yorke should be appointed to be constantly there attending and to Command & order ye Soldiers appointed by this Committee of Safety to Serve ye fort in behalfe of their Majesties till orders Shall come and to order all matters of ye fortifications of said fort necessary at present this Committee therefore doe think fitt that Captn Jacob Leisler shall be Captain of said fort as abovesaid Till orders shall come from their Ma jesties, & that the said Capt" Jacob Leisler, shall have all aid and assistance, if need be & demanded by him from City and Country to suppress any foren Enemy & prevent all disorders which Evidently may appear dated this 8th of June 1689, Signed Sealed Richard Danton (L. S.) Saml Edsall (L. S.) Theunis Roelofse (L. S.) P Dela Noy (L. S.) Jean De Marest (L. S.) Mathias Harvey (L. S.) Daniel De Klercke (L. S.) Thos Williams (L. S.) Johannes Vermillye (L. S.) Wm Laurence (L. S.) C. COMMISSION TO CAPT. LEISLER TO BE COM MANDER IN CHIEF. Forasmuch the Committee of Safety do apprehend the difficulty & inconveniency by reason of their remote habitants and ye insuing season of ye year to com- APPENDIX. 359 mence & abide in ye City of New York to advise recom mend order, & appoint ye present affairs in hand for the Interest of their most Excelent Majesties King William & Queen Mary and due preservation of ye inhabitants in ye province of New York & some others near adjacent towns, it is thought convenient and Con cluded by ye Committee for ye most Safety of ye province by reason of Sundry intervals & accidental motions which may arise & for the orderly way to direct all necessary matters touching ye ruling & ordering of ye inhabitants in the Province, it being uncertain whether ye orders shall Come from their Majesties, that Captain Jacob Leisler is hereby appointed to Exercise & use the Power & Authority of a Commander in Chief of the said Province to administer such Oaths to the people, to issue out such Warrants, and to order such Matters as shall be necessary & requisite to be done for the preser vation and protection of the peace, of the inhabitants taking all ways, seasonable advice with Militia and Civil Authority as Occasion require Dated ye 16th day Aug' 1689 — Copy was Signed Sealed as followeth, William Laurence (L. S.) Saml Edsall (L. S.) DL De Klercke (L. S.) Jean Demarest (L. S.) Johannes Vermillye (L. S.) P. De La Noy (L. S.) Richard Danton (L. S.) Mathias Harvey (L. S.) Theunis Roelofse (L. S.) Thos Williams (L. S.) D. SCHUYLER'S PROTEST AGAINST MILBORNE. Fokt Albany y<= 15th day of novembr 1689 Whereas one Jacob Milborne hath with a Comp6 of armed men, come up to there Majes fort in a hostile manner with full arms and Demanded Possession thereof 360 APPENDIX. from ye Mayr of y' Citty who has ye Command of y" same, who Declared to keep said fort for there Majea William & Mary untill there orders comes but ye said Jacob Milborne as a Tumultuous & Mutinous Person doth Proceed to occasion great Disturbance to there Maj68 Liege People, by again faceing to y* fort with Loaden arms, Especially so many heathens to witt Maquase being y6 Spectators thereof who seems to be upon y6 Point to undertake some Dangerous Design, The Convention of ye Civil & Military officers of ye Citty & County of albany now p'sent in ye fort doe therefore Protest hereby in their Maj" King William & Queen Maryes name before god and yfc world against ye sd Mil borne and his Seditious Troops, for all Dammages, Mur- thers Bloodsheds Plunderings and oyr mischieffs which may Ensue by his Rebellious actions and charge him & them forthwith to withdraw themselves from there sd May68 fort. PE Schuyler May' and Commander of there MajeB fort The Protest being Read hille akus Sister told y' ye Indians were Tery much Dissatisfyed & if Milborne did not withdraw with his Comp6 they would fyre upon him, whereupon ye Mayr Desyred Doctor Dellius & y° Recorder to goe to ye Indians to Pacify and quiet them for ye Bussinesse was yl a Person without Power or authority would be Master over ye gentn here which they would nott adinitt ; the Indians answered goe and tell him that if he come out of ye gates we will fyre upon him, which Doctor Dellius forthwith Communicated to ye sd Milborne at y6 head of his Comp6 in y° Presence of a great many Burghers who made no further attempt to goe to ye fort, but Marched doune y6 towne and Dis missed his men APPENDIX. 361 E. LEISLER TO THE OFFICERS OF WEST CHESTER. Fort William February 15, 1689 [90] Gentlemen, — Whereas ye ffrench have surprized Schanegtade, & killed & taken Prisonners the most of their Maties Subjects burning & destroying ye sd Place : and fearing too great a Correspondency hath bean maintained between y6 sd ffrensch & disaffected P'sons amongst us. These are in his Ma"eB Name to will & require you to secure all Such Persons who are resputed Papists or Do any wise despise or reflect against this Governm* or hold or maintaine any Commissions from the Late Govern™ Col0 Thomas Dongan or Sr Edmund Andros by virtue of their Authority derived from King James the second & ye same Safely to Convey to mee forthw'h Given under My hand & seale this 15th ffeby 1689 and in ye first yeare of their Matiea Reigne. Jacob Leisler To the Officers Military & Civill & ye Sheriffe of the County of Westchester Ye same to Richmond County Ye same to ye County of Suffolk Ye same to Kings County Ye same to ye Country of East Jersey Ye same to Queens County 362 APPENDIX. F. LEISLER TO HIS COMMISSIONERS AT ALBANY. A 1690 1st July In Fort William Gentlemen — Yesterday was my last to which I Referr you, You have Referred us to ye Messengers who brought our letter but we cane understand nothing of them, my opinion Is they came here to consult with there parties. If they may safely Receive a Commis sion of mee what alteration in your place, there Coming here may cause us, the time will learne, beshure they are not well Tutered & keept from us I have writt you our meaning which we hoop you may be able to ob serve touching the major, Inclosed is a copy of a Letter Received of Governour Treat which I perceive was lifft upon the table wherein the major is absolutely Refused If Boston & Connecticut sends not their Compliment Ingaged In yc Result & approved by ye government they Brook ye Covenant & we are not obliged to any article therein the Barers are made sensible y' what we propose about y6 Council of Warr y' the Cap11 by Turnes Every week should bee president In said Councel and so in gods name go one without a major — Except Cap" Browne accepts of y6 place but no other whatsoever — Except Mausachusetts, Plymouth & Connecticutt Colo- nyes Comply fully with there promise y° ffrench Knight begins to be moved of (our) march and desires to pre vent y6 cruelties of our Indians against y" ffrench wimens and children which Indied would bee generous if possi ble It could be prevented we have sent Mestr Stole who has a speciall maxim to gaine the people & is able to assist you much in forwarding yc Business and if he should go he most be commissionated he is true, full mettall able and politique the news of Colonell Slayter APPENDIX. 363 is quitt vanised It would not hould — Ve have gott yes terday the Inclosed nues from neu England En send It for the Everi direcktet als the copie, to day the 25 I gott the Inclosed from Southampton I wish Ensign Stole was heer En Iff possible also Major Milborn we expeckt the franch ships heer the messenger raports the ar all ships, pray God to grand & give vs courage to resist them after min respects I remain Sr8 Your reall frind to serve your Jacob Leisler Addressed, To the Honobl6 The Commission™ Capu John De Bruyn, Mr Johannes Provoost and Major Jacob Milborne Esq'8 In Albany G. LEISLER TO GOV. SLOUGHTER. Fort William March the 20. 1690-1 JMay it Please Your Excellency — This his Majesty's fort being besieged by Major Ingoldsby so farre that not a boat could depart, nor Persons conveyed out of the same without to be in danger of their Lives which hath occasioned that I could not be so happy as to send a messinger to give me the certainty of Your excel lency's Safe arrival & an account of what was published, of which I am ignorant still but the Joy I had by a full assurance from Ensign Stoll of your Excellency's ar rival has been something troubled by the detencon of Ye two my Messengers, I see very well the stroke of my enemies who are wishing to cause me some mistakes at the End of the Loyalty I owe to my gracious King & Queen & by such ways to Blatt out all my faithfull 364 APPENDIX. service till now but I hope have care to commit such an error, having by my duty & faithfulnesse being vig- erous to them, Please only to Signify & order the Major in releasing me from his Majesties fort delivering him only his Majesties Armes with all the Stores & that he may act as he ought with a person who shall give Your excellency an exact account of all his actions & conduct, who is with all the request, Your Excellency's Most Humble Serv' Jacob Leisler H. DYING SPEECHES OF LEISLER AND MIL BORNE. Colleccons made on the Dying Speeches of Captain Jacob Leisler & Jacob Milborne, his son in Law, who both Suffered in New York City on the 16th of May being Saturday in the Year of our Lord 1691. — The great wise & omnipotent creator of all things visible & invisible who from the time of our first coming a Shore in the Vale of tears, misery & affliction, hath to this present moment protected us be magnified- Praysed & Glorified for ever, Amen, Gentlemen And Fellow Brethren all I hope in the grace & fear of the Lord Jesus, we are not at present unsensible of our dying State & Condition, as to this world a State which all the Sons & Daughters of Adam in this globe must now one after another run through ere they can be satisfied with that eternity of which so often by Divines is treated of — In consideration of which for death we may be better prepared, like peni tent Mortals here on earth, we Submit our lives. & all that unto us appertained into the hands of divine pro- APPENDIX. 36 tection ^ ^rating ourselves before the foot Stoole th: immaculate Lamb of God who taketh away the Sim of the world hoping that through his meritorous deat & passing our iniquities shall be done away & our pa dons Sealed on earth before we go hence & are see no more, humbly imploring that not through our ow meritts of Justification but rather through the merit ( him that is willing to save our souls, might become pr cious in the Eyes of God & live forever in the Kinj dome of Eternall Glory when time shall be no more - as to our State in this world among the rest of our hai fortunes in this seat of tears it is true we have lately c the important request of a Committee choose by tl Major Part of the Inhabitants of this province & take (to the present griefe & vexation of our poore afflicte relations left behind) great & weighty matters of Stal affairs requiring at Such an helme more wise & Cunnin powerful Pilotts. then either of us ever was. but coi sidering that in the time of this distracted Countrey greatness, necessity amongst us — no such Persons coul be found but that those that were any wayes, in Cap: sity of Uniting us against a Common enemy would n< undertake, we conceive for the Glory of the protestai interest the Establishment of the present Governmei under our Sovereign Lord & Lady King Wm & Quee Mary . &c — & the Strengthening against all f oreig attempts, of this confused City & Province, thought it very serviceable Act that our poore endeavours shoul not be wanting in anything that was needful for tl Support of ourselves & posterity hereafter whereby v< must confess & often times against our will several eno mities have been committed from the day of our fir undertakings until the arrival of his excellency tl Honorable Col1 Henry Sloughter. who now for h Majesties Sake, we love & Honour & often times, du 366 APPENDIX. ing our unhappy abode in power longed to see that a periode thereby might be put to such distracted orders, as then were raging all of which some we must Confess on our side hath been committed through Ignorance some through a Jealous fear that disaffected persons would not be true to the present interest of the Crowne of England some peradventure through misinformation & misconstruction of People's intent & meaning, some through rashness by want of Consideration, & then through passion haste & anger, which According to orders for to declare would take up more time than present can be afforded, however for every such offence. seeing there is no recalling of the same, or possibility of given further Satisfaction, first of the great god of heaven & then afterwards of the several offended per sons, we humbly begg pardon & forgiveness, desiring them every one with a Christian Charity in our graves with us to bury all malice, hatred &, Envy that therein might be incurred & further before God & the World here we do declare & protest as Dying Sinners that we do not only forgive the greatest & most inveterate of our enemies, but According to that most Excellent patron of our dying Saviour, we say to the God of Jus tice, father forgive them for they know not what they do & so farre from revenge we do depart this world, that we require and make it our dying supplication to every of our relations & friends & acquaintances, that they should in time to come for ever be forgetfull of any injury done to us or either of us, so that on both Side, that discord & dessention (which hy the devil in the beginning was created) might with our dying sides be buried in oblivion, never more to raise up to the infla- mation of future posterity, the Lord grant that the offer ing up of our blood might be a full satisfaction for all disorders to this present day committed, & that forever APPENDIX. 367 after the Spiritt of unity might remaine among our felow brethren continuing upon earth, knowing that in a Strange land it is the divine providence of heaven not our desarts that have so well protected our unhappy province this day all that for our dying comfort we can say, as concerning the point for which we were con- demn'd, is to declare as our last words, before that God whom we hope before long to see that our maine end, totall Intent & endeavors to the fullness of that under standing with which we were endowed — who had no other than to maintaine against popery or any Schism or heresy whatever the interest of our Sovereign Lord & Lady that now is & the reformed protestant Churches in those parts, who ever things otherwise Since have hapined or being miscontructed & Scandalous reports (we at present must confess by divers are thrown upon us) as tho we intended to Support the dying, intrest of the late King James & the Contradiction of which we need not trouble many arguments, being persuaded that every good protestant of this Country who have been for any time acquainted with our transactions can from his conscience averre the falsehoods & maliciousness of such aspersions, as concerning Major Ingoldesby's coming to demand the Garrison after his arrival, he but in the least produced any Satisfaction of his power to receive the same and discharge us, we would as readily have delivered the fort, as he could demand the same, all of which seeing past & gone is Scarce worthy nothing — The Lord of his infinite Mercy preserve the King & Queen from all their traytors and deceitfull Enemies, God be merciful unto & bless with peace & unity these their Kingdoms unto which we belong, God preserve this province from greedy outrageous Enemies abroad and Spite full inveterate wretches at home God bless the Governor of this place, God bless the council As- 368 APPENDIX. sembly & Government now Established that they all may be united to propagate their Majesties interest, the Country's good & the Establishment of Piety, the Lord of Heaven of his infinite mercy bless all that wish well to Zion & Convert those that are out of the way, let his mercies likewise administer true Comfort to all that are desolute, grieved & oppressed in misery & necessity or any other affliction, Especially the deplored Souls of that poor family unto which we did formerly belong, our only comfort, in this case, is that God has promised to take care for the Widows and fatherless, recommend ing them all this dying moment into the hands of one that is able and willing, to save these that seek him de siring them to put their perpetuall confidence in the mercies of one that never faileth, & not to weep for us that are departing to our God but rather to weep for themselves that are here behind us to remain in a State of Misery and Vexation Gentlemen you will, I hope all Christian like be Charitable to our poor distressed family that are to re main among you (as long as God please) that you will Join with us in prayer for the preservation of our im mortal Soules in a kingdom of never Dying Glory, unto which God of his infinite mercy bring us all Amen Amen. The Sheriff asking him if he was ready to die, he replied Yes, & lifting up his Eyes he prayed & then said that he had made his peace with God & that death did not scare him, & desired that his Corpse might be deliv ered to his wife, and declared that he Educated his family as a good Christian & hoping they should con tinue, accordinly & he said that you have brought my body to shame, I hope you will not despise my fam ily therefore, I have not much more to say on this world, for we read in the Lords prayer, forgive us our APPENDIX. 369 trespasses as we forgive them that trespass Against us, but hereafter we shall appear before God's Tribunal & there shall we be judged, our Lord Jesus Christ suf fered so much in this world, why Should I not suffer a little — Then to his Son Milborne he said. I must now die, why must you die ? You have been but a Servant to us & further he declared I am a dying man & do de clare before god & the world that what I have done was for king William & Queen Mary, for the defence of the protestant religion & the Good of the Country & therefore I must die upon which I will receive Gods Judgment, and then he said, when this my skin shall be eaten through, with this my flesh shall I see God, my Eyes shall see him & no stranger, when the Handker chief was put about his head, he said, I hope these my Eyes shall see our Lord Jesus Christ in Heaven I am ready. I am ready. Of Jacob Milborne — He prayed for the King & Queen the Governor & Council he pardoned the Judge that had condemned him Saying that the Lord would forgive him, he was ready to lay down his terrestral coat, being assured that his heavenly father would cloath him with a new one in the Kingdom of Heaven, then to Mr Levingston he said you have caused the King (that) I must now die, but before gods tribunal I will implead you for the same, then to his father he said we are thoroughly wet with rain, but in a little while we shall be rained through with the Holy Spirit The sheriff asked him whether he would not Bless the King and Queen, he answered it is for the King & Queen I die & the pro testant Religion to which I was Borne & Bred, I am ready I am ready, father into thy hands I recommend my soule — APPENDIX n. CHARTER FOR THE PROVINCE OF PENNSYL VANIA— 1681. CHARLES the Second, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To all whom these presents shall come, Greeting. WHEREAS Our Trustie and well- beloved Subject William Penn, Esquire, Sonne and heire of Sir William Penn deceased, out of a commend able Desire to enlarge our English Empire, and promote such usefull comodities as may bee of Benefit to us and Our Dominions, as also to reduce the Savage Natives by gentle and just manners to the Love of Civil Societie and Christian Religion, hath humbley besought Leave of Us to transport an ample Colonie unto a certaine Coun-. trey hereinafter described, in the Partes of America not yet cultivated and planted ; And hath likewise humbley besought Our Royall Majestie to Give, Grant, and Confirme all the said Countrey, with certaine Privi leges and Jurisdictions, requisite for the good Govern ment and Safetie of the said Countrey and Colonie, to him and his Heires forever : KNOW YE THERE FORE, That Wee, favouring the Petition and good Purpose of the said William Penn, and haveing Regard to the Memorie and Meritts of his late Father in divers Services, and perticulerly to his Conduct, Courage, and APPENDIX. 371 Discretion under our Dearest Brother JAMES Duke of York, in that Signall Battell and Victorie fought and obteyned against the Dutch Fleete, command by the Heer Van Opdam, in the yeare One thousand six hun dred and sixty-five : In consideration thereof, of Our Speciall grace, certaine Knowledge, and meere Motion have Given and Granted, and by this Our present Charter, for Us, Our Heires and Successors, Doe give and Grant unto the said William Penn, his Heires and Assignes, all that Tract or Parte of Land in America, with all the Islands therein conteyned, as the same is bounded on the East by Delaware River, from twelve miles distance Northwards of New Castle Towne unto the three and fortieth degree of Northerne Latitude, if the said River doeth extende so farre Northwards ; But if the said River shall not extend soe farre Northward, then by the said River soe farr as it doth extend ; and from the head of the said River, the Easterne Bounds are to bee determined by a Meridian Line, to bee drawne from the head of the said River, unto the said three and fortieth Degree. The said Lands to extend westwards five degrees in longitude, to bee computed from the said Easterne Bounds ; and the said Lands to bee bounded on the North by the beginning of the three and fortieth degree of Northern Latitude, and on the South by a Circle drawne at twelve miles distance from New Castle Northward and Westward unto the beginning of the fortieth degree of Northern Latitude, and then by a streight Line Westward to the Limitt of Longitude above-mentioned. WEE do also give and grant unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, the free and undisturbed use and continuance in, and pas sage into and out of all and singular Ports, Harbours, Bays, Waters, Rivers, Isles, and Inletts, belonging unto, or leading to and from the Countrey or Islands afore- 372 APPENDIX. said, And all the Soyle, lands, fields, woods, under woods, mountaines, hills, fenns, Isles, Lakes, Rivers, waters, Rivuletts, Bays, and Inletts, scituate or being within, or belonging unto the Limitts and Bounds afore said, togeather with the fishing of all sortes of fish, whales, Sturgeons, and all Royall and other Fishes, in the Sea, Bayes, Inletts, waters, or Rivers within the premisses, and the Fish therein taken ; And also all Veines, Mines, and Quarries, as well discovered as not discovered, of Gold, Silver, Gemms, and Pretious Stones, and all other whatsoever, be it Stones, Mettals, or of any other thing or matter whatsoever, found or to bee found within the Countrey, Isles, or Limitts aforesaid; AND him, the said William Penn, his heirs and as signes, Wee doe by this Our Royall Charter, for Us, Our heires and Successors, make, create, and constitute the true and absolute Proprietarie of the Countrey afore said, and of all other the premisses, Saving alwayes to Us, Our heires and Successors, the Faith and Allegiance of the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, and of all other Proprietaries, Tenants, and Inhabitants that are or shall be within the Territories and Precincts aforesaid ; and Saving also, unto Us, Our heires and Successors, the Sovereignty of the aforesaid Countrey ; TO HAVE, hold, possess, and enjoy the said Tract of Land, Countrey, Isles, Inletts, and other the premisses unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, to the only proper use and behoofe of the said William Penn, his heires and assignes for ever, to bee holden of Us, Our heires and Successors, Kings of England, as of Our Castle of Windsor in our County of Berks, in free and comon Socage, by fealty only for all Services, and not in Capite or by Knights Service : Yielding and pay ing therefore to Us, Our heires and Successors, Two Beaver Skins, to bee delivered at Our said Castle of APPENDIX. 873 Windsor on the First Day of January in every Year ; and also the Fifth Part of all Gold and Silver Oare, which shall from Time to Time happen to bee found within the Limitts aforesaid, cleare of all Charges. And of Our further Grace, certaine Knowledge, and meer motion, We have thought fitt to erect, and We doe hereby erect the aforesaid Countrey and Islands into a Province and Seigniorie, and do call itt PENSILVA NIA, and soe from henceforth we will have itt called. AND forasmuch as wee have hereby made and or dained the aforesaid William Penn, his heires and assignes, the true and absolute Proprietaries of all the Lands and Dominions aforesaid, KNOW YE THERE FORE, That We reposing speciall trust and Confidence in the fidelitie, wisedom, Justice, and provident circum spection of the said William Penn for us, our heires and Successors, Doe grant free, full, and absolute power by vertue of these presents to him and his heires, and to his and their Deputies, and Lieutenants, for the good and happy government of the said countrey, to ordeyne, make, and enact, and under his and their Seales to pub lish any Lawes whatsoever, for the raising of money for the publick use of the said Province, or for any other End, apperteyning either unto the publick state, peace, or safety of the said Countrey, or unto the private util ity of perticular persons, according unto their best dis cretions, by and with the advice, assent, and approba tion of the Freemen of the said Countrey, or the greater parte of them, or of their Delegates or Deputies, whom for the enacting of the said Lawes, when, and as often as need shall require, Wee will that the said William Penn and his heires, shall assemble in such sort and forme, as to him and them shall seeme best, and the same Lawes duly to execute, unto and upon all People within the said Countrey and the Limitts thereof, 374 APPENDIX. AND wee doe likewise give and grant unto the said William Penn, and his heires, and to his and their Deputies and Lieutenants, such power and authoritie to appoint and establish any Judges and Justices, Mag istrates and Officers whatsoever, for what causes soever, for the probates of wills, and for the granting of Admin istrations within the precincts aforesaid and with what Power soever, and in such forme as to the said William Penn or his heires shall seeme most convenient : Also to remitt, release, pardon, and abolish whether before Judgement or after all Crimes and Offences whatsoever comitted within the said Countrey against the said Lawes, Treason and wilful and malitious Murder onely excepted, and in those Cases to grant Reprieves, until Our pleasure may bee known therein and to doe all and every other thing and things, which unto the com- pleate Establishment of Justice, unto Courts and Tribu nals, formes of Judicature, and manner of Proceedings doe belong, altho in these presents expresse mention bee not made thereof ; And by Judges by them dele gated, to award Processe, hold Pleas, and determine in all the said Courts and Tribunalls all Actions, Suits, and Causes whatsoever, as well Criminall as Civill, Personall, reall and mixt ; which Lawes, soe as afore said to bee published, Our Pleasure is, and soe Wee enjoyne, require, and command, shall bee most absolute and avaylable in law ; and that all the Liege People and subjects of Us, Our heires and Successors, doe ob serve and keepe the same inviolabl in those partes, soe farr as they concerne them, under the paine therein expressed, or to bee expressed. PROVIDED neverthe less, that the said Lawes be consonant to reason, and bee not repugnant or contrarie, but as neare as conven iently may bee agreeable to the Lawes and Statutes, and rights of this Our Kingdome of England ; And Saving APPENDIX. 375 and reserving to Us, Our heires and Successors, the receiving, heareing, and determining of the appeale and appeales of all or any Person or Persons, of, in, or be longing to the Territories aforesaid, or touching any Judgement to bee there made or given. AND forasmuch as in the Government of soe great a Countrey, sudden Accidents doe often happen, where- unto it will bee necessarie to apply remedie before the Freeholders of the said Province, or their Delegates or Deputies, can bee assembled to the making of Lawes ; neither will itt bee convenient that instantly upon every such emergent occasion, soe greate a multitude should be called together : Therefore for the better Govern ment of the said Countrey Wee will, and ordaine, and by these presents, for us, our Heires and successors, Doe Grant unto the said William Penn and his heires, by themselves or by their Magistrates and Officers, in that behalfe duely to bee ordeyned as aforesaid, to make and constitute fitt and wholesome Ordinances, from time to time, within the said Countrey to bee kept and ob served, as well for the preservation of the peace, as for the better government of the People there inhabiting ; and publickly to notifie the same to all persons, whome the same doeth or anyway may concerne. Which ordi nances, our Will and Pleasure is, shall bee observed inviolably within the said Province, under Paines therein to be expressed, soe as the said Ordinances bee conso nant to reason, and bee not repugnant nor contrary, but soe farre as conveniently may be agreeable with the Lawes of our Kingdome of England, and soe as the said Ordinances be not extended in any Sort to bind, charge, or take away the right or Interest of any person or persons, for or in their Life, members, Freehold, goods, or Chatties. And our further will and pleasure is, that the Lawes for regulateing and governing of Pro- 376 APPENDIX. pertie within the said Province, as well for the descent and enjoyment of lands, as likewise for the enjoyment and succession of goods and Chatties, and likewise as to Felonies, shall bee and continue the same, as they shall bee for the time being by the generall course of the Law in our Kingdome of England, until the said Lawes shall bee altered by the said William Penn, his heires or assignes, and by the Freemen of the said Province, their Delegates or Deputies, or the greater Part of them. AND to the End the said William Penn, or heires, or other the Planters, Owners, or Inhabitants of the said Province, may not att any time hereafter by miscon struction of the powers aforesaid through inadvertencie or designe depart from that Faith and due allegiance, which by the lawes of this our Realme of England*, they and all our subjects, in our Dominions and Terri tories, alwayes owe unto us, Our heires and Successors, by colour of any Extent or largenesse of powers hereby given, or pretended to bee given, or by force or colour of any lawes hereafter to bee made in the said Pro vince, by vertue of any such Powers ; OUR further will and Pleasure is, that a transcript or Duplicate of all Lawes, which shall bee soe as aforesaid made and pub lished within the said Province, shall within five years after the makeing thereof, be transmitted and delivered to the Privy Councell, for the time being, of us, our heires and successors : And if any of the said Lawes, within the space of six moneths after that they shall be soe transmitted and delivered, bee declared by us, Our heires and Successors, in Our or their Privy Councell, inconsistent with the Sovereignty or lawful Perogative of us, our heires or Successors, or contrary to the Faith and Allegiance due by the legall government of this Realme, from the said William Penn, or his heires, or APPENDIX. 377 of the Planters and Inhabitants of the said Province, and that thereupon any of the said Lawes shall bee adjudged and declared to bee void by us, our heires or Successors, under our or their Privy Seale, that then and from thenceforth, such Lawes, concerning which such Judgement and declaration shall bee made, shall become voyd : Otherwise the said Lawes soe transmit ted, shall remaine, and stand in full force, according to the true intent and meaneing thereof. FURTHERMORE, that this new Colony may the more happily increase, by the multitude of People re sorting thither ; Therefore wee for us, our heires and Successors, doe give and grant by these presents, power, Licence, and Libertie unto all the Liege People and Subjects, both present and future, of us, our heires, and Successors, excepting those who shall bee Specially for bidden to transport themselves and Families unto the said Countrey, with such convenient Shipping as by the lawes of this our Kingdome of England they ought to use, with fitting provisions, paying only the customes therefore due, and there to settle themselves, dwell and inhabitt, and plant, for the publick and their owne pri vate advantage. AND FURTHERMORE, that our Subjects may bee the rather encouraged to undertake this expedicion with ready and cheerful mindes, KNOW YE, That wee, of Our especiall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere mo tion, Doe Give and Grant by vertue of these presents, as well unto the said William Penn, and his heires, as to all others, who shall from time to time repaire unto the said Countrey, with a purpose to inhabit there, or trade with the natives of the said Countrey, full Licence to lade and freight in any ports whatsoever, of us, our heires and Successors, according to the lawes made or to be made within our Kingdome of England, and unto the said 378 APPENDIX. Countrey, by them, theire Servants or assignes, to trans port all and singular theire wares, goods, and Merchan dizes, as likewise all sorts of graine whatsoever, and all other things whatsoever, necessary for food or cloathing, not prohibited by the Lawes and Statutes of our King- domes, without any Lett or molestation of us, our heires and Successors, or of any of the Officers of us, our heires and Successors ; saveing alwayes to us, our heires and Successors, the legall impositions, customes, and other Duties and payments, for the said Wares and Merchandize, by any Law or Statute due or to be due to us, our heires and Successors. AND Wee doe further, for us, our heires and Suc cessors, Give and grant unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, free and absolute power, to Di vide the said Countrey and Islands into Townes, Hun dreds and Counties, and to erect and incorporate Townes into Borroughs, and Borroughs into Citties, and to make and constitute ffaires and Marketts therein, with all other convenient privileges and munities, according to the meritt of the inhabitants, and the ffitness of the places, and to doe all and every other thing and things touching the premisses, which to him or them shall seeme requisite and meet ; albeit they be such as of their owne nature might otherwise require a more especiall com mandment and Warrant then in these presents is ex pressed. WE WILL alsoe, and by these presents, for us, our heires and Successors, Wee doe Give and grant Licence by this our Charter, unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes1, and to all the inhabitants and dwellers in the Province aforesaid, both present and to come, to import or unlade, by themselves or theire Ser vants, ffactors or assignes, all merchandizes and goods whatsoever, that shall arise of tbe fruites and comodities APPENDIX. 379 of the said Province, either by Land or Sea, into any of the ports of us, our heires and successors, in our King- dome of England, and not into any other Countrey whatsoever : And wee give him full power to dispose of the said goods in the said ports ; and if need bee, within one yeare next after the unladeing of the same, to lade the said Merchandizes and Goods again into the same or other shipps, and to export the same into any other Countreys, either of our Dominions or fforeigne, accord ing to Lawe : Provided alwayes, that they pay such customes and impositions, subsidies and duties for the same, to us, our heires and Successors, as the rest of our Subjects of our Kingdome of England, for the time being, shall be bound to pay, and doe observe the Acts of Navigation, and other Lawes in that behalfe made. AND FURTHERMORE, of our most ample and esspeciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, Wee doe, for us, our heires and Successors, Grant unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, full and absolute power and authoritie to make, erect, and constitute within the said Province and the Isles and Islets aforesaid, such and soe many Sea-ports, harbours, Creeks, Havens, Keyes, and other places, for discharge and unladeing of goods and Merchandizes, out of the shipps, Boates, and other Vessells, and ladeing them in such and soe many Places, and with such rights, Juris dictions, liberties and privileges unto the said ports belonging, as to him or them shall seeme most expedi ent ; and that all and singuler the shipps, boates, and other Vessells, which shall come for merchandize and trade unto the said Province, or out of the same shall depart, shall be laden or unladen onely at such Ports as shall be erected and constituted by the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, any use, custome, or other thing to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided, 380 APPENDIX. that the said William Penn, and his heires, and the Lieutenants and Governors for the time being, shall admitt and receive in and about all such Ports, Havens, Creeks, and Keyes, all Officers and their Deputies, who shall from time to time be appointed for that Purpose by the ffarmers or Commissioners of our Customes for the time being. AND Wee doe further appoint and ordaine, and by these presents for us, our heires and Successors, Wee doe grant unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, That he, the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, may from time to time for ever, have and enjoy the Customes and Subsidies, in the Portes, Harbours, and other Creeks and Places afore said, within the Province aforesaid, payable or due for merchandizes and wares there to be laded and unladed, the said Customes and Subsidies to be reasonably as sessed upon any occasion, by themselves and the People there as aforesaid to be assembled, to whom wee give power by these presents, for us, our heires and Suc cessors, upon just cause and in dudue p'portion, to assesse and impose the same ; Saveing unto us, our heires and Successors, such impositions and Customes, as by Act of Parliament are and shall be appointed. AND it is our further will and pleasure, that the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, shall from time to time constitute and appoint an Attorney or Agent, to reside in or neare our City of London, who shall make knowne the place where he shall dwell or may be found, unto the Clerke of our Privy Counsell for the time being, or one of them, and shall be ready to appeare in any of our Courts att Westminster, to Answer for any Misdemeanors that shall be comitted, or by any wilfull default or neglect permitted by the said William Penn, his heires or assignes, against our Lawes of Trade or APPENDIX. 381 Navigation ; and after it shall be ascertained in any of our said Courts, what damages Wee or our heires or Successors shall have sustained by such default or neg lect, the said William Penn, his heires and assignes shall pay the same within one yeare after such taxation, and demand thereof from such Attorney : or in case there shall be noe such Attorney by the space of one yeare, or such Attorney shall not make payment of such damages within the space of one yeare, and answer such other forfeitures and penalties within the said time, as by the Acts of Parliament in England are or shall be provided according to the true intent and meaneing of these presents ; then it shall be lawfull for us, our heires and Successors, to seize and Resume the government of the said Province or Countrey, and the same to retaine untill payment shall be made thereof : But notwith standing any such Seizure or resumption of the govern- ¦ ment, nothing concerneing the propriety or ownership of any Lands, tenements, or other hereditaments, or goods or chattels of any of the Adventurers, Planters, or owners, other then the respective Offenders there, shall anyway be affected or molested thereby. PROVIDED alwayes, and our will and pleasure is, that neither the said William Penn, nor his heires, or any other the inhabitants of the said Province, shall at any time hereafter have or maintain any Correspond ence with any other king, prince, or State, or with any of theire subjects, who shall then be in Warr against us, our heires or Successors ; Nor shall the said William Penn, or his heires, or any other the Inhabitants of the said Province, make Warre or doe any act of Hostility against any other king, prince, or State, or any of theire Subjects, who shall then be in league or amity with us, our heires or successors. AND, because in soe remote a Countrey, and scituate 382 APPENDIX. neare many Barbarous Nations, the incursions as well of the Savages themselves, as of other enemies, pirates and robbers, may probably be feared ; Therefore Wee have given, and for us, our heires and Successors, Doe give power by these presents unto the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, by themselves or theire Captaines or] other their Officers, to levy, muster and traine all sorts of men, of what condition soever or wheresoever borne, in the said Province of Pensilvania, for the time being, and to make Warre, and to pursue the ene mies and Robbers aforesaid, as well by Sea as by Land, even without the Limitts of the said Province, and by God's assistance to vanquish and take them, and being taken to put them to death by the Lawe of Warre, or to save them, att theire pleasure, and to doe all and every other Art and Thing which to the Charge and Office of a Captaine-Generall of an Army belongeth or hath accustomed to belong, as fully and ffreely as any Cap taine-Generall of an Army hath ever had the same. AND FURTHERMORE, of Our especiall grace and of our certaine knowledge and meere motion, wee have given and granted, and by these presents, for us, our heires and Successors, do Give and Grant unto the said WiUiam Penn, his Heires and Assignes, full and abso lute power, licence and authoritie, that he, the said William Penn, his Heires and Assignes, from time to time hereafter forever, att his or theire own Will and pleasure may assigne, alien, Grant, demise, or enfeoffe of the Premises soe many and such partes and parcells to him or them that shall be willing to purchase the same, as they shall thinke fitt, To have and to hold to them the said person and persons willing to take or pur chase, theire heires and assignes, in ffee-simple or ffee- taile, or for the terme of life, or lives or yeares, to be held of the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, APPENDIX. 383 as of the said Seigniory of Windsor, by such services, customes and rents, as shall seeme ffitt to the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, and not imedi ately of us, our heires and successors. AND to the same person or persons, and to all and every of them, wee doe give and grant by these presents, for us, our heires and successors, licence, authoritie and power, that such person or persons may take the premisses, or any parcell thereof, of the aforesaid William Penn, his heires or assignes, and the same hold to themselves, their heires and assignes, in what estate of inheritance soever, in ffee-simple or in ffee-taile, or otherwise,, as to him, the said William Penn, his heires and assignes, shall seem expedient : The Statute made in the parlia ment of EDWARD, sonne of King HENRY, late King of England, our predecessor, commonly called The Statute QUIA EMP TORES TERRA RUM, lately published in our Kingdome of England in any wise notwithstanding. AND by these presents wee give and Grant Licence unto the said William Penn, and his heires, likewise to all and every such person and persons to whom the said William Penn or his heires shall att any time hereafter grant any estate or inheritance as aforesaid, to erect any parcells of Land within the Province aforesaid into Mannors, by and with the Licence to be first had and obteyned for that purpose, under the hand and Seale of the said William Penn or his heires ; and in every of the said Mannors to have and to hold a Court-Baron, with all things whatsoever which to a Court-Baron do belong, and to have and to hold View of ffrank-pledge for the conservation of the peace and the better govern ment of those partes, by themselves or their Stewards, or by the Lords for the time being of the Mannors to be deputed when they shall be erected, and in the same 384 APPENDIX. to use all things belonging to the View of ffrank-pledge. AND Wee doe further grant licence and authoritie, that every such person or persons who shall erect any such Mannor or Mannors, as aforesaid, shall or may grant all or any parte of his said Lands to any person or persons, in ffee-simple, or any other estate of inherit ance to be held of the said Mannors respectively, soe as noe further tenures shall be created, but that upon all further and other alienations thereafter to be made, the said lands soe aliened shall be held of the same Lord and his heires, of whom the alienor did then before hold, and by the like rents and Services which were before due and accustomed. AND FURTHER our pleasure is, and by these pre sents, for us, our heires and Successors, Wee doe cove nant and grant to and with the said William Penn, and his heires and assignes, That Wee, our heires and Suc cessors, shall at no time hereafter sett or make, or cause to be sett, any impossition, custome or other taxation, rate or contribution whatsoever, in and upon the dwellers and inhabitants of the aforesaid Province, for their Lands, tenements, goods or chattells within the said Province, or in and upon any goods or merchandize within the said Province, or to be laden or unladen within the ports or harbours of the said Province, unless the same be with the consent of the Proprietary, or chiefe governor, and assembly, or by act of Parliament in England. AND Our Pleasure is, and for us, our heires and Successors, Wee charge and comand, that this our De claration shall from henceforth be received and allowed from time to time in all our courts, and before all the Judges of us, our heires and Successors, for a sufficient and lawfull discharge, payment and acquittance ; com manding all and singular the officers and ministers of APPENDIX. 385 us, our heires and Successors, and enjoyneing them upon pain of our high displeasure, that they doe not presume att any time to attempt anything to the contrary of the premisses, or that doe in any sort withstand the same, but that they be att all times aiding and assisting, as is fitting unto the said William Penn and his heires, and to the inhabitants and merchants of the Province afore said, their Servants, Ministers, ffactors and Assignes, in the full use and fruition of the benefitt of this our Charter. AND Our further pleasure is, and wee doe hereby, for us, our heires and Successors, charge and require, that if any of the inhabitants of the said Province, to the number of Twenty, shall at any time hereafter be desirous, and shall by any writeing, or by any person deputed for them, signify such their desire to the Bishop of London that any preacher or preachers, to be ap proved of by the said Bishop, may be sent unto them for their instruction, that then such preacher or preach ers shall and may be and reside within the said Prov ince, without any deniall or molestation whatsoever. AND if perchance it should happen hereafter any doubts or questions should arise, concerneing the true Sense and meaning of any word, clause, or Sentence conteyned in this our present Charter, Wee will ordaine, and comand, that att all times and in all things, such interpretation be made thereof, and allowed in any of our Courts whatsoever, as shall be adjudged most advan tageous and favourable unto the said William, Penn, his heires and assignes : Provided always that no interpretation be admitted thereof by which the alle giance due unto us, our heires and Successors, may suffer any prejudice or diminution ; Although express mention be not made in these presents of the true yearly value, or certainty of the premisses, or of any parte 386 APPENDIX. thereof, or of other gifts and grants made by us and our progenitors or predecessors unto the said William Penn: Any Statute, Act, ordinance, provision, procla mation, or restraint heretofore had, made, published, ordained or provided, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoever, to the contrary thereof in any wise not withstan ding. IN WITNESS whereof wee have caused these our Letters to be made patents : Witness OUR SELFE, at Westminster, the Fourth day of March, in the Three and Thirtieth Yeare of Our Reign. By Writt of Privy Seale, Pigott. INDEX. INDEX. Abraham, Heights of, i. 96. Accomac Peninsula, i. 62, 88. Achter Koll, ii. 10. Adams, Samuel, i. 244. Adriansen, a settler, his quarrel with Kieft, i. 186. Adventure, the ship, ii. 227. " Agnea Surriage," the novel, ii. 199. Agriculture iu the Netherlands, i. 14. Aix-la-Chapelle, i. 9. Albania, name given by Nicolls to New Jersey, ii. 10. Albany, French fort at, i. 68, 79; reasons for its great importance, 208 ; ii. 56 ; receives Milborne and his men, 196 ; Mrs. Grant's descrip tion of, 271-274. Albigenses, i. 39; ii, 103; pernicious consequences of their extermina tion, 337. Alexander, James, ii. 250. Alexander, William, see Stirling, Earl of. Algonquin household described, ii. 80-82. Algonquin tribes of New Netherland, i. 177 ; rising of, 185 ; treaty with, 195, 196. Allefonsce, Jean, i. 69, 77. Allegiance, oath of, demanded by An dros, ii. 40. Allerton, Isaac, i. 189. Alsace, ii. 33. Amboyna, so-called massacre of, i. 54, 119, 262, 266. American people, non-English ele ments in, i. 30-34. Americus Vespucius, i. 57, 67. Amsterdam, i. 1, 47. Andringa, Joris, ii. 33. Andros, Sir Edmund, ii. 37-61 ; his journey into the Oneida country, 54-56 ; his reception of the Quak ers, 141 ; 168-170 ; viceroy of New England, 177-179 ; imprisoned in Boston, 197. AngoulSme, possibly a name for Coney Island, i. 65, 75. Anne, Queen, ii. 238, 241, 243, 259; friendly to Penn, 312. Anti-Catholic excitement, in England (1679), ii. 145 ; in New York during the war against France, 212 ; panic of 1689 in New York, 182 ; panic of 1741 in New York, 289. Antinomians, ii. 101, 102. Antwerp, i. 20, 46, 47. Archangel, the ship, ii. 201-203. Arctic explorations, i. 65-57. Arenas, Cabo de, i. 74, 75. Argail, Samuel, i. 102. Aristocrats, a party in New York, ii. 215-238. Aristotle, i. 5. Armada, the Invincible, i. 50. Arminians of Holland, i. 100. Art in the Netherlands, characteris tics of, i. 21. Assembly, the New York, its institu tions, ii. 169-171 ; under Leisler, 196 ; under Sloughter, 212 ; under Fletcher, 216 ; under Cornbury, 239; its weakness in colonial times, 261. Aubert, Thomas, i. 60. Aubrey, William, ii. 315. Australia, discovery of, i. 52, 53. Ayllon, Lucas d', i. 74. Bacchylides, i. 5. Baltimore, Lord, ii. 4, 148. Bangor, i. 77. Baptists of Flushing, i. 232. Barclay, Robert, ii. 132. Bardsen, Ivar, his sailing directions, i. 84. Barendz, William, i. 56, 84. Bartram, John, ii. 322. Bartram, William, ii. 323. Batavia, Java, 51. Batavian cavalry, at Pharsalia and at Strasburg, i. 5, 6. Baxter, George, i. 256, 267, 280. Baxter, Richard, ii. 300. Baxter, Thomas, i. 265. Bayard, Judith, wife of Peter Stuy vesant, i. 199; defends a persecuted Quaker, 234. Bayard, Nicholas, puts together the pieces of Col. Nicolls's letter, i. 288 ; ii. 40, '181, 185, 189, 198, 202, 205, 237. Bear's Island, i. 209, 211. Beaver Road Fort, i. 147. Beekman, Cornelius, i. 283. Beekman's Swamp, ii. 66. Beer of New Netherland, excellence of, i. 261 ; ii. 21, 85, 266; that of Philadelphia also famous, 324. "Begum's Daughter, The," the nov el, ii. 199. 390 INDEX. Behn, Mrs. Aphra, ii. 129. Beissel, Conrad, ii. 348. Belgium, i. 44. Bellingh im, Richard, ii. 7, 9. Bellomont, Earl of, ii. 226-237 ; his levelling tendencies, 229, 230. Berkeley, Lord, ii. 10, 36, 92. Berkeley, Sir William, ii. 11. Bevan, Catharine, burned alive, ii. 326. Beverwyck, old name for Albany, i. 210, 213, 214. Bible, the, in the Netherlands, i. 18. Block, Adrian, i. 104, 148, 172. Block Island, i. 65, 104. Blommaert, Samuel, i. 138. Bceotians, popular conceptions of, i. 160. Boerhaave, i- 17. Bogardus, Everardus, i. 145 ; quarrels with Van Twiller, 163 ; his daugh ter's wedding, 183 ; quarrels with Kieft, 197 ; his marriage to Anneke Jans, 198 ; sails for Holland and is drowned, 204. Bohemia, i. 33, 34. Bohemia Manor, ii. 74. Bois, Louis du, ii. 340. Boniface, Saint, i. 8. Borodino, battle of, i. 219. Bossen Bouwerie, ii. 73. Boston, founding of, i. 148. Boudinot, Elias, ii. 346. Bowery Lane, ii. 20, 67. Bowery Tavern, ii. 82. Bowery Village, ii. 69. Bowling Green, ii. 63. Brabant, Duchy of, i. 11. Bradford, Andrew, printer, ii. 322. Bradford, William, i. 84, 123, 124. Bradford, William, the printer, ii. 249, 322. Bradford, William, Jr., printer, ii. 322. Branford, ii. 14. Brant, Joseph, ii. 242. Brazil, held by the Dutch, i. 54. Breda, treaty of, i. 250; ii. 16, 22. Brethren of the Common Life, ii. 109. Broad Street, New York, ii. 64. Brockholls, Anthony, ii. 38, 61, 168, 169. Bronck, Jonas, i. 173. Bronx River, origin of the name, i. 173. Brooklyn, beginnings of, i. 174 ; ii. 77. Brooks, Elbridge, his novel, " In Leisler's Time," ii. 200. Bruges, i. 47. Brussels, i. 47. Bull, Thomas, ii. 48, 49, 218, 219, Bumpers, a broadside of, i. 146. Burghers, great and small, ii. 18. Burgundy, House of, i. 24-28. Burlington, New Jersey, ii. 143. Burnet, Gilbert, ii. 245. Burnet, William, ii. 245-248. Burns, Robert, i. 159. Burton, Mary, ii. 290-292. Byllinge, Edward, ii. 16, 36, 98, 139- 141. Bynner, E. L., ii. 199. Cabo de Arenas, i. 74, 75. Cabot, John, i. 58, 67, 142. Cabot, Sebastian, i. 55, 58, 80, 86. Caesar, Julius, i. 4, 44. Callowhill, Hannah, second wife of William Penn, ii. 305. Calvinism and public schools, i. 33. Campbell, Douglas, i. 31, 218, 227. Canal Street, i. 121 ; origin of, ii. 72. Cape Breton, i, 59. Cape Cod, i. 67, 74-76. Cape Fear, i. 61. Cape Henlopen, i. 74^76. Cape of Good Hope, Dutch colony at, i. 52. Capetian kings, Flemish origin of, i. 7. Carleton, Sir Dudley, i. 115. Carolina coast, visited by Verrazano, i. 61 ; a lair of pirates, ii. 225. Carolingians, Flemish origin of, i. 7. Carr, John, ii. 4. Carr, Sir Robert, i. 285 ; ii. 3, 7-9. Carroll, Lewis, i. 159. Carteret, Elizabeth, ii. 12, 97. Carteret, Sir George, ii. 10-12, 36, 92. Carteret, James, ii. 16, 83. Carteret, Philip, ii. 11, 93-96, 142, 170. Cartier, Jacques, i. 60. Cartwright, George, i. 285; ii. 7. Castle, the ship, ii. 38. Catskill Mountains, i. 90. Caughnawagas, an Indian tribe, ii. 246, 247. Ceylon, i. 52. Champlain, Samuel, i. 96 ; ii. 388. Chandler, Zachariah, i. 31. Charlemagne, i. 7, 8. Charles the Bald, i. 9. Charles the Bold, i. 25, 26, 43. Charles I., i. 47, 124, 143. Charles II., i. 279, 280, 283, 291 ; ii. 23, 24, 92, 113, 115, 116, 141, 152, 172. Charles V., emperor, i. 28, 43. Charles X. of Sweden, i. 242. Cheerfulness of New York, ii. 282, Chesapeake Bay, i. 62, 63, 67. Chester, Pennsylvania, origin of tho name, ii. 156. Christiansen, Hendrick, i. 102. Christina, Queen of Sweden, i. 240. Christison, Wenlock, ii. 113. Christopher, St., ii. 73. Cinque Ports, i. 45. City Hall, on Wall Street, ii 65, 257. City Hall Park, ii. 67. Civilis, Claudius, i. 5. INDEX. 391 Classis of New York, ii. 91. Claudia, a name for Block Island, i. 75, 104. Claus, Jan, ii. 137. Claverhouse, John Graham of, ii. 145. Climate of New York, ii. 87 ; of Penn sylvania, 158. Clobery and Company, i. 145. Clovis, i. 6. Clubs in New York, ii. 284. Coffee introduced into Europe by the Dutch, i. 51. Colden, Cadwallader, ii. 285. Coligny, Admiral, ii. 339. Collect, the, i. 77; ii. 68, 71, 259. Columbus, Christopher, i. 48. Colve, Anthony, ii. 25-31, 39. Commercial spirit antagonistic to priestcraft, i. 41, 42. Congress of American colonies, the first, ii. 196. Congreve, ii. 129. Connecticut, the founding of, i. 153 ; coveted by Andros, ii. 46. Constitutional discussion in New York, ii. 244. Convention of 1664, in New Amster dam, i. 283. Coote, Richard, see Bellomont, Earl of. Coriear's Hook, massacre at, i. 185. Cornbury, Viscount, ii. 237-241. Cornwall, county of, ii. 7. Coromandel coast, i. 52. Coronado, Francisco de, i. 86. Corporate responsibility, ii. 102. Corssen, Arendt, i. 147. Cortlandt, Stephanus, ii. 44, 181, 185, 189, 198, 238. Cortlandt, Stephanus, the younger, ii. 200. Cosby, William, ii. 248, 250. Cosmopolitan character of New Am sterdam, i. 230. Cotton, John, ii. 321. Courcelle, governor of Canada, ii. 50. Courtray, battle of, i. 23. Cresap, Michael, ii. 317. Cresson, Solomon, ii. 315. Crime and punishment in Pennsyl vania, ii. 153, 327. Cromwell, Oliver, i. 38, 266 ; ii. 107, 111, 188. Currency, in Andros's time, ii. 45. Custom-house, at New York, ii. 74, 75. Dankers, Jasper, ii. 61, 74. Dauphine, or Dolphin, the ship, 61. Davenport, John, i. 172; ii. 13. David I. of Scotland, i. 35. Declaration of Indulgence, ii. 299. Dee, John, i. 81. Dieppe, local annals of, i. 59. Digges, Sir Dudley, i. 92. Delaware Indians, i. 120; ii. 165. De Lancey, James, ii. 250, 257. Democracy, the Connecticut type of, ii. 264 ; its true foundation, 308. Denmark and Holland, treaty be tween, i. 249. Denonville, Marquis, ii. 174. De Peyster, Abraham, ii. 186, 215. Dermer, Thomas, his voyage to New England, i. 114. Descartes, Ren6, ii. 132. Deutel Bay, ii. 70. De Witte, John, i. 245. De Vries, David, i. 138, 145-147, 161, 164, 171, 177, 179, 182-187, 241, 261. Diamond, the ship, ii. 38. Dickens, Charles, i. 159. Dikes and canals, i. 14. D nant, massacre at, i. 25, 42, 266. Dircksen, Cornelius, i. 121. Dogberry's methods, i. 156. Dongan, Thomas, ii. 170-174, 177, 184, 186, 187, 298. Doughty, Francis, i. 182. Dress in colonial New York, ii. 281. Dragonnades, the, ii. 342. Dreyfus case, the, ii. 129. Drumclog, battle of, ii. 145. Dudley, Joseph, ii. 198, 204, 235. Dukes County, ii. 6. Duke's Customs, ii. 170-178 ; revived by Leisler, 191. Duke's Laws, the, ii. 2, 39. Dunbar, battle of, i. 247. Dunkers, ii. 348. Dutch, meaning of the name, i. 4 ; humorous associations with the name, 158, 159. Dutch empire in the East Indies, i. 56. Dutch family names in English, i. 46. Dutchland and Welshland, i. 4. Dutch language, the, its strong re semblance to English, i. 2, 84. Dutch migration to New Netherland, great difference from English mi gration to New England, i. 223. Dutch wars with England, i. 249, 250. Dyer, William, i. 264 ; ii. 38, 169. Earthquake in the Hudson valley, i. 280. East India Company, the Dutch, i. 51, 101. East India Company, the English, i. 51. East River, ii. 76. Eaton, Theophilus, i. 172 ; his letter to Stuyvesant, i. 253. Edict of Nantes, ii. 181, 299, 340, 342. Edward III., i. 36. Eelkins, Jacob, i. 106, 145. Eendragt, the ship, i. 141. Eight Men, the Board of, under 392 INDEX. Kieft's administration, i. 189 ; peti tion StateB-General, 192-194. Elizabeth, Princess Palatine, ii. 132- 136, 138. Elizabeth, Queen, i. 45, 81, 141. Elizabethtown, origin of the name, ii. 12. Ellis, George, ii. 164, 165. Endicott, John, i. 2, 154; ii. 113. England, its trade with Flanders, i. 36; influx of Netherlander into, 37, 38, 45-47. English and Dutch claims in America, i. 124, 141-143, 277-279. English at Fort Nassau, captured by the Dutch, i. 161. English people, reasons for their suc cess as colonizers, i. 123-130. English towns on Long Island, ii. 22, 26, 39. Epaininondas, i. 160. Ephrata Community, ii. 350. Erasmus, i. IS. Erie Canal, ii. 260. Erskine, Lord, ii. 254. Esopus, conference with the Indians at, i. 272 ; massacre at, 274 ; ii. 91. Estates and revenues in New York under Andros, ii. 90. Evans, John, ii. 312, 313. Evertsen, Cornelius, ii. 24, 33. Extradition of criminals, i. 254. Falkenstein, Count, ii. 137. Family names, Dutch, their occur rence in English, i. 46. Fenelon, Archbishop, i. 1. Fenwick, John, ii. 16, 36 ; 139-141. Ferrar, Nicholas, ii. 125. Feudal states in the Crusades, i. 11. Fitch, John, i. 77. Flatbush, description of country- house in, ii. 274-279. Flemish language, i. 3, 6. Flemish Protestants, migration of, into Holland, i. 47, 48. Fletcher, Bsnjamin, ii. 213-228 ; his rebuff at Hartford, and the legend concerning it, 218. Flour monopoly, ii. 91. Flower, Enoch, ii. 321. Flushing, magnificent protest of its town officers, i. 235. Fly Block-House, ii. 65. Fly Market, ii. 291. Ford, Philip, ii. 315. Forrester, Andrew, emissary from Lady Stirling, i. 2.7.1. Fort Amsterdam, i. 121, 287, 290. Fort Christina, i. 238. Fort George, ii. 291. Fort Good Hope, on the site of Hart ford, i. 117, 149, 173. Fort Hamilton, ii. 79. Fort James, ii. 1, 22, 03, 67, 140, 142, 171. Fort Nassau, at Albany, i. 106. Fort Nassau, on South River, i. 117, 239. Fort Orange, at Albany, i. 116, 208. Fort Willem Hendrick, ii. 25. Fort William, ii. 188; 201, 213. Fox, C. S., his libel act, ii. 253. Fox, George, ii. 109-111, 155, 320. Francis I., i. 60, 63. Franklin, Benjamin, ii. 56, 98; his plan for a federal union, 221, 319, 320. Franks, conversion of, i. 6. Frazius, Dominie, ii. 63. Frederick of Orange, i. 119, 245. Freedom, political, circumstances fa vouring it in the Netherlands, i. 12. French, reasons for their failure as colonizers, i. 128-130; their in trigues with the Iroquois, ii. 52. Fresh River, a name for the Connecti cut, i. 117, 148. Friends of God, ii. 109. Frisian language, i. 3, 6. Frontenac, Count, ii. 52, 159; 174, 175, 182, 192, 197, 215. Furly, Benjamin, ii. 132. Fur trade, illicit, i. 168. Gaasbeek, Laurentius ran, ii. 91. Gardiner, Lyon, i. 152, 176. Gastaldi, his map, i. 75. Generalizations about national char acteristics, i. 159. George I., ii. 132. George II. , ii. 248. German F'ats, ii. 260. Germans from the Palatinate, mi grate to New York, ii. 260. Germantown, ii. 325; settlement of, 349. Gerrits, Dirk, i. 57. Ghent, i. 20, 22, 23, 24, 47. Gildersleeve, Richard, a magistrate, i. 233. Gladstone, W. E., i. 108. Glen, John, ii. 194. Godfrey, Thomas, mathematician, ii. 323. Godfrey, Thomas, poet, ii. 323. Godyn, Samuel, i. 138. Goedenhuyzen, Samuel, i. 252. Golden Fleece, Knights of the, i. 36. Gomez, Estevan, i. 68, 74. Goodyear, Stephen, 252. Gouverneur, Abraham, ii. 228. Government by a commercial com pany, i. 224. Governor's Island, origin of the name, i. 163. Gowanus, ii. 77. Gowrie conspiracy, ii. 317. Graham, James, ii. 212. Grand River, a name for the Hudson, i. 76, 105. Grant, Mrs., of Laggan, ii. 266-274. INDEX. 393 Gravesend, beginnings of, i. 171. Great Privilege, the, i. 26, "Great Swift Arrow," a Mohawk name for Governor Fletcher, ii. 213. Green, Henry, i. 93. Greenwich St., ii. 67, 259. Grist, Paul van der, seizes the San Beninio, i. 252, 253. Groote Kill, ii. 71. Grotius, Hugo, i. 17, 99. Guercheville, Madame de, ii. 339. Guicciardmi, i. 18, 36. Guilds in the Netherlands, i. 22. Gustavus Adolphus, i. 237. Habeas Corpus Act, ii. 145. Hackensack, murder at, i. 183. Hainault, i. 11. Half Moon, the ship, i. 88-92. Hall, Thomas, i. 189. Hamilton, Alexander, ii. 67. Hamilton, Andrew, ii. 251-257; hia tribute to Penn, 328. Harlem, ii. 71, 82-84. Hart, Edward, town clerk of Flush ing, i. 235. Hart, Simon de, ii. 78. Hartford, i. 153. Hartford, treaty of, i. 257-259, 281. Harvard College, founding of, ii. 321. Hell Gate, i. 104. Henry, Patrick, i. 244. Henry I., i. 35. Henry III., i. 226. Henry V., i. 36. Henry VIII., i. 22, 36, 41. Henry II. of France, i. 79. Henry IV. of France, 1. 85; ii. 339. Herodotus vs. the newspaper, i. 219. Hill, General, commonly called " Jack Hill," ii- 243. Hinnoyossa, Alexander, ii. 3. Hobbes, Thomas, ii. 107. Hodshone, Robert, a Quaker, shame fully treated by Stuyvesant, i. 233, 234. Holidays in colonial New York, ii. 283. Holland, Counts of, i. 12 ; meaning of the name, 14 ; its long coast line, 49 ; parties in, 98-101. Hollender, Peter, i 239. Holmes, William, i. 150. Hooft, Cornelius, i. 7. Hooker, Thomas, i. 153 ; ii. 13. Hooton, Thomas, his letter to his wife, ii. 143. Homes, Anna Maria, Countess of, ii. 132-136, 138. Horsford, E. N., i. 70. Horticulture in the Netherlands, i. 15. Houses of New York, construction of, .ii. 28-31. Howell, John, wishes England had the Spanish Inquisition, iu 130. Hubbard, James, i. 269. Hudson, various forms of the name, i. 80. Hudson, Christopher, i. 82. Hudson, Henry, the alderman, i. 80. Hudson, Henry, the navigator, i. 55, 57, 58; his friendship with John Smith, 82 ; his first and second voyages, 83 ; his ignorance of the Dutch language, i. 84; enters the Dutch service, 84, 85; baffled at Nova Zembla, he crosses the Atlan tic in search of the Sea of Verra zano, 86, 87 ; his observations of a sun spot, 88 ; his arrival in New York harbour, 89; his voyage upon the Great River, i. 90, 91 ; returns to the service of the Muscovy Company, i. 92 ; his tragic fate, i. 93. Hudson, John, i. 93. Hudson, Thomas, of Limehouse, i- 81. Hudson, Thomas, of Mortlake, i. 81. Hudson's Bay, i. 92. Hughson's Tavern, ii. 290. Hugonet, the execution of, i. 27. Huguenots, their migration from France, i. 24 ; why they did not come to New France, 130, 230; causes of their failure in France, ii. 337, 338; their migration to New Netherland, 340; persecuted by Louis XIV., 341, 342; their exodus from France, 342, 343 ; in Boston, 344 ; in New York, 345; names, 344, 345. Hull, Edward, i. 265. Hunter, Robert, ii. 242-245. Hutchings, an alderman, ii. 237, 238. Hutchinson, Anne, i. 182; murdered hy Indians, 186 ; her captive grand daughter, 196, 275; ii. 102. Hutchinson, Thomas, ii. 197. Huyghens, Christian, i. 17. Hyde, Edward, see Cornbury, Vis count. Iberville, LeMoyne d', ii. 193. Imbrecourt, execution of, i. 27. Incentives to murder among Indians, i. 272. Indented white servants, ii. 286, 325. Indian Commissioners, Board of, ii. 56. Indians, described in 1512, i. 59; de scribed in 1609 by Henry Hudson, 89-91. Inducements to immigration, i. 171. Industrial development, circum stances favoring it in the Nether lands, i. 13. Infamous, The, ii. 311. Ingoldsby, Richard, ii. 198, 201-204, 241. "In Leisler's Times," the novel, ii. 200. Innocent III., ii. 103. 394 INDEX. Innocent XI., ii. 182. Inns in New York, ii. 284. Inquisition, i. 41. Insulirity of Britain, effect of, i. 4, 24, 220. Iroquois, politics, ii. 172 ; chiefs in London, 242. Irving, Washington, i. 95, 156, 158, 160. Jacqueline, of Holland, i. 25. Jame3, Duke of York, i. 248 ; receives a grant of New Netherland, i. 284 ; ii. 1-7, 37, 42^4, 47, 53, 90-93, 117, 144, 146; becomes king of Eng land, ii. 172. Jame3 I., i. 38, 92, 110, 118, 142; ii. 132. James IL, ii. 176, 178; flight of, 179, 182, 183, 217, 259; his treacherous disposition, 298. Jans, Anneke, litigation about her estate, ii. 32, 259. Jansen, Antoine, i. 171. Jasper, Margaret, mother of William Penn, ii. 114. Jay family, their migration to New York, ii. 346, 347. Jay, John, ii. 348. Jeffreys, George, ii. 296. Jersey, East and West, boundaries between, ii. 36, 140. Jews in America, i. 31, 230; in Spain, ii. 331; savagely persecuted, 332; their migration to the Netherlands, 333 ; further migration to New Netherland and Rhode Island, 333, 334 ; their synagogue in New York, 335 ; in Pennsylvania, South Caro lina, and Georgia, 336. Joanna of Castile, i. 28. Johnson, Sir William, ii. 57, 248. Joris, Adrian, i. 116. Joseph II. of Austria, i. 202. Josquin des Pres, i. 16. Julian the Apostate, i. 6. Kaflfirism, i. 39. Keith, George, ii. 132, 304. Keithian Quakers, ii. 305. Kellond, a Boscon merchant, ii. 8. Kempis, Thomas a, ii. 108. Kent, the ship, ii. 141. Setters, i. 42. Kidd, William, the pirate, ii. 226, 227, 231-235. Kieft, William, his appointment, i. 166 ; his method of governing, 167 ; his proclamations, 1GS; "under takes to tax the Algonquins, 179; lays an excise upon beer, wine, and furs, 191; his official courtesy, 192; attacked by Kuyter and Melyn, 201; befriended by Stuyvesant, 202; sails for Holland and is drowned, 204. Kievit's Hook, i. 149. King Farms, ii. 259. King Philip's war, ii. 47. Kingston, Ontario, ii. 52. Kip, Jacobus, ii. 70. Kip's Bay, ii. 70. Kissing Bridge, ii. 69. Knickerbocker, Diedrich, i. 144. Koorn, Nicholas, i. 211. Kramer, Gerard, i. 76. Krieckebeeck, a Dutch captain, i 122. Kuyter, Joachim, i. 171, 189. Labadie, Jean de, ii. 74, 132, 137, 138. Lancaster, Pennsylvania, ii. 324. Land Gate, ii. 66. Lasso, Orlando, i. 16. Laurens, Henry, ii. 347, 348. Libraries in New York, ii. 284. Lee, Charles, ii. 65. Leisler Act, the, ii. 237, 238. Leisler, execution of, ii. 205 ; his honesty of purpose, 206 ; analysis of his motives, 207 ; his execution ill-advised, 208. Leisler, Hester, ii. 200 ; her marriage to Barent Rynders, 201. Leisler, Jacob, the elder, ii. 89, 183- 206, 220. Leisler, Jacob, the younger, ii. 228. Leisler, Mary, her marriage to Jacob Milborne, ii. 199, 200 ; her second marriage to Abraham Gouverneur, 201. Leislerians, a party in New York, ii. 215-238 ; their violent proceedings, 236, 237. Lenni-Lenap£ Confederacy, i. 120 ; ii. 1G5. Lennoy, Abraham, ii. 75. Leverett, John, i. 266. Levermore, Charles, ii. 15. Lifege, i. 25. Limburg, i. 11. Linschoten, navigator, i. 56. Liquor laws, in New Netherland, i. 169 ; in New York, h. 45. Lisbon, its trade with the Nether lands, i. 49. Lispenard's Meadows, 71. Literature in the Dutch and Flemish languages, i. 18. Livingston, Robert, ii. 57, 192, 227, 236, 238. Lloyd, David, ii. 318. Locke, John, ii. 107 ; his relations with William Penn, ii. 303, 304. Lodwyck, captain of a train-band, ii. 187. Logan, Indian chief, ii. 317. Logan, James, ii. 317, 318. Lok, Michael, i. 63, 86. Lollards, i. 39. Long Island, English towns on, i 176, 282 ; ii. 22, 26. INDEX. 395 Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, i. 39. Lorraine, i. 10. Lotharingia, i. 9, 25 ; ii. 33. Louis de Male, Count of Flanders, i. 24. Louis the German, i. 9. Louis XL, i. 27. Louis XIV., 97, 250; ii. 24, 34, 173; his plan for conquering New York, 174, 175, 181. Louise, name for Block Island, i. 65. Lovelace, Francis, ii. 17-22, 24, 31- 33, 259, 282. Lovelace, Lord, ii. 241. Lowe, Robert, his attempt to measure history with a foot-rule, i. 219. Lutherans in New Amsterdam, i. 232. Luxemburg, Duchy of, i. 11. Macaulay, T. B., his unfounded ac cusations against William Penn, ii. 295-297. Macdonough, Thomas, ii. 210. Madagascar, a lair of pirates, ii. 223. Madras, founding of, i. 54. Mail between New York and Boston, the first in America, ii. 19, 20. Maine, coast of, i. 66. Maiollo, Vesconte, i. 63. Makin, Thomas, his Latin verses, ii. 313, 314. Malabar coast, i. 52. Malay peninsula, i. 52. Malibore, a Delaware chief, ii. 164. Mamaroneck Creek, ii. 5. Manhattan, meaning of the name, i. 120. Manhattan Island, first houses on, i. 102. Manheim, ii. 324. Manors in New York, ii. 266. Mansfield Lord, on the law of libel, ii. 253. Manufactures in the Netherlands, i. 15. Maps, of early navigators, difficult to read, i. 73. Marathon, battle of, i. 219. Marie Antoinette, i. 202. Markham, William, ii. 154. Marlow, Gregory, ii. 141. Martha'B Vineyard, ii. 6, 25. Marvel, Andrew, ii. 333. IHary, Duchess of Burgundy, i. 26. Maryland, beginnings of, i. 133 ; be comes a royal province, ii. 211. Iffary Tudor, ii. 104. Masham, Mrs., a favourite of Queen Anne, ii. 243. Mason, Arthur, a constable, ii. 8. Mason, John, i. 141. Mather, Increase, ii. 164, 178 ; detains King William's letter to the colo nies, 179 ; 188. Mattabeseck, i. 148. Maurice of Orange, i. 99, 108, 245. Mauritius River, a name for the Hud son, i. 105, 146. Maverick, Samuel, i. 280, 285 ; ii. 3, 7-9. Maximilian of Austria, i. 26. May, Cornelius, i. 104, 116. Mayflower, voyage of, i. 110. Mazarin, Cardinal, i. 246. Megapolensis, Dominie, i. 231, 290. Mellick, A. D., ii. 11. Melyn, Cornelius, i. 171, 179, 189, 217. Memling, Hans, i. 16. Mennonites, ii. 348. Mercator, his map, i. 76. Merchants' Exchange, ii. 22. Mermaid, seen by Henry Hudson, a possible explanation, i. 83. Middle Kingdom, the, i. 9, 25, 42; ii. 33. Milborne, Jacob, ii. 89, 192, 195, 199- 201, 203-205. Mill, John Stuart, ii. 122. Milton, John, ii. 107, 321, 340. Minetta Brook, ii. 72. Minuit, Peter, i. 120, 140, 179; in New Sweden, 238 ; his fate, 239. Modern features of life in the me diaeval Netherlands, i. 20. Mohawk River, the, i. 76. Mohawk country, invaded by the French, ii. 50, 51. Mohawks, French trade with, i. 68, 69; afld Mohegans, 122; and fire arms, 178. Mohawk tax gatherers, i. 184. Mohegans, of the Housatonic valley, i. 122; ii. 59, 165. Molucca Island, the Dutch in, i. 52, 53, 54. Monmouth, Duke of, his rebellion, ii. 296. Monopolies, abolition of, i. 170. Montgomery, John, ii. 248. Montreal, besieged by the Iroquois, ii. 175. Monts, Sieur du, ii. 338. Moody, Lady, i. 186. Moore, William, ii. 232. Moravians, i. 230. Moriscos, banished from Spain, ii. 104. Morris, Gouverneur, ii. 201. Morton, Nathaniel, his story about the Mayflower, i. 111. Mosquitoes, early mention of, ii. 269 Motley, J. L., i. 43. Minister, treaty of, 1648, i. 244. Muscovy Company, the, i. 55, 80. Music in the Netherlands, i. 16. Nahant, i. 6Q. Names, Huguenot, ii. 343. Nansen, Frithioff, i. 85. Nantucket, i. 65 ; ii. 6, 25, 50, 171. Narragansetts, ii. 165. Nassau, the ship, ii. 224. 396 INDEX. Navigation Act, the, i. 243, 249, 279. Navy, the word, i. 34. Nayler, James, ii. 111. Negroes, alleged plot of 1741, ii. 288- 293 ; plot of 1712, 288 ; admitted to the franchise, 293. Netherlands, i. 11 ; broken in twain, 44 ; excess of state sovereignty in, 85, 244 ; parties in, 246, 247. New Amstel, ii. 3. New Amsterdam, incorporated as a city, i. 228; attacked by Indians, 271. Newark, origin of, ii. 14. Newcastle, Delaware, i. 238: ii. 4, 91. New England, Revolution of 1689 in, ii. 180. Newfoundland fisheries, i. 58. New Gottenburg, i. 241. New Haven, exodus from, to New Jersey, ii. 14. New Haven, the republic of, i. 172, 173, 240 ; ii. 5, 13. New Jersey, origin of the name, ii. 12 ; government of, 15, 16 ; its gov ernorship united with that of New York, 239. New London, conference of govern ors at, ii. 243. New Netherland, first appearance of the name, i. 105; difficulties of gov erning, ii. 207; five phases of its colonial growth, 229. New Netherland, the ship, i. 116. New Orange, a name for New York, ii. 25. New project, the, i. 170. New Rochelle, founded by Hugue nots, ii. 345, 346. Newspapers, list of the earliest American, ii. 249. New Sweden, brief career of, i. 237- 242; ii. 25. Newton, Sir Isaac, ii. 62. New Wales, a name proposed for Pennsylvania, ii. 150. New York harbour, visited by Verra zano, i. 64. New York, retaken by the Dutch, ii. 25; demands self-government, 42- 44; its military position, 209-211; population of, in 1735, 258, 261; causes of its slow growth, 261; its military position, 261; its immense value as a doubtful State, 263. New York city, the child of Amster dam, i. 2, 85. New Zealand, discovery of, i. 53. Nicholson, Francis, ii. 177, 180, 186, 187,189; conquers Nova Scotia, 242; takes part iu a fruitless expedition against Canada, 243. Nicolls, John, ii. 202. Nicolls, Richard, his expedition against New Netherland, i. 284-291 ; his letter to Winthrop, 288; ii. 1-17, 42, 259, 298. Nicolls, William, ii. 198. Nieuwenhuysen, Dominie, ii. 63, 86. Nine Men, the Board of, under Stuy- vesant's administration, i. 205, 206. Nmigret, chief of the Nyantics, i. 261. Norman Conquest, its effect upon the English language, i. 3. Norridgewock, ii. 211. Norris, Captairl, ii. 257. Norumbega, problem of, i. 69-79; meaning of the name, 71 ; the river probably the Hudson, 76-78; the so-called city probably on Manhat tan Island, i. 77; ii. 68. Norwich, i. 37. Nova Caesarea, ii. 12. Nova Zembla, discovery of, i. 56. Nundadasis, an Oneida stronghold, ii. 55. Oates, Titus, ii. 145. Occupation uf territory, what consti tutes it, i. 142. Ogden, John, ii. 10. Old Cato's Inn, ii. 70. Olden Barneveld, i. 56, 99; judicial murder of, 108, 245. Olive, Thomas, ii. 143. Onas, meaning of the word, ii. 159. Onontio, meaning of the word, ii. 51. Orange Party, in Holland, i. 98. Orange Tree, tbe ship, i. 118. Ordinance of 1614, regulating the fur trade, i. 103. Orgies at Manhattan, i. 164. Ortelius, Abraham, i. 78. Oswego, founding of, ii. 247, 260. Oxenstjerna, Chancellor, i. 238. Oxford, Mass., Huguenot settlement at, ii. 345. Oysters, ii. 78. Pacham, chief of the Haverstraws, i, 183. Painting in the Netherlands, i. 16. Palatinate, the Rhenish, a refuge of heretics, ii. 341, 350; devastated by Louis XrV., ii. 350. Palatine Bridge, ii. 260. Palatines, their migration to New York and Pennsylvania, ii. 351. Pamlico Sound, i. 64. Parties in Pennsylvania, ii. 318. Pastorius, F. D., ii. 349. Patroons, i. 134-140; ii. 266. Pauw, Michael, i. 139. Pavia, battle of, i. 68. Pavonia, i. 139 ; massacre at, 185 : ii. 10. Pearl Street, i. 121; ii. 63, 258. Pearsou, Thomas, ii. 156. Peasantry in New York, ii. 265. Peck Slip, i. 121; ii. 65. Pelham Manor, i. 275; ii. 21. INDEX. 397 Pell, Thomas, i. 275. Pemaquid, ii. 7, 25, 59, 181. Penn, Granville, ii. 316. Penn, John, ii. 316. Penn, John, son of Richard, ii. 317. Penn, John son of Thomas, ii. 316. Penn, Richard, ii. 316. Penn, Richard, Jr., ii. 317. Penn, Thomas, ii. 316. Penn, William, ii. 16, 98, 99; his early years, 114-116; thrown into prison, 117; his controversial pamphletB, 118-122; his book, "No Cross, no Crown," 122-129; tried for preach ing in Gracechurch Street, 130; his marriage to Gulielma Maria Sprin- gett, 130, 305; his travels in Ger many, 131-139; becomes interested in West Jersey, 140; his estates in West Jersey, 144; his claim against the crown, 145; his letter to the Delaware colonists, 154; his treaty with the Indians, 158; dances for the Indians, 159; his return to Eng land, 167; advises the Duke not to sell New York, 170 ; his plan for a federal union, 220; friendship with James II., 295; accused of being a Jacobite and Jesuit in the pay of Rome, 301; his relations with John Locke, 303; is deprived of his pro prietary government, 304; but soon is restored to it, 305; his second marriage, to Hannah Callowhill, 305; returns to Philadelphia, 306; his home and habits, 306; returns to England, 312; his long illness and death, 316; results of his tour in Germany, 344. Penn, William, Jr., ii. 315. Penn, Sir William, ii. 114-116. Pennamite- Yankee conflicts, ii. 150. Penne, George, ii. 297. Pennsylvania, religious liberty in, ii. 99; boundaries of, 148-150; origin of the name, 150; its charter con trasted with that of Maryland, 151, 152; why it was not molested by Indians in the early times, 164- 166; rapid growth of, 166, 328; be comes a royal province, 217; re stored to Penn, 305 ; revised char ter of, 309, 310; significance of its rapid growth, 328, 329; a centre of distribution for the non-English population, 330. Penobscot River, i. 66, 75-79. Pepys, Samuel, ii. 12. Pequots, i. 136, 148, 153, 155. Perry, Oliver, ii. 210. Persecution, causes of, ii. 100-104; harmfulness of, 105, 106. Philadelphia, founding of, ii. 1 56, 157 ; its literary eminence, 320-323. Philip, chief of the Wampanoags, ii. 58,59. Philip the Fair, i. 23. Philip the Good, i. 25. Philip the Hardy, i. 24. Philip I. of Spain, i. 27, 28. Philip II. of Spain, i. 45, 49. Philipse, Frederick, ii. 181, 189, 198, Philipse, Frederick, the younger, ii. Phipps, Sir William, ii. 179, 197. Pierson, Abraham, ii. 14. Pilgrims at Leyden petition the States General to allow them to settle in New Netherland, i. 108-110. Pinzon, Vicente, i. 67. Pioneers of the West, ii. 355. Piracy, the golden age of, ii. 222-226. Plymouth men build a fort at Wind sor, i. 151. Pocahontas, ii. 242. Point Judith, i. 65. Political development in England con trasted with that in the Nether lands, i. 21, 22. Politics and wool, i. 35. Pomponius Mela, i. 57. Populace of New York, ii. 265. Population, of the Netherlands, i. 19; urban and rural, 19, 20; of Dutch and English colonies in 1660, 274, 275; the non-English population of the colonies, ii. 330. Portugal, seized by Philip IL, i. 50. Portuguese, their maritime empire in the East, i. 48, 49. Powder House, ii. 68. Powder money, ii. 314. Presbyterians, in Scotland and Ire land, difference in their points of view, ii. 353; migration to America, 354. " Prince of Parthia," the first Ameri can drama, ii. 323. Printing, invention of, i. 17. Printz, John, i. 240. Prisons in Pennsylvania, excellence of, ii. 327. Privateers on Long Island Sound, i. 265. Purchases of Indian lands, i. 136; ii. 160-164. Puritanismon the east of England, i. Quakers, persecuted by Stuyvesant, i. 232-236 ; origin of, ii. 108, 109 ; origin of the name, 110; in Massa chusetts, 112, 113 ; their exodus to Pennsylvania, 155 ; their alliance with the Catholics, 295 ; their atti tude toward learning, 320 ; their present numbers in England and America, 348. Quedah Merchant, the ship, ii. 232. " Quidor," the Mohawk name for Peter Schuyler, ii. 214. Quietists, ii. 108, 349. 398 INDEX. Quintipartite Deed, ii. 141. Radbod, the Frisian chief, i. 7, 8, 44. Raleigh, Sir Walter, i. 101. Rascicotti, his map, i. 78. Reade Street, ii. 71. Redemptioners, ii. 286, 325. Refugio and Refuge, names for Nar ragansett Boy, i. 65, 76. Religious liberty, ii. 99-108. Rembrandt, his picture called the " Syndics," i. 21. Remonstrance of New Netherland, a State paper, i. 218. Remselaerwyck, i. 139, 207-215, 286; ii. 3. Republican party, in Holland, i. 99. Restless, the ship, i. 103-105. Rhode Island, ii. 99; act debarring Catholics from the franchise, 289. Ribeiro, Diego, i. 74. Rittenhouse. David, ii. 322. Roberts, Rhys, i. 160. Robert the Strong, i. 7. Roberval, i. 69. Rooinson, John, i. 108. Robinson, Sir John, ii. 117. Roelandson, Adam, i. 145. Rogers, Thorold, i. 291. Roosebeke, battle of, i. 24, 226. Roosevelt Street, ii. 68. Routes of trade in the middle ages, i. 13. Rupert, Prince, ii. 132. Russian villages, i. 34. St. Anthony's River, a name for the Hudson, i. 105. St. John, Oliver, i. 247. St. Lawrence, name of river, i. 59, 60. Salaries of governors, disputes over, ii. 240, 245. Salem, New Jersey, founding of, ii. 140. Salisbury, Captain, ii. 47. Saltmar3h, John, ii. 114. San Beninio, the ship, i. 251-253. Sancroft, Archbishop, ii. 300. Sandys, Sir Edwin, i. 225. Sanford, Vice-Chancellor, ii. 259. Santa Cttarina, the ship, ii. 333. Santa Cruz, Alonzo de, i. 74. Sappokanican, ii. 72, 73, 85, 259. Saybrook, beginnings of, i. 152, 173 ; ii. 48. Scaliger, Joseph, i. 17. Schaats, Dominie, ii. 86. Schenectady, origin of, ii. 54 ; massa cre at, 193-195. Scholarship in the Netherlands, i. 17. Schools, public, i. 19, 32, 33. Schurmann, Anna Maria, ii. 137. Schuyler, Gertrude, ii. 44. Schuyler, Peter, ii. 57, 192, 205, 213- 215 ; plans an expedition against Canada, 241 ; his visit to London, 242. Schuyler, Philip, ii. 247. Schuylers, their rural mansion de scribed, ii. 266-271. Scotch-Irish migration to America, ii. 352-355. Scott, John, i. 280-283. Scott, Sir Walter, i. 159. Sebastian, King of Portugal, i. 49. Sedgwick, Robert, his expedition against New Netherland, i. 266. Seeley, Sir John, ii. 34. Sekane, a Delaware chief, ii. 163. Self-defense, could Quakers fight in ? ii. 311. Self-government, its influence upon colonization, i. 130, 131 ; none in New Netherland, 131, 132; the peo ple of New Netherland ask lor it, 194, 221; easily transferred from England to her colonies, 222 ; its presence in Maryland and Virginia contrasted with its absence in New Netherland, 225. Sequeen, a Mohegan chief, i. 148. Seven Bishops, trial of the, ii. 257, 299, 300. Sextant, invention of, ii. 323. Shackamaxon, ii. 158. Shakkopoh, a Delaware chief, ii. 163. Sherbrooke, Viscount, his speech on a classical education, i. 219. Sherman, the widow, her stray pig, i. 221. Ship Tavern, in Boston, ii. 8. Shoemakers' Land, ii. 66. Sidney, Sir Philip, i. 63. Sienkiewicz, Henryk, his novel, " The Deluge," i. 242. Sille, Nicasius de, i. 290. Slavery, in New York, ii. 285-293; persistently opposed by Quakers, ii. 2, 325. Slechtenhorst, Brandt van, i. 212-214. Sleswick, i. 3. Sloughter, Henry, ii. 198, 201-205, 212, 213, 236. Sluyter, Peter, ii. 62, 74. Smith, Claes, murder of, i. 180. Smith, John, his letter to Hudson, i. 87 ; his meeting with Iroquois, 96 ; his voyage to New England, i. 113. Smith, Sydney, i. 159. Smith, William, lawyer, ii. 250. Smith, William, the historian, ii. 284, 285. Socrates, i. 2. Soto, Fernando de, i. 86. Soutberg, the ship, 145. Southampton, Earl of, i. 225. South Georgia, i. 57. Spain, decline of, i. 97 ; crushing de feats of, i. 125. Spanish Succession, war of the, ii. 311. INDEX. 399 Spencer, Edmund, ii. 351. Spinoza, Benedict, i. 17 ; ii. 332. Spontaneous variations, ii. 105. Springett, Gulielma, first wife of William Penn, ii. 130, 305. Stadholder, meaning of the word, i. 244. Stadt Huys, or City Hall, of New Amsterdam, i. 228 ; ii. 65. Stamp Act, causes leading toward it, ii. 219-221, 244. Staple Right, i. 162, 210. Staten Island, meaning of the name, i. 139. Steenwyck, Cornelius, ii. 40. Stirling, Earl of, obtains a grant of Long Island, i. 176, 251; the crown buys up his right in Long Island, 284. Stoll, Joost, ii. 187, 190, 198. Stone, W. L., ii. 83. Stone Arabia, ii. 260. Stoops, of Dutch houses, ii. 64. Stoughton, John, ii. 114, 119, 151. Strickland, Walter, i. 247. Strong, a skipper murdered by Pe quots, i. 151. Stuyvesant, Peter, i. 2; governor of Curagoa, 190; appointed Director- General of New Netherland, 195; arrives at New Amsterdam, 198; meaning of his surname, 199; early life and education, 199 ; his por trait, 200 ; his adventures in Be- verwyck, 213, 214 ; his quarrels with Van der Donck, 215-217 ; his persecution of the Quakers, 232- 236; sharply rebuked by the Cham ber, 236; seizes New Sweden, 242 ; his bickerings with New Haven, 251-254; he insults the Nine Men, and is accused of being czar, 255 ; his visit to Hartford, 256-258; ac cused of inciting Indians to war- 261-263 ; obliged to call a popular assembly, 267-269 ; browbeats the Indians at Esopus, 272, 273 ; tears Nicolls's letter to pieces, 288 ; sur renders New Amsterdam, 290; visits Holland after the surrender, and later returns to New York, 292 ; his last years and death, 292- 294 ; wishes to exclude Jews from New Netherland, ii. 334. Sun spots, first observations of, i. 88. Surinam, ii. 16. Susquehan nocks, ii. 165. Tacitus, i. 5. Tangoras, a Delaware chief, ii. 163, Tartar, the ship, ii. 257. Tasman, Abel, i. 53. Tauler, John, ii. 108. Taunton, the maids of, ii. 296. Tawasentha, fear of, i. 106. Taxation and representation, ii. 23. Tea, introduced into Europe by the Dutch, i. 51. Tea Water Pump, ii. 69. Temple, Sir Thomas, ii. 8. Tesschenniaeker, Petros, ii. 91. Thackeray, W. M., i. 159. Theatre, first in America, ii. 283, 324. Theatre, the Old Southwark, ii. 324. Throgmorton, John, i. 182. Throg's Neck, i. 182. Ticonderoga, first battle of, i. 96 ; ii. 50. Tilsit, ii. 299. Tobacco, its cultivation in New Neth erland, i. 162. Toleration of religions, ii. 99-108. Toryism in New York, commonly somewhat overrated, ii. 262. Townsend, Henry, fined for having Quaker meetings in his house, i. 234. Tracy, Marquis de, ii. 50. Trade with the Northwestern tribes, ii. 246-248. Treat, Robert, ii. 14, 202. Triple Alliance, tbe, ii. 23. Tudor, John, ii. 151. Turenne, Marshal, i. 247. Turkish wheat, a name for maize, ii. 79. Turner, Robert, ii. 151. Turtle Bay, origin of the name, ii. 70. Tuscaroras, ii. 247. Twelve Men, the Board of, under Kieft's administration, i. 181. Tymens, Elsie, wife of Jacob Leisler, ii. 183. Ulster, migrations from, i. 31 ; plan tation of, ii. 353 ; exodus of its peo ple to America, 353. Underhill, John, i. 187 ; destroys the Algonquin village near Stamford, 188; hoists the Parliament's flag, 263 ; seizes Fort Good Hope, 264 ; his last years and death, 265. Ury, John, ii. 292. Usselincx, William, i. 100, 237. Utica, ii. 55. Vaca, Cabega de, i. 86. Van Artevelde, Philip, i. 24. Van Brugge, commander at Fort Orange, i. 214. Van Corlear, Anthony, 164. Van Corlear, Arendt, ii. 54. Van Curler, Jacob, i. 149. Van Dam, Rip, ii. 248, 249. Van Dincklagen, Lubbertus, i. 165, 200. Van der Donck, Adrian, i. 84, 212, 216, 218; his "Description of New Netherland," 203. Van Dieman's Land, i. 53. Van Dyck, Hendrick, kills a squaw, i. 270. 400 INDEX. Vane, Sir Henry, ii. 107. Van Eyck, John, i. 16. Van Eyck, Hubert, i. 16. Van Horn, Schouten, i. 57. Van Meteren, the historian, i. 82, 84. Van Rensselaer, Jeremias, i. 283. Van Rensselaer, Kilian, i. 139. Van Rensselaer, Nicholas, ii. 67, 89, 184. Van Twiller, Walter, i. 143 ; removed from office, 166, 209 ; ii. 73. Van Voorst, Cornelius, i. 164. Venice, i. 41. Verdun, Compact of, i. 9. Verhulst, William, i. 120. Verplanck, Gulian, i. 160. Verrazano, Sea of, i. 62-64, 86, 87. Verrazano, Girolamo da, i. 62. Verrazano, Giovanni da, i. 60-68 ; his letter to Francis I., 61-67, 176. Vertoogh, or Remonstrance, a state paper, i. 218. Vesalius, i. 17. Vespucius, Americus, i. 57, 67. Vickers, Robert, i. 33. Vign